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Full text of "Investigation of un-American propaganda activities in the United States. Hearings before a Special Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Seventy-fifth Congress, third session-Seventy-eighth Congress, second session, on H. Res. 282, to investigate (l) the extent, character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, (2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propaganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation"

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H. Res. 282 



NOVEMBER 19, 22, 23, 28 

DECEMBER 1, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, AND 14, 1938 


Printed for the use of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities 

209735 WASHINGTON : 1939 



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H. Res. 282 



NOVEMBER 19, 22, 23, 28 

DECEMBER 1, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, AND 14, 1938 


Printed for the use of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities 

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20^735 WASHINGTON : 1939 

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statements of — ^'«g^ 

Alsberg, Henry G 2886 

Anderson, Rev. Howard Stone 2830 

Baron, Sam 2522 

Chadwick, Stephen F 2941 

Cowles, John H 3064 

De Sola, Ralph 2430 

Ferguson, John E 2919 

Flanagan, Mrs. Hallie 2838 

Gaskill, Burton A 3057 

Graebner, Dr. Theodore 3004 

Huffman, Miss Hazel 2987 

Jemison, Alice, Lee , 2435 

Johnson, Hon. Albert 3027 

Keegan, Capt. John J 2909 

Lazell, Airs. Louise 3109, 3139 

Lillico, Stuart 2508 

Martin, Horner 2675 

Matthews, J. B 3020 

Metcalfe, John C 3025 

Reed, Col. Latham R 2976 

Robert, Mrs. Henrv M 2999 

Shreve, Florence D 3121 

Sullivan, Hon. George Edward 3032 

Sutchffe, C. V 2427 

Tax, Jeremiah 3134 

Van Antwerp, Eugene I 2963 

Woodward, Mrs. Ellen S 2729,2837 

Telegram from — 

Thomas, Norman 2549 

Memoranda re Harry Bridges 3066 

Affidavits and communications from — 

Baldwin, Roger N 3081 

Bedacht, Max, of International Workers Order 3086 

Bernard, Hon. John T 3097 

Besig. Ernest 3087 

Bliven, Bruce 3092 

Bloch, Dr. Louis 3996 

Chorev, John 3081 

Dutchman, John A 3095 

Froboese, George 3098 

Hailer, Fritz 3099 

Hays, Aline Davis 3071 

Holmes, John Haves 3082 

Huebsch, B. W__I 3082 

Ickes, Hon. Harold L., Secretary of Interior 3097 

Loeb, Julius, of American Friends of the Chinese People 3072 

Marcantonio, Hon. Vito 3096 

Mason, Redfern 3092 

Matles, James J 3077 

Meriwether, Randolph 3088 

Michelson, Max 3095 

Parodneck, Mever 3106 

Pierson, Dr. Emilv M 3090 

Sinclair, Upton__: 3093 

Ward, Harry F 3077 

Minutes of executive session, Nov. 19, 1938 3109 




House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Special Committee 

TO Inytstigate Un-American Acti\tties, 

Washington^ D. G. 

The subcommittee met at 10 : 30 a. m., Hon. Martin Dies (chair- 
man) presiding.' 

Present also : Mr. Mosier and Mr. Mason. 

The Chairman. Tlie committee will come to order. 

You AA'ere testifying yesterday, Mr. Sutcliffe. There are one or 
two questions that the Chair Avants to ask you. 


The Chairman. I hold in my hand a copy of a letter which you 
gaA^e me. dated February 8, 1936, addressed to Mr. Henry G. Alsberg, 
national director. Federal Writers' Projects, Washington, D. C. Who 
sent this letter? 

Mr. Sutcliffe. That letter Avas sent by a Mr. Lucas, aa'Iio AA^as then 
the chairman of the American Writers' ^Association. 

The Chairman. Are you in a position to s\A'ear that this is a true 
and correct copy of the letter sent to him ? 

Mr. Sutcliffe. I am. I deposited it myself. 

The Chairman. Who else was it sent to ? 

Mr. Sutcliffe. It aa^s sent to Mr. Ridder, then in charge of the 
projects of XeAv York City, and to Harry Hopkins. 

The Chairman. Was one sent to Mr. Aubrey Williams? 

Mr. Sutcliffe. I do not recall AAdiether one AA^as sent to Mr. Aubrey 
Williams or not. 

The Chairman. This letter correctly describes tlie situation that 
then existed on the AA-riters' project ? 

Mr. Sutcliffe. That is correct. 

The Chairman. With reference to Communist actiA'ities there? 

Mr. Sutcliffe. Yes, sir; fairly detailed. 

The Chairman. Was there eA^er an ansAver receiA'ed to this letter? 

Mr. SuTCXiFFE. Not to my knoAA'ledge; there Avas no answer re- 
ceiA'ed. It AA^as ignored entirely. 

The Chairman. Of course, in A'ieAA' of what appeai-ed in the paper 
this morning, that ]Mr, Aubrey Williams is reported to have made 
the statement, according to this U. P. story, that ''As a matter of 
fact, I am not so sure that class warfare is not all right," that is no 


2428 ux-ami:kican propaganda activities 

doubt the philosophy which actuates Mr. Williams and others. That 
is exactly what we have been talking about. Here he is going be- 
fore an American audience and defending class warfare. Of course, 
those who are engaged in racial and religious warfare can use the 
same argument in favor of that that Mr. VVilliams undertakes to use 
in justifying the use of class warfare in this article. 

Mr. SuTCLiFi'E. Right. 

The Chairman. It is a most amazing statement coming from a 
Government official in high place. It merely corroborates what we 
have been trymg to show — that of those who are certain that they 
are for racial and religious tolerance, some of them openly advo- 
cate the use of class hatred to achieve some objective. 

We will let this letter go in the record in full. 

(The letter referred to is as follows:) 

February 8, 1936, 

Ml-. Hknry G. Alsberg, 
National Director, Federal Writers Projects, 

Washington, D. C. 

Dear Mr. Alsbkkg : As chairman of the temporary organization committee 
of the Federal Writers' Association, I am authorized to inform you of the 
formation of tlie Federal Writers' Association by a body of 25 charter members. 
Forty-two additional applications have been received whicli will be acted upon 
at the next regular meeting of the association. 

Enclosed is a copy of the aims and purposes of our association. You will 
find, I am certain, that they are set forth in the most unequivocal and forth- 
right manner and cannot but appeal to every serious-minded and honest- 
thinking man and woman. The developments which led to the formation of 
our association are tersely reviewed in the following: 

When work was started on the New York Guidebook in October 1935, condi- 
tion.s were in such a state of flux and uncertainty that no immediate appraisal 
of their duties l>y the members of the staff was possible. This situation was 
utilized by an outside organization, called the Writers' Union, which boldly 
claimed that it alone had brought the Federal Writers' Projects into being and 
demanded as its rake-off the membership of all writers on the project. 

When this first move, to make the Federal Writers' Project in New York 
the adjunct to a privately conducted racket, failed, because the vast majority 
of project workers realized the falsity of the union's claims, a different policy 
was adopted. A local was organized, affiliated with the City Projects Council, 
but actually complet«^ly dominated by the very same Writers' Union. For pur- 
poses of a clearer understanding, the two are hereafter in this letter treated 
as one ; for short, called the union. 

It is a matter of common knowledge that, roughly si^aking, one-half of the 
present staff are utterly and completely unqualified for the work they have 
been assigned to. Not only are they unable to deliver decently written copy — • 
many of them cannot even spell correctly the most common English words. The 
union from the very outset adopted the professed attitude that it is there to 
protect the jobs of the unfit, the unduly, and the shiftless: no wonder, therefore, 
that just these elements flocked to the standard of the union, which openly 
proclaimed that its formation had been authorized — nay, even urged — by Presi- 
dent Roosevelt, by Mr. Alsl)erg, and by Mr. Cronyn. 

Matters went from bad to worse. TIu» business office became a hotbed of 
open Comnumist propaganda. Stalinists, Trotzkyists, and all other sorts of 
"ists," debated it out during business hours, to the utter disgust of every 
serious-minded mcml)er of the organization. Union members loafed week after 
week, without attempting an honest piece of work. 

The supervisors' attempts to correct the situation were met with open intimi- 
dation to have them fired from their jobs through union action in Washington, 
where the union claimed to have its sponsors. Whatever copy was turned in 
compared unfavoralily with the work of grade-school pupils: but whenever 
editors refused to accept trash, they were threatened with 1>lacklisting l)y the 
union. Office hours and office equipment were used nonchalantly for the 
preparation of union literature of the most besmirching and arrogant nature. 
Letters same to the homes of nonunion writers, threatening the loss of their 


jobs unless tliey joined the nnion. Pamphlets defying the supervisors were 
distributed in tlie office. Funds for union support were solicited — even de- 
manded — during business hours. Outspoken Communist propaganda was mailed 
to the homes of nonunion workers. All this, mind you, using the names of 
President Roosevelt, Mr. Alsberg, and ]Mr. Cronyn. 

All this time the directors and supervisors were trying hard to clean out this 
human cesspool. With your encouragement, they worked out a reorganization 
plan, which was to split the project into several subdivisions, at the same time 
providing employment for almost 20(> additional writers. The most capable 
men in the organization were selected to act as group chiefs and were in- 
structed to recommend new applicants exclusively on the strength of their 
qualifications and fitness for the job. In the nature of things, most of 
group chiefs were nonunion and non-Communist. In the same nature of things, 
most of the new workers would have been non-Communist. 

When the union got wind of rhis, a howl of protest went up. Hurried meet- 
ings were held. Complaint letters — mostly anonymous — were sent to Wash- 
ington. Daily grievance committees took most of the executives' time. Then 
the union announced defiantly that it would stop the contemplated reorganiza- 

And what happened? Exactly 3 weeks ago a peremptory order came from 
you, to stop all reorganization work. 

From that day on conditions became an absolute disgrace. The union 
declared that it haxi your unconditional support against the appointed execu- 
tives, whom they were going to have dismissed. Orders were flouted. Demon- 
strations outside the office became daily occurrences. Committees paraded into 
the State director's office, accusing him of delaying the hiring of new people, 
when they well knew that the delay was in Washington. Employees who per- 
sisted in their refusal to join the union were attacked in abusive langoage and 
threatened with loss of their jobs. Every means — however foul — was good 
enough if it served to promote the definite domination over the project by the 
Communist-controlled union, and all constructive effort was completely paralyzed 
in the interests of establishing such supremacy. 

When conditions reached this intolerable stage, our association was called to 
life. And again, what happened? The very next day after we organized, news 
came that the State director, ^Ir. Van Olinda, whose removal the union had 
forecast, was transferred to Washington and ^Ir. Orrick Johns appointed in his 

We have not seen Mr. Johns in action, and we take this appointment with an 
open mind. But we do know that he has been editor for a Communist paper 
and closely connected with the Communist Party, and the Writers Union claims 
that he has recently signed as one of their members! The union also more than 
ever threatens to have all nonunion writers dismissed. 

Now here is the situation today : Our association advocates the principle 
that we owe the Government the best of our work imd efforts for the money it is 
paying us. We advocate promotion on the basis of merit only. We count 
among us the cream of this outfit, in brains, experience, qualifications, and will- 
ingness to work. Our aims and purposes are eloquent proof of this. 

On the other hand, the union contends that the Government owes them a 
living, while they do not owe the Government anything in exchange ; th'at pro- 
motions should be made on the basis of union affiliation only. And they count 
among them all the habitual loafers and the unfit — people who have never 
written anything that was published ; people whose only claim to being writers 
is based on the fact th'at they do not wish to enter any trade or profession that 
calls for honest, hard work, which they dread like the plague. Why, if this 
outfit were sent to Soviet Russia, whose praises they sing daily, they would be 
lined up against the wall within 24 hours, and shot for sabotage and in- 

And what is the composite of it? We have here in New York uncounted 
thousands of Works Progress Administi-ation laborers who work 8 solid hours a 
day in the icy blasts of winter, week after week — for a paltry monthly wage 
of $60. On the other hand we have on this project an aggregation of habitual 
drunks, loafers, misfits, and ix)litical agitators, who flout the very idea of 
honest work, and yet draw a monthly wage of $93.50 and up. It is in truth 
one of the meanest, filthiest rackets that ever existed. 

If the opposition press gets wind of the actual conditions on this project — as 
they are bound to do, if the situation is allowed to drift 'another week — they 
will play it up as a national scandal unequaled since the days of Teapot Dome. 

2430 i-x-A:Mi:iarAN piiorAGAXDA a(;tivities 

It will cause conjjressionnl investigation, mid its repercussions will carry into 
the coming election. It will cost yon yonr j(»h. It will cover with disgrace every- 
body connected with the pro.ject. :jind rob them of the possibility to secure 
private employment for a long time to come. 

Now, this, JNIr. Alsberg. we will not stand for. It means our whole future, 
the future of our lo\ed ones. We have waited over 3 months for you to give 
us guidance and protection against a racketeering minority. We have waited 
in vain. We now take matters into our own hands. We declare, here iind now, 
we are going to write the Guide I'.ook'. Hell and high vaiter are not going to 
stop us. If we are forced to tigiit, we shall carry our fight to the highest au- 
thority in the Nation. And we are going to win. 

This is strong language. But the time lias come when only absolute frank- 
nes.s — carried to the point of brutality — is in place. Rumors are atloat that you 
have been influenced fi-om a certain side to deliberately delay the reorganiza- 
tion, so that conditions would be driven to a point that would give you an 
excuse for removing the executives and replace them with men subservient to 
the interests of the union and of the Connnunist Party. 

At the moment we are not interest(^d in discussing these rumors. Nor do we 
come to you with absurd and impossible demands of which you have received 
sackfulls during your intercourse with the union. We do not even demand the 
removal of the uiifit — a dumping place can be found for them, where they will 
cease to be a paralyzing factor. We demand just one thing, definitely and 
equivocally: Are you with us or against us? 

I take this belated opportunity to thank you, personally, for your kind letter 
of September 25, lOSo, and for your influence in placing me to work on this 

Sincerely yours, 

Chiiirmau, Teniporari/ Organization Committee 

Federal Writers' Association. 

Copv to Mr. Harrv L. Hopkins, Works Project Administration, Washington, 
D. C. 

Copv to Mr. Victor F. Ridder, Works Projects Administrator for New York 

The Chairman. We have a number of witnesses liere this morning. 
We are iroing to have to abbreviate this testimony, because beginning 
December 5 Ave are going to hear from some of the most eminent 
and outstanding leaders in the religions, civic, and fraternal world, 
heads of very important organizations, and that will take all our 
time from the 5th to the 16th. On tiie 16th we will liave to wind up 
these hearings, due to the approaching Christmas and the necessity of 
preparing our report. Before the 5th, beginning probably the latter 
part of November, we are going to hear from IMiss Ellen Woodward, 
Miss Hallie Flanagan, Mr. Alsberg, and Mr. Gorman of the Textile 
Workers, who has requested an opportunity to appear. So we are 
going to have to abbreviate this testimony consideraldy in order to 
get these main highlights in. 

Will you step aside, Mr. Sutcliffe, and let Mr. De Sola take the 
stand ? 


The Chairman. Mr. De Sola, do you recall when the subcommittee 
of this counnittee conducted hearings in NeAv York? 

Mr. De Sola. Yes, sir; I do. 

The Chairman. Do you recall that Mr. Banta, an employee of the 
Federal W^riters' Project, appeared before the committee and testified? 

Mr. De Sola. I do. 

The Chairman. Do you have w'ith you a newspaper clipping deal- 
ing with that? 


Mr. De Sola. No; I don't believe I have. I liaA^e a file of those 
at home, but I do not have one here. No ; I haven't got a clipping of 
that date. 

The Chaieman. I beg your pardon ; it is not a newspaper clipping, 
but yesterday you showed me an article that had been issued over 
the signature of the Communist Party 

Mr. De Sola. Oh, yes ; I have two such — one a leaflet issued by the 
Communist unit of the Federal Writers' Project which appeared on 
the 20th of January; another an article clipped from pages of the 
Communist magazine The New Masses, of September 27. The page 
is marked. 

Here is another issued about the same time. 

(The papers referred to were handed to the chairman.) 

Mr. MosiEE. This page, which was issued over the signature of the 
Communist unit of the Federal Writers' "Project, 141 East Twenty- 
ninth Street, is entitled "For Unity Against the Splitters !" 

Mr. De Sola. Yes, sir. 

Mr. MosiER. That purports to criticize anyone that testifies against 
the Communist tarty, and calls him a splitter; that is true, is it not? 

Mr. De Sola. Well, anyone who testifies against the party; and 
that particular leaflet did not have to do with any testimony against 
the party per se, but rather with an answer that a gTOup of ex-Com- 
munist Party members and other people who felt themselves in defi- 
nite opposition to the Communist Party made. The Communist 
Party, as you remember, on the Federal Writers' Project issued a shop 
paper called the Red Pen, in which they slandered and maligned the 
character of a number of workers on the Federal Writers' Project, in- 
cluding myself. With these workers and with some others who were 
sympathetic to our aims — members of the project — we issued this 
leaflet. I will let you have the two, and that will fill up the first part 
of the material you have there. 

Then the Communist Party issued the leaflet now on the table, 
called for Unity Against the Splitters, in reply to our reply. 

Mr. Mosier. Then after Mr. Banta had testified before this com- 
mittee, they issued a leaflet here, called Birds of a Feather ? 

Mr. De Sola. That is correct. 

Mr. Mosier, In wliich they attacked Mr. Banta as "a bungling 
stool pigeon and errand boy for the most dangerous forces in our 
country." They say that he "has been fully exposed in the Daily 
Worker," and they print a poster which says on the top, From Nazi 
Bund Publication. The poster is entitled "Behind the Scenes in 
Soviet America ! Come and hear revelations by Edwin P. Banta. 
Signed. German-American Bund, New York Unit." 

In other words, they now charge Banta with being a Nazi ex- 
ponent ? 

Mr. De Sola. In view of that leaflet, they would seem quite correct 
in so charging him. I was quite incensed with him at the time, as 
were a number of other people on the Writers' Project, for having 
left one group of Fascists or Communists who do not call themselves 
Fascists, but nevertheless are — let us not be deceived — to go with 
some other Fascists. He, however, denied that he had been there, 
and said that that leaflet had been issued without any instructions 
on his part. 

2432 rx-A^iERiCAX propaganda activities 

Mr. Hosier. On the bottom of this circular it says, "Issued by 
Members of the Communist Party Employed on the Federal Writers^ 

^Ir. De Sola. That is correct. 

(The papers referred to were marked, respectively, "De Sola 
Exhibits Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4, November 22, 1938.") 

Mr. MosiER. I hand you a book entitled ''The People's Front," by 
Earl Browder, and I will ask you if you have seen this particular 
copy of this book and have examined what is written on the fly leaves 
and the introductory leaves? 

The Chair:man. This book has already been introduced in evidence 
in Xew York. It is a part of the record and has been proven up. 

Mr. De Sola. I believe I saw some photostatic copies of pages in 
the Xew York papers at the time of the hearing. 

Mr. MosiER. It says : 

Presorted to Comrade Edwin Banta by the members of the Federal Writers^ 
Iiiit No. 365. Commmii.^l: Party of the United States of America, in recognition 
of his devotion to and nntiring efforts in belialf of onr Party and Commnnisra. 
March 2, 1938. 

Then, at the top of the inside front cover: 

To one of the best Bolsheviks on the AVriters' Project ! It is one of the real 
pleasnres of a lifetime to antograph The People's Front. 

Then there are a large number of signatures. 

Mr. De Sola. I recall the book. He showed it to me at the time 
and wanted me to autograph it. and I said I had left the party, in 
thorough disagreement with the Front, and woidd not sign it. 

Mr. MosiER. When he was there and Avorking for the party, accord- 
ing to their own writing here, they recognized him as a great fellow 
worker for communism, but when he appeared before our committee 
and testified under oath, then thev brought out this sheet attack- 
mg hmi f 

Mr. De Sola. That is correct. 

Mr. MosiER. Now. I just want to mention some of these names that 
are signed here, to show what they thought of him, at least at one 

The Chairman. Su.ppose we give this book to the reporter with 
instructions to copy all the names and the matter that is written in 
pen preceding the names, in the first part of the book and also the 
back part of the book. 

Do vou know how manv names are on here^ 

Mr. De Sola. I do not. 

The Chairman. Will you count the names, so that the record will 
show it? 

Mr. De S<^la. 8urel3\ [after counting.] I make it 106. That is 
a rough count. 

The Chairman. 100 names are signed there? 

]\fr. MosiER. I would like the record to show, in addition to the 
signature^, that tliere are some quotations in here, some of them 
signed. They evidently added a little of their OAvn feelings. There 
are three or four of those. 

Mr. ]\[ason. Let them be copied along with the signatures. 



The Chaikmax. Let the reporter copy all matter written hi pen. 

Mr. MosiER. For instance : "To a real builder of the people's front." 
"With highest admiration for your example of working class devo- 
tion.'' "To the revolution." "To one who has found in communism 
the fountain of vouth." 

There is one in red ink : "Next the 'Order of Lenin.' " 

Mr. Masox. That is the exuberance of vouth? 

Mr. MosiER. Yes. 

The Chairman. Does that indicate that out of the 300 people in 
tlie project 106 were Communists? 

Mr. De Sola. I believe that would indicate something like that. 

(The matter referred to is as folio svs:) 

To one of the best Bolsheviks on the 
Vv'^riters' Project. 

It is one of the real pleasures of a life- 
time to autograph "The Peoples' 

David (?). 

Allan Titley. 

Samuel (?). 

To a real Bolshevik — Sol A. Becker. 

Theodore Mack. 

A])e Abramou'itz. 

Abe Newman. 

Jay Greenlieh. 

Marion Charles Hatch. 

Leon Kempner. 

To a real builder of the Peoples' Front. 

Sol Zatt. 

B. Kaufmann. 

(/. R. Stephenson. 

To "our" Banta— L ? S ?. 

Elizabeth Cousins. 

P^lizabeth Pohamkin. 

Jeannette D. Pearl. 

Fred RoUand. 

]Max Friedman. 

Irja Koski. 

I'resented to Comrade Edwin Banta by 
the members of the Federal Writers' 
Unit 365, Communist Party of the 
U. S. A., in recognition of his devo- 
tion to and untiring efforts in behalf 
of our party and Communism. — 
March 2, 1938. 

Elmer Benckman. 

I'aul H. Konecky. 

Dorothy T. Kaufmann. 

Max Arnold. 

]Sraxwell Bodenheim. 

Irving Mendelowitz. 

Morris Kamman. 

AVilliam Wood. 

Harry Davis. 

Leba Presuer. 

Philip . 

Ann Rivington. 

I. E. Routii. 

Lawrence Jordan. 

David Rosenberg to an old friend and 

Irving Nicholson — here's luck. 
Luella Henkel. 

-with highest admira- 
example of working- 

John F. 

Judith Weinroth. 

Eugene Konecky- 
tion for your 
class devotion. 

Leo Nenimoff — in sincerest friendship. 

Frances Adams. 

Gabriel Fakin — signing up for a good 

Bernard Hankin — for a real mission- 

Michael Rothman to a . 

Bea Goldsmith — to a grand bolshevik. 

Albert Davidson. 

Florence Kleinman. 

Paul Dimond (?). 

Philip Edward Montgomery. 

Paul London. 

Lillian Scribner. 

AVilliam Weiss. 

To a swell fellow — Lillian Krutman. 

Esther Borklaw. 

William Garber. 

Julia Beller. 

Walt Anderson— 'Salud ! 

Joseph D'Amico. 

Best wishes — Marie Anderson, 

Hyman Epstein. 

To the Revolution — Eva Shane. 

Rheinhart Kleiner. 

Gahan (?). 

To one who has found in communism 
the fountain of youth. 

Fred Sigma n. 

Sam Schwartz. 

Ruth Reich. 

Melvin C. Shelley. 

J. Ben Allen. 

Allen Norton. 

H. Wirtz. 

Lou Gady. 

M. Monks. 

Sam Rothman. 

Morris Kerste. 

Ruth Ben-Dron, 

Annabelle Harrison. 

Ruth Crawford — with appreciation of 

his background. 
Betty Nelson. 

To a regular comrade — Rose Boxer. 
With supreme compliments — comradely. 

2434 rx-A:Mi:RirAN piiOPAGANDA activities 

Esther Watorman. '!'<> a tried Communist and good fel- 
Phil Jasper to the hardest plugger I low — Henry. 

know. To an inspiring Communist — Lihi Valda. 

For a good boy — Ruth. To a new pioneer — Peter Martin. 

C. V. Kingman. To an eternally young comrade — Na- 
With conn-adely love — Emmett Gowen. than Ansubel. 

Ralph Heyman. Albert Pearson. 

For a long life and a merry one — Robert E. Cullen. 

Claire Roth. To an untiring worker for every corn- 
February lOoS. With warmest com- rade on our project — Arthur Clark. 

radely sentiments. No Bolshevik so fine — so true — so 
Christopher Cross. grand, etc., etc. — Molly Epstein. 

Grace E. Finan. Nevin IMorrison. 

Sincerely and comradely — N. C. Rosen. Rose Silverman. 

Philip Sterling — in complete agreement Abraham Armband. 

with the sentiments expressed by the Trieda Egger. 

others. r>ip Hanson. 

Next the ''Order of Lenin" — Ronald To the grand old man of the American 

Shilen. Revolution to come — Lila 0. Temple. 

Keep plugging the C. P. — Mike Kantor. Congratulations — Hi Smith. 

Rosa Pringle. William Ladin. 

Dorothy Smith — in admiration of the Ilichard Winaus. 

sort of a Communist I some day hope 

to be— Y. C. L.'r. 

The Chairman. I think that is all. 

Mr. De Sola. Do you want me for anything else ? 

Mr. MosiER. I think not. 

Mr. De Sola. May I make one remark before I leave? 

The Chairman. What is it? Talk to Mr. Mosier. 

Mr. De Sola. Well, I would like to talk to all of you. I think it 
is quite important. 

The Chairman. If you can make it short. We have three or four 

Mr. De Sola. Yes ; I will make it quite short. 

You are quite well aware from the press that a number of people 
are against your committee. They believe your committee is un- 
American in character, and will not help to clear up a situation of 
people who are plotting and scheming for reaction, but will rather 
play into the hands of reaction. The only thing that has guided me 
throughout my testimony is that, as a result of having been a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party and knowing how public opinion is 
regimented and grooved, both through their various united-front or- 
ganizations and through their writings, I have not let myself be 
influenced in any way by anything they have written along those 

However, it is my sincere wish that in any recommendation that 
you gentlemen make to Congress you will not put in anything re- 
stricting the legal activity of these people, because, while I am 
against everything that they stand for, if these people are maltreated 
as they have maltreated other people when they have held power, 
it is quite evident then that the liberty of ourselves may be threat- 
ened at some future date. If we set a precedent of that nature, I 
feel that the liberty of America is at stake. 

The Chairman. Do you think that an organization under the con- 
trol of a foreign government should be permitted to exist in the 
United States? 

Mr. De Sola. No; I do not. 


Tlie Chairman. Don't you see a vast distinction — of course Tve 
assume the right of a man to believe in communism ? 

Mr. De Sola. Yes. 

The Chairman. In other words, Americanism is the only "ism" 
that permits people to be un-American. In otiier words, what I 
mean is that we give the liberty of speech and thouglit and action. 
But does not tliat pertain rather to the belief in communism as dis- 
tinguished from inembersliip in an organization Avhich is under the 
control of a foreign government ( 

Mr. De Sola. Yes, sir; but until it is definitely proven to a good 
riiimber of people in this countiy, in fact to the majority of these 
people, if we limit the activities of other parties, other than the 
parties that we happen to be members of, I think we are going to 
endanger our own democracy, because we will be following the same 
ju'actice that they have followed. 

The Chairman. But you A^ourself, as well as otliers, by docu- 
mentary proof, have shown that the Communist Party of the United 
States is under the control and dictatorship of Russia — the Soviet 
Union ? 

Mr. De Sola. That is correct. 

The Chairman. Xow, suppose that the Republican Party or the 
Democratic Party were inider the control of a foreign countr}^ 
• lo you think that we should permit the foreign jjower. through an 
iristrumentality of a party within the country, to exist ? 

Mr. De Sola. No: I think vou are absolutelv rio-ht there. 

The Chairman. What I am asking 3^ou is this : Is there not a big 
distinction between the right of a man to believe in communism, 
socialism, or anything else, and preach it, and his right to join an 
orgaijization that is under the control of a foreign power Avhich at 
ariv moment mav become an enem.v of our countrv ( 

Mv. De Sola. Absolutely; that is true. 

The Chairman. And the same would apply to the German-Ameri- 
can Bund. This committee has evidence that the German-American 
Bund is under the control of tlie Nazi Goverivjnent. Now, should 
we ])ermit an organization which holds allegiance to a foreign power 
to exist in the United States ? 

Mr. De Sola. "We certainly should not. But we have to keep it 
constantly in mind, I believe 

The Chairman. I agrpe with you. 

Mr. De Sola (continuing). That if eternal vigilance is the price 
of the liberty that Ave enjoy in this country, we must not, in our efforts 
to be A^igilant. be so A'igilant that Ave set up a practice Avhich may 
some day Avork against our oavu best ends. In other words, it has to 
be done by a democratic process. 

The Chairman. All right. We appj-eciate your testimony. 

Miss Jemison, Avill vou take the stand? 


(Tlie Avitness Avas duly SAvorn by the chairman.) 

The CHAiR:\rAN. Give your full name, please, Miss Jemison. 

Miss Jemison. Alice Lee Jemison. 

2436 LN-AMi:iii( AX i'Rupaganda activities 

The Chairman. You have requested an opportunity many times to 
appear before the committee and testify, have you not? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You have been Avaiting here in Washington a 
lon<^ time for the opportunity? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When you have business elsewhere that requires 
vou to leave ? 

^liss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You have prepared and submitted to the Chair a 
rather lengthy written statement, have you not? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. About a hundred pages? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Of course, we cannot hear this statement, because 
we are rtmning now at breakneck speed, if I may express it that way, 
to conclude with as many of these witnesses as possible, but we do 
not want to deny you an opportunity to be heard, and I am going to 
ask you some questions, based u})on your statenaents, abbreviating it 
as much as possible to get the highlights in it, and then we will per- 
mit you to place your entire statement in the record. 

Miss Jemison. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. I am sorry that we do not have the time to go into 
this matter fullv. because it deserves more attention than we are 
able to give to it. 

You are a Seneca Indian, are you not? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You belong to what organization? 

Miss Jemison. I am the Washington representative of Joseph 
Bruner, who is the national president of the American Indian 

The Chairman. What is this American Indian Federation? 

Miss Jemison. The American Indian Federation is a national, non- 
partisan, nonsectarian Indian organization, whose members are either 
Indians or intermarried citizens. 

The Chairman. How many members do you have in this organ- 
ization, approximately ? 

Miss Jemison. Approximately 3,500. 

The Chairman. Do yoti get any regular salary ? 

Miss Jemison. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you get any iinancial help from the associa- 

Miss Jemison. We have a membership fee of a dollar a year, which 
is supposed to be divided between the district organizations and the 
Washington office ; but the people whom we represent are so destitute 
that we only have about 300 paid-up members. 

The Chairman. Will you turn to page 7 of your prepared state- 
ment ? We are going to have to abbreviate this thing considerably. 

Have you had occasion, you and your organization, to make a very 
careful investigation of the Indian Bureau? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And its activities? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 


The Chairman. There are some nine officials in that Bureau that 
you have investigated ? Is that true ? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. There were nine whom we investigated, 
but thev are not all in there now. Four of them liave been removed. 

The Chairman. Have they been removed or transferred to an- 
other department ? 

Miss Jemison. One was transferred to another department, one 
was retired, and two are out of the service entirely. 

The Chairman. The Indian Bureau is under the Department of 
the Interior, is it not? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And Mr. Harold L. Ickes is the Secretarv of the 
Department of the Interior? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. So that he has ultimate control over Indian affairs? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir; he is fully responsible for the Indian Bu- 
reau and what happens to the ward Indians of the United States. 

The Chairmax. The final appeal is taken to liim in all matters? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In vour brief vou set forth that Secretarv Harold 
L. Ickes is and has been for a long time a mem.ber of the Civil 
Liberties Union; is that true? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Yoti set forth also in this brief — or is it a fact 
that you set forth in this brief — that an introduction was given to 
Mr. Ickes at a meeting sponsored by the CI^tlI Liberties Union in 
Avhich the fact was mentioned that he had been one of the charter 
members, one of the old-time members? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. I am not going into detail, but I am outlining the 
evidence that you have set forth in your brief to substantiate your 
statement that he is and has been for a long time a member of the 
Civil Liberties LTnion? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir; that is correct. 

The Cpiairman. Did the Civil Liberties Union play an important 
part, in the enactment of recent legislation for Indians? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir; before Mr. Ickes and Mr. Collier came 
into office 

The Chairman. You need not go into that ; is the answer yes or no. 

Miss Je]mison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Was Mr. Xathan E. Margold a member? 

Miss Jemison. He was chairman of the Indian Committee of the 
American Civil Liberties Union. 

The Chairman. That is a committee set up by the Civil Liberties 
Union ? 

Miss Jemison. Yes. sir: for Indian civil rights. 

The CHATR?,rAN. Did he later become connected with the Depart- 
ment, or with the Indian Bureau ? 

Miss Jemison. He is solictor for the Department of the Interior. 

The Chairman. What evidence have you set forth here to prove 
that he is a member of the Civil Liberties LTnion? 

Miss Jemison. I have entered many exhibits of the American Civil 
Liberties L'nion. such as their Indian primer [indicating], and some 


of tlieir aninial rei)orts. in which lie is set foith as the chaiiinan of 
ilie Tiulian Coininittee of the American Civil Liberties Union. 

The CiiAiifMAx. Who is (he chief of the Indian Bureau? 

^liss Jemison. John Collier is Connnissioner of Indian Affairs. 

The CiiAiKMAN. AVas John Collier a member of the Civil Liberties 

Miss Jemison. John Collier was questioned several days by a com- 
mittee of the House in 1935 as to whether or not he was a member 
of the American C^ivil Liberties Union, and they never found out. 
However, he stated that he tliouoht the American Civil Liberties 
LTnion was a most useful and effective organization, and if he had 
not contributed any money to it he was very sorry, that it was be- 
cause he was stino-y. and he thoroughly a])]^roved the American Civil 
Liberties Union. 

The Chairman. You set forth in this statement extracts of the 
testimony of John Collier with reference to his connection with the 
Civil Liberties Union? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir; his own testimony. 

The Chairman. What about Allen Harper? Does he hold a posi- 
tion with them? 

Miss Jemison. Allen G. Harper is special assistant to the United 
States Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 

The Chairman. Was he, or is he. a member of the Civil Liberties 

Miss Jemison. He was chairman of the Pennsylvania State branch 
of the American Civil Liberties Union for 3 years previous to his 

The Chairman. Wliat about Willard D. Beatty? What position 
does he occupy ? 

Miss jE:srisoN. He is director of the Division of Education of the 
Office of Indian Affairs, 

The Chairman. Was he a member of the Civil Liberties Union? 

Miss Jemison. Xo ; he is not a member of the Civil Liberties LTnion. 

The Chairman. Is he a member of any other organization that 
you know of ? 

Miss Jemison. At the time he was appointed, he Avas national presi- 
dent of the Progressive Education Association, which was founded 
by John Dewey, who is a well-known radical professor in Colinnbia 
University, and Avho is a member of the American Civil Liberties 

Dr. Beatty has been closely associated Avith Dr. George S. Count, 
Dr. Carleton Washburn, and Dr. Harold L. Rugg, and other radical 
ju'ofessors who are members of the American Civil Liberties Union. 

The Chairman. What about Robert Marshall; Avas he affiliated 
Avitli the Indian Bureau? 

Mias Jemison. He Avas director of Indian Forestry. 

Tlie Chairman. Was he a member of the Civil Liberties Union ? 

Miss Jemison. At the time he Avas employed by the Bureau, he Avas 
The Washington, D. C, chairman of the American Civil Liberties 

The Chairman. Is he now chairman of the local chapt^sr of the 
American League for Peace and Democracy? 
Miss Jemison. I am so informed. 
The Chairman. Where is he noAv in the Government? 


Miss Jemisox. He was transferred to the Department of Agricul- 
ture in May 1937. 

The Chairman. Who is Dr. Harokl ^Y. Fog-ht? 

Miss Jemison. He was the superintendent employed by Mr. Collier 
at Cherokee, N. C. He resigned from the service. 

The Chairman. He is no longer in the service? 

Miss Jemison. He is no longer in the service. 

The Chairman. What about Mr. C. D. Stevens; is he no longer in 
the service? 

Miss Jemison. He is no longer in the service. 

The Chairman. Then let us omit him and Dr. Foglit. 

What about Mary Heaton Vorcee; who was she? 

Miss Jemison. She was director of publicity; and editor of the 
magazine, Indians at WVjrk, published b}' the Indian Bureau. 

The Chairman. What v/as Mrs. Vorcee, before she became con- 
nected with tlie Indian Bureau? What was her professional occu- 
pation ? 

Miss Jemison. She is a writer. 

The Chairman. Did she write a book called Foot Note to Folly? 

Miss Jemison. She wrote that while she was in the employ of the 
United States Government. 

The Chairman. In that book did she recount her 20 years of work 
with William Z. Foster and other Communists ? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir; she did. 

The Chairman. Who Avas her third husband, Robert Minor ? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir; at one time he was Communist candidate 
for vice president of the United States. 

The Chairman. While Mrs. Vorcee was employed by the Indian 
Bureau, did she participate in any strike activities anyAvhere? 

Miss Jejniison. Mrs. Vorcee vras given a leave of absence from tlie 
Indian Bureau in November 1936, and during the time she had that 
leave of absence, which finally became permanent in 1937, she helped 
organize the women's auxiliaries of the C. I. O. 

The Chairman. That was while she was on leave of absence? 

Miss Jemison. That is what the Assistant Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs told Senator Thomas at a Senate hearing ; he said Mrs. Vorce 
was on leave of absence. 

The Chairman. Were vou ])resent at that time ? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you incorporate that statement in your brief? 

Miss Je:mison. Yes; she participated in that steel strike and was 

The Chairman. D'uring that time did she participate in any strike 
activities in the steel strike at Youngstown ? 

Miss Jemison. Yes; slie ])articipated in that steel strike and wa5 
irijured, and was iji the hospital, and her son Avas injured in the strike 
and was also in a hospital during the steel strike. 

The Chairman. Tell us something about this Progressive Educa- 
tion Association, to which certain members of the Indian Bureau 

Miss Jemison. The Progressive Education Association is an asso- 
ciation of teachers which was founded by John Dewey, as I said 

John Dewey is a professor at Columbia University, and is now an 
honorary president of the Progressive Education Association. He is 

94931—39— vol. 4 2 


a member of many radical organizations in the United States, and 
is a member of the American Civil Liberties Union. John Dewey 
has been attacked by Matthew Wold, of the American Federation of 

The Chairman. Leave that part of it out, because the mere fact 
that somebody denounced him is no particular proof. 

Has he written a number of books? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did he write a book called, "Educational Move- 
ments of Today"? 

Miss Jemison. No, sir; "Educational Movements of Today" was 
written by Walter Albion Squires, D. D. 

The Chairman. And in that book did he speak about Mr. Dewey ? 

Miss Jem T SON. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Read a few extracts from that book. 

Miss Jemison. Dr. Squires says of Dr. Dewey : 

His influence has been manifest in tlie reorganization of the educational sys- 
tem in Soviet Russia, and ihe leaders of the Soviet Republic recognize him as 
their guide in educational matters. 

Dr. Dewey's influence in public education is a matter of no small concern 
to the religious interests of America. 

In Russia he is recognized as an educational guide. In America his influence 
is a potent force in the progressive secularization of the public-school cur- 
riculum. His attitude is distinctly antireligious unless we change our concep- 
tions concerning the nature of religion. 

The Chairman. You liave a full excerpt in your statement, do 
vou not? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

Tlie Chairman. Servintr on this ccmmiittee with Dr. Beatty, is 
there a man by the name of Prof. George S. Counts ? 

Miss Jemison. There was a committee of the Progressive Education 
Association which published a pam])hlet in 1935, and Dr. Counts 
served on that committee Avith Dr. Beatty. Dr. Beatty was the 
chairman, I believe. 

The Chairman. Dr. Counts is the author of several books, includ- 
ing the Soviet Cliallenge to America, and Dare the School Build a 
New Social Order? 

Miss Jk.mison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You have also set forth excerpts, I believe, from 
that book in your brief? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Will you please turn to page 15 of your statement? 

Miss jEMis(iN. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Will you read from the ho;irings before the House 
committee the exact language of Mr. Collier at the time, as found 
on i)age 15, when he was asked whether he believed in t1ie Civil 
Li})erties Union ? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. [Reading:] 

Mr. Collier. If you ask me if I am a l>eliever in the American Civil Liberties 
Union, 1 am <-ompel]ed to answer why I am. The American Civil Liberties 
Union is an organization devoted to one cause, the establishment of the consti- 
tution;! 1 rights of free speech and the free press against all attacks and against 
the world. I do not care whether it is communism or fascism or Republican 
or Democrat. I believe that there is no greater feeling in tliis count) y now 
than the encouragement of that liberty. I believe the American Civil Liberties 
Union has made a superb battle for liberty, without regard to whom it was 
fighting for. 


The Chairman. Will you kindly turn to page 16 of your brief, 
concerning the testimony of Mr. Eoger Baldwin, with regard to the 
Civil Liberties Union, beginning on page 16, where it starts with a 
question by the chairman? 

Miss JE3IIS0X. Yes, sir. [Reading:] 

The Chairman. Does your orgaiiizatiou uphold the right of a citizeu or 
alien — it does not matter which — to advocate murder? 

Mr. Baldwin. Yes. 

The Chairman. Or assassination? 

Mr. Baldwin. Yes. 

The Chairman. Does your organization uphold the right of an American 
citizen to advocate force and violence for the overthrow of the Government? 

Mr. Baldwin. Certainly ; insofar as mere advocacy is concerned. 

The CHAiR^r.vN. Does it uphold the right of an alien in this country to 
urge the overthrow and advocate the overthrow of the Government by force 
and violence? 

Mr. Baldwin. Precisely on the same basis as any citizen. 

The Chairman. You do uphold the right of an alien to advocate the over- 
throw of the Government by force and violence? 

Mr. Baldwin. Sure; certainly. It is the healthiest kind of thing for a 

The Chairman. That is all of that. You have also included some 
of tiie writings of Mr. Collier in the past, have you not^ 

Miss Jemisox. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Novn^, you have given the background of these mem- 
bers of the Civil Liberties Union and of the Progressive Education 
Association, and afterward the ones whom vou have mentioned were 
given important positions in the Department of the Interior, m the 
Indian Bureau; is not that the fact? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Prior to their appointment to these offices, had 
the Civil Liberties Union through its Indian defense committee ad- 
vocated certain legislation? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. For Indians? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. How nianv vears had tliev been advocatin^: this 

Misg Jemison. Since 1930. 

The Chairman. What was the underlying principle of the legis- 
lation tliat they were advocating for the Indians ? 

Miss Jemison. The underlying principle of some of it was to have 
the Indians live in a state of communal bliss. 

The Chairjvean. Did tliey have in them the question of the destruc- 
tion of the right of private property, the abolishment of any allot- 
ments ? 

Miss Jemison. Their idea was to abolish all allotments, and then to 
prevent any future allotments of Indian propert}', and keep it held 
in a tribal institution, where ownership would be common. 

The Chairman. After these men were appointed, was a bill pre- 
pared and submitted to the Congress of the United States embracing 
essentially the features of the bills proposed by the Civil Liberties 
Union ? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You have set forth the proposals made by the 
Civil Liberties Union? 

2442 i'x-AMi:iM( w x ]'\u h'agaxda activities 

Miss Jemisox. Yes. sir. 

The CiiAiKMAX. You liave also set t'orlli in detail the bills tliat were 
introduced and the ones that were passed? 

Miss Jami:sox. Yes. sir. 

Tlie CiiAiRMAX. There were some four bills introduced, were there 

Miss Jkmisox. There were four bills. 

The CiiAiKMAN. And the bill finally passed was the Wheeler- 
Howard bill ? 

]Miss Jkmisox. That was one; they all passed but one. 

The Ciiair:max. The Wheeler-Howard bill, or Indian Eeorganiza- 
tion Act of 1934? 

Miss Jemisox. Yes, sir. 

The Chairmax. And the Thomas-Eooers bill for Oklahoma 

Miss Je:\usox. Yes, sir. 

The Chairmax. Also tlie Indian Arts and Crafts Counnission bill? 

Miss Jemisox. Yes. sir. 

The Chairmax. And the Indian Claims Commission bill? 

IMiss Jemisox. Yes, sir. 

The Chairmax. Senator Wheeler introduced several of these bills? 

Miss Jemisox. Senator Wheeler was the chairman of the Senate 
Committee on Indian Affairs, and he introduced the Wheeler-Howard 
Act at the request of the De])artment. 

The Chairmax. Do you know who handed that bill to him? 

Miss Je]\eisox. I do not know who handed it to him personally, but 
I know who prepared it. 

The Chairmax. Who ])repared it ? 

Miss Jemisox. Nathan E. Alai'g-old and Mr. Collier. 

The Chairmax. Did the bill carry out the general idea and the 
principles of the bill previously advocated by the Civil Liberties 
IJnion ? 

Miss Jemisox^ The bill incorporated several bills that the Amer- 
ican Civil Liberties Union had sponsored in previous sessicms of Con- 
gress, and it brought them all together and coordinated them. 

The Chairmax. The bill was introduced b}' Senator Wheeler and 
passed and became a law? 

Miss jE:vnsox. Yes, sir; over the protest of all intt-lligent Indians 
in the United States. 

The CiiAiRiMAx. It did become a law? 

Miss Jemisox. Yes, sir. 

The Chairmax. And Senator Wheeler since that time repudiated 
tluit bill and introduced one to repeal it? 

Miss Jk:sii8ox. Yes, sir; Senator Wheeler, in 1937, introduced a bill 
to repeal the Wheeler-HoAvard Act. and he was xoined in that by 
Hoii. Lyim J. Frazier. of Xoi'th Dakota, a former chaii'man of the 
Indian Committee of the Senate. 

The C'hatrmax. You have in your statement a ratlser elaborate 
and detailed discussion of these various bills, with their origin and 
compari]ig them with the bills proposed by the Ci^'il Liberties Union. 

Miss Jemisox. Yes, sir. 

The Chairmax. At one time there was a book being \ised in the 
Indian schools, was there not. called New Eussia's Primer? 


Miss Jemisox. Tliat book was used at one Indian school that I 
have knowledge of. 

The Chairman. What Iiidian school ? 

Miss Jemison. The Indian school at Cherokee, N. C. 

The Chairman. It contains the ston' of the o-year plan and is 
called New Kussia's Primer, by ^I. Illin. 

Miss Jemisun. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Was protest made against the use of this book? 

Miss Jemison. The Indians protested it very bitterly : yes, sir. 

The Chairman. This book conj pares the United States with Russia 
and points out the superiority of Russia to the United States, doea 
it not? 

Miss Jemison. Yes ; it does. sir. 

The Chair3ian. It contains statements glorifying the Russian eco- 
nomic system and disparaging the American economic system? 

]\Iiss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. It is a well-known propaganda book, is it not? 

Miss Jemison. I want to point out that the English translation 
was written by George S. Counts, and it states in the front of the 
book that the book was written for the use of young school children, 
and also Mr. Counts states that anyone who has read that can never 
believe in the capitalist system. 

Taking Mr. Count's own words, the book was written for the ex- 
press purpose of indoctrinating young children with the ideas of 

The Chairman. Do vou have a letter written bv ^Ir. Collier as to 
the use of this book? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Will you please show^ that letter to the committee ? 

(Miss Jemison presented the letter referred to, to the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Is this a photostat copy of the letter? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you see the original letter ? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Was this letter introduced before another com- 
mittee and incorporated in the hearings? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir; it is incorporated in the transcript of the 

The Chairman. I w-ill read the last paragraph, and we will put 
the whole letter in the record. 

The letter is dated March 19, 1937, and is addressed to Hon. Elmer 
Thomas, United States Senate. The last paragraph reads as follows : 

To Mr. Foght's letter I should add the statement that in my judgment, if the 
book called The New Russian Primer was used as collateral reading in a course 
on industrial geography, such an incident would have been eminently proper. 

The letter is signed, "Sincerely yours, John Collier, Commissioner." 
(The letter referred to is as follows:) 

United States Department of the Interior, 
Office of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 

Washinf/ton, Marcli 19, 1937. 
Hon. Elmer Thomas, 

United States Senate. 
Dear Senator Thomas : With further reference to my letter of March 15 on the 
subject of the galley proofs which deal with the North Carolina Cherokee Reser- 
vation (Pt. 37, Hearings of the Subcommittee on Indian Investigation). 


My rommunicatio)). printed in small type in the papje proofs, in reply to 
Mr. O. K. Cliandler's communication of April 6. 1936. was dated May 21, 1936. 
Following my communication, there appears a quantity of further material, 
dated June 2. 1936, submitted by Mr. Chandler or liis associates. 

In the light of the above, it is my suggestion that there be made a part of these 
liearings a letter dated March 15. 1937, with accompanying atfidavits, etc., ad- 
dressed to me by the Superintendent of the Eastern Cherokee Reservation, Mr. 
Foght. (Photos attached.) Mr. Foght's letter, with the affidavits, deals ex- 
clusively with factual matters relevant to the criticisms by Mr. Chandler and 
liis associates. 

To Mr. Foght's letter I should add the statement that in my judgment, if 
the book called The New Russian Primer was used as collateral reading in 
a course on industrial geography, such an incident would have been eminently 

Sincerely yours, 

John Colliee, Commissioner. 

The Chaikmax. You have liaiuled to the Chair a number of other 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What Avere those books used for? 

Miss Jemison. Those books were used in th^e social science classes 
that were introduced at Cherokee, N. C. 

The Chairman. Do those books contain propaganda along the same 
lines ? 

^liss Jemison. The books contained propaganda against religion 
and to arouse disrespect for the southern State governments. These 
children are southern children, attending a southern school, and they 
used a book entitled, "Rope and Faggot," which was Avritten by 
Walter White, who is a radical, if not an actual Communist, a colored 
man, and in that book they attack the Christian religion terribly and 
the lynching situation, and say that in no country could it have been 
possible for lynching to exist except in a Christian country. 

Some of the other books which they use include Problems of the 
Family, by Willy stine Goodsell, and they were books that were 
designed to break down the morals of children attending that school. 
Sucli matter was not proper for children of that age. 

The Chairman. You have a great many documents, have you not? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Dealing with this entire subject. Are you plan- 
ning to return to Washington at any time soon? 

Miss Jemison. I will be in Washington for awhile; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You have appeared many times before committees 
to testify, and we liave some witnesses here from out of town and 
we will have to hear from these witnesses as quickly as Ave can. But 
we did Avant to accord you an opportunity to appear and give us in 
brief the essential items of your testimon}'. 

You testified to these facts before a Senate connnittee, did you not? 

Miss Jemison. I have testified to these facts before the Senate 

The Chairman. That Avas the committee headed by Senator Elmer 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir; and seA'eral other committees. 

The Chairman. Did vou testifv at lenijth? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir; in some instances I have testified at length. 

Tlie Chairman. Hryq the hearings been printed? 


Miss Jemison. Xo. sir; there are seven hearings which the Amer- 
ican Indian Federation has had before the committees of Congress 
since April 1936. which have never been printed. 

The Chairman. Have you contacted the committees to find out 
why these hearings are not printed? 

Miss jEZ^risoN. We have tried and tried and tried to have them 
print them, but they do not tell us why they do not print them. 

The Chairman. They have not yet printed them? 

Miss Jemison. No. sir; and not only have we tried, but other or- 
ganizations have tried to have them print these records. 

The Chairman. The gist of the Indian bills which were advocated 
by the Civil Liberties Union — did they embrace such things as collec- 
tive farming? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir; they did not embrace it in the bill, but 
under the bill tliat is what they are doing. - 

Tlie Chairman. Under tlie administration. 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

Tlie Chairman. Paymeiit according to need rather than according 
to earnings, is that a principle in the administration of the measure ? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir, it is ; and the Government takes the surplus. 

The Chairman. And also general discouragement of private prop- 
erty ? 

Miss Jemison. The program of the Commissioner, under the 
Wheeler-Howard Act. encourages communal ownership of every- 
thing, which is a discouragement, and they try to destroy private 
ownership of property entirely, inheritance, and the right of trial 
by juiy, and representation in courts, and all rights of free speech. 

The' condition of the Indians in the United States today is abso- 
lutely outrageous, and the American public would never believe what 
they are doing to the Indians under the Wheeler-Howard Act. 

The Chairman. We cannot go into that any further. We want to 
express our appreciation to you, and we hope to be able to recall you 
at a later date to go into this documentary proof, because I have seen 
a great deal of it. 

In all of your statements Avitli reference to these officials, you are 
supported by docimientary proof? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir; every statement I have made and every- 
thing I have said in this statement is supported by documentary 
proof. Much of it is words which they, themselves, have either 
written or uttered. 

The Chairman. You have set forth excerpts of the various utter- 
ances of these people, have 5^011 not? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In books, and speeches, and in pamphlets? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. I want to thank the committee, on behalf 
of this organization. 

The Chairman. We thank 3'ou for your statement. We will let 
your entire statement go in the record. That statement is fully 
prepared ? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir ; all except some exhibits. 

The Chairman. You will gi^^e them to the reporter? 

Miss Jemison. Yes, sir. 

2446 LN-AMKUirAX PliorAGAXDA ACTnri'lES 

(The complete statement submitted by Miss Jemison is as follows :) 

Miss Jemison. !My name is Alice Lee Jemison and I reside at G38 C Street, 
NW., Washington, D. C. I am a member of the Seneca Nation of Indians of 
New Yorlv State and my home is near Irvinj;, N. Y., on tlie Catteraugus Indian 
Keservation. I am president of the Sixtli District of the American Indian Fed- 
eration and the Washington representative of the national i)resident of this 
organization, Joseph liruner, full-blood Creek Indian at Sapulpa, Ukla. With tlie 
permission of the committee, 1 herewith offer for the record, marked "Exhibit 
1." a copy of my authority to represent INIr. Bruner. The original of this 
authority is on tile with the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs and has been 
included in all congressional hearings at which I have testified since 193". 

On behalf of the otiicers and members of this orgimizntion, and all the Indians 
who are suffering so grievously under the present program of the Bureau of 
Indian Affairs, Department of the Interior, I wish to sincerely thank the chair- 
man and members of this committee for the opportunity to appear here. 

For the purpose of the record, I will state that the American Indian Federa- 
tion is a national, nonscctarlan and nonpartisan organization whose membership 
is limited to Indians and their intermarried husbands and wives. We were 
organized temporarily here in the city of Washington on June 8, 1934, by a 
small group of Indians wlio came from various places in the United States. We 
became a permanent organization at our First Annual Convention which was 
held at Gallup, N. Mex., in August of that year for the purpose of adopting a 
constitution, electing officers and other business. We have held a national 
convention each year since then; the second was at San Diego, (-alif.. in 1935; 
the third at Salt Lake City, Utah, in 193t5 ; the fourth at Lewiston, Idaho, in 
1937 ; and the fifth at Tulsa, Okla., in 1938. 

We have applied for a Federal charter of incorporation by introduction of a 
bill for that purpose into the Seventy-fourth and Seventy-fifth sessions of Con- 
gress. We are a member organization of the American Coalition of Allied 
Patriotic, Civic, and Fraternal Societies, having been accepted for membership 
in November 1936. In tlie work which we ha^e done against subversive in- 
fluences in the United States, we have enjoyed the moral support and cooperation 
of many patriotic individuals and organizations. 

Until July 1936 this organization was financed solely tlirough voluntary con- 
tributions from both wliite people and Indians. No membership dues were 
collected. At the Salt Lake City convention, resolution was adopted amending 
the constitution to provide fov a membership fee of $1 per year. However, as 
many of our members are so poverty stricken tiiat even that small membership 
fee is more than they can pay, no Indians hnve ]»een barred from joining our 
organization because they were nnable to pay their dues. We have about 3.500 
members, of which not more than 3(K) are paid-up miMnbers. The membership 
fee is evenly divided between the district organizations and the Washington 
office, 50 cents to each. 

No member or officer of th(^ federation rec(4ves a salary for work performed 
for the organization, or is reimbursed for expenses incurred in that work, with 
the exception of myself. Since 193r» the actual expenses for the work carried 
on in our Washington office and part of the expenses for a subsistence living 
for myself and two children have been paid by the federation. 

For the record. I herewitli submit a copy of our constitution and bylaws, as 
amended and revised at the fifth annual convention, marked ''Exhibit 2" ; and 
a list of the names, addr(>sses, and tribes of the nati«mal officers and district 
I)residonts, as elected at tbat convention or apiiointed to date, marked 
"Exhibit 3." 

If desired. I sliall be hai)py to submit fuither records of our conventions, 
activiti(^s, and finances fo)* the inspection and information of this committee. 

The j)urpose of this Indian Federation is to secure for all Indians the rights, 
Ijrivileges, innnunities and responsibilities of free-born American citizens. 
Everytliing which we do or say, wlfPther in support of or in opposition to 
anything or anyone, is presented solely from that viewpoint. Our work has 
be<'n and necessarily must continu(^ to be with the Congress of the United 
States. ''j\( fully underslaiid the reason for this and to fully appreciate the 
alter helple.s.sness of . the Indians to protect them.-^elves from the subversive 
program of the present Indian Bureau regime nnd the dangers to American 
security in that progrnm. it is necessary to have a conii>lete understanding of 
the h'gai status of the Indian wards of the United States Government. AYhile 
I appreciate that undoubtedly all the members of this committee are familiar 


with the facts about the legal status of the ludlans, I would like this record 
tu be as clear and comprehensible as possible, so ii it is agreeable to the com- 
mittoe. I will make a brief statement on this subject. 

To begin with, restricted Indians are the sole and absolute wards of Con- 
gress. Briefly stated, jurisdiction over the Indians is conferred upon Congress 
by the Constitution of the United States in section 8, article I. All authority 
in Indian affairs arises in and flows from Congress. The Indians have no 
court t>f appeal fi'om the authority of Congress. The Constitution of the 
United States does not extend judicial jurisdiction of the Supreme (V)urt to 
include the Indians, as such. (See sec. 2, art. Ill of the Constitution.) 

For this reason, the Supreme Court has consistently and rightfully held that 
'"Congress has paramount and pleriary power over tribal Indians and their 
property which can Jieither be denied nor controlled by the judicial .branch of 
the Government."' Thus the Indians are a people ^^ho have no fundamental 
rights b.ecause there can be no judicial I'eview of any action taken ])y Congress 
concerning them. One Congress can grant the Indians something and the next 
Congress can take it awaj' or comijletely nullify it by other legislation. Con- 
gress first delegated administrative jurisdiction, over the Indians to the War 
Department. The first Indian Bureau was created in that department. Indian 
affairs were transfen-ed from military to civil jurisdiction in 1S49 when Con- 
gress delegated administrative authority over the Indians to the newly created 
office of the Secretary of the In.lerior and a Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 

The Indians are governed by direct laws of Congress, which apply to no 
other people in the United States, and the rules and regulations of the Indian 
B\ireau which have been promulgated under those laws and which, in them- 
selves, have all the force and effect of laws. 

This Bureau has control over both the person and the property of tribal 
Indians. It maintains its own schools, hospitals, courts, and governmental 
functions of every description. It controls all timber, grazing, mining opera- 
tions, leasing of property and irrigation operations on Indian reservations. 
It controls tribal funds and personal accounts. It controls all work-relief 
projects on reservations, and all State relief such as old-age pensions, is handled 
through the local agency offices. In law and in fact, it does everything for the 
Indian which a guardinn. duly appointed l^y a court, would do for any "incom- 
petent." The Indians are held in this status of '•incompetent wardship", from 
which there is no escape. It is a virtual statu.s of dictatorship. Restricted 
or ward Indians can do nothing without the consent of the Bureau officials. 
They can neither sell nor lease their property. They cannot legally employ an 
attorney to represent them in court. They have nothing to say about the way 
their money is spent. Many of them whose individual Jiccounts are handled by 
the Bureau never receive any actual cash from their accounts but receive only 
purchase orders for their needs, as the local agency officials may see fit to 
grant. Many of them do not know and never have known and cannot find out 
iiow much money they have on deposit at the agency, nor where it has gone if 
it is not there. 

In 1924 Congress enacted a 1)ill which made all Indians of the United States 
citizens. Although many of tliem became voters through that act, the Bureau 
continues to manage all of their affairs for them and they are now merely 
"voting wards." For example, the Klamath Indians of Oregon have vast timber 
resources and their tri})al estate is valued at millions of dollar's. They vote in 
all elections, State and national. They pay all of the expenses of operating 
the United States Indian Agency on their reservation and for the mainte- 
nance of their schools, hospitals, timber operations, and public welfare out of 
their own tribal funds. Yet the Indians cannot remove, or have removed, even 
the least important employee of the Indian Bureau who works upon their 
reservation. Indians are born into this status, live in this status, and die in 
this status. The only tribunal to which they can appeal for relief from any 
situation which may arise because of this status is to the Congress of the United 
States. In law and in fact they are the "incompetent ward children" of Con- 
gress whose care and well being have been largely relegated to a hired nurse- 
maid, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Congress is the only l)ody to which 
we can appeal for protection, or eventual release from this condition. Hence, 
all of the work of this organization must, of necessity, be with Congress. 

Our federation was founded by Indians who opposed enactment of the legisla- 
tive program of the present Commissioner of Indian Affairs. We, and the 
Indians whom we represented, opi^osed the legislation on the grounds that it 
was conwnunism. 


Since Ansfust 1034. tlio Aiiioricnn Inflinii Fodoration has oliavjred that the 
present Hiireau of Indian Affairs, Department of the Interior, is dominated and 
controlled by members and sympathizers of the American Civil Li])ertifs Union 
and other orp:anizations whose directorate is interlocking- Avith the A. C. L. U. 
We have charired that in all branches — administrative, legislative and educa- 
tional — the projj:ram of the present linreau regime is a program of atheist- 
commnnism which had its inspiration and inception in the American Civil Lib- 
erties Union, We have repeatedly made those charges, in print, in pnblic, in 
letters, and in open hearings before connnittees of Congress, and we have of- 
fered docnmentary evidence and direct testimony to snpport the charges. The 
officials of the Indian Bnreau have i.ssned general denials bnt they have never 
supported those denials with any concrete e\'idence to contradict the proof 
which we- have submitted, nor have they satisfactorily ansv/ered the charges in 
the manner in which they were made, opeidy and in public hearing.s before the 
committees. Such replies as they have made, either in public hearings or in 
releases sent out under the Government franking privilege, have consisted 
largely of attacks upon the character and motives of Federation officials and 
of testimony which not only fully admitted the truth of Federation statements 
in some things but also further substantiated it. 

In preparing to make this statement, I have tried to assemble all of the 
important facts and to present them in as concrete form as possible. It 
will be necessary to refer constantly to liea rings which have l)een held before 
other committees, particularly the Indian committees. At this point, in order 
to properly identify them for reference, I wish to submit for the record a list, 
marked "Exhibit 4" of hearings which have been printed, and a list, marked 
"Exhibit 5" of eight hearings which have been held but have not been printed., it will be necessary throughout this statement to refer constantly 
to the American Civil Liberties Union. I believe that Mr. Walter Steele, 
representative of the American Coalition, gave full and complete facts about 
the A. C. L. U. in his testimony before this connnittee. Inasmuch as that 
record is already before this committee, I will make only a short statement 
regarding the union. 

The report of the congressional committee investigating communism in 1930 
states that the American Civil Liberties LTnion is "closely affiliated with the 
communist movement in the United States, and fully 90 percent of its efforts 
are on behalf of communists." The report further states that the A. C. L. U. 
"claims to stand for free speech, free press, and free assembly: but that it is 
quite apparent that the main function of the American C'ivil Liberties Union 
is to attempt to protect the Communists in their advocacy of force and violence 
to overthrow the Government, replacing the American flag with a red flag 
and erecting a soviet government in place of a republican form of government 
guaranteed to each State by the Federal Constitution." 

Roger Baldwin, head of the American Civil Liberties Union, was referred 
to in the New York State Legislative Report on Seditious Activities as "an 
intellectual anarchist." When Baldwin appeared before the congressional com- 
mittee investigating communism in 1930, lie confessed that the A. C. L. U. up- 
holds the right to advocate murder, assassination and the overthrow of our 
Government. Baldwin served a prison sentence in 1918. 

Tlie American Civil Liberties Union has cooperated in attacking every legis- 
lative attempt to combat alien radical and communist activities. It has at- 
tacked state sedition laws, local police efforts to deal with the communist 
menace, amto-red flag laws, and so forth. It furnished the $28,500 bail to tem- 
porarily free the seven Gastonia Connnunists arrested and convicted on charges 
of "conspiracy to kill the chief of police" in Gastonia. Shortly after their 
release they escaped to Russia where they were given refuge. The union 
furnished aid to the Communists arrested by the Department of Justice Agents 
at a secret Communist meeting in Bridgeman, Mich. It is considered the back- 
bone of defense for Communists and other types of radicals in our country today. 

Roger N. Baldwin, executive director of the A. C. L. U., is a graduate of 
riarvjard, class of 1905. In the 30-year class book of that, published in 
1935, Mr. Baldwin has this to say about him.self and his activities in the 
American Civil Liberties Union : 

"I have contimied directing the unpopular fight for the rights of agitation, 
as director of the American Civil Liberties Union ; I have been to Europe 
several times, mostly in connection with international radical activities. * * * 
I am opposed to production for private profit. * * * j am for socialism, dis- 
armament, and ultimately for abolishing the State itself as an instrument of 


violence and compulsion. I seek social ownership of property, the abolitiou 
of the propertied class. * * * Communism is the goal." (Italics ours.) 

Everyone knows that the A.C.L.U. claims to believe in absolutely unrestricted 
and unhampered free speech, free press, and free assembly for everyone, par- 
ticularly minority groups. The Indians are a minority group and the Federa- 
tion is a minority group of that group. In October 1985. our national president, 
Joseph Bruner, sent out a circular letter to editors of many magazines and 
newspapers in which he characterized the A. C. L. U. as "one of the most per- 
nicious communistic units in the United States.'" This letter was published 
in some newspapers. During October, November, and December, Mr. Bruner 
received a series of letters from the Union demanding that he write them a 
nice letter of apology and retraction or else they would bring suit for libel. In 
support of which I offer for the record photostat copy of Mr. Bruner's letter 
of October 5, 1935, marked "Exhibit 6" and three photostat copies of letters 
written to Mr. Bruner by Arthur Garfield Hays, general counsel for the 
A. C. L. U. under dates of October 31, November 8. and November 25, 1935, 
marked respectively "Exhibit 7," "Exhibit 8," and "Exhibit 9," and type- 
written copy of letter wa*itten to Mr. Bruner by the law firm of Hagen and 
Gavin of Tulsa, Okla., under date of December 31, 1935. marked "Exhibit 10." 

This may well be taken as an indication of the unrestrained right of free 
speech which the A. C. L. U. so valiantly and vigorously upholds and defends — 
free speech to advocate the overthrow of the Government by force and violence 
but not one word 'against the Union. Mr. Bruner ignored those letters com- 
pletely and the Federation renew^ed the attack upon the Bureau program and 
the Union with even more vigorous language. It is most significant that to 
date the Union has not filed suit for libel against either Mr. Bruner or the 
papers which printed his letter. 

Before discussing the program of the Indian Bureau, I wish to discuss those 
who are responsible for the program. 

During the course of the past 4 years the American Indian Federation has 
asked for the removal of nine persons from public office in the Department of 
the Interior l^ecause of their past and present connections with the American 
Civil Liberties Union and other interrelated organizations, and the program 
which they are promulgating among the Indian wards of a Christian Nation, 
beginning in 1984 with the Commissioner of Indian AlTairs and adding others 
as proof could be furnished regarding them. These people are as follows: 

1. John Collier, Commiss'onor of Indian Ai¥airs. salary $8,500. 

2. Allen G. Harper, special assistant to the Commissioner, salary $4,600. 

3. William W. Beatty, Director of Indian Education. Indian Bureau, salary 

4. Nathan R. Margold, Solicitor for the Department of the Interior, salary 

5. Harold L. Ickes, Secretary of the Department of the Interior, salary $15,000. 
0. Robert Marshall. Chief Forester, Indian Bureau, salary $5,600. 

7. Mary Heaton Vorce. publicity director and editor of Indians at "Work, 
salary $3,200. 

8. Dr. Harold W. Foght, Superintendent of Cherokee, N. C, salary $8,600 or 

9. C. D. Stevens, Community Supervisor, Cherokee. N. C, salary unknown. 
The last four above mentioned are no longer in the Interior Department. 

Dr. Harold W. Yoght and C. D. Stevens will be discussed later. 

Mary Heaton Vorse was employed in the year 19.85 as publicity director and 
editor of Indians at Work. Indians at Work is a Government publication which 
has been issued by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs since August 1933, and 
which will be discussed later. Mary Heaton Vorce is a well-known left-wing 
labor agitator and writer. While in the employ of the Federal Government, 
she published a l)Ook entitled "Footnote to Folly" in which she recounted her 
20 years of work and association with William Z. Foster and other Communists. 
Her third husband was Robert Minor, at one time Communist candidate for 
President of the United States, now a member of the central committee. In 
supnort of which I olTer for the record a photostat copy of the newspaper article 
I»ublished in the Washington Herald on December 25. 1935, marked "Exhibit 11." 

In April 1987, William Zimmerman. Jr.. Assistant Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs, testified before the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, in reply to a 
direct question by the chairman. Hoi:. Elmer Thomas of Oklahoma, that Mrs. 
Vorse had been aw^ay on a leave of absence since in November 1936. This 
testimony is contained in the transcript of testimony taken at the Cherokee 


invostiMation lu'iu-ine;s in ]1)3T which is Nc. 2 on the list of unprinted hoarings 
which h;is been entered here, marked "Exhibit 5.' 

Nut long after that there were press reiwrts that ^irs. Yorse had suffered 
an injury to her head wliile participating in a steel strike riot at Youngstown, 
Ohio. Ill siii>port of which 1 offer fur tlie record, marked '•Exliibit 12", a news- 
paper clipping which is a picture of Mrs. Yorse with a short statement. 

Robert Marshall was appointed Director of Indian Forestry in August 1933. 
Mr. ^lar.shall was tlie ^Vashingron. D. C, cliairman of the American Civil 
Liberties Union in 1934. 

Following the hearings on the Cherokee investigations in Api il 1037, herein- 
bef{»re mentioned. Mr. rJarshaJl was tra.nsferred from the Indian Bureau to 
the Department of Agriculture in May of 1937. 

Harold L. Ickes, Secretary of tlie Department of the Interior, has been a 
memJier of (he American Civil Lilierties Union for many yearr^ On Decem- 
ber 8, 1937, Mr Ickes was one of the .si^akers at the seventeenth annual meet- 
ing of the A. C. L. U. held in New York City. His speech was broadcast on the 
radio and reported in the press. In introducing him to the audience. Dr. Harry 
F. Ward, cliairman of tlie American Civil Liberties Union, .said: 

"Oar two distinguished guest speakers, the Secretary of the Interior and the 
mayor of New York, have long been in this company. ^Ir. Ickps is one of the 
oldest nn'inbers. Mr. LaGuardia has been for years a staunch defender of civil 
rights in and out of Congress. 

"I have the pleasure of pre.senting the man ^^•ho will introduce to you the 
Secretary of the Interior. He comes from Kansas, and his words are known 
throughout and beyond this (ountry — Mr. William Allen White." 

In introducing ]Mr. Ickes, Mr. White said : 

"The punctilios of the occasion require someone to introduce the guest of the 
American Civil Liberties Union, and I am proud to have that distinction. In- 
troduction is superflous. but perhaps the testimony of a life-long friend may not 
be out of place. 

"In the 30 years of our affectionate association, I have learned to trust him 
because he was honest, wise, and brave, and I have come to love him because 
with all his courage, with all his rugged honesty, with all his common sense, 
he has been kind and just. He belongs in this company of Americans who 
are fighting the cause, fighting the battle of the oppressed. In the fight for the 
underdog. Harold Ickes has devoted himself constantly to the underdog's case. 
My friend has never wasted his time and his energy in tying cans to the 
upperdogs, merely to hear them yelp. 

"And so, dear friends, I present him, the Sir Galahad of the ttnderdog, in this, 
our national dog pound. Mr. Ickes." 

These quotations are taken from a pamphlet entitled, 'Nations in Nightshirts, 
an address of Hon. Harold L. Ickes, Secretary of the Interior," published by 
the American Civil Liberties Union, which I offer in evidence, marked 'Ex- 
hibit 15." 

Nathan R. Margold. Solicitor for the Department of the Interior, was chair- 
man of the Indian Committee of tlie Amei'ican Civil Liberties Union for several 
years prior t(» a])pointmeut as Solicitor. This was stated }>y Commissioner 
Collier in his testimony l)efore the subcommittee of the House Indi.ui Committee. 
Hon. Abe Murdock, chairman, on March 28, 193.1, and is recorded on page 659 
and page 670 of the so-called Murdock hearings which is No. 1 on the list 
of printed hearings entered herein as exhibit 4. 

I also offer for the record, marked "Exhibit 16" a pamphlet entitled "Indian 
Primer" imblished in August 1932, by the committee on Indian civil rights of the 
American Civil Lilierties Union. 100 Fifth Avenue, New York City. On the back 
of this pamphlet are listed the members of this committee. Nathnn Margold is 
listed as chairman of this committee. 

r>r. Williird W. Bentty was appointed Director of Indian Education on Feb- 
ruary 4, 1936, and at that time he was the National President of Progressive 
Educntion Association, according to an editorial by John Collier. Commissioner 
of Indian Affairs, in the Febr\iary 15. 19:>(), i.ssue of Indians at Work, which I 
here offer in evidence, marked "Exhibit 17." 

Progressive Education As.sociation is an as.sociation of teachers which was 
founded by John Dewey. This is stated in an editorial by Mr. Collier eulogizing 
Mrs. Ann Schiunaker I>ubin. deceased editor of the magnzine. Progressive Edu- 
cation, imblislied by this organization. The editorial is in the December 1, 
1935, issue of Indians at AYork. which I hereby offer in evidence, marked "Ex- 
liibit 18." John Dewey is a professor of Columbia University and is now an 


honorary president of the Progressive Education Association and is so listed in 
their pnblication, Progressive Education, February 1932 issue, which I offer in 
evidence, marked "Exhibit 19." 

Mr. Dewey is listed as a member of the national committee of the American 
Civil Liberties Union on page 90 of a pamphlet entitled 'Let Freedom Ring," 
published in June 1937 by the American Civil Liberties Union, and which I here 
offer in evidence, marked ''Exhibit 20." 

Mr. Dewey is listed as a member of many other radical organizations and he 
has been denounced by Matliew W«>11, of the American Federation of Labor, as 
a teacher of communism. Through the many books which he has written ex- 
pounding his theories and philosophies, it is a well-established fact that Mr. 
Dewey is an atheist. On page 14.') of the book entitled "Educational Move- 
ments'^ of Today." published by the Board of Christian Education of the Presby- 
terian Church in the United States of America in 1930, Walter Albion Squires, 
D. D., of Philadelphia, says of Mr. Dewey : 

"His influence has been manifest in tlie reorganization of the educational sys- 
tem in Soviet Russia and the leaders of the Soviet Republic recognize him as 
their guide in educational matters. 

"Dr. Dewey's influence in public education is a matter of no small concern to 
the religious interests of America. 

"* * * In Russia he is recognized as an educational guide. In America 
his influence is a potent force in the progressive secularization of the public- 
school curriculum. -His attitude is distinctly antireligious unless we change our 
conception concerning tiie nature of religion. * * * 

"The Dewey philosophy seems to^ me to be inherently and irreconcilably an- 
tagonistic to everything that is essentially religious. If this philosophy were 
too modified as to reconcile it to the Christian religion, it would cease to be the 
Dev/ey philosophy. If the Christian religion were so modified as to reconcile it 
to the Dewey philosophy, it would not only cease to be Christian but cease to 
be a religion at all." 

I ofi'er in evidence, marked "Exhibit 20," the book entitled "Educational Move- 
ments of Today." 

In 1935 the John Day Publishing Co., Inc., published a pamphlet entitled "A 
Call to the Teachers of the Nation," which had been prepared by a committee 
of the Progressive Education Association. The pamphlet calls upon the teachers 
to prepare to struggle militantly for a changed social order. It states : 

"Our society has come to the parting of the ways. It has entered a revolu- 
tionary epoch. * * * If the teachers are to play a positive and creative role 
in building a better social order, they will have to emancipate themselves com- 
pletely from the domination of the business interests of the Nation, cease culti- 
vating the manners and association of bankers and promotion agents * * * 
take up boldly the challenge of the present, recognize the corporate and inter- 
dependent character of the contemporary order and transfer the democratic tra- 
dition from individualistic to coUectivist economic foundations." 

Dr. Willard W. Beatty was the chairman of the committee which wrote this 
pjimphlet. I offer in evidence, marked "Exhibit 21," the pamphlet entitled "A 
Call to the Teachers of the Nation," with other passages marked therein. 

Serving on this committee with Dr. Beatty was Prof. George S. Counts, also 
of Columbia University. It is a well-known and well-established fact that Pro- 
fessor Counts is completely in sympathy with the Communist program of Soviet 
Russia. He is the author of several books, including the "Soviet Challenge to 
America" and "Dare the School Build a New Social Order," and translated the 
book. "New Russia's Primer," by M. Uiin. into English and wrote the flowery in- 
troduction therein. In 1936 Hon. Thomas Blanton conducted an investigation 
into the schools of the District <»f Columbia. At the hearings Dr. Counts was 
termed a radical by Dr. Frank W. Ballon, director of education for the District, 
who had been closely associated with Dr. Counts for 5 years on a "Commission 
for Social Studies." At thoFe hearings it was developed that Dr. Counts was 
listed as a teacher or instructor at the University of Moscow summer session 
in 1935 ; that he was listed as a radical professor with a record of close associa- 
tion with radicals in the Red Network ; and that in his book, "Dare the School 
Build a New Social Order." he had stated: 

"That teachers should deliberately reach for power and then make the most 
of this conquest is my firm con\iction. * * * The conscious and deliberate 
achievement of democracy under novel circumstances is tlie task of our genera- 
tion. Democracy, of course, should not be identified with political forms and 
functions — with the Federal Constitution, the popular election of officials, or the 


practice of universal .suffrage. * * * Finally, V)e determined as a last 
resort, in either the defense or the realization of this purpose, to follow the 
method of revolution." 

All of this and more, is reotrded on pages 5091 to 57-0 of the Congressional 
Record for Tuesday, April 14, 1930, which 1 here offer in evidence, marked 
"Exhihit 23." 

In this exliibit, I also call the attention of the committee to the record con- 
tained therein of Dr. Harold Rugg, a member of the advisory conuuittee of the 
Progressive Education Ast^ociation, as shown in their publication which is in 

Other members of the organization, as shown in that magazine are Mr. Arthur 
E. Morgan, :Mr. Alvin Johnson. Mr. E. C. Lindeiaan. and Ml*. Carleton Wasli- 
burne, all of wliom are listed in the Red Network as radical professors. 

Dr. William W. Beatty was an assistant to Carleton Washburnc at Wiunetka, 
111., for several years where he "ae<piired his educational philosophies from 
the fountain of progressive wisdom" according to a newspaper article reprinted 
on pages 7 and 8 of the March 1, 1930, issue of 'Indians at Work," which I here 
offer in evidence, marked "Exhibit 24." Like Dr. C^(»unts, with whom he has 
been closely associated, Mr. Washburne has published various books and pamph- 
lets. In the pamphlet "Character in Two Dimensions" which I here offer in 
evidence, marked "Exhibit 25,' Mr. Washburne states : 

'•How does the church propose to make the old imperative effective for the 
more tangible and credible hereafters of today? Through education can ones 
imuKjrtality in the eternity of social continuity be made as persuasive as were 
the old supernatural resurrection and reward? By what techniques may we 
best continue to utilize the allurements of the 'sweet by and by.' " 

Commenting upon this and other ideas of Professor Washburne, Dr. Squires 
in the book "Educational Movements of Today," in evidence as "Exhil>it 21," on 
page 21. says : 

"It seems necessary to rate the Winnetka system of character education as 
an example of character education which rests on antireligious assumi)- 
tinns." * * * 

"Professor Washburne evidently regards the belief in personal immoralitj' 
an no longer tenable. Substitutes must be found for it in the 'eternity of social 
continuity.' We need not deceive ourselves by assuming that a character-edu- 
cation program built on an antireligious philosophy may be carried on in public 
schools without affecting the religious consciousness of our children. Such a 
l^rogram will certainly plant the seeds of unbelief in the heart of the pupil. Its 
effect in this direction is much more certain than is the success it will have in 
establishing the goals wliich it has borrowed from the religion it denies." 

These are the people who founded and are the officers of the Progressive 
Education Association of which Dr. Willard W. Beatty was the national presi- 
dent when he was appointed as director of Indian education. 

Mr. Allen G. Har])er. special assistant to the Coumiissioner of Indian Affairs, 
was the I'eunsylvania State Secretary of the American Civil Liberties Union for 
3 years. In reply to a direct question, Mr. Harper verified this on April 15, 1935, 
at the hearings held before the subcommittee of the House Indian Committee. 
Tills is recorded on page 882 of the so-called Murdock hearings of 1935, number 
1 on the list of printed liearings entered herein and marked ''Exhibit 4," as 
follows : 

"Mr. McGuoARTY. I will ask you this in connection with the statement be- 
ing read by Miss Jejnis(»n : ^^'hether you wore secretary of the American Civil 
Liberties Union? 

"Mr. Hakper. I was for 3 years." 

I offer the bo(>k, "Indian (Conditions and Affairs, hearings before the Sub- 
committee on General I'ills of the Committee on Indian Affairs, House of Rc])- 
resentatives. Seventy-foiuth C«»ngress, first session, on II. R. 7781 and other 
matters, February 11, 1935," in evidence, marked "Exhibit 26." 

For about 10 years prior to his appointment as Commissioner of Indian Af- 
f.'iirs. John Collier was the executive secretary of the American Indian Defense 
Association, of which Dr. Haven Emerson is the national president, as recorded 
on page 1032 (jf the Murdock, in evidence as exhibit 26. This is an 
orga)iization of white peo])le which was founded largely through the efforts 
of Mr. Collier. On March 29, 1985. Mr. Collier stated tliat the directorate and 
the American Indian Association of the American Civil LiJ)erties Union 
is interlocking. From pages 675 and 676 of the JNIurdock hearings, supra, the 
following is quoted : 


'Mr. Ayers. Mr. Commissioner, how closely related is the American Indian 
Defense Association, of which you were formerly a member — formerly executive 
secretary I think — and the American Civil Liberties Union, about which the 
testimony was given yesterday ; 

"Mr. Collier. There is no relationship beyond — the Civil Liberties Union 
created this Indian committee, I think, about 1930, and I believe that it prob- 
ably has a number of American Indian Defense Association people on that 

"Mr. Ayeks. That is what I wanted to get at, the interlocking membership. 

''Mr. Collier. For example, Mr. Margold got interested in Indians in the tirst 
instance through the American Indian Defense Association, and then he was 
made the chairman. I do not think he was the first chairman. I think Mr. 
Kobert Gessner was the lirst chairman of the Civil Liberties Committee. He 
is not on the board of the Indian defense. I believe that Dr. Hayden Emerson, 
president of the American Indian Defense Association, is on that Civil Liberties 
committee, but I do not have the list, so I am not sure. 

"Mr, Ayegs. But they are interlocking in their membership? 

"Mr. Collier. There is some overlapping.*' 

Following Mr. Collier's appointment as Commis.^iioner. Mr. Allen G. Harper 
served as executive secretary of the American Indian Defense Association until 
his appointment as a field representative in the Indian Bureau in the fall of 
1935. The follovring is quoted from page 1029 of the Murdock hearings, 
exhibit 26 : - 

"Mr. Harper. My name is Allen G. Harper and I am executive secretary of 
the American Indian Defense Association. Inc., 219 First Street NB., Washing- 
ton. D. C." 

Mr. Collier does not know whether or not he is a member of the American 
Civil Liberties Union. He was questioned about this several times by members 
of the Murdock subcommittee in 1935. His replies, taken from the printed 
hearings as noted, were as follows: 

March 2S, 1935, pages 659 and 660: 

''2dr. BuRDiCK. Who is the solicitor in your Department? 

"Mr. Collier. The solicitor of the Interior Department is Mr. Margold, who 
was before your committee. 

"Mr. BuRDiCK. Was lie formerly connected with the American Civil Liberties 

"Mr. Collier. He was the chairman, as I recollect it, of their committee on 
Indian matters, Indian Civil Liberty. 

"Mr. BuKDicK. Are you a member of it? 

"Mr. Collier. I do not remember whether I was, but I am wholly in sym- 
pathy with that organization, whether or not I am a member. 

"Mr. BuRDicK. Is Mr. Ickes a member? 

"Mr. Collier. I do not know about him. You will have to ask him. I 
would hope so. 

"Mr. Murdock. Is it not a fact that Mr. Ickes is a member of it, and that 
yuu are a member of it, and Mr. Margold is a member of it? I am speaking of 
the American Civil Liberties Union. 

"Mr. Collier. I do not remember if I was a member, but if I have not con- 
tributed money to it then I apologize. I do not know whether I was or not. 

"Mr. Murdock. You do not remember whether you were a member of the 

"Mr. Collier. I would have to be informed as to whether or not I was a 
member of it. I certainly had very close relations with them, but I do not 
know whether I was on their letterhead. I had very close consulting relation- 
ship with them. 

"Mr. Mludock. We would like to find out if you are a member. 

"Mr. Collier. I am a very close friend of Roger Baldwin, and I may have 
been on their letterhead, and if I have not contributed money to its cause it is 
because I am stingy. I cannot go further than that. 

"Mr. Murdock. You want to give the committee the impression that you do 
not know whether you were a member of the American Civil Liberties Union? 

"Mr. Collier. I have no recollection. 

"Mr. Murdock. Do you know whether Secretary Ickes is a member? 

"Mr. Collier. I do not know. 

"Mr. Murdock. Do you know whether Mrs. Ickes is? 

"Mr. Collier. I have no knowledge or recollection. 

"Mr. Mltrdock. But you do know that Mr. Margold is. 


"Mr. CoLT.iEK. I believe that yon will tiiul that Mr. Ickes and Mrs. Ickes would 
say the same thing as I am saying, that they believe in the work of the American 
Civil Liberties Union. 

"Mr. MuRDOCK. But they would not know whether they were members? 

"Mr. C01X.IER. I would be surprised if they have not contributed money. I wish 
I had money to contribute to them." 

And the same date, page 661 : 

•*Mr. BuRDicK. I wanted to develop a little further this matter that I was 
asking about. May I ask you again who Roger Baldwin is? 

"Mr. CoLLii-ni. Roger Baldwin is either the director or the secretary of the 
American Civil Liberties Union. His offices are in New York. 

"Mr. BuKDicK. Let me read the record that has been handed to me and see if 
it is true. Roger Baldwin, the guiding spirit of the American Civil Liberties 
Union, makes no attempt to hide his friendship for the Communists and their 
principles. He was formerly a member of the I. W. W. and served a term in 
prison as a draft dodger during the war. This is the same Roger N. Baldwin 
that has recently issued a statement 'that in the next session of Congress our 
job is to organize opposition to the recommendations of the congressional com- 
mittee investigating comnmnism.' 

'"Do you approve of that statement? 

"Mr. Collier. I do not know anything about it. 

"Mr. Bltidk K. You are a friend of his. 

"Mr. C0L1.IEK. If you ask me if I am a believer in the American Civil Liberties 
Union. I am compelled to answer why I am. The American Civil Liberties 
Union is an organization devoted to one cause, the establishment of the constitu- 
tional rights of free speeech and the free press against ail attacks and against 
the world. I do not care whether it is communism or fascism or Republicanism 
or Democrats. I believe that there is no greater feeling in this country now than 
the encouragement of that liberty. I believe the American Civil Liberties Union 
has made a superb battle for liberty without regard to whom it was fighting for. 

"Mr. McOroaety. Under whose leadership? 

"Mr. OiiJAER. Under the leadership of Roger N. Baldwin. 

"Mr. McGroarty. Who is this gentleman? 

"Mr. BuRDiCTv. Are you asking the witness a question? 

"Mr. jMcGroarty. Let us hear about Baldwin. I did not know about hhn. 
Who is he? 

"Mr. BuRDiCK. This statement says that he is the guiding spirit. 

"Mr. Collier. Who is the author of the statement? 

"Mr. BuRDiCK. This is an investigation by Congress and this man who testified 
before the investigating committee was Baldwin. Let me read as follows : 

" 'The CiiAiHMAN. Does your organization uphold the right of a citizen or 
alien — it does not matter which — to advocate murder? 

" 'Mr. Baldwin. Yes. 

" 'The Chairman. Or assassination? 

" 'Mr. Baldwin. Yes. 

" 'The Chairman. Does your organization uphold the right of an American 
citizen to advocate force and violence for the overthrow of the Government? 

" 'Mr. Baldwin. Certainly, insofar as mere advocacy is concerned. 

" 'The Chairman. Does it uphold the right of an alien in this country to 
urge the overthrow and advocate the overthrow of the Government by force 
and violence? 

" 'Mr. Baldwin. Precisely on the same basis as any citizen. 

" 'The Chairman. You do uphold the right of an alien to advocate the over- 
throw of the Gofv'ernment by force and violence? 

*' 'Mr. Baldwin. Sure, certainly. It is the healthiest kind of thxnv; for a 

" 'Mr. McGroarty. That is the leader.' " 

March 29. 1935. pages 698 and 694 : 

"Mr. Collier. ♦ * * Now, among the agencies that have been fighting re- 
sourcefully for a long time for this freedom of speech, freedom of press, free- 
dom of assemblage, is the American Civil Liberties Union. They are an extra- 
ordinarily effective organizatioiL Roger Baldwin is an extremely effective 

"Mr. McGroarty. Just go slowly, Mr. Collier, so that the reporter gets all 

"Mr. Collier. Yes. 

"Mr. McGroarty. I hope you realize 


"Mr. Collier. Oh, I realize. 

'"Mr. McGkoaety. The responsibility of your statements. It may have an 
el¥ect on your future, and I am concerned about you because you are an old 
friend. I do not want to see any harm come to you. 

"Mr. CoLTJER. I will say, Mr. McGroarty, that when we get to this particu- 
lar thing of basic democracy and liberty of conscience I have not any obliga- 
tion except to give you my real thoughts. 

•'Mr. McGroarty. No; you are right. Pardon me for interrupting you. 

"Mr. Collier. 1 am giving you something here that I could not be persuaded 
from by any feeling of fear for my future. * * *. 

* « * * * 4i * 

"]\[r. Collier. As I say, I have considered that the American Civil Liberties 
Union was entirely honest, that it was fearless, and that it was a good fighter 
as an organization. I have great admiration for Roger Baldwin as a man." 

March 29, 1935, page 700 : 

"Mr. Werner. Then you agree that Baldwin is a safe man to follow, do you 

•'Mr. Collier. I agree with just what I said before, that I think the American 
Civil Liberties Union is a very useful organization. 

"Mr. Werner. That does not answer the question. That is a simple question. 
Why don't you answer the question? 

"Mr. Collier. I do not follow Baldwin. I regard Mr. Baldwin as doing a fine 

"jNfr. McGroarty. Now, that is on record as his answer. 

"]\Ir. Werner. ^Nly question has not been answered, but I don't presume it 
will be. 

"Mr. McGroarty. I think it was, IMr. Werner. * * * jle says he believes 
it is a very useful organization. Now, it has been brought out here that this 
Mr. Baldwin is the guiding spirit of it, even now, and that he believes a man has 
a right to advocate assassination and murder and violence to overthrow the 
government ; that his organization believes that, and Mr. Collier says he believes 
the organization is a very useful organization. Now, that covers it. * * * 

•'Mr. Collins. Now. may I ask one question? Directly Mr. McGroarty asked 
the Commissioner if he belonged. The Commissioner said he had not been able 
to find out, but that he wov.ld be very happy to belong. 

"Mr. Collier. That is correct. Tlie point is. I contributed some money to that 
California committee in connection v.ith one of these farmers' programs. 

•'Mr. CoLLLxs. You contributed sonsetliing, but they never have given you a 
certificate of membership; is that correct? 

"Mr. Collier. Nothing of the kind, but I am pretty sure that I gave them some 
money. I thought I would cover that by saying that I would like to belong." 

The Murdock subcommittee never did find out whether or not Commissioner 
Collier is a member of the American Civil Liberties Union, but the above record 
of the hearings speaks for itself. In the explicit and positive language of the 
Commissioner himself — .John Collier, Connnissioner of Indian Affairs, has had 
"very close relations" with tlie American Civil Liberties Union, and considers 
them a "useful" and "extraordinarily effective'' organization, and is a "very 
close friend of Roger Baldwin." and considers him an "extremely effective per- 
son" for whom he has "great admiration." 

Nor is Roger Baldwin the only radical with whom Commissioner Collier has 
been associated. In 1928 he served on the national committee of the Sacco- 
Vanzetti National League with Ella Reeves Bloor, Communist ; Norman Thomas, 
Socialist; and Joh]i Hays Holmes, John Dewey, Oswald Garrison Villard, Robert 
Morss Lovett, Morris L. Ernst, and other members of the American Civil Liberties 

In 1986 Commissioner Collier was listed as a member of the faculty for the 
Eleventh Seminar in Mexico of the Committee on Cultural Relations With Latin 
America, of which John Dewey is the honorary chairman. The letter announcing 
this seminar, sent out by the organization, was entered in evidence before the 
Senate Committee on Indian Affairs in the 1936 Cherokee hearings, which is 
No. 1 on the list of imprinted hearings, entered as exhibit 5. I offer in evi- 
dence, marked "exhibit 28." a copy of the page proof of this record which was 
prepared in February 1937, and out of that exhibit, for the record, the portion 
marked on page 0106, excerpts of the letter or announcement of the Committee on 
Cultural Relations with Latin America. 

As a young man. Commissioner Collier wrote and published books of poetry, 
the Indwelling Splendor, in 1911 ; Harp of the Human, in 1913 ; and Shadows 

04931 — 39— vol. 4 3 


That Haniit the Sun Rain, in 1918. Three or four of these poems were eulogies 
of Isadora Duncan, a famous dauciM-. In her autobiography, My Life, published 
in li)27, IMiss Duncan states that she was brought up an atheist, that as a child 
she determined never to be bound by marriage ceremonies and to give her 
life to the effort of freeing women from the slavery of marriage and win for 
them the right to children out of wedlock, that she made a vow never to "lower 
lierself to this degrading state," and that she had kept that vow, which statement 
is well verified in the story of her life. In common with some of the professors 
lieretof(n-e mentioned, Miss Duncan was in full accord with Russian communism, 
and among other things said : "One of the fine things the Soviet Goverinuent has 
done is the abolishment of marriage" (p. 17, My Life). Miss Duncan was the 
inspiration for three poems by John Collier. Francisco Ferrer, an anarchist who 
was executed at Barcelona, Spain, in 11)09 for leading a revolt against the 
Government, inspired Mr. Collier to eulogize him at length in his book The 
Indwelling Splendor, published in 1911. Mr. Collier said : 


"They shot him down, cowards and murders, 

"They slew the herald ; they cannot slay the light 


"He was an anarchist." 

Francisco Ferrer was also an educator. In his school and textbooks he ex- 
pressed such thoughts as : 

"Property has been establi-shcd by spoliation, cunning, trickery, by rapacity 
and deception under the name of commerce and industry. 

"The words 'country,' 'flag,' 'family' arose in me no more than hypothetical 
echoes of wind and sound. 

"Government, usurpation, tyranny — a question of words ; not only all govern- 
ment, more or less legitimate, but all power is tyranny. 

"Don't get. excited about the flag, which is only 3 yards of cotton stuck on the 
end of a pole." 

For further information on this I call the attention of the committee to pages 
902 and 903 of the Murdock hearings in evidence as "Exhibit 26." In them- 
selves these expiessions of hero worship for atheists and anarchists, written by 
John Collier in his youth, are of no consequence. Followed, as they have been, 
by association with radicals, they become straws po'uting in the wind. 

In concluding this part of my slatmeut I have only a brief comment. to make. 
Through the life of each human being runs a pattern, not always evident but 
clearly discernible when viewed in retrospect. As the pattern manifests itself 
in spoken and written words, in actions and in associations, a reputation is 
established. Only through these outward expressions can others see us and 
know us. In viewing the facts as herein presented, the conclusion seems in- 
escapable that there is a similarity of pattern in the thoughts, deeds, and asso- 
ciations of ail these oflicials of the Department of the Interior. It seems equally 
evident that all these people herein mentioned are close associates in one com- 
pany — ihe company so aptly termed by William Allen White as "our national 
dog pound" — the American Civil Liberties Union, whose executive director says, 
"Communism is the goal." 

It has been developed herein that several oflicials of the Department of the 
Interior and the Indian Bureau are members of the American Civil Liberties 
Union and its afliiiates. As individuals, all of these oflicials have an inherent 
right to their own views and the right to express those views. There can be no 
argument with that. As servants of the American public, however, it is not their 
right io use the powers of their oflices to impose their views upon others. The 
charges of the federation have to do with the actions of these people while in 
public office. 

Preparatory to discussion of those actions, the statements made thus far 
have been for the purpose of establishing the predominant pattern in their 
lives prior to their appointments as oflicials of the Government of the United 

Various deflnitions have been given for the word "communism." In mnkhig 
the charges of connnunism, atheism and un-Americanism in the legislative, 
administrative, and educational program of the present Indian Bureau, we of 
the American Indian Federation have predicated our upon the definition 
of "connnunism" given on jiage 4 of Report No. 2290, Seventy-flrst Congress, 
tliird session, which I offer in evid- nr(» marked "Exhibit 27," and for the record 
at this point the deflnition on page 4 


It is diflSciilt to state this case point by point under headings "Legislative," 
"Administrative," and ''Educational," first, because they are interrelated and 
overlap; and second, because the program in many places is most subtle. It is 
only when viewed as a comprehensive whole that conclusions can be reached. 
As far as possible, this statement will divide the program into two parts, the 
legislative and educational, and will deal with the administration of each as it 
is considered. 


There have been four major bills introduced into Congress since 1933 which 
contain the legislative program of the present regime, viz : 

1. So-called Wheeler-Howard or Indian Reorganization Act of 1934, Public, 
No. 883, Seventy-third Congress. 

2. So-called Thomas-Rogers bill for Oklahoma Indians, Public, No. 816, Seventy- 
fourth Congress. 

.*j. So-called Indian Arts and Crafts Commission bill. Public, No. 355, Seventy- 
fourth Congress. 

4. So-called Indian Claims Commission bill, H-. R. 5817 (S. 1902), Seventy- 
fifth Congress. 

I offer for the record the acts and one bill above mentioned, marked "Exhibit 
28," "Exhibit 29," "Exhibit 80," and "Exhibit 31," respectively. 


The Indian Claims Commission bill was defeated on the floor of the House of 
Representatives on June 23, 1937, under the leadership of Hon. Thomas O'Malley, 
of Wisconsin, a Member of the House Committee on Indian Affairs. (See pp. 
81C*o-813o, Congressional Record for Wednesday, June 28, 1937.) The Federa- 
tion opposed enactment of this bill, and I offer for the record a copy of a letter 
relative thereto addressed to "Members of the House of Representatives," marked 
"Exhibit 82." In regard to this bill, I wish simply to call the attention of 
the committee to the fact that the original of this bill, fully drafted, was 
proposed to the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs in 1930 by Nathan R. 
Margold, a member of the American Civil Liberties Union and the present 
Solicitor for the Department of the Interior. 

I offer in evidence, marked "Exhibit 83," printed copy of hearings before 
the subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, entitled "Survey 
uf Conditions of the Indi'ans in the United States, Seventy-second Congress,. 
First Session. Indian Claims Against the Government, Part 25," and refer the 
committee to pages 13670 to 13677. the testimony of Nathan R. Margold when 
he submitted this proposed bill. I call particular attention to the words of 
Mr. Margold : 

"I was retained by Institute for Government Research in the fall of 1929 to 
study the Indian chiims problem, among others, and to draft a bill embodying 
a practicable means for its solution" ; and 

"I conferred also with Mr. John Collier, of the American Indian Defense As- 
sociation, on questions of policy." 

Examination of the proposed bill reveals that it is the parent of the Indian 
Claims Commission bill herein mentioned. 


The so-called Indian Arts and Crafts Commission bill arose from the same 
source. I enter in evidence, marked "Exhibit 34," American Indian Life. Balle- 
tin No. 15, January. 1930, on page 28 of which it is stated : 

"Issued on behalf of the American Indian Defense Association, Inc., and its 
Branches by the Indian Defense Associations of California * * *. The 
officers of the American Indian Defense Association are Haven Emerson. M D., 
president ; John Collier, executive secretary ; and Fred M. Stoin, treasnrer. The 
treasurer of the Pueblo Legal Aid Fund and the Fund for California and 
Southwest Indian Work is Max L. Rosenberg, treasurer of the central and 
northern California branch." 

I call the attention of the committee to pages 5 and 6, an article entitle:! "A 
New National Enterprise in Indian Arts and Crafts," which states that James 
W. Young has formulated "a plr.n for vsafeguarding, improving, adapting, and 
increasing the Indian craft output" and that "the plan is now being drafted 
into legislation through use of legal talent of high order." 

2458 i*x-A:\ri:iii('AN I'kopaganda activities 

I now enter in evidence, marked ''Exhibit 3.",'.'' American Indian Life. Bulletin 
No. 16. July 1930. issued the same as the last exhibit. AUentiou is called to 
page 10. an article entitled, "Institute for Government Research Continues Its 
Activity." The second paragraph states, in part: 

"Xiathan R. Margold, of New York, retained as legal advisor by the institute, 
is carrying forward a brilliant work in drafting and briefing of legislation." 

Paragraph 5 states: 

"The technical drafting of the Arts and Crafts Corporation bill was carried 
out by institute attorneys in constdtation with James W. Young. Howard S. 
Gans, and John Collier." 

Until this act was passed, production of arts and crafts had always been 
operated by the Indians themselves and in many instances, the marketing, too. 
Among some of the tribes the income from arts and crafts is high. On page 5 
of Bulletin 15, entered herein as exhibit 36, it is stated: 

'Navajo rugs bring a million a year to Navajo Indians, Navajo silverwear 
brings nearly a quarter of a million a year." 

These statements concern just two products of just one tribe of Indians. 
Such an enterprise may well be classed as "big bUvSiness." The traders of 
the Southwest who liandle much of the marketing there have been organized 
into an association, and it was stated to the Murdock connnittee in 1035 that 
Secretary Ickes was one of the attorneys for the association (see p. 34."), 
Mnrdock hearings, exhibit 26) and that it had been formed through the help 
of John Collier and other people of Indian organizations. 

Examination of the Arts and Crafts Commission Act, exhibit 3J, discloses 
that it creates a commission of five men who shall serve without pay ])ut shall 
receive their actual expenses for performance of their duties: that the Com- 
mission is given control over all marketing and research work in Indian arts 
jin.d crafts ; the authority to determine what work shall be genuine, to fix 
standards of production, to create a Government trade-mark to signify genuine- 
ness : to recommend to whom or what agenc-ies loans shall be made for further- 
ing any part of the Indian arts and crafts business: to supply management, 
personnel, and supervision for groups making or marketing arts and crafts; 
to employ executive, technical, and clerical personnel and to prescribe the 
nnthoritie-s, duties, responsibilities, and the salaries of such employees: and 
finally the act provides fines and penalties for any who use the Govennnent 
trade-mark falsely or falsely offer merchandise for sale as an Indian product. 
I call attention to the fact that the original plan drafted by Solicitor ^Margold 
and Connnissioner Collier, before entry into public office, as set forth on page 5 
of aforesaid Bulletin No. 15, exhi!)it 36, provides for a "board of trustees 
named by the Pre.sident," a certificate of genuineness, and for a coriioration 
which "will conduct national advertising and national and international pub- 
licity" and "will work through existing agencies." 

In considering the marketing of such arts and crafts under authority of this 
act, consideration must also be given to sections 262, 263, and 265. title 25, 
United States Code, which give the Commissioner of Indian Affairs sole and 
absolute authority to direct who shall trade with the Indians, to license such 
traders, to set the prices, quality, and quantity of goods to be sold, to have those 
without a license fined, and to issue rules and regulations governing all trading 
transactions. The present Commissioner of Indian Affairs. John Collier, is 
also chairman of the Indian Arts and Crafts Commission. (See p. 216. vol, 2, 
Interior Department appropriation bill, 1939.) Under the combined authorities 
of the sections of the United States Code quoted above and the Arts and Crafts 
Commission, production and marketing of Indian arts and crafts will become 
.solely and absolutely a Government controlled and managed industry. 

Further reference to this act will be made in later di.scussions, 


The .so-called Wheeler-Howard or Indian Reorganization Act and the Thomas- 
Rogers Act for Oklahoma Indians can be considered at the same time. Due to 
the opposition of Oklahoma citizens, both white and Indian, the Oklahoma In- 
dians were excluded from the communistic sections of the Wheeler-Howard Act 
in 1934. In 1935 the Thomas-Rogers Act was introduced, and it became law 
June 26, 1936. It is those sections of the Wheeler-Howard Act from which 
Oklahoma Indians were excluded in 1934. As was testified by Bureau officials 
before the Appropriations Committee, the Wheeler-Howard Act now applies to 
Oklahoma Indians. 



The AVheeler-Howard Act had its origin in the American Civil Liberties Union. 
It was introduced into Congress "by request," and at a committee meeting in 
1937 I heard Hon. Burton K. Wheeler, who was chairman of the Senate Commit- 
tee on Indian Affairs in 1934, say that he introduced the bill at the request of 
the Commissioner. The bill was written by Solicitor Margold and Commissioner 
Collier. In reply to a direct question in a meeting at Miami, Okla., on March 
24. 1934, Commissioner Collier stated: "The bill is the product of the joint 
efforts of the Solicitor of the Interior Department and myself." I offer in evi- 
dence, marked "Exhibit 38," mimeographed copy of minutes of the Miami meet- 
ing, and call attention to page 83481. The testimony of the Commissioner given 
before the Murdock subcommittee in 1935 was virtually the same, as is recorded 
on pages 676 and 677 of the Murdock hearings, in evidence as exhibit 26. At 
that time the Commissioner went further and stated: 

"The two main elements in the Wheeler-Howard bill were those that deal with 
land allotment, the land policy, and then the scheme of getting a new way 
for the tribes to organize. Both of those ideas have been advocated by the 
American Indian Defense Association for a good many years. * * * They 
were a part of the program advocated by the Civil Liberties Union * * =*." 

As was brought out yesterday in the testimony, the directorate of the Amer- 
ican Indian Defense and the Civil Liberties Union is interlocking; Mr. Margold 
is a member of the A.C.L.U. and Mr. Collier, if not a member, is a believer in 
the union. 

Mr. Margold accepted authorship or responsibility of the Wheeler Howard 
Act in the Annual Report of the Secretary of the Interior for 1934, which I offer 
in evidence, marked "Exhibit 39." 

On page 2, under title of "The Solicitor (Nathan R. Margold)," Mr. Margold 
states : 

A significant innovation, and one which has produced gratifying results, has 
been the establishment of a legislative section within the office of the Solicitor. 
* * * The preparation and successful promotion of the Taylor grazing bill 
and the Wheeler-Howard bill have been major achievements. * * * The 
Members of Congress have already come to appreciate the service of our experts 
and to rely upon this staff for accurate and pertinent information, both factual 
and legal." 

For some time prior to the appointment of the present Interior Department 
officials, the American Civil Liberties Union was sponsoring Indian bills in Con- 
gress, with no request from the Indians in most instances. It was customary to 
hold conferences either in New York or Washington, D. C, to decide these 
matters. Under date of November 28, 1932, the A.C.L.U. sent out a circular 
letter addressed "To those interested in legislation," to grant larger civil liber- 
ties to American Indians. This letter, which is printed in full on pages 506 
and 507 of the Murdock hearings, in evidence as exhibit 26, was signed by 
Nathan Margold, chairman, and Robert Gressnor, secretary, of the Indian 
committee. It states in part : 

"Friends : At the direction of our committee on Indian civil rights, I enclose 
a memorandum covering bills pending before Congress and one to be introduced 
into Congress, dealing with larger liberties for Indians to handle their own 
affairs and to agitate for redress of grievances. * * * We intend to back 
this legislation vigorously in the forthcoming Congress. * * * -yVe intend 
shortly to call a conference here in New York of those interested in this legisla- 
tion to discuss the campaign for these bills in the short session." 

The bills which the union expected to back so vigorously are referred to on 
page 8 of the pamphlet Indian Primer, issued in August 1932 by the Indian 
committee of the A. C. L. U., in evidence as exhibit 16. I call the attention 
of the committee to paragraph 4, under the title, "What Are the Remedies?" 
which says : 

"The remedies proposed for giving the Indians com]ilete control of their 
affairs are embodied in bills in the 1981-33 Congress providing: 

"1. Establishment of Indian tribal councils with power over tribal property, 
the employment of attorneys, and making of contracts, etc." 

The bill providing for the "establishment of Indian tribal councils," et cetera, 
was the so-called Frazier bill, S. 3668, Seventy-second Congress, whose pur- 
pose was to "make it possible for Indians to equip themselves with modern 
business instruments of corporate organizations in order to develop their own 
material and moral endowments." 


I enter in evidence, marked "Exhibit 40." a circular entitled, "Why Con- 
structive Indian Legislation is Not Being Passed." This is a IT-legal-size-page 
circular distributed by the American Indian Defense Association, dated June 2. 
1932. and bearing the name of John Collier, 

For the record I submit the copy of the so-called Frazier bill, S. 3Go8, con- 
tained on pages 2 and 3 of this exhibit. Even a casual reading of this l)ill and 
the Wheeler-Howard bill reveals their similarity. The language used in some 
sections of the Frazier bill is practically identical with that contained in the 
Wheeler-Howard Act, either as intioduced or as enacted into law in 1934. 

Another bill which the union expected to back vigorously is the so-called 
Klamath incorporati(»n bill, listed on page 8 of the Indian Primer, exhibit 10, 
as follows : 

"3. A model bill for the incorporation of one Indian tribe, the Klamath 
Indians of Oregon, so that it may exercise the powers of an ordinary business 
corporation with only slight Government supervision." 

I enter in evidence a photostat copy, Press Service, of the A. C. L. U. dated 
April 8, 1932. Under the title, "Favorable Report on Indian Service-Government 
Bill Asked of Congress," it states: 

"Self-government for Indian tribes was urged on the House Committee on 
Indian Affairs in a letter sent to its members April 6 by the American Civil 
Liberties Union's committee on Indian civil rights, advocating passage of a 
bill to incorporate the Klamath Indian Tribe of Oregon, so that it will be able 
to do business like any other corporation. 

"According to the Civil Liberties Union committee 'this is a model bill now 
confined to the Klamath Indians, which it is hoped to extend to all Indian 
tribes on reservations as a means of freeing them ultimately from Govern- 
ment control.' 

"The measure provides that when a majority of adults in the Klamath 
Tribe so petition, the Federal district court shall issue a certificate of iu- 
coiijoration. All adult members of the tribe become equal shareholders con- 
trolling all tribal property. The corporation is given full power to manage 
property, sue and be sued, and otherwise to exercise the rights of business 
corix)rations, with a board of directors in charge. Indians quitting the reserva- 
tion may sell' their shares of stock back to the corporation, but not to other 
Indians nor to any white person." 

Section 17 of the Wheeler-Howard Act gives the tribal council the powders 
mentioned in the last paragraph of the foregoing quotation, and the act provides 
for communal ownership of property and the issuance of shares in "corporate 

The second bill listed on page 8 of the "Indian Primer, Exhibit 16, is : 

"2. Recall of unwelcome Indian agents on referendum vote of a tribe." 

I enter in evidence, marked "Exhibit 42," photostat copy of "Press Service" 
of the A. C. L. U., dated April 1, 1932, Bulletin No. 502, under the title "Pending 
Bills Would Restore Authority to Indian Councils," it states : 

"For the first time in the 50 years of the Federal Indian Bureau's existence, 
effort is being made to restore authority to the old tribal councils, the powers 
of which were taken awa.v when the aborigines in this country were placed under 
governmental control. To achieve this end, support for two United States 
Senate bills is being rallied in all States where there are Indian reservations, 
by the American Civil Liberties Union's Conmiitlee on Indian Civil Rights. 
Both measures w^ere introduced by Senator Lynn J. Frazier, of North Dakota, 
chairman of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs. 

"Senate bill No. 3068 provides for a constitution and bylaws for each tribe, 
subject to voted approval by all adult members. A tribal council w^ould be 
elected annually, and questions of policy would be submitted to referendum. 
This council would represent the tribe before Congress and goverjunental de- 
l)artmenls, or in the courts; it would control sales of tribal lands, employ law- 
yers, without the Indian B\u*eau's consent, and make recommendations to the 
Budget Bureau and Congress concerning expenditures of tribal funds. 

"Bill No. 3717 provides that when 2.1 percent of the members of any tribe on a 
reservation petition for removal of an oliicial or emi)loyee of the Indian Bureau 
on the reservation, the general council of such a tribe shall assemble, and u^K)n 
a majority vote calling for the removal the Secretary of the Interior shall re- 
move such official or employee within 00 days. 

" 'This measure,' says Nathan Margold, New York City lawyer and chairman 
of the civil rights committee, 'would give the tribes control over obnoxious offi- 
cials who today may be their dictators instead of their friends. It would act as 


f\ check upon unwise appointments and would end the notorious tyranny and 
mismanagement bj^ Indian agents. It would give the Indians an entirely differ- 
ent attitude toward the Indian Bureau, and rightfully should be welcomed by 
that bureau as a marked step forward in elevating the Indians' self-respect.' " 

Attention is called to the third paragraph about the pending bill providing for 
recall of local agency employees upon a majority vote of the Indians. This 
bill was later incorporated into the Wheeler-IIowanl bill. 

I enter in evidence, marked "Exhibit 43," a copy of the bill as it was intro- 
duced into Congress on February 13, 1934, by Senator Wheeler (by request). I 
call attention to line 17 on page 10 under section 5, it is stated : 

"Any Indian connnunity shall have the power to compel the transfer from the 
community of any persons employed in the administration of Indian affairs 
within the territorial limits of the community other than persons appointed by 
the community : Provided, hoivcver. That the Commissioner of Indian Affairs 
may prescribe such conditions for the exercise of this power as will assure to 
employees of the Indian t>ervice a reasonable security of tenure, an opportunity 
to demonstrate their capacities over a stated period of time, and an opportunity 
to hear and answer complaints and charges." 

The A. C. L. U. takes full responsibility for the bills introduced into the 1931-32 
Congress. I enter for the record, marked "Exhibit 44." photostat copy of page 
35 of the report of the A. C. L. U. published in June 1932, and entitled "Sweet 
Land of Liberty 1931-32." Under the heading, "Indians' Civil Rights," it is 
stated : 

"The Union's committee on Indian civil rights under the chairmanship of 
Nathan R. Margold, New York attorney, got before Congress during the year a 
program of bills intended to give Indians greater control of their own affairs 
and the machinery by which they may improve their conditions. These bills 
were worked out in cooperation with the Indian Defense Association. They 

This is followed by the list given on page 8 of the pamphlet "Indian Primer," 
the first three of which have just been discussed above. In closing, the article 

"The committee issued a pamphlet describing these bills together with an 
'Indian Primer' giving the salient facts about the Indians in brief compass. 
Representations were made to various committees of Congress ; publicity given 
out in an effort to build up sentiment for these particular remedies basic to all 
others. Tlie bills were opposed by the Indian Bureau and met the same fate 
as all other legislation for the benefit of Indians, due not to the disinclination 
of Congress but to the controversy which was aroused and the limited time for 
resolving it." 

None of the bills sponsored by the A. C. L. U. for the Indians was enacted 
by the Seventy-second Congress as is disclosed in the annual report of the 
A. C. L. U. published in June 1933, and entitled "Land of the Pilgrim's Pride — 
1932-33." I enter for the record, marked "Exhibit 45," two photostats of 
pages 27 and 28, respectively, of this pamphlet. Under the heading "American 
Indians," it is stated, in part: 

"A program of bills designed to extend civil rights of American Indians was 
developed by the Union's special committee on Indians' civil rights headed by 
Nathan R. Margold, New York lawyer. Most of the bills were introduced iii 
the Senate, but did not come out of committee. 

"In order to gain the greatest possible backing for these bills by friends of 
the Indian, the Union's committee called an all-day conference in Washington 
in January 1933, * * * Complete agreement was reached on everj'- essen- 
tial point — the abolition of the land allotment system which has destroyed 
primitive Indian communal life, the creation of Indian tribal councils ' on 
reservations with large control of tribal affairs, the incorporation of one tribe 
as a model for others and as a means for minimizing Government control, and 
repeal of ancient laws controlling communication between Indian tribes and 

* « * * * * * 

"Mr. Margold, chairman of the committee, was appointed by the new secre- 
tary of the Interior to be solicitor of the Department where he will have much 
to do with redrafting and pushing the proposed bills. Prof. Jay B. Nash of 
New York University, has succeeded Mr. Margold as chairman of the committee." 

I call particular attention to the statement that Mr. Margold "wiU have 
much to do with redrafting and pushing the proposed bills." The Union itself 
expected to sponsor those bills and push them in the next Congress. 

2462 UN-A^ii:iii(\\x propaganda ACTivrriES 

I enter in evidence, photc^stnt copy of a pajie of Civil Liberties Quarterly issued 
in June 1935 by the Union, wherein it is stated, in part: 

"Complete reorganization of the P>ureau of Indian Affairs has been effected 
by the new administration with the a])pointnient of .John Collier. * * Mr. 

Collier is committed to a thorou.irh revision of Indian law in the interest of 
tribal autonomy, civil riijhts for Indians, and abolition of land alloiment system 
under which Indians liave lost a larj^e pari of their properly. Hiithan Margold, 
former chairman of the Union's committee on Indian civil rights, has been 
appointed Solicitor for the I )e])arlment. and Jay B. Nash, of New York Uni- 
versity, present chairman of the connnittee, is temporarily employed as direc- 
tor of conservation camps among Indians. 

"A drive will be made in the regular sessions of Congress for passage of bills 
sponsored by the Civil Liberties Union and other agencies for civil rights for 

The ideas of the bills which had been sponsored by the A. C. L. U. in the 
Seventy-second Congress, as herein outlined, and in some instances the identical 
language, were incorporated into the so-called Wheeler-Howard Act and intro- 
duced into Congress in February 1U34. The Union accordingly made the "drive" 
for passage of this bill. 

I enter for the record, marked "Exhibit 47," photostat copy of page — of the 
Civil Liberties Quarterly issued by the A. C. L. U. in June 1934, wherein it is 
stated : 

* Restoration to American Indians of their lands and tribal autonomy is jiro- 
vided in a bill prepared by the Indian Bureau pending in the House and Senate 
and backed by Indians and their friends all over the country. The Civil Liber- 
ties Union has circularized its members and other organizations to arouse sup- 
port of this complete reversal of governmental policy under which Indians may 
at last exercise their civil rights. * * * i^j^^ Civil Liberties Union urges all 
its friends to support the Howard-Wheoler Indian rights bill by addressing their 
Senators and Congressmen." 

In the face of the records of the A. C. L. U. itself, as herein entered in evi- 
dence, there can be no reasonable doubt that the so-called Wheeler-Howard Act 
had its origin in the American Civil Liberties Union. 

This being true, the A. C. L. U. knows exactly what the Indians received in 
that legislation and can be considered as the final authority as to whether or not 
the Thomas-Rogers Act is identical. The Thomas-Rogers Act v>as introduced 
into the 1985 session of Congress. In January 1936. the Union issued announce- 
ments that another conference on Indian legislation was called for the 19th day 
of January at the Cosmos Club in Washington, D. C. No such announcement 
was sent to me but I attended the meeting and registered as an "observer." 
Professor Jay B. Nash, mentioned as chairman of their committee on Indian 
civil right-s in the Civil Liberties Quarterly for June 1933 (exhibit 26) presided 
at the meeting. 

Tlie Indian Rights Association, a so-called benevolent white organization for 
Indian welfare, with headfpiarters in Philadelphia, was represented by Henry 
S'cattergood, former Assistant Commissioner of Indian Affairs and a member of 
the A. C. L. U. as was stated to the Murdock subcommittee in 1935 by Allen G. 
HariMM-. former Pennsylvania State Chairman of the A. C. L. U. (See p. 1038. 
Murdock hearings, exhibit 26.) Among those present were Commissioner and 
Mrs. .John Collier; William Zimmerman, Jr., Assistant Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs: Robert Marshall, Chief Forester, Indian Bureau, and the Washington, 
I). C, chairman of the A. C. L. U. : Miss Mary L. Stewart, present California 
regional director of Indian Education: Miss p]dna Groves, present eastern 
regional director of Indian education; Felix Cohan, attorney for the Indian 
Bureau of the Department; Fred II. Dicker, Assistant to the Commissioner: 
Joe Jennings, field representative of the Bureau ; several superintendents of 
reservations who were present in Washington at that time and other employees 
of the Indian Bureau. I know that the Thomas-Rogers Act was brought up for 
discus.sion at this meeting and was approved by the Union. I enter in evidence, 
marked "Exhibit 4.S." the Civil Lil)erties Quarterly for March 1936, published by 
the A. C. L. U., and call attention to an article on page 4, entitled, "Indians 
Rights Conference," which states as follows: 

"P\»rty-one persons active in Indian affairs attended an unofficial conference 
on legislation pending in Congress at the Co.smos Club, Washington, D. C, on 
January 19, called by the union's committee on Indian civil rights. General 
agreement was reached on a legislative program, the most important of which 
is the extension to the Oklahoma Indians of the Wheeler-Howard law 
tees of tribal self-government and community ownership of land." 

'> to< 


On May 8, 1936, the A. C. L. U. released a letter which was signed by Robert 
Oessner, author and secretary of the Indian Committee of the A. C. L. U., Dr. 
Haven Emerson, president of the American Indian Defense Association, and 
Roger N. Baldwin, director of the A. C. L. U. This letter said in part : 

•"The American Civil Liberties Union Committee on Indian Rights, sup- 
ports * * * ^i^Q pending Thomas-Rogers bill to give Oklahoma Indians just 
what all other Indians got under the Wheeler-Howard Act 2 years ago." 

The Thontas-Rogers Act bec;nne law on June 26, 1936. In June 1937, the 
A. C. L. L. published its annual report under the title, "Let Freedom Ring, the 
8tory of Civil Liberty, 1936-37." In this pamphlet, already in evidence as 
exliibit 20, it is stated on page 44, under the heading "Indians" : 

"The Government's new policy of extending to Indians tribal autonomy, civil 
rights, and management of their own resources w^as furthered by the passage 
by the 1936 Congress of a bill extending these benefits to the Oklahoma Indians, 
excluded from the original act." 

Thus sayeth the A. C, L. U. : The Wheeler-Howard Act and the Thomas- 
Rogers Act are one and the same. 

On March 1, 1937, Hon. Burton K. Wheeler and Hon. Lynn J. Frazier, jointly 
and at the request of Indians, introduced a bill, S. 1736, to repeal the so-called 
Wheeler-Howtird Act of 1934. which I enter in evidence, marked "Exhibit 49." 
It is commonly called the Wheeler-Frazier Repeal bill. The bill received an 
unfavorable report from the Secretary of the Interior. Several hearings were 
held on it by Hoh. Elmer Thomas, chairman of the Senate Committee on 
Indian Affairs, but those hearings have not been printed to date. (See exhibit 
5. ) The A. C. L. U. is very much opposed to the bill. 

I enter in evidence, marked "Exhibit 50", the first sheet of Bulletin No. 759 
of the "Press Service" of the American Civil Liberties Union, released for 
publication on Friday, April 2, 1937. The second item is entitled "Repeal of 
Indian Reorganization Act Fought", and it states : 

"Attacking the Wheeler-Frazier bill repealing the Indian Reorganization Act 
as an 'attempt to turn the clock back,' the American Civil Liberties Union last 
week earnestly urged defeat of this 'unaccountable bill' in the Senate. Letters 
to hundreds of friends of Indian civil riglits throughout the country have been 
sent out by the vinion in its campaign against the measure. 

"In a statement signed by Prof. Jay B. Nash, of New York University, chair- 
man of the committee on civil rights, and Roger N. Baldwin, union director, 
the A. C. L. U. held that objections raised to the present law are 'either trivial 
or unfounded and offer no basis whatever for repeal of this historic measure.' 

" 'Any criticism of its administration should be dealt with through adminis- 
trative channels, and not by legislation.' the union declared. 

"It was pointed out by the union that the Indian Reorganization Act passed 
in June 1934 was the culmination of more than 10 years of study and struggle 
by friends of the Indian within and without the Government, and assured civil 
rights to Indians, among other reforms. 

'*The act gives to organized tribes the riglit to go into court to defend their 
own civil and property rights : provides that Indian land losses shall stop ; 
gives the tribes greater self-g<wernment : provides for the advanced schooling 
of Indians ; and enables landless Indians to get back on the land." 

I call the attention of the committee to pages 7 and 9 of the pamphlet, "Let 
Freedom Ring," published by the union in June 1937, and herein entered in 
evidence as exhibit 20. On page 9. under the heading. "We Condemn," it is 
stated : 

"No. 18. The attempts of Senators Wheeler and Frazier to repeal the Indian 
Reorganization Act, under which Indian civil rights for the first time have been 

On page 4~) of the same pamphlet, continued under the heading of "Indians," 
on page 44, it is stated: 

"Attempts have been made in the 1937 Congress, however, to repeal all new 
If-gislatioh, on the ground that it has not worked satisfactorily. The evidence 
to support such a conclusion is fi'agmentary, but sufficient evidently to convince 
the authors of the repeal bill— Senators Wheeler and Frazier. The Civil Liber- 
ties Union is publishing a pamphlet to counteract the movement for repeal by 
citing the record of accomplishments. 

"Among the opponents of the present Indian policy is the so-called American 
Indian Federation, with headquarters in Oklahoma, which has inspired a great 
doal of publicity, though it represents only a handful of disgruntled Indians. 
The union has had occasion to attack its favorite charge that the Indian Bureau 


at AVnsliinixton is a croatmv vf tho Amorican Civil Liberties Union, directed to 
niakinj; Coninnmists out of the red men!" 

In connection with tliis report, I wish to point out to the connnittee that 
repeal of the present Indian lesishition mentioned tlierein has not Iteen sought 
primarily on the .erounds that it has not workod our satisfactorily. Repeal 
has been souj^ht on the grounds that it is pure and unadulterated communism, 
and the fact that it has not worked out satisfactorily is a result of the cause, 
conununism. iX.s a matter of personal privilege. I wish to further point out to 
the committee that regardless of how many Indians wc represent, tho fact 
remains that we are Indians, and as such have a far greater right tf> concern 
ourselves with Indian legislation than does the Civil Liberties Union. In reply 
to the last sentence in the above quotation, I resix'ctfully point out to the com- 
mittee that all of the federation's charges, namely (1) that the United States 
Bureau of Indian Affairs, Department of the Interior, is dominated and C(m- 
trolled by members and sympathizers of the A. C. L. U. and interrelated organ- 
izations : (2) that in every department, legislative, administrative, and educa- 
tional — the program of the present Indian Bureau is communism, atheism, and 
un-Americanism and originated in the A. C. L. U. ; and (8) that the A. C. L. U. 
is a "subversive, seditious. Communist-aiding and Christ-mocking" organizatioi! 
whose executive director. Roger N. Baldwin, says "Communism is the goal," have 
been made openly at public hearings before the committees of Congress for the 
last 4 years and have been occasionally reported upon by the press. 

I offer in evidence, fastened together and marked ''Exhibit 51" photostat 
copies of clippings from the Washington Herald, the Charlotte (N. C.) News, 
the Asheville (N. C.) Citizen, the Raleigh (N. C. ) Times, and the Washington 
Times, all dated in April ]5)86, all of which contain the charges of the federa- 
tion and one of which is an editorial entitled "Communizing the Indians." To 
our knowledge, the A. C. L. U. has never made application to come before any 
committee of Congress before which the charges were made and deny them or 
offer evidence to disprove them. Neither has the A. C. L. U. brought any suits 
for libel against either the federation or the newspapers which carried those 

The record established here today from the reports of the A. C. L, U. speaks 
for itself about the origin of the legislative program of the present Indian 
Bureau regime. 

As to who is in control of the Indian Bureau, in addition to the evidence sub- 
mitted yesterday, I offer for the record, marked "Exhibit 52," a photostat copy 
of page 29 of a pami)hlet entitled "Liberty Under the New Deal — the Record 
for 1933-34," published in June 19^^, by the American Civil Liberties Union. 
On this page 29, under the heading "American Indians," it says, in part : 

"The forces long urging drastic reforms in the Government's treatment of 
Indians finally came into control of the Indian Bureau with the appointment as 
Commissioner of John Collier, former secretary of the American Indian Defense 
Association, backed by Secretary Ickes and by almost all the agencies defending 
Indian interests. The Indian Bureau has made sweeping changes in Govern- 
ment policy. * * * In addition to the bills in Congress, departmental regu- 
lations have effected many changes in the Indian service in the direction of 
a larger exercise of civil rights, in advancement of Indian education, and in the 
common use of tribal property." 


Soon after the introduction of the Wlieeler-Howard bill in February 1934 
Commissioner Collier and a large part of his Washington staff began a tour 
of the Indian country, holding meetings with the Indians to secure their approval 
of the act then pending in Congress. There are printed or mimeographed copies 
of the minutes of all of these meetings which are available to the committee 
and if desired I shall be happy to furnish title and page references for the 
statements herein made about this campaign. 

Briefly, the Indians were told that if they approved the bill and worked for 
its enactment, they would secure self-government, the right to manage their 
own affairs, the right to have objectionable agency employees removed, the 
right to employ their own attorneys and to enter into contracts, higher educa- 
tion for their children, the right to borrow huge sums of money from the 
Government to finance business enterprises, and they were assured that imder 
the Wheeler-Howard Act the Government would buy a vast amount of land 
and give it to them, any place in the United States agreeable to them. When 


the State of Oklahoma was Indian Territory, the Five Civilized Tribes owned 
the major portion of it. In reply to a member of one of these tribes at an 
Oklahoma meeting, the Commissioner stated that under certain circmnstances 
there was no reason to believe that his tribe could not sometime regain all of 
their land. 

"The campaign of the Commissioner personally, was designed to arouse race 
prejudice and contempt for our present form of government. No previous 
I)eriod in the history of America has ever witnessed a like spectacle of a high 
official of the Federal Government carrying on such a campaign of sedition 
among any people. From the printed hearings of the Commissioner's meetings 
with Indians in South Dakota, Washington, California, Arizona, New Mexico, 
and Oklahoma, we find Commissioner Collier appealing personally to Indian 
audiences for support of the Wheeler-Howard bill in the following language: 

•' 'There was a time when it was the policy of the United States Government 
to rob Indians.' 

'• 'Millions and millions of acres have been sold. Selling means nearly always 
selling to the whites. It is the best lands which have been lost, sold to the 


'* 'The guardianship of the United States is carried out under a body of 
laws that are wicked and stupid.' 

" 'The time will come when the change will be finished as far as law and 
Washington are concerned and the country will settle down into a now 
mold. * * * I 'desire for you to realize what I know to be the truth, that 
beyond your power, beyond my power, and beyond the power of the President, 
forces are moving vrhich are going to make the change in a way to destroy 
you, unless it is made in a way to save and help you.' 

" 'In the history of countries and peoples there comes a time when anything 
is possible.' 

*' 'Take the utmost responsibility in your own affairs and lei the Govern- 
ment no longer play the authoritative role, but serve as a service agency only. 
" 'The Indian Service down in Mexico is operated the way I hope for 
here * * * the Indians are recapturing their lauds and taking over con- 
trol of the Government.' " 

The above paragraphs and quotations are taken verbatim from pages 18 and 
19 of the pamphlet "Now, Who's Un-American? — An Expose of Communism in 
the United States Government." which I enter in evidence, marked "Exhibit 
53." This pamphlet was written by Mr. O. K. Chandler, present national 
chairman on organization of the federation, and myself. It was published by 
the federation in July 1936, 'and to date it has never been challenged from any 
source. Arousing race prejudice and contempt for other governments, is part 
of the Communist program as outlined by House Report No. 2290, in evidence 
as exhibit 29. 

Returning from the Indian meetings, which were frequently attended by only 
a small group, the Commissioner reported to Congress and the public that the 
majority of Indians approved the bill. Indians were brouglit to Washington 
through use of tribal funds to testify in favor of the bill at the committee 
hearings. Under the language of the appropriation acts, no Indian can come 
ro Washington with his expenses paid out of tribal funds unless the Commis- 
sioner approves of it before he leaves the reservation. Obviously the Commis- 
sioner would not approve of any Indian coming to AVashington to testify 
against his prognun. 

In considering the lures held forth to the Indians, and the language of the 
(Commissioner in making his appeals, it must be remembered that the Indians 
who are under control of the Indian Bureau are an oppressed and in many 
cases destitute people who have the lowest per capita income of any race in 
the United States, largely because their money, land, and resources and even 
their persons are under the autocratic authority of a Bureau, and who, in 
most instances, have justifiable claims against the Government because of treaty 
violations. Under similar circumstances, most any people would welcome a 
program which promised so much in relief from their misery. Looking beyond 
the propaganda to the bill itself, however, Indian opposition from all parts of 
the United States arose against it immediately after its introduction into 
Congress and continued to grow. Funds were collected by the Indians to send 
independent delegates to Washington to oppose the bill. 

To stop some of the opposition, a gag rule was applied to all employees of 
the Indian Service, both white and Indian. Under dare of April 30, 1934, 
and over the signature of Harold L. Ickes, Secretary of the Interior, a letter 

2466 ux-A:\ii:iacAN propaganda activities 

was sent out addressed : "To All Employees of the Indian Service :" which 
said, In part : 

"The authorities in Washington have endeavored during the past year to 
develop a coordinated, modern Indian policy. * * * j have increasing evi- 
(U'uce that there is a suhtle, misleading propaganda against the new Indian 
program emanating from a minority of employees within the Indian Service. 
* * * My purpose in addressing you is to notify all of those engaged in this 
scheme to defeat our program that a continuance will be under penalty of 
dismissal from the service. * * * if any employee wishes to oppose the new 
jxilicy, he should do so honestly and openly from outside of the service. This 
woidd mean his resignation. * * * it will be sunnnarily eluninated, wher- 
ever found, by dismissal." 

I call the attention of the committee to page 409 of the ]Murdock hearings, 
in evidence as exhibit 6, and for the record enter this letr(:r of April 30, 1934, 
as therein printed. 

Like a large percentage of the people with low incomes, many of the Indians 
were at that time, and still are, dependent upon the work relief programs 
for their daily bread. All work relief for the Indians is handled through the 
Indian Bureau. Copies of the April 1934 letter were distributed or posted for 
the information of those on work relief projects and effectively silenced many 
Indians, and their dependents. This order has never been rescinded or modi- 
liid. It is still in full force and effect and has been acted upon frecpiently, 
not only in regard to opposition to the Wheeler-Howard Act but also in regard 
to opposition to any part of the program. I have attended both House and 
Senate Committee on Indian Affairs hearings for the past four sessions of 
Congress. Repeatedly the charge that those who oppose the program are l)eing 
neglected and denied work has been made before those committees. 

I have heard it made by Indians from California, New Mexico, Arizona, 
Wisconsin, North Carolina, and North and South Dakota. Examination of any 
of the transcripts of testimony of the unprinted hearings, listed and entered 
herein as exhibit 5. will substantiate that statement. I have letters from 
mniiy other places stating the same thing. During the past summer I visited 
four reservations — Pine Ridge, Rosebud and Cheyenne Agency in South Dakota 
and Standing Rock which is in both North and South Dakota. On all of them 
the most frequent complaint brought to me was : "They v.411 not give us any 
work, or any rations, or any attention, because we belong to the Black Hills 
Treaty Council group." The Black Hills Treaty Council is the organization 
formed by those Indians in the eight Sioux Nations who are opposing and re- 
sisting the present Bureau program. It was a most self-evident fact that those 
opposing the program were unemployed. 

I enter for the record, marked "Exhibit 55," an affidavit from Cherokee, N. C, 
signed by Hugh N. Lambert, a Cherokee Indian who was employed at the 
Cherokee Boarding School. Among other things, this affidavit states that Mr. 
Lambert voted against both the acceptance of the act and the Constitution 
Rubmittod under the act and that his position at the school was subse<pienly 
abolished and he no longer is employed. 

In 1934, when the act was before Congress. Winslow .1. Couro, a Mission 
Indian of Santa Ysabel, Calif., was employed as a supervisor on a Work Relief 
project for the Indians. As the duly elected spokesman for the Snnta Ysabel 
Rest'rvation, he was delegated by his people to come to Wasliington to oppose 
enactment of the Wheeler-Howard bill. He did so and forfeited his employ- 
ment. Mr. Couro is one of the charter members of this organization and at 
present is president of our first district. 

In 10.34 Rev. Floyd O. Burnett, a Cherokee Indian of Oklahoma, was em- 
ployed by a Mission Board in New York City as a missionary at the Sherman 
Institute for Indians at Riv<M-side, Calif. As a leader, his opinion on the 
Wheeler-Howard Ad wns sought by the Indinns. Reverend Burnett spoke his 
convi<*tions against the bill. He prepared some statements giving the exact 
reasons why he opposed the bill, both as an Indian and as an American. Learn- 
ing of this. Commissioner Collier, sunnnarily and with no effort to determine 
the facts of the mntter. sent n t(>legrjim to the superintendent at Sherman 
Institute stating: "Privileges of Sherman Institute withdrawn from Floyd O. 
Burnett." and a telegram to the IVfi.ssion Board which said: 

"Advise you privileges Sherman Institute, Riverside, hereby withdrawn from 
Rev. Floyd O. Burnett. Has abust^d privileges by utilizing student members 
and school equipment. These actions were concealed from school superin- 
tendent. Political propaganda directed against Indian Rights Bill. Political 


activities by missionaries in schools cannot be allowed. Action on Burnett 
final. Commissioner John Collier." 

The board had no alternative but to replace Reverend Burnett, an ordained 
Indian minister who was conscientiously endeavoring to help his race when 
they asked his assistance. Reverend Burnett is a World War veteran and has 
been the national chaplain of the Federation since its organization in August 
1934. His side of this matter has never been heard and the Commissioner on 
several occasions has used the Government franking privilege to send out a 
statement that was designed to personally injure and discredit Reverend 
Burnett. I therefore offer for the record, marked "Exhibit 55," a statement 
signed by Reverend Burnett relative to his opposition to the Wheeler-Howard 
Act. These instances are typical of many throughout the service where not 
only the individual Indians involved but also their wives, children, and other 
dependents have been deprived of their daily bread because they exercised 
their constitutional rights of free speech. Others will be cited in connection 
w^ith other matters. 

Incidentally, this might be cited as another example of the sincerity of the 
A. C. L. U. protestations of profound belief in "free speech" for everyone. Secre- 
tary Ickes is a member of the imion. Again, as was pointed out by another 
example yesterday, it is free speech to "advocate force and violence, murder, and 
assassination in the overthrow of government but not one word against the union 
or its program." , 

The country was flooded with propaganda in favor of the Wheeler-Howard 
bill, distributed by such well-financed and infltiential organizations as the Indian 
Bureau, the A. C. L. U., the American Indian Defense Association, and others, 
which utilized every avenue of publicity — the press, the radio, private releases, 
and letters, and the Government franking privilege. A letter approving the 
bill which was addressed to the chairmen of the Indian Committees by the Presi- 
dent was widely circulated and constantly called to the attention of Congress 
by inclusion in the Congressional Record. The letter must have had some 
effect, because in one instance Mr. Couro, of California, Mr. Alfred Minugh, of 
Montana, and myself, called upon one Congressman who listened attentively to 
all of our reasons for objecting to the bill and in reply to our plea that he vote 
against it stated, in substance, "But my President calls and I must support 

Against these mighty forces the voice of the Indian against the bill was 
drowned. Many objectionable features were stricken out in the committees 
and on the floor of the House, but it never lost its communistic provisions. It 
was brought up for consideration in the final rush of a closing Congress. Time 
for debate was limited to 40 minutes. Although a valiant effort was made to 
defeat the bill on the floor, as the Congressional Records of June 12, 1.5, 16, and 
19, 1934, disclose, it was enacted and became law when the President signed it 
on June 18, 1984. 


These acts were propagandized as acts to give the Indians "self-government," 
"stop the losses of any more land," and to "provide land for landless Indians." 
Even a casual examination of the acts themselves, exhibits 30 and 31, respec- 
tively, discloses that there is no self-government in them. All final power and 
authority remains in the Secretary of the Interior which is exactly where it has 
always rested since the Bureau was established. In addition to which the 
Secretary of the Interior is given "mandatory" authority over all grazing and 
timber operations and soil conservation on Indian reservations. This is addi- 
tional power for the Secretary. Formerly he had only discretionary authority, 
as was admitted by Commissioner Collier before the Murdock committee in 1935. 
(See p. 46, Murdock hearings, exhibit 26.) 

Briefly, the Wheeler-Howard Act provides that Indians, as tribes, may organ- 
ize into corporations under constitutions and charters which the Secretary 
of the Interior shall consider appropriate and of which he shall approve, 
while the Thomas-Rogers Act goes a little further and states that any 10 
Indians (no limitation that they be adults) may organize for corporate enter- 
prise. The acts carry authorization for necessary funds to acquire additional 
lands, the title to which is to remain in the United States, to make loans to 
chartered Indian corporations, for educational loans, and the expenses of 
putting the acts into operation. Authority is vested in the Secretary of the 
Interior to establish an Indian civil service within the Indian Bureau, to con- 


solidate Indian land holdings, to promiilgatp rules and regulations to cover 
all the various provisions of the acts and in the Thomas-Rogers Act to declare 
any previous laws null and void that may be in conflict therewith. Can anyone 
conceive of a lawsuit under the Thomas-Rogers ActV Irrespective of what the 
Secretary of the Interior does in Oklahoma, if challenged under provisions of 
any previous laws, the sole defense necessary is for him to d(M hire that the law 
Is in conliict with the Thomas-Rogers Act and therefore he has declared it 
null and void. 

Only one form of living is provided in the Wheeler-Howard Ael and that is 
connnunal living nith all property, real and personal, lield in common. Section 
17 of the act provides for the adoption of a charter by the tribe and states : 

"Such charter may convey to the incorporated tribe the power to purchase, 
take by gift, bequest, or otherwise, own, hold, manage, operate, and dispose 
of property of every description, re.-il and personal, including the power to 
I)urchase restricted Indian land< and to issue in exchange therefor interests 
in corporate property * * *." 

The very first section of the act provides that hereafter there shall be no 
individual allotment of land. These sections of the act are destructive of 
private ownership of property. Destruction of private property is communism, 
as defined in House Report No. 2290. 

As the acts originated in the American Civil Liberties Union, their word 
should be conclusive about the contents. I offer in evidence, marked "Exhibit 
~iO." the March 2, 19.35, issue of the mngazine Liberty and call attention to the 
article on page 31, entitled "A New Deal for the Red Man"' * * * by Robert 
Gessner, * * * secretary of the Indian committee of the American Civil 
Liberties Union. Mr. Gessner states : 

"The poor Indian — it looks like a New Deal for him. thanks to John Collier, 
now Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Today this >^light-figured. energetic cru- 
sader directs his vision and energy into a policy not only to give the Indians 
all constitutional rights, but to advance them into a socinl order that might 
well i)oint the way out for all of us. * * * (Commissioner Collier says, in 
effect: 'It is now economically necessary that you Indians heap all your allot- 
ments into a common holding, and farm and graze cattle and cut timber on a 
communal basis * * *.' " 


Complete understanding of the Wheeler-Howard Act neeessitates a close 
analysis of the provisions of the act itself together with the constitutions and 
charters which have been promulgated under the act. During Wio last session 
of Congress, I was requested to prepare a statement concerning the act, consti- 
tutions and charters under the act, appropriations for the act, and other 
facts, for the Information of a group of Congressmen. I i>repared the state- 
ment, taking the figures therein used from testimony of Bui-eau officials given 
before various appropriations committcf^s and using tlie first constitution and 
charter adopted by an Indian tribe, the Flathead Reservation in Montana, as an 
example of all of them. To save the time of this committee. I therefore 
enter for the record printed copies of the constitution and charter of U.e 
Flathead Reservation of Montana, marked "Exhibit .IT' and "Exhibit HS." 
respectively, and a copy of the above-mentioned statement, entitled "Memo. 
In re the Wheeler-Howard Act," marked "Exhilnt 59," and will confine my re- 
mark'< hei-e to a general statement basf^d upon and substantiated by these 
<'Xhibits and others which will be entered. 

Under the Wheeler-Howard Act, it is necessary to hold three elections before 
a tribe is completely under the act and can borrow the money which has 
been constantly held forth as a lure. Tho first is to secure acceptance of the 
act itself, the second to adopt a constitution, and the third to adopt a charter 
of incoruoration. (See Sees. 18, 16, and 17, respectiAcly, Public. No. .383, 
exhibit 3,0.) Government financed cam]>aigns have been conducted on all 
reservations to Inive the Indians vote fav<M"ably in all of these elections. All 
the unpi'inted hearings listed in exhil)it 5 herein, the so-calle<l Burdick hearings, 
[>art 1 and part 2 (see No. 2 on list of printed hearings, exhibit 4), the so- 
called Murdock hearings, exhibit 2G, various Congressional Records and pub- 
lished articles are replete with evidences of these campaigns. In tlie July 1. 
1935, i.ssue of Indians at Work, Commissioner <;ollier stated that he felt justi- 
fied in a.sking the whole-hearted assistance of employees in the work of re- 


organization even to the extent of giving it precedence over their own worli. 
Under that section of the civil-service laws prohibiting civil-service employees 
from taking part in political campaigns, the Cherokees, of North Carolina, sought 
to have their superintendent removed from his acivity in campaigning for 
acceptance of the Wheeler-Howard Act and a constitution under the act. In 
April 193G, Fred B. Bauer, vice chief of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians, 
and president of the seventh district of the Federation, and I appeared before the 
Civil Service Board about this matter. 

In reply to letter from Mr. Bauer about this matter some months later, the 
head of the Civil Service Board, Harry D. Mitchell, wrote to Mr. Bauer stating 
that under the Wheeler-Howard Act the Secretary of Interior had full authority 
over all employees of the Indian Bureau. I call the attention of the committee 
to page 020 of page proof of the Cherokee investiagtions of 1936, exhibit 
28 in evidence, wherein is reproduced a notice sent out by the Superintendent 
of the Cherokee Indian Reservations entitled "Some Reasons Why the Cherokee 
Indians Should Adopt the New Constitutions and Bylaws, August 28." 

Under authority of the appropriations made for "organizing Indian tribes," 
and in addition to regular emiDloyees, people were employed at substantial 
salaries to devote their entire lime Lo propagandizing in these campaigns and 
many Indians were employed part time on a per diem basis. Regular em- 
ployees, part-time employees, and work-relief employees were all given to 
understand that they must campaign for the program in the elections. In some 
places parties were 'given at the meetings held to convene the Indians this was 
their only hope of salvation and in at least one place the rations intended for 
the relief of the old and needy were used for the banquet. 

From my knowledge gathered over a period of 4 years time listening to 
Indians testify before committees, private conversations with Indian delegates, 
my files of correspondence, my understanding of the conditions among my own 
people in New York State, and from personal visits to four reservations in 
North and South Dakota and two personal visits to Cherokee, N. C, I can 
.^afely state that the campaigns far exceeded the ordinary zeal expected of 
employees in efiicicut perfoimance of duties, that coercion, intimidation, and 
high-press!ure salesmanship were used ; that much of the propaganda was mis- 
leading because of statements of half truths and extravagant language ; and 
that Bureau employees utilized every Government facility at their command. 

The results of those <"impaigns have been given by Bureau officials during 
the course of various hearings before the House Appropriations Committee. 
From the records of the hearings on the 1937, 1938, and 1939 Interior Appro- 
priation Acts, the following seems to be true in round numbers : 


Total voting population, approximately C6, 000 

Total voting for act. approximately 39, (X)0 

Total voting against act, approximately 24, COO 

Total votes cast, approximately 63. OOO 

Total not voting, approximately 33,000 

This is the total vote for and against the act irrespective of whether the act 
was accepted or rejected on the reservation involved. 

Tv%'o hundred and forty-eight elections were held during 1935 and 1936 on 
acceptance of the act, some of them being in places where the voting population 
is listed from 1 to 12 people. Out of those elections, the following results were 
obtained tribally. if from 1 to 12 people be counted as a "tribe." 

One hundred and eighty-three tribes with a population of 129.000 voted to 
accept the act. 

Sixty-five tribes with a population of 80,000 voted to reject the act. 

No figures are available to indicate the number of elections held to accept 
constitutions or chartei's. When a constitution or charter is voted .own by 
the Indians, it is customary for the Indian Office to continue the campaign and 
hold another election. On some reservations two elections have been held rela- 
tive to constitutions. The results, as of r>ecember 31, 1937, given to the Appro- 
priations Committee in 1938. were that 45 groups with an estimated population 
of 53,350 Indians had incorix)rated. 

In the elections v.'hich were held, the Bureau prepared the poll lists of eligible 
voters, con.ductod the elections, in some cases refusing Indians the right to 


apjioiiit or have present judges of their own choosing in accordance with laws 
of the State in which they resided, and counted the l)anots. Balloting was not 
secret in all places. In some places the employees and in others the employees 
and Indians too were ordered to put their names on the ballots which they cast. 
Indians have reported that votes against the act were not always placed in the 
ballot boxes by those conducting the elections. Those known to be favorable 
were transported to the polls in Government cars and trucks but those known 
to be opix)sing the program were left to tind their own transportation, sometimes 
in blizzard weather with the temperature down to 30 degrees below zero. 

I call th(^ attention of the committee to section of the act and point out that 
under the wording therein it is necessary for a majority to vote against the act 
to exclude any tribe from it. There was a dilTerence of opinion whetlier this' 
meant majority of votes cast or majority of those listed on the poll lists as 
eligible to vote. The solicitor, Mr. Margold, wrote an opinion that the wording 
meant a majority of the adults living on the reservation. Thus all those on 
the Bureau-prepared poll list who did not actually cast a ballot were counted 
as voting for the act. I call the attention of the committee to pages 59 to 68 
of the Murdock hearings (exhibit 26), the testimony of Winslow J. Couro, of 
Santa Ysabel, Calif., wherein it is disclosed by oral testimony supported by 
documentary evidence that in the election on acceptance of the act held on 
December 18, 1934, at the Santa Ysabel Reservation, the following was true: 

The Bureau-prepared poll list contained the names of 122 Indians eligible to 
vote : 8 of the Indians on the list were unknown to the Indians living at Santa 

Fourteen Indians entitled by residence to vote were not included on the list 
and did not vote. 

Two were ill and could not vote, and one was insane and did not vote. 
One was known by Bureau officials to be dead because they had arranged for 
his burial. 

Forty-four on the list had been absent from 2 to 45 years, and in most cases 
their whereabouts were unknown. 

Some absentees did not receive their ballots in time to vote. 
In the election a total of 61 votes were cast, 14 for the act and 47 against the 

This reservation was not excluded from (he act because the 47 ballots against 
the act did not represent a majority of the 122 names on the poll list. 

This was not the only reservation where this un-American method of counting 
votes was used. However, as a result of this testimony a bill was enacted by 
Congress in 1935 amending the Wheeler-Howard Act to clarify this section. 
The amendment automatically excluded tribes like the Santa Ysabel. 

I offer for the record, marked "Exhibit 60," Public, No. 147, Seventy-fourth 
Congress, June 15, 1935. These facts are called to the attention of this com- 
mittee to emphasize the methods employed by Bureau ofiicials to force this 
program upon the Indians and to show that if some of the Indians had not 
spoken against such methods, regardless of the letter of the Secretary of In- 
terior and to their own material loss, this method of conductir.g elections would 
have been carried out throughout the entire administration of the Wheeler- 
Howard Act, as was pointed out by Hon. Usher L. Burdick, Congressman from 
North Dakota, during the Murdock hearings in 1935. (See p. 39 of Murdock 

The constitutions and charters upon which the Indians voted were written in 
the Indian Odice. Largely they were the work of Felix Cohan, Bureau attorney. 
and Allen 0. Harper, Special Assistant to the Commissioner, and a member of 
the A. C. L. U. 

After a constitution was prepared it was taken out to the tribe. If the 
tribe already had a council or other governing body, a meeting was held with 
them, and if not, delegates were chosen from different districts to meet with 
the Washington officials. At the meeting the constitution was offered piece- 
meal, discussions were had, and minor changes effected for the final draft. This 
final draft was submitted to the Secretary of the Interior for his approval. In 
those cases where Indians made material changes in the constitution, delegates 
were later brought to Washington, and at another conference it was pointed out 
to them that the Secretary objected to certain features. As the delegates had 
been given advance permission or approval by the Commissioner, under the 
terms of the appropriation act, it was not difficult to persuade them to alter 
the constitution to suit his wishes. The Secretary of the Interior had to ap- 
prove all constitutions before they were submitted to the Indians for a refer- 


endiim vote. The constitutions all follow the same general pattern, some being 
worse than others. Liwewise the Secretary of the Interior had to give his ap- 
proval for all charters before the Indians voted upon them. The charters seem 
to be identical except for the names and locations. This is not self-government. 
It is dictatorship. 

I wish to point out several things concerning these charters and constitutions. 


First. After adoption of a charter, the tribe becomes a Federal corporation. 
Laws and ordinances promulgated by the officers of such a tribe have all the 
force and effect of Federal laws, as do the Indian Bureau rules and regulations 
at the present time. This corporation should not be confused with the ordinary 
corporation for certain limited purposes, either social or economic. By reason 
of the status of the Indian as a ward and the status of his property as an estate 
in which all members of the tribe and their descendants have certain rights, 
this corporation is a social, economic, and political organization authorized to 
control, manage, and direct every phase of life upon the reservation and "to 
purchase, take by gift, bequest, or otherwise. Own, hold, manage, operate, and 
dispose of property of every description, real and personal." 

Second. In addition to the powers conferred by the constitution, the council 
is given authority to (1) issues certificates in corporate property in exchange 
for title to real property; (2) issue nontransferable certificates of membership 
in the corporation; (3) to borrow money and to pledge chattels or future tribal 
income of the tribe for security of such loans ; and (4) to engage in any business 
or to undertake any activity "of any nature whatsoever." 

Third. The charter prohibits (1) sale or mortgage of lands or interests in 
lands; (2) mortgage of timber; (3) any action regarding timber or grazing 
property contrary to rules and regulations of the Secretary of the Interior per- 
taining thereto; (4) leases, permits, timber contracts for a period of more than 
10 years' time; and (5) distribution of corporate property to members except out 
of net income. 

Fourth. The charter makes it mandatory upon the Secretary of Interior to 
approve of: (1) all leases, permits, or contracts covering any land or interest in 
land; (2) all indebtedness over a stated amount; (3) all contracts involving 
expenditure of money over a stated amount; (4) all contracts involving develop- 
ment of waterpower; and (5) all pledges or assignments of chattels or future 
tribal income. 


In the constitution which is in evidence (exhibit 57) I point out the following: 

1. The preamble opens without any recognition of divinity or prayer for 
divine guidance. 

2. Membership in the tribe is restricted to children born upon the reservation 
and council is authorized to promulgate further ordinances regarding member- 
ship in the tribe. 

3. Council is authorized to change districts or representations from districts 
based upon "community organization or otherwise." 

4. No provision is made to hold elections by secret ballot, or for absentee 
voters, and persons absent more tlian a year are disfranchised. 

5. Council is given full authority to engage in business, manage all economic 
affairs and enterprises, to regulate and control inheritance, domestic relations, 
guardianship, to assess licenses, to promulgate ordinances governing everything 
on the reservation, to promulgate law and order regulations, and to establish 

6. Council is authorized to take title to real property of every description and 
to issue an "assignment" to the same property or other property to the former 

7. Council is authorized to assign land to individuals, subject to removal at 
its pleasure. 

8. Inheritance of the "assignment" is limited to those holding less than a 
stated amount of real property. 

9. Forbids individual allotment of any and all lands in the future. 

10. In all leases, preference is to be given to "cooperative enteri^rise." 

11. Provides that the Secretary of Interior must call all elections to ratify 
or amend the constitution. 

This is just a brief review of just one constitution. This one has a Bill of 
Rights, but that is not true of all of them. Some that have been offered to 

94931— 39— vol. 4 4 


tribes provide for enforced labor. Examination of any of tiiem will disclose 
that the act, constilnlion, and charter, together are destructive of private 
ownership of property, inheritance, individual enterprise, of all members, and 
the political rights of nonresident mombers of the tribe. It must always be 
kept in mind that in those i)laces where tribes still retain tribal identity, their 
lands, resources, and funds are an estate inheritable by all enrolled members of 
their heirs. Thus, to deprive Indians of any of the above-mentioned rights, is 
destructive of iidieritance rights in a much broader sense than is ordinarily 
meant by the word inheritance. Destruction of private ownership of property 
inheritance and political rights is c«»mnuuiism as defined in House Report No. 

Under authority of the A\'heeler-Howard Act the constitutions and charters, 
many things are being done to further deprive the Indians of their rights. In 
all property bought for the use of the Indians under this act, title is vested 
in the United States Government, in trust for the Indians designated. In 
California, Oklahoma, and other States Iridians who have long been free of 
all Indian Bureau control or supervision have been settled on newiy acquired 
land where they can never hope to hold fee simple title to any property indi- 
vidually and where they are being encouraged to "farm and graze and cut 
timber on a common basis.'' They are in fact, only tenants on this land, 
subject to removal at the pleasure of the Secretary of Interior. Where loons 
are made to Indians under this act, the Secretary of Interior takes a lieu 
against the property. Thus the act can be employed to divest Indians of their 
title to property and vest it. in the United States Government. In reply to 
this argument against the act the Commissioner always states that there is a 
law which prohibits the I'nited States from forecl(\sing on such liens. His 
statement is of no force or effect in face of orders issued to the Superintendents 
of reservations under date of July 29. 1937. 

1 enter for the recoi-d. marked "Exhibit 61," circular No. 3218 of the Office 
of Indian Affairs, addressed "To all Superintendents" and signed by William 
Zimmerman, Jr., Assistant Commissioner, ''Approved : Aug. 23, 1837 by Oscar 
L. Chapman, Assistant Secretary." This cii-cular is headed "Proceedings 
Against Property of Indians in Default on Obligation to Other Government 
Agencies." and states, in part : 

"Agencies of the Federal Government, in addition to the Indian Service, have 
granted loans and other assistance to Indians. * * * When the Indians 
have encumbered unrestricted or nontrust property and where the Indian Serv- 
ice has approved the encumbering of restricted or trust property, no reason ap- 
pears why proceedings should not be taken against such property under the 
conditions to which the Indians have agreed. * * * 

''Unrestricted or nontrust property. — Superintendents are hereby authorized 
to give their authority and cooperation for Federal agencies to seize or re- 
possess nontrust or unrestricted property owned by or in the possession of 
Indians when such agencies have a right to ]>roceed against such property 
(even though it may be on an Indian reservation or Indian allotted land) so 
tliat the proceedings can conform, as nearly as possible, to those in use in 
similar eases involving non-Indians or non-Indian property. * * * 

"Rr.^lrirted or trust property. — * * * superintendents are hereby author- 
ized to give their authority and cooperation for Federal agencies to seize or 
repossess trust or restricted property owned by or in the possession of Indians 
<^even though it may be on Indian reservation or Indian allotted land) when 
such agencies have a right to proceed against sucli property, if the Indian 
Service has consented to or approved of the encumbering of such property." 

These regulations apply to where other Federal agencies, such as the 
R. F. C. have loaned money or given assistance to Indians and taken a lien 
against the property. If the superintendents are ordered to help other agencies 
seize the propei'ty of Indians on liens, as they are by this circular, then with- 
out any doubt, the Department would proceed In the same manner in the cases 
of default on loans wherein the Secretary had taken a lien. Also, if they 
cannot seiz;- or repossess the pi'operty, then what is the sense of taking a lien 
in the first place? 

In most cases, excepting educational loans, the loans are not made directly 
to Indian inviduals but are made to "Cooperative as.^ociations." credit associ- 
ations which have been established for the purpose or to the council of char- 
tered tribes. Then these organizations loan the money out to individuals under 
the rules and regulations promulgated by the Department of Interior. 

I enter for the record, marked "Exliibit fi2" an'd "Exhibit 63." respectively, 
copies of "Regulations for h.ans by Indian Credit Associations." and "Circular, 


Regulations for Loans." issued by the Department of the Interior. In the first 
above-mentioned, it states : 

"Security : All possible security shall be given up to an adequate amount. It 
may consist of the assignment of income, mortgages on property owned wholly 
or "in part by the borro^\er, or other suitable collateral." 

These credit associations and chartered tribes and cooperative associations 
are agencies of the Federal Government and the orders issued to the S'uijer- 
intendents, in evidence as exhibit 61, would be directly applicable to them. In 
any case where such organizations took proceedings against the property, the 
land would revert to the organization or Federal agency. No one doubts that 
when the R. F. C. forecloses a mortgage, the land becomes the property of the 
Government. The same would be true in the case of these "Federal agencies." 
One case vras reported to me at Rosebud, S. Dak., of a man who received a loan 
to build a new home on his allotment, title to which was vested in him. Failure 
on his part to meet a payment resulted in his removal by orders of the Wheeler- 
Howard Tribal Council, supported by the Superintendent. 

The council then "assigned" the property to one of the Indians known to be 
favorable to the Bureau program. It is exactly in this manner that land can be 
taken from Indians who have retained their land and given to Indians who 
have squandered their heritage of land, and enjoyed the pleasures or benefits 
thereof. All of the contracts by v.hich funds are loaned to Indians for rehabili- 
tation purposes contain a clause tliat the premises must be kept in repair to the 
satisfaction of the 'Commissioner and failure to do so gives him the right to enter 
the premises and repossess them. I do not have copies of those contracts at 
present. I have seen two of them, one from California and one from North 
Carolina. The committee can request copies of all contract forms of this nature 
from the Bureau of Indian Affairs. 

Indians in North Dakota toid me that in cases where livestock or poultry were 
purchased with such funds, that they could neither .sell or give away as much as 
a single egg or glass of milk witliout first .securing permission to do so. The 
Bureau calls this "'phTuned economy." In many cases the money is not paid to 
the Indians when tlie loan is made, as it v.-ould be if they borrowed money at a 
bank. That is handled by the agency otfieials, either through purchase orders 
or through direct purchase by an official at such places as best s?uit the official. 
Thus there are Indians today who have liens against their property for horses 
that barely lived to reach them. Much of the poverty among the Indians has 
been caused by just such actions in the past when their money on deposit at the 
agency offices was spent for them by officials. Now it is worse, for they are 
loaning him the money and taking a lien against his property as security. 

Under authority of the right to delegate powers to others, the Wheeler- 
Howard Councils set up "Conmiunity organizations" in the districts on the 
reservations. Those who join these organizations pool their resources, borrow 
money and engage in "community enterprise." It is not necessary for all 
members of a tribe to belong to these organizations, but the officers of these 
organizations are the officials of the district in which they may be located and 
they rnle the entire district including the affairs of those who do not belong 
to the "cooperative community." Typical of this is the case of Rose and Felix 
Ree, of St. Francis. S. Dak., on the Rosebud Sioux Reservation. ]\Ir. and Mrs. 
Ree are not members of the Two Strike Community organization of the district 
in which they lived. They are members of the Black Hills Treaty Council 
group, heretofore mentioned, and nre onpo.-^ed to the Bureau program. 

I enter of record, marked "Exhibit 63' and "Exhibit 64," affidavits of 
FoolLsh Elk Ree and Felix Ree, respectively. 

These affidavits are most revealing as to the methods pursued to promote 
"community enterprise" and oppress those who do not belong to the "com- 
munity." In this instance, an Indian named John Foolish Elk died possessed 
of property both real and personal, leaving two daughters. Rose Ree and Sally 

Pending determination of the heirs by the Prol.a.te Division of the Indian 
Bureau, it was agreed by written documents that Rose Ree who had been 
jiving with her father .should continue to occupy the property and care for it 
until such time as final determination was made by the Probate Division. 
Without the knowledge of Rose R-^e or her husband Felix R^e, the Superintend • 
eut lea.sed the property to the Two Strike Community organization for "com- 
munity enterprise." The council, supported by th(» superintendent, ordered 
Mr. and Mrs. Ree to remove from the property and the superintendent promised 


to purchase a tent and supply thorn with wood and water if they would move. 
They did not move. The Indian Bureau police came to the house one day with 
a truck, Mrs. Kee was ill in bed and pleaded to be allowed to remain there. 
The police went to see the Wheeler-Howard judge who refused to give such an 
order. So the police came back, loaded their possessions into a truck, along 
with the tent, drove the Rees 22 miles away from there, almost to the Ne- 
braska State line, and literally dumped tliem out and left them there in the 
inte evening with neither wood nor water and Mrs. Rees ill. Water is 2 miles 
distant from the place and they have no means of transportation. 

They never made or approved of any such lease and they have never received 
a eerit of rental from the lease. They took the matter up with Superintendent 
Wliitlock and he told them that he had full authority to lease the land. There 
are 80 acres of hay around the house on this Foolish Klk estate and when I 
was there in early August, the members of the community organization were 
cutting the hay as part of their community project and were storing their 
Government-owned machinery in the house while the rightful heir of the prop- 
erty, the daughter of John Foolish Elk, with her husband and two boys, were 
living 22 miles away in a thin canvas tent. It is with difficulty that I restrain 
my remarks to a bare statement of fact when I recall that poor, bewildered 
woman endeavoring to keep back the tears while she haltingly made her state- 
ment in the hope that some way I might tind justice for her. 

In the matter of leasing land for grazing purposes, the Indians are being 
deprived of their right to control individual allotments and individual enterprise 
is being discouraged through the actions of local Bureau officials and the 
preference shown to livestock cooperatives. 

On May 16, 1938, Mr. Frank Shorthorn, of Kyle, S. Dak., brought this to the 
attention of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs. (See No, 8 on the list 
of unprinted hearings, exhibit 5.) From the transcript of his testimony, I quote 
verbatim : 

'Under the Wheeler-Howard Act, the Secretary of the Interior has all power 
over grazing on Indian reservations. Tliere is a lot of trouble on our reservation 
about the unit-leasing system and the powers of attorney which must be signed. 
The agency at Pine Ridge rents out tribal lands to white stockmen for grazing 
purposes. They rent out units which are maybe 20 sections of land or mor^. 
Now, in those units of 20 sections or more, not all of the land will be tribal 
land. Some of it will be owned by individual allottees. vSo the superintendent 
makes the Indians sign powers of attorney giving him the right to lease their 
land out with the tribal land in the unit. 

*'If the Indian allottee does not sign the power of attorney, they just rent 
it out anyway and he cannot do anything about it. If he tries to use the land 
himself, the white stockmen's cattle are trespassing on his grass all the time 
anyway, so it is useless to try to do anything. All of the money is paid into 
the agency, both the tribal money and the individual money for these leases. 

"We do not know what becomes of any of the money. We would like the 
committee to ask Superintendent Roberts what happens to this money which 
is collected because he v.'ill not tell us. He rents the land for 7 to 11 cents 
an acre. Then the tribal council under the Wheeler-Howard constitution 
charges a fee of 25 cents on all leases and that is paid into the agency, too." 

I enter for the record, marked "Exhibit 66'', an affidavit signed by Frank Kills 
Enemy, of Kyle, S. Dak,, which substantiates the above-quoted testimony, 
Mr, Kills Enemy states that he refused to sign the power of attorney, that his 
land was nevertheless used by one F, D. Cooms ; that later he went in and 
signed the papers but that the man has refused to pay him the rental for the 

Quoting further from the testimony of Mr, Shorthorn : 

"Now, under the Wheeler-Howard Act, the superintendent and Charlie Brooks 
have organized cooperative livestock associations on the l*ine Ridge Reserva- 
tion, Very few Indians belong to these associations, * * * The members 
are given 5 or 10 head of cattle which they are to pay for with the issue. 
Only the Livestock Association members get these cattle. The livestock unit 
then secures a unit of land for grazing purposes. They have a form which 
individual allottees are requested to sign, and the form speaks for itself. It 
means that the Livestock Association is to have the use of individual allotted 
lands indefinitely without paying any grazing fee to tb.e owners, I will read 
this form to you and the letter from Mr, Fills Pipe about the matter. They are 
as follows : 



^\Siipt. W. O. Roberts, 

"Phie Ridge Af/enci/, Pine Ridge. 8. Dak. 

"We the nndersignecl respectfully request that the land which we are iuter- 
-ested in and which is described below be set aside indefinitely for the [in 
-writing] R. 8. T. D. A. Livestock Unit. 

"The land is located in the general vicinity of [in writing] the North Table 
lonimonJi/ known as the Tivo Bulls Tahle. 

"We are willing to allow the organization to use our land indefinitely without 
making payment of grazing fees. However, when the organization is in a 
financial position to make payment of grazing fees we request that you use the 
powers of your office in securing a reasonable grazing fee for the use of the 
land. When approved the reservation of land for the [in writing] R. S. T. D. A. 
Livestock Unit becomes binding, not only on ourselves but upon our heirs as 
well. In the event that we desire our land freed in the future it will be neces- 
sary to secure signatures favoring such action by tliose owning two-thirds of the 
land, and then it will become operative only after passage of a 2-year period. 
This period being required to give the association time to make necessary 

"Allot. No. Name Share 



"Buffalo Gap, S. Dak., April 29-38. 

^'Mr. Frank Shorthokx, 

''Washington, D. C. 

"I am writing you this letter in a great rush. On the 28th day of this month, 
Peter Cummings had 4(t head of cattle turned out on the Indians' land for 2 
years without paying lease money to Indians, and without consent from the 
Indians. Therefore I am writing you direct to Washington to take the matter 
up right away. We have no protection and you know all these kind of cases. 
For 2 years they have turned these cattle out on the Indians' land and the 
Indians are miserably poor and they don't get anything for it. The Wheeler- 
Howard men are campaigning to beat the dickens on the charter but nobody 
liays much attention to them. Tom Killer is one of them. We are not in favor 
of the charter. Take the matter up direct because w^e are opposed to all of it. 
All glad to shake hands with you. 

"(Signed) Wm. Fnxs Pipe, 

Buffalo Gap, S. D. 

"You don't know anything about what is going on out here and how the 
Wheeler-Howard men are campaigning." 

(Written in Sioux.) (Translated by Frank Shorthorn.) 

Mr. Shorthorn has been very active in opposing the program of the Bureau 
and the Wheeler-Howard Act and is a member of the Black Hills Treaty Council 
group, heretofore mentioned. As an example of destruction of individual in- 
itiative and enterprise, his case may be cited. Mr. Shorthorn, who holds an 
honorable service record in the United States Navy, has a wife and seven 
■children. He owns two pieces of property and his wife owns one. They were 
living on his ranch which is equipped with a house, barn, and other buildings 
■and he was raising stock. The school bus from the agency office could not come 
^inywhere near his place to pick up his children because the roads were in such 
terrible condition. So the superintendent ordered them to come and camp near 
the Kyle day school and said that if he kept his children out of school that he 
would be arrested and fined .$20. The agency officials agreed to furnish flooring 
for the tent. He and his wife, who has heart trouble and is very frail, and their 
seven children now live in a thin canvas tent near the Kyle day school which 
I personally visited this summer. There is no floor and they sleep on the ground 
summer and winter. There are 20 or more families living in the same condition 
aroimd this school and for the same reason. For the evidence needed here, I 
again quote from the transcript of Mr. Sliorthorn's testimony of May 1988, 
ttefore the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs: 


"* * * the Indian office sent ont men to put ont poison for the prairie 
dogs which they claimed were hnrting the grazing land. All the dead prairie 
dogs laid all over and everything which ate them, like birds or dogs, died, and 
a lot of the stock ate the' poison too. All the Indians in the district lost a 
lot of stock. Personally I lost three work horses that year all weighing about 
1,601) pounds apiece. The loss of these horses was i-eported to the agency at 
Pine Kidge in 1935, but no action has ever been taken on it. 

"Last year, 1937, they began spreading poison again and many more horses 
were lost Personally, I lost aiiolher general work horse weighing about 1.150 
pounds. I had about 2.5 head of horses and 13 or more cows and otlinr stock. 
1 was so discouraged about everything that I just sold all my stock except 
four horses, a cow, calf, and bull. Many of the Wheeler-Howard Indians do 
not have any stock and some of them came to me and told nie that they did not 
have any team or harness or anything to work with so I loaned one man my 
team, another man a couple of saddle horses and the cow and calf to a third 
man. I cannot live on my ranch, which is too far from the bus line for my 
children to go to school. I cannot keep my livestock where I am camping near 
the Kyle day school, and we cannot live on my wife's property because it is 
under the unit-lease system, and the Indian office has poisoned so much of 
my stock that it is useless to try to make a living for my family in the only busi- 
ness that I know, livestock raising.' 

On the Cheyenne Agency Reservation in South Dak<jta. Paul Chasing Hawk, 
a local officer of tlie Black Hills Treaty Council organization, related to me 
this past summer, and gave me correspondence which sul>stantiated his st^ite- 
ments, that he owned a herd of sheep which he liad purcliased with his own 
money and upon which the Indian office had no lien or shadow of a claim : that 
he was refused Federal grant assistance on the grounds that he had these sheep 
and could dispose of some of them; that he sold some of them and the local 
Bureau officials made a lot of trouble with the people who bought them and 
told him that if he ever sold another sheep without their permission he and his 
wife would have to go to the penitentiary. At the time I was there in July, 
he and his wife and eight children were in dire need of food. His sheep had 
fallen ill and needed attention from a veterinary. Many animals were dying 
in that region from the dread "sleeping sickness." Some of his sheep were 
already dead and he did not know what was wrong with them. The local 
Bureau official in charge of that district is a farmer or farm agent whose salary 
is appropriated by Congress on the grounds that it is necessary to have such 
farmers to assist tlie Indians to become farmers. Mr. Chasing Hawk had 
appealed to the farmer to come and help him wath his sheep, or to give him 
some medicine which he had no money to buy, or to allow him to sell a sheep 
or two so that he could provide food for his family and the medicine or atten- 
tion needed to save the rest of his sheep from dying. He had been refused 
on all requests. 

In the program of "soils conservation." which is authorized under the Wheeler- 
Howard Act, certain areas of land have been set aside to be reserved from leasing. 
In Navajo country where land is not alloted individually, these areas are fenced 
in and the Navajo cannot graze their stock upon them. In the Sioux country 
where the land is partly tribal and partly alloted. those Indians who hold in- 
dividual allotments within the area reserved from grazing cannot lease out their 
individual allotments. I enter for {he record, marked "Exhibit 07." an affidavit 
signed by Belle Oldhorse, of Potato Creek, S. Dak., which states, in part : 

"Belle Oldhorse, being duly sworn, says: I am 72 years of age, a member of 
the Oglala Sioux Tribe of Indians, and reside on Potato Greek about 15 miles 
northeast of Kyle, S. Dak., on the Pine Ridge Reservation on my allotment, stake 
No. 7799, * * * containing 320 acres, more or less * * * that I have 
been needing money and so have been trying to lease my allotment ; that the 
agenry ofTice at Kyle has refused me permission to lease my allotment ; that they 
told me I could not lease it because it is in the blue-lease section, which means 
that it is in a section marked blue on the map from Washington, and all the 
blue sections have been reserved from leasing by the Indian Bureau officials in 
Washington according to .John Collier's plan." 

Timber operations are also under the direct and mandatory control of the 
Secretary of the Interior under the Wheeler-Howard Act. It is now necessary 
for the Indians to secure permission to cut timber on their individually held land, 
and in s<jme places special timber officers have been appointed. 

From the above affidavit, exhibit 67, tlie second paragraph states: 


'•Deponent further sayetli tliat this allotment is heavily timbered and I have 
been trying to get a permit to sell some ^^ood ; that I have asked about this 
matter twice at the Kyle office ; that William Firethunder, assistant farmer, 
lias refused to give me a permit to sell any of the timber : that he told me the 
last time I was there that there were no Iblanks in the otfiee, but on the same 
day other people got permits to sell timber, so there must have been some blanks 
in the office." 

I enter for the record, marked '•Exhibit 68," an afiidavit of Lena Brown Bull, 
who lives near Kyle, S. Dak. After reciting that Ihe o-O acres of land was in- 
herited from her husband and is almost completely covered with timber, the 
affidavit states, in part : 

•'Deponent further sayeth : I have been trying to secure from the farm agent, 
Mr, Murdock, a permit to sell some green timber, or green pine tree logs from 
my land ; that the permit has been refused by Mr. George Heddon, who is the 
special timber agent for Pine Ridge Indian Reservation ; that I want to trade 
tills timber for a team, some chickens, some lumber, and some cash in order to 
help my son finish building his home and get started to farming so that he can 
support his family ; that it would be a fair trade and would enable my son to 
become self-supporting." 

Some startling testimony about timber administration was given to the 
Senate Committee on Indian Affairs during the hearings held in July 1937 
relative to the dismissal by the Commissioner of "SVade Crawford as super- 
intendent of the TCla math Agency, (See No. 6 on list of Unprinted Hearings, 
•'Exhibit 5."') The Klamath Indians of Oregon have a vast estate of timber, 
and from income derived through timber operations on their reservation they 
pay all expenses of maintaining and administering the Indian Bureau agency, 
schools, and hospital on their reservation. The Government does not pay a 
single cent of those expenses for the services, materials, or personnel, or any- 
thing else. This hearing was reviewed briefly in the August 14, 1937, issue of 
Tlie First American, official publication of the American Indian Federation, 
which I offer in evidence, marked 'Exhibit 69." and for the record the article 
on page 3 entitled "Wade Crawford Hearings." On page 1 of this pamphlet 
I call the attention of the committee to the statement : 

''(Note. — Items reported in this issue are brief statements of fact. All 
comments, opinions, rumors, etc., are plainly marked as such. A. L. Jemison.)" 

From the article on page 3, the following is quoted : 

''Mr. Crawford was the first Indian appointed as superintendent of an agency 
following the appointment of Commissioner Collier. He was dismissed "with 
prejudice" early in May 1937. on charges that he could not manage the per- 
sonnel at the agency. * * * Testimony of Mr. Crawford proved * * * 
that Indians, lumber company officials, and local citizens had complained about 
Communist agitation being carired on by two employees; that Mr. Crawford 
had re(luested advice in this matter from the Commissioner ; that the two em- 
ployees then wrote the Commissioner retpiesting transfer and implied ihat it 
was impossible to remain at Klamath because the forestry service was no 
longer i^roperly conducted : that thereupon JMr. Collier dismissed Mr. Craw- 
ford. * * * T\jr. Crawford charged the Commissioner with maladministration 
of Klamath afTairs which resulted in heavy financial losses to the Indians. 
He testified * * * that the Department had waived delinquent timber pay- 
ments of $1,449,042.03; had arbitrarily reduced prices on some contracts; had 
ordered and directed the Superintendent to sign waivers for the minor orphan 
children and had othervv-ise shown favors to the lumber companies which had 
re.sulted in additional loss to the Indians. All of this was done over the 
written protests of Mr. Crawford, both as superintendent of the agency and as 
a Klamath Indian directly concerned. 

Commissioner Collier and Robert Marshall, formerly Chief Forester of the 
Indian Bureau but now transferred to the Forestry Division, Department of 
Agriculture, testified for the Bureau, denied all charges, and "explained" all 
losses. Statements of event different widelj^ from thoFe told by Mr, and INIrs. 
Crawford. * * * Voluminous files of correspondence and other documents 
were submitted for the record, among them being a letter from Mr. Crawford, 
dated April 3, requesting advice from the Washington office about what action he, 
as Superintendent, could take where Communists were agitating on an Indian 
reservation picketing roads and interfering with Indian lal)or on mills and in 
lumber operations on said reservation. Under date of April 80 the Commis- 
sioner replied that it was no^ against the law for a citizen of the United States 
to belong to the Communist Party; that there was no law to prevent picketing; 


that "the right to strike is recognized by law and those who may not want to 
strike liave no recourse against strikers"; and that tiie Superintendent of an 
Indian reservation was witluaU authority to interfere as long as there was no 
destruction of i)rt)i)erty. 

"Our connnent : liohert ■Marshall as late as 1086 was the Washington chair- 
man of the American Civil Liberties Uni<in which Conunissioner Collier consid- 
ers a 'most useful and etTective organization' and whose executive director, 
Roger N. Baldwin, says: 'Communism is the goal.' Indian wards who agitate 
against the un-American Bureau i)rogram can be arrested for treason, but, 
according to the Commissioner, the Government is helpless to protect its wards 
from the Connnunists wh.o agitate against the Government and who advocate its 
overthrow by force and violence. Apparently it makes a difference who is 
doing the agitating. This is a sterling example of the 'free speech and civil 
liberties endorsed by Commissioner Collier and his other American Civil Liber- 
ties Union cohorts — 'free speech' for the Communists and red' ra«licals — ^jail for 
the Indians who agitate against the Communists!" 

It is fully admitted by the Depnrtment, through the Indian Bureau, that 
full resi)onsibilily for timber operations and timber administration rests solely 
upon the Department. 

I enter for the record, marked "Exhil)it 70," copy of a letter addressed to Mr. 
Clyde Blair, Superintendent, Cherokee Agency, dated August 13, 1938. and 
signed by John Herrick, Acting Commissioner. This letter states, in part: 

"My Dear ^NIr. Blair : This refers to your letter of November 1, 19o7, trans- 
mitting the resolutions passed by the council of the Eastern Band of Cherokee 
Indians on October 28. 1037, requiring the Indian Office in all forestry matters 
to submit its plans to the council ; and appointing a committee to investigate 
violations of council regulations. 

"We regret the delay in sending you this answer. It was necessary, how- 
ever, to examine into the authority of the council to require such a submission 
of plans by the Indian Service. * * * ijij-,^ tril)e and the council, in their 
relations with the Indian Service, and with respect to official actions of the 
Indian Office in the course of suiDervising the lands of the Eastern Cherokees, 
can act in an advisory capacity only. The lands of the reservation are held by 
tlie United States in trust, and final authority for their supervision and for 
proi3er management of the tribe's natural resources rests with the Secretary 
of the Interior." 

I enter for the record, marked '"Exhibit 71" copy of resolution- relative to 
this letter which was adopted by the council of the Eastern Bank of Cherokee 
Indians on October 11, 1938, which sets forth the facts that these Indians Ure 
not a tribe of Indians but are a band of American Indian citizens Incorporated 
under the laws of the State of North Carolina : that their lands are not and 
never have been a reservation but are lands purchased for the band with their 
own funds; that these said lands were placed in trust with the United States 
in 1924 for the sole purpose of giving the Secretary of Interior authority to 
accomplish final allotment of the lands in severalty and for uv. other purpose; 
and that the Secretary of the Interior has no authority to do anything further 
than that. This band of Indians voted to accept the provisions of the Wheeler- 
Howard Act following a high-pressure canijiaign in December 1934, and they 
h.ave been tryng to get out of it ever since. Whether or not this acceptance of 
the Wheeler-Howard Act gave the Secretary of Interior authority over the 
Eastern Band of Cherokees is a question for judicial determination. For that 
reason this instance of a.ssuming full resi)onsibi]ity for all forestry or timber 
matters is used here. If the Secretary is responsible for timber operations in a 
case where his jurisdiction over the Indians is open to question, there can l)e 
no doubt that he is ecpmlly or more responsible for all these other instances on 
other reservations which have been recited herein. 

"Cooperative enterprise" is one of the favorite themes of the present officials 
of the Indian Burc^au. The maga/ine Indians at Work fi-cHpiently carries edi- 
torials by the Commissioner and other articles expounding the doct)'ines of "co- 
operatives" and their desirability. Tribes having travel funds are encouraged to 
invest their money in cooperatives. Loans are made to tribes and other organi- 
zations for coo])erative enterprise. 

I enter in evidence, marked "Exhibit 72," copy of a contract or agreement 
between the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and the Rosebud Tribal Council, 
organized under the Wheeler-Howard Act. which sets forth that the Commis- 
sioner is conveying $24,951.09 of "rehabilitation" funds to the Ro.sebud Sioux 
Tribe, in trust, to be used to rehabilitate 12 Indian families in the Grass Moun- 


tain areci. I point out to the committee therein that the Council, and in event 
of tlieir failure to do so, the Connnis^ioner, has the right to remove families 
from the "land and premises" if they fail to "make proper use of the land." I 
also enter for the record, marked "p:xhibit 73," copy of a written statement 
signed by Noah Little, of St. Francis, S. Dak., relative to the Grass Mountain 
project, which was filed with the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs at the 
hearing held on January 1!), 1988. (See No. 7 on list of unprinted hearings, 
exhibit ft.) 

Mr. Little states that everytliing at the project — stock, farming implements, 
houses, barns, and other buildings — is owned by the Government; that the 
understanding of the Inditnis was that farming would be done on a "cooperative 
basis" and the produce divided upon such a basis, or upon a basis of labor per- 
formed ; that after the harvest the Government took all the produce and gave 
back to each family just what it needed for its ow^n subsistence; that under such 
a plan the occupants of the Grass Mountain project will never be able to pay 
anything on their loans so it will always continue to be a Goverinnent-owned 
and operated project; and that anyone leaving the project can take only his 
clothing and furniture, and nothing else. 

To aid the committee in understanding the full import of these Government 
cooperatives, I enter for the record, marked "Exhibit 74." a copy of a statement 
prepared by Mr. Fred B. Bauer and myself for the Cherokee Investigations of 
1937. (See No. 2 on list of unprinted hearings, exhibit 5.) This statement 
deals with the cooperatives proposed at Cherokee, N. C, and a general dis- 
cussion on the significance of all such cooperatives. As in the case of inherit- 
ance matters, the fact must not be lost sight of that these cooperatives have to 
do with the property and resources of a people held as "incompetent wards" of 
the Federal Government ; that under no circumstances can tribal cooperatives be 
considered as voluntary cooperatives because, in cases where tribal money is 
used, the money belongs to all members of the tribe but is used regardless of 
whether all members are in favor of it or not. 

Likewise, in cases where funds are lr>aned to tribes, security is taken upon the 
resources or property of the entire tribe inespective of those who may be op- 
posed to thus encumbering their tribal property with such debts. Any failure 
of a cooperative is a loss to be shared equally by those who favored it and those 
who opposed it. Such a cooperative is an enforced cooperative from which 
there is no escape for those who oppose it. 

On some reservations taxes are now being levied upon the members of the 
tribes by the Wheeler-Howard Councils. Complaints of this were brought to 
my attention on some of the reservations I visited this summer. A tax system 
has been proposed by the Rosebud Tribal Council and may be by this time in 

I enter in evidence the magazine Indians at Work for July 1938. and for the 
record, marked "Exhibit 75," the article on page 15 therein which is entitled 
"Rosebud Sioux Council Drafts Tax Measure as Proposed Source of Operating 
Revenue." Among the things to be taxed are livestock owned by Indians. Taxa- 
tion brings up the subject of delinquent taxes. 

Knowing the ruthless methods of depriving Indians of their property rights 
wdiich have already been pursued by this Rosebud Tribal Council as evidenced 
by the Ree ca.^e mentioned herein, it is not far fetched to say that under this 
proposed tax Indians could and would be deprived of their individually owned 
stock through delinquent-tax proceedings. Taxes are being assessed on the Pine 
Ridge Reservation. All the families who were ordered by the Bureau officials to 
come and camp on tribal land around the Kyle day school have now been notified 
by the Wheeler-Howard Council that they must pay rental of $2.50 oach or they 
will be arrested or fined. Before any organization or group of individuals can 
hold dances in some buildings which were put up a good many years ago by the 
Indians themselves, it is necessary that they secure a license costing $2.50. 
When the Black Hills Treaty Council group held a rodeo at Kyle this year on 
the tribal land they were requested to pay and did pay to the Wheeler-Howard 
Council the sum of $30 rental for 6 days. 

I offer for the record, marked 'Exhibit 70" and "Exhibit 77." photos'tat copy 
of the order of the Wheeler-Howard Council and photostat copy of two receipts 
issued to Ben Chief, treasurer, and signed by Charles Under the Baggage, 
respectively. The property upon which this Rodeo was held, and upon which 
these people are camping and upon which these buildings are located is tribal 
property in which all the Sioux of Pine Ridge have an equal heritage until 
such time as their tribal estate is divided among the heirs. To carry out the 


idea of "Commnnity living'' advocntefl by the Bureau, then surely all the 
Indians who hold an inherit an(;e share in this property should be given free 
use and enjoyment of it. They always did enjoy that right until the Wheeler- 
Howard Act was put into operation. 

From the same magazine, Indians at Work, July issue, I enter for the record, 
marked "Exhibit 78," the article on page l.'i, entitled "First Voluntary Assign- 
ment of Allotted Land to Tribe Made at Quinaielt, Washington," by Walter 
V. Woehlke, Assistant to the Commissioner." Mr. Woehlke is a former news- 
paperman who was closely associated with Commissioner Collier in the Amer- 
ican Indian Defense Association for several years. The first sentence in the 
above-mentioned article states that: 

•"Ferrill Johnson, Quinaielt Allottee No. 903, has conveyed to the United 
States in trust for the Quinaielt Tribe, title to his allotment." 

Thus the title to this property passed out of individual ownership to Gov- 
ernment ownership. Although it is stated that this is the first instance of this 
kind, the closing paragraph states that others on that reservation will probably 
'•likewise convey their allotment to the tribe." Once started, this procedure 
will be rai)idly followed out on other reservations. This case is cited here as 
proof of the Federation contentions that the act can and will be operated to 
deprive Indians of fee title to property and that if it is carried out to full 
completion, no Indian on the reservations in the United States will own a foot 
of property and the Government will own it all. 

On pages 3 and 4 of this same issue of Indians at Work, above mentioned, 
Commissioner Collier, in his editorial, says of the Indian program : 

'.* * * economic betterment must be paramount * * * must be sought 
through a planned use of resources, in which all technological helps will be 
called upon hvt whose execution shall be on a tribal, or an 'area project' or 
regional basis, tlirouffh the Indians as organized bodies * * *. 

"At least we are not sequestered, in this Indian work, but are (if we will pay 
attentiftn) connected through it with great, permanent v\^orld trends, world 
questions, world needs." (Italics his, not ours.) 

The means of forcing all Indians into this program and of punishing those 
who oppose it have been supplied, too, under the Wheeler-Howard Act. The 
original bill (see exhibit 43) contained a provision for setting up Indian courts. 
It was stricken out in committee. The following year, 1935, a tentative draft of 
a bill to provide a law and order code for Indian reservation was submitted to 
some Congressmen and aroused such opposition that it was never introduced as 
a bill. (See pp. 118-125, Murdock hearings, exhibit 26.) 

By authority of the constitutions, however, the Wheeler-Howard councils 
have established so-called Indian courts. The Indians were, of course, sup- 
posed to draw up law-and-order regulations or oi'dinances as part of their "self- 
govonmient." Instead they were supplied with a Bureau-prepared law-and- 
order code and in most instances they adopted this as their own. 

I enter in evidence, marked "Exhibit 79," a copy of the "Law and Order 
Code. Oglala Sioux Tribe, Pine Ridge Agency." This code has six chanters, 
entitled "Tl-.e Oglala Sioux Court" : "Civil Action" : "Domestic Relation" ; "Pro- 
bate", "Sentences", and "Penal Code." No provision is made for trial by jury 
and all professional attorneys are barred from practicing in these courts. The 
Penal Code lists 47 offenses and provides the penalties therefor. Cutting green 
timber without a permit is punishable with imm'isonment for 30 davs or a $60 
fine, or both. Thus the timber regulations of tlie Secretary of Interior are 
enforced. Failure to send children to school is punishable by sentence of 10 
days, or fine of ,$20. or both. I^ndor this authority 20 Sioux families were 
ordered to camp at Ky]^, and endanger the health of their children in order to 
keep them in school and avoid the fines. Unauthorized leasing of land ia 
piuiishable by 30 days' imprisonment or $00 fine, or botli. Thus the "grazing 
regulations" of tho Secretary of Interior are enforced. The Junior Courts are 
maintained out of fines collected. 

These courts are the means of punishing Indians w^ho oppose the program. 
Tender their decisions, Indians are punished for exercising their rights of free 
s]->oerh. free press, and free assembly. The transcript of testimony in the Sioux 
honring«< on the repeal of the Wheeler-Howard Act, held before the Senate Indian 
Committee in January of this year (see No. 7 on the list of unprinted hearings, 
exhibit .'^>). coiitnins the testimony of Chief B'^njamin American Horse, chairman 
of the Black Hills Treaty Council of the Eight Sioux Nations. Mr. American 
Horse is a retired Governm.ent employee who has never been arrested nor in 
trou]>le of any kind prior to the present regime in the Indian Bureau. He has 


been most active in opposing the present program. The night before he was to 
leave for Washington last January he was notified that he was under arrest on 
charges of fraud and misrepresentation and told to appear before the junior 
judge, Peter Bull Bear, the following morning. He did so and was informed 
that the misrepresentation consisted of holding meetings and talking against 
the Wheeler-Howard Act and the fraud charge was accepting donations from 
Indians to help defray his expenses to Washington. The junior judge before 
whom he was tried was one of the complaining witnesses against him. He told 
the judge that he had no lawful right to try the case, and the judge replied that 
he was the law, found him guilty, and lined him $50 and court costs. Mr. Ameri- 
can Plorse paid the court costs of $4.30, paid $2.50 to appeal the case to superior 
court, drove over 50 miles to the agency office at Pine Ridge, and had a bond 
executed to cover his fine, returned to file it with the junior judge, and left for 
Washington that night. 

An Indian drew a funny cartoon about the Wheeler-Howard courts. He was 
arrested, threatened and abused, sentenced to serve 30 days in jail, and did 
serve the time, 

I enter in evidence, marked "Exhibit SO," photostat copy of this cartoon. 

I enter for the record, marked "Exhibit SI," a copy of an affidavit signed by 
Mr. Frank Shorthorn, of Kyle, S. Dak., which was entered into the record of the 
Sioux hearings before the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs in May 193S. ( See 
No. 8 on the list of unprinted hearings, exhibit 5.) This affidavit relates the 
manner in which a case against him was framed and for which he was tried 
and fined $360 and couPt costs for a purported theft of $10,000, and for which 
he began serving sentence in jail. Like Mr. American Horse, Mr. Shorthorn is 
a member of the Black Hills Treaty Council and active against the present pro- 
gram. The case of Mr. American Horse was dismissed after he wired to Con- 
gressman Usher L. Burdick, of North Dakota, who interested himself in the 
matter. My last word from Pine Ridge was to the effect that they again had 
Mr. Shorthorn in jail but I do not know what the charges are this time. The 
fact that the cases against these men were dismissed after outsiders learned of 
the facts has no bearing upon the intention of the court to harrass and embarrass 
them and to collect money from them which they could ill afford to pay. Rather, 
it is proof of the injustice of the courts in these attempts. In both these cases 
the men paid court costs, appeal costs, and other expenses incidental to getting 
to and from court, jail, and agency oflices. Both Chief American Horse and 
Mr. Shorthorn are members of the federation. 

Last February I received a telegram from Mr. Mark M. Mahto, of Van Hook, 
N. Dak., president of district No. 3 of the federation, stating that he was. in 
jail and requesting an investigation. I immediately contacted Hon. Lynn J, 
Frazier and Hon. Usher L. Burdick, Senator and Congressman, respectively, 
from North Dakota. Through their inquiries the superintendent at the agency 
supplied the information that Mr. Mahto had been jailed for 10 days for refus- 
ing to send his children to school. I wrote Mr. Mahto asking him to send me 
more information and under date of March 7, 1938, received his reply. I enter 
for the record, marked "Exhibit 82," the letter received from Mr. Mahto in 
which he states that over a year previous the Indian Bureau police refused 
him help and protection on the grounds that he was a citizen and living on 
deed property. Tliat in this case his children were absent from school a 
couple of days; that the policeman came to the house but did not issue any 
order to send them to school ; that he was not arrested ; just taken before the 
judge ; that there was no signed complaint against him ; that the policeman 
perjured himself by stating that he (Mahto) resisted arrest. Incidentally, this 
arrest occurred at the time a federation meeting had been called at Cannon 
Ball, N. Dak., which is in district No. 3. Being in jail, .Air. .Mahto couid not 
attend the meeting. 

I enter for the record, marked "Exhibit 83," affidavit of Charles Red Breath 
Bear, of Manderson, S. Dak., wherein he recites that he was arrested, found not 
guilty, and paid the Indian Bureau policeman $5 for court costs and received 
a receipt for it. Then about a month later the Wheeler-Howard policeman 
arrested him, took him before the judge, who said he had not paid the court 
costs of $4.30 for the former trial, and demanded that he pay it. He refused, 
stating he had already paid $5 court costs, and besides that had been found 
not guilty. The judge then declared him guilty, without any new trial or evi- 
dence, sentenced him to serve 15 days in jail, and to pay court costs of $9.50. 
He served the 15 days. About 4 months later he was again arrested, taken 
before the judge, who told him that the court costs for the first trial had not 

2482 ux-A:NrKKi(\\N rnoPAGAXDA activities 

yet been paid and that now it anionnted to S14. He refused to pay. The judge 
gave him 15 days" time in which to pay. All of this is in the affidavit. My 
hist information from INlandi-rson is that Mr. Red Brearh Bear refused to pay 
the tripled court costs and served 15 days in jail at Pine Itidge during the 
month of August. 

In another case of this kind where the defendant was found not guilty and 
then the court costs were tripled over a period of time, the judge ordered the 
Wheeler-IIoward policeman to collect the P. W. A. wage check of the defendant's 
husband and take $5 out of it each time until the total sum of .H;i:5.3() had been 
paid. I enter for the record marked "Exhibit 84" the affidavit of lijiymond 
Cutgrass, of ^landerson. S. Dak., ^^'hich sets forth the facts in this matter. 

It is of no force or effect for the Bureau officials to say that the Indians 
themselves are doing these things and that they are not accustomed to "self- 
governmenf which is the answer so readily given by all of them whenever the 
Wheeler-Howard Act is criticized. They cannot hide behind the Indians whtni 
they uphold these judges in such decisions and the superintendents collect the 
lines for the judges out of any money on deposit in the agency offi<*e to the 
credit of defendants or out of any money which may be handled through the 
agency such as Sioux Benefit checks, Federal grant checks, wttge checks, old-age 
pensions and other pensions. Four instances for which proof can be supplied 
can be cited from the Pine Ridge Reservation : Charles Ghost Bear. Sr., .$12.90, 
and Leo Black Bear, $4. taken out of Federal-grant checks; Oliver W. Swallow, 
$2.50 out of wages ; Lucie Spotted Crow, $2 out of her father's old-age pension 
check. These are not i-solated cases either at Pine Rid^ or elsewhere. Neither 
can the Bureau officials hide behind the Indians as long as it takes no action to 
compel these courts to mete out justice impartially to those who favor the act 
as well as those who oppose it. 

I call attention to the affidavits of Belle Oldhorse, who is 72 years of ;ige, 
"Exhibit 67.'' wherein she states that Charles Under the Baggage, Wheeler- 
Howard councilman stole some of her fence but the junior judges listened to 
him and let him go free; and the affidavit of Lena Brown Bull, a widow, 
"Exhibit 68," wherein she states that Frank Wilson, chairman of the Wheeler- 
Howard council confiscated limber belonging to her but that to date no action 
has been taken by either the agency officials or the Wheeler-Howard courts 
to compel him to pay for the timber. I enter for the record, marked "Exhibit 
85", affidavit of Johnson Little AVarrior, age 68 years, sergeant at arms for 
the Black Hills Treaty Council. Mr. Little Warrior states that he was 
needlessly injured in a burst of temper by a member of the Wheeler-Howard 
group about 40 or 45 years old when two women got to fighting in a "community 
garden" about who was going to have the most potatoes and that he has taken 
this matter up with everyone, the agency officials, the junior court and the 
superior court but no action has ever been taken by anyone. Mr. Little Warrior 
has the pitchfork with which he was struck in the back and exhibited it me 
on the day I took his affidavit. He is giving it for evidence when and if anyone 
ever does anything about his case. 

I call the attention of the committee to section 18 of chapter 6 of the Oglala 
Siotix Law^ and Order Code, "Exhibit 79," which states : 

"Sec. 18. Failure to support depcvdetit persons. — Any Indian who shall, be- 
cause of habitual intemperance or gambling, or for any other reason, refuse or 
neglect to furnish food, shelter, or care to those dependent upon him, including 
any dependent children born out of wedlock, shall be deemed guilty of an offense, 
and upon conviction thereof, shall be sentenced to labor for a period not to 
exceed 3 months, for the benefit of such dependents, or to a fine not to exceed 
.$18(\ or to both such imprisonment and fine, with costs." 

From the transcrii)t of testimony of Mr. Frank Shorthorn given before the 
Senate <'ommittee <m Indian Affairs on INlay 16, 1938 (see No. 8 on list of un- 
l)rinted hearings. "Exliibit 5"), I quote verbatim: 

"William Fire Thunder, assistant farm agent at Kyle. S. Dak. : About 8 years 
ago, beforo Mr. Cf.lller was the Commissioner, Mr. Fire-Tliuiuhu' was assistant 
farm agent at Kyle for about 2 years. He was then and still is. a married man. 
He Avas running around with a young girl and she had a child by him. He was 
removed from his position for this reason. 

"When ]Mr. Collier came to the reservation in 1934 he took Mr. Fire-Thunder 
all around with him to act as interpreter, and latpr he gave him the job back as 
assistant farm agent at Kyle. The Indians go to Kyle every day and tell Wil- 
liam rire-Tliunder to ^ot out of that office. lender these circumstances such a 
man can be of no help to the Indians and he should be removed. Pie claims that 


he is safe because he is a civil-service employee. If he is, he was removed from 
the civil service because of his misconduct, but under the Wheeler-Howard Act 
the Secretary of Intei'ior is giN en full authiu-ity to overrule the civil-service laws, 
so ^Ir. Fire-Thunder is l:ept in otlice by John Collier because of the Wheeler- 
Howard Act." 

Mr. Fire-Thunder was still employed at Kyle. S. Dak., when I was there 
during July and August. There is no doubt that he never has and is not now 
contributing to the supjiort of the cb.ild '"born out »»f wedlock." As long as this 
condition exists when there is specilic i)rovision to cover it in the Law and 
Order Code, neither Mr. Collier or any other Bureau official can hide behind 
the Indians by saying that they are just learning "self-government." Mr. Fire- 
Thinider is a member of the Ogalala Sioux Tribe and subject to the jurisdiction 
■of this cimrt and Mr. Collier has sulticien.t authority to have justice done in this 

Most of these cases are from one reservation. They are typical of all four 
which I visited. On the others my time was so limited that I did not prepare 
the affidavits while there. Witnesses can be called from almost any reservation 
^iiich has a Wheeler-Howard court, however, who will welcome an opportunity 
to tell someone of the manner in which they are persecuted. As far as the 
•courts themselves are concerned. Congressman Burdick has stated on the floor 
of the House of Representatives on more than one occasion that the Wheeler- 
Howard courts are absolutely unconstitutional and without authority of law. 
jNIr. Burdick has lited in the Indian country for many years and is a recognized 
authority on I)idian affairs. He is an able lawyer, having served in both 
private and public capacities and he is an able legislator having been speaker 
of the house in the North Dakota State Legislature, Lieutenant Governor of 
North Dakota, and a Member of tlie House of Representatives for two terms. 
Regardless of whether or not they are constitutional, these Wheeler-Howard 
courts are being used to punish those who oppose the act and program and 
to deny Indians their rights of free speech, free press, and free assembly. 

This concludes my statement on the legislative program of the present Bureau 
regime. This is the record of the so-called Wheeler-Howard Act from its in- 
ception in the American Civil Liberties Union to its administration among the 
Indians. Speaking at West Palm Beach, Fla., in March 1935, Secretary Ickes 
said in substance "Of all the acts passed from my Department, I am proudest 
of the Wheeler-Howard Act." 

Before discussing the educational program of the Bureau, I wish to men- 
tion several things which are administrative. 


I call the attention of the committee to pages 715-71S of the ^Murdock hear- 
ings (exhibit 26). These pages record the discussion between Commissioner 
Collier and members of the committee, from which the following is quoted: 

"Mr. Collier. * * * j j^„^ g^.-^^i to tell you about Dr. Shevky. He is Turk- 
ish and not Russian. * * * j luiyg maintained contact with Dr. Shevky all 
these years. * * * Dr. Shevky's idea has always been to go back to Turkey 
ultimately to carry on his work. * * * jje has not surrendered his Turkish 
loyalty and he says he is going to end his active life in Turkey. He was not 
willing to do anything about this so we could not employ him. I discu.ssecl 
the matter with Secretary Ickes and we decided that we could not use these 
funds for the employment of noncitizens. * * * j p^^|- ^j^^ matter up to 
Dr. Shevky, * * * j persuaded him that he should take out his declaration 
of intention to become a citizen, which he did and that enabled us to bring him 
into the Service in the' research group working with land problem. Later I 
hope to see him move into other branches of our Service because he is really 
one of the most valuable of our men. 

"Mr. Ayers. He is not a citizen of the United States? 

"^Ir. Collier. He is not. He has taken out his first papers, 

"Mr, Ayers. He has taken out his declaration of intention? 

"Mr, Collier. Yes. 

"Mr. Ayers. And he came here in 1916? 

"Mr, Collier, Yes ; maybe sooner. * * * 

"Mr, Ayers. He was forced to take out his first papers in order to get a 
Government job? * * * 

"Mr. Collie;r. He would not be forced to do anything to get a job because he 
is very much in demand. He could teach in universities and do research work 


while a citizen of Turkey. Yon might as well urge the same thing in connec- 
tion with Dr. Einstein and many other persons wiio come here to do such work 
as tui'y are doing. * * * i mean that Dr. Shevky did not need a Govern- 
ment job. We needed him. 

''Mr. Aykrs. Tlie way I interpret your deduction, America did not have a man 
to fill this particular place, and it had to send to Turkey. 

"Commissioner Coli-iw!. 1 d<»ubt if there is anybody else available here who 
can do what he is doing and who has such a combination of talents and learn- 
ing. * * * If there were another like him, we would hire him, even though 
he were from B;iluchistan. 

"Mr. Ayers, The same thing exists in connection \\ith him as existed in the 
case of Dr. Saens, for whom we sent to Mexico. We sent to Mexico for an 
Indi;in educator, and now we are sending to Turkey to get a man. to teach the 
Indian Bureau and the Indians land matters." 

Dr. Shevky was hired during the height of the depression when Americans 
were walking the streets vainly searching for employment. 


I call to the attention of the committee that Commissioner Collier used 
emergency relief appropriations to build a "Navajo WorkV' with a "Navajo 
Capitol." I enter in evidence the magazine, Indians at Work, August 1, 1934. 
and for the record, marked "Exhibit 86," the article on page 6, entitled, "The 
First Tribal Capitol," wherein" the Commissioner said: 

"The Navajo are but one Indian Tribe * ■■■ * their capitol is to be the 
seat of their government and tlieir'^; alone. * * * ^j^^ capitol * * * is 
Indian. * * * There will be 50 buildings in the nev\' Navajo tribal center. 
* * * 'center of the Navajo world.' * * * It should be the first of any 
such adaptations by the Indians. * * *." 

For further information, I refer the committee to page 325 of the Murdock 
hearings (exhibit 26), the testimony of J. C. Morgan, Navajo Indian mission- 
ary; and pages 822-824, the testimony of Joseph Bruner, national president of 
the American Indian Federation, from which is quoted : 

"Mr. Bkunner. The first trii>al capitol: Testifying before this committee on 
Thursday. April 4, 1935, the Commissioner said : 

" 'Mr. Bruner, aside from doubling the cost of the Navajo administrative 
center * * * has moved it several hundred miles geographically to a point 
remote from the Navajo Reservation, and to a point where bolshevism and 
communism are rife.' 

«'* * * J tiave not moved the Commissioner's Navajo Indian capitol ; it is 
located approximately 85 miles from the city of Gallup, N. Mt^x. It is exactly 
where the Commissioner built it, and if that be where 'bolshevism and com- 
munism are rife' the explanation of why he did so is his question, not mine. T 
recall to the committee's attention the communistic rioting in the city of Gallup, 
N. Mex., in 1935, which was quelled by the declaration of martial law. And 
only within the past week has a policeman been killed, another seriously 
wounded in new communistic rioting in the city of Gallup, according to news- 
paper reports which characterize this city as a 'liot bed of communism.' When 
the Commissioner answers this question of why he so located the Navajo 
capitol let him tell also, for the benefit of the taxpaying public why the Navajo 
or any other Indian tribe or race should have a racial capital, and 'theirs alone.' 

Speaking on the floor of the House of Representatives on May 14, 1935, Hon. 
Virginia E, Jenckes, of Indiana, said: 

"Of all the un-American ideas, this one of a separate racial capital in 
America, the melting pot of the world, would seem to 1)e the worst, and our 
taxpayers mre paying for this." 

I enter for the record, marked "Exhibit 87," a reprint of the si^^ech made 
by Mrs. Jenckes, entitled: "Are the First Americans Being Connnunized?" It 
cost $1,060,788.52 to construct the "Navajo capitol" and $1,522,177.85 to construct 
the "community centers" surrounding it. I enter in evidence, marked "Ex- 
hibit 88." "Survey of rVmditions of Indians in the United States, Part 34, 
Navajo Boundary and Pueblos in New Mexico." Hc-a rings before a subcommittee 
of the Senate Indian Affairs Committee, and for the record, the tables found 
on pages 17921 and 17922. In the :\Iay 1935 i.ssue of "The Reclamation Era " 
a Government publication. Public Works Administrator Htirold L. Ickes invited 
the public to go and inspect various P. W. A. projects and among others 
mentioned "The First Indian Capitol." Mr. Ickes wrote: 


"May I suggest now that our people go and inspect to see how their money 
has been put. to work, how useful public works have been added to the capital 
wealth of the nation. * * * Now the country will be able to take stock of 
what has been accomplished. I am glad to say to the American citizen — go 
see for yourself — the 'First Indian Capitol.' " 


Relative to the magazine Indians at Work, I call the attention of the com- 
mittee to pages 719-720, 728-729, and 890-891 of the Murdock hearings {ex- 
hibit 26). Ar those hearings, Mr. Collier testified that Indians at Work was 
being published every 2 weeks with funds allocated from emergency work 
relief among the Indians and that it v>as sent out under the Government 
franking privilege. Hon. Theodore Werner of South Dakota, said : 

"The effort being made by the bureaucrats is quite clear and it is to bring 
themselves in favor through highly developed propaganda, and by the same 
method to bring the members of this committee into general disrepute. There 
is no question in my mind that it is a deliberately planned action coming 
from the bureaucrats who have had, and apparently still have, the columns 
of certain large newspapers and magazines open to them. They also spread 
the same sort of propaganda through the Indian Bureau magazaie, Indians at 
AVork, with the unlimited mimeographing facilities available, and through 
the use of the radio over national hook-up. These unfair practices should stop. 
A way should be found to stop them. The Commissioner and those associated 
with him will some day learn that the course they are following is an unwnse 
one. It will have its backfire. * * *" 

Mr. Collier said : 

"I might say a word about the whole matter of propaganda. * * * En- 
tirely aside from the fact that we address ourselves to our ow^n personnel and 
to the Indians, I would say that it is eminently proper for the Commissioner 
and the Department to address the public also. We are promoting many things,, 
which, for their success, are dependent upon a friendly and informed opinion. 
We should properly cultivate public opinion and we will continue to do that. 

1 need only to add that I think this committee ought to know by this time 
that neither Secretary Ickes nor I hesitate to speak. We can always put out 
a release, and we do so. Secretary Ickes and I have fully stated our views 
concerning congressional investigations." 

Mr. Bruner said : 

"* * * yrQ ^isii to call to the attention of this committee first, * * * 
Indians at Work, January 1, 1934, pages 37, 38, and 39. * * * Speaking of 
the latter, he, the Commissioner, says : 

" 'To make of Robert Marshall's The Peoples' Forest required reading in 
every school, as The Nation suggests, may not be hoped for. The private 
lumber interests would say "nay.' " 

"Second. Indians at Work, February 1, 1034, issue, page 28 : 'The Nation 
Names Commissioner Collier on its 1935 Honor Roll.' Not only is this publi- 
cizing the Commissioner himself, but again is advertising a magazine which 
even casual inquiry will disclose is an instrumentality of radical groups. The 
Nation is edited by Oswald Garrison Viliard, member of the national committee 
of the American Civil Liberties Union. * * '■■ He protested execution of 
Chinese Communist Gen. Chen Du Hsui, January 193.j. He was active in 
demanding the removal of troops from the mining field in Illinois where they 
were quelling Red activities in October 1932. 

"Third. And may we suggest to this committee that a scrutiny of the lan- 
guage used in the articles appearing in almost any issue of Indians at Work 
will reveal a contin_uous and Insidious propaganda of communistic doctrines." 

Commissioner Collier contributed an article entitled "The Indian Bureau's 
Record" to the October 5, 1932, issue of The Nation, which I offer in evidence, 
marked "Evhibit 80." I olTer for the record, marked "Exhibit 90," photostat 
copy of letter, dated ]May 29, 1937, addressed to Hon. Elmer Thomas, Senator 
from Oklahoma, and signed by Commissioner Collier. I call attention to pages 

2 and 8, wherein it is written : 

"Indians at Work : This publication was first issued in August, 1953. * * * 
The pamphlet has a circulation of 12,000. Its total cost from August 1933 
through March 31. 1037, has been $24,421.82. * * * i^ addition, there are 
seven employees who devote a large percentage of their time to the preparation 
of copy and the mimeographing, assemblin.g, and distribution of the document. 

2486 ux-A:\ri:iacAN i'kopagaxda activities 

Three of these employees (one nt $2,000, one at $1,020. and one at $1,440) are 
on duty in the Indian Office. The ittlier fonr (three at $1,G20 and one at 
.$1,440) are assij^ned to the MiseeUaneous Service Division of the Uei»artn>ent, 
which Division is responsihle for minieogra piling, assemhling, and mailing." 

I refer the connnittee to pages Sl*97 to 8S03 of the Congressional Kecord for 
June 28, 10.S7, the remarks npon the tioor of the Senate hy Hon. Bennett Champ 
Clark, of Missouri, who opened his statement by reading section 201 of the 
United States Criminal Code which provides that no emplo.vee of the Govern- 
ment may use any money appropriated hy Congress to iiay for any personal 
service which is «Mnployed either directly or indirectly to inlluence in an.y 
maimer any Member of Congress to favor or any legislation or appro- 
priation of Congress. Mr. Clark said: 

*'* * * Passing for the moment his effort to influence Congress on the 
AVheeler-Howard Indian Keorganization measure, Mr. (jollier proceeds to a dis- 
cus.^ion of the measure intended to ymck the Supreme CVmrt of the United 
States — certainly not a matter immediately concerned with the affairs of the 
Indian Bureau, and certainly something which falls within the purview of sec- 
tion 201 of the Criminal (^ode of the United States. Having given a very 
unfavorable review of the Congress of the United States with regard to the 
A\heeler-Howard Reorganization Act, because the Congress of the United States 
had the effrontery to amend a bill sponsored by the Interior Department by 
striking out one provision of which Mr. Collier seemed to approve, and having 
lierated Congress over several pages for that assumption of authority, Mr. 
Collier, over his own signature, in this publication put out at Government 
expense continues: 'The debate over the President's Court proposal is taking 
a course not unlike the debate over the Wheeler-Howard Act of 11)84. Let us 
pray that the course of legislation will not be the same.' 

"And you may be certain that when Mr. Collier prays that the course of leg- 
islation b,v the Congress of the United States will not be the same, every In- 
dian agent, every employee of the Office of Indian Affairs, every contractor sell- 
ing supplies to the tJureau of Indian Affairs will echo the same prayer. Mr. 
Collier is doubtless familiar with the old saying that 'the most sensitive nerve 
in the human anatomy is the nerve leading to the pocketbook.' Hh also knows 
that when be says, 'let us pray' tliose dei>ending upon his favor for enrich- 
ment or support will not only fall down on their marrow bones to pray but 
will get up and get busy to try to propagandize Congress for his v/ishes. * * =■=*' 

Honorable Burton K. Wheeler, Senator from Montana, said : 

'"I am not .surprised that Mr. Collier is in favor of a reorganization of the 
Supreme Court. As a matter of fact, long before the President sent this mess- 
age to Congress, Mr. Collier wanted to reorganize the lower courts. He wanted 
to set up seven or eight traveling judges to go all (n-er the Ignited States and 
hear Indian cases only. That provision was in the original bill which he s«nit 
down to Congress * * * bnt, of course, Congress struck out that provision. 
I am not surprised that he now wants to get the Indians lined up to pack the 
Court with six additional judges." * * * "j nuist .say that the present Com- 
missioner of Indian Affairs is probably the best propaganda agent in the United 
States. * * * As a propagandist he is excellent. As an executive of the 
Bureau of Indian Affairs, in my judgment, he has been a complete failure." 

Mr. Clark said : 

"Certainly there can be no purpose wliatever for the insertion of such an 
editorial as the one in the magazine Avhicli I have just read, except an effort 
to influence those Senators and Kei)reseiitatives from the States in which the 
influence of the Office of Indian Affairs might be of some weight. =i= * * j 
have read in the Senate, not once, but .several times, the provisions of law ap- 
plicable to this situation. I have proved today out of the mouth of the Secretary 
of the Interior, him.self, and out of the specific language of the publication 
which I have quoted, issued by the Office of Indian Affairs, a riagrant. open, 
and notorious violation of that statute. I direct the attention of the Secretary 
of the Interior and of the Attorney General to this violation of the law and to 
tin' specific and m.'indatory provisions of the statute." 

The American Indian Federation concurs in everything .said by Senator Clark 
and Senator Wheeler. For the information of the committee concerning the use 
made of "Indians at Work" to infiuence Members of Congress on legLslative 
matters, I enter in evidence, marked "Exhibit 01," Indians at Work for March 1, 
1!>37. and call attention to the editorial therein to which Senator Clark re- 
ferred, marked "Exhibit 92," Indians at Work, March 15, 1937, and call atten- 
tion to pages 8 and 9, entitled "Senators Wheeler and Frazier introduce bill to 
repeal Indian Reorganization Act;" and, marked "Exhibit 93," Indians at Work, 


April 15. 1937. and call attention to the editorial on pages 1 to 6, relative to the 
bill to repeal the "Wheeler-Howard Act. I particularly call to the attention of 
the committee that in the article contained in the March 15 issue, Mr. Collier 
states : 

"In my opinion there is no chance that the bill introduced by Senators Wheeler 
and Frazier will be pas.sed by Congress, or if passed, signed'by the President"; 
and the editorial in the April 15 issue says: 

'If by a miracle Congress should enact a repeal, the President's veto power 

Irrespective of alleged violation of section 201 of the Criminal Code of the 
United States, Indians at Work is published once each month since the attack 
made by Senator Clark. Commissioner Collier stated in 1935 that he and Sec- 
retary Ickes would continue "to properly cultivate public opinion." I recall to 
the attention of the committee that for about 2 years, Mary Heaton Vorse. a 
Communist, was the editor of Indians at Work and Publicity Director of the 
Indian Bureau, at a salary of $3,200 per year. 


The things which have been done to these Indians who rejected the so-called 
Wheeler-Howard Act are a complete case in themselves and no justice could be 
done to the situation in a short statement. The Navajo are one tribe which has 
always been industrious and self-supporting. Through the measures adopted on 
their reservation many of them have been reduced to starvation and de- 
pendency on the relief rolls. For information on this subject, I refer the com- 
mittee to the following: 

1. Testimony of J. C. Morgan, and Commissioner Collier, in regard to Navajo, 
pages 315-385 of the Murdock hearings, exhibit 26, in evidence ; 

2. Navajo testimony in the so-called Burdick hearings of 1936, part I and 
part II. (See No. 2 on list of printed hearings, exhibit 4.) 

3. Transcript of testimony in the unprinted Navajo Hearings of 1937 before 
the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, (See No. 4 on list of unprinted hear- 
ings, exhibit 5.) 

4. Navajo testimony in part 34, Survey of Conditions, 1936, exhibit 88 in 

Part of the record in part 34 (exhibit 88) above mentioned, is testimony given 
regarding the Navajo boundary bill which was a bill to settle a dispute about 
title to some 4,000 square miles of porperty in New Mexico. The Bureau was 
very anxious to have this bill enacted. To my knowledge, it is the only bill 
for which the Secretary of the Interior has appeared before the Senate Com- 
mittee on Indian Affairs. I call the attention of this committee to his testi- 
mony, which appears on pages 17497 to 17499. As part of his argument for the 
enactment of this bill, Secretary Ickes said : 

'"I do not want to be an alarmist, but it is not without the realms of pos- 
sibility that we will have serious disorder and blood.<hed in that coiuitry in 
a year or two unless some of these wrongs are redressed." 

Now, in 1936 it was all right for the Secretary of the Interior to raise the 
question of bloodshed on the N.Mvajo Reservation and to intimate that it would 
occur if his bill did not pass, but in 1937, when Paul J. Palmer, an attorney, 
wiivd to Senator Chavez, of New Mexico, that he and Mr. Morgan were re- 
fitraining the people with difficulty from open rebellion and bloodshed because 
of the manner in which they were being persecuted by the Bureau, Secretary 
Ickes issued a lengthy statement to the press saying that : 

'■* * * Thos;e who have embarked on this campaign of misrepresentation 
and incitement to violence will be held responsible for the consequences of 
their campaign. In cooperation with the Department of Justice which has 
pledged full support in dealing with this situation the Interior Departnient will 
vigoroui^ly defend against every illegal attack upon its conservation program." 

I enter in evidence, marked "Exhibit 94." "Department of the Interior, 
Memorandum for the Press, for release Saturday, August 14, 1937." Again it 
makes a difference who raises the question of revolt. From the above it seems 
:!Pi)arent that it is all right to raise the question of 'revolution" in favor 
of the program but '"Revolution" against the program will be prosecuted by 
the Departments of Justice and Interior, which is quite in line with the Amer- 
ican Civil Liberties Union ideas of "free speech." 

The particular incident which so arotised the Navajo in 1937, was covered in 
a speech on the floor of the Senate by Hon. Dennis Chavez, Senator from New 

94931— 39— vol. 4 5 

2488 UN-A:\rEiiicAN propaganda activities 

Mexico, on Alienist 20. 1937. I enter in evidence, marked ''Exhibit 95," Con- 
gressional Record for Angnst 20, 1937, and for the record, from page 12079, the 
telegram of I*aul B. Palmer, an attorney ; from i)age 12079 the statement of 
Mrs. Clande Hanen, a Navajo; and from pages 12080-12081, the letters of D. W. 
Roberts, sheriff of McKinley County, New Mex., and J. Murray Palmer, of 
Farmington, N. Mex. 

I call attention to the letter of the sheriff who states that Hostin Tso and 
his son are in the hospital in a serious condition as a result of an unmerciful 
heating at the liands of three Indian Bureau policemen; that eye witnesses 
say that Hostin Tso was struck with a blackjack and pistol from 10 to 20 
timis by the Bureau policemen ; that the ijolicemen liave gone to the central 
agency in Arizona and that he, as an officer of New Mexico, cannot apprehend 
them and that lie is trying to liave the superintendent surrender the police- 
men to him for trial. I call attention to the statement of J. Murray Palmer, 
who sajs that the so-called Indian judge is tellin.g the Navajo that any Indian 
opposing the Bureau pr(»gram is liable to a fine of $100 or 6 months in jail; 
that Husteen Tso has been most outspoken against the Bureau program and 
that he is a relative of the wife of J. C. Morgan, "whose opposition to tlie 
Bureau's program of coercion, threat, inefficiency, waste, and graft inflames 
the officials of the Bureau to the point where they lose all sense of propor- 
tions" ; and that there are many such cases. J. C. Morgan is a member of the 
AniTican Indian Federation and was the first vice president during 1934 and 
1935. Commenting upon this matter on the floor of the Senate, Senator Chavez 
said : 

'"The only sins of the three Indians who were brutally assaulted by the 
officers of the Indian Bureau under Connnissioner Collier were that they had 
ciared to fight for what any Senator and I would fight for— an expression of 
their opinion, no matter how wrong it might be, and for their rights as they 
believed them to exist. 

"No one has tried to impress the country more than the present Indian 
(Commissioner as to how civil liberties should be protected. Does he carry 
that idea into effect when treating with the Indians? 

"Vvliar liappened? After the trial of the Indians who were beaten as I have 
descriled, I received last night a telegram from Farmington, N. Mex., reading 
in part as follows : 'Hosteen Tso and Co. entirely cleared of charges yesterday.' 

"As a matter of fact, they had not done a thing except that they had dared 
to oppose the policy of the Indian Commissioner * * *." 


The court mentioned in the Navajo matter was not one of the so-called 
Wheeler-Howard courts promulgjited under that act. There have been Indian 
Bureau courts on some reservations for a good many years and the court in 
Navajo country is one of these because the Navajo did not accept the Wheeler- 
Howard Act. The present Bureau officials have promulgated a new law and 
crrUu' code which is in force on those reservations where they have no Wheeler- 
Howard court. I enter in evidence, marked "Exliibit 96," copy of hearings 
held before the House Committee on Indian Affairs. Hon. Will Rogers, chair- 
man, in IMnrch, April, May, and June 1938, and entitled "Palm Springs Band 
of Mission Indians." For the record from pages 539 to 554 of these hearings, 
I enter the "Law and Order Regulations, Approved by the Secretary of the 
Interior, November 27, 1935." This law and order code is much the same 
as those adopted l)y the Wheeler-Howard councils and in fact served as 
the pattern for the suppo.sedly "Indian" self-government codes. I particularly 
call the attention of the committee to the "Probation Pledge," Form No. 10. 
and th^* "Parole Agreement," Form No. 11, on pages 553 and 554. On these 
forms those placed on probation or paroled by the so-called courts, agree that 
tliey wi'll not "violate any law or regulation of the tribe or United Stntes" 
for a certain period of time. Under authority of this Law and Order Code, 
Indians who speak against the Bureau program in Navajo country and other 
p'aces are picked up on some charge or other, held in jail for a whil(\ ivUd 
and then placed on probation with a warning about talking against the 
program. Thoy aro made to understand that warning to mean that talking 
aga'nst the Commissioner or his program will constitute a violation of pro- 
bat'on ov pledge. By means of these courts many Indians are made to suffer 
or are effectively silenced. 



Like the Navajo, the Cherokee matters are a complete case in themselves. 
Except as reference is made to them in other parts of this discussion, I 
cannot hope to comprehensively cover the situation at Cherokee, N. C. For 
information on this phase of the program, I refer the committee to the copy 
of printer's page proof of testimony given before the Senate committee in 
1936, exhibit 5; and to the transcript of testimciiy given before the Public 
Lands Committee in 1937. (See No. 3, list of unprinted hearings, exhibit 5.) 
In the printer's page proof, exhibit 28 in evidence, I particularly call the 
attention of the committee to the following: 

1. Pages 030 to 032, Destruction of American Plan of Cherokee Fairs, which 
sets forth the facts that the Cherokee Indians over a period of 20 years built 
up thi-ough their own efforts and without subsidy from anyone a fair which 
attracted thousands of people each fall ; that the superintendent. Dr. Harold W, 
Foght, an appointee of Mr. Collier, literally seized the fair, commandeered 
the funds on deposit to the credit of the association — between two and three 
thousands dollars — and used those funds to build and equip an open-air 
stadium in which he had produced an Indian pageant depicting all the past 
wrongs of the Cherokee Indians, and to birild a model Cherokee Indian village 
on the fair grounds. 

2. Pages 032 to 035: Seizure of Indian boarding-school paper and denial of 
free press, which sets forth the facts that the children attending the boarding 
school had started a paper which was gaining circulation on the reservation 
and becoming a real newspaper for all the Cherokees; that after his arrival 
at Cherokee, Superintendent Foght took over the paper and made it his own 
mouthpiece to promulgate the program of the Commissioner ; that seme of 
the Cherokees secured an arrangement v/ith a local newspaper in a nearby town 
to carry news of the reservation in return for Indian subscriptions ; that three 
or four articles appeared and were favorably received by v/hite and Indian 
readers alike ; that Superintendent Foght brought pressure to bear upon the 
local merchants of the town by threatening to stop buying anything for the 
agency from them .unless the Indian articles ceased and that subsequently the 
Indian articles were dropped from the paper. 

These six things are called to the attention of the committee for the follow- 
ing purposes : No. 1, the employment of a Turkish citizen in a Government posi- 
tion, and. No. 2, the building of a Navajo capitol in support of our charges of 
un-Americanism ; No. 3, Indians at AVork for the purpose of showing how^ 
Bureau propaganda in favor of the program, advertising communistic doctrines 
and radicals, and trying to influence Congress, is circulated at the expense of 
the taxpayers, and the alleged flouting of the law of the United States by the 
Secretary of the Interior and Commissioner of Indian Affairs ; and No. 4, 
the Navajo ; No. 5, the Law and Order Code ; and No. 6, the Cherokees of North 
Carolina, in further support of our charges of communism, in that all of these 
show destruction of free speech, free press, and private ownership of property, 
and dictatorship. 


The federation charges of communism, atheism, and un-Americanism in the 
educational program of the Bureau of Indian Affairs are based upon the infor- 
mation about the Russian system of education found in House Report No. 2290, 
in evidence as exhibit 29. At this point I would like the record to show the 
statements contained on page 52, under the heading "Religion" which begins, 
"All communists are atheists," and continuing through the sentence, "The fact 
is that there is an irresistible conflict between Russian communism and a 
belief in God," and the paragraph on page 72, under the heading, "Soviet 
Russia"' w^hich begins "As the Communist has derived his ideas and methods 
from non-Christian and nonreligious sources, he believes religion to be antisocial 
and inimical to the revolution," and ends with the sentence, "Every activity 
is considered Vvith reference to its liarmony with the social thematic." 

All education has its roots in philosophy. During the course of his ad- 
ministration, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and those surrounding him 
have pursued cerain general courses from which can be judged their philosophi- 
cal trend of thought and which have a bearing upon the program of formalized 
education which is being promulgated in the Indian schools. As the Indians are 
held in a status of "incompetent wardship" and their legal status is that of 


minors, the word ednoatioii in this discussion will bo nsod in its broadest sense, 
as it applies to both adults and children. 

To establisli the foundation for my statement, I wisli to say this: The 
United States was colonized and founded by Christian people imd is main- 
tained under a Christian constitution. The records show that the Bureau of 
Indian Affairs was created for the express purpose of "civilizing and Christian- 
izing the Indians" and fitting them to take their places ns citizens of tlie 
United States. This was the outgrowtli of the program which Congress had 
adopted toward the Indians at the very inception of this Gnvernmc'nt and was 
in accordance with the policy of the tirst settlers in this country whose charters 
from the crowned heads of Europe almost without exception contained a pro- 
vision that the natives sliould be inducted in the ways of (Miristianity and 
civilization. Up until the present Commissioner of Indian x\ffairs took office. 
Congress had appropriated more than a billion dollars to carry out that pro- 
gram and policy. 

Anything which is contrary to this program is subversive to the 150-year-old 
policy of the Government of the United States. Whatever the Indian has had of 
education came to him first throiigh Christian sources. With practically no 
exceptions, the first schools on all reservations were established by the mis- 
sionaries, and in many instances through cooperation with the Indians who sui>- 
plied land, labor, and whatever material they .could for the buildings. The first 
Indian boarding schools were mission schools. As the Government assumed 
control of the reservations, these schools were gradually taken over from the 
missionaries, with the understanding that they would continue to be Christian 
schools. Mission boards maintained missionaries either at or near the large 
Government Indian schools who held services for tlie Indian children attending 
the schools or ministers of the vicinity came to the schools to conduct services 
for those children belonging to various denominations. The results of this 
Christian training can be seen on any Indian reservation today. Invariably the 
majority of Indians who can be classed as substantial, indtistrious citizens are 
those who received their training in these schools. The results can likewise 
be seen in those who have gone forth from the reservations and hold their 
places with honor in white communities. 

Not long after Mr. Collier became Commissioner, Mr. Ward Sheppard, close 
friend and associate and appointed to a position by Mr. Collier, announced 
that all of the Government's past program for the Indians had "been a mis- 
take" and that henceforth the policy of the Government would be to encourage 
the Indian "to live his own life in his own way." Soon after taking office, Mr. 
Collier rescinded a Bureau regulation of long standing which had forbidden 
the holding of Indian tribal dances except with permission of the local agency 
officials. Under date of Jantiary 3, 1934, a circular letter addressed to super- 
intendents, signed by Commissioner Collier and approved by Secretary Ickes, 
was sent out to all agencies. I enter for the record, marked "Exhibit 97," the 
circular letter of January 3, 1934, which says in part : 

"You are instructed to give the widest, most effective publicity to this com- 
munication and to treat it as an instruction superseding any i^rior regulations, 
instruction, or practice. 

"No interference with Indian religious life or ceremonial expressions will 
hereafter be tolerated * * * The fullest constitutional liberty, in all matters 
affecting religion, conscience, and culture is insisted upon for all Indians. In 
addition, an affirmative, appreciative attitude toward Indian cultural values 
is desired in the Indian Service." 

This sounds like an expression for full religious liberty with which there 
could be no quarrel. The scales of tolerance are tipped in favor of Indian 
religions by the last sentence, however. Hereafter, the Bureau employees are to 
maintain an "appreciative attitude toward Indian cultural values." "Cultural 
values" can be and has been stretched to cover many things. Among many 
tribes, diseases are treated by so-called religious ceremonies. An "appreciative 
attitude" on the part of Indian Bureau doctors demands that they support 
and cooperate with the tribal medicine man. I call the attention of the com- 
mittee to pages 325 to 328 of the Murdock hearings (exhibit 26) wherein J. C. 
Morgan, full-blood Navajo missionary who has worked many years for his 
people and has their welfare at heart, fearlessly stripped the picturesque trap- 
pings from ancient traditions and told of various treatment of diseases by such 
methods and about the spread of trachoma, tuberculosis, and social diseases 
through the use of masks in ceremonial rituals for medical purposes. In reply 
to that the Commissioner x)roduced a book by Washington Matthews, published 


ill 1902, wliich described one single ceremony of Navajo religion. The Com- 
missioner said of this ceremony : 

•'It is so complicated and loaded with symbolism that it makes any Christian 
ritual elementary. * * * rpj^g language of these prayers is a scriptural in its 
majesty. * * * j challenge anybody to take the prayer appearing on page 
145 of the Matthews book and parallel it with anything in Isaiah and say 
that it is not as lofty and moral and spiritual." 

It was not long before Iiidians employed by the Commissioner were propa- 
gandizing for his program. Dr. Henry Roe Cloud, an ordained minister of the 
I^resbyterian Church, a well-known educator, and a member of the Winnebago 
Tribe, was appointed superintendent of Haskell Institute for Indians. It can 
scarcely be said that Dr. Roe Cloud ever conducted Haskell Institute for during 
his entire time as superintendent until he was advanced to a position of super- 
visor of education at large in the Indian Bureau, he spent a great portion of 
his time visiting Indian reservations and exhorting them to accept the benefits 
of the so-called Wheeler-HoAvard Act. In an article entitled, "Conditions 
Among the Indians," published in the Presbyterian magazine, "Women and 
Missions," for April 1935, which I enter in evidence, marked "Exhibit 98," 
Dr. Roe Cloud said : 

"The present Indian administration is inclined to preserve the integrity of 
Indian life. This includes all ancient and long-cherished societal relationships 
vt the Indians themselves. * * * -phe present administration of Indian 
Affairs is deMiiitely and openly committed to the idea that while Indians will 
be permitted to adopt modern ways, at the same time a strong fight will be 
made to preserve the integrity of Indian social life and outlook founded upon 
the old order. The science of anthropology will come into its own among the 
Indian people. Development will be by the slow evolution brought on by the 
people themselves as distinguished from that of propaganda and outside in- 
lluence — outside influence meaning white civilization and church activ- 
ities. * * * The question is : 'Shall the missionary stjiiid apart and aloof 
from this Indian reorganization act or accept it gracefully and work along 
with it to influence its development and its direction. * * * Some mission- 
aries are coming out openly to fight against the Indian Bureau, especially the 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs for his pronounced views on anthropology and 
the like. I personally believe that this is a great mistake. * * * Pray that 
the Indian reorganization act may be an economic blessing to every tribe that 
participates in its benefits." 

The Nez Perce Indians, the majority of whom have long been Presbyterians, 
protested this article by Dr. Roe Cloud. I enter in evidence The Christian 
Advocate, Pacific Edition, for October 17, 1935, and for the record marked 
"Exhibit 99." the article on page 13. entitled, "Back to the Blanket — Not 
Much !" a paper presented to the Presbytery of northern Idaho by the united 
sessions of the six Nez Perce Indian churches, from which the following is 
quoted : 

"We desire to express our disnpproval of the article written by Rev. Henry 
Roe Cloud and published in the April number of Women and Missions. Its 
teachings are death-dealing to the Christian faith taught in God's word. It 
is proposing to take the Indian people back again to the days of their 
heathenism. * * * 

"Our Nez Perce people have in times past been ready to lay down their lives if 
need be in defense of their faith in God and His Word, and to separate Chris- 
tianity from paganism and the evils of false worship. Will they lower their 
standards now ? No ; they refuse to go back. 

^P ?»• 5J» JjS ^5 afi SP 

"Tills article insists on the old heathen relations being retained and this is 
striking at the very heart of Christian work among Indian people. * * * 
If heathenism has its way, and it always does unless the gospel of Jesus 
Christ changes the heart and enables the Indian people to come up out of it, 
it will tear down every chruch, destroy every home, and debauch every Indian 
boy and girl." 

The manner in which the "religious liberty" order was being used by the 
Bureau as a cloak to denial of religious liberty was discussed in an article in 
the "Missionary Review of the World" for September 1985, by Mrs. Flora 
Warren Seymour, an attorney of Chicago who has had close contact with 
Indians and Indian affairs for more than 20 years. I enter for the record, 
marked "Exhibit 100" a reprint of the article entitled "Federal Favor for 
Retishism," from which the following is quoted : 


"Some employees still attend churches and conlribute to their support, as 
has been their custom in the past. Others, not few in number, have felt that 
their standing with the Washington office will be better if they withdraw from 
any connection with religious activity. 

" 'My wife and I feel that we have a right to attend church when away from 
the reservation,' said a teacher of many years' service, 'but here on the reserva- 
tion it is best to refrain from participation in the work of the mission.' 

"While such participation has not been formally prohibited, no doubt is left 
in the minds of Indian Service employees as to the direction in which the 
wind is blowing. * * * jj^ otlier words, if a Government employee values 
his job * * * it is to his interest to remain silent and inactive in regard 
to his own religious convictions. This in the name of 'toleration' for the 
native religion, we find to be a virtual denial of religious freedom to the 
Government employee, whether white or Indian." 

Missionaries and laymen, both white and Indian, continued to oppose the 
religious policy of the present Bureau regime and under date of February 19. 
1936. the Commissioner addressed a letter to Mr. Ben Dwight, editor of The 
Tuskahoman, which was printed in that paper, and was mimeographed and 
franked out by the Commissioner. The mimeographed copies were entitled 
"The Policy of the Office of Indian Affairs on Religious Liberty Among the 
Indians," one of which I enter for the record, marked "Exhibit 101." On page 
7 of this circular, the Commissioner says : 

"* * * Going further, I consider that our policy toward the native In- 
dian religions should be a positive one — not less positive than in the case 
of Christian religions." 

I enter for the record, marked "Exhibit 102", mimeographed copy of a reply 
to the above letter, entitled "Open Letter to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs 
by the General Conference of Missionaries of the Christian Reform Church," 
which closes with these words : 

"Has the Commissioner of Indian Affairs the right to use his authority, his 
office, the Indian schools, and public moneys to malve propaganda for and to 
promote paganism?" 

I recall the attention of the committee to the fact that Indian courts, both 
the Wheelor-Howai'd courts and the Bureau courts, issue divorces regardless of 
State laws. Indians complain bitterly that these divorces are not only illegal 
but are demoralizing and have been used to break up families and homes. Chief 
American Horse cited several instances in his testimony before the Senate Com- 
mittee on Indian Affairs at the hearings held last January. ( See No. 7 on List 
of Unprinted Hearings, Exhibit 5.) In one case of which I have knowledge, 
the wife divorced her husband because he would not stop working against the 
Bureau program. Both of them were employed by the local agency. He was 
released from the service. She was warned by local employees that if he con- 
tinued to oppose the program she would lose her job, too. He refused to stop, 
so she got a $15 divorce from the Wheeler-Howard court and the children 
were divided between them. I also point out to the committee that the Law 
and Order Code of the Indian Bureau courts (see exhibit 9G) provides for the 
recognition of both Indian custom marriages and Indian custom divorces. All 
of which leans distinctly away from the Christian concepts of marriage and in 
the direction of the Communist system of Russia. 

Among those things wliich the Commissioner includes in "religious freedom" 
is the use of peyote or mescal among the Indians. Peyote is the bean of a 
species of cactus plant which grows in Mexico. There is wide controversy 
whether or not it is a habit-forming drug. It is not included in the list of 
deleterious drugs of the Federal Government. It cannot be sent through the 
mail by order of the Post Office Department. Its action is upon the vision and 
the mentality, producing v/hat might be termed hallucinations, ;;nd, if taken in 
sufficient quantities, produces a temporar.y paralysis in some cases. Irrespec- 
tive of whether or not peyote is deleterious, there is no doubt vrJiatsoever that 
those who use it are in a mental stupor while under its influence and its use 
can be and many times is a very real detriment to health, all of whJch is 
demoralizing and degrading. Peyote was brought from Mexico and introduced 
among the Indians in the United States some 40 or more years ago. Indians 
v.ho became addicts .sought to cloak their actions behind religion and made a 
ceremony for peyote meetings, combining Christian doctrines witli the use of 
peyote in place of the blessed sacraments. I have talked personally with people 
who have attended these peyote meetings and participated for the purpose of 
learning exactly the effects and how "religious" these meetings really were. 


Everyone was agreed that there could be no religion under such circumstances 
and that the name "devil weed" given to peyote by the Spanish padres was 
the best appellative. 

At the suggestion of an anthropologist, some Indians applied for a charter of 
incorporation for what they called the Native American Church. Behind this 
charter they could operate unmolested and the use of peyote spread among 
the Indians. Through the etforts of Christian people, both white and Indian, 
Congress took cognizance of the spread of peyote among the Indians and its 
harmful effects upon them early in the 1920's by including in the language of 
the appropriation acts the words "for the suppression of li(iuor and deleterious 
drugs, including pej'ote, among the Indians." I call the attention of this com- 
mittee to pages 182'oS to 18313 of Survey of Conditions of the Indians, part 34 
( exhibit '88 ) , in evidence, which contains reprints of the information presented 
to Congress in 1919 about peyote and its harmful effects among the Indians. 

In 1935, Commissioner Collier appeared before the subcommittee on Appro- 
priations for the Department of the Interior and requested that the words 
"including peyote" be stricken from the above-mentioned section of the appro- 
(priation act. (See pp. 18225 to 18226 of exhibit 88 in evidence, as above 
mentioned.) Since that time the appropriation acts have carried no author- 
ization for the suppression of peyote. 

In 1936 a controversy arose at Taos Pueblo, N. M., between the peyote users 
and the tribal governm-ent. The Pueblos have always maintained their own 
form of government and to a large measure have been self-governing prior to 
this administration of the Indian Bureau. This tribal government at Taos 
Pueblo had always been opposed to the use of peyote in the pueblo and had done 
all possible things to supress it. In 1936 an Indian ran amuck while under 
the influence of peyote. Acting under the tribal law, the governor of the pueblo 
ordered the Indian Bureau policeman, Antonio Mirabal, to arrest the man and 
confiscate any peyote which he could find where the ceremony was being held. 
Mr. Mirabal carried out the orders of the governor. Later a trial was held 
and not only the man who had made the trouble but also the peyote cult 
leaders were tried and fined. The fines were paid in commodities and lands, 
and these were distributed among the members of the tribes in accordance with 
the orders of the tribal officers. (See testimony of Antonio Mirabal, pp. 18175 
to 18184, Survey of Conditions, pt. 34, in evidence as exhibit 88. ) Tl^e authority 
for this procedure is provided in chapter 4 of the Law and Order Code (in 
evidence as exhibit 96) promulgated by the Indian Bureau, and under which 
the Indian Btireau policeman necessarily had to act. 

Section 53-401 of the New Mexico statutes provides that "It shall be unlawful 
for any person to possess, sell or give away anhalonium, commonly known as 
peyote" and further provides for a fine of not less than $200 or imprisonment 
for 90 days, or both. Hence the actions of the tribal council and the Indian 
Bureau policeman were in accordance with Bureau regtilations of procedure and 
the State law prohibiting the use of peyote. The cult leaders appealed to 
Washington about the matter. Secretary Ickes addressed a letter to the 
governor of Taos Pueblo directing Taos council to restore the land to those 
fined and to make good any damages which the prisoners may have sustained. 
The Secretary said : 

"It is intolerable that the most fundamental of all hiunan rights, and one 
of the most precious rights guaranteed by the Constitution — liberty of con- 
science — should be denied and abolished within a tribe of Indians through 
the action of oflScers themselves proceeding under the domination of an armed 
and uniformed employees of the Indian Service, whose action, in its turn, was 
not authorized by law or directed or to be tolerated by his superiors in the 
Oovernment. * * * Shotild the religious persecution be recommenced, the 
resources of the Department of the Interior will be used to protect the religious 
liberties of the minority. * * * j earnestly hope and trust that hereafter 
those irregularities and these demoralizing actions will not be renewed. * * ♦ 
It jeopardizes the religious liberties and self-government of all the other ptieblos 
and, indeed, of every Indian tribe. It jeopardizes the success of the whole 
broad program, now far advanced, which looks toward establishment of Indian 
rights." (See exhibit 88 in evidence.) 

Antonio Mirabal was relieved from Government employ on May 8, 1936. 

As a restilt of the above controversy, Hon. Dennis Chavez introduced a bill, 
S. 1399, into the Senate to prohibit the interstate transportation of anhalonitim 
(peyote) in certain cases. This bill provides that it shall be against the 
Federal laws for peyote to be transported into any State which has laws 


prohibiting it. On May 18, 1937, the Secretary of the Interior sent a lonj? 
adverse report against the hill to the chaiiinan oi" the Senate Comnfittee on 
Indian Affairs. 

Complaints have come to the Federation from Indians of several reservations 
ahont the increased use of peyote among their members. From a Preliminary 
Report on Peyote, prepared for the snbconnnittee (m Indian work of the home 
missions conncils, by G. E. E. Lindquist, which I offer in evidence, marked 
"Exhibit 102," the follovying is quoted: 

"Between 1010 and 1034 peyote, while extensively nsed both as a medicine and 
in worship, had been rather quiescent as an organization. Since 1034. however, 
it has taken a new lease on life, so to speak, and promoters of peyote have 
been making the rounds of a number of western reservations seeking to intro- 
duce this practice and claiming to be representatives of the Native 'American 

It has been reliably reported to me that one charter of incorj)oration has been 
issued to a native American Church in South Dakota during the last 4 years. 
South Dakota, like New Mexico, has a law prohibiting the use, possession, or 
transpcn-tntion of peyote. A charter of incorporation, costing $3.50, enables 
these Indians to circumvent the law, for the Secretary of the Interior says 
that "the resources of the Department will be used to protect the religious 
liberties of the minority." 

As further evidence of the trend of the religious policies of tlie Bureau offi- 
cials, I offer in evidence "Indians at Work" for December 1, 1937, and for the 
record, marked "Exhibit 103," the article on pages 29 and 30, entitled "^Hie 
Straddle Between Cultures." This is a very favorable review of the book The 
Enemy Gods by Oliver LaFarge, friend and champion of Commissioner Collier. 
The publisher and price of the book are given and the review was written by 
D'Arcy McNickle, administrative assistant — Office of Indian Affairs. From 
this article I quote : 

"The Indian has always had friends and it has sometimes seemed that 
the friends have been his worst enemies. We wince when we recall the days 
when hairy-chested frontiersmen set about systematically to rid the public 
domain of vermin who pestered the overland trails. Colonel Chivington at 
San Creek, Colo., was forthright. Vermin was vermin. But really, it was 
after his ^me that the Indian fell upon evil days. The abolitionists, the hu- 
manity lovers, out of employment after the Civil War. found the naked, hounded 
red man and cuddled him close. They offered him Bibles instead of bullets, and 
there were Indians who thought it was a poor exchange. A dead Indian, they 
would say, is better off than Mr. LaFarge's Myron Begay (born Ashin-Tso-n's 
son; Big Salt's son, that is), at the moment when, frenzied by the cheap rascality 
of Christian soul-saving, he stood up in a mind of missionary pep meeting and 
denied his gods." 

"The Cheap Rascality of Christian Soul Saving'"^ — let those words sink into 
the consciousness of every Christian American. In December, the month iield 
sacred to the birth of the crucified Christ child, that unmistakable expression 
of hatred for the Christian religion was hurled broadcast in 12,000 or more 
copies of a magazine published by the Government of the United St'ates, and 
edited by an oflScial of the United States whose rank is slightly lower than that 
of a Cabinet officer and who is charged with the duty of caring for the Ijidian 
wards of a Christian Nation. Those words were written by -an "administrative 
assistant," I refrain from personal comment with difficulty. I enter in evi- 
dence "The Calvin Forum" for March 1038. and for the record, marked "Ex- 
hibit 104," the editorial on pages 171-172, from which I quote: 

"We thought this was a Christian country. 

"We were under the impression that the President of the United States, 
the superior of both Mr. Collier 'and Mr. McNickle, assumed the highest oflEice 
of the Nation with a solemn oath to Almighty God and with his hand placed 
in reverence upon the Bible. 

3jc ^ ^ ^ n* H* •*• 

"The chcnp rascality of Christian soul saving! 

"We would not think of using designations such as these for any honest 
effort, whether in the religious or the governmental sphere. But if the terms 
must be used, we do not hesitate to say that this latest utterance from a 
subordinate of Mr. John Collier against the greatest civilizing and upliftii;g 
force for the American Indian that has ever come to him is the cheapest 1)it 
of lascality that has issued from a Washington office for some time. * * * 

"Shall we deny our Lord and Savior by silence? 


•'Shall we allow sinister forces in our national life to jeopardize the re- 
li.i;ious and civil freedom which has ever been the boast of America?" 

The American Indian Federation concurs in all of the above quotation. 

Without a doubt, the results of this anti-Christian policy of the present 
Indian Bureau officials can never be measured or even estimated. Those re- 
fiults will be both too intimate and too intangible as they manifest themselves 
throughout the courses of individual lives. However, there are already some 
tangible evidences of the results of this anti-Christian policy. I enter in evi- 
dence, marked "Exhibit 105," the Sunday School Times for July 11, 1936. 
From an article about the present Bureau policy in regard to religion on page 
470, the following is quoted : 

"* * * a recent case : An Indian woman living in one of the New Mexico 
pupblos was given a Bible. By the study of the Scriptures she was led to 
embrace the Christian religion. When the news of this reached the governor 
of this pueblo, he brought the case before his council. The woman appeared 
with her Bible and told the elders that she believed in its teachings. Firm in 
her refusal to renounce her new-found faith, she was sentenced to a public 

Did the Secretary of the Interior order the governor of this pueblo to make 
restitution and allow this woman to worship as she pleased as he did in the 
case of the peyote cult leaders? 

I enter in evidence, marked ."Exhibit 106" photostat copy of a new^spaper 
clipping from a New Mexico paper of December S, 1936, headed "Navajo 
Artack Morgan." This is a report of a lengthy statement issued by the Bureau- 
controlled executive committee of the Navajo Tribal Council and among other 
things it says : 

"It is high time an answer is given to this rabble rouser who presumably 
because of his antagonism to the Commissioner's policy which grants to Indians 
the same religious freedom as is granted to whites under the Constitution, is 
doing everything in his power to misrepresent facts. * * * We believe the 
Navajo people as a whole are sick of religions zealots who climb soap boxes 
at every opportunity to damn the Government as well as law-abiding Navajo 
citizens. We believe in other words that the Navajo are sick of the tactics 
of Jake Morgan. * * * Jake Morgan is a missionary. He should, therefore, 
confine his activities to the promotion of peace and not incite his people to war. 
Through his blind, ignorant efforts to incite the Navajo people against the Gov- 
ernment, he is doing untold damages * * *." 

This attack, supposedly issued by Indians, was against J. C. INIorgan, an 
educated and cultured full-blood Navajo Indian, who has been a missionary 
among his people for more than a quarter of a century. The rejection of 
the so-called Wheeler-Howard act by the Navajo was largely the result of the 
single-handed campaign which Mr. Morgan made against it. 

Lastly, a Christian minister in Minnesota was brutally beaten by two Indians 
in 1936 and died as a result of his injuries. During the last session of Con- 
gress, the Congress had before it a bill, S. 2120, to compensate his widow and 
children in the sum of $3,r00. 

"The cheap rascality of Christian soul-saving" — in those words perhaps can 
be found the philosophical trend of those who administer the present Bureau 
of Indian Affairs and upon which is based the formalized educational program 
of the Indian Bureau. 

John Collier took office as Commissioner of Indian Affairs on July 1, 1935. 
Ill August of that year, he had Dr. Moises Saenz, a Mexican educator, come to 
this country with his expense paid by our Government to make a survey of the 
Indian schools and to "advise" the Government of the United States how to 
run its Indian schools. I call attention to pages 704 to 709 and 900 to 901 
of the Murdock hearings, exhibit 26, in evidence. At that time Commissioner 
♦ 'oilier testified that he had spent two summers in Mexico going around with 
Dr. Saenz ; that Dr. Saenz was invited to come to this country by the Secretary 
of the Interior at the suggestion of Mr. Collier himself, and Dr. Carson Ryan, 
rlien Director of Indian Education of the Indian Bureau. 

Dr. Saenz was a personal friend of Mr. Collier's over a period of several 
years, and at one time served on the board of directors of the American Indian 
Defense Association, which has an interlocking directorate with the American 
Civil Liberties Union and of which ]Mr. Collier was executive secretary. Dr. 
Saenz was Undersecretary of Education in Mexico for several years. I enter in 
evidence, marked "Exhibit 107," Indians at Work, March 1, 1935, issue and 
call the attention of the committee to the article on pages 5 to 10, an article 

2496 ux-A]^iKin('AX propaganda activities 

entitled "The Ilniulinacle Ediuation of Mexico (Notes from A Talk by Catherine 
Vesra JSturges Given at the Southwest Field Conference on Community Work, 
August 1034 ).■' At that time, Miss Sturges was employed as a coordinator of 
the Indian I5nreau, and as far as I know is still so employed. In this article, 
Miss Sturges said : 

"In the yeai-s which I shared the fortunes of the people's educational move- 
ment which evolved with the developnients upheaved by the 10-year social revo- 
lution in Mexico, the realization deepened with me of the power of this capacity 
for direct creation. However, it was through the great comprehension of it 
in the mind of Don Moises Saenz that I measuied by my own understanding 
the depth, the volume, the pull of it as a human and a social dynamic in the 
life of his people. Inder the leadership of tliis devoted educator it was my 
privilege to work during 8 years in which his hand was shaping much of the 
growth and change surging into being through the medium of education in the 
life of Mexico." 

I call the attention of the committee to pages 09 to 111 of "Progressive Educa- 
tion'' magazine, in evidence as exhibit 10. This is an article entitled ''The 
Social and Culture," by Moises Saenz, which deals with the •"Mexican revolu- 
tion." Dr. Saenz says : 

"* * * The revolution had to create a school of its own * * * The 
school of the past — the school of the "three ll"s," of fragmentary, bookish, rote- 
learning — has been disqualified." 

Incidentally, I call to the attention of this committee that other contributors 
to this issue of the magazine include Dr. Carson Ryan and Rose K. Brandt, 
jointly, Dr. Ryan being director of Ijidian education, and Miss Brandt .super- 
visor of elementary education of tiie Bureau ; Helen E. Lawhead, Mrs. Nancy 
Irene Heger, and Edward L. Keithahan, all employed in the Division of Educa- 
tion of the Indian Bureau ; Oliver I^a Farge, heretofore mentioned ; Catherine 
Vesta Sturges. above mentioned, and John Collier. In the article on pages 
95-98, entitled "Mexico, A Challenge," Mr. Collier states : 

"Mexico has lessons to teach the United States in the matter of schools and 
Indian administration, lessons which are revolutionary and which may be 

I call the attention of the committee to page 705 of the Murdock hearings 
(exhibit 26) on which is reproduced the antireligious pledge which it is neces- 
sary for all school teachers to sign in ]Mexico, as follows : 

"In the presence of the board of education, I , declare that I uncon- 
ditionally accept the program of the socialist schools and that I will make it 
known and defend it. I declare that I am an atheist, irreconcilable enemy of 
the Catholic, apostolic, and Roman religion and that I will endeavor to destroy 
it, detach the conscience from any religious worship and I am disposed to 
fight the clergy everywhere and wherever it shall be necessary. 

"I declare my readiness to take a main part in the campaign to attack the 
Catholic, apostolic, and Roman religion wherever it may appear, and I will not 
permit any kind of religious practice at my home nor the presence of religious 

"I will not permit any of my relatives living under my roof to attend any 
religious ceremony," 

When this was called to the attention of the Commissioner of Indian Af- 
fairs by the members of the Murdock committee ]Mr. Collier replied that he 
knew nothing about it and doubtless it was all a big fraud. I call the at- 
tention of the committee and ask to have included in this record exhibit K 
shown on page 900 of these Mui-dock hearings. This is a reproduction of a 
letter addressed to Mr. Joseph Burner, by Vincent DePaul Fitzpatrick, man- 
aging editor of the Baltimore Catholic Review, dated April 2. 19'-*.5, regarding 
the authenticity of this oath. Among other things. Mr. Fitzpatrick says: 

"I saw an original copy of the oath as issued in Mexico, had it translated and 
the translation aflSxed. * * * Repre.sentati^e Higgins of Massachusetts de- 
fied the Mexican Ambassador to disjirove any of the statements which it has 
published and any of the documents which it uses. No effort has been made 
to disprove the Review's statements, either regarding the oath or of conditions 
in Mexico. * * * j ^vish you to undei'stand that we publish no statements 
until we have absolute proof concerning them. * * *" 

I call the attention of the committee to the report of the Committee on Un- 
American Activities, given on the floor of the House of Representatives, Seventy- 
fourth Congress, February 27, 1935. at which time Congressman Fennerty said : 

"The gentleman from New York was absolutely correct a moment ago when 


he iDtimated that Communists are active in Mexico. As a matter of fact the 
entire Government and its 6-year plan are modeled on soviety principles. 
Mexican delegates have been sent to Moscow to study the Russian principles 
and methods of Government ; 'red' Russian has spent $18,000,000 for Communist 
propaganda in Mexico, in the belief, as Russian representatives in Mexico have 
admitted to nevi\s correspondents, that once Mexico is Russianized, America is 
xiext. * * * The 'red' frontier is not now in Europe ; it is at our own door," 

I enter in evidence, marked 'Exhibit lOS" a report of a deputation to Mexico 
appointed by the American Committee on Religious Rights and Minorities, dated 
September 19.35, entitled "Religious Liberty in Mexico," and signed by three 
members of a nonsectarian committee representing the Catholic, Protestant, 
and Jewish faiths. This report states that even after the adoption of drastic 
anti-clerical provisions in the Constitution of Mexico in 1917, the literal inter- 
pretation was not applied for several years. From page 7 of this report I quote 
as follows : 

"It is now apparent that the National Revolutionary Party which controls 
the Government of Mexico has with deliberation embarked upon a program 
aimed at the destruction of the Roman Catholic Church and witii it the destruc- 
tion of all religions. This policy can succeed if the National Revolutionary 
Party can accomplish : 

"1. Its announced primary purpose, to prohibit the teaching of any religion 
to children in public or other schools. 

"2. Its often disavowed but nevertheless plainly unconcealed purpose to at 
first limit the clergy and the number of churches as to make the influence of 
the clergy insignificant, and later, wherever possible, to entirely prohibit the 
existence of churches and clergy." 

On page 9 the report states: 

"Radical labor-party leaders, however, * * * while disavowing an intent 
to abolish capitalism and adopting communism, admit that their anti-religious, 
anti-clerical, and rationalistic education policies are taken bodily from the 
Communist program." 

On page 13, the report gives a compilation showing the shrinkage in the 
number of priests and churches permitted in Mexico, in approximate figures. 
Before 1926 there were approximately 4,493 churches and in 1935 there were 197. 

Catherine Vesta Sturges wrote in 1935 that she had worked in Mexico for 
8 years under Dr. Moises Saenz when "his hand was shaping much of the 
growth and change surging into being through the medium of education in the 
life of Mexico." 

I further call the attention of the committee to page 022 of the printer's page 
proof of the Cherokee Investigations of 1936, exhibit 28 in evidence, and to 
the item reproduced from the December 14, 1935, issue of Industrial Control 
Reports, which states : 

"Promotion of 'social science' is resulting in the perversion of youth to an 
alarming extent as was the case in Germany before Hitler, In one instance 
vouched for by an eminent authority recently returned from Mexico, a number 
of very young girls were sent to entertain a group of Mexican Government 
officials. 'When they did not return until the next day and had been misused, 
the parents appealed to the authorities. They were told that all that bourgeois 
sex superstitution was a part of religious superstition and that, since the 
girls woidd have sex experience some day, it was just as well tliat they did so 
now, under Government supervision,' Because of widespread incidents of this 
kind, including the stripping of children to teach sex by illustration, outraged 
parents have killed and maimed Commimist school teachers." 

In reply to a direct question in 1935, Commissioner Collier told the Murdock 
subcommittee: "I think that the rural schools serving the Mexican ajitas are 
almost the most perfect schools in the world." 

During the summer following the Murdock hearings, Dr. Carson Ryan, Jr., 
was released from his position as Director of Indian Education to do research 
work for the Spellman Foundation. In February 1936, Dr. Willard W. Beatty 
was given a temporary appointment as Director of Indian Education. This 
became a permanent appointment about a year later in 1937. The radical 
associates and the record of Progressive Education Association of which he 
was national president have already been discussed herein. It has been es- 
tablished that progressive education is founded upon the philosophy of John 
Dewey and that his philosophy is antireligious. Whenever criticism is leveled 
at the Bureau program of education concerning anything which happened 
before Dr. Beatty became director, the officials of the Bureau always say 


tliat Dr. Beatty cannot be charged with the occurrences which toolv place 
before he became director. That answer is not convincing in view of the 
fact that Dr. Ryan became national president of Progressive Education Asso- 
ciation in 1937 about the same time that Dr. Beatty received his permanent 
appointment in the Indian Bureau. In other words, Dr. Ryan and Dr. Beatty 
just exchanged positions and the program started under Dr. Ryan has been 
continued under his associate in progressive education, Dr. Beatty. The evi- 
dence seems conclusive that Mexico and the Progressive Education Associa- 
tion are the sources of inspiration of the present program of formalized educa- 
tion in Government-maintained Indian schools. 

The Communist program of education, as shown in House Report No. 2290, 
Seventy-first Congress (exhibit 29 in evidence) and as contained in the books, 
"The Soviet Challenge to America." by George S. Counts, and "Remakers of 
Mankind," by Carleton Washburne, both heretofore mentioned, as associates 
in progressive education with Dr. Beatty, Director of Indian Education, and 
commonly known to be in entire sympatliy with the Russian program, can be 
summarized briefly as follows: 

("hildren are taught : 

1. Hatred of God and all forms of religion ; to hold in contempt and disobey 
parents who believe in religion and to mock all religious ceremonies. 

2. Hatred of the capitalist system of private ownership of property, private 
production, and inheritance. 

3. Hatred and disrespect for all forms of Government except communism. 

4. The Marxian theory of "production for use and not for profit." 

5. Social science as a substitute for spiritual religion and practical experience 
in the art of living. 

House Report No. 2290 states: 

"Documonts and books presented to this committee indicate that the most 
terrible kinds of vice are encouraged among the young school children in order 
to break down family influence, which is the foundation of all religion." 

In attempting to establish communism in other countries, the Communist 
program seeks to indoctriue all of the above into the school system of other 
countries and to arouse class hatreds and race pre.ludice on the one hand and 
promote social equality on the other to win members for the Communist cause. 
In this statement, I shall confine my remarks about the educational program 
of the Indian Bureau to those things which we believe to be in line with the 
Communist program of education and destructive of the American system of 


In addition to those things which have already been stated al>out the religious 
policies of the present Bureau regime, there are some things which apply di- 
rectly to the schools. In all boarding schools maintained by the Government, 
it had always been compulsory for children to attend church or Sunday school 
services on Sunday, either at the school or in nearby churches. On January 15. 
1934, following his first order of January 3, 1934 (in evidence as exhibit 97) 
Commissioner Collier issued an additional order concerning religious activities 
in the schools, which I offer for the record, marked "Exhibit 110." 

Briefly this sets forth that hereafter no Indian child shall be compelled to 
attend religious serjvices ; that no employee of the Bureau shall be compelled 
to hold Sunday school services; that "any missionary, including any representa- 
tive of a native Indian religion, may be granted as a privilege the use of 
rooms or other conveniences in the buildings or premises of boarding schools," 
If parents (or pupils over 18) request the services of such missionary or de- 
nomination ; that "proselyting in the Indian boarding school is prohibited" ; 
and that superintendents or principals of boarding schools shall notify mission- 
aries if the parents appear in person before said officials and "knowingly and 
voluntarily, in writing" register a request for teaching the ministration for the 
child by a missionary or denomination. All of which again sounds like the 
fullest religious freedom. However, it must be remembered that many Indian 
children in boarding schools come from homes at some distance away, which 
would prohibit their parents from appearing "in person" before any superin- 
tendent to request religious ministrations for their children. It must also 
be noted that there is no in.struction to the superintendents to make this 
order known to parents, or to give it the "widest circulation" possible, as was 
the ease in the letter of January 3, 1934. 


At Cherokee, N. C, teachers were given to understand 'at blanks for the 
parents to sign would be forwarded from the Washington office and that nothing 
was to be said until their arrival. The parents have never received the blanks 
and Sunday school seijvices were abandoned at the boarding school. For in- 
formation about this situation at Cherokee, I call the attention of the com- 
mittee to pages 035-038 of the printer's page-proof of the Cherokee Investiga- 
tions of 1936 (exhibit 28 in evidence), and for this record the letter of W. F. 
Sinclair on page 036. Reverend Sinclair was a missionary living near the school 
who left the reservation because of the unfriendly attitude of agency officials. 
After relating that there had been a fine Sunday school and harmonious rela- 
tions had existed between the agency personnel and himself, Mr. Sinclair states : 
"This condition existed until the present administration took charge. After 
Mr. Kirk was transferred from from Cherokee, I was never able to get enough 
children together for a religious service. And, while I have no positive proof, 
I was led to feel that the present administration was, and is, unfriendly to any 
religious efforts on the part of the Indians. Several months before leaving 
Cherokee, I came to the realization that efforts were being made, (juietly, and 
under cover, to discredit religious instruction among the Cherokees, and it was 
my feeling that if I remained there as missionary I would be compelled to 
express myself in such way as to perhaps embarrass the denominational board 
under which I was working." 

I call the attention of the committee to page 901 of the Murdock heatings 
(exhibit 26 in evidence), and for this record the letter of Miss Mary Gladys 
Sharp, dated at Arkansas City, Kans., April 3, 1935. Miss Sharp is a missionary 
at the Chiloceo Indian school at Chilocco, Okla. Among other things, she says : 
"This the Indian Office of Washington has done this year. First, rules were 
that no boy or girl could be required to go to church — it was left up to the boy 
or girl whether they went or not but the employees were to encourage them to 
go. And the attendance held up very well. But March 25, 1935, two people 
were here from Washington and now they won't even let the employees encour- 
age them to go, for that was all they were doing and they were criticized for it. 
And last Sunday morning at the general Protestant and Baptist service in the 
auditorium, there were only about 103 boys and 90 girls, making a total of 
about 393 out of 600 students that should be there. These two people also 
stopped all Sunday night meetings — and that was when we had our Baptist 
meeting, every third Sunday night. Also, they won't let us give the invitation 
any more. * * * These children in boarding schools are not like the ones 
at home where their fathers and mothers can look after their religious train- 
ing. They are at the formative age — send a boy away at 13 and get him back 
at 18 and he is a man — and try and do something with him after 4 years of 
godless living," 

Relative to the situation at Chilocco Indian School, I enter for the record, 
marked "Exhibit 111," a photostat copy of letter addressed to five ministers, 
dated March 19, 1935, at Chilocco Indian School, and signed by L. E. Correll, 
superintendent. The letter says : 

"I have recently received a letter from the Indian Office, calling my attention 
to instructions previously issued relative to religious worship in nonreservation 
boarding schools. 

"Please be advised that in the future you will not be permitted to hold revival 
services, invitation meetings, or in any way hold services in which you ask 
children to .loin any religious body while they are students of this school. Of 
course we will be glad to have you continue to look after those that stated their 
preference previous to their enrollment in this school." 

In other words, no Christian minister or priest could ask any child attending 
the Chilocco Indian School to accept the teachings of Jesus. At some of the 
boarding schools in Oklahoma, particularly those which were established by the 
Five Civilized Tribes themselves when they had independent governments, it 
has always been customary for Indian missionaries to hold Christian services in 
the Indian language for pupils attending these schools. It was difficult for the 
school authorities to know whether or not these Indian-speaking missionaries 
were asking the children to believe in the Christian faith or to join a Christian 
church. In one instance of this kind, a full-blood Cherokee Indian missionary, 
Rev. Jim Pickup, was told to "stay away," and he no longer conducts services 
at the Seciuoyah School for Orphans at Tahlequah, Okla. I enter for the rec- 
ord, marked "Exhibit 112," photostat copy of letter from Rev. Jim Pickup to 
Mr. Joseph Bruner, dated September 27, 1935. 


In at least, one school, children who attended church services of their own 
volition at a nearhy church and wish to join that church were prevented from 
doing so. At the Fifth Annual Convention of the American Indian Federa- 
tion, held in Tulsa, Okla.. August 18, li>, and 20. 1038, INIiss Maxine Vaughn, 
daughter of Rev. and Mrs. Jackson Wolf of Salina, Okla., related that while 
she was a pupil at the Seneca Indian School "at Wyandotte, Okla., she and 
seven or eight other pupils attended a church service at the First Baptist 
Church at Wyandotte and wished to be baptized and join the church. Rev. J. 
Grover Scales, an Indian minister, agreed to meet tlicm at the creek near the 
school that afternoon and baptize them. When they returned to the school one 
of the girls told the matron about it and after dinner when they were to go to 
the creek to be baptized, the matron gave orders that no one was to leave the 
c^ampus that afternoon, so they could not join the church. I enter in evidence, 
marked "Exhibit 113," the magazine The Indian Revealer, October 14, 1938, 
Post Convention Bulletin of the Federation, and call attention to the picture 
of Miss Vaughn and the article about this on page 1. 1 attended the conven- 
tion and personally heard Miss Vaughn tell the.^e facts. From other sources 
it has been determined that Reverend Scales and a Sunday-school teacher wx>nt 
to the school, when the children did not appear at the creek, for the purpose of 
setting another time when they could be baptized ; that a matron met them at 
the door aiid refused them permission to see any of the children saying they 
were in their rooms, and when asked to deliver a message about a later date 
for the baptism, the matron suid that they did not allow anything like at the 

These three instances are all from the State of Oklahoma, where the Indians 
have been citizens since Oklahoma became a State and where the Indian 
Bureau has little or no control over the majority of Indians. As to the situa- 
tion among those Indians who are directly under Bureau control, I ask that 
the letter of Miss Cecil Gate, of St. Louis, Mo., addressed to Hon. Dennis Chavez 
and found on page 19081 of the Congressional Record of August 20, 1937 (Ex- 
hibit 95 in evidence), be included in this record. Miss Gate sets forth at some 
length exactly what the results of the school program have been in South 
Dakota and I call particular attention to her statements relative to the mission 
boarding schools. This brings up another phase of Indian education — the Mis- 
sion schools. In many of the treaties made by the Indians with the Govern- 
ment it was provided that any money belonging to the tribe as treaty or 
trust money could be used to defray the educational expenses for children of 
that tribe. The Government has used tribal funds thus made available tiirough 
treaty provision to hold and maintain government schools on the rcvservations. 
It lias likewise always been the policy of the Government to pay Mission schools 
a tuition fee out of these tribal funds for Indian children whose parents wished 
them to attend the Mission schools. 

In 1907 the Supreme Court of the United States held that to deny Indians 
the right to send their children to the schools at their own expense would be 
"to prohibit the free exercise of religion" among the Indians. Under The new 
"five-point education program" for the Sioux Indians, in South Dakota, Indian 
parents could not enroll their children in mission schools if the Bureau decided 
that there were Government day-school facilities available near their lumies, 
and no contract was to be entered into with any missicni .schotil until the 
propo.sed enrollment had been approved by the Director of Indian Education. 
The above-mentioned letter of Miss Gate sets forth the facts that many Indian 
parents were totally unprepared for such a change from boarding school to day 
school and that much suffering and hardship were nrought to ])ear upon lioth 
children and parents who were forced to come and camp in tents to be near 
the school and that the mission school decided to enroll a few of the most 
destitute children on their charity list. When the Bureau found this out the 
superintendent of the mission school was removed from his position. The 
letter does not relate how the Mission board was persuaded to remove him but 
if the case of the Reverend liurnett, herein related is an example of the methods 
u.sed, there can be no doul)t that the Commissioner insisted upon the removal 
of this man. Miss Gate further states: 

"For your information. Senator Chavez, I am attaching copy of the mission 
contracts which must be signed before the Interior Department will give grants 
to the South Dakota missions. Briefly this contract means tlnit the freedom 
of religious education is gone when John Colli(>r has a thmni* on the institutions." 


I do not have a copy of these mission contracts but they are available to this 
committee in the Office of Indian AlTairs. 

In conclusion, Miss Gate says : 

"Let us review the Sioux situation as it is today ; the rights of the parents 
are gone over the education of their children ; pagan religions are taught little 
children ; pagan marriages are permitted by the Department. The Department 
does not call it communism but broadmindedness and a beautiful dream that 
will make the Indians live in a land of plenty 20 years hence. However, if 
denying parents a God-given right and teaching youth paganism by active 
propaganda are not communistic iirinciples, then, Senator Chavez, what is 

For further information about the situation in South Dakota. I enter in 
evidence, marked "Exhibit 114," the magazine National Republic for April 
1937, and for the record, the article beginning on page 17, entitled "New Deal 
for Indians," by Cecil Gate. The following quotation from this article is self 
explanatory of a question which arises in all minds relative to tliis anti-Christian 
program of the Commissioner. 

"The Indian Bureau began to play the old game of forfeits with certain 
churchmen. 'Heavy, heavy hangs over your head,' said the Bureau as it 
jingled the 'treaty' and 'trust' moneys of the Indians. 'What shall I do to re- 
deem it?' whispered the churchmen. 'Silence and cooperation' was the answer. 
This was the 'freedom of speech' allowed to the missionaries in Indian 

Particularly do I call the attention of the committee to the following, quoted 
from the article : 

"What was the reaction of the Indians to this school plan? Their children 
were lined up and treated like so many chattels so that a new experiment 
could be carried out by the Department. There were angry words and some 
defiance. There were parents begging for the right to put their children in 
the schools of their choice. There were some who stubbornly refused to 
put their children in school if they could not put them v,"here they pleased. 
The Pine Ridge Sioux appealed to Mrs. Roosevelt. The Rosebud Indians had 
already appealed to President Roosevelt. A petition signed by hundreds of 
Indians and placed in a beautiful beaded cover with the words : 'Suffer little 
children to come unto Me' was sent to the White House with this letter : 

" T)ear Mrs. R*iosevelt : We, the undersigned Indians of the Pine Ridge 
Reservation, write you as one parent to another. * * * Mr. Collier, the 
Commissioner of Indian Aifairs, has started a program, which means the end 
of our mission boarding schools. * * * "We know that you would not want 
some man who does not know your family affairs like you do to stop you from 
sending your children to a religious school at your own expense if you wanted 
to do so. We Indians have read and heard about you and we hope our cry 
to you will be heard. * * * As a mother you know that our children are 
more precious to us than anything else. Please help us Mrs. Roosevelt.' 

"This was a cry from the poorest mothers of the Nation to the First Lady 
of the Land, pleading for religious tolerance and individual liberty. The 
White House apparently turned a deaf ear and there was not even the courtesy 
of an answer." 

All of these things, from three widely separated sections of the country, 
indicate that the school program is in line with the philosophy of John Dewey, 
an atheist and the founder of progressive education. 

The new school program ^ery definitely destroys accredited high schools on 
the reservations and children graduating from them cannot enter schools of 
higher education without additional work. For this reason, on some reserva- 
tions Bureau employees send their own children away to attend high school. 
Industrial education consumes a great share of time and consists principally 
in having the children do the work around the school. In place of the usual 
courses in languages and arts, the Indian children are taught Indian languages, 
arts, and crafts, music, and dancing. In places where Indians have for- 
gotten all of this, the Bureau has a trained staff of anthropologists to revive 
the language, arts and crafts, music, and dancing. These anthropologists are 
consulted about everything from educating the Indians to be Indians to the 
drafting of constitutions under which they are permitted to exist. Children are 
being trained in the "art of living" on Indian reservations and those youths 
who are helped to a higher education are being trained for service in the 
Indian Bureau. 


All of tills is distiuctly iiii-American and it is contrary to the purpose for 
which the Bureau was established and the policy and program of Congress for 
the past 150 years. I digress to connncnt upon this. As a part of this Nation, 
known as America, the Indian children should be trained to be Americans and 
no effort made to make them more race conscious. I*ersonally, I am definitely 
opposed to the policy of using academic school time to give instructions in 
Indian languages, arts and crafts, music, and dancing to the exclusion of 
other courses in similar subjects which are included in the public school cur- 
ricula. No such effort is made on behalf of any of the many races or nation- 
alities that make up the American population. In the years past, silly senti- 
mentalists have hysterically denounced the Government because children at- 
tending Government schools were forbidden to speak their native tongues, and 
were taught in the English language. Irrespective of administrative abuses 
which have from time to time existed, it must be admitted that this policy 
w\as no different than the one pursued in public schools. 

The United States is an English-speaking country. Any semblance of unity 
In this country demands that all people speak the same language. Thus no 
classes are conducted in native languages for the foreign-born children, or 
the children of foreign-born parents, who attend our public schools. Without 
a doubt, it is a hardship for these foreign children to enter our public schools 
and receive their instructions in English. But equally without a doubt, through 
those instructions given in the English language, they become an inseparable 
part of America, an English-speaking Nation. I have lived in the city of 
Buffalo, N. Y., which has a large foreign-born population and through my work 
have come intimately in contact with the foreign-born and their problems. From 
personal observations I am convinced that the free public schools of America 
have been one of the greatest forces for welding the polyglot population of 
America into one united people — Americans. The effort of the Commissioner 
to revive Indian languages and to have anthropologists spending large sums 
of the taxpayers' money to compile grammars in various native tongues for 
use in Indian schools is absolutely and totally unjustitiable. To my mind, it 
constitutes a crime the Indian children to thus try to handicap and 
hobble them by teaching them in their native language. AVould Nathan R. 
Margold, who started into our schools a foreign-born child, be the present 
solicitor of the Department of the Interior if he had been taught in the Hebrew 

To return to the school program, "cooperative" training starts early in life 
and every class has community projects either as a class or as a part of the 
whole school. The classes have "our pets," "our garden," "our sand table,'* 
"our chickens," "our rabbits," and "our" everything else. Occasionally there 
is rebellion. One little girl with capitalistic ideas, took a turtle to school and 
when the teacher referred to it as "our turtle," the youngster said most pos- 
itively "That is not 'our' turtle, that is 'my' turtle." Social science is stressed 
in all the classes, beginning as early as the second grade. I enter in evidence, 
marked "Exhibit 115," Indians at Work and call attention to a report of work 
in a second grade social-science class in a South Dakota school. In another 
locality sex instructions apparently start in the same grade as a second grade 
youngster came home and startled her mother by exiDlaining whj^ some eggs 
were fertile and hatched into chickens and why others did not as she had 
learned it while studying "our chickens." 

I call to the attention of the committee that teachers to fill positions in the 
Indian schools are not selected from the available civil-service list of regular 
teachers. The newly appointed teachers and principals are no longer designated 
as such. They are called "community workers" and "head community workers" 
respectively and special training in social service is a necessary requirement. 
Many of the Indian boys and girls to whom loans are being made by the Bureau 
are being trained in advance courses of social service preparatory to taking 
up work in the Indian Office. In this connection I wish to point out that no 
loans are made to pupils until the Bureau has approved of the school to be 
attended. Examination of the Bureau records will disclose that many are sent 
to the University of Wisconsin and Columbia University in New York City, 
both known to be schools of radical thought. 

In 1935, the council of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians conducted an 
investigation into the new educational program which was put into operation 
at Cherokee, N. C. This was followed by individual investigations by Mr. and 
Mrs. Fred B. Bauer, Federation members at Cherokee, by Mr. O. K. Chandler, 


then Americanism chairman of the Federation, and by Mr. Frank Waldrop, a 
newspaperman of Washington, D. C, in 1936. These investigations disclosed 


1. A compulsory bathing rule had been adopted for the day schools ; that 
the older girls spent several hours each week bathing the younger pupils iu 
groups ; that children had to be bathed in school twice a week or they could 
not attend the school ; that some children were not in school because their 
parents objected to the mass bathing. 

2. That Sunday-school services had been discontinued at the boarding school 
and school activities had been instituted for Wednesday evenings when prayer 
services were held in a nearby mission church. 

3. That in violation of a Bureau regulation adopted many years ago, flag- 
raising and flag-lowering ceremonies had been abandoned ; that the flag seldom 
was displayed over any of the schools or agency buildings ; that the children did 
not have the pledge of allegiance to the flag in assembly meetings and did not 
sing the patriotic songs of America. 

4. That sex was being subservicely taught to pupils of girls and boys ranging 
from 13 to 22 years of age. 

5. That books used in the social science classes were supplied from the pri- 
vate libraries of Dr. Harold W. Foght, superintendent of the agency, and C. D. 
Stevens, community worker who had taken the place of the principal. 

6. That John D. Kirk, superintendent, and Dr. Hawkins, doctor for the school, 
had been transferred from the reservation, over the written protests of the 
Cherokees, after the said employees had helped to organize a post of the Vet- 
erans of Foreign Wars among the Indian World War veterans. 

7. That teachers and employees had been instructed to teach socialism and 

S. That the books, "Instruction to American Civilization" and "Modern His- 
tory" by Harold Rugg, member of the Progressive Education Association, were 
iu use in the class rooms, and that these books had been taken out of the schools 
of the District of Columbia because of their radical teachings. 

9. That the books used in the social science classes for pupils in the high 
school included : 

(a) New Russian's Primer, by M. Illin, a Connnunist, translation by George 
S. Counts. 

(&) Brown America, by Edwin Embrey, a radical. 

(c) Rope and Faggot, by Walter White, a Negro radical. 

(d) Criminology and Penology, by John Lewis Gillin. 

(e) Problems of the Family, by Willystine Goodsell. 

10. That Commissioner John Collier considered the use of New Russia's 
Primer as "collateral reading" in an industrial-geography class as "eminently 

This situation is covered in the printer's page proof of the Cherokee Inves- 
tigation of 1936 (exhibit 28 in evidence) and the transcript of testimony given 
in the Cherokee Investigations of 1937. (See No. 2 on list of unprinted hear- 
ings, exhibit 5.) 

I ask to have included in this record from exhibit 28 the following : 

Page 020: Statement of Mindy Reed, relative to absence of patriotic songs, 

Page 019: Statement of Catherine A. Bauer, relative to absence of flags, etc. 

Pages 023-024: Notice signed by Dr. Foght warning parents that opposition 
to school program will mean loss of work relief. 

Page 024 : Afiidavit of Cas Sneed, relative to his loss of employment because 
of his opposition to the program. 

I enter in evidence, marked "Exhibit 116," "Exhibit 117," "Exhibit 118," 
"Exhibit 119," and "Exhibit 120," respectively, the books above mentioned. New 
Russia's Primer, Brown America, Rope and Faggot, Criminology and Penology, 
and Problems of the Family, and for the record the short statement concerning 
each which is thereto attached. 

In further support of the findings listed above, I enter the following exhibits 
as listed : 

Exhibit 121 : Photostat copy of letter from Mr. Harry Hardin, white World 
War veteran, to Hon. Victor E. Devereaux, director. Department of Americanism, 
Veterans of Foreign Wars, relative to un-American and anti-Christian activities 
at Cherokee. 

Exhibit 122: Affidavit of Mr. Harry Hardin, above mentioned, relative to the 

94931— 39— vol. 4 6 



Exhibit 123 : Photostat copy of tlie aliidavit signed l>y Vrt^il B. Bauer, Cherokee, 
N. C, rehitive to tlie use of New Russia's Primer iii the schools. 

Exhibit 124 : Newspaper clipping? from New York American, April 1036, an 
article written by Mr. Frank Waldrop, relative to the Cherokee Indian schools 
in North Carolina. 

Exhibit 125: Affidavit of Mrs. Maud Walsh, parent, of Cherokee, N. C, relative 
to fact her girl is not in school. 

Exhibit l-i)-. Affidavit of Mrs. Lucinda Bradley Queen, former employee at 
Cherokee boarding school, relative to several matters. 

Exhibit 127: Affidavit of Newman Arneach, pupil at Cherokee boarding 
school, relative to subversive teaching of sex in high-school art class. 

Exhi}>it 12S: Photostat copy of statement made by Newman Arneach, i-elative 
to efforts of agency employees to have him repudiate his affidavit. 

Exliibit 129: Photostat copy of letter from Commissioner Collier to Hon. 
Elmer Tliomas, March 19, 1^37, stating use of New Russia's Primer is ''em- 
inently proper." 

I also enier for the record, marked ''Exhibit 130," pliotostat copy of an affidavit 
by Dr. Ellis Bond, former physician at Pine Ridge Agency, S. Dak., in which 
he relates that the teachers at Pine Ridge were instructed by a representative 
of the Washington office to familiarize them.selves with communism and to 
teach it. 

The things related above happened in [)art before Dr. Willai-d W. Beatty 
became Director of Indian Education. But I recall to the attention of the 
committee the facts concerning the close association in progressive education 
of I)r. Beatty and the former Director of Indian Education, Dr. Carson Ryan, 
Jr. Since Dr. Beatty was appointed as Director, not only the teache^i-s but 
also some of the superintendents of Indian reservations have been sent to 
attend conferences of the Progressive Education Association. Teachers have 
also been encouraged to spend their vacations in Mexico and I know personally 
of several who have gone to Mexico for their summer vacations. This year 
it was planned to send teachers down to Mexico to attend a Progressive Educa- 
tion Association institute during this past summer; as was indicated by Bulletin 
No. 23, of Indian Education, a publication of the Division of Education, Bureau 
of Indian Affairs. I oifer in evidence, marked "Exhibit 131." Bulletin No. 24, 
of the same publicaticn, Indian Education, and for the record, the item on 
page 3, entitled, '•Su.nnner School Notes," which sets forth some facts in 
this matter. 

As the Washington representative of the American Indian Federation, I 
appeared before the House Subcommittee on Appi-opriaiions which considered 
the Interior Department appropriation bill for 1939, to make onr annual plea 
to the committee to stop all appropriations for the Bureau of Indian Affairs 
until the radical officials had been removed from office, I called the attention 
of the committee to this plan to send Indian Burean teachers to Mexico to 
study and as a result the committee inserted language into the appropriatio]i 
act prohibiting the use of travel funds for stu.dy outside of the territorial 
limits of the United States. In the report submitted by the Appropriations 
Committee on this bill, it is stated, on page 10: 

"The committee is definitely not in accord with the proposed plan for Indian 
Service personnel to make a study tour of schools outside the conlinental limits 
of the United States as described in issue No. 23 of Indian Education, published 
by the Division of Education." 

Rolntive to the school program .-nider Dr. Willnrd W. Beatty, I enter in 
evidence, marked "Exhibit 132," Indians at Work, ^Nlarch 1, 19:^7. issue, arid 
call attention to pages 20 to 23, reprint of a speech made by Dr. Beatty in 
January 1937, in which he said : 

"During the high-school conrse if boys and girls to get married they 
may do so and continue their education. If they can have practical experieiice 
in living together they will be much lietter off after they are through school. 
In many schools where there are many, many thousand acres of land, cottages 
will be liuilt on plots of 100 acres each for these young couples and they will 
be trained among other things in child care and guidance." 

Does Dr. Beatty plan to add a maternity ward to the school hospitals or 
include a course in the use of contraceptives in the high-school curricula? 

For my own part, as a mother, I wonld not care to have either my l-S-year-old 
son, or my 15-year-old daughter attending a high school of this kind where 
they could either secure "practical experience in living" under Government 
supervision, or have the example of it constantly before them. Particularly I 


would not care to have them exposed to such a school operated by officials who 
encourage so-called "tribal custom" marriages and divorces, the $15 divorces 
of the Wheeler-Howard courts and the abolition of a Bureau regulation here- 
tofore strictly enforced which prohibited male employees from associating with 
girl students. I doubt that there are any parents, either Indian or white, who 
would care to have their children attend such a school if they could prevent it. 

I would like to call to the attention of this committee the new experiment 
in the Indian boarding schools which has been started by Dr. Beatty and which 
are known as the "unit-dormitories" or "cottage dormitories," in which both 
boys and girls are housed together with a man and his wife and an additional 
teacher, as is stated on page 8 of Indian Education No. 24, in evidence as 
exhibit 131. As far as I know there are now three schools having this type 
of dormitory for housing pupils — Standing Rock, at Fort Yates, N. Dak. ; River- 
side School at Anadarko, Okla., and Fort Sill School, at Fort Sill, Okla. The 
bulletin states that home economic and English literature classes can be con- 
ducted in these homes and given regular classroom credit, in those subjects. I 
recall to the attention of rhe committee that according to the article in Indians 
at Work for March 1, 1936, (exhibit 24 in evidence) Dr. Beatty "acquired his 
educational philosophies from the fountain of progressive wisdom in Winnetka, 
111., from Prof. Carleton Washborne under whom he served for 4 years. With 
that thought in mind, I quote : 

"Our minds flashed back to the commune we had visited a day or two before 
in Moscow. Here 30 or 40 boys and girls between the ages of 12 and 16 live 
cooperatively and without adult supervision. Oue woman cooks for them but 
the children prepare the vegetables and wash the dishes. They take entire 
care of the house — we saw one squad on their hands and knees scrubbing the 
floor ; the house was immaculate. They are entirely self-disciplined, but a group 
of Young Pioneers has the responsibility for developing the right spirit among 
them. Certainly their spirit was everything one could ask for — free, natural, 
friendly, cooperative, enthusiastic." 

And from page 195, I quote : 

"There is no question but that in Russia, not only in the field of mental hy- 
giene but that in that of education in general, there is a clearer vision as to the 
aims of education and a more thoroughgoing effort toward the achievement of 
those aims than in any other part of the world. * * * As an example of 
what can be done in recreating human society through organized, well-thought- 
out education toward a definitely envisaged goal, Russia is an inspiring ex- 
ample to the rest of the world." 

Keeping in mind that the educational philosophy of Dr. Beatty was acquired 
from Professor Washburne, I enter in evidence, Indians at Work, October 1938 
issue, and for tlie record, marked "Exhibit 133," the article on pages 4 to 8, 
entitled : "Indian Service Schools, Their Aims and Some Results," by Willard W. 
Beatty, Director of Indian Education, Indian Service, from which I quote : 

"The United States Indian Service has a unique educational opportunity. It 
enrolls almost 40,000 children in 350 schools ranging from Point Barrow, Alaska, 
to Brighton, Fla. * * * No single pattern of education will adequately meet 
the needs of these diverse groups. Least of all can we assume that the tradi- 
tional pattern of American public education will be suitable to their training. 

* * * The Indian Service has the advantage that while it cooperates closely 
with the public schools of the States in which it operates, it is in no case sub- 
ject to the courses of study required by the public schools of these States. Our 
problem is distinct and we are under no necessity of conforming to educational 
patterns drafted in disregard to the situations with which we are confronted. 

* * * It is believed that our ultimate goals may be more clearly seen in 
terms of what has already been accomplished than through many pages of 
theorizing. To this end, a few citations are offered at random : 

^ ^ ^ :!: :<: 4: :jE 

"5. Fort Sill in Oklahoma, where the children from the first grade through 
high school are engaged in agriculture, and the beginning class operates a 5- 
acre farm from which it produces and preserves enough food to supply its own 
noonday meals throughout the year, applying the farming experience toward a 
mastery of speaking English, reading, and number. Here, the junior high-school 
students operate a farm cooperative in which each has a personal financial in- 
terest and from which each is making money. And here the students of the 
senior high school, almost all of whom own or have access to agricultural 
land, are prepared through actual experience to operate their own land as 
successful self-supporting farmers." 

2506 un-a:merican propaganda activities 

From tlie same magazine, I enter for the record, marked "Exhibit 134," the 
article on pages 10 to 19. entitled "The Little Red Schoolhouse. What Children 
Five to Nine Can Do," by Ruth E. Leichliter, teacher. Fort Sill School, Okla- 
homa. I particularly request the committee to read this entire article and to 
examine the pictures of the children which accompany it. This article recoimrs 
that children 5 to 9 live in the little red schoolhouse, that the boys milk the 
cow and do the chores, that the girls keep house, sew, take care of the milk, 
churn the butter, can vegetables; that the children operate a 5-acre farm and 
raise broomcorn, oats, kaffir corn, and cotton ; that they butchered a hog, 
rendered lard, made sausage, cured the hams, and made soap. From the 
article : 

"But when do they learn to read, write, spell, figure, and speak English? the 
visitors ask. * * * Marketing their vegetables, chickens, eggs, pecans, hogs, 
calves ; weighing their butter, handling milk and vegetables ; counting chickens, 
geese, guineas; keeping a breeding chart; learning by living and doing. * * * 
They sit around the fireplace and talk about the problems of dogs who catch 
their chickens ; about the calf that is about to be born ; the time to breed 
the pony. English and spelling? They get lots of it. And all of this comes 
not out of the book, but out of life." 

Does any member of this committee consider such subjects as the "calf that 
is about to be born" and the "time to breed the pony" fit subjects for boys 
and girls aged 5 to 9 years to sit aroimd the fireplace and discuss? Does 
any member of this committee recommend that children be taugh arithmetic 
by the process of keeping a breeding chart. The avenue of discussion awak- 
ened in infant minds can be judged from the following, quoted from the same 
article : 

"One little girl working earnestly on a quilt block looked up and said seri- 
ously, 'Yoti know Wobbly Knees (the sow) has a house and eight babies but 
she don't have a husband.' " 

On page 50-51 of the same magazine, is an article entitled : "The Practice 
Cottage Plan," written by Frances Clifford, student. Oglala Community High 
School, Pine Ridge, S. Dak. It says, in part : 

"The practice cottage plan was put into effect here to teach the boys and 
girls the work, business, and ftm that may be had in carrying a real home. 

"The girls' practice cottage at Kyle has been in operation for about a year. 
Four girls and a teacher occupy this house. Last year there were only three 
girls and a woman teacher in the girls' cottage and three boys and a man 
teacher in the boys' cottage. All ate in the girls' cottage so they agreed to 
help one another with all their work. * * * 

"All grades from the fourth through the ninth go to this cottage. They group 
themselves accordingly. Each group has two chances to live at the cottage 
in 1 year. 

"In the evening after all the work is finished, the boys and girls with their 
cottage teachers, meet in the living room of the girls' cottage. At this meeting 
all problems of discipline are settled which come up at the practice cot- 
tage. * * * 

"The boys and girls learn to plan their work ahead of time ; they execute 
or really do do the work ; then they evaluate or criticize their work with the 
idea of improvement. By so doing, they learn self-expression. They talk 
over in an informal way what they do and what they wish to learn at the 
practice cottage. 

"All the babies that have stayed at the cottage were nursing babies. The 
mother stays at the cottage, too, btit she is relieved of all care for this baby 
except at feeding time. 

"So effective were the lessons learned by last year's occupants of the cottage 
that a coui)le, Rufus Two Crow and Lollie Pawnee Leggins, were mariied not 
long ago. Soon Lollio will come back to the cottage to take special training to 
help her in her new home." 

Please note that the oldest pupils were first-year high-school pupils. These 
are the schools Dr. Beatty is instituting among the Indian children, inspired 
by the educational philosophy which he acquired from Carleton Washburne. 
The.sie are the schools of the "new social order" as Robert Gessnor, friend of 
the Commissioner and chairman of the Indian committee of the American Civil 
Liberties Union, called the program of the Commissioner — an order "which 
might well point the way for all of us." 


\^'hatever else may be said of them, these schools without a doiibt are an 
•exiteriment. In the March 1, 1937, issue of Indians at Work (exhibit 132 in 
evidence), Dr. Willard W. Beatty says: 

"If things work out the way we hope they will, the Indian Service in the 
next 5 years will be able to show American education in general a few things 
abiHit educating young people in life success." 

And if they do not work out as anticipated the responsibility for permitting 
this Conmiunist experimentation in education among Indian children rests 
;S(iuarely upon the Congress of the United States. 

The Commissioner enlarges upon the idea and includes the entire Indian 
Service in an article in Indians at Work, April 1, 1937, issue, wherein he is 
■discussing the achievements of the late Dr. William A. White of St. Elizabeths 
Hospital for the Insane. I enter the magazine in evidence, marked "Exhibit 
135." and quote from the editorial by John Collier, as follows : 

"But just as truly as St. Elizabeths, and in an even more many-sided way, 
Indian Service presents the opportunity for malciny neic discoveries— the oppor- 
tunity for clinical experimentation in a large number of branches of social 
science, most of all. the science of human management." [Italics his, not 

Conclusions on my part regarding any part of this program as herein pre- 
sented are superfluous. The Commissioner himself has made them. Social 
science is the theme song of the Communists. Today, the Indian wards of a 
Ohristian nation- are the subjects for "clinical experimentation in a large 
number of branches of social science." 

I wish to call to the attention of this committee that John Collier has had 
more money to carry on his "clinical experimentation" than any previous 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Since he was appointed Commissioner on a 
platform of curtailing the Indian Bureau and Government supervision of the 
Indians and reducing the Bureau expenditures, in 1933, the sam of approxi- 
mately $260,695,450.44 has been directly appropriated by Congress and allocated 
from various public wx)rks funds to the Indian Bureau. This is an average 
appropriation of about $43,000,000 per year for 6 years to administer the affairs 
of the less than 225,000 Indians who are directly urider control of the Indian 
Bureau. There has been an increase of 1,200 or more regular employees and 
nobody knows how many part-time employees, any of whom are "coordinators," 
''administrative assistants," anthroiDologists, social-service workers, and "com- 
munity workers." Tlie results upon the reservations have been what? 

There has never been a time since the reservations were created when there 
was greater strife, turmoil, and confusion, amounting in some places almost to 
revolution, than at the present time. There has not been a single year since 
the Commissioner was appointed that some Indians have not starved to denth 
on some reservations and most years several. I know of my ov>'n knowledge 
that unless there are some drastic changes in both program and personnel, 
that there will be many more Indians starve to death this winter. One enter- 
prising superintendent has prepared for this situation by using about $1,200 
of tribal funds, without the consent of the tribal council, to purchase coflSuS 
in which the bury indigent Indians, and almost with the same breath denying 
the tribal council the right to use tribal funds to allay some of the suffering 
in their midst. I call to the attention of the committee that it is against the 
policy of this administration to pay per capita payments out of their own funds 
to the Indians. I enter in evidence, marked "Exhibit 136," Indians at Work, 
Or-tober 1, 1937. and call attention to pages 12 and 13, an article entitled 
•"President Roosevelt Affirms Principle of Conservation of Indian Assets by Veto 
of Per Capita Payment Bills," from which I quote : 

"Putting the seal of executive approval on the Indian Service policy of con- 
serving Indian assets for productive uses. President Roosevelt has vetoed two 
bijls providing for per capita payments to Indians. 

H^ H: Hi Hs ^ ^ Hi 

"Agitation for per capita distributions to Indians, from tribal funds, emanates 
Irom many sources, and because such payments sometimes seem to be justified 
I)y equity and democratic tradition, refusal is occasionally fraught with tension. 
The Department steadily maintains, however, that future Indian welfare depends 
to a large extent on the building up of assets for investment in definitely pro- 
ductive enterprises." 


Apparently it is the intention of this present regime to carry out their "clinical 
experimentation in social science" among the Indians regardless of how many 
individuals perish hi the lahoratory and then use our own money to bury us. In 
another editorial the Commissioner quoted with approval the statement of a 
Chinese scholar who died in 1086, and who said : 

"It is better that the few should suffer, rather than that the many should 
be corrupted." 

I enter in evidence, Indians at Work, May 1937, marked "Exhibit 137." 

There are other matters which could have been presented here to further 
verify the charges of the American Indian Federation, but they are matters upon 
which others are better informed through personal knowledge than I am, so no 
mention has been made of them. 

The Federation has asked continuously for the past 4 years that the radicals 
in the Department of the Interior and the Indian Bureau be removed from office 
or transferred from control of Indian Affairs. If it is within the power of this 
committee to do anything about this situation, then I respectfully ask that it 
be done. On behalf of the officers and members of this Indian organization, I 
thank the committee for this opportunity to bring this to their attention. 

In conclusion, I have only this to say. The record as herein made, almost 
entirely out of the written statements of those administering the Department 
of the Interior, speaks for itself in unmistakable language. It is the record of 
Indian administration under that great and noble captain of civil liberties, 
Harold L. Ickes, Secretary of the Interior, so fittingly called by his friend 
William Allen W^hite, "Sir Galahad of the Underdog, this our national dog 
pound" — the American Civil Liberties Union whose executive director says "com- 
munism is the goal," 

The Chairman. The next witness is ^Ir. Stuart Lillico. 


(The witness was duly sworn.) 

The Chairman. Your name is Stuart Lillico? 

Mr. Lillico. That is right. 

The Chairman. You live at 549 West 113th Street, New York City? 

Mr. Lillico. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You have prepared a written statemeiit here, Mr. 

Mr. Lillico. Yes. 

The Chairman. You may proceed with it. 

Mr. MosiER. I should like to ask one or two preliminary questions. 

What is your education? 

Mr. Lillico. I attended the University of Washington in Seattle, 
studied journalism there ; my formal education, university education, 
lasted for 2 years. 

Mr. MosiER. When did you leave Washington University? 

Mr. Lillico. I left the University of Washington about 1930. 

Mr. MosiER. Then what did you do? 

Mr. Lillico. Subsequently I went to the Orient to do newspaper 

Mr. MosiER. Wliere were you in the Orient? 

Mr. Lillico. I was in the Philippine Islands ; in China a great deal, 
and in Japan. I returned from there only this summer. 

Mr. MosiER. You Avere there for how long? 

Mr. Lillico. Seven years and a half altogether. 

Mr. MosiER. Seven and a half years? 

Mr. Lillico. Yes, sir. 


Mr. Hosier. During that time you wrote for newspapers and maga- 
zines ? 

Mr. LiLLico. I wrote for neAvspapers, magazines; worked on Ameri- 
can papers in China and Japan. 

Mr. MosiER. For purposes of the record, w^ill you please name 
some of the papers that 3^ou wrote for, and some of the magazines? 

Mr. LiLLTCo. I worked for the Shanghai Evening Post, an Amer- 
ican-owned paper in Shanghai. I worked for the China Journal, an 
English-owned magazine in China. I worked for the Japan Adver- 
tiser, an American-owned paper in Tokio. 

I have written several articles for Current History magazine in 
New York, and I have done corerspondence work for the Portland 
Oregonian and the Baltimore Sunday Sun. 

The Chairman. I think that is enough. You may proceed with 
vour statement. 

Mr. LiLLico. You have asked me to tell you about Communist 
activity in the United States as it related to similar activities in 
China. Of course, the Communist activity in China is a matter of 
common knowledge, I believe, as a result of considerable writings 
on the subject that have been published in this country. But I was 
particularly impressed on my return to America by the fact that 
American missionaries who formerly worked and lived in China, 
who had suffered most from Communist depredations, were working 
closely with organizations here that I had reason to believe were 
connected with the Communist movement in this country. 

In the line of my work as a free lance writer, I undertook to look 
up their antecedents — these organizations — in an attempt to get a 
magazine story out of it. As a result, I am convinced that these 
people — that is, these missionaries, most of whom are in entire in- 
nocence — are being used as a front to cloak the true aims and ac- 
tivities of the Communist Party of the United States. 

The most important of these Communist front organizations are 
the American Friends of the Chinese People, the Committee for 
Boycott Against Japanese Aggression, the China Aid Council of the 
American League for Peace and Democracy, and the American Com- 
mittee for Nonparticipation in Japanese Aggression. 

x\t least two of these front organizations are collecting money on 
the streets and in meetings in New York and other large cities 
ostensibly for relief of civilian sufferers in China. However, it ap- 
pears that this money has been used for the most part to finance 
further propaganda. 

It should be pointed out right now that nothing was found to indi- 
cate that a number of other organizations in the China-aid field, such 
as the United Council for Chinese Civilian Relief and the Church 
Committee for China Relief, are anything but what they represent 
themselves to be. 

The history of communism in China is well known to those who 
have had any close connection with the Far East, but for an under- 
standing of the related Communist activities here it might be well 
to review this briefl}^ 

The Kuomintag (or Nationalist) Party came into power in 1927 
as a result of a military campaign against the old republican govern- 


ment in Peking. This was preceded by an open alliance between the 
Nationalist Party and the Communist International whereby the 
Soviet Russians undertook to supply advisers and equipment. This 
arrangement was distinctly one of cc^nvenience. Soon after the new 
national government was organized by Gen. Chiang Kai-shek in 
Nanking, the generalissimo outlawed the Communist wing of the 
party. Chiang Kai-shek's Soviet Russian advisers, among them 
Borodin and Galen (the latter now known as General Bleucher, 
commander of the Soviet Far Eastern Army), were forced to flee. 
A number of the radical generals revolted against the new govern- 
ment and established a Soviet State in Kiano:si Province. This or- 
ganization successfully resisted attempts to drive it out until the end 
of 1934. It was at this time that I visited Kiangsi and saw the suc- 
cess of this drive by the Nanking troops. 

As I said before, the Communist-Kuomingtang collaboration w^as 
one of convenience. The same thing is true today. 

Subsequently the "reds" withdrew to Northwest China, where they 
still have their headquarters. It was there that they were visited for 
the first time by a number of American correspondents and known 
Communist sympathizers. Since then a number of these people have 
been most active in presenting the Communist case to the world. 

Among them are Agnes Smedle}^, who has acted as spokesman for 
the Chinese Communists for nearly a decade ; Edgar Snow, a strongly 
left-wing writer whose book, Red Star Over China, speaks for itself; 
Anna Louise Strong, long an outspoken defender of the Soviet 
Union; Earl Leaf, who is today secretary of the China Information 
Service and an employee of the Chinese Government in this country, 
and who is in part responsible for the organization of the American 
Committee for Nonparticipation in Japanese Aggression ; and Philip 
J. Jaffe, who was the first director of the China Aid Council of the 
American League for Peace and Democracy and is active in other 
front organizations. 

Tlie Chinese Nationalist Government continued its drive against 
the Soviet Government of China — headed by Mao Tse-tung and 
Chou En-lai — until the kidnapping of Gen. Chiang Kai-shek in 
Sian-fu in December 1936. The settlement of this incident included 
cessation of all civil war in China and cooperation between the Com- 
munist and the Nationalist parties to resist Japanese aggression. 
This alliance precipitated the fighting that broke out in North China 
in the summer of 1937 and which has spread to all parts of China. 

This is a bare record of the course of events. Manv of the details 
are controvesial and I don't want to take the time liere to give all 
of the explanations necessary to go into it completely. It is enough 
to connect the activity of the Comnumist Party in China with the 
Communist International and, through the Communist International, 
connect the Chinese Connnunist Party with the Comnumist Party in 
the United States. 

Witliin the ])ast year important mem])ers of the Communist Party 
of China have been admitted to high posts in the Chinese National 
Government. There is, of course, no complete harmony, for all un- 
derstand tliat it is the Communist aim and hope to dominate in the 
future of China. 


I will not take the time noAV, but I can give you quotations from 
Edoar Snow's book, where he has interviewed the ^'red" leaders to 
show that that is their aim, to dominate completely the Government 
of Cliina and turn it into a Soviet state. 

During the days of the first Communist-Nationalist combine, Mr. 
Earl Browder, secretary-general of the American Connnunist Party 
today, was in China and in contact with the "reds'' there. For an 
account of his activities, I would like to introduce an excerpt from a 
profile in the New Yorker, as far as 1 know the only biography of 
ihe party leader available in English. 

This article tells how Browder went to Moscow for a trade-union 
conference. Let me quote this paragraph [reading] : 

In canjing their message of good cLeer to the Chinese workers, Browder and 
his associates journeyed northward from Canton to Hankow, the center of 
the Communist activities in China. They passed through 40 cities on their 
trip, making speeches in all of them. In most of their speeches the delegates 
told the Cliinese masses how well Chiang Kai-shek and the Communists were 
working together to liberate China from imperialist domination. By the 
time the mission reached Hankow, where it was disbanded, Chiang Kai-shek 
was slaughtering his revolutionary allies in wholesale batches. While Browder 
was in Hankow he was elected secretary of the Pan-Pacitic Trade Union Secre- 
tariat, an outfit organized by the Party to carry on Communist propaganda iu 
the trade-unions of the countries bordering on the Pacific. While secretary 
of the Secretariat, Browder, as his main activity, edited the Pan-Pacific Worker, 
which was published at Hankow. It kept him busy during the greater part of 

I also have here an ad which refers to Earl Browder as the foremost 
authorit}^ on the Far East, who was in China during the momentous 
years 1927-28. I will show you the significance of this paper later. 

Browder's connection with China during this period is relatively 
well known and thoroughly substantiated. I don't believe it is neces- 
sary to introduce other evidence. The point that I am making is 
that a definite liaison between the American Communists and the 
Chinese "reds" was established at this time. Significantly, it Avas 
through the Communist International. My research has indicated 
plainly enough that this connection still exists. 

The Chairman. In other words, you mean that the Communist 
Party of China and the Communist Party of the United States are 
working together in harmony and unison? 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Of course, the purpose being that the Communist 
Party of the United States will raise funds for the Communist Party 
of China ? 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes. 

The Chairman. And are assisting in the program in the United 
States to aid China; is that right? 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes. 

So much for the background. I wish now to show that manj^ of 
the organizations that today are most active in this country seeking 
public aid for civilian relief in China are actually engaged in pri- 
marily political work which has as its ultimate goal the promotion 
of the Communist cause in the Far East. These bodies are operat- 
ing under a number of names, but they are alike in that the promoters 
in every case have been members of a small group and almost all are 


believed to be members of the American Communist Party or indis- 
putable supporters of that body. 

Attain I want to make it clear that this is not meant as a sweeping 
condemnation of all oro^anizations in the China aid field. A few ap- 
pear to be lefi:itimate. Neither do I Avant to tro on record as wanting 
to discourage relief measures. I do believe, however, that the best 
interests of the United States, of the Chinese people, and of world 
peace can be serA'ed by a clear realization that donations to the Ameri- 
can Friends of the Chinese People, the Committee for Boycott 
Against Japanese Aggression, the China Aid Council of the League 
for Peace and Democracy, and the American Committee for Boycott 
Against Japanese Aggression are utilized primarily for advancing 
the position of the Soviet Union and the Communist International. 

Let us take up the case of the American Friends of the Chinese 
People. I have here a letterhead from this organization, including 
the names of the officers and members of the National Advisory 

Maxwell S. Stewart, the chairman, appears also as a member of 
the editorial board of China Today, the official organ of the Ameri- 
can Friends. He is widely known as either a secret member of the 
Communist Party or as what might be called a fellow traveler. At 
one time he was an associate editor of the Moscow Daily News, and 
taught in the Moscow Institute. He is also connected with the or- 
ganization known as the Friends of the Soviet Union, and is an asso- 
ciate editor of The Nation. 

Julius Loeb, the vice chairman, appears also on the masthead of 
China Today as cartographer. Nominally, he founded the Ameri- 
can Friends of the Chinese People, and an anniversary celebration 
was held in his honor recently. Actually, I am informed on good 
authority that he acted as a mere front for Browder, with whom 
he has long been intimately connected in Communist activities. 

The organization secretary of the American Friends is Miss Esther 
Carroll, who is well known as a quiet and diligent worker for radical 
causes. New York newspapermen can tell you — as they have told 
me — that she is almost certain to be found at Communist-organized 
meetings or wherever picketing is in progress, for instance. 

Helen IMallery, treasurer ; Helen Holman, affiliation secretary ; and 
Julia Church Kolar, chairman of the organization's boycott commit- 
tee, are likewise known as tireless workers in behalf of radical 

It is to be noted that the names of Maxwell Stewart and Max Yer- 
gan, well-known colored Communist who is listed here as a m.ember 
of the National Advisory Board, reappear in other Communist-in- 
spired activities which I have mentioned. 

I wish to show definitely that this group traditionally has sup- 
ported the cause of the Chinese Communist Party, even during the 
period when the "reds" were burning American property in China 
and killing American missionaries. At the foot of the letterhead of 
the American Friends of the Chinese People is the following state- 
ment : 

Official publioation, China Today; a monthly mnjiazine of information and 
opinion on the Far East. 


In other words, the statements of this magazine may be taken to 
reflect the official opinion of the American Friends of the Chinese 

In the issue of China Today for August 1936 we find an editorial 
denunciation of the Nanking Government, as represented in Washing- 
ton b}^ Dr. C. T. Wang, until recently the Chinese Ambassador to 
the United States. The position is taken that the Red Army of 
China was the sole hope of salvation for the Chinese masses from 
General Chiang (p. 207). 

In the same issue, the Nationalist regime is generally denounced 
as reactionary, servile to Japan, and an incipient military dictator- 
ship. I would be the last to deny the truth of this latter inference, 
but the point is that this magazine, China Today, was openly de- 
nouncing the Central Government of China and promoting — almost 
every issue will show — the cause of the Communist Party. 

I would like to read in a few other excerpts from this journal 
showing its pronounced bias in favor of the "reds." Perhaps I should 
remind you that this took place prior to the Sian-fu kidnapping of 
Gen. Chiang Kai-shek which I mentioned previously. The "reds" and 
the Nanking Government were still open enemies. 

In connection vrith this evidence of an international front, I might 
mention a curious resemblance of names used for these groups. For 
instance, in this coujitry we have the American Friends of the Chinese 
People, and the American Friends of the Soviet Union, and the iVmer- 
ican Friends of the Spanish Democracy'. All are closely allied. The 
Chinese people similarly have Canadian, English, French, Mexican, 
and South American "Friends," all of whom have a close affinity 
w^th Communist elements. 

It is worthy of note, also, that Browder's importance as an organ- 
izer of front groups is shown by the fact that the American group 
was the first to be established. After the formation of affiliated 
groups abroad, his Friends of the Chinese People became the Amer- 
ican Friends of the Chinese People. 

Next I have a rather remarkable article by a Mr. Hansu Chan, 
listed in the masthead as an editor of China Today. It describes 
the activities of the Chinese Red Armv durinof the winter of 1935-36 
and may be taken to represent the attitude of the magazine (April 
1936, p. 128). 

A number of articles appeared during 1935 and 1936 that showed 
that a close connection existed between the editorial staff of China 
Today and the Communist Party in China. In a number of cases, 
figures and documents on "red" activities in Manchuria and inac- 
cessible parts of China are published. This same information would 
not have been available to me, for instance. Either the staff of China 
Today had what newspapermen call a "pipeline" to the "reds" or the 
articles were sheer fiction. (China Today, Januarv 1935 and Jan- 
uary 1936.) 

In the May 1935 issue we find a long appeal to save Gen. Fang 
Chich-min. one of the Soviet generals who had been captured by the 
National Government. That month the American Friends of the 
Chinese People sponsored a mass meeting demanding the relase of 
this "red" leader. I have no information on the outcome of this 
gathering. If my memory is clear on this case, incidentally, General 
Fang eventually "repented" and joined Gen. Chiang Kai-shek's side- 


I liave liore a leafllet also on the connections of the American 
Friends of the Chinese People, advertising a meeting for an inde- 
]">endent China, auspices of the American Friends of the Chinese 
People, listing as s])eakers a number, including Mr. Harry Gannes,. 
author of a book. When China Unite.^, which I have here, and former 
editor of the Daily Worker- of New York, a Communist paper. I 
intend to show that this orcanization has very definite Communist 
connections and works closely with the Communist organization. 

I could continue for some time in this vein, but T believe my pur- 
pose is accomplished. It was to prove that China Today — and 
through that magazine the American Friends of the Chinese Peo- 
p\e — has consistently sponsored the cause of the Chinese Communist 
Party at a time when it was diametrically opposed to the Xational 
Government. In other words, this organization can definitely be 
labeled as Communist in its sympathies and apparently connected 
with the Chinese ''reds" through the American Communist Party 
and the Comintern in Moscow. 

We move next to the Committee for Boycott Against Japanese 
Aggression. This was the first to be organized after the appearance 
of the American Friends. The spark plug has been Mr. Robert Xor- 
ton, who had been managing- editor of China Today and who is today 
concurrently the editor of that magazine. In the boycott committee 
he holds the position of executive secretary. This group made a 
move of some interest, opening an office at 5 Maiden Lane in lower 
IManhattan near the financial clistrict. 

The other of these front groups had previously be^n up in the 
neighborhood of the American Communist Party headquarters^ 
around Thirteenth and Fourteenth Streets. 

Thus it is sought to disassociate itself from the other Communist 
and Communist front organizations, many of which nest in the 
vicinity of Communist Party headquarters on East Thirteenth Street. 
I am told that Norton is but recently returned from a trip to Central 
America and Mexico in furtherance of his organization of the boycott 

I submit separately a letterhead of this body, with the officers and 
sponsors listed. The treasurer is Margaret I. Lamont, whose hus- 
band, Corliss Lamont, is chairman of the American Friends of the 
Soviet Union. 

Mr. and Mrs. Lamont returned quite recentty from Russia and 
gave an interview to the Herald Tribune praising conditions in the 
Soviet Union very highly. 

I believe the committee has already received testimony on the 
American League for Peace and Democracy, showing that it has 
definite Communist connections. 

Mr. Mason. Mr. Chairman, I Avant to interject at this place a state- 
ment concerning the League for Peace and Democracy, which former 
testimony before this committee, backed by documentary evidence 
acceptable in any court proves that its origin was in Moscow; that 
it was set up in this country under orders from Stalin, carried hero 
by Earl Browder, and that it has a membership of 4,000,000. The 
])oint I want particularly to bring out is that in the AYashington Post 
on Sunday there Avas carried an advertisement of the Modern Forutm 
consisting of a series of lectures on current topics. The sponsors of 
of the Modern Forum, some 20 or more of them, include several im- 


portant Government officials. The advertisement does not say that 
the Modern Forum is an activity of the League for Peace and 
Democracy, but in. their leaflet it says, "The Modern Forum of the 
American League for Peace and Democracy." 

In the list of the sponsors we find Jerome X. Frank, Connnissioner 
of the Securities and Exchange Commission; Xathan R. Margo, 
Solicitor of the Department of the Interior : Edwin S. Smith, a mem- 
her of the National Labor Relations Board, the same Smith whose 
reappointment the American Federation of Labor have protested. 
Roscoe Wriglit, Associate Director of the Information Service, Works 
Progress Administration; and Hallie Flanagan, who is not a sponsor, 
is one of the speakers advertised for March 5. All of this it seems 
to me proves conclusively that many Government officials not only 
beloJig to this League for Peace and Democracy, which has been de- 
termined to be one of the united-front organizations, but they are 
iictive in pushing the principles and purposes of that league. 

IMr. LiLLico. I have a set of copies of tlie magazine called The Fight, 
which is published for the national executive committee for the 
League for Peace and Democracy. The articles in this and the gen- 
eral editorial policy show a direct connection between the agitation 
regarding Spain and the agitation regarding China. I will submit 
these to the committee. You can readily see what I mean, that they 
are tied up closeh^ together under this American League for Peace 
and Democracy. 

I wish now to describe a body known as the China Aid Council of 
this league. It was organized about a year and a half ago, shortly 
after the outbreak of war in Xorth China. Its first director was 
Philip J. Jafi'e, who earlier in 1937 made an extensive tour of the 
Communist area in noi-tliwest China. He returned to the United 
States with motion pictures taken in that district and thereafter 
lectured on the benefits of Soviet rule. 

With the appearance of the China Aid Council. Jaff'e took the 
position of director. Since then he has moved down to the executive 
committee and been replaced by a young man named Oliver Haskell, 
about whose antecedents I know nothing. Jaffe, incidentally, ap- 
pears as a member of the editorial board of the pro-Communist China 
Today, and is also managing editor of the magazine Amerasia. 

A letterhead of the China Aid Council is also being submitted as 
evidence. On the executive committe we find Maro-aret Forsythe, 
a charter member of thes old American League Against War and 
Fascism, now the American League for Peace and Deinocracy. She 
has a close link with radical circles. Another is James Waterman 
Wise, who has been connected with the American Friends of the 
Soviet Union. 

^Ir. Mason. He was one of the speakersi at this forum. 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes, sir. The sponsors of the China Aid Council of 
the League for Peace and Democracy may be generally recognized 
as of distinctly leftist lean.ings. A few of them, such as Maxwell 
Stewart, chairman of the American Friends of the Chinese People, 
and Dr. ^lax Yergen. we have alreach^ shown to be tied up with the 
Communist organization. 

The Chairman. I believe it is after 12 o'clock, and we will sus- 
pend until 1 : 30. 

(Thereupon, the subcommittee took a recess until 1 : 30 p. m.) 



The subcommittee reconvened at 1:30 o'clock j). m.. Hon. Martin 
Dies (chairman) presidinfr. 

Th.e CiiAiKMAN. Mr. Lillico, you may resume your statement. 

Mr. Liixico. Early m 1937 a new magazine, called Amerasia, ap- 
peared. The manaoiiiiT editor is Philip JafFe, director of the China 
Aid Council at its outset and now a member of the executive com- 
mittee. This publication, with which some of you may be familiar 
personall}', maintains a scholarly attitude in its open support of the 
Chinese cause and in its articles and editorial comment. 

A proposal which Mr. Jaffe is urging is for an American loan to 
assist in the industrialization of China. He su2:2:ests that $5,000,- 
000.000 be allocated from the P. W. A. funds for this purpose. 

Recently, Mr. Frederick Y. Field has appeared as chairman of the 
editorial board of Amerasia. To place Mr. Field properly, we must 
look on page 74 of the Director}' of Youth Organizations, published 
by the National Youth Administration for New York City. There 
we find a listing of the Pioneer Youth of America, the 2:)resident of 
which is Mr. Field. The purpose of this organization, according to 
its own report to the administration, is "to prepare children for the 
struggle toward a workers' society." The program calls for older 
boys and girls to "become aware of movements seeking to win their 
rights and to participate in such movements," and thus "to gain 
some insight into the nature of capitalist society and learn how 
changes are made." If the name of this group did not prove its 
soviet connections, the program would. Listed under affiliations we 
find the most radical of the labor unions, particularly centered in 
New York City. 

Mr. MosiER. That is now the headquarters. 

Mr. Lillico. Yes, sir; the headquarters are at 219 West Twenty- 
ninth Street, New York Citv. 

Mr. MosiER. How many of these youth movements are there? 

Mr. Lillico. Do vou mean the Pioneer Youth movements, or the 

JNIr. IMosiER (interposing). I mean the youth movements that have 
some connection with Communist activities. 

Mr. Lillico. I cannot state exactly. I did not make a particular 
study of that part of it. I just traced Mr. Field as being the head 
of it. 

The next of these Communist "front" organizations is the American 
Committee for Nonparticipation in Japanese Aggression. I submit 
a publication giving the names of the initial members of the national 

On this list, however, we find several of the names that have 
already come up in connection Avith other parallel groups. There is 
Philip Jaffe, a contributing editoi* of China Today, which we have 
shown to be Commu.nist motivated. Another is Maxwell Stewart, 
former editor of the Moscow Daily News. We find Margaret 
Forsyth again. And here we once more meet the name of Earl Leaf, 
who is registered with the State Department as an employee of the 
Chinese Oovernment. 

The object of this American Committee for Nonparticipation in 
Japanese Aggression is to obtain what amounts to a complete sever- 


ance of trade relations between Japan and the United States. At 
the next session of Congress the committee and allied groups — in- 
cluding the Communist Party itself — will attempt to bring all pos- 
sible pressure on you gentlemen to make this a law. At the same 
time, I believe, these organizations will endeavor to have the embargo 
on shipments of -war materials to Lo^^alist Spain lifted. Thus, we 
find them engaged in two contrary activities, one seeking to stop 
trade with Japan and the other aiming at sending supplies to Spain, 
all in the name of international justice. 

It is particularly in connection with these boycotts and embargoes 
that these groups are novr active. To show the direct connection 
with the Communists I would submit an excerpt from a speech by 
Earl Browder, as reported in the Daily Worker of New York, official 
organ of the Communist Party. 

I will read that : 

I would emphasize for the general attention of everybody the necessity to be 
at work now to contribute all we can to the common work of preparations so 
that the coming Congress of the American League for Peace and Democracy 
which takes place in January in Washington around the time of the opening of 
the new Congress Should really be a gigantic gathering of the forces of peace of 
the American people. There can no longer be any neglect of this question, and 
our party must furnish that guarantee that all the forces of the American 
League are really mobilized, activized, or organized everyw^here for this major 
action. This we must do, of course, simultaneously with all of the current work 
that I have already outlined, one of the main channels of vrhith is the American 
League and the trade unions and all the organizations that naturally belong 
with the American League. Everything we do now must begin to carry within 
it preparations for this congress of the American League. 

Mr. MosiEK. What issue of the Dailv Worker is that ? 

Mr. LiLLico. Of September 26, 1938. 

Thus we have frem no less an authority than the president of the 
Communist Party itself that the "reds" are directly behind the move 
to stop ail American trade with Japan and that they actively sup- 
port the work of the ostensibly independent peace organizations. 

So much for the affiliations of these groups. Investigation into the 
disposal of funds which they obtained from the American public 
through mass meetings, subscription drives, and street solicitation 
showed that far more than half of the net proceeds were being de- 
voted to what were called educational purposes. In a number of 
instances, incidentally, the drives shoAved an actual deficit and no in- 
dication was given of how this was made up. 

The Chairman. Earl Browder is not the president of the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. LiLLico. I am sorry: he is the secret arv-£reneraL and I will 
correct it. 

All organizations wishing to collect money from the public in New 
York are required to obtain a permit from the Departm.ent of Public 
Welfare. This permxission is apparently ahvays granted. Those 
sought by the groups of which I am now speaking were given by 
Mr. Herman N. Levin, acting for Mr. William Hodson, Commissioner 
of the Department of Public Welfare. In the case of license No. 
1810, granted on December 10, 1937. to the American League for 
Peace and Democracy, Nev: York City Division, the license states 
that the proceeds of street solicitation are to be used to "promote 
peace education and for China relief." The definition of peace, edu- 
cation is apparently loft to the directors of tlie L:-'ague, which we 


have already shown to have a Connniinist backoround. Also, it is 
worth notiiio; that no statement is made on liow the monev will be 
divided l)etween the two purposes. 

Inevitably, many Americans who oave money to this oriranization 
ill tlie belief that they were aidint>- Chinese war refiio:ees were actually 
contributing to the spreading of Communist "peace propaganda." 

The Chairman. What do you have to substantiate that statement? 

^[r. Ltllico. I have the reports of these organizations to tlie de- 
partment of public welfare in New York City. 

The Chaik^ian. They were subpenaed by the inA'estigatoi- of this 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. Later on, you can ao into a little more detail 
about this money being raised, with a statement of what the reports 

Mr. LiLLico. I will do that. In only one instance could I find au}^ 
accounting and even that was not a sworn statement. It showed 
that as the result of tag clays held by the American League for Pence 
and Democracy under Department of Welfare licenses, a total of 
$931.10 was "collected for peace and education." An item of $736.64 
is marked "money turned over for China." From parallel references 
I gather that this latter sum was given to the National China Aid 
Council of the American League for Peace and Democracy, which 
apparently has filed no accounting of its receipts and expenditures. 
There is no clue to the disposition of the money allocatecl to "peace 
education" and we must presume that it was used to finance further 

Under date of December 15, 1937. the League for Peace and Democ- 
racy reported that during the year ending January 30. 1937, dona- 
tions and other receipts totaled $10,349.22. 

The Chairman. That was just in the city of New York? 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Evidence before us showed that they collected over 
$1,000,000 in the United States. 

Mr. LiLLico. I am taking this from the reports of the welfare 

At the same time, expenditures amounted to $12,952.98, a deficit of 
something more than $2,000. The report did not requii-e information 
on how this difference was made up and none was supplied. How- 
ever, 10 persons were named as having received "commissions, fees, 
wages, and emoluments" during the year. A statement in the report 
said that the entire proceeds, less legitimate expenses, would be de- 
voted to the purpose or object for which the fimd was raised. On 
the basis of these reports and other available information, there seems 
to be no way for the American public to obtain a full accounting of 
tlie money it has contributed to this organization. It is worth noting 
that in most cases the boxes used by the solicitors mention only China 

The reports to the Public Welfare Department include a number of 
similar discrepancies and confusing factors. I believe they are avail- 
able to you for further inspection. 

Now, the point I have been trying to make throughout is twofold. 
In the first place, my information and experience have indicated to 
me that these organizations I have mentioned are actually "fronts" 


for the Communist Party and. tlirougli it, for the Comintern. A 
iCreat many of the workers in China aicl-tiekl definitely are not '*reds" 
and wo'Lild be able to refute me without any trouble if I said they 
^yere. The fact remains, though, that they are unwittingly giving 
th3ir aid to an extensive program of Soviet activity that is of definite 
harm to the interests of the United States and which is of slight aid, 
if any, to the Chiriese people. 

Furthermore, I have found little to show that the money collected 
from the American public is being devoted to Chinese civilian relief. 
The records indicate that the greatest ]:>art of it is going for "peace 
education" — a term which can only be interpreted by the leaders of 
the collecting organizations. Since we have found those leaders to 
be avowed Conuiiunists or "fellow travelers," the inference is that 
the money goes to finance "red" propaganda in the United States. 

If you have followed the activities of the Communist Interna- 
tional and its relations with the foreign policy of the Soviet Union, 
you will realize how closely they are bound together. It is because 
of this fact that these maneuvers of the American Communists are 
potentially dangerous to the United States. The ultimate object is 
simply to have the United States take the initiative in and bear the 
expense of crippling Japan in anticipation of an eventual war be- 
tween that country and Russia. Secondarily, these activities will 
convert China into a soviet state if it should emerge victorious from 
its present Avar. It is these two projects that the American public 
is supporting when it contributes to the continued existence of the 
Communist "front" groups I have mentioned today. 

I hope I have made myself perfectly clear on the organizations in- 
volved. They include the American Friends of the Chinese People, 
the Committee for Boycott Against Japanese Aggression, the China 
Aid Council of the American League for Peace and Democracy, and 
the American Committee for Non participation in Japanese Aggres- 
sion. Investigation into their sponsorship has shown them to be the 
result of work by the same set of known Communist supporters. The 
fact that many of the names appearing on their letterheads are those 
of well-known people whose antecedents are above reproach is an 
indication of the same policy. That is to dress the windows of these 
•'front" organizations with prominent persons who are obviously too 
busy to take part in their affairs. Such detail work is left to the men 
and women whose activities we have followed today. Parenthetically 
I might add that a great manj^ other radical workers, wliose names do 
not ap})ear in the letterhead, are constantly moving from one body to 

These facts lead me to believe that an overwhelming majority of 
the anti-Japanese activity in the United States is now controlled by 
the Communists. I would not want to be quoted as saying that senti- 
ment against Japan in this countr}^ has entirely been worked up by the 
"reds," but there is no denying that these people are capitalizing on 
the natural feelings of the public. The boycott movement is cer- 
tainly being kept alive through their unremitting efforts. The in- 
formation I have given you on the American Communist Party's 
open backing of the coming pressure on Congress for a complete sev- 
erance of trade relations with Japan prove conclusively how far this 


94931— 39— vol. 4- 


The Chairman. I liave found all the way through the activities 
and strategy of the Communists that they take advantage of any 
international situation to promote the welfare and interest of Soviet 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In other words, it is for the cause of Russia and 
on the side of Loyalist Spain. 

Mr. Ljllico. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Therefore, all friends of the Communist Party 
of the United States, and their front organizations, change their 
attitude from one of strict neutral it v to one in which they want the 
United States to take an active part on behalf of Loyalist Spain. 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When we go into China, we find that, at the be- 
ginning of the struggle, when Chang Kai-shek was opposing the 
Communists, the Conmiunists of the United States and throughout 
the v\'orld were denouncing the Chinese Government. 

Mr. LiLuco. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. But when the coalition was formed between the 
Chinese forces in China, then we find the Communist Party chano-- 
ing its policy, and they now want to go to the aid of China, Does 
not that indicate that the policy of the Comnnmists in the United 
States and of their front organizations is determined b}^ the 
Comintern ? 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. It is just in the interest of Russia in each par- 
ticular situation. 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes, sir. Originally, it was in the interest of Russia 
to support the Chinese Soviet against the Nationalist Government, 
Now, when the two are merged, it is to the interest of Communists 
to support China against Japan. 

The Chairman. Now, we find these front organizations, which 
have some counterpart in the other movements, taking the same atti- 
tude. For instance, if you take the Spanish situation, you have the 
Friends of Spain, and other organizations to aid the Loyalists, and 
they use the same framework organization to fit every emergency. 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Primarily for the purpose of raising fluids in the 
United States. 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And no one knows what percentage of those funds 
ever reach their destination. 

Mr. LiLLico. That is right. 

The Chairman. S(^ far as the records you have been able to get 
shows, very little reaches China on the one hand or the Si)anis]i 
Loyalists on the other hand. 

Mr. LiLLico. Very little directly reaches them. I do not know how 
far their front organizations' money goes. It is apparently turned 
over to another body. 

The Chairman. We see from their literature that they are begin- 
ning' a concentrated drive over the country, and that is, apparently, 
directed at the next Congress. 

un-a:\terican propaganda activities 2521 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes. sir: presumably so, to urge legislation to do that 
they say will forbid the shipment of war materials, and in this case 
that refers particularly to Japan. Since Japan is now impoiting 
onl}^ war materials that would mean a complete severance of trade 
relations, so that there would be a very small trickle of business. 

The Chairman. In other words, it is the policy of the Communists 
to cripple or hinder any countrj^ in a v/ar against Russia ? 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes, sir. • 

The Chairman. Whoever they may happen to be at the particidar 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes, sir. 

The Chair:man. It is very interesting to note the systematic and 
concentrated drive right on at this time. We see evidence of it every 
day. What do you draw from the fact that none of these organiza- 
tions or front organizations have denounced communism? 

Mr. LiLLico. It is obviously that they are either the same, or we 
could give them some latitude and say that^ they are very left wing 
Liberals or open Communist supporters. I do not believe in labeling 
anyone a Communist because he is a Liberal, but it is obvious that 
there is a very strong Communist backing in the whole thing. 

The Chairman. Would not that be accounted for by the fact that 
any number of those in prominent positions are well-known Com- 
munists, and would not tliat keep down any effort to condemn com- 
munism in them? 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. They avoid anything that approaches a criticism 
of communism. 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes, sir. Then, besides this particular material here, 
I found that a lot of this criticism of what they call Fascist activities 
was outspoken, while the Communist activities were ignored. 

The Chairman. Would it be correct to say that under false pre- 
tenses Communists are raising funds in the United States to further 
their own activities in the United States? 

Mr. LiLLico. That is true, in my opinion. 

The Chairman. Thousands of Americans are contributing to a 
propaganda campaign, the ultimate purpose of which is to involve 
us in foreign entanglements, always on the side of Soviet Russia. 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Of course, you yourself are not in sympathy with, 
or you are not taking any side in favor of, Japan ? 

Mr. LiLLico. Not the slightest. I have often spoken against Japan, 
so far as that is concerned, or against some of their activities. 

The Chairman. You do not approve the conquest of any country 
by force of arms. 

Mr. LiLLico. No, sir. I have tried to make myself a neutral 

The Chairman. You appreciate the fact that there is a natural 
sympathy for any people who are victimized, and they naturally 
sympathize with China as they would with any country that was 
being overrim in a war. 

Mr. LiLLico. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. But the Communists simply exploit this sympathy 
to further the cause of communism with American money. 


Mv. LiLLico. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. AVe thank you for your testimony. 

(Documentary material submitted by Mr. Lillico was marked 
"Liliico Exhibit No. 1, November 22, 1938," and filed with the 


(The witness was dnl}' sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. I want to ask you some preliminary questions be- 
fore you go into this discussion. 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. AA'hat is your name ? 

Mr. Baron. Sam Baron. 

The Chairman. Where were vou born? 

Mr. Baron. In Russia. 

The Chairman. In what year were you born? 

Mr. Baron. In 1903. 

The Chairman. When did you immiorate to the United States? 

Mr. Baron. AMien about 2 years of age. 

The Chairman. Your parents came to the United States? 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And you were brought here with them? 

Mr. Baron. Tliat is riglit. 

The Chairman. You have lived in the United States ever since, or 
this has been your home. 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Are you a naturalized citizen ? 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Approximately when were you naturalized? 

Mr. Baron. About 25 or 30 years ago. 

The Chairman. Your father and mother were both naturalized 
citizens ? 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Where did you locate? 

Mr. Baron. In New York City. 

The Chairman. And you have lived there ever since? 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. That has been your home from tlie time you landed 
until the present time. 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir; aside from the periods when I w^as traveling. 

The Chairman. I am not taking into consideration your various 
travels, but you have always regarded New York as 3'our home? 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What has been vour education ? 

Mr. Baron. Grammar school onh\ 

The Chairman. Only a grammar-school education. 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Have you had occasion to do much reading? 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir ; quite a lot. 

The Chairman. You have acquired your education through your 
own efforts. 

Mr. Baron. Tliat is right. 


The Chairman. You have been or vou are a Socialist, are you 

Mr, Baron. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. You are a member of tlie Socialist Party ? 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. How long have A'ou been a meml^er of the Socialist 

Mr. Baron. Since approximately 1931. 

The Chairman. For the purposes of the record, not to get into any 
arguments about socialism, or anything of that sort, I want to ask 
vou some questions. First, do vou hold any office in tlie Socialist 

Mr. Baron. Yes. sir; I am an alternate member of the executive 
committee of the Socialist Party of America, and I am also a member 
of the State committee of the New York Socialist Party. I hold 
positions on other committees, too numerous to mention. I think we 
could rest there. 

The Chairman. Is it coirect to say that you have taken a very 
active ])art in the Socialist Party? 

Mr. Baron. That is right. 

The Chairman. You were also a candidate, were you not? 

Mr, Baron. Yes, sir; I was a candidate for the House of Repre- 
sentatives from Kings County in the last election, on the Socialist 
Partv ticket. 

Tlie Chairman. Were you connected y^nAh the I. L. G. W. XT. ? 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir. That is the International Ladies' Garment 
Workers Union. 

The Chairman. What position did you hold in that organization? 

Mr. Baron. I was assistant manager of the investigation depail- 
ment. oi* vou miaht call it the accountancy department. 

The Chairman. Did you hold a position in the Bookkeepers and 
Stenogra])hers Union? 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir; I was vice president, and subsequently presi- 
dent of the union. 

The Chairman. Do you hold any position with the United Spanish 
Society ? 

Mr. Baron. I was secretary of that organization. 

The Chairman, Were you ever connected with the Socialist paper, 
on the Call ? 

Mr. Baron, I was formerly on its editorial board and its corre- 
spondent, or its correspondent in Spain. 

The Chairman, You were its correspondent in Spain? 

Mr. Baron. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. I think that ji^ives your back^^round. What I want 
to do IS to have you briefly explain to this committee tlie difference 
between socialism, or what the Socialist Party believes in, and the 
Communist Party, in the United States, or what they believe in, and 
teach. Give us the distinction between the two, from the beginning 
on down. Do not make it too lengthy, but we would like to have for 
the record a correct statement of the distinction between them. 

Mr. Baron. I wonder if I might suggest. Mr. Chairman, that if 
you vvill let me proceed I think it will become clear, throughout my 
testimony, the distinctions between these two organizations — the vital, 


active distinctions as tliev cro]'> up all through my testimony. I think 
in that way you will have a graphic illustration of the tremendous 
fundamental differences between the Socialist Party or the Socialist 
movement and the Connnunist movement. 

The Chairman. That is fine. Now, in that connection will you 
touch on this: Are vou familiar with the Fourth Con<jress of the 
I^abor Socialist (j)no-res8 held in Vienna from July 4 to Auf^ust 1. 
led by the British Labor Party? Are you familiar with that? 

Mr. Baron. Was that last year? 

The Chairman. No; that was back in 1931, was it not? 

Mr. Baron. Oh. yes ; I know what you refer to. 

The Chairman. The Fourth Congress. The reason I wanted you 
to touch on that is that we have a report on this congi'ess by Mr. 
Saposs, which rei)ort has become a matter of controversy in view of 
a statement issued by Mr. Madden, who evidently nuide the statement 
before reading the article; and if you have any information on that 
Fourth Congress, along with your explanation, I Avould like you to 
bring it in. 

Mr. Baron. Yes; I will touch upon it to the best of my ability as 
I go along. 

The Chairman. Particularly with reference to the division that 
grew up there between the majority, who wanted to pursue ])eacefui 
methods, and the minority, who were the revolutionary socialists, and 
who wanted to achieve their objectives by force and violence. 

Mr. Baron. As I stated to the committee, I presently hold office 
in the Socialist Party of America. I have been subpenaed by this 
committee, and I am here testifying because I want to testify. If I 
thought that I shouldn't, no subpena would have forced me to testif}'. 
I do not hide behind the subpena. 

However. I nuist face facts, and one fact is that this connnittee, 
in certain sections of the working class, there is a prouounced feeling 
against : and l)ecause that is so, I want to make public my letter of 
resignation from the Socialist Party of America. 

In making i)ublic this letter I want to demonstrate that I testify 
only as an individual, and that no organization is responsible for my 

I quote from the letter : 

The SociAOST Party of the UMrKD Siatks, 

o-'i9 Randolph i^treet, Chiruf/o, 111. 

Dear Comradks : Writir.ji' this letter is witliont (loubt the most difficult t:isk 
I have ever had to perform. I am a Socialist and will remain a Socialist, but 
despite this I think it is only fair that I oifer mv resignation to the Socialist 

The other day I reeeived a snbpenn ordering me to appear before the Dies 
committee to testify regarding my experiences in Spain. I assure you my 
decision to appear was made only after days and sleepless nights of earnest 
thought. I can never rest in peace if I refuse this opportunity to expose the 
vicious, murderous role of the Connnunists in Spain and perhaps to aid in saving 
the lives of anti-Fascists of all nationalities who lie rotting in the prisons of 
Spain only because they refused to follow the political and tactical line of the 

(The letter referred to was marked "Baron Exhibit A," Novem- 
ber 22, 1938.) 

The Chairman. That does not make the resigmvtion effective; that 
is just the tender of the resignation? 


Baron. Yes, sir. 


The Chairman. It has to be acted upon b}^ the party ? 

Mr. Baron. That is right. In other words, I do not want to 
resign from the party, but I olfer them this oportunity to accept it 
if they care to. 

I wisli also at this time, so that there may be no confusion on the 
outside or to the committee, to place in the record various credentials 
from the Socialist Party and from the Socialist Call, in order to 
show that what I have stated before the committee is a fact. 

Here I have a credential from the Socialist Call 

The Chairman. From the Socialist what? 

Mr. Baron. Call. That is the official organ of the Socialist Party. 

This is my credential as a correspondent in Spain. 

(The letter referred to was marked "Baron Exhibit 1," Novem- 
ber 22, 1938.) 

Mr. Baron. Heie I have a credential from the Socialist Party for 
my activities in Spain. 

(The letter referred to was marked '*Baron Exhibit T Novem- 
ber 22, 1938.) 

Mr. Baron. Inasnmch as I made two trips to Spain durhig the 
present vrar. I have two credentials from the Socialist Party. 

(The letter submitted was marked "Baron Exhibit No. 3, 
November 22, 1938.") 

Mr. Baron. I am also going to place in the record a copy of the 
stationery, which indicates that I was secretary of the United 
Spahish Societies, whose function was to organize thei Madison 
Square Garden meeting for the Spanish Ambassador to the United 
States, Fernando de los Rios. That Avas his first public meeting in 
New York. 

(The paper referred to was marked "Baron Exhibit No. 4, 
November 22, 1938.") 

Mr. Baron. There are two things I am going to do now. Inas- 
inuch as I am going to testify relative to the Communists, and also 
on the Spaliish issue, I know the committee will not object if I fii^t 
show my relationship, my ^^ersonal relationship and activities to the 
Communist movement and to the question of the war in Spain. 

I am going to place in the record here a newspaper — a foreign 
newspaper that I accidentally picked up in Europe which, peculiarly 
enough, has reproduced a picture of the Madison Square Garden 
meeting in New York, in which I am photographed with the 

(The paper referred to was marked "Baron Exhibit No. 5, 
November 22, 1938.") 

Mr. Baron. And at the same time I wonder if I can move over to 
the map and indicate the territory that I traveled as a correspondent, 
which will give a background to my testimony later on? 

The Chairman. Surely. 

Mr. Baron. The first time, on entering Spain, I flew in from 
Toulouse, France, down to Valencia. 

The Chairman. When was that, Mr. Baron? 

Mr. Baron. That was in the early part of February 1937. 

One of the trips I took by automobile was from Valencia all the 
way down the Mediterranean coast, through Alicante, through Carta- 


f^ena, down to Alnieria, rio-lit up to the Miircia front, wliicli is outside 
Slalaoa. From !Murcia I went back to Ahneria, Avent all through the 
fronts around tlie city of Jaen, and the Cordova fronts, and returned 
to Valencia. Then I went to Madrid and was in that city for a 
month, and returned by automo])ib to Valencia. 

Then on anotlier trip by automobile I went to Albacete, from Al- 
bacete to Alicante, from Alicante to Valencia, and from Valencia on 
out of Spain by ])lane to Toulouse. 

On the second trij), which Avas in September 19)37, I came by rail- 
road from the border town of Puo-cierda, by train down to Bar- 
celona, and stayed for a time at Barcelona, wont down to Valencia 
and stayed there for a wliile, returned to Barcelona, and then on out 
into France. 

I tried to compute the mileage, and I got somewhere around 5,000 
miles of Loyalist territory, speaking with various Government offi- 
cials, speaking with leader's of the trade miions, political organiza- 
tions, and with the humble rank and file of the workers and the 

?>rr. MosiER. And all the time writing stories back for the Call? 

Mr. Baron. Oh, yes. 

Now. to corroborate that, I am going to place in tlie record — and 
here let me interject. The reason I am going to this trouble is that 
the Communist press has carried on for many months a slander cam- 
paign which would lead the reader to believe that I had been novrhere 
in Spain but in the city of Valencia, in order to di^^credit anything 
I might SB.J. So I am going to put into the record what is known in 
Spain as a salvoconducto, which means a safe-condu.ct pass. In 
other words, you cannot go from one place to another without secur- 
ing this x^ass from the Government officials. 

Here is one from the Spanish Ambassador to France, which, in 
effect, tells wlioever isl concerned in Spain tliat I ani ail right, and 
so forth and so on. and to give me every cooperation. 

(The paper referred to was marked "Baron Exhibit No. 6, 
November 22, 1938.") 

Mr. Baron. I have another from the Spanish Ambassador to 
France, on ni}^ first trip to Spain. 

(The paper referred to was marked "Baron Exhibit No. 7, 
November 22, 1938.") 

Mr. Baron. And here, from the militarv organizations and the irov- 
ernmental de})ai'tmcnts, are nine safe conduct passes to various parts 
of Spain. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Baron Exhibit No. 
8, November 22, 1938," Nos. 1 to 9, inclusive.) 

Mr. Baron. In addition to that, I am going to put in the record 
hotel bills in many cities that I have stop})ed in in Spain. 

(The papers referred to were marked "Baron Exhibit No. 9, 
November 22, 1938," Nos. 1 to 13, inclusive.) 

Mr. Baron. Xow I shall relate, ae? briefiy as I can, the ceremony 
of the flag that I ])resented to the Loyalist Govermnent from the 
Socialist Party of America, to which occasion much publicity was 


ofiven, and I have here photographs and Spanish newspapers that tell 
about it. 

(The papers referred to were marked "Baron Exhibit No. 10, 
November 22, 1938," Nos. 1 to 7, inclusive.) 

Mr. Baron. The Government even went so far as to reproduce my 
speech and the reply to it in pamphlet form, which was distributed 
widely through Spam. 

(The document referred to was marked ''Baron Exhibit No. 11, 
November 22, 1938.") 

Mr. Baron. Also, in connection with my work in behalf of the 
Loyalist Government — and I want it distinctly understood that I 
support the Loyalist Government in its war against what I call in- 
ternational fascism — let the record show an intervieAv by Frank 
Tinsley, a correspondent for Renter's Ag-ency. He interviewed me 
upon my return from Madrid to Valencia, and I have here a certified 
copy of that interview, with the stamp of the censorship upon it. 
My opinions are very clear in this interview, and I want the record 
to shoAV it. 

It is headed up : 

Renter's by telephone, April 23, ia37. 
For Sunday papers : Valencia. 

"The insurgents are shelling Madrid as they have never shelled it before. 
It is awful, and I eannot find words adequately to describe it."' These words 
were spoken by an American journalist from New York, Mr. S. Baron, in an 
interview with Renter's eorresiioudent today upon his return from Madrid. 
He has been there for some weeks, and lias been through the horrors of the 
repeated shelling visited upon the city with terrific intensity this past week. 

"They are bombing Madrid every day now, sometimes three times, and some- 
times twice. The shelling seems to last about 40 minutes on the average, and 
the missiles are falling all over the place. No more is there any question of a 
definite objective it would seem," he continiTed. "The insurgents now have two 
batteries trained on the city, one at Carabanchel and the other at Garabitas, 
and from their dual bombardment we get a cross-fire. Never shall I forget the 
sound of the shells. In some places you can hear the report as the gun is 
fired. Then there is an agonizing wait of a second or so, then comes the wail 
of the shell and instantly a sickening crash as it strikes and bursts within a 
building or on one of the thoroughfares. 

"They are using, it seems, smaller shells first t^n' range-finding purposes, and 
then, when they think they have got the range, they let us have much bigger 
ones, which literally make the vicinity in which they fall shudder. 

"Notwithstanding the strain of all this, the people are still bearing up really 
wonderfully. I was sitting in a cinema one day watching Charlie Chaplin's film, 
Modern Times, when a bombardment started. There was not the slightest panic. 
Nobody got up and walked out, and people just stayed where they were and 
saw the picture through." 

Mr. Baron said that, unlike recently, when the people paid little attention 
to the occasional shelling of the city and made little or no attempt to go to the 
shelters provided, today there is a concerted rush for places of safety. Some- 
times there is panic, the crowds rushing blindly in any direction as long as they 
can get away. And then, as soon as there is a lull and the bombardment seems 
to have ended, back they come unconcernedly to the boulevards and go about 
their business. When a shell falls in the street and injures anyone there is a 
rush to help the victim and he or she is hurried into a nearby building or a 
passing car is commandeered to speed him to hospital. One reason why so 
many women have been killed, Mr. Baron believes, is that instinctively they 
try to protect the children with them instead of flinging themselves on the 
ground or darting into doorways when a shell is heard approaching. The men, 
he thinks, are quicker on the whole to take shelter. 

It is estimated that some 200 shells fell on Madrid on Thursday alone, and 
Mr. Baron, in a rough guess, told Renter that he thought between 6 and 7 


Lundrod must have fnlloii in the city within tlio week. "Tt is estimatod."' 
he said, "that more than KKJ people have been killed during the week and a; 
tremendous number injured. 

The Madrid newspapers are now calling upon the people to take every 
advantage of air raid and bombardment shelters, or better still, to evacuate the 
city to save themselves from being killed. To bring home to the people the full 
horror of the thing, the papers are printing terrible photographs of women. 
and children, taken where they lay after being killed by shells. 

In conclusion. Mr. Baron said, "The terrible sights which the journalists have 
to look upon these days in Madrid when they go out to see the results of a 
bombardment, beggar description. I saw both legs blown clean off a man in 
the vicinity of the Grand Via, and his shout of agony I shall never forget a& 
long as I live." 

(The paper referred to was marked "Baron Exhibit No. 11- A^ 
November 22, 1938.") 

Mr. Baron. Upon m}' I'eturn from Spain the first time, I want to 
put in tlie record various newspaper clippings which report stories, 
pro-Loyalist stories, from mj^ speeches that I haA^e made around the 
country, including a clipping which shows my picture on the front 
page, in connection with a story for Lroyalist Spain. 

(The papers referred to were marked "Baron Exhibit No. 12, 
November 22, 1938," Nos. 1 and 2.) 

Mr. Baron. Here I have an article written for the Jewish Daily 
Forward, in which my picture appears, in behalf of Loyalist Spain. 

(The paper referred to was marked "Baron Exhibit No. 13^ 
November 22, 1938.") 

!Mr. Baron. So it must be clear to the members of the committee 
that my activities in behalf of Loyalist Spain have been many, and 
that I do not come to this committee in behalf of any organization or 
force in the United States that is opposed to the Loyalist Government. 
That is the point that I want to make very strongly. 

In addition to tliese things that I have stated, I broadcast over 
the Government station in Madrid. E AQ, to the United States ; also 
I gave news reports over the radio station UGT in ]\L^drid in behalf 
of the Loyalist Government in Spain. 

That about sums up, but the last item is this Government identi- 
fication card, showing that I was an accredited correspondent in 

(The card referred to was marked "Baron Exhibit No. 14^ 
November 22, 1938.") 

Mr. Baron. Now I am going into the second question, and that 
is my ])ersonal activities in rehition to the Communist movement from 
1931 on. So tliese two things will give the personal background to 
the matters that I am going to testify to later on. 

As a member of the Socialist Party of the United States, I may 
say that there were conflicts which subsequenth^ resulted in a split 
in that party, and one of the crucial questions was the Socialist 
Party's attitude to the Connnunist Party. There were those who 
believed in the united front, and there Avere those who did not believe 
in the united front. I at that time fouo;ht strenuouslv with those 
who believed in the united front, and when the Socialist Party split 
I stayed with the official Socialist Party, to indicate my support of 
the united front. 


In 1935 I was a dele<rate to the American Federation of Labor 
convention in Atlantic City, and in that convention a proposition, 
M'as put forward to the convention, which, in effect, would bar mem- 
bers of the Communist Party from holding office in an}^ union in 
the American Federation of Labor. I was against that proposition. 
And let me add. before I go any further, that in 1935 I was against 
that proposition, but in 1938, if I were given the opportunity, I 
would vote for tlie pro])osition ; and that ever since the day the Com- 
munist Part}^ of the United States has put into its constitution a 
proposition wherein the}- pledge that they will drive out of the labor 
movement all Trotskyites, Lovestoneites, and other proven enemies 
of the working class. 

Xow. I want you to specifically bear that last part in mind — ''and 
other enemies of the working class." Under that provision they sit 
in judgment, and they say, and they prove to their satisfaction — in 
other words, what I mean to say is this: They are the judge and 
jury, and when they decide that a member of the working class 
should be driven out, they proceed to give instructions to their friends 
and to their stooges and to their members in organizations, economical 
and fraternal. 

Now, inasmuch as the Communist Party has gone into a matter 
of legislating on driving people out of the labor movement, I would, 
in turn, be for a proposition which would drive the Communists out 
of the labor movement. 

But it is interesting to tell — I hope it will be interesting — that 
when this proposition came before the convention I, being opposed 
to it, went to Phil Murray, who is now head of the steel union, and 
I said to him that if this proposition is passed it will be used as 
a blanket to get all those people who are in opposition on other 
questions; tliat this amendment to the constitution would not be 
limiteil to Communists, but that certain people Avould be able to 
get other elements in the trade union movement, other than 

Phil Murray said to me that I have got something there and would 
I speak to John L. Lewis about it. I asked him, "Where can I see 
John L. Lewis?" and it so happened that he was stopping at the 
same hotel that I was at Atlantic City, and that night, Avith John L. 
Lewis and Phil Murray, I spoke my heart out for a half hour against 
this proposition, and when I got through, John L. Lewis said, "We 
haven't discussed it; we haven't made up our minds: but have break- 
fast Avith me tomorrow morning and I will give you the answer." 

So the following morning I had breakfast with John L. Lewis, 
and he told me that "They are going to fight against this proposi- 
tion barring Communists from the union, from the A. F. of L." 
And at that time I think John L. Lewis was perfectly correct. 

But I only want to show my activities in conjunction with thei 

(The document referred to was marked "Baron Exhibit No. 15, 
November 22, 1938.") 

Mr. Baron. If I have not made this point clear, I will wait and 
you can ask me questions. 

The Chairmax. The committee does not care to ask any questions 
at this time. 


Mr. Baijon. Further, althoiiob witnessino- in S])ain many tliinjr?, 
tlie very tlionirlit of wliicli makes me sliiulder, I came back the first 
time and still ))r()paoate(l, or rather, wrote in belialf of united action, 
and I quote from the Socialist Call of June 12, 1937: 

In this hour whon Fascist bombs and shells are bursting over Spain, it is 
essential that unity be restorer! in order thnt the iiovernnient may be able to 
carry thronch the war to a suceesstnl conclusion. 

(The clipping referred to was marked "Baron Exhibit No. 16, 
November 22, 1938.") 

Mr. Bakox. That is just one paragraph of my united-frout 

I have mentioned that I was president of the Bookkeepers, Stenog- 
raphers and Accountants Union. After the 1935 A. F. of L. con- 
A'ention I came back to my miion, and I was told by the Communist 
faction in the union that they would not permit certain members 
of the nnion to run for office because they disagreed with them 
politically. You can well imagine my position. Here I liad just 
returned from the A. F. of L. convention, where I had fought for 
the right of the Communists to be inside of a trade nnion, and I 
come back to rnv union and the Connnunists tell me that thev wish 
to exclude others from holding office m a trade luiion. And the 
example I make there is that, in the very nature of things, the Com- 
munists are as totalitarian as any given Fascist movement in the 
world; that they do not tolerate opposition, and they will do eA^ery- 
thing under the sun to eliminate opposition wlierever it rears its 

Well, of course, I told them I would have nothing to do with any 
such plan. And Louis Merrill, who is now international president 
of the United Office and Professional Workers Union of America, 
C. I. O., and a Communist, came to me and made me a proposition. 
That proposition was that the Communists would support me for 
the presidency of the B. O. & P. W. Union if I woidd lay off in the 
fight that was to occur in the nnion between them and tlie elements 
they coidd not tolerate. In other Avords. the proposition was that 
I should sell out my following and lay low in that figlit. Well, I 
threw Mr. Louis Merrill out of the office. 

Then they thought a woman could do what a man could not do, 
and they sent a woman to me, a Miss Norma Aaronson, who is a 
leader of the dual office workers union in the davs when — you have 
heard a lot of testimony about this — in the days when the Com- 
munist movement had this dual union, when it split away from the 
organized labor movement and set up its own union. This girl was 
the leader of that union, but since they have liquidated that union, 
she came into the Bookkeepers, Stenographers and Accountants 

They sent this woman to me to make the same proposition. I 

I think I can draw this point to a head by saying that the Com- 
munists, of course, having liquidated their dual union, were able 
to mass forces, and the auti-Communists in that union were defeated. 

After this defeat I still went on and thought that unity was a wise 
thing under the circumstances, and I was named to the executive 
comnnttee of the North American Committee for Spanish Democracy, 


and on the excutive committee of tlie North American Committee I 
functioned in behalf of Loyalist Spain. 

That is all I wish to say in connection with my activities in rela- 
tionship to the Communist Party and to the issue of Spain. 

XoAv. I come to the testimony that I wish to give this committee. 
But. lioweA'er, before giving this testimony, I would like to say this. 
The greatest issue presented by the Comnuinist movement of the 
world is the people's front again^st Fascist aggression. There are 
various other slogans, but they all fit into the same picture, and that 
is tiieir most fundamental alleged objective. 

But this slogan there are all sorts of united fronts, all sorts of 
organizations created to perpetuate the supposed ideals of this slogan. 
But I want to show what a mockery this slogan is in actuality, by 
stalling first with Soviet Russia. And let us see what has happened 
there, and under the domination of the Communist Party and the 
domination of the polit bureau over the Communist Party in Russia, 
and the domination of Joseph Stalin over the polit bureau, therefore 
making it a personal dictatorship. 

From tlie l)egi'nning Soviet Russia has been one purge after an- 
other. It started with the Kronstadt sales, who were exterminated 
because of their opposition at the beginning of the Bolshevik revolu- 
tion against the powers that be. 

After the Kronstadt sales were liquidated, the Bolshevists started 
on the anarchists and liquidated them. Following them were the 
Monchavists and all forces who believed in deinocracy. TJiey were 

Then came the struggle between Leon Trotsky and Joseph Stalin. 
Trotsky said, "Let us do it this way at this time," and Stalin said, 
''Xo." Trotsky v»hs out, and expelled from the country because he 
dared to take the dispute out to the people. 

With the elimination of Trotzky there was a campaign against 
those who followed his leadership, and this campaign has gone to the 
extent of a climax in the last 3 years where it seems that every bit of 
oppositioii to Joseph Stabai has been purged, either purged up against 
the wall, or purged l)y })eing sent into the various prisons of Soviet 

That is a tliumbnail sketch of Soviet Russia under tlie leadership 
of this organization that calls for a people's front against the Fascist 

Now, let us go to Germany. In Germany, in the years 1931 and 
1932, the Communist Party of that country collaborated and voted 
together with the Nazi Party of Germanv. They voted too-etlier in 
the Reichstadt, and acted together in Prussia, and this was the great- 
est contributinc: factor for Adolf Hitler coming to power. That was 
in 1931 and 1932. 

Let us go further, in 1934, in Austria. In Austria, Avlien Dollfuss 
was sup]:>ressing every iota of democracy in Austria, and the demo- 
cratic organizations were defending themselves, the Communist Parly 
called these people social Fascists. These people who were defending 
themselves against these forces were called social Fascists. 

And every time I hear this slogan called out, united front, people's 
front, democratic front, let us get together, and the rest of it, to my 
mind comes the j^icture of the dead and those who are in prison in 


Soviet Russia and those in prison in Spain, all lioldin^- up their anns 
and saving they want a nnited front. 

Then we are told that this is in the past, that the Connnunist 
movement is no lorioer that way, that we really believe that our tirst 
duty is preserve democracy. Well, let us see. Let us see if that is 
so. and we Avill fro into Spain in the years 1986 to 1938, and we will 
see whether the ConnnunivSt movement has any desire for democrac.y. 

On July 18, 193(). a revolt started in Spanish Morocco, declared l>y 
General Franco, hut the real leader was Gen. San Jurjo. But, for- 
tunately, by an act of God. his plane. comin<i* from Portugal, crashed, 
and he was killed before he could take up the leadership ot' that 

There was a situation where the lepil Government of Loyalist 
Spain would have crushed that revolt within 2 montlis, if they had 
had the material to do it. 

So let us turn to this workers' fatherland, Soviet Russia, and see 
what happened there. I am going to quote from a famous French 
writer by the name of Andre Gide, who was in Soviet Russia at the 
time the Spanish revolt started. This qu<^tation is taken fr(mi his 
book. " Return From the U. S. S. R." 

The author tells of a banquet in the Soviet Union at which he was 
a guest. One of his traveling companions, also a Frenchman. — 

* * rose and in Russian siigj^ested that they drink a ghiss to the triumph 

(»f the Spanish Red Front. They applauded tepidly but with some discomfort, 
it seemed to us ; and immediately, as if in reply, "a toast to Stalin." 

At my turn I lifted my glass for political prisoners in Germany, Yugoslavia, 
Hungary. They applauded, this time with genuine enthusiasm. They clinked 
and drank. Then once more, immediately " a toast to Stalin." Concerning the 
victims of fascism in Germany and elsewhere, they knew what attitude to have. 
But concerning the disturbances and the trouble in Spain, public and private 
opinion awaited the directions of Pravda which had not yet spoken up. 

I read this for the purpose of telling this ccmimittee that Soviet 
Russia did not send in any aid to Spain until approximately 4 
months had passed. That is something I am angry at, but I do not 
know whether the committee is angry at it. 

In other Avords, I am trying to show that, despite these slogans, 
SoA^iet Russia plays its own politics. 

But once the aid was sent into Spain, along with that was imported 
Cheko and the Ogpu. 

Let me quote from the Russian newspaper Pravda, which is the 
official organ of the Communist Party of Soviet Russian and of the 
Comnuuiist International. On December 17, 193G, just shortly after 
the first shipment went into Loyalist Spain, they wrote as follows : 

As for Catalonia, the purging of the Trotskyites and the Anarcho Syndicalists 
had begun. It will be conducted with the same energy with which it was con- 
ducted ill the U. S. S. R. 

Speaking about the testimony with reference to Trotskyites and 
other important testimony, let the record show that so far as I am 
personally concerned you can take Leon Trotsky and Joseph Stalin 
and put them on an island somewhere and let them fight it out. I 
have no sym]:)athy for the political principles of any Communist 
group, and what I am sa^dng here is that at the beginning of the war 
Soviet Russia had alreay declared that they would wipe out tlm 
oj)position to the Stalinist movement in Spain. 


Let the record also show that authorities on political matters in 
Spain who have been there and come back, have wrestled with the 
■question as to how many Trotskyites there are in Spain, and the top 
iigiire that any authority woidd give is 20 followers of Leon Trotsky. 

So you can readily see that the basis, the premise, is false, that this 
slogan. "Trotskyite Fascist," is the groundwoi'k for getting rid of 
other elements that are in the Communist Party. 

In Soviet Russia the newspapers show an agent of Japan and 
tGermany up against the wall, and he is shot. In Spain they show 
an agent of Franco, a Trotskyite Fascist, and he lands in a dungeon 
or worse. 

So that was the beginning of what I think has contributed more 
for the apparent lack of success of the Loyalist forces against 
international fascism in Spain. From that moment I personally 
liad experiences in Spain which indicated or revealed graphically 
that statement I have read about the beginning of the purge. And 
the first incident that I have in mind to relate to you I have written 
down so that there may be no mistake about it. It was one of those 
trips that I referred to on a map of Spain, and on this trip were 
Edward Kennedy, of the Associated Press; Frank Tinsley, of Ren- 
ter's Agency, the English agency; a Spanish interpreter by the 
name of Sancha ; and a chauifeur. We were making this long, tedious 
trip through the southern front, and were on our way back, nearing 
Valencia, when this incident occurred. 

We were speeding at 50 miles an hour on the road back to Va- 
lencia. In another hour we would be back in the capital. About 
^00 yards ahead of us was the little town of Gandia. A few carts 
and a stray automobile here and there made up the slight trickle of 

Suddenly a splutter of rifle fire burst across the road. Thomas 
stamped his foot on the brake and we jerked to a stop. From 
farther up the road, near the village, came a bedlam of shouting 
We waited, staring intently down the now-deserted highway. Then 
Ave saw a young man, dressed in a leather jacket and breeches, run- 
ning at top speed, an automatic in his hand. Soon he disappeared 
from sight. Nobody attempted to cross the no-man's land that lay 
between us and the town. 

Along the eastern side of the road were clustered orange groves, 
^nd behind them, out of sight, the calm Mediterranean. A great 
distance away, men peered cautiously from behind trees and flimsy 
ifences as the firing continued intermittently. There was no motion 
at all, since the revolver-carrying young man had fled. Beside the 
occasional shots that still sounded in the orange groves, the only 
-evidence of something wrong was the fact that a few heavy-looking 
objects lay in the road, but Ave were too far a^vay to make out just 
what they were. 

The minutes dragged slowly by as Ave remained seated in the car, 
sjjeculating on the cause of the disturbance. We were far from the 
lines, only some 40 miles from Valencia, and it Avas ini[)ossible that 
any Fascist soldiers could have reached this point. Someone sug- 
gested that a landing-party might haA^e gotten through from the 
sea, but we rejected that idea. Had any Fascist ships approached 
the coast and attempted to land men, the AA^hole area would haA^e 


been alive witli Govennnent forces and a brisk battle would be 
n.nder way instead of tliis ouerilla-excbanoe of shots. 

We finally decided to make a dash for the town. We took a vote 
on the matter and even Tirisley, pale as a <rhost but determined to 
tret the story, insisted on it. Tomas ormnnd the accelerator a<rainst 
the floor boards and we sped ahead at moi-e than 60 miles an hour. 
I was in a back seat next to the window on the rioht. In spite of 
our rapid motion, I could see that a dead man lay in the roadway 
not far from three wrecked motorcycles. Above the roar of the 
motor I heard a cry for help and saw another man in a leather 
jacket lyin<2: apiinst a fence, his hands raised in a oesture of ])lead- 
iu<r. the fino:ers tvritchino- feebly in antruish — his whole demeanor 
indicating that he had been womided. I shouted to Tomas to sto]), 
but before he could do so we had already nioved on to the very 
edge of the town where we liad seen the men who had taken shelter 
behind the trees. The shooting had ceased, and Sancha, our Gov- 
ernment inter|)reter. climbed out on one running board while I got 
out on the other. We raised our clenched fists in the Reimbiican 
salute as we jimiped off. and the car rolled away from us to be almost 
immediately suri'ounded when it came to rest b}^ a grouj) of workers, 
who immediateh' trained their rifles on us. 

We stood in our tracks and made no move as we heard the men 
arguing with each other. "Shoot !" Avas -the thesis of some. We 
merely held our clenched fists in the air and I yelled a desperate 
refrain : "'Piensa ! Prensa ! Prensa !" indicating that we were news- 
papermen. The barrels still pointed at us, the militiamen still looked 
down the sights as they continued to argue. For some reason, Sancha 
said nothing to them until I grabbed his arm and shrieked : "Tell 
t lien I there is a vrounded comrade down the road.'' They stopped 
their debate then as to the wisdom of sliooting us without am' further 
investigation and discussed the information we had brought. But no 
one started in the direction of the injured men. I began to curse. 
Sancha burst into their new debate with a storm of words, and I 
shouted at him. "Tell the bastards if they don't get him, I will." 

I turned my back on their rifles and started down the road. Had 
I been less excited I Avould probably have done nothing, but I had 
seen the agonized face of the man, and bv this tinie I was able to 
approximate what had happened. He was obviously a dispatch 
carriei- for one of the military units maintained bv one of ihe anti- 
Fascist groii])s and had been shot while s])eeding down the road on 
his motorcycle. Once I had turned I realized to what dang-er I was 
exposing myself, but it was better to keep on walking. I wondered 
if I would hear the sound of the gun before the bullet hit me. 

But they did not shoot. I sup])ose it is harder to fii'e at a man's 
back. That ])robably ex])lains why victims are blindfolded and re- 
(juired to face the firing squad. Now. I was frightened by the 
thought of going down the open road in full view and possibly meet- 
ing a bullet from ambush. I crouched and ran behind a thin wicker 
fence that separated the orange groves from the higliway. In back 
of it I found a shallow ii-rigation ditch and crawled along it. Soon 
I became aware that someone Avas following me. It was Sancha. 


Tooether Ave made our way. screened from the road by the fence, 
until ve could hear the cries of the wounded man. With bare hands 
we ripped away the thin Avood. Avhich was rotted by the weather and 
splintered easily between our fingers. 

We reached the dispatch earner Avithout any difficulty. He had 
been shot through the arm. and a deep stain on his left side indi- 
cated that another bullet n.iight be lodged there. Blood coA^ered his 
clothes and the ground around him. As Sancha and I prepared to 
lift him and carry him back Avith us he protested, and Sancha 
explained that he Avas insisting that Ave also take his companero, the 
man lying dead in the road 15 feet aAvay. Sancha could not bring 
himself to tell the poor felloAv that his friend no longer needed our 
aid; he promised that we Avould come back immediately and get the 
other, too. We had carried him only a short distance Avhen Ave heard 
a car ])ehind us going toAvard the toAvn. I stood in the center of the 
road and forced it to stop, its passengers almost green Avitli fear. 

^^e })ut the injured man in the rear seat a'nd Sanclia and I at- 
tempted to administer first aid. after cutting his clothes aAvay. I 
am afraid Ave did a terrible job: our tourniquet Avas ahiiost useless, 
for Ave had no stick Avith Avhich to turn it tightly on his arin. We 
insisted on accompanying him ourseh^es to the hospital in Galidia. 

The Chairman. There is a great deal of detail in that story. Can 
Tou not abbreviate that by telling us, in effect, Avhat the point is to 


Mr. Baron. This is the only item I am giA^ing A^ery much time to, 
and I do it deliberately because I Avant to shoAv in detail, not in just 
a passing reference, to a certain extent, the condition that existed 
in Spain right after the Communist neAvspaper in Soviet Eussia 
stated that they Avere going to exterminate the opposition. 

There are many otlier items as to Avhich I do not go into detail, 
but I do go into detail on this one because there Avere representatives 
of the American press present throughout the Avhole thing. That is 
the only reason I am going into such length on this item. 

The Chairman. In other Avords, that instance typifies the iieAv 
policy of purge that the Communists i)ut into effect in Spain at 
that time. 

Mr. Baron. In the beginning of it ; yes. To continue noAv Avith the 
story of this incident. 

MeauAvhile, Ave had succeeded in establishing some of the bare facts. 
The three dispatch carriers had been coming through Ganclia and 
Avere fired upon. One had esca]:>ed — the man Ave saAV on foot with 
drawn automatic: one had been killed and the other Avounded. 

We pushed on to Valencia, eager to get the story out. But night 
still found us on the road, stopped at the outskirts of the capital by 
a tremendous crowd of armed Avorkers who had already heard the 
jieAvs and barricaded tlie higliAvay. In the darkness, we could make 
out the figures of men hurrying back and forth in a state of excite- 
ment. They alloAved no one to pass. EA'cry car had been stopped at 
the point of the gun. and even after Ave presented our credentials, 
they refused to permit our car to go through their lines. It was clear 
from their confusion that thev were not acting Avirh Government au- 

94931— 39— vol. 4 8 


thority. Oiio of tlieir spokesmen explained that since we were news- 
papermen we COM 1(1 ixo into the city by street car. but we must leave 
the automobile behind. We argued, threatened, demanded that they 
phone officials in the Foreign Press Office of the Government, until 
thev tinallv consented to let us continue. Tinslev and Kennedy, whose 
foreign clothes made them suspects as Fascists in the e3'es of the 
crowd, were quite relieved to get on. But Ave were sto})ped again — 
this time by a group of men in uniform whose conduct revealed that 
they were acting in an official capacity. 

We never got the story out. ilubio Hidalgo, chief of the foreign 
newspaper censorship in the Ministry of Propaganda, showed great 
interest in the story, and then refused to permit its transmission. No 
angle that we could suggest was acceptable and he put an end to my! 
pleas with the statement: "Save it for your memoirs, Baron." 

No one with any degree of responsibility would offer an explana- 
tion for the Gandia incident. Clearly it was not Fascist soldiers 
who had done the shooting — there were none for miles. It might 
have been the much talked of Quinta Columna, the Fascists in the 
rear whom Franco had boastfullv described as his fifth column. But 


even the explanation seamed hardly reasonable. There was little to 
be gained by the Fascists from such an attack which could only serve 
to expose them to ])ersonal danger without winning any sort of ad- 
vantaw for their cause. But there was a third alternative, which 
we believed was being tacitly accepted by the people; the incident 
Avas part of the internecine warfare that was raging behind the 
Loyalist lines between Avorking-class forces. 

That night I was awakened in tlie Hotel English by the sound of a 
terrific explosion in the street. Next day I learned that an automo- 
bile and two passengers had been blown to bits. Anarchist leaders 
insisted that the victims were comrades who had been bombed by 

These two items, one, this shooting outside of Gandia, illustrated 
what I said before, of the beginning of a reign of terror. The reason 
the stor}^ was never printed, as Kennedy, of the Associated Press, and 
Tinsley tried to get it out, is that in payment for the help of Soviet 
Russia tlie Connnunists were able to get control of the Censorsliip 
Department in Loyalist Spain. 

That explains why I am going into detail on the terror because 
it has not appeared in the press of the United States by virtue of the 
control of the Communists of the agencies of news. 

I have here a further illustration of the tenseness and the strain 
under which the peoj)le were at the time this terror started, and I 
tell of a bullfight which I attended, when all over the stadium there 
were fist fights and worse, and Avhen I asked the officials in whose 
box I sat what was the meaning of it, they told me that the Com- 
munists again were after their o])ponents. 

Sometime after the bullfight, I received an invitation from Liston 
Oak to luncli with him. At that time, as this release will indicate, 
he wa.s the chief of the foreign ])ro])aganda section — that is, the 
English section of the propaganda. He took care of the English 
pi'opaganda, propaganda to England and to the United States. I 

ux-A:Mr:TU(\\N propaganda activities 2537 

Avant to put this in evidence to show his capacity at the time in 
Xioyalist Spain. I am going to refer to Liston Oak. 
(The release referred to is as follows:) 

Ltstox M. Oak, Prensa y Propaganda Extranjera, Calle Campaneros 1 


Valencia, Febinaiy — . — The haiid-inade silks of Spain, prized throiighont- 
oiit Europe by lovers of tine fabrics, are once more being woven on the ancient 
looms of this city. 

More than 5,000 examples of Valencia textiles are on exhibition at the Insti- 
tute of Silk here, the product of 80 mills which have organized under one 
head as the unified textile industry. 

Two large rooms are entirely decked with damask and brocades. Great 
flags of natural silk hold the walls, one of the banner of the city, the other 
•<jf the textile industry union. 

Lyons once vied with Valencia in the manufacturing of beautiful hand- 
loomed silks, but today the French mills have installed machines and Spain 
:alonG is master of the ancient craft. 

Some of the Valencia fabrics are priced as high as 500 pesetas (about $50) 
a motor, not only because of the quality of the natural silk, gold and silver, 
l)ut also because of the length of time it takes to produce, skilled weavers 
turning out only 8 or 10 centimeters a day. 

Steps are being taken to teach young weavers to handle the handlooms. 
The weaving of these precious silks requires long practice and a definite 
artistry. Production today is principally in the hands of old men and women. 

Today's exhibition is the most complete ever held, archives from the four- 
teenth century failing to reveal any to compare with it. Sabater Filliol has 
been named by the Spanish Government to travel to the United States and 
Europe to propagandize the silks. 

Valencia, February — . — All hospitals in Republican Spain with more than 
300 beds are requisitioned for the use of the Ministry of War in the decree 
issued recently. Tlie order includes Red Cross and Red Aid establishments, 
as well as these occupied by the International Brigade. The war department 
has allotted 10 pesetas (about a dollar) a day for the maintenance of each 

^I ADR ID, February —.—Behind a vast A'elaquez painting hanging in the 
drawing room of the palace of Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera here a secret 
apartment was recently discovered containing arms, ammunition, as well as 
lists of Socialists arrested by the police in 1934. 

Rivera, one of the plotters of the Fascist uprising last July, was tried and 
£'xecutod a few months ago by the Republicans at Alicante. He was the older 
son of the former dictator, Primo de Rivera. 

Valencia, February — . — Although begging has been a profession in Spain 
for many centuries, a stubborn attempt is now being made to wipe it out. 
The Ministry of Health and Social Service recently adopted a measure creating 
a free soup kitchen, a retreat for the aged, and several children's homes here. 

Tliere is no place for the idle in our new economy, which is based on work, 
says the decree. 

Plans are projected for a group of schools for the blind and other disabled. 

Valencia. January 31. — Diego Martinez Barrio, the parliamentary president 
of the Spanish Cortes, which convened today, made a speech last night in 
which he declared that generals now serving under France had assured him 


and Prosidont Aznfm ;i few weeks lioforo the July lehellion of their loynlty to 
the Republican j^'overnment elected in February 11)8(.». 

'•The Fascist generals." he said, "are characterized by hypocrisy and disloy- 
alty." He mentioned General Horodes as an example. ''While they were pro- 
testing their devotion to the i)rinciples of democracy they were cous])iring with 
foreign Fascist agents for a r»4telli(»n. At that time all these people admitted 
the defeat of the conservative parties in the February elections and the triumph 
of the popular frout parties." 

Barrio stated that certain European powers are h<niing t" disnu'nib(>r Spain 
today as Turkey was dismembered in the nineteenth century. "We are an at- 
tacked nation invaded by foreign Fascist powers, but we are not a morii)und." 
he declared. "Referring to the deft^at of the Nap<>leonic armies in Spain,'" 
Barrio said, "it will likewise be here on Spanish soil that the eclipse will begin of 
certain audatious powers who wish to dtiminate Europe." 

"President Azafui has said that a war of independence is being fought here. 
Already the Spaniards are face to face with foreign invaders. To fail to take 
up arms against them is an act of treason. He who fails to take the .side of 
the government is serving the enemies of Spain. 

"Those who have betrayed the state can never return to it. No one can exjject 
to reestablish the state apparatus as it existed on .Inly IS. After our victory 
the Spanish ])eople will decide the future for Spain. * * * Within the 
framework of the constitution let us find the formula which -will permit us 
to transform our nation into a federation of republics each one with the organi- 
zation that suits it best. * * * But the first task is to win the war. That 
can only be done by complete collaboration with the government. That is the 
meaning of discipline. * ♦ ♦'' 

Mr. Baron. Some time after the imlHiglit I received an iuvitatioi^ 
from Liston Oak to lunch with him. Thoii<zh I had never met liini 
in America I knew of his activities in the Communist Party, and as 
a member of the Socialist Party which had been tlic taraet of vicious 
Comnninist attacks I was inclined to be suspicious of him. He was 
now in cliai'o-e of a government bureau of foreign propaganda, the 
literature of ^Ahich Avas distinctly colored by the point of view of 
Connnunist officials in the bureau. Oak had behind him a long career 
of service in the Communist Party of the United States. He liad 
been the manager of its Workers' Library 1 Publishers, a member of 
the editorial staff of the Dailv Worker, and the director of i)ubilcitv 
for the party's national office in election campaigns. For 3 years he 
had been editor of Soviet Russia Today, organ of the Friends of 
the Soviet Union, and later editor of Fight, the organ of the Coni- 
mimist-led American League Against War and Fascism. I was loath 
to him. 

We ate in the resiaiirant of the Hotel Ingles. I could see at once 
that he was deeply troubled; his intellectual face furrowed by an 
iimer struggle that was most evident in hi.s eyes as he peered through 
his glasses. It was a])parent that he was going through the same 
conflict that has been disturbing many Communist intellectuals of 
late and which has residted in driving numbers of them into the 
various dissident sects that now abound on the radical scene. At 
first I woidd not share with him my own fears about, what was ha])- 
j)ening in Loyalist Spain but his suffering was so obviously the 
result of his sincerity that I could not question his good faith. He 
had recently been offered a po.sition on the Moscow Daily News by 
Borodin but had decided to go to Spain instead, where he felt lie 
could be of more service. 

A visit to Russia a short time before had served only to increase 
his perplexities. Since our meeting he has put into writing some 
of the spiritual agony he experienced in those days and of which he 


told me at tliis time in Valencia. Of liis observations in Russia, he 
said : 

It confirmed my worst fears altont the Stiilinist dic-tatorshii), the suppression 
of all honest opposition and democracy and civil liberty within and outside the 
Communist I'arty of the Soviet Union, the Soviets, and the trade unions. 
Worst of all. I saw the great gulf between the I)ureaucracy and the masses. 
The reigning apparatus which included party members and tlie Red Army, was 
reaping the lion's share of the benelits of '•socialist" construction. I saw that 
party members were living in terror, that all independent thinking, all intel- 
lectual integrity liad been destroyed. 

In Spain lie hoped to find the antidote for his despair, and he had 
2)lunged into the work of organizing a Loyalist propaganda cam- 
])aign in England and the United States for the government. But 
the same intolerance and ruthlessness were to be foinid in the Spanish 
Communist movement and he realized that he was still "a cog in the 
Stalinist machinery of falsification, repression, and reaction." 

He talked with the leaders of other working-class groups, with 
Andres Nin, Julian Gorkin, Jose Andrade, Jose Escuder, all leaders 
of the P. O. U. M. [party of Marxist Unity] and with Souchy and 
other anarchist leaders. They convinced him that the Commimist 
Party in Spain was actually "kidnaping, torturing, and murdering 
anti-Stalinists, suppressing their meetings and newspapers, carrying 
out reactionary measures to destroy the conquest of the workers and 
peasants made in July and August 1936; blackmailing the other 
organizations in the Government by making Russian aid conditional 
upon Stalinist control." 

He tried to continue his work in Spain but could not. About a- 
inonth after our meeting in the Hotel Ingles, he left Spain. Ex- 
plaining his departure, he has written — I want the members of the 
committee to please note this following quotation: 

I met George Mink, American Communist, who boasted about his part in 
organizing the Spanish G. P. U. and offered me a job — ro put the linger on 
"untrustworthy" volunteers entering Spain to tight against Fascism, such as 
the members of the British Independent Labor Party and the American Socialist 

Throughout my testimony I am going to refer again to Americans 
and how they, of course, became victims of a wide reign of terror. 
This is the first quotation. There will be many more. 

Liston Oak's story is more than a personal tragedy. In it is the 
terrible disaster that the Communist Party has brought to the inter- 
iiational working class, the disaster which has led Andre Gide to 
exclaim that we must not believe that the Soviet Union and its 
policies will determine the fate of international socialism. Thou- 
sands of others, like Gide and Oak, have become increasingly con- 
scious of the cacastropliic consequences of the various twists and turns 
of the Communist International as the Soviet Union has become 
gradually enmeshed in the maze of imperialist diplomacy. In the 
hearts of some, hope has ilwindied into despair and faith betrayed 
has frozen into cynicism. Fortunately for the world, so far as others 
concerned, the effect of such events has been to bring home the need 
for reevaluation of accepted theories, resulting in a recognition of 
errors in the old faith and a rediscoverv of the more basic truths. 

Even among my fellow correspondents I coidd see how events re- 
shaped their philosophy. One of our number, a journalist who 


represented an international foreign news agency, was a devoted 
Communist. With pride he showed me a letter of rebuke sent fronij 
his London office chidin<r him for his partisan reporting. Knowing 
that I was a Socialist, he liked nothing better than to argue with me 
and justif}' every move in the 20-year history of the Comnumist In- 
ternational. Xo act of which the Communists had been the authors- 
was subject to criticism in his eyes. For hours on end he would 
insist that the Communists were correct in their suppression of other 
working-class groups. On my second trip to Spain he was no longer 
to be seen in the foreign press office. He had been arrested by the 
Communists for some injudicious remark, held inconnnunicado, and 
released only after pressure had been brought to bear in his behalf 
by newspapermen. 

Another of my friends, an English correspondent wdio had been a 
member of the Communist Pai'ty, changed visibly from day to day^ 
The Communist policy of intolerance as applied in Spain — in the 
very name of democracy — made him realize that freedom cannot be 
Avon through tyrann3% that workers cannot be emancipated through 
the suppression of their organizations. Labor cannot win peace and 
happiness through dictatorship of a Communist Party any more than 
through the dictatorship of a fuehrer. Its only hope lies in the proc- 
esses of Avorkers' democracy. 

I want noAT to read from a newspaper, the NeAv Leader. It is the 
official organ of the Social Democratic Federation, with headquarters 
in this city. The headline is : 

Communist Cheka at Work iu Spain. 
Abramowitz's Son Held as Hostage. 

Young Mark Rein But One of Many Social Democrats Kidnaped or Mur- 
dered Since Bolshevist Element Has Got Upper Hand. 

I Avant this stor}^ in the record to show also that the Communist 
reign of terror did not apply, as they claimed, only to Trotsyite 
Fascists but applied to everyone — and I cannot repeat that too 
much — who is in disagreement Avith the role of the Communist Partv. 
I quote from this neAvspaper, the NeAV Leader : 

A few hours before going to press, the New Leader receives permission to 
divulge a story which has in large part been known to a number of trusted 
Socialists on both sides of the Atlantic for some time past, but which could not 
be released because at least one human life seemed to be at stake. 

It is the story of the kidnaping in Barcelona, more than 5 months a:ro. of 
an ardent young anli-Fascist, son of a leading Russian Social Democratic exile 
who has well earned the hatred of the Bolshevist dictatorship and of its allies 
and agents abroad. The motive of the kidnaping being easily surmised, and 
the ruthlessness of its instigators well known, the father and friends of the 
victim have till now avoided such publieity as might have endangered his life, 
meanwhile making every effort to ascertain pertinent facts and obtain hi.s 

The possibility of procecnling quickly and i)erhaps the reason for it, have 

Now it can be told and the telling well illustrates the methods of the Russian 
Communist Party and its Comintern and throws a vivid light uix>n the tragic 
conditions which have grown up in Sixain as a result of the failure of the great 
democratic powers to take normal and decisive action when Fascist rebellion 
in that country first began. 

ux-a:mi:kican propaganda activities 2541 


Shortly before midnight on April 9 a clerk on duty in the Hotel Continental 
at Barcelona received a telephone call for Mark Rein, a guest in the hotel. 
Connecting with the room and making sure that Rein had the call, he paid nO" 
further attention to the matter. A few minutes later he saw Rein go out on 
the street. From that moment the young man has not been seen. 

When his absence was noted the next day, the appearance of his room indi- 
cated that he had gone t)Ut hastily expecting to return very soon. 

On April 14, letters postmarked "Madrid, April 13," were received by the 
hotel and by a friend of Rein's, a Russian engineer named Nicola, saying that 
no one should worry about him and that he would be back in a few days.^ 
The letters were in Rein's handwriting, but the date in the letters, also "Madrid,. 
April 18," was in another hand. It was physically impossil)le that a letter 
mailed in Madrid that day could be delivered in Barcelona on April 14. 

I woukl like to say this, tliat it takes a week for a letter to go from 
Madrid to Valencia, and if you look on the map and note the distance 
between Madrid and Barcelona, a letter postmarked in Madrid on 
the 13th could not arrive at Barcelona on the 14th. That is a physical 

The Chaikman. Are you about ready to get down to your experi- 
ences: what vou saw over tliere. and so forth? 

Mr. Baron. I have a few more items a^ a prologue to my own ex- 
perience. I do not want this case to rest upon my personal experience, 
but I want in the record as many corroborating experiences of other 
people Avho have been in Spain, so that the issue presented is not one 
concerning myself personally against the Communist Party but the 
expert testimon}^ of many people who have been in Spain and who> 
have Avitnessed certain things. 

The Chairman. May I suggest that you refer to those documents 
and hand them to the reporter, those that are supporting statements? 
It is not necessary for vou to read them in detail. Would not that 
serve your purpose just as well? 

Mr. Baron. If you think it is advisable, that is all right with me.. 
May I finish this one item? 

The Chairman. All right; go ahead. 

Mr. Baron. It is revealin<x as to the methods used bv this under- 
ground, illegal movement, how they operate. 

The Chairman. I tliink you have well illustrated it and supported 
it with references to the experiences of a number of others. I think 
you have emphasized that point very well. 

Mr. Baron (reading) : 

The postmarks are believed to have been forged — which would not be- 

Nicola, who was working as a technician for the anarchistic (and anti-Com- 
munist) trade unions in Catalonia, informed the Obrero Solidaridad, which 
published the news of Rein's disappearance. He also promptly informed Rein's 
father, who is widely known under his revolutionary name of Raphael 
Abramowitch — a Russian Social Democratic exile, living in I'aris and a leading 
member of the executive committee of the Labor and Socialist International. 

The father at once came to Spain, where he spent nearly a month, visiting 
Barcelona, Valencia, and Madrid, following up every clue. He learned a great 
deal, but was not definitely able to locate his son. 

It was first of all ascertained that persons repre.senting themseh-es as police 
officers, but now known not to have been such, had visited the hotel and 
questioned some of its employees about Rein. 


Abrninowitch in ten-viewed mon of nil factions. From all ho ivceived assur- 
ances that they knew nothing about the affair and promises of aid in his 
investigation. He got the impression that certain ones knew more than they 
would tell. 


The (ierman Communist Fritz (Karl Arndt ) suggested that Rein had been 
arrested for registering under a false name. Arndt seemed not to know that 
Itein was the true family name. 

Another (Jernian Communist, the one-time Reichstag member Dengel, told 
Abrahamowitch that his son had probably been murdered by the Trotskyites in 
revenge for having given the German Conununists in Barcelona some informa- 
tion about the P. O. U. M. or Trotskyist organization. 

It was found that these stories did not tally with known facts any more 
than they tallied with jH)ung Rein's character. They were apparently fabri- 
<ated in an attempt to throw the father upon a wrong track. 

Suggestions rending to implicate the local anarchists were, on being checked 
up, found to be equally flimsy. 


Through a Russian social revolutionist exile another line of investigation 
was opened. This man interviewed Alfred Hertz, who is known to be promi- 
nent in the Bolshevist Cheka abroad, and by a few questions involved Hertz 
in such contradictions as convinced him that this Chekist knew the inside 
truth about the matter and was trying hard to conceal it. In May he suc- 
ceeded in interesting Mecca, a chief of the Catalonian general staff, in solving 
th.e Rein mystery and in measures against the Bolshevist Cheka — but early in 
July Mecca too vanished from sight and certainly not by his own will. 

Before his disappearance, however, Mecca had established the fact that one 
Gomez Emperador, a secret police agent acti\e in the neighborhood of the 
<Jontinental Hotel, had, without the knowledge of his superiors, been main- 
taining close relation with Hertz and Arndt, of the Cheka. On being questioned 
)>y Me<-ca about the disappearance of Rein, Emperado showed great agitation, 
and shortly thereafter he absconded from Spain. 


The Rein case does not stand alone. The kidnaping and murdering of 
Socialists, and particularly of Russian Social Democrats, who have been serving 
the cause of democracy in Spain, has become almost a routine. The number 
of such victims has now run up to 40 or more. Rein himself, being an advocate 
of United Front, was not particularly obnoxious to the Communists, who now 
have largely the upper hand in Spain. In his case, however, tliere was a special 
reason, not for murdering him but for spiriting him away. 

Rein's father and friends are convinced that he was kidnaped by Cheka 
agents : that he is still alive and has either been taken to Russia or is being 
held on a Soviet ship ; and that the purpose of his captors is to extract infor- 
mation frcmi him or to blackmail his friends into giving information, which 
M'ould be useful to the Moscow dictatorship in its frantic t>fforts ro cut off 
oppositionists in Russia from contact with the outside world. 

The Chairm.\n. Yon are ottering such pertinent facts as yon liave, 
and wliat yon want to do is to sn|)])ort it with as mnch docmnentary 
evidence as yon can ; is tliat correct ? 

Mr. Baron. I know it is tiresome to listen to a person readino- for 
a half lionr on end, hnt I am concerned not so nuich with the ears 
of tlie listeners here as to <>et this thinor go mnch in fidl in the record 
that there will not be any chance of those people and the working 
class that I want to reach misiniderstandino- this as a personal issne 
between myself and the Connnnnist Party. 

The CiiAiiJMAN. I call nnderstand that, especially in view of the 
fact that" the critics are always hollerino- ;>Jiont unsupported alle- 

un-a:\iekicax pr<>paganda activities 2543 

Mr. Baron. Tliat is rioht. 

The Chairman. Go ahead. 

Mr. Barox. I can o-ive you ])ersoBal experiences here for Incurs on 
end. But I shall not do that. I am only taldng the hio-hlights. 

There is another gentleman who has been in Spain. He is John 
Dos Passos. I tliink he is one of the most prominent writers in the 
United States. He has written many books, and lie is A^ery familiar 
with tlie Spanish question. He has been a devoted follower of the 
Communist n:iovement for years. John Dos Passos went to Spain. 
I had seen him in S]:>ain, spoken with him: had seen him in Paris 
and spoken with him there, too. I wish to C[uotc just two paragraphs 
from Avhat he said, and wliat lie has written when he came back from 
Spain. In other words, he is a^iother authorit}^ on this. 

On the debit side it miipt be admitted that they have brought into Spain, 
along with their enthusiasm and their mmiitionf!, the secret Jesuitical methods^ 
the Trotslcy witch limit, and all the intricate and bloody machinery of Kremlin 

The question which cannot be answered now is whether the Spanish i)eople 
will have paid too high a price for the fine new army they have organized, 
and whether the' Communist Party, once its social objectives are gone or 
translated into pie in the sky, won't turn out to be only one more magnificent 
instrument for power, which means a magnificent instrument for oppression. 

That is from the magazine Common Sense, issue for July 1937. 

In this quotation Dos Passos is not certain whether the price paid 
by Loyalist Spain for Soviet aid has been too great, but I have never 
asked Dos Passos. If I asked him today, I think he would agree 
with me that the price has been ruinous. 

Now, I have quoted from Americans and newspapers, and I would 
like to take the time to read some c|uotations from the Spanish press, 
from all over Spain, which deal with the operations of the Com- 
munists in Spain. You will understand the importance of this. Not 
only do I produce statements of Americans who have been in Spain 
but I also have here translations from Spanish newspapers which tell 
of the operations of the Communists in Spain. I think that all of 
these things put together will make my personal testimony a little 
more understandable to the general public. It is my contention that 
when you tell tlie average person that a Connnunist has miu'dered 
someone, he Avill look at you and say, "I do not believe it." It is hard 
for a person to believe it. It is hard for the average person on the 
street to believe that one person was murdei-ed by another person for 
political reasons in tlie working class. Now, the orily way you can 
combat that approach is to so gather material that it is impossible 
for an}' person who reads it to decide that the one who is testifying 
is not telling the truth. I have been giving you quotations from 
newspapers and magazines and now I want to give you some Spanish 
translations. Is that all right ? 

The Chairman. You mav proceed. 

Mr. Barox. It is as follows : 

It is siesta time in the little town of Vilianueva de Alcardete in the Province 
of Toledo, and the date is March 15. 1937. Jesus Lozano Camara, proud of his 
membership in the anarchist C. N. T., which numbers more than a thousand here, 
is idling the afternoon away, standing in front of the union headquarters. His 
neighbor, Manuel Blanco Barrios, is a short distance away, but nearby is Vicente 
Villa Nueva, a Communist militiaman, better known as Facote. who calls Jesus 
to him. They exchange a few words and Jesus turns away, walking a few yards. 

2544 un-a:meric'ax propaganda activities 

Suddenly Facoto lifts his arm skillfnlly and whirls a hand j^rcnade througli the 
air. The anarchist workman is hlown to hits. As if the act had heen a signal, 
a volley of shots is ponred into the headquarters of the C. N. T. from the offices 
of the defense connnittee and from the plaza. 

The followino- week Solidaridad Obrera, tlie C. N. T. neAvspaper, 
reports the events: 

One of the leaders of this attack was the militia sergeant. MMximino Merin 
Mansanero. Tlie following day he was a memher of the trihiuial which was to 
investigate and judge the events. When the attack began there were 4 or 5 
comrades and some 10 children in the C. N. T. headquarters, also two com- 
rades from the U. G. T. (Socialist Union) and one left Republican. For some- 
time before our comrades were being arrested as they came in from their 
work in the fields. Their union cards were taken away from them and toin 
up, and they were thrown into a cellar where, a few hours befoie. the mayor 
of the town had given a banquet to the militia and the political leaders, and 
they had conversed with great excitement about the G. N. T. Some of our 
comrades were met with hand grenades when they came into town. One was 
a"ble to get av.ay. Another was riddled by seven bullets as he stood in the 
doorway of his house. All together, IG corpses were taken away at 9 o'clock the 
next morning, having been left in the streets overnight. 

Among the dead was an aged worker, respected in the community 
as one of the founders of the Socialist Casa del Puebh). 

In Madrid the situation was far worse. The city being under siege 
was naturall}^ subject to the strictest military discipline and the 
authority of the municipal officials had been set aside. Extraor- 
dinary powers rested in the hands of the defense jiuita of Madrid, 
and under it the Commissioner of Public Order functioned. That 
post was immediately seized by the Communists, who used it as a base 
from which to extend operations of their extralegal Cheka. Com- 
munist succeeded Communist in that office — Santiago Carillo, Serrano 
Ponsela, and then Jose Cazorla, wliose conduct brought forth public 
protests from Premier Caballero liimself. In Caba Hero's adminis- 
tration public opinion was stirred by the fact that the Commissioner 
had ordered the arrest of Verardini, an Anarchist in the service of 
the general staff of the central army. He was held for a few hours 
and after his release, in spite of the express orders of General Miaja, 
who headed the defense junta, Carillo gave publicity to the arrest in 
order to besmirch the reputation of Verardini. The junta rebuked 
the Commissioner of Public Order and authorized the publication 
CNT to set forth the facts. On doing so it found that Carrillo had 
the power to prevent the circulation of the issue. 

Cazorla, one of Cai'illo's successors, won a reputation for severity 
toward non-Communist, anti-Fascist workers and leniency toward 
Fascists held under charges of cooperating wnth Franco. While a 
nephew of Mariano Sanchez Roca, Under Secretary of Justice, was 
arrested without any specific accusations, the nephew of the Fascist 
general, Queipo de Llano, was freed without any hearing on formal 
charges lodged against him. Cazorla had reached the post of Com- 
missioner of Public Order only because of his membership in the 
Communist Party and his willingness to cooperate with its Cheka. 
He claimed that he had been a member of the Transport Workers 
Union of the C. M. T., but that organization stated publicly that 
his named appeared nowhere in its records and that his assertion was 

I asked Caballero last October Avhat his government had done about 
the situation that was then develoi)ing. "We recognize the existence 

r::-AjrEniC-Nx pr.opAG.vxDA activities 2545 

of tlie Clieka and undertook a definite course of action to eliminate it," 
he said. "That was one of the reasons whj^ the Communists launched 
a campaiiin of slander a<?ainst me." 

In other words, a former Premier of Spain, started the terror 
against the Communists, or a reign of terror against the Communists, 
and the Communists, in turn, started a slander campaign against 
Cabal lero. 

It was during Caballero's administration, at the end of April, that 
the revelation of Communist oppression brought about the dissolu- 
tion of the Madrid defense junta on orders from Valencia. In 
Murcia the cruel system of persecution — the shootings, secret arrests, 
and raids on workers — resulted in Government action and the im- 
prisonment of those responsible. 

Murcia is one of the industrial and commercial centers of Loyalist 
Spain. It is the little Chicago of this section, for through it pass 
the arteries of trade to the seaport of Cartagena and the rest of 
Spain. Because of the investment of foreign capital in this region 
and tlie fact that part of the population consisted of commercial 
entrepreneurs, there were a large number of Fascist sympathizers 
in the province. Socialists in Murcia complained to me when I was 
there that little was being done to cope Avith the menace and ex- 
pressed grave doubts concerning the loyalty of the local officials who 
hated the working class organizations, particularly the C. N. T. 
which was very strong. The Communist Party was weak, and in- 
tejit on destroying its rivals, imposed a reign of terror on the people 
in wliich reactionary officials were happy to join. An investigation 
was launched, largely because of the demands of the C. N. T., and 
in April 1937 the legal machinery of the Republic was brought down 
on the heads of the guilty. Every political and economic group in 
tJie popular front, except the Communist Party, denounced the 

The National Committee of the C. N. T. has declared : 

On April 8 and 10. the principal figures in the murder gang were arrested. 
According to a document signed by the Popular Front, the Libertarian Youth, 
the Provincial Committee, and the local federation of the C. N. T., they come 
from a certain political sector which has ruined our eardrums with its cries 
for responsibility and "single command," which others must obey and which 
it alone may violate. 

The newspaper Cartagena Nueva summarized some of the evidence 
adduced in court: 

The Cheka began to function when Luis Giola was Civil Governor of the 
Province * * *. Our investigations resulted in the discovery of a secret 
torture chamber on Trinqute Street. The chief of the Cheka was a police 
commissioner, later replaced by Torrecillas, an ex-druggist and known sadist. 
Shortly thereafter, the Cheka moved to Frenaria Street, and, as it did not com- 
pletely trust the chief of police, it sent to Cartagena for Commissioner 

One of the victims, a Jose Maria Garcia Sarrauo. testified that 
while at work in the finance section of the treasury department, he 
was placed under arrest. Under the suj:>ervision of Torrecillas, he 
Avas beaten and tortin^ed in an effort to extort a confession. 

I denied everything, since I knew nothing. They were trying to make me 
accuse the leaders of the Murcia C. N. T. of being Fascists. This I resisted 
* * *. Then they put me face to the wall. I could hear them cocking their 
guns. Torrecillas said to me, 'You have 5 minutes left to live, you can still 


save yourself if yon tnlk " I answered iiothiiic-. I vras iiisaiie from the tor- 
ture * * ■■'-. Torreeillas began to eount * * *. Suddenly I heard ''Fire !"" 
and a volley at my back. Territied, I felt myself all over. 

And finally : 

I signed a paper which they showed me. I do luit kn<jw v.hat it said. I 
suspect it must be some senseless deciarati(»n. I svrear that if I have accuse<l 
anyone, he whom I have accused is innocent. I signed the paper as I might 
have signed my own death sentence. 

Tlie signing of such declarations is not unknown to me. In a 
Valencia jail, controlled by Communists, I have been asked myself 
while under charges, to afRx my signature to a document whose con- 
tents I had no opportunity to study. 

Continuino: its smnmarv of events. Cartagena Nueva says: 

We have presented our information about the sinister ]Mu)'cia Clieka of irre- 
sponsible elements, invested willi authority dishorioiing tlie Republic. The 
Court of L;i Cathedral has continued it invesiigjttions. * * * We know 
that yesterday, W'ith due process of law, the following police detectives and 
rear-guard police involved in this scandalous affair were arrested and held for 
trial: Ramon Torrecillas Guijarro. one of the cliiefs of the Cheka and police 
detective of the third cla^is since last NoA'ember before whicii time he kept a 
tavern in Madrid and was a drug clerk; Domingo Ranchal Garrio, another 
Cheka terrorist, organizer of the torture: Angel Sanchez Larresco; Emiliana 
Alonso Moreon ; ^Mariano Caravac Botia. These latter three vrere involved in an 
affair affecting 50 men, whom the Cheka held without authority and at the 
mercy of the criminal passions of the Chekists. The five are now in jail, having 
been heard by Judge Amado del Pozo. 

We publish this with no partisan aim. AVe feel that people must learn the 
full seriousness of what happened ii; ^lurcia in the line of the Madiid happen- 
ings * * * nnder the illegal directions of Commissioner Cazorla. We are 
sure we are not mistaken. Our proof is the Valencia government's order dis- 
solving the Defense Junta of Madrid. And. if the arrests in Murcia do not 
suffice, another proof is the removal of the civil governor of Murcia, Antonio 

I think of an incident in Barcelona, where tlie Cheka was even, more 
A'igorously in operation, that occurred during an air raid. I had just 
left a grouj) of anarchist leaders who had been describing to me the 
details of the terror Avhich haunted them. As the Fascist planes 
circled overhead, dropping their bombs, I scurried through the street. 
Ahead of me was a group of Connnunists singing with a great dis- 
play of bravado. The Avords of their stirring tunes revolved around 
the theme of — liberty. 

There is another aspect of the Spanish situation which is impoitant 
to members of trade-union^ and people prolific in united-front or- 
ganizations of the Communist Party, and that is we foiuid hi the 
united front, at the time of the war, that the Comnmnist Party and 
some other movements continued proselytizing campaiaiis. In other 
words, I mean this: Everybody agreed thni while (he (joverriment 
was at war. there would be no ])artisan |)olitics; tiiere would be no 
organizations set up against another; and that oHicials in the Army 
would not use their positions to win over member^]li}) for the Com- 
munist P;\rty. You will undei'stand from that what T am tr^dng to 
get at, and that is that though the Conmmnists contimially talk about 
being leaders of the luiited front, at the same time it is true they 
have never kept their bargain oiu*e they are in the united front. 

I think the chaii'man has asked hov; is it possible that the Com- 
munists gain control over so manj^ organizations, and I answered that 
the Connmmists have organized groups, disciplined and active, in 


various orofanizations. Since they are willino- to use anv methods, 
any violent nietiiods. the other forces in the particiUar organization 
become disgusted, and do not attend the meetings. 

They do not attend tlie meetings or any other activities in tlie 
organization, whether it is a trade-union, whether it is the Workers 
xVlliance, or whetlier it is tl\e League for Peace and Democracy, or 
any of the hundreds of other organizations connected with them. 
They become disgusted at The conduct of the Communist members of 
the organization. I want to show that the Communist problem is 
not one of Spain, Soviet Russia, Austria, or Germany alone. These 
are their world-wide tactics. They operate all over the Avorld in 
the same manner as they do in the United States and elsev.diere. 
Now, on the subject of proselytizing in Spain. I will read this: 
The Government, conducting the war against Franco, had no 
means of preventing the operations of the Cheka that was now be- 
ginning to function. Determined to utilize the situation for partisan 
advantage, the Communists were using every device, peaceful and 
violent — for the purpos^f gaining the upper hand, regardless of the 
effect it might have on the war. Obviously in the midst of the civil 
war, if unity Avere to be maintained, political rivalry between the 
working class groups had to cease. When the Cortes convened on 
Februaiy 1, 1937, Caballero, as premier, was compelled to sound a 
note of warning : 

I am a party man * * * j,j.j wlieu I came here I gave up absolutely 
nothing of what I am politically. I am in no way a renegade to any of my 
ideas. But seeing the danger to my country, I thought it my duty to assume 
the responsibility of this burden, and to leave for a later time my ideological 
aspirations. And I beg of you all, whatever your political parties or trade- 
unions, to think of nothing else but winning the war at this moment. If we do 
not win the war, all our social aspirations are lost. 

But such pleas were useless. Communists in military and civil 
positions continued to utilize their posts as recruiting offices for their 
party, thereby rousing bitter feeling among members of other anti- 
Fascist organizations whose one concern was the successful conduct of 
the war. Caballero publicly denounced proselytizing in the army, 
and after his removal the situation grew even worse. His successor 
in the Ministry of War, Indalecio Prieto, leader of the right-wing 
Socialists, finding that military effectiveness was being jeopardized 
by the propaganda, was compelled to issue a formal decree which 
referred to the partisan activities of certain political groups and then 
provided : 

1. Leaders and officials of the army in command of troops are prohibited from 
taking part in public meetings of a political nature. 

2. They are likewise prohi])ited from making public statements for the press 
and from taking part in radio broadcasts. Those newspapers which, in contra- 
vention of this order, publish interviews with leaders or officials of the army, 
without prior approval of the Ministry of National Defense, will be subject to 
severe punishment. 

3. No military reviews or parades may be held without the explicit authorizjT- 
tion of the Minister of Naticmal Defense. The same requirement is valid for 
any meeting or ceremony in which army units are to take part. 

Only the Communists objected to the enactment of the decree and 
even threatened to withdraw from the Government if it were adopted. 
While the two Communist members of the cabinet could be easily 
replaced, the implication that the Soviet Union would withdraw its 


aid was serious. Nevertlieless, Prieto called their bluff, and after 
weeks of fulniination against the Goverumeiit in their press, they 
finally ''acce})ted the decision." 

Caballero aroused considerable laughter from liis audience when 
lie spoke in Madrid by referring to the self-righteousness with which 
the Communists were saying, ''So that you may see that we are good 
boys, now we reconnuend that this decree be accepted." The laughter 
was hirgeh' occasioned by the fact that everybody knew the Com- 
munist proselytizing had not ceased with the Government's order. 
A young Socialist officer, on furlough, sitting in the Socialist head- 
quarters in Valencia, told me of the conduct of Communist officers 
who spent much of their time in attempting to enlist their subordi- 
nates into their pai*ty. A letter he had sent to Socialist headquartei*s 
complaining about the practice was intercepted, and he was sum- 
moned to appear before his superior officer, a Communist, who told 
him that the writing of such letters was unwise. 

I think I have made that point clear. 

As you knoAv, I am in rather bad heaj|h, and I wonder if you 
could adjourn until tomorrow. 

The Chairman. We will adjourn laitil tomorrow morning, and 
then you will get down into the matter of your personal experiences. 

Mr. Barun. I do not knoAv how long it will take me. I have some 
matter that I would like to go into the record to corroborate things 
that I have charged. 

The Chairman. You can place them in the record Avithout reading. 

Mr. Baron. Then, tomorrow morning I will place in the record 
these documents, and will then go into my personal experiences, if 
that is agreeable. 

The Chairman. That is all right. The subconnuittee consisting 
of Mr. Mosier and Mr. Mason w^ill go to Cleveland Friday morning 
for the purpose of holding some executive meetings to hear some 
witnesses. They will leave Thursday night and be in Cleveland Fri- 
day morning. There are a number of witnesses there that they want 
to interview on Friday and Saturday. 

We will stand adjourned until 10 o'clock tomorrow morning. 

(Thereupon, the subcommittee adjounied to meet tomorrow, No- 
vember 23, 1938, at 10 o'clock a. m.) 



House of RErREsENXATivEs, 
Subcommittee or the Speciae Committee to 

Investigate Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ Z>. C. 

The siibcommittee met at 10 a. in., Honorable Martin Dies (chair- 
man) presiding. 

The Chairman. The connnittee will come to order. The Chair is 
in receipt of a telegram from Xorman Thomas, national chairman 
of the Socialist Party, Avhich reads as follows: 


Boston, Mass., Noveniher 22, 19S8. 
Chairman Martin Dies, 

House Investigating Committee: 

SaDi Barons appearance before .vou is completely repudiated by Socialist Party. 
Ill health may lead him to dist<n-t and exaggerate stories of Spanish situation. 
We are concerned for preservalion of civil liberties everywhere but we believe 
Spaniards are today struggling for them far better than your committee and 
we again renew support to heroic Spanish struggle against fascism. 

NoEMAN Thomas, 
National Chairman, Socialist Party. 

You may proceed, Mr. Baron. 


Mr. Baron. I want the record to show that I requested that that 
telegram from Xorman Thomas be read into the record. 

I want to say I think Norman Thomas is one of the greatest living 
Americans, that Avherever civil liberties, wherever there is an injus- 
tice committed against the freedom of the people, Norman Thomas is 
in the forefront of that struggle. 

In Tampa, Fla., when the Ku Klux tarred and feathered Joseph 
Shoemaker, who subsequently died from that treatment, Norman 
Thomas was there fighting the good fight. 

In Terre Haute, Ind., when martial law was invoked. Norman 
Thomas Avas there. 

When the sharecroppers were fighting for their rights through 
Arkansas and other States, Norman Thomas w^as there. 

In Jei-sey City, when civil liberties were abridged, Norman Thomas 
was there. 



Not only in the United States, and issues concerning it, but even 
<.'oncei'nin<r Soviet Russia, Norman Thomas lias been in the forefront 
to point out to the citizens of tlie United States that the practices of 
the Connnunists in Soviet Russia are vicious and murdei'ous. 

As to Loyalist Spain, the daily press will continuously show that 
Xornian Thomas has come out and made statements against practices 
in Spain which 1 am here now testifying to. 

What seems to be troubling the Socialist Party is that your wit- 
ness is appearing before a committee of the House of Representatives, 
and I fail to find the distinction, for officials of the Socialist Party 
go to the courts of the State of New Jersey and try to adjudicate 
grievances an.d try to point out that civil liberties are being impaired, 
and wdien I come l)efore a committee of the House of Representatives 
I am doing exactly the same thing — I am trying to tell the people of 
the United States that there is a certain movement in this country 
that, if they get power, Mayor Hague will be a lily in comparison 
to what this movement would do if they got power. And I refer to 
the Communist movement. 

Norman Thomas takes occasion to ]:)oint out that I am sick. I 
admit I am sick. I am suffering from duodenal ulcer of the stomach, 
and I spent se\'eral weeks in the hos]jital this past sununer, and I do 
not think Norman Thomas really means to infer that my testimony 
will be — how shall I put it — not credible because of this ailment. 

And to indicate how the Socialist Party does feel, at a meeting of 
the national executive committee of the Socialist Party last month, 
from October 14 to 16, in Baltimore, Md., this witness sat as a mem- 
ber of that executive committee, and at that executive committee, of 
which Norman Thomas is a member. I was appointed secretary of a 
very important committee of the Socialist Party, and at that time the 
Socialist Party did not think that mv ailment inu:>aired mv iudjxment 
jr mv ability. 

I quote a paragraph : 

The committee — 

Referring to the committee I spoke about — 

The committee is to report to the N. E. C. (national executive committee) by 
the middle of December. Sam Baron is to act as secretary and to keep in touch 
with the national office on progress of work. 

Tliere is one other point I want to make, and I will be through, as 
to distorting and exaggerating. 

When I returned from Spain in December 1937, I reported to the 
national executive committee, and the national executive committee 
adopted a resolution, leased u]>on my report, that, in its entirety, 
shows the same thing I am saying here. 

In 1987, at the national convention of the Socialist Partv, thev 
adopted a resolution there that they made public, and which indi- 
cates that everything I have reported they accept. 

Mr. MosiER. I wanted to ask you this question, for my own infor- 
mation. Now, if you will 

Mr. Baron. ^lay I interrupt you a moment? 

Mr. ]MosiER. Yes. 

Mr. Baron. I want to put into the record a letter, addressed to 
whom it may concern, concerning myself and my character. 


The Chairman. Suppose you read it. 
Mr. Baron. It says : 

To whom it may concern: 

The bearer. Sam Baron, is a loyal Sot'ialist and an active labor man. He has 
dene excellent work in the Socialist Party and in official position in the Book- 
keepers, Stenographers, and Accountants Union. 

Mr. Cliairman, I A^ould like to keep these dociuiieuts where I only 
quote from them. 

The Chairman. Very well. 

Mr. Baron. There is the signature, if anybody wants to see it 
[indicating] . 

Here, in the official organ of the Socialist Party, is an answer to 
one Hans Amlie, a brother of the Wisconsin Congressman, in which 
tlie national executive committee takes it upon itself to answer the 
libelous charges of Hans Amlie. who fought in Spain, to indicate 
that what I have to say on Spain the Socialist Party has long ago 
been accepted as fact, and that when Norman Thomas unconsciously 
leaves tlie door open by referring to the fact that I am sick, he 
leaves the door open for his enemies and my enemies in the Com- 
munist movement to insinuate something entirely different than vrhat 
Norman Thomas meant, and I say Norman Thomas is doing an 
unkind act. 

Mr. MosiER. I liave been interested in our investigation to find so 
few people, Americans, or those who live in America, who have ac- 
tually been in Kussia, or actually have been in Spain, and who — I do 
not know how to express it, but it is almost an overgenerous attitude 
on the part of people in America connected with the Communist 
movement, to accept reports and rumors and stories that peoj)le tell 
who have never been near Russia or Spain. I wanted to ask you, as 
a practical matter, since you have been in Spain, were tliere many 
Americans in Spain avIio were capable of exercising an imbiased 
judgment in the matter, who were not connected with either one side 
or the other, reputable newspaper men, for instance? You know 
what I mean? 
Mr. Baron. I understand your question. 

For the most part, those who went to Spain, were under the domi- 
nation of the Communist Party. Those who broke away, like my- 
self — of course, you know what results. It is a terrific slander cam- 
paign, to break clown my credibility, and so you only have the public 
statements made by people who are under the domination of the 
Communist Party. 

There is the press; there are the correspondents in Spain, but they 
are limited and handica])ped there is a censorship, and that 
censorship, without doubt, is under the control of the Communist 
Party of Spain, Thereby the Communists remain the heroe.s of the 
struggle against Fascism in Spain, vrhen the Communists are in the 
smallest minority of the population of Spain. I think that answers 
your question. 

Mr. MosiER. Yes: that answers it. 
The Chairman. You iwslj proceed. 

Mr. Baron. I want to place in the record a statement by the na- 
tional executive committee in answer to Hans Amlie. 
(The statement above referred to is as follows:) 

94931— 39— vol. 4—9 



H'lus Amlio a member of th<' International Brigade, returned to this couutrj 
from Spain several weeks ago to deliver an attack against the Socialist Party 

of the United States. . , ^ , , ., 

His letter was published in the Daily Worker and widely circulated by the 
Communist I'artv. The Socialist. Party of the United States, as all decent 
sei'tions of the world labor movement, has been a vigorous critic of the Com- 
munist Party in Spain because of its vicious and brutal persecution of revolu- 
tionary workers who do not agree with the line of the Communist International. 
The following is a reprint of the letter issued by the national executivo 
committee of the Socialist Party in answer to Hans Amlie : 

Dear Mr. Amlie: You gave much publicity to your recent It^ttei- to us which 
contains many serious and damaging misstatements of fact about the Socialist 
Party in relation to Spain. It becomes necessary for us to correct those 

mistakes. , , -, ^, o, . , 

We do so in full appreciation of the services that you rendered the bpamsh. 
cause. We are glad that the Debs Column attracted your attention and sent 
you to Spain where you could render that service. Doubtless it is because you 
Were so busy at the front that you were unable to keep in close touch witix 
what was actually taking place behind the lines. You were consecpiently subject 
to being misinformed by the Communists who control propaganda in the- 
International Brigade. 

Those primarily responsible for the campaign in behalf of the Debs Column 
have already corrected certain of your misstatements about it. It was never 
intended to form a separate unit but only to send picked men to work With the- 
International Brigade. And we repeat that we are glad that you did what you 
did in this capacity. 

Let us, however, examine some of the very erroneous statements you make : 

1. You say that Sam Baron left Spain after "a long delayed deportation." 
Your informant misled you. Sam Baron left Spain of his own free will with- 
out Government pressure. The Loyalist authorities were deeply apologetic 
because of his arrest which was effected at the instance of Communi.^i^s. 
Further you say : ''It is quite possible that if Baron hadn't been an American 
he would have been shot for treason." 

Apparently Baron's act of treason in your eyes was his authorship of articles 
in the Socialist Call. Y'et after the publication of those very articles Barou 
was given letters of introduction to Government authorities in Spain, in- 
cluding I'remier Negriii, by Ambassador Fernando de los Rios, who was fully 
aware of the American Socialist Party's position and the writings of Baron. 
Obviously the Amliassador, while he differed from those articles, did not 
regard them as treas(mable, in wldch respect he showed an understanding of 
what freedom means that your Communist informants completely lacked. 
Political criticism on the part of those who love a cause is never treason. 

2. You may say that in Baron's article in the Socialist Call he "describes 
his fellow Spanish Socialists, who lead the Barcelona government, as the- 
'Spanish Cheka'." Another grievous error, Sam Baron has charged the Com- 
munist Party of Spain, not the Socialists, with maintaining a Cheka independent 
of the government. 

This charge, alas, is confirmed by former Communists like Liston Oak who 
worked for many months in the censorship bureau of the Loyalist government 
and had a distinguished record as former editor of the magazine "Soviet Russia 
Today"; by John Dos Passos who writes: "It must be admitted that they (the 
Communists) have brought into Spain along with their enthusiasm and their 
munitions the secret Jesuitical methods, the Trotsky witch-hunt and all the 
intricate and bloody machinery of Kremlin policy," and, with much detailed 
evidence, by the representative of the Independent Labor Party of Great Brilain,. 
John McGovern, member of Parliament, in his pamphlet Terror in Spain, 

Mark Rein, who had gone to Spain to serve the Loyalist cause and who sud- 
denly disappeared, was on the basis of circumstantial evidence the victim of 
that Cheka. He is, as you know, the son of the distinguished Raphael Abromo- 
vilch, member of the executive committee of the Labor and Socialist Inter- 

3. You charge the Socialist Party with support of the POUM tiud of the 
Barcelona lising of last May. Both charges are false. The Socialist Party of 
America does not support POUM and criticized the Barcelona rising. It did! 

un-a:merican propaganda activities 2553 

insist that tliere were Communist provocations for the latter and that POUM 
by its loyal service against fascism is entitled to be considered in any united 
front plans. Its members certainly are entitled to civil liberties and freedom 
from Communist "liquidation". Contrary to Communist reports, POUM has 
not organized armed revolt, and the arrest of its leaders, the suppression of its 
press, etc., are an indefensible black spot on the escutcheon of Spanish revolu- 
tionary honor and integrity. When you repeat Communist charges against the 
POUM to the effect that it is "an ally of Franco and the Nazi Gestapo" you 
should at least offer evidence, and of this we find none in your letter. 

4. In your letter you say, again obviously from Communist informants, that 
"Caballero is the enemy of the Spanish Socialist Party and is treated as such." 
Wrong again, Largo Cabarello is still a member of the Socialist Party of Spain 
with which he has been affiliated all his political life and is recognized not 
OJily in that country but by the international Socialist movement as one of its 
leading spirits. He rendert^J magnificent service to Spain in establishing a 
united front government, primarily of the workers, in dark rays. He fell from 
power because while grateful for such help as the Soviet Union gave to Spain 
he would not accept Russian dictation and because he objected to the Commu- 
nist policy of denying v.orkers' rights to their critics of the left. He and his 
followers, the Left Socialists, are still honored Socialists and still rendering 
loyal service to the great anti-Fascist cause. Only a year ago the Communists 
hailed this same man as "'the Spanish Lenin," and it is they who have changed, 
not he. 

Finally, may we say that the Socialist Party believes that it is consistent 
with the highest loyalty to the great anti-Fascist cause in Spain, consistent 
with support of the Loyalist governmeni in irs necessary activity to protest 
earnestly against any intrusion of the Fascist spirit of brutality and repression 
in the conduct of the Loyalist cause. We have always aoknowledgeKl the 
military support which Connnuiiists in S])ain and out of Sjmin have given 
to that cause. But in the name of the working class of the world : in the name 
of those ideals of liberty and justice vre protest against such crimes against 
liberty as must be laid to the door of tlie Communist Party in Spain both 
through their own direct action and through their influence on the Government. 
Sincei'ely yours, 

Roy E. Burt, 
Executive Secretary, The National E.recutive 

Committee, Socialist Party. U. 8. A. 

Mr. Baron. I want also to place in tlie record an open letter to 
Louis Fisher, correspondent for The Nation, a weekly publication. 
This article is written by myself, and my purpose in putting this 
article in the record is to show that Louis Fisher is a Communist 

(The matter a])ove referred to is as follows:) 


My Deiau Loi'is Fischer : For some time I was of the opiinon that you were 
the slickest peddler of Moscow wares in that overcrowded profession. 

I speak in the past tense as it seems from your latest dispatches (The 
Nation, September 3rd. 19.38), for example, you expose yourself as an undiluted 
Commuiiist ]iropagandist. Not that I blan>e you personally. Machiavelli him- 
self could not have guided the Communists in Spain better, with their cross and 
double cross line. That would explain your contradictory reports, don't you 
think. Louis? 

We will start Avith your September 3rd, 1038, article: 

"But the pheHOmeriori which haunts the European proletarian movement — the 
mounting bitterness between Socialists and Communists — has not spared war- 
torn Spain.'' (Italics mine — S. B.) 

To you, the fellow travelers and the rest of the Stalinist stooges it mU'^t be a 
"phenomenon." How else can you justify your statements of over a year ago — 
the purpose of which was to discredit Francisco Largo Caballero and his sup- 
porters — that organic unity was just a matter of days or weeks at best. Yes, 
you did your utmost, following Caballeros forced resignation, to get this idea 
across. Even though it was plain as the nose on your face and that beret on 


your bead that it was an impossibility, as the entire Socialist rank and file 
would have revolted and probably united with the anarchists. Too bad you 
have to eat your words at this late date. 

But you have an explanation for the "phenomenon" — "There are Socialists 
who accuse the Communists of wishing to monopolize jobs and propaganda." 
Nothing more than that, Louis? Just jobs and propaganda? Couldn't any of 
the following have something to do with it? — Communist deal with Prieto to 
force Caballero out; Communist deal with Negrin and del Vayo to force Prieto 
out ; the extermination of the P. O. U. M. ; forcing the Anarchists out of the 
Catalonia and Central governments; the reign of terror against Poumists, 
Anarchists, and Caballero followers ; the terror by the Cheka, the Political 
Police, and the S. I. M. (Military Intelligence Service) ; smashing of collectives 
by the Communists ; forcing down the throats of the Spanish leadership, policies 
dictated by the Kremlin more suitable to their own foreign policy than to the 
needs of the Spanish masses. Just as an afterthought, how is it that you 
ha,Te never once written of the terror, which other correspondents have thought 
important enough to warrant many dispatches? Just jobs and propaganda? 

I see where Prieto is now openly hunting for tiie Communists. You write 
"Without Prieto the left republicans would be isolated and reduced in influence." 
You remember when the Communists rewarded Prieto for helping remove Ca- 
ballero by making him the dominant force in the government. Minister of 
War and Minister of Air and Marine. At that time trumpets and hosanuahs 
hailed the new "People's Army," the "offensive Army," in short, "a new deal" 
under a "Victory Government." The glory was all Prieto's, paralleled with a 
world-wide campaign — in which yoti did your part — to slander Caballero and 
his followers in the Socialist Party, in the U. G. T., and among the anarchists. 
Now you infer Prieto is an exponent of truce and compromise. Another 
"phenonemon," Louis? 

Your inspired barbs are not restricted to the RepulVilcans and Socialists. 
"The Anarchists are tighting more ardently at the front and less so in tiie rear." 
The meanness of that crack is obvious, but Avliat is fascinating is your non- 
chalance in saying to one of the most powerfid movements of Spain : You do 
the lighting and dying, boys, just leave the government, the police, the army 
administration. In otir (Communist; hands. 

One thing I can't quite tuiderstand : Why you are most vicious tov»"ards 
Caballero and his followers? Haven't you told us repeatedly, for almost a year 
and a half now, that they were throtigh ; tliat they were discredited; that they 
were without inflttence? Why tiien do yoti devote so mtich space to tiiemV Why 
do you use every shod<ly trick known to journalism against this 'bankrupt 
group"? You say, "But some of the vocally most militant Socialists are de- 
featists and therefore forfeit popular support, for whatever past leaders may 
think, the people and above all tlie Army, insist on a new, anti-fascist Spain, 
which alone can guarantee Spanish independence. That is why, totlay, Negrin 
and del Vayo are the Republic's natural spokesmen. Thcji reject compriiie.'* 
Here I must confess that I don't tniderstand you (not much> ! Are you trying 
to say that Caballero, Aratiuistain. Pasqual Thomas. Baraibar. Carrillo. Carlos 
Ilernandoz, and the others are for an old, fascist Spain? And when you speak 
of "Spanish Independence," does that mean independence of Societ Russia also, 
as the militant Socialists insist? 

However, you reach the height of scurrility when you leave the thought that 
Caballero and the others are for compromise. Wlien you say that you lie, and 
all tlieir acts and statements will l>ear me out. 

Haven't you any shame at all? You witli your swank apartment in the May- 
flriwer Hotel in Central Park West in New Y<n-k and your sumptuous place in 
Moscow. Yon, slandering Francisco Largo Caballero. one of the greatest labor 
leaders in Spain — six times in prison for his ideals — an only son still a prisoner 
of the fascists l) he wouldn't permit the government to grant the exorbitant 
demands for his exchange— this man with over '^(} years of service to the work- 
ing class. Is it any wonder that Luis Aracpii-stain — member of the permanent 
eommittee of the Cortez and former Ambassador to France, wrote that you "had 
little respect for the truth when it conflicted with your party interests"? 

You criticize Caballero and the others, saying they are "defeatists." How 
short your memory is. Can't you recall that over a year ago Caballero warned 
that if policies urged by the Communists were piu-sued "th.e revolution would 
be shipwrecked and victory endangered"? Take a look at the mai* of Spain as 
of ^lay 10:^7 — when Caballero resigned — and at the present time. The divisive, 


double-crossing, terrorist policy of your Comimuiist moTemeiit is responsible, and 
not rliose you slander as ""defeatists." 

Your campaign to discredit Caballero is not new. AVhen the Communists 
found he wouldn't take orders they forced his resignation an.d from that moment 
on you have used tiiat "'impartiar' pen of yours to discredit him. 

Let us go back along the road you traveled as an "earnest liberal" reporting 
for the Nation. 

After the Anarchist inclusion in the Cabinet in October 1936 I^.Iadrid girded it- 
self, thougii limited in military equipment, for the siege. Whereas the war up 
until Caballero's advent into the government had been a succession of defeats in 
engagements with the rebelb, the Loyalists now began to score victories. The 
stopping of Franco at Madrid, the rout of the Italians in Cuadaiajara, the long 
tlirusis into Badajoz and Pozoblanco were achieved. Reorganization of the 
army proceeded and preparations for a protracted war got under way. To be 
snreV there were some military defeats, for it was during ('aballero's regime 
that Germany and Italy made their heaviest contributions of men and arms to 

Cabaliero became Pi-emier in September 1936 and was ousted by the Com- 
nuinists in May 1087. Louis Fischer in a dispatch dated June 25, 1937, ex- 
plaining why 'the Communists overthrew Cabaliero,"' reports as bland state- 
ments of fact that ' Cabaliero began to lose bis hold on the iieople when he 
allowed the enemy to approach a Madrid unprepared for defense. The gov- 
ernment's hasty departure to Yaleiicia further lovrered his prestige." It is im- 
. fortunate that Mr. Fischer cannot erase his own writings, for his dispatch from 
Madrid dated October 25, about a month after Ca])allero began to serve, reads: 
'Tniinediate help from the outside can prevent a debacle. Meanwhile this city 
is preparing for a siege." 

It vronld have been tlie worst sort of blunder for the cabinet to risk the whole 
fiituire of the war on the fate of the capital city. It will be remembered that the 
American Government did precisely the same thing in evacuating Washington 
during the War of ISlii. Rut a long list of historical precedents is hardly neces- 
sary to rebut the Communist criticism, for since the removal of the government 
to Valencia, another transfer has taken place. I w^as in Valencia in October 1937 
wlien Caballero's successors — obviously with less reason — packed up and moved 
from Valencia to Barcelona. But Louis Fischer has not yet published his com- 
ment and announced that the "government's hasty departure from an unbesieged 
city has lowered its prestige." Nevertheless, the Communists continued to de- 
nounce Cabaliero for the cabinet's decision to knne Madrid — despite the fa^-t 
that the Communist members of the cabinet themselves participated in the deci- 
sion. Geoffrey Cox, correspondent for the London News Chronicle, writes that 
"the Communists had urged the Government to leave a moiith earlier." On the 
other hand, "the Anarchists were for the (Government staying in Madrid at all 
costs," even attempting to turn the officials back on the road to Valencia. 

The herculean, task performed by Cabaliero in the beginning of his premier- 
ship is impossible to describe. The government was starved for military mate- 
rials, Avas lacking a disciplined and well-trained army and yet under Caballero's 
leader,ship, Madrid was saved. The Communists have frequently asserted 
that Cabaliero was to blame for military defeats, but I leave it to Mr. Fischer's 
dispatches from Mndrid before "the Connnunlsts overthrew Cabaliero," as Mr. 
Fis."her put it fraiikly, to indicate' the facts. I have gathered tlie following 
statements from his articles in the Nation, dated during the first three months 
of Caballero's administration : 

"A Madrid daily said on September 29 that 5,000 disciplined fighters could 
win the war for the government. Certainly they could check the enem5^ The 
government has not got them * * * The Loyalists have been without air- 
plane support for the last fortnight which is the chief reason for the enemy's 
advance * * * Airplanes bomb, circle, then bomb again with complete 
impunity, for the government apparently has no fighting planes to drive away 
these giants * * * The Loyalists suffer from an insufficiency of machine guns, 
which Franco has in abundance. If this deficiency can be remedied, fear of the 
foe's superior armaments will disappear * * *." It was not until December 
6 that Mr. Fischer gladdened the world with the news that "the government 
has lately had placed at its disposal a considerable number of tanks, air- 
planes * * *." Russia had at last come through, 5 months after the start 
of the war and 2 months after Mr. Fischer himself had asked the question 
"Will Moscow save Madrid?" 


After 5 months of Caballero's regime, Mr. Fischer wrote: "The Republican 
Army is considerably improved." At the same time he was writing — and this, 
after Caballero is supposed to have lost favor because of the removal of the 
government to Valencia — "The government's greatest element of strength is the 
hearty support of the population." 

Thus the reasons assigned by the Communist spol^esman for the downfall of 
the Caballero cabinet are exploded by Louis Fischer's own statements. Only 
once did Mr. Fisclirr eyen hint at the truth, and that was when he wrote cryp- 
tically : "His (Caballero's) relationship to Russia wavered." The truth is that 
Russia's relationship to Caballero had wavered, and it was for that reason — 
not for any alleged incompetence that Caballero was ousted. The premier 
was removed, not by the presidential palace, in Valentia, not by the will of the 
Spanish masses, but by the Kremlin in Moscow. 

Now, you might wonder why I went to all this trouble. 1 will tell you. I 
think it is about time the Nation did one of two things. Either throw you 
out for your evident bias and your services to the Communists while posing 
as a fair and impartial reporter or state above your articles, "By Louis Fischer, 
a Communist Propagandist." 

Sincerely, Sam Baron. 

Mr. Baron. I also want to place in the record clippings from the 
New York Times dealing with my arrest in Spain. 
(The matter referred to is as follows:) 

[The New York Times, Friday, November 5, 1987 J 
New York Editor Held tn Valencia 

sam bakon, ob^ socialist call, notifies friends in pakis of "trouble" with 
reds accused of trotskyism he went to spain to seek a fair trial for 


Paiiis. November 4. — Sam Baron, a member of the Socialist Party in New 
York and one of the editors of the Socialist Call, today informed friends here 
that he was under arrest in Valencia, Spain, accused by Communist agents of 
Trot:>kyist activity. 

Mr. Baron went to Valencia 3 weeks ago as an observer for American Social- 
ists with special interest in obtaining fair trial for the members of the P. O. U. M, 
(anti-&talininst Communist wing) who were arrested after street risings last 
May. Before he left here he made arrangements that in case of his arrest 
either by Spanish Government agents or by Communists he would communictite 
with Paris by code. 

Today a message in that code was received, telegraphed from Cerbere at the 
Franco-Spanish frontier, where the word apparently had been carried by some 
messenger. The decoded telegram reads: 

"Sam Baron under arrest in Valencia. Communist agents charge him as 
Trotskyist. He is in trouble." 

It is not clear whether Mr. Baron was arrested by the government police or 
is being held by Communists. It is presumed here that the former is the case. 

Sam Baron is an accountant who has for several years been active in the 
organized-labor movement and in the Socialist Party. Less than 35 years old, 
he has been for a number of years president of the Bookkeepers, Stenographers, 
and Accountants Union, now a C. I. O. aflSliate. 

At the offices of TTie Call it was denied that he has ever been connected or 
interested in the Trotskyist organization. It was pointed out that for several 
years he had held important positions with both the local and State organizations 
of the Socialist Party. It was said that he was on very friendly terms with 
leaders of the Loyalist Government in Spain and carried letters of introduction 
find support from Dr. Fernando de los Rios, Spanish Ambassador to the United 

u>:-A:s[EnicAN phopaganda activities 2557 

[From New York Times, NovemJ)er IG, 1937] 

Amekican Feakful fou Loyalist Cause 

kabon, socialist, in visit to spain finds distkust of communist influence 

rebels keady for dkive .say almeria, on south coast, will be their next 

goal aragon thrust to follow 

[Wireless to the New York Times] 

Paris, November 15. — Returning to Paris tcKlay from Spain, where he had been 
for 1 month. Sam Baron, American Socialist, expressed his conviction that, un- 
less there was an immediate change in the Loyalist Government to include the 
Largo Caballero Socialist and U. G. T. trade-union groups and the C. N. T, 
Anarchist-controlled trades unions, "the w^ar against the Fascists" would be lost. 

Mr. Baron spent 4 months in Spain earlier this year and returned there to 
learn what had happened to arrested P. O. U. M. members. His interest in their 
fate brought down on him the denunciation of the Communists, who regard 
P. O. U. M. members as Trotsky ists. He was imprisoned at Valencia and kept 
under strict supervision during the latter part of his stay. 

He said he found conditions much worse than during his former visit. 


"What is wrong," he said, "is that an overwhelming majority of farmers and 
w^orkers distrust the present Prieto Communist coalition. [Ind'alecio Prieto is 
the Defense Minister in the present Cabinet.] That distrust is due to five 
distinct clauses. 

"The first is dissatisfaction with forcing Francisco Largo Caballero [former 
Premier] out of the government last May. He is by far the most popular politi- 
cal leader among the Spanish masses, and they resent the Communist campaign 
Against him. 

"The second reason is dislike of the reign of terror by secret police, informers 
and spies of the Communist Cheka. 

"Thirdly, there is arbitrary use of censorship for the political advantage of 
those in control. 

"Fourthly, the loss of Asturias and the failure of the Government to win any 
victory has depressed the population. Even the Brunete oifensive, which was 
intended to relieve pressure on Madrid, did not succeed. 

"Fifthly, the removal of the Government to Barcelona has been very un- 
popular, both as an admission of failure and because of the political complica- 
tions that are likely to follow." 

Compared with conditions during his former visit, Mr. Baron said, the 
plight of the civil population now was desperate. Food supplies had been re- 
duced to severe siege rations. Under the present regime democratic forces had 
lost their spirit and this, coupled with severe privation, had weakened their 


Hendaye, France (at the Spanish frontier), November 15. — Insurgent 
officers at Irun asserted today that 10 Russian and 4 Czechoslovak oflBcers had 
arrived in Spain to help direct the Spanish Government's defense against the 
imminent insurgent offensive. 

The first phase of this drive, insurgent sources said, would be launched this 
iN^eek — within 2 days if weather permitted — with Almeria, a port on the 
southern coast, as first objective. Insurgent officers spoke of the drive "as 
Generalissimo Francisco Franco's "supreme" offensive, designed to smash Gov- 
ernment resistance before winter set in. 

The thrust at Almeria, it was indicated, would be followed quickly by a 
drive on the Aragon front, in northeastern Spain, where the insurgents would 
try to hammer their way to the sea. The coming offensive was more freely 
discussed in insurgent quarters, indicating that preparations were completed. 

Government leaders, asserting they were ready to meet "everything Franco 
can throw against us," prepared for the coming storm by small operations de- 
signed to straighten and strengthen their lines in Aragon. 


Insurgent reports said Premier Juan Negrin had refused the request of 
General Jose Miaja, comm'-ander of Government troops in central Spain, for re- 
inforcements to meet an expected insurgent assault on Madrid. 


MADRID. November In. — The four American newspaper correspondents re- 
maining here breathed more easily todiiy with the transfer of the censorshii) 
and press oflSces from the recently shelled foreign office. For obvious reasons, 
correspondents are not permitted to disclose the new location in a less exposed 
building in a sector rocked a year ago by aerial bombardments but unmolested 

This is the second move for the press crops. The telephone building was 
abandoned in April. It has been struck 161 times by Insurgent shells. The 
foreign office was hit several limes last month, the pressroom was dlamaged 
and several persons near by were killed. 

Government troops struck out from besieged Madrid tonight and wrested a 
small hill from the Insurgents soutliwest of the city along the road to Toledo. 

West of ^Madrid Government artillery fire broke up an insurgent effort to 
repair a bridge at Puenta Nueva on the Jarama River, a new military base. 

The destination of reportedly new Italian troop detachments behind the 
insurgent lines was partly cleared up today by dispatches that reported thou- 
sands of the foreign legionnaires were pouring into western Andalusia. 
* Almeria, where the rebels say they plan to strike next, is in eastern Andalusia.) 

Heavy fighting again broke out in the Pozoblanco sector of the southern front, 
north of Cordoba, where rich olive groves and the world famous Almaden lead 
mines are situated. 

Insurgent deserters in Aragon were quoted as saying 10,000 new Moorish 
/ecruits had arrived in Aragon. This coincided with air observers' reports 
that huge concentrations had been seen. 

Mr. Baron. The second item deals with my statement in Paris 
upon my release from a dungeon in Spain. 

I have another clipping I would like to put into the record, which 
is headed, "Barcelona Unrest Rumored at Border." 

(The statement above referred to is as follows:) 

[Prom NeAV York Times, March 16, 1938] 

Barceh.ona Unrest Rumoked at Border — Extremists Reported Pushing for 
Peace in Government — Loyalists Make Denial — They Plead for Unity— 
1500 Prisoners Taken by the Rkrels Near Alcaniz — Some, Dis armed. 

Perpignan. France (at the Spanish horder), March 15 (AP).— Travelers 
reaching,' the French horder from Barcelona reported today that extremists 
I here were demanding reorganization of tlie Spanish Government, confronted 
with a crisis as a result of the Insurgent Armies' sweep toward the Mediter- 

The extremists, Syndicalists and Anarchists, were said to be demanding 
Anarchist participation in the Government and liberation of Anarchist prisoners, 
inchuling 4,000 on prison boats in Barcelona Harbor. The movement was 
described as spreading from Barcelona to other parts of Catalonia. Unverified 
reports said Syndicalists already had liberated a iniml)er of prisoners from 
Catalan jails. 

(Barcelona officially denied there v»'as any disorders or unrest there.) 
Other border reports said the Barcelona regime was mobilizing all youths 
over 18 years old for a final stand against the Insurgents' drive. The Govern- 
ment was leported to have closed all primary highwavs leading to the Aragon 
front to civilian trafl!ic. 


Paris, March 15 (A.P.). — The newspaper Temps, which is close to the French 
loreign Ofllce, said tonight that "rumors of negotiations between the Republican 


(Spanish Govprnmpiif) nuthorities at Barcelona and Nationalist (Insurgent) 
authorities rejiched Paris early this afternoon.*' 

''Thuf^ far,"' the Temps added, ''we have been unable to get confirmation of 
these rumors." 

The Spanish Embassy issued a denial of reports that the Barcelona Govern- 
ment had asked for au armistice or offered to capitulate. It also denied re- 
ports of disorders in Barcelona. The em])assy declared that military operations 
were being carried out normally. 

At Port Vendres, France, a small crowd gathered on the Mediterranean 
water front following upon reports that two French destroyers were expected 
there with Barcelona refugees, including some important political leaders. 

Mr. Barox. 1 want the coniinittee to bear in mind as I read off 
articles from the Socialist Call, the official organ of the Socialist 
Party, I Avant you to recall tliat the contention is that my story is 
exaggerated. In other words, the Socialist Call, the official organ, 
has carried all these statements I have referred to. 

I would like to place in the record at this point an article in the 
Socialist Call headed "Loyalist Unity Can Still Win Spanish Civil 
War." That article is by your witness. 

(The statement above referred to is as follows:) 

[From Socialist Call, Saturday, July 16, 1938] 
Loyalist Unity Can Still Win Spanish Civil War 

By Sam Baron 

Since July 1936 the Spanish workers have been engaged in a heroic struggle of 
concern to the entire international working class. All should pay homage to 
those heroic workers who have fallen in the civil war. Those workers who are 
fighting against feudal-Fascist rebels of Spain and their Fascist allies from 
abroad are waging the front-line fight against the v;ave of reaction now threat- 
ening to engulf the world. 

Through tlieir ow^n miglit, their own organizations, the workers of Spain, 
overcoming the failure of the first war government succeeded in beating back 
the initial Fascist onslaughts. The victory of the workers in those July days 
grew out of the spontaneous unity of anti-Fascist forces faced with the immedi- 
ate threat of fascism. 

The international working class now looks with sprrow at the Fascist military 
victories in the past weeks. The workers of the woi'ld look with sorrow at the 
disunity of the Spanish workers. 

The Fascist military victories in Spain cannot be separated from the external 
international situation, and the internal situation prevailing in the working 
class of Spain. 


During the period of the struggle, the capitalist powers have carried through 
a policy which has directly aided fascism. Italy and Germany have partici- 
pated in an actual invasion. 

Great Britain through its vassal, Portugal, has actively aided the Fascist 
cause: it has blocked or sabotaged every effort of the Loyalist forces to arm 
itself. The Government of France, despite the fact that it rested upon the 
Socialist and Communist Parties which are in sympathy with the legitimate 
Spanish Government, had followed the demands of French capitalism for 
collaboration with the British Tories. 

The false neutrality legislation of the Roosevelt administration must be con- 
demned for allowing the free shipment of war materials to Italy and Germany 
for Franco, while blocking arms shipments to Spain, to which it has a legal 


The Soviet Union, because of its policy of aligning Russia with the "demo- 
cratic" powers, has refused to break with the nonintervention pact even when 


the committee ignored the open military aid to Franco from Fascist Germany 
and Italy. 

Basic in the determination of Soviet policy was its attitnd^^ toward Great 
Britain and France. Despite the cost to the working class movement, the 
objective of Soviet Russia was to convince the capitalist demociucies that they 
have no fear of Spain becoming Socialist. This desire to bow down to the .inst 
fear of Britain and France was motivated by Soviet Russia's desire for a mili- 
tary alliance between the "democratic powers" and Russia for a defeat of 
German fascism. 

The policy of Soviet Russia in relation to the nonintervention connnittee was 
rt'rtected in the policy of the Conimimist International and the Spanish Com- 
munist Party inside Spain. 


In return for arms and other aid, Soviet Russia demanded political eon- 
cessions and the suppression of all elements that desired to carry on the achieve- 
ments of the workers in taking over the Government and the economy. The 
concessions included the ouster of the P. O. U. JM. and later of the Anarchists^ 
from the Catalan Government. Through the Govermnent and outside the 
Government, the Communist Party of Spain acted against the collectives and 
against workers' control of production. 

To carry on the drive for the suppression of the revolutionary workers, the 
Communists created an illegal police force which was used throiighont Spain. 
Workers were jailed in private prisons, workers were murdered by the Com- 
munist Cheka, and workers' organizations in Madrid and other provinces 
suffered destruction of their press, their buildings and physical equipment. 

These repressive measures against the workers and their organizations re- 
sulted in the Catalonia street fighting of last May. 


Following the May events, Largo Caballero, Socialist trade union leader and 
premier, was presented by the Communists with the ultimatum of using gov- 
erimient military forces to suppress the left under threat of noncooperatiou from 
the Communist International. Tliis led tf» Caballero's resignation. 

The reorganized cabinet further divided and split the unity of the Spanish 
workers formerly maintained by Caballero through the barring of represeuta- 
tives of the C. N. T. and U. G. T. from the government. With the control of 
the government in the hands of the Republicans, the Communists, and the right 
wing Socialists, the terror against revoluntionary workers which had functioned 
formerly illegally, became a legal part of the activities of the Connnunist-con- 
trolled police in various provinces, . 

The nonintervention of the democi'atic powers, and the division and discord 
was reflected in the morale of the workers in the handicapping of the military 
struggle against the Fascists. The recent failures of the working class of Spain 
can thus be traced to the role of the capitalist democracies and the Conuuunist 

The hope of a victory, even at this late date, in Spain is dependent upon: 
(1) The repeal of the neutrality act of the United States; (2) the breaking of 
the nonintervention pact; (3) a return of the Caballero policies would result in 
a maximum amount of unity in the working class toward its g(«il of a work- 
ers S'pain; (4) freeing of all antifascist working class prisoners in Loyalist 
Spain; (5) the increasing of aid to the workers of Spain from the workers 
throughout tho world ; (6) the refusal on the part of the international working 
class to handle munitions, or materials of war going to France or Fascist Italy 
and Germany. 

Mr. Baron. Here is aiiotlier article in the Socialist Call headed, 
"A Spanish Incident." 

Tlie Chairman. We will accept all those as exhibits to siibstantuite 
your statement. 

Mr. Baron. Yes. sir. There is some very important material in 
this article which 1 am not testif3^ing about, but which the public 
would be very anxious to read. I am tr^'ing to save the time of tlie 


The reason I read so many articles yesterday is because I wanted 
to get the meat of those articles into the record. If I just make these 
exhibits it does not hold that up. 

Here is another article in the Socialist Call headed, "A Spanish 
Incident,-' by Liston M. Oak, a former official of the Conmiunist 

Mr. MosiER. Is he now in New York ? 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir. 

(Tlie matter aboye referred to is as follows:) 

[From Socialist Call, Saturday, September 11, 1937] 
A Spanish Incident 
(By Linton M. Oiik) 

It was Andres Nin who introduced me to Hans. 

Hans came into the cafe in Barcelona with Molines, a member of the executive 
committee of the P. O. U. M., and an editor of La Batalla, It was a small cafe 
in one of the narrow crooked streets leading from Via Durruti to the Ramblas. 
We had agreed to meet there because it was a cafe frequented l)y anarchists, 
and there was little danger that a Stalinist would happen in who would recog- 
nize me. 

When I asked Molines for this interview he warned me against coming to 
the P. O. U. M. headquarters. "If you want to get out of Spain safely," he 
said, "you'd better not let them know that you are interested in getting the 
viewpoint of P. O. U. M. leaders. The Stalinists don't like to have foreigners 
in Spain talk to us. Especially members of the Communist Party. No use 
taking needless risks." 

While we were eating snails and drinking bitter black coffee, Nin had told 
me — I was frankly skeptical — about the activities of the Spanish G. P. U. built 
by the Spanish followers of the big boss in the Kremlin, He also said that the 
Stalinists were blackmailing the other parties in the People's Front Government. 



"The anarchists reluctantly agreed to exi)el the P. O. U. M. from the Gen- 
ereralitat," Nin declared, '"because the Stalinists demanded it as the price of 
military aid. That was in December. Madrid had been saved the month before 
by belated eleventh-hour aid from Russia — paid for of course by gold shipped 
to Moscow, but welcome nevertheless, since France and England refused to sell 
us munitions. But the nnti-Fascist militia Avas in desperate need of more planes, 
machine guns, ammunition, tanks. With sufficient equipment in December we 
might have decisively defeated Fascists on the Madrid front, driven them back. 
It would have been the turning point of the civil war. 

"The anarchists and some left Socialists held out, indignantly protested 
against the Stalinists slanders against us as Trotskyist agents of Franco. But 
they finally capitulated so that the badly needed war materials would be sup- 
plied by Russia." 

At that point Molines arrived with Hans. 

Hans was the sort of man that an American visualizes as a "typical German." 
Big, stout, a broad, round, florid, jovial face, surmounted by a shock of close 
clipped blond hair. Indubitably an "Aryan." 

With the first bottle of wine, and in answer to my persistent questions, Hans 
told me a little about his experiences on the Madrid front. He had arrived 
in October from Russia, where he fled from Germany after Hitler took power. 
He vras a member of the Thaelmann Battalion and had l)een wounded twice. 
He was now recuperating from the second wound : v.'as still a patient in a Loj 
pital near Barcelona, established in a beautiful villa abandoiiod by a Fascis*. 
landowner when the plot to seize power was defeated on July 19. 

With the second bottle I learned scanetliing about Hun's opinions of what 
was happening in the Soviet Union. I had recently been there myself and 
wanted to check up on my own impressions and what I had heard from so many 

2562 ux-a:mi:uican propaganda activitie>^ 

"I am very glad to be here, not in Moscow,"' Hans stated simply. 

It was difficult to get him to talk freely. But when it came, it came in a 
torrent of words, bitter, harsh words. 


"Soviet Russia has become a new kind of tyranny for those Communists who 
do not Worship Stalin and give constant and humiliating obedience to the Stalin- 
ist distortion of Marxism. The fascist totalitarian dictatorship of Hitler, under 
which I was tortured in the Columbia House, and spent 2 months in the 
Oranienburg camp, is far worse, of course. But it is the great tragedy of our 
time that there are more Commimists, more political prisoners, in prison in 
Russia than there are in Germany and Italy combined." 

Hans paused and all the joviality, all the light, had gone from his face. Sud- 
denly I felt the impact of his disillusionment. That silence was embarrassing, 
disconcerting, painful. 

"Perhaps I was too optimistic, too naive, too idealistic, about the Soviet 
Union," Hans continued quietly. "I had gone to Moscow once before, as a 
member of a delegation of German workers. AVe saw a celebration on Red 
Square on May 1, in 1930. It was tremendously impressive. We were shown 
magnificent new industrial plants, apartment houses, scliools, hospitals. For the 
week we were there we saw nothing ])ut signs of great progress — and there is 
no doubt there has been very great progress since. When I returned in 1933 as 
a refugee from the Hitler terror I saw proof of continued building, enormous 
industrial development, everywhere. 

"But after a few mouths I began to see another side of Soviet life under 
Stalin. I was no longer a tourist, but a worker, and saw things differently, from 
the Soviet work^n-'s viewpoint. I saw that the bureaucracy is getting the largest 
share of the benefits of this progress. I saw that there is a gulf between the 
bureaucrats and the masses. I saw that the wages that most workers get is 
just enough to live on, and not a very good life either. I saw that the bureau- 
cracy is a new tyrant, guarding its privileges and power zealously and liquidat- 
ing opposition oxen more ruthlessly than the capitalist class crushes revolution- 
ary opposition. 

"To me democracy, liberty, is as precious as bread and wine. I do not like a 
totalitarian dictatorship whether it is Fascist or Stalinist. I don't think a 
Trotskyist dictatorship would be much better. I recognize tlie diiTerences. and 
Ihey are important, but life is intolerable wlien one cannot think, speak freely, 
cannot breathe freely, cannot have an opinion unless it has received tlie oflScial 
stamp of approval of a dictator. 

"Every Communist in Russia is expected to be a spy. Children spy upon 
their fathers and mothers and brothers. You cannot be sure of your best 
friend — he may report you to the G. P. U. if you get tired of seeing Stalin's 
moustaches everywhere, or if yott don't like the tiresome diet of black bread, 
cabbage soup, herring, and potatoes, meat once a week, and tea. More comrades 
suddenly disappear, their wives say mysteriously they have been sent on a long 
trip, you never hear from them again. Party leaders who have given their lives 
for the revolution, former comrades of Lenin, trusted, praised, are today heroes 
and tomorrow traitors. 

"I escaped and other Communists have escaped from Hitler's concentration 
camps, but no one ever has escaped from Stalin's. Dimitrov and others were 
tried befoi-o Nazi courts nnd released. No one accused of being a Trotskyist 
traitor in Russinn courts is ever found innocent and permitted to leave the 
country. He is franied, as you Americans call it, and shot. 

"Yes, I was glnd to volunteer to serve in the Thaelmnn.n Battalion and come 
to Spain to fight fascism, to get a chance to fight the forces backed by Hitler, 
to figVit agjiins-f Nrtzi iin]K'rialisny to fight for a Spanish revolution — becaus«^ I 
am an internntinnalist. 


"But what do I fin<l? H(>re in Siviin T have seen the Stalinists gaining con- 
trol. Month after month, they gain more ir.fluence in the government, in the 
army and police. Tliey expel the P. O. U. M. from the government; they force 
through react'onary decrees weakening the position won by the revolutionary 
workers and peasants; they sabotage the revolution under the slogan, win the 


war first. Tbnt is not Ltiiiiiism. That is not what I came to Spain to fight for. 
'"I have joined the I\ U. U. M. brigade ; let rheni call me a renegade Trotsky- 
ist, an agent of fascism. He laughed cynically. 'They lie so much that nobody 
believes them any more anyway." 


I did not see Nin until a week later. 

"You were .skeptical when I told you about the work of the Spanish G. P. U.," 
he said. "You didnt believe me when I told you the Stalinists have murdered 
dozens of revolutionists, beginning with Durruti, and that others have been 
jailof" or just disappeared. 

"Remember that German comrade we talked to a week ago? The day after 
you saw him. he walked out of the Hotel Falcon, where our P. O. U. M. com- 
rades stay. Comrade (Ortega saw him across the street; he was liailed by some- 
one, evidently an old friend, sitting in an aut<miobiie. Hans got in and they 
drove away. That's the last we have seen of him." 

"But * * * what does it mean?" I asked. 

"It can mean only on.e rhiug. Hans to go next day to the Huesca front. 
HeU never get there. His wife got a letter yesterday. It was ;i queer letter, 
from Madrid. Hans wrote that he had made a mistake in leaving the Commu- 
nist Party to join the P. O. U. M. He wrote that if he was killed in action at 
the Madrid front, , she should remember that he was loyal to the Com.intern to 
the end. She'll never hear fi"om him- again. He was kidnapped by the G. P. U. 
and taken to Madrid v^here he'll either be shot secretly in jail, or sent out at 
the front into no-man's land, in a special squad, composed of soldiers the 
Stalinists don't like, and if tlie Fascists don't kill them all the Stalinists will. 
That's the way they killed Durruti. Another hero killed defending democracy." 

Three months later Nin was himself murdered in Madrid bv the Stalinist 
G. P. U. 

]Mr. Baron. I have here an item from the New York Times headed 
''Valencia Criticized By Largo Caballero." That is from, a foniier 
premier of Spain. 

(The statement above referred to is as follows:) 

[From New York Times, Monday, August 9, 1937] 

Yalexcia Criticized by Largo Caballero 

frkxch interview reports the ex-premier decrying regime's "erroneous 

MILITARY policy" 

Hendaye, France (at the Spanish Frontier), Angnst 5 (A. P). — Former 
Premier Francisco Largo Caballero has taken an attitude strongly critical of 
the Spanish Government's conduct of the civil war, the newspaper Independent 
of Perpignan, France, said today. 

'"I cannot approve of the erroneous military policy or the discriminatory 
social attitude" of the present Valencia regime, the paper quoted Sefior Cabal- 
lero as having .said in an interview. The newspaper did not say from what city 
in Spain it had obtained the interview. Senor Largo Caballero resigned last 
May after 6 months as Premier. 

Insurgent otlicers reported yesterday that an anarchist rebellion had broken 
out in Albacete and other important Spanish centers and that Seiior Caballero 
was leading the movement. French border reports said that Catalan police had 
established a special zone along the French frontier, ten miles deep, to pnvejit 
desertions. Special passes were required from citizens wishing to go into the 

Rightist French newspapers carried Barcelona dispatches to the cffec-t that 
more than thirty leaders of Barcelona political groups had vanished in recent 
days in a "purge" of Leftist ranks. The dispatches declared that Cat^ilan 
Leftists were in a state of turmoil and that the vanished leaders were believed 
to have been executed in an attempt to end internal dissension. 

"I am now a spectator of events," Senor Largo Caballero was quoted as 
having said in the French interview. "When I was obliged to resign people 
said that the Government would win the vrar. Although this victory will come, 
it is not yet here. 


"My siipi)ort for a victorious war does not necessarily mean unconditional 
support of the (Government. 1 feel, furthermore, that it was unwise to remove 
from power those win* liad since tlie begiiniing" given Iseart, and even l>I<tud, 
to fight fascism." 

He strongly criticized the Government military connnand, declaring that it 
should have foreseen the Insurgent drive on the Teruel front and taken 
measures to halt it. 

Mr. Baron. Here is anotlier article in the Socialist Call headed 
''The American AVorkers Must Halt Roosevelt's Aid to the Fascists," 
bv the witness before vour committee. 

(The statement above referred to is as follows :) 

[From Socialist (.'all, Saturday, June 12, ID.'.T] 
The American Wokkkks Must Halt IIoosevei.t's Aid to the Fascists 

(Last weok. the Socialist CtiW carried an article by Liston Oak on tbe events in Spain, 
dealing especially with the friction in Barcelona. This week, we are running an account 
of the civil war in Spain by Sam Baron, who has just returned fi-on) 4 months" stay thei-e, 
in which he deals in part with the Barcelona events. Next week, the Call will run a 
political analysis of the same problem, reprinted from the Berner Tagenblatt, paper of the 
Swiss Socialists.) 

By Sam Baron 

Imagine tliat you are standing on New York's Broadway. Suddenly you liear 
a dull thud in the distance, then 5 seconds of maddening silence, and from the 
skies a screaming 8-inch sliell swooshes and liisses toward you. Beff>re yon 
can move, it lands 15 feet from you, right in a crowded streetcar. The crash 
tears at your eardrums and the deafening explosion is followed hy the grinding 
friction of the falling dehris. The percussion throws a hlast of air into yimr 
face, and the force hurls you oft" your feet. Then — the groans of the injured 
and dying. That is Spain today. 

At this date, it is no longer necessary— after the homharding of Almeria, for 
example, by the Nazi ships — to labor the fact that Italy and fiermany are bring- 
ing the firebrand of fa.scism into Spain as part of their world-incendiary plan. 
But I cannot refrain from l>ringing to the attention of American workers evi- 
dence which I witnessed with my own eyes as I followed in the wake of the 
retreating Italian Fascists after the historic Guadalajard rout. Among docu- 
ments of the Italian war department I found ample i)roof of tlie cliarge against 
Italy. I have before me now some Italian-made cigarettes left by the retreating 
Fascists in their precipitate flight. From an al)andoned military truck I re- 
moved a metal plate, liearing the name of Fiat, indicating Italian manufacture. 

the u. s. 

But most significant to me as an American worker was my discovery of 
exploded rifle-bullet shells, bearing the imprint "U. S."^ — hundreds of them' 
Ij'iug around the positions evacuated by the Italians. It was sickening to 
realize that the bullets aimed at the workers of Spain had been manufactured 
in my own country, which boasts of its democracy and love of freedom, which 
even now, under the guise of a neutiality law hastily passed in the name of 
preserving peace, denies to the Loyalist Gt>vernment the right to receive arms 
and munitions. 

I'nder the mask of embargoing both sides, the I'nit«>d States is providing arms 
tf» Franco l)y permitting snles to the belligerent nations. Germany and Italy. 
The only comfort I could gain as I stood in the Guadalajara l)attlefield and 
saw evidences of a lying, reactionary "neutrality" was tlie recollection 
of the statement released by the Spanish Govermnent that as of February 1987, 
Americans had contributed .YlioO.OfK) to the cause of the embattled workers, be- 
sides medical ecpiiianent. food shijnnents, clothing, and manpower. 

Those bullets are a challenge to the American workers — a challenge which 
can be answered only by the sending of further aid and by the waging of a 
struggle hero to put an end to lh<' mockery of "iKMiti'ality"' through which our 
Government lias abetted in the P'ascist u'prising against the Spanish workers. 
Not another American bullet nujst leave these shores for the guns of Franco's 
thugs ! 




At rbis time all American workers and friends of liberty must cry out against 
tliis sbam neutrality of our Government. The very least that we can do, after 
the outrageous denial of arms to the legitimate Government of Spain, is to 
take steps to keep the American friends of fascism from continuing their 
■"noutral" support of Franco. 

Important in our Socialist campaign in support of Loyalist Spain must be 
the drive to compel President Roosevelt to use his power under the Neutrality 
Act to label Italy and Germany as the belligerents which they are in fact. 
Roosevelt has ordered a boycott of the Loyalist Government; let us compel 
him through the power of our organized sympathy for Spain to enforce a boy- 
cott against those who would destroy the Spanish workers. A minimum re- 
spect for liberty must mean : No aid to Franco, Hitler, and Mussolini. A decent 
respect for justice must mean : All aid to the Spanish anti-Fa scists. 

It is impossible to exaggerate the importance of such aid. In their hour 
of trial by flame and sword, the Spanish masses look to their brothers through- 
out the world, not only for the benefit of their contributions to the heroic 
resistance against Franco, but also for their wholeheated solidarity. Come 
'\\ivat may, international fascism must know that the workers of the world 
are united in their determination that Franco shall go down to defeat in the 
company of his Italian and German henchmen. 

Such unity of the workers is possible in spite of the theoretical and tactical 
differences which have existed between their various organizations in the 
past. Tliose disagreements have taken their toll in a tragic list of defeats for 
workers in such countries as Germany, Italy, and others. Those differences 
still exist, and will, for workers are true to their own convictions. 

But even with the range of controversies in their working class philosophy, 
there is enough to bind all in ties of solidarity against their class enemy which 
today is blasting at the foundation of justice with shell and bomb. 

WUhin Spain itself those differences still exist, and in many cases still 
assert themselves, often to the danger of the fight against fascism. No friend 
of the Spanish masses can do his full duty to his heroic comrades in that 
•country unless he understands, with working class sympathy, just how these 
forces are operating. From a sympathetic understanding and realization of 
liow disunity may be — and sadly enough, in many cases, is being — engendered, 
we can be helpful in building the greater class loyalty which overshadows 
ifactional interest. 


It was in such a spirit that Francisco Largo Caballero, left-wing Socialist 
leader, then head of the Government, spoke to the Cortes last February 1. "I 
am a party man." he declared, "and when I came here I gave up absolutely 
nothing of what T am politically. I am in no way a renegade to any of my 
ideas. But seeing the danger to my country I thought it my duty to assume the 
responsibility of this task, and to leave for a later time my ideological aspira- 
tions. And I beg you all, whatever your political parties or trade unions to 
think of nothing else but winning the war at this moment. If Vv^e do not win 
tlie war all our social aspirations are lost. * * * He who conquers will 
make his ideas triumph." 

In that same spirit Federico Urales. veteran leader of the Anarchist move- 
ment, one of its most militant publicists, hastened to reply in a letter addressed 
to his lifetime adversary, the distinguished Socialist and trade union leader. 

"As you know I am an anarchist," he said. "As you are a Socialist and the 
"Writer "of this an anarchist, we have had long controversies and polemics * * * 

"I shall not cease to be an anarchist, but I shall not be with those who, while 
fhe war is going on. do destructive work— and by that I mean those who find 
■excuses for not going to the front, those who criticize the work of others, those 
who divide the working class, those who pass their time being paid for making 
■Nvar when they don't d<» it. and who retard the victory by not making the sacri- 
fices when the occasion demands. I do not consider these my comrades but 
indeed consider them to he, either through malice or stupidity, agents of fas- 
cism * * * For me, to win tlie war is more important than the revolution 
Ijecause as we have said, again and again, to lose the war is to lose the revolu- 
tion and our livei- as well." 



As head of the governnient, raballoro l)i'iit all his enerj?ies in the direction of 
achieving this spirit of solidarity among the rival politieal gronps essential for 
niilitarj- defense against Franco's assaults. To a great extent he effected this 
purpose. How great this achievement was is demonstrated hy tlie fact that he 
succeeded in getting the Anarchisvs to enter his government — the first time in 
the history of the world anarchist movement tiiat such a step was taken. It 
was this policy which made i)0ssible a greater degree of unity and that turned 
The tide in the military conflict when the situation almost seemed hopeless. 
That Cahailero's government finally fell was due to the fact ihat strong opposi- 
tion to this policy existed throughout his administration and ultimately led to 
Cahailero's resignation and his succession by tlie pres(Mit Xegrin government. 


The change in regime is the result of a combination of conservative Socialists 
and the Communist Party, pulling at Caballero fr(mi the right, and a combina- 
tion of extremist anarchist elements who reject the policy of Urales and the 
1'. O. U. M. (Tarty of -^laxist Unity), pulling fr(.m the left. Caught in the 
ciasli of these extremist forces, Caballero, though suppoi-ted by the overwlielni- 
ing masses of Socialists, trade nnionists (both IT. G. T. and C. N. T.), anar- 
chists and unaffiliated workers and peasants, was compelled to leave tlie gov- 
ernment rather thari lairsue policies which would bring greater division. 

Along with him. others of the leading figures in Spain — men like Foreign 
Minister Alvarez del Vayo and the dynamic revolutionary Socialist Luis Araqui- 
stain. who occupied the key post of Ani})assador to France — stepped out. Under 
their leadersliip. the march to socialization had already begun despite riglit- 
wijig objections and despite the tremendous economic difficulties presented by 
the war situation and the overcrowding of cities to three times their normal 
population with some 2.000,000 refiigees. 

Tiansport facilities, hotels, restaurants, barber sliops, 2,r>(>0.tX)0 hectares of 
land (as of February 1937) had been taken over together v.ith enterprizes 
abandoned b.v Fascist owners. Commercial institutions and industjies not 
socialized were being placed under the control of the trade union of the vrorkers. 
If Spain is to reap a harvest from the sacrifices it is making and free the 
workers from the shackles of capitalism, it will be such men as Caballero, Del 
Vayo and xiraauistain who will be summoned asain to lead the wa^. 

The internal difficulties of Loyalist Spain have already arrested attention 
because of the Barcelona uprising and similar incidents, .vhicli must be laid 
xpiarely at the door of those who opposed Cahailero's effort"^ to give full demo- 
* ratio rights to all workers' organizations within the unified ranks of anti- 
Fa scist fighters. 


To begin wiih. there was the Commvuiist Party, whose outlook is in con- 
formity with the foi'eign policy of the Soviet Union which sees its national 
interest as recjuiring the maintenance of the international status quo. Tiie Com- 
munists, like others, wish to limit the struggle of the Spanish workers to a 
wholly respectable war for pf)litical democracy; but they have refused to toler- 
jjte the exisrence, to the lefr of them, of such political l"or<-es as the anarchists 
and llie P. O. U. M. They exerted continual pressure on Caballero to suppress 
those movements — a policy which he rejected as dangerous to the unified fight 
against Franco. r)espite Cabalk>ro's protests, the Communists and light forces 
continued with their program, giving the extremists iu the anarelrisr an.d 
P. O. I'. M. ranks an issue on which to figlit. One of the results was the I'.ar- 
<elona uprising. 

It is necessary to know something of the anarchist movement. From its very 
nature, it is undisciplined and each unit insists on following its own will. Its 
character is thoronglily revolutionary based on a profound love of freedom and 
hatred for all concepts of dictatorship, proletarian and Fascist alike; but its 
oiganizational structure is such as to form a happy hunting ground for agents 
ot the underground Fascist movement, the Cinco Columna or Fifth Column. In 
view of the C(»mmunist attacks on the anarchist movement, it was no difficult 
task for the Fascist provocateurs to aggravate the situation and mutual attacks 
and assassinations took place. 

The anarchist leaders were aware of this menace, but in many instances, their 
appeals to their undisciplined followers were futile. Urales had clearly de- 


scribed the danger wlieii lie wrote to Cabjiliero in February that 'T do not con- 
sider these mj' comrades but indeed consider them to be, either through mrdice 
or stupidity agents of fascism.*' 

In the P. O. U. M., which is the legitmiate child of the Comintern's Third 
Period, the same process of aggravation took place. The P. O. U. M. judged the 
situation very much as the Communists of the Third Period had viewed the 
Austrian civil v\'ar when the Socialists took up arms against Dolf uss : the 
heroic fighters were "social Fascists" and "betrayers of the working class," 

The Communists, refusing to recognize tliis child of their own begetting, called 
for the extermination of the V. O. U. ^I. as "•Trotskyisf" though the P. O. U. M. 
itself was expelling the Trotskyites from its ranks. Because of its disruptive 
policy, the P. O. U. ^I. was losing intluence ; but the bitter attacks on it served 
only to arouse its members, already stii-red up by provocateurs, into open contiict 
with the Government. 

These clashes might have been a\ ei'ted if the judicious policy of Caballero had 
been permitted to function. It was his belief that individual overt acts against 
the Government vrould be suppressed : but he would not yield to the demands for 
a general suppression of working class movements, particularly when large 
sections of them were interested in cooperating in the fight against fascism. 


In this hour when Fascist bombs and sliells are bursting over Spain, it is es- 
sential that unity be restored in order that the Government may be able to 
carry through the war to a successful conclusion. The factional interests which 
led to this internal strife must be brushed aside. Ail who have contributed to 
this friction will suffer the same consequences if through their acts Franco 
should win. Whatever cabinet is in ofiice. the prime concern of all must be the 
winning of the war. If Franco, Hitler, and Mussolini triumpli it will not mat- 
ter who is right. When they are defeated, the working class can go on to the 
solution of its differences within the framework of its own class democracy. 

It is around this thought that the hopes of the Spanish masses are built. 
This was the thought of Urales, the anarchist, who does not like what he 
terms a "red dict;itorship" but says with a sense of loyalty to his class that "the 
Spanish workers should choose that rather than fascism." This same loyalty 
led Cnballero to answer the letter of Urales in their correspondence which is an 
inspiring charter in the history of labor: 

"We were, as you say in your letter, political opponents who fought with the 
ardor of men of deeply rooted ideals. I recall it now with some sorrow wiien I 
think that it had to be the v:i\r — this brutal war which we are suffering — which 
has brought us together spiritually." 

Stirred by this spirit of unity, the workers throughout the world must root 
out fascism and destroy it by building in its place a socialist society which will 
not allow the seeds of economic and political tyranny to flourish. Only the es- 
tablishment of a cooperative commonwealth is the answer to fascism and war, 
the bloody twins of capitalism. The next step in the onward march to a 
socialist world is the defeat of Franco in Spain. By uniting to defeat the 
forces of international fascism in Spain, we shall open the road that leads to 

Mr. Baron. I liave here a document wliicli is signed by many 
trade union and liberal organizations calling for the release of jowv 
vritness from a dungeon in Spain. In otlier Avorcls, organizations 
in the United States that acted upon my arrest. 

(The matter above referred to is as follows:) 

Phovisioxal Labor Committee for the r)i:i-i.xsE 

OF WoKKERs' Rights in Spaix. 
New York City, Deccm'ber 2S, 19-i7. 

Dear Friends : As you no doribt know, this committee was organized to eifect 
the release from prison of Snm Baron, whose arrest in Spain had shocked the 
labor moveme)>t of the entire world. Baron has been released and is now back 
in the United States. 

It is obvious, however, that the arrest of Sam Bnron v/as merely one in a 
systf matic attempt to victimize all non-Communist working-class elements who 
raise their voices against dictatorial methods of the loyalist regime. 

94931— 39— vol. 4 10 


Frequent reports are coming out of Spain tellina: of unauthorized arrests, 
kidnapings, and, in at least one case, of murder of loyal anti-Fascist tighters. 
>N'e cannot afford to remain fjuiescent in the face of all this. Unless a de- 
lermined effort is put forth against such tactics now, the forces of bigotry and 
^lidatorship in the working-class movement will receive tremendous impetus. 
The oatli recently admiiiistered publicly to Communist Party applicants, in 
which they swore to tight to the death against practically all non-Communist 
elements in the labor movement, indicates tliat they liave no intention of 
•confining their repressive activities to Spain. 

Those of us who treasure working-class democracy and tolerance have a duty 
now to band together and extend a helping, fraternal liand to anti-Fascists of 
kindred views in Spain. 

On Saturday, January 22, at 2 p. m., a conference is to be held of all inter- 
<»sted organizations at Webster Manor, 119 East Eleventli Street. We urge your 
organization to elect delegates to participate in tliis conference, at wliich plans 
will be made to safeguard tlie democratic rights, the civil liberties of all working- 
class elements in Spain who are actively supporting the Loyalist government in 
its heroic struggle against fascism. 

It is to be understood, of course, that no organization will be invited or 
^ulmitted which has not given concrete evidence of its support to the anti-Fascist 
struggle. Among the organizations represented at the provisional conference 
were: Shirtmakers Union, Kiiitgoods Workers Union, International Ladies' 
•tiarment Workers Union (Locals 117 and IH.T). Catalan Anti-Fascist Committee, 
Matteoti league. Young People's Socialist League, Barbers* LTnion, Suitcase, Bag, 
and Portfolio Workers, Industrial AVorkers of the World, Socialist Party, .T^'wish 
"Section Socialist Party. Group "Carlo Rosselli.'" Young Circle League, "II Mar- 
tello Group." and Independent Communist Labor League. 
Fraternally yours, 

Louis Nelson, Norman Thomas, Rose Pesotta, Jose Castro, Carlo 
Tresca, D. Benjamin, Murray Baron. Jack Shannon. Jack Altman. 

Mr. Bakox. Here is another article by this witness in the Socialist 
(^all, headed "Communist Terror in Spain." 
(The matter above referred to is as follows:) 

[From Socialist Call, Saturday, October 30, 1937] 

Communist Terror In Spain 
trial again postponed for p. o. u. m. leader 

By Sam Barron 
Paris, France (via Queen Mary) 

Ca)»allero forces in the U. G. T. claim a majority of at least 2aO.0<)0. This 
cannot be disputed since even the Communist controlled censorship permitted 
that claim to pass out of Sp^in through the foreign press. 

Caballen*. autlioritativc sources claim, represent over l.OOCOCK) in the U. G. T, 
.•md has th<' contidcncr of the estimated 2.(Ht(M>00 in the C. N. T.-F. A. L (Syndi- 
calist m(»v<'ments ). Also the loyal sui'port of 29 Socialists in the Cortes against 
the 33 at present supporting Prieto and Negrin. 

The Socialist youth ixre expected to break away from the Communist-controlled 
youth movement within the next few weeks. 

Latest developments resulting from the (Communist campaign to terrorize and 
exterminate all political opposition to the left : — 

Benito Pabon, chief defense attorney of the imprisoned P. O. U. M. leaders, 
Gorkin, Andrade, Bonet, and Escuder, was reported in Marseilles, refusing to 
return to Spain unless given guarantees by the Negrin government tMit be 
would be protected against tlie Communist unofficial Cheka operating in various 
provinces. It is reported that he justified this unusual request by citing the ar- 
rest of his associate counsels, Barriobero and Rusinol in Catalonia. The au- 
thorities there claim it was "protective aiTcst," it is nlleged. Incidentally, 
Pabon is presidente comision Asesora Juridica (advisors to the government on 
legislation of laws) and also is the Zaragozii deputy to the Cortes. 

Trial date has yet to be set for the indicted P. O. II. M. leaders. The reason 
attributed for this is the insistence (»f the (Government on an open tiial and the 


<lemaiid of the Communists — the real prosecutors — for a closed trial. Observers 
are amused at this since the Communists have been screaming for weeks that 
tiiLV can prove that these num arc '■(lircet agents of France and international 
la seism." 

The Government has not been convinced, evidently, as they have freed 50 rank 
and file Poumists on October 5. 

Ilsa ^^'olf, with whom I constantly associated in iMadrid, well-known Socialist 
DenuxTjit and militant So<'ialist and now a refujiee from Nazi Germany, has 
fallen from grace with the Communists and has been accused by them of 
being a "fascist spy." I am happy to hear that the Socialist Party officially has 
taken up her defense. Ilsa is a loyal militant socialist, working day and night 
in Madrid as reporter and journalist for Claridad, as director of Radio Station 
UGT and escort to the front line trenches of many of the visitors to Madrid. 

Gabrit^l Moron, director of ]tuhlic safety and former governor of Almeria 
Province, resigned — some say in disgust — after the disappearance and likely 
jnurder of Andres Nin, P. O. U. M. leader. 

The Caballero forces are firmly convinced that the majority of Fascists im- 
prisoned or shot as spies held Communist Paity cards at the time of their 
arrest; a list of these prisoners requested has yet to be furnished. 

One item the Connnunists have been unable to suppress * * * early in 
May a huge spy ring was discovered in Madrid, and who do you think was the 
le.ider — non(> otlier tluin Liijan, right-hand man of General Miaja, member of the 
Oonmiunist Parry! 

The Russian am))assadors to Spain have created (piite a deal of talk here; 
Marcel Rosenberg, recalled some time ago. is reported to have been jailed be- 
cause he wasn't more efficient in exterminating the P. O. U. M. The present 
ambassadfu- some time ago returned to Russia, causing Spaniards to wonder 
why Russia hits no ambassador in Spain tlirough these hectic days. 

President Azana is reported to have expressed his anger with those carrying 
on the campaign against Caballero. 

The Chairman. ^Vliat is your purpose here? 

Mr. Baron. The text of those articles goes into details of the activi- 
ties of tlie Comnuiiiist Party in Spain. It quotes aiitliorities and it 
lays down the basis I am trying to bring out, and my major conten- 
tion, tliat the Communist movement is not concerned in any united 
front, but that its chief objective is to eliminate its opposition and 
the organized forces they call the Fascist power. 

^Ir. MosiER. jMr. Baron, miglit I interrupt at this point? 

]Mr. Baron. Certainlv. 

Mr. Mosier. I asked vou vesterdav, when you started to define — 
not exactly define, but tell us your conception of socialism 

Mr. Baron. As compared to communism? 

Mr. ^losiER. Yes; and you said you would develop that as you 
went along, and 1 am just refreshing your memory, not to forget 
that, because we would like to have that in the record. You can do it 
at this time, if you like. 

Mr. Baron. Suppose you ask me that again this afternoon, and I 
will make a special point to answer it. 

I have an article in here from the Britisli New Leader, published 
in London, which is headed "Government Wants Amnesty for Anti- 
Fascist Prisoners but Communists Have Prevented It." 

(The matter above referred to is as folio v>^s :) 

Government Wants Amnesty for Anti-Fascist Pkisonkrs but Communists 

Have Presented It 


Since the beginning of the Civil War in Spain the I. L. P. and the Interna- 
tional Bureau have been anxious that every possible aid should be given to the 


Spanish workers in their struggle against Franco, and that the full fruits of 
their early economic conquest should not hv lost. During ilie last S or i> 
months there has heen growing evidence and uneasiness amongst milit;ints, 
inside Spain and outside, at what seemed to be a vital departure from the 
previous policy of workers' control. Various changes iri the governing b«idy 
have taken place. More moderate capitalistic elements have been introduced. 
Tlie slogan of Workers' P(»wer Ims heen replaced by the magic word ''Demo- 
cracy," and war has been waged on every member of the C. N. T., U. G. T., and 
P. O. U. M. who has resisted this change.^ 

There has been in consequence a serious weakening of the workers' anti-Fascist 
front in Spain. An army of anti-Fascists have been incarcerated in Spanish 
prisijus for periods up to 6 months. Andres Xin, Kurt Landau, and many other 
corarades are believed to have been murdered whilst in the liands of the police. 


The International Bureau and the I. L. P. agreed to send a third delegation 
(Professor Felicien Cliallaye and myself) to Bsircelona to interview members 
of the Government and investigate the charges by visits to piisons. On Xovem- 
ber 24 we left Paris for Barcelona, arrived on the 25th, and began our work 
immediately. Our great desii-e was to strengthen tlie Workers' Front aiid win 
the war against Franco and his capitalist allies. 

We had a 2-hour interview with Senor Irujo (Minister of Justice) and his 
personal secretary, who is the Minister's brother. We had a very frank dis- 
cussion over the question of prisoners and the possibility of an amnesty for all 
anti-Fascists, Senor Irujo informed us that the question of an aumesty had been 
considered by the Government, and that every Member, with the exception of 
the Communists, had been wholly in favor of releasing every genuine anti- 
Fascist prisoner. The Communist members of the Government were violentlv 
opposed to the release of any of the prisoners. On November 21 a large a^'iny 
of worliers from the C. N. T. and other militant Socialist bodies went to the 
gates of the Valencia Prison and threatened to pull down the prison if the 
prisoners were not released. 


I raised the question of the exchange f»f Joaquin Maurin. who is now in 
Saragossa Prhson (in Franco's territory). I suluniitcd a list of possible person.*^ 
in Government prisons. Senor Irujo ag;iin informed us that the question had 
been before the Government, and th;it all but the Communist members were 
in favor of an attempted exchange. He agreed on behalf of the Government 
to negotiations by myself with the British Foreign Office with a view to the 
exchange of Maurin. 

He finally assured us of his genuine desire to speed up the machinery, and 
gave us an official letter to the Director of Prisons to inspect all prisons and 
interview prisoners. Both the Minister and his brother repudiated the sug- 
gestions of the Comnmnists of association between the P. O. IT. M. and Franco. 

''a scene t will nevkr forget" 

Our hrst prison visit was to the Carcel Modelo Prison, where there are 
.'(Ml anti-Fascists. 5<10 Fascists, and 500 criminals. The director and doctor 
g.ive us complete freedom. We spent two hours interviewing anti-Fascists. 
We were locked in the prison wing, and freely interviewed members of the 
P. O. IT. M. (Gironella, Adroher. Enrique^. Everyone w.-uited to tell us of 
the operation of the Russian. Cheka. of threats of death, detention, and third 
degree. The anti Fascists were from Spain. France, Belgium, Germany. Iraly. 
Holland, Greece, and America. Many were wounded and had fought at Madrid. 

We saw one remarkable drawing by an Italian prisoner. The scene was 
an underground cellar with an armed guard at the door. The prisoner was 
pinned against tlie wall by two armed guards with rifles and bayonets, and a 
r'heka officer was pointing a r<M;olver jit his lH\«irt. There was a large sewer 

\v\^' ■^'- 5"^^^"i^'5:?li''^ Trade Inion. U. r;. T. = Socialist Trade T'nicn. P. O. T' M = 
uoikor.s Party of Marxist Fnity (Spanish I. L. P.) F. A. I.=Anarcliisl or^anizntion. 
Cheka = Coniniunist Secret Police. 


at tlie side into which, he was informed, his body would be thrown after he 
had been shot. 

We met Senor Fernandez, who had been in prison for over 3 months. He 
was the chief of police when John McNair and I arrived at Barcelona in 
November 1936. 

Before we left, the entire army of prisoners sang two C. N. T. songs and 
the "'International," and then gave deafening cheers for C. N. T.. F. A. I., 
P. O. U. M., and I. L. P. delegations. They also hissed the Spanish Cheka. 
This was a scene that I will never forget. 

The director asked ns to go qnietly. He had never seen the prisoners so 
moved, and feared a revolt. Here was indeed a tragedy : Hundreds of genuine 
iiUti-Fascists crowding at the iron bars with clenched fists that were half 
salutation and half defiance. 


The Home Secretary, Senor Zugazagoitia (of the Prieto wing of the U. G. T.), 
saw us for a further 2 hours. He deplored the disappearance and death of 
Andres Nin and Kurt Landau and assured us that lie was still having energetic 
inquiries made. The accusations of association with Franco were, he believed, 
outrageous. He explained the difficulties raised by refusal of the French 
Ambassador to permit the return of French subjects who were prisoners or to 
allow foreign prisoners to go through France. He accused the Ambassador 
of Franco sympathies. 

I asked, "Hov>' is it that Fernandez, chief of police in the previous govern- 
ment, is in prison for the killing of an official by his men while Bnrillo, Com- 
munist chief during Nin's disappearance and murder, is free?" He could not 
explain why. He answered, in reply to an allegation of Cheka domination, 
"Well, we received aid from Russia, and had to permit certain actions which 
we did not like." He also promised to speed up amnesty of all genuine anti- 


We paid a visit to Katia Landau, wife of Kurt Landau. She had been a 
prisoner for over 5 months, and went on hunger strike for 11 days. Senor 
Irujo w^ent to visit her, assured her that her husband was dead, and pleaded 
with her to cease her hunger strike. She is from Germany ; 4 feet 10 inches 
in height and weighing 5 stone 8 pounds, she is full of fight and idealism. 

She was in hospital as a result, with two armed guards at the door. Two 
days afer we visited her she was released. We secured papers for her in 
place of those stolen by the Cheka. Else Homberger was also released with 
her. A German, she has been 5^2 years in Spain, was in prison from June 17, 
and under the Cheka for 2 weeks. 


Our most sensational, illuminating, and tragic experience was our atttmipt to 
enter Calle Vallmajor Prison, which is held by the Communists. We iiad cre- 
dentials from the Director of Prisons and the Minister of Justice, but these 
were treated witli contempt. We were met with a complete refusal to allow us 
to see either prison or prisoners. Following this we went to the Cheka Office, 
but again from a Russian and a German were refitsed permission. I said, "We 
have credentials from the Director and Minister of Justice. Are you more pow- 
erful than the Government?" They were taken aback by my question, but still 
refused to grant admission. 

This was indeed a challenge to the Government. We were now on tiptoe 
of expectation as to the revsult. The secretary of the Minister of Justice assure<l 
us that he would secure our admission. He said, '"You must not leave Bar- 
celona with the impression that the Go-sernment do riot govern this prison." 
We v\'aited. We paid three further visits, by arrangement, to the secretary. He 
could not secure a permit. 

Every excuse was made to save the face of the Government and the Minister 
of Justice, but the plain truth is that the Russian Cheka have their thumb on 
the Government. There are two international brigades in Spain, one a fighting 
force and the other an international cheka which is responsible for arrests, tor- 
tures, imprisonments, abductions, and murders of persons who are opposed to 
its brutality. 



If Spain is to win her workers' struggle, a lialt must be called to tlie wi>rk 
of tliis second Iniiuisition. The prisoners must be freed. 

We believe we have marked a further milestone in the battle for an amuesty 
for anti-Fascists. 

Russia is paralyzing militant action, weakening the struggle, and storing n\>- 
for herself a storm of indignation arid anger against her arrogant, brutal, and 
terrible actions in Spain. I can now understand the Trotsky purge in Russia. 

No honest person who is a mejnber of the Connnunist Party can defend this 
murderous campaign in Spain. I accuse the Comintern of brutality on a par 
with Hitler. Mussolini, and Franco. 

Free the anti-Faseists, intensify the struggle against Franco, and put Comin- 
tern in her place must be the demand of British workers, 

Mr. Baeon. I have here an article from the Socialist Call bv this 
witness, headed "Largo Caballero : Spain's Hope." 
(The matter alx)ve referred to is as follows:) 

[From Socialist Call, Saturday, July 2, 11)88] 

Largo Cabaixero : Spain's Hope 

By Sam Baron 

Recent events in and o\it of Spain are moving at a fast and furious pa^e> 
Powerful forces are ar work, leaving no stone unturned to get the war over and 
done with before aiiother winter sets in. 

France has virtually sealed her border; England has fired a barrage from her 
propaganda guns (Augur in the New York Times for one), setting the stage for 
"negotiations'' ; militant Russia stands by * * =;= and that is about all she 
will do. 

.Juan Negrin, premier, hurriedly returned from Madrid to Barcelona to de- 
nounce traitors within and without, but failed to identify whom he meant. From 
France comes a report that Indelecio Prieto, former Minister of War, is ready to 
return to Spain on a ''honorable peace'" platform and that the Cabinet is expected 
to fall almost daily. 

The persecution of left wingers still goes on (Mrs. Juan Andrade, wife of the 
imprisoned Poum leader and others were recently thrown in jail). Fernsworth, 
Barcelona correspondent of the New York Times, reports the death of the "Com- 
munist Cheka" and the birth of a new terror, ''the Military Secret Police. "^ 
This new cheka has been arresting and executing workers without consulting the 
Government. They even went so far. Fernsworth reports, as to defy the Govern- 
ment, even, threatening to procede against Goverimient members — that is if they 
so desired ! The report claims that a stop was put to their practices. Ferns- 
worth has done the working class a real service in exposing the Communist 

With news of military defeats, international conspiracies, and political terror- 
ism comes word from correspondent Hennighen in the New York Post assuring 
all and sinidry that the Barcelona government is not "red" and cited the liquida- 
tion of agrarian and industrial cooperatives as proof! 

And witli these heartbreaking items we can only hope that the working class 
will finally return to the program and policies of the old days by returning Largo 
Caballero to office as the head of a working-class government. The second an- 
niver.sary CTuly 10) of the war against international fascism would be a hearten- 
ing one for Spain and the international working class if the old fire and spirit re- 
turned. Francisco Largo Caballero is the only man in Sixain who can rally the 
working class to turn the tide against the advancing Fascist hordes. He did it 
once, he can do it again! 

Ml*. Baron. There is an article in the Time maoazine of Xoveniher 
20 concerninfT my arrest and my statement, which T Avish to put in the 

Mr. MosiKR. Is that Xovember 1938? 

:Mr. Baron. 1937. 

(The matter referred to is as follows :) 


[From Time, November 29, 1937] 
War in Spain — Sobe Socialists 

Not so much as a square mile changed hands in Spain's civil war last week 
but vigorously boiled a question now vexing Socialists in many lands: Whether 
those Communist forces which have made the Soviet Union what it is today — 
the Stalinist forces — now largely dominate Leftist Spain or not. East month; 
worried Manhattan Socialists sent Associate Editor Sam Baron of the Socialist 
Call to investigate conditions in Barcelona and Valencia where were occurring 
the trials of several prominent Spanish labor leaders for fomenting ''Trotskyist 
riots." Mr, Baron, one time New York president of the Bookkeepers, Stenog- 
raphers and Accountants Union, has been active in leading United States or- 
ganizations working for Leftist Spain. Instead of being permitted to "observe- 
conditions" in Valencia, Socialist Baron found himself abruptly clapped into 
jail, managed to smuggle out news of his plight by means of a prearranged 
code. Last week international Socialist pressure secured observer Baron's 
release and he arrived in Paris after traveling the length of Leftist Spain, keei> 
ing his eyes and ears open. Earlier in the year Socialist Baron had spent 4 
months traveling freely all over Leftist Spain, thus last week had ample back- 
ground to contrast conditions in the spring and today, 

"The civil population [Leftist Spain] now is desperate," declared Socialist 
Baron. "Food supplies have been reduced to severe siege rations. Under the 
present regime, democratic forces have lost their spirit and this, coupled with 
severe privation, has weakened their resistance." 

"What is wrong is that an overwhelming majority of farmers and workers 
distrust the present Prieto-Communist coalition," continued Mr. Baron, referring 
to the Spanish Leftist Government in which Defense Minister Indalecicii PrietO' 
overshadows both Premier Dr. Juan Negrin and President Manuel Azana. This 
Government's removal of itself from Valencia to Barcelona (Time, November 3), 
Socialist Baron reported, "has been very unpopular, both as an admission of 
failure and because of the political complications that are likely to follow. 
The failure of the Government to win any victory has depressed the population. 
Even the Brunete offensive, which was intended to relieve pressure on Madrid, 
did not succeed." 

The people of Leftist Spain, according to Mr. Baron, resent their Govern- 
ment's "arbitrary use of censorship for the political advantage of those in 
control," and "dislike the reign of terror by secret police, informers and spies 
of the Communist Cheka." 

Meanwhile, last week Socialists in many lands were distributing copies of a 
speech delivered on October 17 in Madrid by Leftist Spain's one-time Premier 
Francisco Largo Caballero, who has since been prevented from criticizing the 
regime which replaced him. Its contents, largely .suppressed by the Leftist 
Government's cable censors last month, packed all the more punch because 
Socialist Baron had come out to report last week that in Leftist Spain there 
is much "dissatisfaction with forcing Francisco Largo Caballero out of the 
Government last May. He is by far the most popular political leader among the 
Spanish masses, and they resent the Communist campaign against him !" 

Orator Largo Caballero, addressing Spaniards who packjammed the largest 
auditorium in Madrid, the Teatro Pardinas, and sinmltaneously talking through 
loud.sjpeakers to audiences which packjammed three other theaters, declared : 

"You all know that there was a working-class movement abroad favorable to 
us ; that as a matter of fact this movement la.ter on diminished through no fault 
of ours but because of political errors which were committed in Spain. Shortly 
after the crisis, there came a time when beyond the borders rumors began to 
circulate to the effect that there was being carried on here a policy of persecu- 
tion against elements in disagreement. This has spread, comrades, so far that 
representatives of the Internationals have come to Spain to find out exactly how 
much truth there was in it, and they have told us personally: 'Since this has 
occurred, we cannot arouse the same enthusiasm abroad, among our ov/n com- 
rades, because they suspect that those who dominate here and those who have 
influence are— they say so openly — the Communist elements, and everyone won- 
ders if Spain is to be aided so that afterward the Oonununists may guide the 
destinies of Spain.' They have come to ask us this ! And let it not surprise- 
you, because one of the things which I objected to was the series of excesses 
which, in my judgment, are being committed; for example, that there should be 
military leaders of great importance who were always present in Communist 


congresses and panicles in honor of Conununists. Pliojofira])hs were taken of all 
that and were pnhlished in the newspapers, and these newspapers went to 
London, to Paris, to other capitals, and when they saw there that the leaders 
of the army, in large nnmbers and with great inflnence, were present at these 
meetings, they said: 'Then it is true that it is communism Avhich is most domi- 
nant and has greatest inflnence!' This was harmful to our cause, very harmful." 

Socialist Largo Caballero, reaflirming his own enthusiasm for sui).1ecting all 
Spain to a complete social revolution, accused the Communists of liCftist Spain 
of wavering toward compromise with the middle classes and betrayal of the 
revolution — these being the offenses of which Trotsky incessantly accuses Stalin. 
"As for the unification of the Socialist Party and the Comnmnist Party I have 
not changed my views." cried Revolutionist Largo Caballero, whose adnurers 
liave nicknamed him the 'S])anis]i Lenin.' "All that I ask is that those wlio 
once wanted to create this fusion still hold to the same purpose which we used 
to put forth, which was to bring about the fusion of the two parties with a 
revolutionary program I T well ]-emember that wlien we used to speak about 
that, the Communist Party set as a condition that we break relationship with 
all bourgeois parties. Do they hold to that today? [Cries of "No! No!"] Do 
they insist today that we break with all bourgeois parties as they used to do? 
No. on the contrary. The slogan today is that we return once more to the 
period before July 18.^ And if the uniflcatiou nuist ])e on the condition that all 
the blood which has been shed must serve to revive once more in our country 
that class which has been principally responsible for the war which vre are now 
enduring. Largo Caballero is not for that system !" 

Such an outburst by the Spanish Leiiin btoined Ibis week as of capital im- 
portance to anarchists, Socialists, Trotskyists, and Stalinists as well as to 
neutral observers of Leftist and Rightist Spain. Defense Minister and Boss 
Indalecio Prieto of the Leftist government is in origin a Spanish middle-class 
politician of the old school. That he should be bossing a regime which in 
Socialist eyes is featured today by a "reign of terror," secret police activity as 
in Russia and a betrayal of the "revolution" ' as originally conceived by such 
Spanish Leftists as Largo Caballero, provided Europe last week with its No. 1 
political paradox. 

Another paradox is that the Comnmnist allies of Boss Prieto have been tenta- 
tively drawing nearer to the Catholic element in Leftist Spain by permitting 
young Catholics to join the Leftist youth organization — hitherto 100 percent 
Marxist. This tendency the Spanish Lenin has especially denounced. Last 
week, appeared a third paradox, a manifesto issued by Rightist Generalissimo 
Francisco Franco as the civil war entered its seventeenth month : 'Our victory 
will bring a healthy redistribution of wealth ! We are carrying out a profound 
revolution of the social order, inspired by the principles of the Catholic Church, 
The number of rich persons will diminish and there will be less poverty !" 

Thus the professed aims of the revolution (Rightist) have begun to approach 
those of the revolution (Leftist) --while fighting each other In a war which up 
to now has cost Spain some 230,000 lives. 

Mr. Baron. I have sections here of a speech made by the former 
premier of Spain, Largo Caballero, in Avhich he describes the role of 
the Communists in Spain. 

(The statement aboA^e referred to is as follows:) 


I am not going at this time to discuss what that Government accomplished. 
I reserve that for other meetings in which I shall answer the campaign <»f 
slander and of calumny which one who is still today Minister of Education 
(Jesus Hernandez. Connnunist) had the effontery to initiate in a public meeting 
(May 28, W^>7). Many b.ave prol)ably been saying: Why has Largo Caballero 
not answered these slanders? Now I can t(>ll you with complete freedom and 
frankness: not because they don't liave to be ansvrered, but because above all 
this pettiness there was the war to be won [loud applausel. And also my re- 
luctance to appear in a public forum, by which I might have ini willingly con- 
tril)uted something which might well have hampered the carrying on of the \var. 
Many times when we happened to be in some critical situation oi' other inter- 

1 1, e., befoie the start of Spain's civil war. 

2 Not to be confused with the other revoUition — that of the Spanish rightists. 


iiarionality. I always said, in spite of the reqiiests that came to me from all 
sides: I shall not speak. It was necessary for Spain to jflnish with tlie dispute 
in the League of Nations so that it could never be said that any of us had 
contributed by our words to Spain's failure to achieve in Geneva v.-hat she had 
a right to achieve. On other occasions, if certain Oixnations were being carried 
out on this front or that, we were also silent so that the echo of what was taking 
place might not come to those fronts to demoralize the fighters and hinder the 
progress of the war. I can as^sure you that one of the greatest sacrifices which 
I have ever made in my life has been to keep silent during these 5 months. 
But I do not regret it because, although the slanderers and the defamers have 
driven their nails and their teeth into my person, I have the consolation of 
knowing that my silence has contributed to the well-being of Spain and of the 
war [prolonged applause]. 


It will be said: ^A'hat has happened that should cause this campaign of slander 
against one who was formerly considered hy all a representative of the working 
class? Has Largo Caballero changed ideologically? Has Largo Caballero been 
guilty of treason? [Cries of no! no!] I also say "iio." I affirm here that until 
the initiation of the campaign I was offered everything which could be offered to 
a man who might have ambition or personal vanity. I could have been the head 
of the Unified Socialist Party. I could have been the political leader of Spain; 
I could have had the support of all the elements who were addressing me. But 
it would have been on the condition that I carry out the policies which they 
might want. And I said: Never! [Clamorous ovation.] I said that they did 
not kno^^" me. They should have known from the very first that Largo Caballero 
is not the kind of person who would ever betray anyone. I I'efused cate- 
gorically, even to the extent that on one occasion in my office, that of the 
presidency of the Counsel of Ministers * * * [several lines censored here]. 

Mr. Baron. And for a description of the most comprehensive work 
of the terror in Spain. I am putting into the record a statement 
from the magazine, Modern Monthly, whicJi is headed, "The Stalinist 
Cheka in Eepiiblican Spain," which gives the dates, times, and places 
of the activity of the Connnnnists in their terrorist activities. 

(The statement above referred to is as follows:) 

[From Modern Montlily, September 1937] 

A. The Stalinist Cheka in REimBLicAN Spain 

[The following documents are but a few of the many which tell Important stories until 
now suppressed by both the conservatives and liberal press. One of them is a statement 
by the National Committee of the C. N. T. ; this and the others from C. N. T. papers may 
be regarded as having the authority of a workers' organization with 2.000,000 members. 
Two are from the P. O. U. M. organ, La Batalla ; of these one is an authenticated state- 
ment by Federica Montseny, formei- C. N. T. ^Minister of Health in the Republican 
govei-nment, and the other, an ofBcial P. O. U. M. statement, gives the viewpoint of that 
organization — which before May numbered some 40,000 members — on the May events, as 
well as a confirmation of the facts as reported by C. N. T. and other observers. — The 


[From Soiidamlad Obrera, Barcelona C. N. T. organ, April 20, 1937.] 

We haA'e no adequate word for the attempted tyranny of the Madrid Com- 
munists who seek to run the capital. There have been arbitrary arrests, un- 
punished murders, secret jails, persecution of the press * * * shameless 
protection of Phalanxists and reactionaries. * * * 

This detestable conduct begun by Sanitiago Carrillo has been continued and 
surpassed by the present Commissioner of Public Order, one Cazorla. A man 
without record in the labor movement, and savage enough to recall the in- 
famous Arlegui and Martinez Anido. This Cazorla * * * had set up in 
Madrid of private agency for arrests and disappearances. Agents, bearing 
police badges and credentials, carried out the orders of this despicable being, 
and no small niunber innocently suffered his irreparable "justice." On the 
other hand others really guilty of crimes against the revolution have been 
protected by Cazorla. * * * 


C^iie sensational affair which has begun to disfrodit him is the case of 
Comrade Verardini. This comrade, who was in the special service of the gen- 
eral staff of the army of the center, was arrested for no cause, and therefore 
liad t<» ho released within a few hours. After he was free and contrary to the 
express order of Miaja, Carrilk) had the fact of his arrest published in a certain 
(Jaily subservient to him. witli the idea of dislionoring Verardini. Outr<igeous ! 
So much so that the Pefense .Funta of ^Madrid called Cazorla's news release im- 
proper, and authorized our contemporary, C, N. T., to explain what had really 
happened, since everybody u)iderstood that the arrest of Verardini signified dis- 
honor to the common cause. 0. N. T. published the information and the natural 
protest. But Carrillo, who has the power of a small tyrant in Madrid, prevented 
the distribution of the i)aper and then suspended it. * * * 

Here is a letter from our comrade, Kodrigiies: 

•'* * * J q^yh prepared to appear before responsible bodies to demonstrate 
the disastrous policies followed lirst by Santiago Carrillo and Serrano Poucela 
in the othce of the Madrid Department of Pul)lic Order and more recently by 
Jose Cazorla. I will provide data and documents exchanged between Cazorla, 
as Commissioner of Public Order and myself, as Special Commissioner of Prisons, 
in relation to orders given by said Cazorla for the removal from the state prison 
of those acquitted by the popular tribunals, after detention by him, and in 
relation to the use of deceptions and secret verbal orders to his agents, taking 
said acquitted parties to secret jails or sending them into Conununist militia 
battalions in advanced positions to be used as 'fortifications.' * * * 

"Attached are documents citing witnesses of violations committed by Commu- 
nists and their followers carrying police badges and credentials under Cazorla's 
orders. * * * One typical case of how these Communist Chekists kidnap 
men and women and hold them for week and months on the basis of real or 
false accusations, committing all sorts of violence upon them, is the case of the 
nephew of Under Secretary of Justice Mariano Sanchez Roca. To clear up this 
case, having brought it to the attention of Cazorla many times, I pretended to 
bp a Communist, using {in assumed name in order to discover by telephone 
whether this young man was held prisoner at Communist headquarters at 7 
Fernando De La Hoz St. « * * i wrote Cazorla the following letter : 

'Friend and Comrade Cazorla : Some time ago I spoke to you and gave you a 
letter and photograph and exact data referring to a young Communist, age 21, 
member of the Party since July first of last year, who belongs to the Fifth Regi- 
ment and is a nephew of the Under Secretary of Justice. This boy, as I told you 
and now repeat, is detained at 7 Fernando de la Hoz Street, where he has been 
for 68 days. Sanchez Roca reminds me of him constantly and asks that he, 
Ricardo Pintado Fe, be turned over to the judicial authorities. I have brought 
this to your attention but so far I have had no reply. I have just been advised 
l>y telephone from 7 Fernando de la Hoz that the young man is there but held for 
Marques de Riscal [Another Chekist^ — Eds.] Will you do me the favor of bring- 
ing this matter to justice so I can do Comrade Sanchez Roca the favor he asks? 
This will be much appreciated. Melchor Rodriguez.' 

"Cazorla answered : 'Conuade Melchor R : Ricardo Pintado Fe, in whom you 
have been, interested, was ransomed [rescatar] and returned to his home yester- 
day. Cazorla.' 

"What does this mean, 'ransomed' from the office of the Commissioner of 
Public Order? * * * 

"Now let us see how much less cruel Cazorla is with the people of the Right, 
the Fascists. 

"Fernando Royo Fernandez, Son of Royo Villanova. [Right leader in Parla- 
menr before July 19] * * * Fascist : employee of the Bank of Spain. 
* * * One of the worst enemies of the Republic. * * * gpf fi-e(> on the 
16th or 17 of February, without having been tried or heard by any tribunal." 

Alvaro Queipo de Llano. * * * Nephew of Fascist General. * * * 

Milngros Banos. Member of Phalanx, freed on February 11 due to a doctor's 

Janier Chavarri Rodiiguez. P^'ascist, freed on February 16. His brothers are 
ultra-reactionaries. Is partner of Ilerrera Oria, brother of the directo of El 
Debate [chief reactionary daily before July 101. His family fled Spain, having 
known about the Fascist revolt beforehand. The lover of the Marquise of 
Vlana. * * * 

Juan Manas and his sister Cecilia Manas. The first a liaison motorist at the 
front. His sistei* arrested as a Fascist, did not deny it when brought to police 

rx-A:sn:nicAN i'uopagaxda activities 2577 

fit^adqua iters. Said what she minded was her brother's arrest, since he liad an 
• important job. Both freed on March 2. 

Bernaldo de Quiros. Nepliew of the Marquise of Arguelles. Son of a cashier 
of the telephone company ; a protege of Gil Robles. Freed. . . . 

Jose Senten de la Fuente. Member of Phalanx. Nephew of Ruiz S'euen 
[Prominent banker, associated with Jesuit industrial enterprises]. Freed ou 
February 1." 

But who is Cazorla ? He is a young Communist. Nobody knows how he got 
the post he occupies. . . . He claims a- revolutionary record which, insofar as 
The C. N. T. is concerned, is absolutely false. He claims to have been a member 
of the C. N. T. through the Transjiort Union but the comrades of this union 
have issued a statement certifying that this is false. . . . 


[From Solidaridad Obreia, Barcelona C. N. T. organ, April 25, 1937] 

It is becoming clear that the Chekist organizations recently discovered in 
Madrid, for which Commissioner of Public Order Cazorla was chiefly responsi- 
ble, are directly linked with similar centers operating under a unified leadership 
and on a preconceived plan of national scope. . . . The .situation has grown 
wors^ and worse. Our Madrid daily, C. N. T., was suppressed and suspended 
for commenting on the monstrous role played by Cazorla. . . . Not only the 
Madrid C. N. T., but all our press outside Catalonia has been suppressed and 
suspended. . . . 

Recently we denounced the existence of private jails oi)erated by a police 
organization of the Cheka type. ... Certain cases of abuse of authority and 
police sadism in Madrid prepared us for similar occiu'rences in other places. 
One of the worst was the Murcia outrage, which was made an issue by the 
National Committee of the C. N. T. and by the organizations in the Murcia 
Popular Front. So patent was the seriousness of this affair that it is now in 
the hands of the courts. The chief of the Cheka was arrested, together with his 
gang — all militants of the Communist Party — and is now in jail awaiting sen- 
tence for his crimes. 

The National Committee of the C. N. T. issued a manifesto in connection with 
this case. The principal points of this manifesto follow : 

"Day after day, in the capital, citizens disappeared — some nonparty, some 
supporters of the Government, but chiefly workers, members of the C. N. T. 

"Our organizations, the unions belonging to the Confederation, were being 
attacked daily by members of a certain political sect, which calls itself anti- 
Fascist. but which employs fascist methods to destroy the revolutionary vigor 
of the unions. . . . 

"No one in Murcia felt secure from the terror spread by this gang of bandits 
and kidnappers. They had accomplices 'higher up.' Finally, when life had 
become impossible, a resolute group took upon itself to investigate. . . . 

"The investigation bore fruit. On Ai»ril 8th and 10th, the principal figures in 
the murder gang were arrested. According to a document signed by the Popular 
Front, the Libertarian Youth, the Provincial Committee and the local federa- 
tion of the C. N. T., they come from a certain political sector which has ruined 
our eardrums with its cries for responsibility and 'single command,' which 
others must obey and which it alone may violate. . . . 

*'We had expected from the party to which these Chekists belong a repudia- 
tion of their crimes. None has been forthcoming, and we break our silence to 
warn those who are trying to import dictatorial systems and terrorist methods 
from abroad that they are in error. The people of Spain are not slaves, and 
will not permit it." 

Cartagena Nueva. in one of its issues suppressed by the police, published the 
following interesting information : 

"The Cheka began to function when Luis Gloria was civil governor of the 
province. . . . Our investigations resulted in the discovery of a secret torture 
chamber on Trinqute Street. The chief of the Cheka was a ix)lice commis- 
sioner, later replaced by Torrecillas, an ex-druggist and known sadist. Shortly 
thereafter the Cheka moved to Frenaria Street, and as it did not completely 
trust the chief of iwlice, it sent to Cartegena for Commissioner Argimino. 

"What followed is a matter of court record. We limit ourselves to transcrib- 
ing the declaration of Jose Maria Garcia Sarrano : 


'•'On Maivh 12 at 11 a. m. I at my work in the Finance Section of ihe 
Treasnry Department when two police arrived and toid me I was under arrest.. 
They took me to the office of the Civil Governor, where I was received by Tor- 
reciilas. who smiled and asked my name. When I told him lie threw an arm 
aronnd my neck and said. '•Hello, come in, come in,*' and led me to an adjoin- 
ing room. \ . . Suddenly, he gave me a blow on the chest which threw me into 
a chair, and shouted. '"Sir down. !" Then he tnrn(>t1 to a young man sitting at a 
desk between two te]e])hones and said. "Take g(*od care of this l)oy. If lie gets- 
impertinent and trouiUesome give Idm a kick in the face.' TJien Torreciilas 
left me with the young man to whom he had given such pleasant instructions. 
A numh(-r of men whom I did not know then fiied ])efore me. . . . ! 

[An account follows of ix'rsistent questioning, puricluated ^\•ilh threats and 

" 'Once the Civil Governor came in : I remember that clearly. He asked me 
scattered questions. He wanted to know the political affiliation of Eusebio Chico 
de Guzman, Joaquin Hernandez Ros. Jose I'erez Garcia, Estaban Abad y Sicilia 
and Basilio Galindo Marin. . . . While the Governor was talking, a group of 
individuals pulled out their guns and began to examine then-i. pointing them at 
me, Meanv.'liile 1 heard screams from a nearby room which horrihed me. . . . 

"'At 7:30 the Governor came to me again and asked if I had bel(»nged to 
Accion Popular. I answered at once that I had not, and he then said angrily, 

"You're a bunch of ! None of vou want to con,fess. We'll see later 

on. . . ." 

"'They took me and put me in an ofiicial car. from wliich they transferred 
me to a private car and took me to a cemetery and jrat me up against a 
wall. ... I denied everything since I knew nothing. They vrei'e trying to 
make me accuse the leaders of the ^lurcia C. N. T. of being Fascists. This I 
resisted. . . . Then they put me face to the wall. I could hear tliem cocking 
their guns. Torreciilas said to me, '"You have five minutes left to live, you can 
still save yourself if you talk." I answered nothing. I was insane from the 
torture. . . . Torreciilas began to count. . . . Suddenly I heard "Fire!" and a 
volley at my back. Terrified I felt myself all over. . . . Then they put me on 
my knees in front of the car witli the lights lit and questioned me again. I was 
still silent. Suddenly they began to fire. I saw the bidlets falling around 
me. . . . 

" 'We came to the civil goverinnent building. They put me l^ack in the chair. 
This was the most horrible moment of all. Suddenly the door opened and 
yoimg man who had to walk on crutches came in. I heard him moaning and 
crying, I looked up and saw that the sockets of his eyes were empty: "See." 
said Torreciilas. "Tliafs what will happen to you if you don't talk." They let 
me go at 12 o'clock that night. A policeman went home with me. He made me 
go every day to the of a police detective named Fernandez Ruiz. There 
they tortured me again. Once they twisted my arms rintil they made my bones 
crack. From so much pain and torture. I signed a paper wliicli they showed me. 
I do not know what it said. I suspect it must be some senseless declaration. 
I swear that if I have accused anyone, he wliom I have accused is innocent. I 
signed the paper as I might have signed my own death sentence." 

We have ])resented our information about the siiiister Murda Cheka of irre- 
sponsible (dements, invested with authority and supported by those who have a 
shocking concept of authority, dishonoring the Republic. The Court of La 
Cathedral has contimied its investigations. . . . We know that yesterday, with 
due process of law, the following ixilice detectives and rearguard police involved 
in this scandalous affair were arrested and held for trial: Ramon Torre<'illa 
Guijarro, one of the chiefs of the Cheka and police detective of the Third Class 
since last November, l-efore which time he kept a tavern in Madrid and was a 
drug clerk; Domingo Ranchal Garrio. another Cheka terrorist, organizer of the 
torture: Angel Sanchez Larrcsco ; Emiliano Alonso Moreno; Mariano Caravaca 
Botia. These latter three were involved in an affair affecting 50 men, whom 
the Cheka lield without authority and at the mercy of the criminal pas.sions 
of the Chekists. Tlie five are now in jail, having been heard by Judge Amador 
del Pozo. 

We publish this with no partisan aim. AVe feel that people must learn the 
full .seriousness of what happened in Murcia in the line of the Madrid liappen- 
ings . . . under the illegal directions of Commissioner Cazorla. We are sure 
we are not mistaken. Our proof is the Valencia Government's order dissolving 
the defense jimta of Madrid. And, if the arrests in Mnicia do not .suffice, 
another proof is the removal of the ci\ il governor of ^Murcia, Antonio Pretel, 



{From Solidariilad Obrera. Barcelona C. N. T. orgau, March 24, 1937. At Viilanueva de 
Alcardete, Province of Toledo, the Stalinists, according to the C. N. T., were endeavor- 
ing to destroy its organization of 1.200 member.s. The details cited by the C. N. T. 
come from a letter in the possession of the newspaper] 

On March 15 at 3 : 30 p. m., Jesus Lozaiio Camara, 0. N. T. member, was in 
the Pla/a. He was hail(Hl by a militiaman. Vicente Villaneuva, alias Facote. 
They talked foi- a few minutes, then Jesus left. As he turned to go back to the 
Plaza, Facote pulled out a hand grenade, and threw it at Jesus, who was loru 
to pieces. :\[anuel Blanco was a witness. 

As if this had been a signal, volleys were fired from the offices of the defen.^e 
committee ar^d the plaza at C. X. T. headquarters. A leader of this assault was 
a member of the tribunal supposed to judge the events. 

When the attack began there were 4 or ."> comrades and some 10 children in 
C N. T. headquarters, also 2 comrades from the IJ. G. T. and one left republican. 
:Meanwhil(\ and some time before, our comrades were arrested as they came in 
from v»ork in the fields. Tlieir union cards were taken away and torn up, and 
the comrades were thrown into a cellar, where only a few hours before the 
mayor had given a banquet to the militia and political leaders at v.'hich they 
Jiaii conversed with great excitement about the C. N. T. 

Some of our comrades v.ere met with hand grenades when they came into 
town. One was able to get away. Another was riddled by seven bullets as he 
stood in the doorway of his house. Altogether. 16 corpses were tal^en away at 
9 oV-lock the next morning, having been left in the streets over night. 

All attempts made by the C. N. T. to reach the governor of the province and 
report the facts were interfered with by the mayor, who refused to allow our 
comrades to use the telephone. According to the latest reports, the men guilty 
of this massacre are still strutting the streets of the town, armed to the teeth 
and boasting of omnipotent influence. 

[Act-ording to some reports, several of those killed were member.*^ of the 
U. O. T.. one a very old man who had been a founder of the Socialist Casa Del 


[From Solidaiidad Obrera, Barcelona C. N. T. organ, June 12, 1937] 

Two months ago we exiK)sed crimes committed by Communists against C. N. T. 
workers in Viilanueva de Alcardete. Toledo Province. The Madrid C. N. T. 
papers at that time issued a warning, asking to have the necessary steps taken 
by the autlioriries to put an end to the crimes that the Commtmist cheka was 
committing against defenseless anarchists and other anti-Fascists. INIundo 
Obrero. the Madiid Comnuinist organ, denied the crimes and said that the 
accused v,'ere revolutionary an.ti-Faseists deserving of general esteem. Sixteen 
of our comrades had been murdered in cold blood in that mas.-acre. under the 
direction of the mayor of the town and his gang, all members of the C. P. * * * 

We recognize that in moments like these, there are always people who filter 
into accredited parties and organizations for their own ends, and no doubt some 
such have infiltrated into the 0. N. T.-F. A. I. and the P. O. U. M., the Socialist 
Party, etc., but nowhere have they been so numerous as among the Communists, 
because precisely among these is where least revolutionary morality is de- 
manded, where inequality is most eultivated, where there are the greatest 
rewards and where unscrupulous individuals have the greatest clmnce of climb- 
ing to the top; because nowadays "commu.nism" is nothing l>ut a party con- 
trolled by schemers who want only to climb into power and rule, even though 
they have to get there over the iujdies of thousands of comrades, even though 
they have to betray their class brothers and make an alliance with those whom 
Marx and Lenin, whose pupils rhe.v proclaim themselves, called the natural 
enemies of the working class — the bourgeoisie. 

The crimes we are writing of today are of a iK)litical, social, and personal 
character, because they include murders of defenseless workers killed for their 
ideas, murders of mothers who fought the rape of their daughters, and murders 
of the raped victims once the sadistic appetites of their torturers are 
satisfied. * * * 

The principal ones guilty of these crimes, the Communist mayors Marceliuo 
Recueio and Eloy Diaz, as well as Amnlio Fernandez, president of the com- 
mittee of defense of Villamayor. and also Euh)gio Martinez and Juan Soledad 
have been condemned to death. Eight more chekists of these two towns have 

2580 un-ami:rt(\\x propaganda activities 

been seiiteiieecl to prison for from 4 to 40 years. The affidavits of the wituesjses- 
follow, which establislied to the sati.sfaeti(ni of tlie court that the accused had 
been members of a sang that operated as a •"defense committee/' while perse- 
cuting iK)litical enemies, looting, levying tribute, and making free with women 
prisoners, as well as forcing town girls to be used. * * * Tlie niembers of 
this committee were: Eloy Diaz Garcia, mayor of Villamayor de Santiago;. 
Marcelino Kecuero Viana, mayor of Villanueva de Alcardete ; Amalio Fernandez 
Rodrigo. chief of the local Civil Guard. The latter was the president of the 
conunittce and had under his orders Francisco Rodrigo Villaplana, Adolfa 
Salamanca Moreno, Antonio Ramirez Quintanar, Ezequiel Martinez Mufioz,, 
Manuel Pradillo Huete, Eulogio Martinez Jimenez, Juan Salamanca, Felix 
Serrano Lopez, Valentin Recuero Garrido, Dionisio Zaniora Martinez, and Jose 
Maria Mendoza Gimeno. The declarations established that : 

Eloy, Amalio, and Francisco Rodrigo were the executive committee of the 
Cheka. They ordered and carried out the arrests, acted as judges, and carried 
out the sentences. The rest were, one a chauffeur, the others militia who took 
advantage of the wide-open situation. This gang became the supreme power 
of the district, and made free with the lives and belongings of the citizens. 

* * * They turned a convent into a jail and there established their head- 
quarters. There also they had daily banquets and parties, which usually ended 
by their taking some of the prettiest prisoners out to a place where they raped 
tliem. Each one of these people paid himself 100 pesetas a week. * * * 
Dionisio Zamora declared that the celebrations went on daily, and that all the 
members of the committee and their friends came to them. * * * One girl, 
raped under threat of death, was 22 years old. The case was taken up by the 
town in council, and while this was going on, some of the guards appeared and 
dissolved the gathering with guns. * * * 

The case : Aureliana IMoya Sierra and her crippled son, Amalio Suarez Moya, 
U. G. T. member, were taken to jail ; their house was then searched and looted ; 
Ihe daughter, rape attempted, resisted. * * * yhe went for help. Next 
morning the son was murdered in jail, and the mother warned and freed. 

* * * The two women went to a nearby town, where they stayed in the 
house of a friend, a druggist. * * * The chekists followed tliem, took thorn 
away, eventually murdered the mother and raiied and mnrdeied the girl, and 
left rhem lying in the fields. * * * 

B. Backgkouni) of the May Days 


[From C. N. T.. Madrid C, N. T. organ, Juue 14, 1987. This, the official statement r>f 
the National Committee of the C. N. T., adopted at a plenary session in Valencia, was 
centered when published in Barcelana : the names of prominent Catalan consiprator- 
traitors being eliminated. In the Madrid organ of the C. N. T. it appeared in full] 

One fine day. May 4, there appeared at the Barcelona Telephone Building 
large numbers of guards and police, commanded by Rodriguez Salas, commis- 
sioner of public order. Why? Simply because the P. S. U. C. (Stalinist Party) 
and tiie E.stat Catala (reactionary separatist militia) which, as parties, had no 
part in its control, needed the phone system for their conspiratorial ends. And 
the C. N. T. would not permit their work, knowing what was planned. From 
the start (July 10. 1986), the phone system had been under control of a joint 
C N. T.-TJ. G. T. committee; in addition there v>^as a delegate of the Generalidad 

The attitude of Salas and Ayguade, who commanded the guaids, was illegal, 
as demonstrated by the fact that the Generalidad Council recognized that the 
Councillor of the Inteiior and the commissioner had exceeded their authority. 
At the same time this was going on at the phone building, barricades and guns 
appeared at P. S. U. C. and Estat Catala headquarters, and then in the streets. 
In view of these military demonstrations, our comrades prepared for defense, 
supposing rightly that the P. S. I^. C. and Estat Catala were trying to take over 
the phone building as part I of their plot. 

But this explains nothing. The roots of the events must be dug up. There 
has been a long-growing struggle against our movement in Catalonia. The Com- 
munists. Estat Cnlala and infiltrated elements (undercover Fascists) had 
worked for son>e time to destroy our prestige at home and abroad. What every- 
body does not know is the strange coincidences connected with the May events. 

Not everybody knows, for example, that as early as January Casanovas 
(Catalan parliament president), Lluhi Vallesea, Xicota Sancho, Polo, and Ventura 
Cas.sols (Esquerra leaders) were in France working for "Catalan indepeud- 


ence.'- This was a process of preparation like that which went on during the 
dict<atorship (of Primo De Rivera). But with a difference; then Italian Fascism 
intervened as an agent provocateur through Garibaldi ; this time Mussolini 
operated through Dencas (ex-chief of Estate Catala), the October Separatists 
agent provocateur in Catalonia. 

As early as December there was a plot, which resulted in the execution of 
Reberter, commission of public order. The flight of Casanovas, president of 
parliament, followed because of his proven complicity in this frustrated coup 


The separatists bourgeoisie, after all. could not swallow the fact that the 
proletariat had defeated the Fascist insurrection and would deprive them of 
their property. Seeking restoration, they began negotiating with Italy to pro- 
voke struggles which would give openings to foreign intervention and facilitate 
recognition of Catalan independence by certain powers, at the same time that 
the anti-Fascist front would be weakened. To this scheme everybody who 
wanted the status quo of July 18 could subscribe. 

In France conspiracy was afoot to bring about a truce. Certain important 
people were involved. A Spanish anti-Fascist intelligence agent had discovered 
some combinations. He was ordere^l to continue investigations until he had 
irrefutable proofs. This agent, when about to complete his documentation, was 
murdered in Barcelona. By whom"-' He worked for the republican government. 
He was murdered by those who were conspiring, and who somehow knew about 
his work. Let us remember that Ayguade was councillor of internal security,, 
that he is a member of East Catala, that he was already under well-founded 
suspicion of having been involved in the December plot. 

On April 20 Comorera (Stalinist), Catalonia P. S. U. C. leader, was in Paris. 
Among others, he saw Ventura Cassols' secretary and a certain Castaner. Who 
is Castaner? A police agent of the Generalidad who was in contact with one 
Viniro, secretary to Octavio Salto, journalist serving the Fascists. Castaner 
had also been seen with three prominent Fascists living in Biarritz and St. Jean- 
de-Luz. He also maintained close relations with Estat Catala members, espe- 
cially Dencas and Casanovas. The former visits Castaner at his house, the 
latter is visited by Castaner. Polo, another Generalidad police agent, a confi- 
dential man of Badia (ex-ieader of Estat Catala) works in France under the 
orders of the Fascist counter-espionage headed by Beltran y Musitu. 

What do these combinations of separatists and Fascist elements mean? Can 
we not find the source of various provocations there? We are sure of it. And 
anybody who looks at facts objectively will be sure, too. Let us add to these 
antecedents the fact that at the end of April the Fascists were preparing a 
large-scale landing operation all the way from Almeria to Rosas. It did not 
come oif, because essential matevials could not be obtained. It was postponed 
to mid-May. And if it has not been carried out it is because of a certain inci- 
dent which revealed the plans to the police of a neutral country. 

Moreover, at the end of April Estat Cntala concentrated on the frontiers all 
its armed men in France. And another thing: On April 1.3, the official repub- 
lican Gazette published a list of officers, noncoms, and privates of the national 
republican guard who were to be dismissed, and whose further punishment for 
treason would be determined after iiivestlgflUoii. Nevei'theless, a captain, 4 
ensigns, 4 lieutenants, 18 sergeants, 19 brigadiers, 23 corporals, and 58 guards 
on the list were not dismissed, all as a result of the influence of Artemio 
Ayguade, then Councillor of Security. In the May events these men appeared 
at the head of the Ayguade forces. 

At about the same time, great numbers of these guards went to the frontiers. 
The chief of one important unit, instead of reporting to the Figueras municipal 
council, went straight to P. S. U. C. headquarters, thus revealing that this was 
an armed force at the orders of the Communist Party. 

All these details show clearly enough that the Barcelona events were but 
the spark prepared to generate an explosion. And that spark and explosion 
were not generated by the C. N. T. * * * From the first moment of the 
struggle the C. N. T. intervened to try to cut it short. We found a solution 
which was accepted by everybody except the Communists, who played the game 
of constantly ix)stponing agreement and action so that the Valencia government 
would have to send forces to take over the department of public order, which 

When, on Thursday morning, the C. N. T. and U. G. T. had ordered the return 
to work and the city seemed calm again, the battle began once more, because 
the separatists and Communists were stopping our comrades, searching them, 


tearing up their iiuioii l)Ooks, attackinji C. N. T. hendqiiartcrs, making defense 
iieees«ary all over again. And when the tirst street-car of the Garcia line was 
going down toward the Plaza Cataluna, it was shot at by the guards and by 
Estat Catala from behind barricades on I'aris and Diagonal Streets. Cars that 
went out to repair broken traclvs were sliot at, too. Transportation services 
liad to remain snspende<l. 

Finally, when on Friday morning the tiring stoppe<l at th(^ liour agreed upon, 
shooting was conlinued from tlie Commvmist and separatist centers in order to 
provoke another battle. On Friday night, Estat Catala and the guards in the 
commissariat on Paris Street shot at the otiicial (Government car in which the 
secretary of the C. N. T. national comnnttee was going to Valencia. Our 
national committee sent delegates to all regional and local headquarters at once 
to prevent a repetition of the Barcelona events, and a delegation to the Aragon 
front which prevented the soldiers from marching back from the trenches. 

Weeks after, barricades remained in front of the Communist and separatist 
headquarters, whereas ours v/ere dismantled on Friday. A wave of verror. of 
blood, has swept over the towns of Catalonia. Unpunished murder is the order 
of the day. Our libertarian movement has been silent, not through cowardice, 
but through disciplirie and a sense of responsibility, while losing the lives of its 
br'st militants. It has suffered with incomparal»le stoicism the assault ou col- 
lectives, on the eousfructive labor of the proletariat. * * * yet those gtiilty 
of so many crimes shamelessly blame them on the C. N. T., and even after all 
that barbarism and treason, threaten to "punish" the C. N. T. * '■' * 

We have said enough to allow every man to judge for himself. I^et it be 
noted precisely that there is in Catalonia an amalgam of interests which con- 
spire against us: Estat Catala. the Communists, and Esquerra. Their objec- 
tives are not identical, but their common interest is to exerminate the C. N. T. 
This coincides also with Mussolini's interests, who therefore gives them indi- 
rect support through Dencas. And let it be stated clearly that we do not concur 
in the stupid error of confusing Communists with Fascists. We say cate- 
gorically that we do not believe the C. P. has any direct contact with the 

But that is not the case with Estat Catala — and when they act together 
on the streets, wlio is doing the managing? 

We realize with full responsibility the weight of what we are saying, but 
no one dare den.y it because the burden of proof at our disposal is so great. 
Ayguade, Dencas, Mussolini, Casanovas. Ventura Gassols, Sancho, Xicota, Polo, 
Castafier — they are the guilty ones in the bloody Barcelona events » * * * 


[From Solidaridad Obrera Barcelona C. N. T. organ, May 13, 1937. An interview with 

DeSantillan, ex-Councillor of the Generalidad] 

Beyond a doubt what has happened is due to a preconceived plan of provoca- 
tion, unequalled in labor history. This is proved by the fact that 15 days before, 
it was already being talked about in European diplomatic circles, and by 
ambassadors very close to Catalonia. It was being prophesied that, once the 
C. N. T. and the F, A. I. were displaced from leadership of the masses in 
Valencia and Madrid, the definitive struggle against the anarcho-syndicalist 
movement in Catalonia would be launched. These prophesies were being made 
in the diplomatic circles and cafes of Paris by people close to the Catalan 
government. ^- * * The arrival of foreign warships a few hours aftor the 
struggle began, proves its premeditsited character. These boats v.-ere on their 
way to Barcelona long before the first siiot was fired. * * * Discipiine 
was the backbone of the movement since all comrad(^s obeyed the directives 
given by their organizations. Thanks to this it was possible to prevent more 
bloodshed, for our militants, even in the fa^e of fire, resisted without shooting 
]>a(k. * * * I. m.vself, heard over the telephone some com.rndes Aveep with 
rage as they were told by the committees not to .shoot even tiiough they were 
being machine-gunned. * * * One can say that, thanks to the attitude of 
the C. N. T.. a great catastropJie has been avoided. Furtliermore, the plans 
nourished by our dubious friends have been smashed by the C. N. T. Now 
that pea(?e is restored, however, the provocateurs continue active. We could 
see quite clearly, the more disciplined the movement became, returning to 
normality, the more provocation grew in order to cause a prolongation of the 


C. The May Days 

[From Solidaiidad Obrera, Barcelona C. N. T. organ, May 4, 1937] 

Yes-tei'day at 3 p. m., taking advantage of the movement when the telephone 
building is emptiest, there appeared before it three truckloads of assault and 
repul)lican guards, commanded by general commissioner of public order, 
Rodriguez Salas (a Stalinist). At his orders the guards entered the building 
with hostile attitude, rifles cocked. Several comrades at the entrance were 
ordered to put up tlieir hands. The guards then advanced and began disarmmg 
all comrades in tiio bureau of v/ar censorship and those on guard under stand- 
ing orders from the National Telephone Union. 

At the lirst movement these comrades were surprised by the attitude of the 
guards, and turned over their arms as ordered. The guards continued into the 
building, but when they arrived at the eighth floor could continue no further 
because of special circumstances they encountered there. 

The episode caused a great gathering of people in the Plaza Cataluna. * * * 

The police, not satisfied with its activities in- the telephone building, began 
to occupy the roofs of nearby buildings and to station itself in adjacent streets 
with great show ai arms and military para]jhernalia. 

Naturally, rumors began to fly. One rumor deliberately given the crowd was 
that the F. A. 1. was at that moment attacking the telephone building. Shortly 
afterward the news of what was Jiappening, conveniently distorted, was public 
property and pictuivsque and grotesque stories were being diligently spread 
about us. 

Fortunately, public reason was more powerful than invention, and a few 
hours later all Barcelona knew the truth of what had happened, and were 
amazed by the violent behavior of the chief of police. 

Scarcely a lialf hour after the guai'ds had entered the telephone building three 
of our oomiades appeared: Diaz, of the council of the defense; Asens of the 
general secretariat of the workers' patrol; and Eroles, councilor of public 
order. These comrades intervened to persuade our comrades \vho were resisting 
the guards in the telephone l>uiiding to change their very justifiable attitude. 
Our comrades did as asked. 

When the news of these inconceivable events reached the regional committee 
of the C. N. T., it moved immediately to investigate, interviewing the first 
<?ouiicilor. Terra ndales, and the councilor of internal security (Ayguade). Both 
stated that they knew nothing whatever of what happened, but it turned out 
later that Ayguade did. since the police who had taken part in the occupation 
of the telephone building had orders signed by him. * * * 

The regional committee broadcast radio recommendations to be calm, advis- 
ing the workers not to allow themselves to be the victims of a maneuver di- 
rected against C. N. T. The orders spread rapidly and had the desired effect. 
The workers of Barcelona, in contrast to the agents of the authorities, set a 
wonderful example of levelheadedness. * * * 

The occupation of the telephone building by the police has given rise to all 
kinds of questions and rimiors. Was this, perhaps, the prelude to a plan 
previously decideiT on? How far would they have gone if they had not been 
opposed in certain of their activities? 

We do not know. We are particularly bewildered since, as everyone knows, 
the telephones have been administered since the revolution by a regularly ap- 
pointed delegation of the Generalidad. under control of the U. G. T. and C. N. T. 
* * * It all looks like provocation, in this case an extremely dangerous one, 
because, with the Generalidad and the two trii de-unions both represented in the 
building, an attack on it by armed forces under the personal orders of the chief 
of police was highly irregular. 

In continuation of this episode, toward the end of the afternoon, the police, 
ngain under orders, begnn to disarm the revolutionary workers. The latter, 
following instructions of the C. N. T. and F. A. I., refused to surrender the 
arms which they have conquered by their own eiforts, and to vrhich they have 
every right, since those arms are destined for use against the Fascists and 
against everything that spells counter-revolution. In some cases the refusal 
of the workers produced attacks by the police ; as a result, by dawn, there were 
tv.'o dead and several wounded. 

94931— 39— vol. 4 1 1 


[From Solidaridad Obrera, Barcelona C. N. T. organ, May 15, 1937] 

Ou Wednesday, May 5, at 8 a. m., many police, heavily armed and caixyiug. 
grenades, suddenly appeared at the (Tarragona) telephone building and oc- 
cupied it. The workers offered no resistance. Having taken possession, they 
controlled urban and interurban connections, and cut off all phones of syndicalist 
and anarchist organizations. 

Four hours later there was an interview at military headquarters between a- 
telephone workers' delegation headed by Comrade Casanovas and the lieutenant 
colonel in command, who was told about the unexpected episode. It was 
agreed to remove the armed forces from the first floor where the apparatus is, 
leaving them on guard in the vestil)ule. Fifteen minutes later the police chief 
phoned the C. N. T. that the representative of the Internal Security Department 
in Tarragona refused to sanction this agreement, having received very stringent 
orders from Barcelona. 

Meanwhile our comrades observed much activity at left republican head- 
quarters, where many people were entering unarmed and leaving with arms. 
The same was going on less openly at headquarters of the P. S. U. C. and at 
the Casa del Pueblo. Next morning our organization (C. N. T.) was openly^ 
and violently attacked. Certain forces began to assault headquarters oi' the 
Libertarian Youth with rifle fire and grenades. They were repelled, and a 
C. N. T. delegation was sent to the representative of the Generalidad to ask 
for a meeting of all anti-Fascist forces. The meeting was called, but the com- 
rades of the U. G. T. (controlled by the United Socialist and Communist Party) 
and of the P. S. U. C. refused to come, so it was impossible to prevent further 
trouble by this means. 

Early in the afternoon delegates came from Barcelona. They could hear 
heavy firing and witnessed another attack on Youth headquarters by the police- 
and civilians of the other organizations. This attack was so violent as to sm*- 
ceed. Our comrades then went to police headquarters with the delegates of 
the internal security department. There they conferred with a captain of 
aviation from Rus, Comrade Barbetta, telling him they wished to avoid blood- 
shed and asking for a meeting of all anti-Fascist organizations. A meeting was 
held. There were present all the workers' representatives, as well as militarv 
oflncials and the Generalidad authorities. The Generalidad delegate. Captain 
Barbetta, said he had strict orders to use all arms, including planes, to make 
the C. N. T. surrender its arms. Our comrades, referring to the Solidaridad 
campaign in favor of sending all arms to the front, said they would give up their 
arms if there would be a general disarming. 

Captain Barbetta replied that he could not disarm other organizations, since 
they were unconditionally on the Government's side. Our comrades replied 
that the C. N. T. is not against the Government, of which it is a part. Finally 
our comrades decided to yield their unquestionable rights in order to avoid 
further struggle, and they therefore surrendered their arms. The authorities 
guaranteed that the arms would be held on the aviation field while general 
disarmament or a return of the arms was discussed, under the following 
conditions : 

1. All those arrested would be freed. 

2. All the police would be removed from Tarragona, including those of po- 
litical and trade-union bodies, and aviation troops would replace them. 

3. The lives and liberties of all comrades and the headquarters of all workers'" 
organizations would be respected. 

Captain Barbetta accepted these terms. * * * 

The rest of the day was taken up with meetings. At dawn the next day, 
about 3 a. m., the assault guards and police occupied the internal security 
headquarters, they said on orders from above. As though this had been a 
signal, a general attack was opened on the militants of C. N. T. and F. A. I. 

The outside sections of the city are strewn with corpses of leading militants 
of our organizations. Here are some of the slain : Mario Berruti, Baltasar 
Vnllejo (Maritime Transport Union), Julian Martinez, Ramon Alverez (na- 
tional republican guard), .lose Casellyi (Miscellaneous Workers Union), Fran- 
cisco INIolina. and four unidentified persons. During the repression the young 
Uruguayan anarchist and well-known militant, Rua, was also killed. He had 
come to Spain shortly after July 19 to fight with the Spanish workers. 



FFrom the Spanish Revolution, Barcelona, English language bulletin of the P. O. U. M.,^ 

May 19, 1937] 

Barcelona, the workers' city, has just lived through glorious days. Just as the 
working class of Barcelona rose in arms against the Fascist uprising of July 19, 
from the 3d to the 7th of May the workers showed that they would not allow 
Stalinism and reformism to snatch away their revolutionary conquests, won at 
the price of their blood. 

Everywhere abroad an attempt is being made to throw the responsibility for 
the bloody events of the May days upon the imaginary "provocateurs'' in the 
pay of Trotskyism and, therefore, of international fascism. The revolutionary 
workers of "red" Barcelona resist this slander. The Spanish Revolution, dedi 
cated to their cause, must explain the lighting in Barcelona to the workers of 
the world. 

Who provoked this action? The responsibility, as is well known, falls directly 
upon the agents of Stalinism, the protectors of reformism and counter-revolu- 
tion. For weeks already the P. S. V. G., controlling public order with the aid of 
the generality of Catalonia, had been making attacks against the workers (at 
Puigcerda, Figueras, and Molins de Llobregrat). During the weeks preceding 
the events the public order forces the national republican guards and the assault 
guards, made several "expeditions'' against the revolutioriary workers of Cata- 
lonia, forcible dissolving the revolutionary defense committees spontaneously set 
up by the workers after July 19. At the same time there were signs that cer- 
tain elements among these forces were ready for counter-revolutionary and 
Fascist acrtion. Here we see the result of the undeiliand action (^f the Stalinists 
who go to the point of helping fascism in their hatred of the revolutionary 
working class. 

On the eve of the week of struggle, the provocative display of armed forces 
at the funeral of Roldan Cortada. of the U. G. T., the uprising of the customs 
officers at Aipoll and other provocations were the successive links in a chaii* 
which ended with the attack of May .3. 

Among the agents of these counter-revolutionary acts were found the United 
Socialist Parly of Catalonia (P. S. U. C), which is the Stalinist Party, the 
EsQuerra Republicana de Cataluna, the party of the backward section of the 
middle class, and the armed corps — the assatilt guards and» civil guards — in the 
])ay of the generality. All these forces enjoy the tacit, if not official, support of 
the generality of Catalonia. 

Monday, May 3. at 3 p. m., assault guards, under the command of Rodriguez 
Sala. commissar of public order and P. S. U. C. member, tried to take the 
telephone building in the Plaza Cataluna by force. The occupation was stip- 
ported by a heavy detachment of armed men, b<»th police gtiards and cavalry. 
For 10 months the telephone bttilding had been under the control of a trade- 
union committee of members of the U. G. T. and C. N. T., and its protection 
against any Fascist aggression was assured by the militia of these organiza- 
tions. In regard to consorship and technical questions, the committee in charge 
was always at the disposal of the generality. 

That was not enough for the counter-revolutionary elements, however. They 
wanted to get rid of workers' control of an establishment of such great 
strategic value. It has been proved, in spite of the denials of the Catalan gov- 
ernment, that the order upon which Rodriguez Sala (of the P. S. U. C.) acted 
was signed by Artemi Aguad^ (of the Esquerra), cottncillor of public order. 

That a counterrevolutionary coup had been planned in advance by the armed 
forces is proved by the fact that machine-gun stations had been set up on 
neighboring roofs by civil guards, in order to attack the telephone bttilding 
from various directions. 

The attack upon the telephone building was the cause of sttrprise and indig- 
nation among the telephone workers, who resisted the occupation of their 
building. This was the beginning of the violent fighting of the following days. 
The workers of Barcelona mobilized and began to organize the defense of their 
districts, to control movements in the city and to prevent reinforcements from 
coming in. 

Within 2 hours, Barcelona was in a state of war. The workers went into the 
street with their arms to defend their headqitarters and to take up strategic 
positions throughout the city. The revolutionary workers of the C. N. T., 


F. A. I., and the P. O. U. M. understood from the first how great was the 
(hmger of the armed forces. Without either trade union federation calling a 
strike, the factory workers poured out to take up their tightiug posts. At about 
6:30 the transport services, streetcars, busses and subways, all controlled by 
the C. N. T. unions, came to a halt. 

At nightfall, the workers began to build barricades of paving blocks and 
sandbags. That evening many workers were killed by the armed forces of the 
generality, which tried to disarm them. During the night, firing sounded 
throughout the city. 

The coup had been prepared and carried out by the P. S. U. C. and the 
Esquerra. The members of these organizations, however, were not the shock 
troops of the generality. It had at its command the assault guards, the civil 
guards, and the Mozos d'Escuadra — personal guards to the president. All these 
generality forces did not show the same tight. The assault guartls were reluct- 
ant to fire upon the working class, as were even part of the civil guard. Many 
cases of insubordination arose, and some guards turned their arms over to the 
workers. The most reactionary of the anti Fascist forces turned out to be the 
most violent. Groups from the Estat Catala and the P. S. U. C, which held 
a few positions, were very aggressive. 

On the workers' side were united the workers of the P. O. U. M. and. those 
of the C. N. T. and the F. A. I. They stood united throughout the fight, and 
the street fighting was organized together. The password was "O. N. T., F. A. I., 
P. O. U. M.— Revolution !" 

In general the workers of the U. G. T. did not take part in the fight, though 
many of them joined the revolutionaries in the barricades. The P. S. U. C. 
<lid not succeed in facing the U. G. T. workers against those of the C. N. T. 
Thus it is false to present the fight as a fratricidal struggle between the C N. T. 
and the U. G. T., as has been stated in the press. It was nothing other than 
the struggle of the revolutionary workers against the counterrevolutionary 
forces of repression of the generality — composed only of the guards corrupted 
l)y Stalinism and reformism. 

On May 4, La Batalla. the P. O. U. M.'s newspaper, issued the slogan of 
permanent mobilization of the working class. The P. O. U. M. demanded the 
resignation of Rodriguez Sala and the annulling of the public order decree. 
It proposed the immediate formation of the Revolutionary Workers' Front and 
the organization in all districts of committees for the defense of the revolution. 
These slogans echoed among the masses and accentuated the cooperation be- 
tween the workers behind their barricades or in their organization headquarters 
and the police force, which likewise threw up barricades or shot from the 
P. S. U. C. buildings (Hotel Colon, Karl Marx House) or those of the E.squerra 
and Estat Catala. 

Tuesday evening, the generality tried to stop the fighting witli the prcmiise 
of finding a solution. The radio gave an order to stop firing, "since all the 
finti-Fascist organizations have met at the generality palace to try to solve the 

This truce was fairly effective Tuesday night. Speaking from the generality 
radio were heard Calvet, president of the Peasants' Union, Sbert of the 
Esquerra, Vidiella in the name of the U. G. T.-P. S. U. C, Garcia Oliver, C. N. T. 
minister of justice in the Valencia government, representative of the national 
•committee of the U. G. T. and the C. N. T.. and president companies. 

The truce was .short-lived, however. The fighting started up again in the 
morning. The efforts made by the generality during Tuesday and Wednesday 
were absolutely ineffective because they refused to satisfy the just aspirations 
of the revolutionary working class. Furthermore, when the workers saw that 
the reactionary elements of the anti-Fascist front were taking advaritage of 
the pause to extend their provocations, they took up the fight again to crush the 

The generality of Catalonia and its "provisional government" were powerless. 
All day Wednesday and Thursday, the port was in the hands of tlie Barcelona 
workers. The working class had completely reestablished order in the suburbs 
by driving out or disarming the bourgeois police forces. At the center of the 
fity, a few streets were still in the hands of the P. S. U. C, the Esquerra, the 
Estat Catala, and the civil and assault guards. The generality buildings were 
surrounded on all sides by the armed workers. Only the Mozos d'Escuadra 
were left defending them. 


The generality's appeals to stop fighting didn't reach the first barricade. 
The whole province of Catalonia, cities and villages, was taking preventive 
measures to prevent any steps by the counterrevolutionaries. The divisions 
on the Aragon front also showed that they would tolerate no provocations. It 
can be said then that the revolutionary working class of Barcelona, upheld 
by the workers of all Catidonia, was master of the situation Wednesday and 
Thursday morning. 

For months the P. O. U. M. had been denouncing the continual provocations 
of the counterrevolution, and it immediately denounced the assault guards' 
attack on the telephone building as the decisive provocation of the reactionary 
sectors of the anti-Fascist front. It upheld the armed protest of the workers. 
It was the P. O. U. M.'s duty to stand actively with the workers who were 
spontaneously and heroically defending the threatened conquests of the revolu- 
tion with the general strike and barricades. The P. O. U. M. fulfilled its duty 
and met its responsibilities. Throughout this struggle it played its part as a 
revolutionary Marxist party, organizing the workers and attempting to bring 
them the leadership which they lacked. 

The P. O. U. M. insisted upon the forming of the Revolutionary "Workers^ 
Front, which now has taken hold of the imagination of the working class. 
The P. O. U. M. demanded the immediate organization of revolutionary defense 
committees. These committees were set up in some districts and the Anarcho- 
Syndicalist workers of the F. A. I. and the C. N. T. were seen rubbing elbows 
with the Marxists -of the P. O. U. M. 

During the week of fighting, the P. O. U. M. showed itself to be the only party 
of the revolution, and its members quickly rose to the task before them. 

The lively desire of the working class to put an end to the power of reformism 
was not crowned with success, however. For 4 days, the workers stood ready 
vigilant, awaiting the C. N, T.'s order to attack. The order never came. In fact, 
the struggle was little more than a passive siege of the bourgeois forces. The 
National Confederation of Labor, held by the workers as the mass organization 
of the revolution, recoiled before the question of workers' power. Caught up 
in the reins of the government, it tried to straddle the fence with a union of 
the opposing forces. That is why the revolutionary workers' fight of May 3 to 7 
was essentially defensive instead of offensive. 

The attitude of the C. N. T. did not fail to bring forth resistance and pro- 
tests. The '"Friends of Durruti" group brought the unanimous desire of the 
C, N. T. mnsses to the surface, but it was not able to take the lead. 

The workers were fighting in the street without any definite goal or responsi- 
ble leadership, the P. O. U. M. could only order and organize a strategic retreat. 
It helped the working class to avoid a desperate action which could have had 
sad consequences. 

The generality of Catalonia, realizing that it was not able to throw off the 
force of the working class of all Catalonia, had to give up its police power 
to the Valencia government. Five thousand assault guards from Madrid de- 
scended upon the city of Barcelona. At the same time the central government 
of the Republic obtained the complete transfer of the Aragon Army to its 
command. It is now no more than the Army of the East, 

A provisional ministry was set up with one representative each from the 
U. G. T., C. N. T.. Esquerra and Peasants' Union. 

The working class, although not getting their objectives, by this struggle ob- 
tained the discharge of those who were directly guilty, that is, Rodriguez 
Salas (P. S. U. C.) and Artemo Ayguade (Esquerra), By its action in the 
street, by its energetic struggle, it likewise forced the Stalinists and counter- 
revolutionaries to recoil. The working class withdrew in order and showed 
that it was ready for the new struggle, which would be necessary to achieve 
its goal — the freedom of the working class. 

Friday the workers abandoned the struggle, remaining alert, however, and 
keeping their arms. The role of the P. O. U. M. grew with the experience i^i 
revolutionary struggle. The workei-s, who were deeply wounded by the capitula- 
tion of their trade union federation, are now looking for a new lead in other 
directions. The P. O. U. M. should provide it for them. 

The May days showed that the only way out of the present situation is foi 
the working class to take power. To arrive at this, it is necessary to coordinate 
the revolutionary action of the masses by building the revolutionary workers' 
front, gathering in all the organizations determined to completely crush 


fascism — a work which can only be realized with a military victory at the 
front and the triumph of the revolution behind the lines. 

Thus the P. O. U. M., the revolutionary party, although attacked, slandered, 
and threatened by the bourgeoisie, forges ahead to the end. 

Mr. Baron. From the Socialist Call, there is an article by Sam 
Baron and List on M. Oak. headed, "What Are the Cold Facts About 
Stalinist Splitting of the Anti-Fascist Front," which I will put into 
the record. 

(The statement above referred to is as follows:) 

[From Socialist Call, Saturday, July 10, 1937] 
What Are the Cotd Facts About Stalinist Splitting of the Anti-Pascist 


(By Sam Baron and Liston M. Oak) 

We have been accused by the Daily Worker of defending Spanish organiza- 
tions and individuals guilty of disrupting the anti-Fascist united front and of aid- 
ing Franco. The American Stalinists, aping their colleagues in Russia and 
Spain, charge the Spanish revolutionists who oppose repressive and reactionary 
measures instigated by the Communist Party with treason, calling them 
"Trotskyist agents of the Gestapo." We are tired of this indiscriminate hurling 
of adjectives and propose to confine ourselves to facts. We challenge the Stalin- 
ists to answer as factually. 

The first fact is that today the opposition to Stalinist policies and tactics in 
Spain comes from the P. O. U. M., the anarchist C. N. T.-F, A. I., and the left 
Caballero Socialists. Among the 55,000 members of the P. O. U. M. before its 
suppression on May 27 there were not more than 500 Trotskyists, and they 
were attempting to split the P. O. U. M. and organize a "Bolshevik-Leninist" 
party. Many had been expelled. 

The anarchists and left Socialists can hardly be termed Trotskyists even by 
the Stalinists. Therefore it is apparent that not only Spanish Trotskyists but 
all other revolutionists implacably oppose the crushing of the left wing of the 
anti-Fascist front. 

fascist spies — WHERE? 

The charge is made that we are aiding Franco's spies, that in fact, we are 
"snipers for Franco." While it is doubtless true, although unproved, that some 
few Fascist spies wormed their way into the P. O. U. M., the F. A. I., and the 
left wing of the U. G. T. and S. P., there is far more reason to believe that 
agents of Franco, Hitler, and Mussolini entered the conservative coalition be- 
tween the Spanish Communist Party, and the left Republican Party. Why? 
Because the Stalinists threw their membership books wide open to new members 
after July 19, 1936, while the other organizations were much more suspicious 
of new applicants who belonged to no anti-Fascist party before the Fascist re- 

The S. P. dramatically closed its books. Spies moreover would have much 
better opportunities of obtaining information from the dominating parties. As 
a matter of fact, the record shows that of the spies already caught and exposed, 
the largest number have been members of the C. P. Only two were P. O. U. M. 

When the history of the Spanish Civil War is written, the record will prove 
that San Sebastian, Irun, Toledo, Talavora, Malaga, and Bilbao fell into Fascist 
hands with less resistance than might have been mobilized and that in every 
case there were Fascist sympathizers within the ranks of the defenders. Two 
examples will suffice for this article. 

General Ascencio and Colonel Vilalba were arrested after the fall of Malaga 
for sabotage and treason. Both had been exposed by the anarchists and the 
P. O. U. M. : the Government had intervened to prevent the anarchists from 
shooting Vilalba for treachery on the Aragon front before he was sent to 
organize the defense of Malaga. Even the capitalist press has carried a report 
of treachery at Bilbao ; military secrets have been sold to the Fascists by left 
Republican officers and one engineer had left a gap in the "iron ring" of de- 
fenses through whi<ii tho Fascists marched. 



The latest reports from Spain indicate that there are now in jail more than 
1,000 members of the P. O. U. M. the C. N. T.-F. A. I., and the Anarchist Liber- 
tarian Youth, and the left U. G. T. They are held under varying charges as 
spies, traitors, etc., for disobeying the decree that the revolutionary workers 
must surrender their arms, or merely "for questioning.'" The arrests began 
before the fighting in Catalonian cities from May 3 to May 7, but most of them 
took place since. 

The exposure of the Madrid branch of the Cheka or G. P. U. resulted in 
the dissolution, at the end of April, of the Madrid Defense Junta, and revealed 
the role of Cazorla, member of the Central Committee of the Spanish Com- 
munist Party, who hounded revolutionary workers while tolerating and releas- 
ing from jail known Fascist sympathizers. Cazorla as commissioner of public 
order, built up a secret unofficial agency to carry out his orders to arrest and 
persecute anti-Fascists held incommunicado. 

But even more shocking is proof published in Solidaridad on April 25 of the 
-work of the Cheka in Murcia, which also operated under Cazorla. "The Cheka 
uses," Soli declares, "the same methods used against us by capitalists under 
Primo de liivera's dictatorship. Our press is suspended or censored ; our best 
members are persecuted, jailed, even murdered * * * ^y^ have waited pa- 
tiently, hoping for correction of these abuses, hoping to avoid friction and to 
maintain revolutionary unity against the Fascist. * * * g^^ j^ vain. The 
situation has grown worse. Our newspaper, C. N. T., has been suspended 
for criticizing the role of Cazorla, whjch the defense junta itself called 
^improper.' * * * 

"In Cartagena, Valencia, and elsewhere, our papers have recently been sus- 
pended for publishing information about the Cheka." 

"The Murcia Cheka was the worst of all — so serious that its leaders, aU 
C P. members, are now in jail. * * * Day after day w^e had noticed the 
•disappearance of comrades, mostly workers who were members of the C. N. T. 
Our organization was being constantly attacked by the Communists. * * * 

*'On April 8 and 10, the principal figures in this murder gang were arrested. 
According to a document signed by the Popular Front, the Libertarian Youth, 
the Provincial Committee and Regional Federation of the C. N. T., they came 
from a political sector which has been shouting loudly for unity, for responsi- 
bility, and a central command. * * * lliis party has not repudiated and 
condemned the Murcia Cheka. We therefore break our silence to warn those 
who are trying to import such dictatorial and terrorist methods into our 


Space forbids our quoting all the details given of the work of the Cheka in 
Murcia, Madrid, and elsewhere, including sworn testimony from some of its 
victims. AVe quote only a few lines from a typical declaration of Jose Maria 
Garcia Serrano arrested on March 12. 

"Torrecillas threw an arm around my nec-k and said 'Hello, come in.' * * * 
Suddenly he gave me a blow on the chest and shouted 'Sit down.' * * * 
A number of men I did not know filed in and stared at me. The Governor's 
iiecretary, Capena, after insulting my mother said 'Tonight you are going to 
talk if you want to live.' " 

There follows an account of how they tried to get him to implicate C. N. T. 
leaders in a Fascist plot. "Meantime I heard agonized screams from adjoining 
rooms. * * * They took me to a cemetery and stood me against the wall. 
I heard the cocking of their guns. They questioned and threatened me again. 
* * * I was insane from the torture they had subjected me to. I don't 
know how I could stand so much pain. But I wouldn't confess to crimes I 
had not committed. * * * They let me go at midnight under guard. But 
every day I was forced to go to the house of a police detective named Fernandez 
Ruiz. There they tortured me again until I could stand it no longer and 
signed a paper they showed me without reading it. * * * 

"I swear that if I have accused anyone, he is innocent." 

Since this exposure of the Murcia Cheka, some of the leaders named in 
these statements of the victims have been punished. But the Spanish Cheka 
continues its work and on a larger scale since the fighting in Barcelona in May, 
which was provoked by Stalinist determination to crush revolutionary oppo- 
sition, Tlie Civil Governor of Murcia was removed from oflSce, and so were the 


police officers iiivolvod. In Madrid. Cazorla was ousted. l>iit liis friend Carrillo 
was given his job as chief of police, to continue the work of repression. 

After the P. O. U. M. was onthiwed and its paper and radio suppressed, 
Julian Gorkin, one of tlie P. O. U. M. leaders, was told sadly by Minister of 
the Interior Zugazagoitia that: 

When Caballero — until recently haih'd l)y the Stalinists as the "Spanish 
Lenin" — was kicked out of the Valencia Government, he said: 

"I can do nothing. Russia demands complete crushing of the P. O. U. M. as 
the price of military aid whiih we must have." 

"If the Caballero government were to apply the meas\nTs of suppression to 
which the Spanish section of the Communist International is trying to incite it, 
then it would come close to a government of Gil Robels or Lerroux; it would 
destroy the unity of the working class and expose ns to the danger of losing 
the war and shipwrecking the revoluti< n. * * * a government composed 
in its majority of people drawn from the labor movement cannot make use 
of the methods that are reserved for reactionary and Fascist-like governments." 
(Adelante, May 11.) 

Does the Communist Party really d«unand of us that we remain silent now 
when the prediction of Caballero begins to be molded into reality in the hands 
of the Communist Party of Spain? 

Mr. Baron. Also, from the New Leader, I want to insert into 
the record an article concerning- one Andres Nin, who was kidnaped 
from a Madrid jail and murdered b}- the Communists. He was a 
leader of a political party in Spain. 

(The statement above referred to is as follows:) 

[From the New Leader, Friday, December 17, 1937] 
They Called This Man a Fascist Spy — Andres Nin as I Knew Him 

By John MeNair 

We have l)een informed by a prominent Sor-ialist from Madrid that he has 
positive knowledge that Andres Nin, the general secretary of the P. O. U. M. 
and late minister of justice in the Catalan government, was murdered by the 
orders of the head of the Communist i)olice, and that his body was left in 
an unrecognizable condition. When John McGovern, M. P., interviewed members 
of the Spanish Government 10 days ago they accepted the fact that Andres 
Nin has been assassinated, 

I first met Andres Nin in Barcelona on the night of August 22, 1936. He was 
then general secretary of the P. O. U. M. He had a long record as a sincere 

In 1921 he was working side by side with Lenin and Trotsky in Moscow. 
He was with Lenin during his closing days and through this inspiration he 
dedicated his life to the service of the workers. In 1927, still in Moscow. 
Andres Nin took his place in the ranks of the opposition, demanding the rights 
of speech and of thought in the Bolshevik Party and working for the estab- 
lishment of proletarian democracy. Then he returned to Spain, and during 
all the siormy period between 1930 and 1936 he was continually the spearhead 
of every workers' movement in Catalonia. When I reached Spain Nin and 
his comrades of the P, O. U. INI.. Gorkin, Andrade, Bonet, and Rovira, were 
concentrating themselves on the final task. 

Wlien the P. O. U. M. w^as invited to join the goverinnent of the generalite, 
Andres Nin was appointed minister of justice. For the first time in Spain 
the old feudal t'difice of bourgeois justice was swept away and workers' justice 
instituted. Efjual citizenship was granted to both sexes* at the age of is and 
justice was no longer based on the rights of property, as it had been since the 
days of the Spanish In(|uisition, but upon recognition that th(> rights of the 
worker should be placed above the rights of property. His work as minister 
of justice was recognized by all as being of outstanding importance in the 
devf^lopment of the workers' revolution. 

Toward the end of November the Communist International commenced their 
campaign of calumny. The man who was giving his life in the cause of the 
work<'rs was accused by them of being a member of the Fifth Column in 
collusion with Franco and being paid by Hitler and Mussolini! 

un-amp:kican propaganda activities 2591 

During tbose days I knew the life of Nin intimately, as I had the honor 
of being associated with him and of having daily contact with him. He was 
absolutely disinterested and sincere. The charge that he received money from 
the Fascists is as ridiculous as it is monstrous. The actual fact was that 
Andres Nin was living in circumstances of extreme difficulty. The only small 
sums of money he ever had were those he managed to earn by his work, assisted 
l)y his wife, in translating from Russian into Catalan. Very often he had no 
money even to pay for his meals and, had it not been for his comrades, he 
would have gone hungry. 

In the midst of all the campaign of calumny and abuse Nin remained calm. 
When the matter was brought to his attention, he replied that the workers 
of Spain and his comrades knew the utter baselessness of the attacks. He 
made the mistake of underrating the propaganda machine of the Communist 
Party in Spain jind elsewhere. 

In the June days, before the final suppression of the P. O. U. M. by the 
Communist police, he still was unable to realize that he was in danger, and 
he continued his work oblivious of the fact that he was marked down for 
destruction. He was arrested on June 17, and taken by night to the Com- 
unist ])rivate prison in Madrid. Although continuous efforts were made by 
his friends both in Spain and abroad to communicate with him, he was 
never again seen. 

A terrible responsibility, before the workers of the world, must be borne 
I)y the Communist International which hounded Andres Nin to his death. 

This is no<^ all. We demand to know what they have done with Kurt Landau, 
with Irvin Wolfe, with George Tioli, and with many other anti-Fascist revolu- 
tionary workers in Spain.. 

The workers' movementl of the world is bigger than the Spanish Communist 
Party or the Comnnuiist International, which will finallv destroy itself in 
attempting to destroy others. We are going to follow Andres Nin and fight 
to the end in order that socialism be free. Unless the workers' movement is 
free the workers' movement is damned. 

Mr. Baron. There is also another article in the Time magazine, 
and I want to say this, that I think the political correspondent of 
Time ma<razine speaks with imiisnal clarity, and I am puttin.Qf into 
the record his report of a trial held recently in Barcelona, Spain, 
of people who were accused as being a.irents of fascism. Five of 
these people, executive members of a political organization hostile 
to the Communist movement, were sentenced to terms of from 11 to 
15 vears in prison. 

Mr. MosiER. WhsLt issue of Time magazine is that? 

Mr. Baron. The issue of October 24, 1938. 

(The statement above referred to is as follows :) 

Tbotskyist Trial 

In Barcelona last week opened a political trial so engrossing that even a 
major air raid, even the shattering concussion of bombs which exploded a few 
hundred yards from the courtroom did not distract the judges, prisoners, or 
spectators. In an atmosphere electric with hate and Spanisli passion, Andres 
Nin was at last put on trial in absentia. Andres Nin's small, blonde Russian 
wife or widow had a ringside spectator's seat. 

According to Leon Trotsky, whose faithful secretary Andres Nin was in 
Russia during the Revolution, tliere is little if any doubt tliat Mr. Nin was 
taken from a jail in Madrid last year by Comm.unists of the Stalin persuasion 
and murdered. With this view many Socialists, including Norman Thomas. 
ngree — while deprecating the further Trotskyist charge that the Government 
connived at the assassination. In court last week the Government prosecutor 
took the position that Senora Nin is the wife of a traitor who escaped from 
jail fl-^ri abroad and has been in hiding for the past 26 months. 

Dead or alive. Andres Nin was the focus of the Barcelona trial last week, 
just as Leon Trotsky was the focus of the INToscow trial after which 16 
Trotskyists were expcuted (Time. August 31. 1936). In the prisoners' box at 
Barcelona sat seven Ninists. The seven and Nin were charged, as members of 
his P. O. U. M., or Workers Party for Marxist Unification, with high treason, 


esploiKijje and "ominous activities." As an example of these tlie long indict- 
ment charged: ''They provoked a real revolution in Catalonia (in May 1937), 
fought against the police and even manager! to make an army division in which 
they had heen carrying on their criminal work ahandon the front."' What had 
happened was that tlie extremely independent P. O. U M. militia had refused 
to hecome absorhed in the new, uniti(>d, and reformed Peoples Army on the 
Arag6n front. 

The fact that this treason trial, held with full constitutional procedure, was 
open to the public — many traitors in tlie civil war's early days having been 
dispatched to their graves by star-chaml)er proceedings — was stressed by Barce- 
lona correspondents as significant. The leftist govermnent hoped that this trial 
would con vice influential British opinion that it is not "red." Therefore, the 
most important charge, all correspondents agreed, was not any of the capital 
charges of treason for which the seven may be shot if found guilty. It was 
the charge that tlie defendants "did all they could to give the Government 
an extremist [i. e., red] nature, which it never had and which is not the will of 
tlie Spanish people." 

Spaniards, the seven prisoners reeled off no Russian tissue of confessions, but 
denied at the top of their lungs everything except that they had all had more or 
less to do with La Batalla, the Nin newspaper which the leftist government 
suppressed for noncooperation. 

The prisoner known as Gorkin or Gomez, a revolutionist of several aliases, 
made most news in court, "Did you know" any agents of the Nazi Gestapo?'' 
asked the prosecutor, who was trying to prove that the P. O. U. M. was not really 
Marxist but Fascist. "No; I did not know any of the Gestapo," said Revolu- 
tionist Gomez, adding with the authentic Spanish touch, "but if I liad knowi 
one I would have killed him." 

This was more or less up the prosecution's alley, since the leftist government 
also wished to prove that the P. O. U. M. had attempted to kill its long-time w\ar 
minister, Indalecio Prieto, a Socialist. When asked about this, swarthy 
Prisoner Gomez shouted with the extravagant gestures and scowl of an Iberian 
who feels his honor has been touched : "I cannot contain myself on hearing 
such base charges." 

Mr. Baron. Here is an article in the New York Times headed, 
"Fate of Prisoners Splits Loyalists," which I will insert in the record. 
(The statement referred to is as follows:) 

[The New York Times, Wednesday, August 11, 1937] 

Fate of Prisoneks Splits Loyalists — Reported Murder of P. O. U. M. Chief 
Stirs Anarchists to Threaten a Revolt — Escuder Is Still in Jah. — Former 
Newspaper Man Said To Be Awaiting Trial for Treason — Cabinet Is 

London, August 10. — Further details of the perilous situation in which the 
Loyalist Government of Spain finds itself were received here today in uncensored 

The arrest of P. O. U. M. (Party of Marxist Unity) leaders, among them Jose 
Escuder, newspaper man well known in New York, the disappearance and re- 
ported assassination by Communists of Andr(^s Kin, P. O. U. M. leader, and the 
suppression of the party and its anarchist allies have precipitated a quarrel 
that has been long in the brewing. 

The P. O. U. M. press, it is said, continues to function underground and has 
flooded Catalonia with illegal handbills and bulletins. It arranged for a large 
mass meeting last week in Barcelona at which the arrests and suppression were 
protested. No disorders resulted. 

The Government finds itself between two forces — the Communists and their 
rightist allies, and former Premier Francisco Largo Caballero, the dominant 
figure of the varied group that believes the Communists are sabotaging the 
social revolution that is taking place side by side with the war against Gen. 
Francisco Franco's rel;els. 

An indication of the present drift of the struggle can be found in the incidents 
surrounding the arrest of Commander Rovira, who was in charge of the Twenty- 
ninth Division on the Aragon front. Commander Rovira, a member of the 
P. O. U. M., was ordered abruptly to report to headquarters at Barcelona. He 
was arrested there by Comnnuiists and taken to prison, although the Aragon 
offensive was then in the making. 


His release was obtained by Minister of Defense Indalecia Prieto, who also 
insisted that the Communist chief of police, Seiior Ortega, who had ordered 
Commander Rovira's arrest without consulting any member of the Government, 
be relieved of his duties. Seiior Ortega was succeeded by another Commimist, 
Gabriel Moron. 

The safety of prisoners, who are subject of bitter contention, remains in doubt 
in view of the fate of Seiior Nin. However, Fenner Brockway, general secre- 
tary of the British Independent Labor Party, a brother party of the P. O. U. M., 
said he had learned definitely that Seiior Escuder, arrested with Seiior Nin, was 
still alive and well. .Tulien Gorkin, Juan Andraded, and David Rey were about 
to be tried before a special tribunal in Valencia for high treason. 

"A woman delegate from Spain to the Independent La])or Party convention 
has received a letter telling of visits of a Spanish woman to Seiior Escuder in 
prison in Madrid," he said. 

"The conditions there were bad. He had no sleeping accommodations and had 
to lie down on damp floor boards. Although he is in poor health, he is given 
only two scanty meals of soup and bread daily, one at 3 o'clock and one at 11." 

Mr. Baron. Let me add here, or point out to tlie chairman of the 
committee again, that the purpose of bringing these documents in is 
to show what happens when the Communists get in a majority, and 
point out what the resuhs are. I pointed out Germany, Eussia, and 
Austria as examples, and now I am doing it concerning Spain. I am 
doing it in detail because now the ('ommunist contention is that since 
1935 tliey are good boys, that they are willing to work with all the 
decent elements and democratic forces, and I Avant to show that Spain 
is a living example that they have no such intention. 

I have another item I want to put in the record, and this item is in 
connection with an investigation made by the secretary of the Inde- 
pendent Labor Party of England, in Spain, and the matters he dis- 
covered concerning the terror in Spain. I will put his entire report 
into the record. 

(The statement above referred to is as follows :) 

Spanish Diary, June 23 to July 12, 1937 — Personal Report of a Visit to 


(By Fenner Brockway) 

This diary was written for the information of a limited number of Socialist 
comrades in this and other countries who were interested in my visit to Spain. 
There is nothing secret in it, but I did not flatter myself that it was of sufficient 
importance to issue publicly. 

The Daily Worker has obtained a copy (by means of which I am aware) and 
has quoted "revelations" from it as though it were a private document which I 
wanted to hide from the light of day. That is my last desire. I went to 
Spain openly and I did nothing there which I want to keep from the knowledge 
of my fellow Socialists. I am therefore making the diary available to anyone 
who cares to read it. 

There are a few matters which tiie Communist Party have raised which may 
be answered at once. 

The Communist Party insinuates that my visit to Spain was regarded M-ith 
favor by the British National Government and that I was given special facilities 
in regard to (a) my passport and visa and (&) the assistance given to me in 
Valencia by the British Charge d"Affaires. There is, of course, no truth what- 
soever in this insinuation. 

I went to Spain under exactly the same conditions as Communist Party repre- 
sentatives who visit Spain. I went as Editor of the New Leader, just as 
W. Gallagher, M. P., went as a representative of the Daily Worker and as, I 
presume, Harry Pollitt went. I was asked to sign the same declaration that 
the Communist Party representatives signed, namely, that I would not take 
part in the civil war on either side. The British Government gave me no 
more facilities than it gave to the leaders of the Communist Party. 


I received from the British Chnrjje d'Affnires no more assistnnce than he 
gives to auy British citizen wIjo goes to Spain in a rei^resentative capacity. I 
went to him for the rontine pnrpose of obtaining introductions to Ministers; 
that is a normal thing to do and does not involve any obligations on either 
side. Communist leaders have done it dozens of times in different countries. 
Indeed, they are so well in with the Chancelleries and Embassies in Europe 
these days that one is amused that they should voice this criticism. 

So far from the British Charge d'Affaires seeking to assist me in. the purpose 
of my visit, my diary shows that he endeavoured to dissuade me from raising 
with the Si)anish Ministers the question of the P. (). U. M. prisoners. I did it, 
not with Iiis lielp, but despite his presence. An incidental point. With its usual 
disregard for truth the Daily Worker states that I spent the "greater part" of 
my time in Valencia with the British Charge d'Affaires. As this diary sliows, 
I was in Valencia 5 days and I spent less than 1 liour with the Charge d'Affaires. 
I spent the rest of the time with the \M)ikers and their organizations — with the 
C. N. T. and the U. G. T., the two Trade Unions, and at the C. N. T. hotel. 

The Daily Worker has made a show of being amused because I found the 
Hotel Continental at Barcelona "disturbingly bourgeois." The joke is against 
the Communist Party. Up to the end of last year the Hotel Continental was a 
resort of working-class militiamen. The bourgeois did not dare to show them- 
selves in Barcelona then. The hotel only became "bourgeois" following tlie rise 
of the Communist Party to a position of dominating influence and the conse- 
quent retreat of the social revolution. But there was one period even since then 
when the hotel reverted to its proletarian character. During the three days of 
the May Resistance, whilst the workers were on top. the waiters discarded 
their boiled shirts and went about their duties like ordinary workers. It was 
only when the Commiuiist Party recovered control that the boiled shirts were 
donned once more. 

The old school tie has been a symbol of Toryism. I present the boiled shirt 
to the Communist Party as a symbol of its defence of "bourgeois democracy" 
in Spain. 

There is one cpialifying word which I wish to add to this diary. It is a 
record of my exi^eriences and not an analytical political document. If it were 
fin attempt to analyze the political situation in Spain it would be necessary to 
point out that the repression of the social revolution reflects not only the mis- 
take of the Communist Party in substituting "bourgeois" democracy for Socialism 
as the alternative to Fascism, but equally the mistake of the Right Wing 
Socialists who as Social Democrats accept the same line. It is one of the 
ironies of the present situation that the Social Democrats and the Communists 
have become bedfellows. 

August 24, 1937. 

Person AT, Rkpori' of Visit to Spain 
By Femier Brockway 

Wednesday, June 23. — Telegram received from Simone Kahn, of the French 
Committee for the defence of the Spanish Revolution, saying that a deputation 
of Deputies was waiting to leave for Spain and that it was important that 
British M. P.'s should join it. Sinuiltaneously Press Association reported that 
Spanish Government had begun proceedings against John McNair. Consulted 
Maxton who took view vrith Stephen that I should proceed at once to Spain. 
Visa secured. * * * Later telegram received from McNair showing that he 
was on French side of frontier. 

Thursday, June 2.J. — Flew to Paris. Met by representatives of French Com- 
mittee, German S. A. P. and Italian Socialist Party. Stated that uncertain 
whether delegation would leave that night. Obtained French visa. McNair tele- 
phoned fiom Perpignan. Arranged to meet him tliere. Met French Committee, 
but arrangements for delegation uncertain. 

Friday, June 25. — Went to Second International Executive. Saw Jean Longuet 
who promised to raise question of 1'. O. U. M. suppression, (.'ailed on Robert 
Longuet (Jian's son) who agreed to Join deputation as lawyer. Telephoned 
press statement to London about McNair. Met Italian Socialist Party represen- 
tatives, including Martini, just back from Barcelona. He will be new secretary 
of International Youth Bureau, to be transferred from Barcelona to Paris. Met 
Mrs. Esquador, American wife of La Batalla Editor. Husband in prison. Met 
French Committee. Still uncertain about deputation. Longuet compelled to 


withdraw. Paul Rives, Socialist deputy, had promised to come, but he was 
not ill Paris, etc. Decided to proceed to Perpiguau without deputation and 
await instructions there. Left by night train for Perpignan. 

Haturdaif, June 26. — Met at Perpignan by INIcNair and Stafford Cottman, of 
1. L. P. ctaitingent. Saw later Eric and Eileen Blair, staying in small seaside 
village nearby. Saw German who was in prison with Smillie. Confirmed state- 
ment of Bob's illness. Sent article with their information to N. L. Saw off 
McNair and Cottman for London. Arranged that McNair should concentrate on 
international protests against P. O. U. M. suppression and International Com- 
mission to Spain^ — either from Paris or London. Should go to London to report 
and to speak at Smillie Memorial Meeting. 

SuiKfai/, June 27. — Telegram from Simone saying deputation would fly to Mar- 
seiUes on Tuesday. Instructions to follow. Had midday meal in home of 
Forgas, P. O. U. M. enthusiast. Waited about. 

Monday, June 28. — No wire fi'om Paris. Met Eric and Eileen Biair. Learned 
that most of contingent wanted to return. See E. and E. off to London. 

Tuesday. June 29. — No word from Paris. Decided to go Barcelona myself. 
Wired to this effect to Paris. Left by night train. 

Wednef<day, June SO. — Travelling to Barcelona. P. O. U. M. posters in Port- 
Bou. Excitement in train because C. N. T. had withdrawn from Catalan Gov- 
ernment. Much support of P. O. U. M. Went to Hotel Continental at Barcelona. 
Disturbingly bourgeois. 

Thursday, July 1. — Breakfasted with David Crook. Belonged to Fabian Nurs- 
ery, joined International Brigade, wounded, remained in Barcelona for journal- 
ism. Put me in touch with useful people. Went to C. N. T. Met Souchy, Sec- 
retary cf International Department. Met Regional Committee and editors of 
Soli. C. N. T. paper. Put purpose of visit to them. Very sympathetic and agreed 
that Souchy, who speaks excellent English, should accompany me to Valencia in 
C. N. T. car. 

Met in hiding Landau (German, P. O. U. M. supporter), Eva Sittig (German 
C P. O. ) — her husband in iirison — and Mulins, one of two P. O. U. M. Executive 
not in prison. The other is Max Petal (who came to I. L. P. conference as 
Juan IViatteo), but liiere is anxiety about him because absent for 2 hours. 
Mulins states that spirit of P. O. U. M. membership is 'magnifique.'' Although 
E. C. and '2'A) leading Barcelona ofncials, in addition to 80 foreign supporters,, 
have been arretted, Party continues to function. Representative conference held 
of all Catalonian and Castellon branches which appointed new Executive. New 
local officials appointed. Eighty thousand leaflets distributed in factories, etc. 
Hopes of illegal pi'inting of La Batalla. 

Suppression of P. O. U. M. is C. P. inspired and conducted. Carried out by 
Police who are almost entirely C. P. controlled and largely C. P. manned. Gov- 
ernment is ignorant of much that they do. When foreign supporters of 
P. O. U. M. are examined by police C. P. members of same nationality are present 
and take opportunity of imprisoning opponents in their countries of C. P. linc^. 

Rumours that Nin has been shot. He, Gorkin, and Andrade taken to Madrid^ 

Important authoritative information that all non-C. P. members of Catalan 
Government protested to Valencia against P. O. U. M. suppression and particu- 
larly against imprisonment of Nin, who is great Catalan author. These in- 
cluded Companys, President, Liberals, Peasant Union representative, C. N. T. 
representatives and even Vidiella, of U. G. T. Miravielles, Liberal Head of 
Catalan Propaganda Department, took this protest to Valencia. M. told Valen- 
cia that in the view of Catalan Government the document alleged to have been 
found in the Chilean Embassy was false and in any case Nin was not designated 
bj'^ "N." The Valencia government acknowledged that "N" did not necessarily 
mean Nin. 

Suppression of l\ C). U. M. superficially thorough. Government forces have 
taken possession of all P. O. U. M. buildings, including red aid headquarters and 
Maurin Library and Institute. In all localities possession taken of buildings. 
Falcon Flotel. P. O. U. M. headquartei's, has been turned into (government prison 
where, ironically, P. O. U. M. members are confined. Action has been taken 
against the Barcelona administrative Committee of the Lenin Division at the 
Front, and Rovira, its chief, as well as Capt. Georg Kopp, have been arrested. 
Learn there is a great unrest as consequence. 

Saw press representatives. Saw Norwegian and Swiss repre ;entatives of 
Socialist papers (girls, accompanied by a German and an American speaking 
boy), suspect they are Trotskyists. Heard later that the Swiss girl and German 
boy ha<] been arrested. The other two had got across the frontier. Went to 


"Soli" printing works. Old monastery taken over by C. N. T. M(»tk'rn niachiuea 
iu clean, open rooms. Print 200,00i> — largest circulation in Spain, a-dxe inter- 
view to be printed after I leave — all editorial l)oard jnesent. 

Should have nientiom^d above that <\ N. T. regional committee building is 
magniticent seven-story building, monumental, three lifts, etc. Taken over from 
largest Spanish capitalist concern on July 19. This is appropriate, because 
C. N. T. is now largest industrial concern in Spain. 

At 2 a. rn. started with Soucby for Valencia. ]Mad dri\e on precipitous roads. 
Stopped 20 or 30 times by military controls, who examined passports, etc. 

Just before leaving Barcelona the French delegati<m arrived. It came to 
Perpignan t!ie day after I left and consists of two journalists and a lawyer, with 
authcrity from the SeiriO Feder;\tion of the Socialist Party, ihe Conmiittee for 
the Defence of the Spanish Revolution, the League for Human Rights, etc. 
Arranged that it should meet me in Valencia. 

Before leaving Barcelona sent express letter to ^linister of Interior, saying 
that delegation was coming and asking for immediate action to safegitard 
P. O. U. M. prisoners. 

Friday, Juhj 2. — Went to C. N. T. national conunittee. Magniticent premises 
expropriated from a Marquis. Vazquez, general secretary, only 29, building- 
trade worker. Exceptional man. Promised his full cooperation. Sent tiuely 
worded protest to Government. It was not allowed to be published in papers, 
although C. P. papers contain wildest attacks on P. O. U. M. as Fascist organi- 
sation and demanding death penalties. C. N. T. decided that its lawyer, S. 
Pabon, member of Cortes for Saragossa, should act as defecse lawyer. Vasquez 
confirmed invitation to a British workers' deputation and said C. N. T. would 
give hospitality and protection in Spain. 

V. recommended that I should go to British Charge de'Affaires for introduction 
to Ministers. He concurred that persecution was C. P. conspiracy to crush 
■opposing political sections, and said that the C. P. had deliberately secured con- 
trol of the police for this purpose. C. N. T.-F. A. I. members were also being 

Saw British Charge d'Affaires, Mr. Leche. He promised to fix interviews with 
Ministers and to accompany me as interpreter. The latter a little embtirrassing, 
as should have difficulty in asking Charge d' Affaires to be even a gramophone 
spokesman of P. O. U. M. defence. 

Learned that Minister of Interior (S. Zugazagoita) had gone to Madrid to 
enquire into situation of Nin and other P. O. U. M. prisoners and into the charges 
brought by Madrid police. Negrin, Prime Minister, also in Madrid. Therefore 
asked to see Foreign Secretary (Giral). 

The French delegation arrived. 

Saturday, July S. — Air raid during the night. French delegation accompanied 
me to Caballero. He was personally entirely sympathetic. Said that C, P. ia 
using every means to destroy its political opponents, not refraining from manipu- 
lating "justice" and power over police. His supporters were also being arrested 
on the slightest excuses and w^ere being disposed from administrative and mili- 
tary positions. 

He was not able to respond as easily as the C. N. T. to the suggestions for 
action. He has a difficult C. P. position to meet in the G. N. T. — he has a majority 
on the E. C. and in the membership (900,000 against 600,000), but on the National 
Council the C. P. and right Socialists have a slight majority. He stated, how- 
ever, that he had had a huge pile of protests against the persecution of P. O. U. M. 
both from sections of the U. G. T. and from working-class organizations abroad. 
As w^e sat with him a telegram came from Norman Thomas in the name of the 
American Socialist Party. He insisted on importance of international pressure 
on a broad scale, including trade unions 

Discussed with C. question of unity on a basis of a class fight, aiming at social 
revolution. He said tiiat C. N. T. and U. G. T. are trying to find a basis of 
immediate common action. I should have mentioned earlier Vazquez's view. 
He is in favour of (.-. N. T. and U. G. T. unity and is negotiating conunon action 
on an immediate program. The inclusion of the left Socialists and P. O. U. M. 
was more difficult. Easiest method to secure class unity was on a trade-union 
basis. It was most possible to cooperate with the left Socialists through the 
U. G. T. and, as for the P. O. U. M., the first step must be to recover legality for 
it. V. reported that in opposition to the C. N. T. demand for trade-union tmity, 
the C. P. was advocating the political unity of the Socialist Party and the C. P. 
throughout Spain on a basis similar to that of the P. S. U. C. in Catalonia. The 


C. P. would be likely to dominate such political unity, but would be in a minority 
in trade-union unity. 

I found Jater tiiat the P. O. I^. M. was advocating common action by the C. N. T. 
and U. G. T. and the formation of a G. N. T.-U. G. T. Government as the next step. 

In the evening I saw the Renter's and Times' correspondents. 
. Sunday, July .^. — Nothing doing in the way of interviews, so went out with 
Souchy to see a Collective at Segorbe. That is a different but very interesting 
story. Two points liave some relevance. At Segorbe the C. N. T. has 2,000 mem- 
bers ; the U, G, T. has less than 203. Yet the Valencia Government has imposed 
<^qual representation for the U. G. T. on the Municipal Council. 

!?^econd point: There was no C. P. in the town (7,000 inhabitants), but a meet- 
ing was organised from outside and a delibenite appeal was made to the more 
well-to-do peasants and the shopkeepers to join the C. P. on the ground that it is 
•opposing collectivisation and is defending their right to property. This confirms 
w^hat H. N. Brailsford has written on the same point. 

Monday, July 5. — Saw the Foreign Secretary, Giral, with the British Charge 
d'Atfaires. i had to approach the subject from a British angle — that is, from the 
I. L. P. standpoint rather than from that of the International Bureau. The 
Oharge d'Affaires tried to make me steer clear of -the P. O. U. M. I opened with a 
summary of I. 1.. P. help against the Fascists, and then said how disturbed we 
had been by the arrest and death of Bob Smillie, the charges against McNair, 
and the suggestion in Spanish C. P. papers that the I. L. P. is in /league with the 
F'ascists. I stated frankly that the I. L. P. had given help through the P. O. U. M. 
because it is our brother party and that we did not believe that P. O. U. M. was 
any more Fascist than the I. L. P. 

Giral (a Liberal typical bourgeois statesman) regretted the unfortunate cir- 
•ctmistauces of the death of Smillie, regretted that McNair had become involved 
in internal issues, and paid a ti'il)ute to the help of the I. L. P., vv'hich no one 
ought to suggest was Fascist. 

On the question of the P. O. U. M. he made the important statement that there 
was no intention to charge it as a pro-Fascist organisation (though the Censor 
allows the C. P. pi ess to do this daily). The charges against the P. O. U. M. 
are limited to two things — the Fascists have placed spies within it, and its 
leaders incited the Barcelona "rising" and encouraged the workers to retain 
their arms. He did not explain why, if there is no charge against the P. O. U. M. 
as an organisation, an attempt is being made to suppress it as an organisation. 

I also raised the question of members of the I. L. P. Contingent who might 
want to return home. I asked that no obstacles should be put in their way of 
obtaining discharges from the Army and permission to cross the frontier. The 
Foreign Secretary resisted in principle, but agreed that individual cases should 
be considered. (Later I heard that eight men who desired to go home had 
obtained their discharges and visas.) 

Whilst I was seeing the Foreign Minister, the French delegation was making 
contact with the Ministries of the Interior and Justice through the defending 
lawyer. They arranged an interview with S. Pabon, at which I was present. 
He had been given an assurance by the Minister of the Interior that Nin and 
the other P. O. U. M. leaders were alive. Five were in Madrid — Nin, Gorkin, 
Andrade, Bonnet (treasurer), and Esquador (editor of La Batalla). 

An important point brought out in this discussion was that the defending 
lawyer had never heard of the alleged letter abotit "N" said to have been found 
iu the Chilean Embassy at Madrid. In his conversation about the charges 
against the prisoners it had never been mentioned by the Minister of Justice. 
Later in the evening, during a talk with the Times correspondent, Mr. Lawrence 
Fennsworth, I learned something of significance abotit this mysterious document. 
When it was handed to the Press by the Government Press department (under 
Communist direction), it was explained that it was not being handed to them 
officially on behalf of the Government but that its use by the Press wottld be 
welcomed. Under such circumstances the Foreign Press correspondents, other 
than the Communists, unanimously decided not to use it. They sacrificed a good 
story as a matter of principle; they were not going to distribute a grave charge 
of this character if the Government itself declined to take responsibility for it. 

But to return to the interview with the lawyer. We decided to ask the Minister 
of the Interior for certain written assurances. We were told that he would be 
returning to Valencia the following morning and that we cotild then interview 
him and the Minister of Justice together. 


Tucsdaij, JvJii G. — Tlie Minister of the Interior did not return from Madrid,, 
but spoke on the telephone to the defending hiwyer regarding; the a8snran<*es 
wliieh we had requested. He gave the following assurances: 

(1) The five P. O. U. M. leaders in Madrid are alive. 

(2) Tliey will be brought to Valeneia within 3 days. 

(3) The charges against them will be conimunicaled to the delendiug lawyer 
by the end of the week. 

(4) The trial will be held in public. 

(5) The trial will be by the normal method of the i'opular Tribimals and not 
by any special or military Court. 

These assurances covered all the points which we had put. except a request for 
permission for a foreign lawyer to attend as observer. 

The Minister agreed that these assurances should be given personally to our 
delegation the following day and that they should be put in writing in a letter 
to the defending lawyer. 

Since I was to return to Barcelona during the night. I wrote a letter to the 
Minister of Justice associating myself wirh tlse 1^'rench delegation and repeating 
the demands we had agreed upon. 

There were three other interviews this day to which reference should be made — 
the tirst with ^Irs. Nin and Mrs. Bonnet (Mrs. (4(»rkin and Mrs. Andrade are in 
prison) ; the second with the Valencia P. O. V. ]M. Executive (in great spirit and 
activity) ; and the third with the President of the Government of Aragon. Mrs.. 
Nin and Mrs. Bonnet were movingly grateful to the International Bureau, the 
I. L. P., and the French Committee for sending the delegation ; the Valencia 
P. O. I"^. ]M. Executive reported, as the Barcelona comrades had dv,ue previously, 
that the Party continued to f urictiou : whilst the Aragon I'resident gave further 
evidence of how the Valencia Goverinnent is seeking to depose revolutionaries 
for bourgeois democrats. As the elected President of Aragon, he had functioned 
as the delegate of the Valencia Government. But he was C. N. T. and had. 
therefore, been threatened with replacement by a moderate U. G. T. nominee of 
the Government. He reported that in Aragon collectivisation was operating well, 
with the support of the majority of the peasants, but the C. P. are opposing it and 
are seeking to rally the peasants with larger properties against it. 

The delegation dealt with one further matter — that of the foreign prisoners. 
We found that the Embassies and the Minister of the Interior were prepare<l 
to consider representations regarding British and French nationals, as our dele- 
gation came from those two countries, but were not willing to consider repre- 
sentation about other nationals. It was in vain that i insisted I am Secretary 
of the International Bureau or that the French comrades put the point that they 
were internationalists. After consideration we decided to take up the cases of 
the prisoners on the limited national basis, because (a) even limited ameliora- 
tion would be welcome, (&j any liberation we could secure would be a precedent, 
and (c) we hoped that our delegation would be followed by a broader one from 
other countries which could take up the cases of other nationalities. 

I had information about only two British subjects under arrest for political 
offences — "William Krehm, a Toronto neo-Trotskyist, and of Ethel MacDonald, 
of Glasgow, an Anarchist. I got the British Charge d'Alfaires to give me an 
introduction to the Minister of Interior, and In his absence in Madrid obtained 
from his first secretary a letter on the matter to tlie Valencia Delegate of Public 
Order at Barcelona. Both the British pvisoners are in Barcelona gaols. 

TV^e met a delegation from the Twenty-ninth Division sent to protest to the 
Valencia Government against the arrest of its Commanding Officer. Col. Rovira. 
The soldiers had sent delegates to a Council representing the Division which had 
decided to telegraph Prieto. the War Minister. They showed us the reply tele- 
gram from Prieto, which was to the effect that the arrest had taken place 
without his authority or knowledge and that no one in the War Ministry was 
aware of it or the reasons for it. He promised to make an enquiry. It is surely 
unprecedented that a Commanding Officer at the Front sh<aild be arrested by 
the police without consultation with the Minister of War. Dissatisfied, the 
Council of soldiers of the Twenty-ninth Division had decided to send a deputation 
to the Government. 

Wednesday, JuJij 7. — At 4 a. m. Souchy and I were to leave by car for Barce- 
lona. At 3 a. m. I found Vasquez, the C. N. T. secretary, still working, and I 
went to say good-liye. He was very angry about a leaflet Miiich had been dis- 
tributed calling for a gc^ncral strike in non-war industries and for the solidarity 
of the C. N. T. and the P. O. U. M. He agreed that the leaflet might have been 
issued as a provocation by the Communists, but warned me that it had been 


necessary for the C. N. T. to repudiate it and to make clear that, whilst it stood 
for justice for the P. O. U. M., it must not be identified with the P. O. U. M. 

I asked to see a copy of the leaflet. At the bottom was printed : "Issued by 
the Bolshevik Leninists (Fourth International)." 

I was nearly an angry as Vasquez. The leaflet threatened to destroy the work 
which had been done to bring about the cooperation of the C. N. T. I did not 
dispute the right of the B-Ls to publish what they want ; I was angry with their 
stupidity which would disgrace the inmates of a home for mentally deficient 


I explained to Vasquez the difference between the B-Ls and the P. O. U. M., 
and he became less angry. The statement issued subsequently by the C. N. T. 
was reasonable, though I anticipate that the Communists will use it as 'C. N, T. 
repudiation of P. O. U. M." I left a letter for the P. O. U. M. E. C. urging an 
immediate explanation to Vasquez of the origins of the leaflet. I learned subse- 
quently that the P. O. U. M. had issued a leaflet repudiating the B-L leaflet. 

Back in Barcelona about tea time, and then a new complication. Eight mem- 
bers of the I. L. P. contingent were in Barcelona to return home. Their reasons 
were twofold: (a) Bob Smillie's imprisonment and death, and (b) the "liquida- 
tion" of the Revolution, reflected, among other things, in the repression of 
P. O. U. M. I was glad to find that the eight men had all got their official dis- 
charges from the Army and also temporary identification papers and visas. It 
was fortunate that I was in Barcelona. Although John McNair had made very 
complete arrangeinents with the British Consul to cover their financial needs, 
there were inevittibly some unexpected demands. There are now only two mem- 
bers of the contingeiit at the Front — Mark Wilton and Jock Ritchie. 

Visited the hiding place of the P. O. U. M. members and foreign supporters. 
Relieved to find Max Petal there. 

Went to the Valencia Delegate and presented my letter from the Minister of 
the Interior. He promised to let me know by 8 p. m. whether Krehm and Ethel 
MacDonald would be released. If not, I could visit them. Returned at 8 p. m. ; 
waited to 9 : 30 p. m. Told they would probably be released tomorrow. 

Discussed P. O. U. M. policy with Max Petal and Barcelona P. O. U. M. leaders. 
Was encouraged to find that they are refraining from impossible proposals and 
are taking the sensible line of advocating a C. N. T.-U. G. T. Government. This 
would be a Workers' Front Government and would be an advance. It would 
allow the P. O. U. M. to become legal again. The demand has the advantage of 
being realistic. Such a Government may easily become a fact, and it's good that 
the P. O. U. M. should through its illegal leaflets be pushing the idea. It also 
has the advantage of making an appeal to the C. N. T. and non-Communist 
U. G. T. membership. 

Thurfiday, July 8. — French delegation arrived from Valencia. They tell one 
of the funniest stories surely in revolutionary history, but unfortunately it 
must not be broadcast yet awhile. They met the Minister of Justice who 
repeated the assurances telephoned by the Ministry of the Interior and also 
put them in a letter to the defending lavvyer. The one point on which we have 
not got satisfaction is that the Government does not regard a foreign lawyer 
as an observer as necessary or i)ermissi'ole in view of the normal procedure to 
be adopted at the trial. The letter is also unsatisfactory on the point of the 
trial procedure. The telephoned assurances had stated that the trial would be 
by Popular Tribunal. Tlie letter states that it will be by the normal legal pro- 
cedure, and it may be that in espionage or conspiracy cases the Popular Tribunal 
is not the "normal" Court. Tiie French delegation has arranged that the lawyer 
shall take up this matter and that they shall telephone the lawyer before leaving 
Spain, both relating to this and to make sure that the promises regarding the 
return of tlie prisoners to Valencia and the definition of the charges to the 
lawyers had been fulfilled. 

The Minister of Justice, the delegation reports, had scarcely hidden his view 
that the wholesale arrests and exaggerated charges are a conspiracy by the 
police — that is by the Communists. He clearly resents the way in wiiich they 
have taken so much authority into their hands. One phrase he used was: 
"My good friend, tlie police are the enemy — for you and for me." The Minister 
is a Basque Liberal. 

I do not want to overemphasize the value of the concessions made. They 
may prove an illusion. The promise of a public trial, for instance, will have 
less value because of the censorship which will operate on the Press reports 
both in Spain and foreign countries. The indefiniteness of the letter on tlie 

9i93]— 39— vol. 4 12 


nature of the Tribunal is also disturbing. The Communists have a stroug 
hold on the judicial administration and will use it to the utmost. 

On the other hand, the assurances clearly reflect the doubts in the minds 
of the Ministers and the effect of the pressure from both within and without 
Spain. The least we can say is that that pressure, if continued and increased 
should yiekl a better result than we feared at one time. It is imperative that 
r»ur delegation sliouhl be regarded as provisional. Anotlier and more repre- 
sentative delegation sJiouid come to Spain as soon as possible. 

Went to Falcon Hotel, once P. O. U. M. premises, now a prison. Joaquin 
Manrin's photograph still on the walls. Saw Ethel MacDonald. Must describe 
this scene elsewhere. Also saw Stevens, a Dutch Anarchist boy. He says 
conditions in previous prison almost unbelievably l)Jid. 150 men in one 
large room with one W. C. and wasiiing basin for all of them. Excrement, lice, 
and dirt. Stuffiness and heat. The diet is starvation for those v»ho have not 
friends to bring food. Two plates of soup and two pieces of bread a day. 
The position of thirty members of the international Brigade specially hard. 
They have no friends, personal or political. They are rotting and iialf starved. 
Include many nationalities. 

Later in evening henrd that Ethel MacDonald has been released. Tiie French 
delegation has got permission to visit all French prisoners but nothing can be 
done for other nationalities until we get repre<=:ei'.tatives from their conntrios 
here. German and Italian prisoners are in specially bad position. 

Went to see two C. N. T. films with a view to possibility of I. L. P. use. 
Not good. They promised better ones at 9 a. m. tomorrow. 

Friday, July 9. — Went to see films in delightful C. N. T. developing and 
copying institute. Films better, and one — The Bombing of Apuis — really good. 
Will go into the question of using it in Britain and of cutting and coordinating 
the other films. 

Heard that Krehm is free. Good. That's both the British prisoners for 
whom I've acted released. But also hear that 21 political prisoners at the 
Corsiga — headquarters of the police — are on hunger strike. Not British and 
cannot intervene directly. Sent a telegram to Minister of Interior. Some are 
French, and such the French delegation will see. 

Go by car to Frontier with Souchy, who is off on a trip to Sweden. Ar- 
range that he shall send me particulars re films. Talk mucli of continued co- 
operation of I. L. P. and C. N. T. 

I am turned back at Frontier because my passport has not been stamped 
at Barcelona. Souchy must go on. Reach Barcelona again 10 p. m. and 
sleep at Souchy 's office. 

Saturday, July 10. — I'm glad I was turned back. Go to see Valencia Delegate 
of Public Order, who phones Frontier to let me pass without obstruction. Take 
Max Petal with me. He crosses the Frontier easily. It was planned that he 
should go to Paris to help organise international action on behalf of P. O. U. M. 

This report has been written so far in the train all the night through. I 
did not make a note in Spain and thought it best to write whilst my memory 
is fresh. 

Sunday, July 11. — By a misunderstanding McNair misses me. Imperative 
to see him and must wait until tomorrow. Address French committee in 

Monday, July 12. — Spend useful day making plans with McNair and Petal. 
Propose the following: 

(1) Formation of nntional Committees on a broad basis, coordinated by an 
international Committee, to demand justice for P. O. U. M. 

(2) Preparation of strong representative commission, including Social D».'nio- 
crats and Trade Unionists, to follow up work of our delegation. 

(3) Sending of a permanent international commission to Spain composed of 
as many different nationals as possible to watch interests of foreign Socialists in 
Spain. German and Italian representatives wanted urgently. 

(4) Exploration of idea through British M. P.'s and French Deputies of a 
League Pcnver acting in Spain for (ierman and Italian refugees. Ol)viously 
impossible to act through German and Italian Government machinery. A League 
Commission is responsible for refugees and it is logical that this should extend 
to their protection in Spain. 

(5) Immodiate preparation of rank and file delegations to accept invitation 
from C. N. T. to examine the situation. 

(G) Stimulation of protest from all countries and all possible organisations to 
l)e sent to Valencia Government. 


Discussed with McNair and Petal the te(hiiical methods of doing tliis. Sug- 
gested that MeNair should stay in Paris to establish effective means for the 
agitation and that he should then j-eturn to London, leaving Petal to carry on. 

Had interview with two members of the Communist Right Opposition, includ- 
ing Thalheimer. Their i)oiicy now approximates to that of the I. L. P. and the 
International Bureau. Discussed basis for international conference later in the 
year, Thulheimer promised to come to Summer School during second week in 
Augu.^t when i>lnns for such a conference will be discussed. 

Saw American comrade who may l>e right man for permanent international 
<'ommission in Spain. 

Caught night train for London. 


(1) The suppression of P. O. U. M. was stimulated by the Communist I'arty 
and carried out by the Communist-directed police. 

(2) Non-Communist members of both the Valencia and Catalan Governments 
are disturbed by the extent to which the Communist conspiracy has gone. 

(3) The C. N. T. is unitedly opposing persecution of the P. O. U. M. Largo 
Caballero and the left Socialists in the U. G. T. are opposed to suppression of 
P. O. ^'. M.. but Conjmunist strength in U. G. T. makes their position difficult. 

(4) Forces are gathering for revolt against Communist Party policy. This 
may mean C. N., T.-U. G. T. Government in time. 

(5) Whilst concessions regarding the trial have been obtained by our delega- 
tion, tremendously important to maintain uiternational pressure on behalf of 
P. O. U. M. 

(6) Action can be taken for foreign Socialists only by their nationals. There- 
fore urgent that pei-manent international commission should go to Spain, German 
and Italian representatives immediately necessary. A League Power should 
represent German and Italian refugees in Spain. 

(7) International agitation should be carried on as agreed by McNair, Petal, 
and myself. International Commission should proceed to Spain to follow up the 
work of our delegation. 

(8) The P. O. U. M. is carrying on magnificently under illegal conditions. It 
is keeping its head and advocating a realistic policy. 

(0) Communist policy is dividing the anti-Fascist forces in Spain and seriously 
prejudicing tlie anti-Fascist struggle. 

P. S. — There are two points not brought out in my diary, but which were 
strongly impressed on me by general conversations. The first is that the men 
at the Front are in a revolutionary mood, are bitter about the profiteering and 
easy-going atmosphere behind the lines, and resent the divisions in the anti- 
Fascist forcies. At the end of the struggle they are likely to be the main force in 
carrying through a Social Revolution. 

Secondly, it is evident that the retreat from a revolutionary position by the 
Governments is encouraging disillusionment and even indifference to the war. 
Spanish experience shows that an effective war against Fascism must also be a 
war for the Social Revolution. This is the dynamic of enthusiasm, and as the 
counter-revolution in Spain has proceeded the passion for the fight against Franco 
has decreased. 

Mr. Baron. Here is an article entitled "I Am Exposed As a Spy." 
wliich I will also put in tlie record. 

(The statement above referred to is as follows :) 

[From Socialist Call, Saturday, December 18, 1937] 
I Am Exposed As a Spy 

By Liston Oak 

We talked also t«» Charlie and Adelaide Walker, close personal friends with 
whom we were associated on the executive board of the Theater Union. Of course, 
we knew that, although they were not members of the Trotskyist organization, 
they were Trotskyist sympathizers. But we did not feel as the good Stalinists do, 
that discussing political questions with revolutionists with differing opinions is 
a crime — like a good Christian having intercourse with Satan. We then defended 
the idea that the Comintern was not hopeless ; that, in fact, the only hope was a 


change in lino of the C. P., for we did not believe that the Trotskyist^ were 
capable of building a mass revolutionary party, nor did we have faith in the 
Socialist Party or the Lovestoueites or any other group. We saw the Comintern 
at that time as the only organization capable of leading a successful revolution — ' 
if it would rectify its colossal mistakes. 

A mu IF 

Ye« ; I had doubts. But 1 wanted to be certain. For nearly 9 years 1 hud 
given almost all my time and energy to the C. P. as a paid functionary, a profes- 
sional revolutioiiist. I had been director of publicity for the national office of the^ 
C. P. for election campaigns and strikes and the Gastouia irial ; I had been 
manager of the Workers' Library Publishers ; editor of Soviet Kussia Today for 
3 years; editor of Fight for a year; the party representative on the board of the 
Theater Union; I had worked on the editorial staff of the Daily Worker; and I 
had made several national tours lectui-ing for various Comnuinist-led "innocent'^ 

1 had almost no interests, no personal life, outside the party ; I glorified it and 
gave it my loyalty, justifying its mistakes. 

WENT 10 Rl'SSlA 

I did not break with the C. P. lightly, but with the greatest reluctance and a 
hell of a lot of agony of heart and mind. I had to be sure. I went to Russia. I 
did not expect Utopia. I knew it was no paradise ; that socialism is not easily 
built, nor in a day, especially in a backward agricultural country surrounded by 
hostile capitalist powers. I recognized the enormous dilficulties and I knew what 
tremendous progress had been made against obstacles of all sorts. My observa- 
tions in Russia confirmed what I had read about the economic achievements. 

But unfortunately it also confirmed my worst fears about the Stalinist dictator- 
ship, the suppression of all honest opposition, and democracy and civil liberty 
within and outside the C. P. S. U. and the Soviets. Worst of all, I saw the great 
gulf between the bureaucracy and the masses. The reigning apparatus which 
included party members and the 'red ' army, was I'eaping the lion's share of the 
benefits of "Socialist" construction. I saw that party members were living in 
terror, that all independent thinking, all intellectual integrity had been destroyed. 

Despite this, I still hesitated. I wanted to investigate thoroughly, and accepted 
an offer of a job on the Moscow Daily News from Borodin and w^ent to Paris to 
await the necessary O. K. from the American party. I dsmt know whether or 
not it ever arrived. For after spending a couple of painful weeks in Paris in 
soul-searching uncertainty. I had decided to go to Spain instead, where I was 
sure I could serve the revolution better than in Moscow. I was still unwilling to 
make the break. 

The only Communist credentials I had was my record as a C-ommunist, known 
to Spanish comrades, and the only letter was one from that staunch Stalinist, 
Ivouis Fischer, to Alvarez del Vayo. He approved my proposals and I 
organized and directed a bureau for propaganda in the United States and Eng- 
land for the Valencia Government. I was asked to extend the work and to 
organize similar bureaus in Madrid and Barcelona. I have letters from Spanish 
governmental officials thanking me for the fine work I was doing for the anti- 
Fascist cause. I cite these facts merely to show that my activity was hardly 
that of a Fascist spy. 

After 8 months I was sick, mentally and physically, of working for the Peo- 
ple's Front, of being a cog in the Stalinist machinery of falsification, repression, 
and reaction. I went to Barcelona to learn the truth about the P. O. U. M. and 
the C. N. T.-F. A. I., which were being reviled by the Stalinist*. 

I talked at length with Andres Nin, Julian Gorki!., .lose Andrade. Joso -Escuder, 
N. ^Molines, all loaders of the P. O. U. M., and with Sonchy and other anarchists. 
I found out that what I had suspected was true — that the C. P. in the Spanish 
People's Front was playing a connterrevolutionary role, that it was kidnaping, 
torturing, and murdering revolutionists, suppressing their meetings and tuhvs- 
papers, carrying out reactionary measures to destroy the revolutionary conquests 
of the workers and peasants made in July and August 1986; blackmailing the 
other organizations in the Government by making Russian aid conditional upon control. 

T met George Mink, American Communist, who boasted about his part in 
organizing the Spanish G. P. U. and offered me a job — to put the finger on 


"imtriistworthy" comrades enteriuj; Spain to fight against fascism, such as the 
members of the British Iiidei^eudent Labor Party aud the American Socialist 
Party. The P. O. U. M. also offered me a job, but I refused both and left Spain. 
I went to London. On May 3 fighting broke out in Barcelona. I knew what 
it meant — that it was provoked by the Stalinists who figured they were strong 
enough to crush tlie P. O. U. M., the friends of Durruti and the left Socialists, 
to defeat the revolution and assume monopoly of power together with their 
allies, the right Prieto Socialists and the left Republicans. But I walked the 
streets of London debating with myself, before I made up my mind to tell the 
truth about what wii.s happening, to attack the Stalinists who had been my 


I took the step toward which I had been impelled for several years by the 
force of events, by the accumulation of overwhelming evidence, by indisputable 
facts, I could not remain in the C. P. and I could not remain silent, witht)ut 
burrending all intellectual and revolutionary integrity. I had found that "the 
work*' to which Gomez refers in his letter — the attempt to reform the Comin- 
tern — is futile. No discussion, no opposition, is tolerated any longer in the C P. 
Democratic centralism is only a memory. 

And so todaj' I am writing and speaking for the Socialist Party, for the an- 
archists, the Trotskyists, for any working-class organization and publication that 
will permit me to tell the truth about Spain as I see it. 

While it was painful to break with the Comintern, it is a relief to be free to 
think and write and speak without consideration for the rigid and mechanical 
discipline of a party that is no longer revolutionary. I wear no longer the 
Stalinist uniform. I am no longer in the ranks of regimented intellectuals like 
Mike Gt)ld. I am an independent revolutionist, who is more firmly convinced 
than ever that ^Marxism and a revolutionary Socialist program is the only answer 
to the world's problems. 

Mr. Baron. Here is an article about another investigation in Spain. 
It is entitled "Terror in Spain" and the person who made this inves- 
tigation is John McGovern, a member of the English Parliament who 
went into Spain with a famous Loyalist by the name of Challaye and 
who came out and wrote of the things he found. He discovered a 
secret jail controlled only by the Communists, and when he tried to 
'enter the jail he was refused. 

In all these documents there is a story about Americans being 
involved and what they suffered, and I am going to put the document 
in as a whole, but I would like to refer to it specifically. 

John McGoA^ern refers to going into the legal jail and finding Ameri- 
cans in the jail. Also, in this pamphlet there is a statement which 
quotes the Minister of the Interior as saying that they deplored these 
things happening in Spain, but that they cannot help themselves. 
They are receiving aid from Soviet Russia. 

And when I make that statement I want everybody to understand 
that I separate the Communist terror from the Loyalist government^ 
that nobody can blame the Loyalist government any more than you 
can blame a shopkeeper when a racketeer comes in and points a gun 
at his head and says, "Put up or else." You do not blame the store- 
keeper. If you are a witness to it, you expose it. and I was a Avitness 
to racketeering in Spain by the Communist movement. The Loyalist 
government cannot help itself because it needs these vital things for 
its existence, planes, guns, bullets, and bombs, and it has only tlie 
Soviet Government to turn to for that aid. 

I want to point out again that you cannot })lame the Loyalist gov- 
ernment for what the Conununist JParty is doing in Spain, and if any- 
body thinks because I refer to the teri^or in Spain they could not 
support the Loyalist cause, I say they are mistaken and foolish, that 


that worthy cause should be supported despite the Communists having^ 
the leadership, because the cause is worth while. 

The CuAiHMAN. That ap})lies not only to Spain but also in the 
United States. 

^Ir. Baron. That is right ; and the mistake made by many indi- 
viduals in the United States is that when vou have a woith-while 
cause like the Chinese resistance against the Japanese, and the Loyal- 
ist resistance against Fascist barbarians, the Communists come along 
and organize tlieir innocent friends and other people, liberals, states- 
men. Congressmen, and those who have a powerful voice, refuse to 
have anything to do with the worthwhile cause because Communists 
have stated their position on the question, and therefore the Com- 
munists capture the imagination of the people and are able to make 
the people believe that they have a movement that is defending ih.& 
masses against reaction, and that is bad, because they are not de- 
fending the people against reaction, and in the long run they use 
that to get power, or in order to get into power, and when they do 
get power, everybody knows what will develop. 

(The matter above referred to is as follows:) 

Terror in Spain 
By John McGovern, M. P. 

Feniier Brockway went in July and was promised au early and public trial 
of the P. O. U. M. leaders. .James Maxton went in August, secured the release 
of many prisoners, and was again promised an early trial of the leaders. But 
we had had no word of the trial by the end of November and we were greatly 
disturbed, not only by continued imprisonments, but by the disappearances of 
individuals and by open threats of death to Seiior Pabon, the famous Spanish 
lawyer, who was engaged to defend the P. O. U. M. leaders. The evidence of 
Cheka brutality grew. 

It was decided therefore to send a further delegation to Barcelona, and 
Professor Feiicien Chaliaye, of Paris University, and I were asked to undertake 
the task. Our duty was to interview members of the Government, to press for 
a speedy trial or release of the P. O. U. M. leaders, to urge an amnesty for all 
anti-Fascist prisoners, to investigate their conditions in gaol, and to check up 
on the allegations of Comintern Cheka brutality and murders. 

Apart from the humane object of our mission, we believed that an amnesty 
and the ending of Cheka operations would strengthen the Workers' Front 
against Franco and his Italian and German allies. 

We can recognize to the full the value of Russian arms and the International 
Brigade, but even such help was dear at the price of the dis-astrous results of 
the disunity and military sectarianism for which the Communists have been 

In going to Spain, therefore, we were concerned not only with releasing the 
working-class anti-Fa.scist prisoners. Bound up with that objective was the 
reunion of the working-class forces agtiinst Franco and the reestablishment of 
the conditions which would permit a united military effort to defeat the Fascists. 


Our first visit when we reached Barcelona was an interview with the Minister 
of Justice, Sefior Irujo, and his brother, who is his personal secretary.^ We 
had a heart-to-heart ttilk on the question of an amnesty for the anti-Fascist 
prisoners. The ^linister, who is a Basque Catholic and a strong opponent of 
Fascism, heard our plea in a very sympathetic manner. He explained to us that 
a short time previously an amnesty had been considered by the Government and 

^ Since my n'tuni from Spain news lias come that Sefior Irulo has been deposed as 
Minister of Justice on the demand of the Communists. The incidents described in this 
pamphlet may be one of the rea.sons for this. 


that every member of the Goverimient, except the two Communists, had been 
in favor of the release of every genuine anti-Fascist prisoner. The Communists 
were violently opposed to the release of any of the prisoners, and, since the 
Communist Party were i-artners in the Popular Front coalition, it was not 
easy to act without their consent. 

Seiior Irujo stated, however, that "in spite of Communist opposition" the 
Government had been prepared to release the prisoners quietly one by one, but on 
November 21 a large demonstration of C. N. T. members and Socialist militants 
gathered outside Valencia prison and threatened to pull down the walls if the 
prisoners were not released. He added the usunl Government formula: "We 
were prepared to act, but not in response to threats of violence." 

I raised the question of the possible exchange of a Fascist prisoner for 
Joaquin Maurin, who in addition to being leader of the P. O. U. M. is a member 
of the Spanish Parliament, the Cortes. He has been "a prisoner in Franco's 
hands since August, 1936, and is now in a miltary prison at Saragossa. A list 
of prominent Fascists in Government prisons was in my hands, and I sug- 
gested that one of them, Seiior Lucia, who is lalso a member of the Cortes, 
might be exchanged for Maurin. 

Sefior Irujo replied that quite recently the Government had discussed the 
exchange of Maurin and that the Communists were alone opposed to any ex- 
change. Nevertheless, he gave me permission to approach the British Foreign 
Office with the authority of the Spanish Government and to ask it to take 
steps to facilitate an exchange. He said he would accept any nominee of the 
Insurgents in exchange for Maurin. He said I could depend on his word being 
honored. Since I returned to Britain news has come that the International Red 
Cross has been provided by the Spanish Government with a list of Fascist 
prisoners who would be exchanged for Maurin. This confirms Seiior Irujo's 
promise that the Government would be prepared to go ahead despite Communist 

We enquired if it were true that a sister of Senor Diaz, secretary of the 
Spanish Communist Party, had been exchanged for a Fascist. We were informed 
tliat the Communist members of the Government had pressed for an exchange 
not only of his sister, but of his mother also. These two women had in fact been 
safely exchanged for two prominent Franco Fascists in Government prisons. 

Seiior Irujo assured us that he was "all for freedom" and would speed up the 
machinery to assist a general amnesty. Both he and his brother hotly refuted 
the Communist lie that Andres Nin or any other P. O. U. M. leader had been in 
league with Franco. 

We next raised the question of visiting Barcelona prisons. We were given an 
official letter to the director of prisons authorizing us to enter any prison and a 
permit to see Katia Landau at Barcelona General Hospital, where she had been 
transferred after 11 days' hunger strike in the women's prison. Katia Landau's 
husband, a German anti-Fascist with a brave record in the fight against Hitler, 
had been murdered by the Communists. 


On Sunday, November 28, we went to Carcel Modelo (prison in Barcelona) and 
presented our credentials to the director of the men's prison.^ He was very 
courteous and introduced us to the Medical Officer. We were informed that 
there were 1,500 prisoners in the Modelo — 500 anti-Fascists, 500 Fascists, and 
500 criminals. 

It was Sunday and visiting hour, and we found about 500 or 600 visitors 
clamoring for admission in order to see their friends. The anti-Fascist wing of 
the prison was appropriately on the left ! We passed into the hall through a 
large iron gate about 20 by 12 feet. The prisoners had got word that we were 
coming and we had a fine reception. 

Our difficulty was that everyone wanted to tell us of their brutal treatment 
by the Cheka previous to being admitted to this prison. One Italian prisoner 
showed us a remarkable drawing which he had made depicting the method of 
torture inflicted on him in an underground cellar. He was pinned to the wall 
with his hands above his head, two guards were at his side with fixed bayonets, 
whilst a young Cheka officer had papers in his left hand and a revolver pointed 
at the prisoner's heart in his right. The Cheka officer was putting him through 

2 Since my i-eturn, the director of the Carcel Modelo has been deposed through Com- 
munist pressure. 


the third degree, chiimiiig that he had false papers, demanding to know where 
certain other comrades could be found, and tlneatening to slioot him and U» 
throw his bodj' in a sewer that passed through the cellar. The Italian had 
been through this torture for 5 or G hours at a time on a number of occasions 
before he was finally handed over to the Modelo Prison. 

Professor Challaye and I also interviewed a French subject who had been in 
the French Army and who had thrown up his position in order to fight against 
fascism in Spain. He had been made an officer in the Spanish Government 
Army and had fought outside Madrid for over 5 months. His only reason for 
being in the Modelo I^rison was that he had been rather outspoken against 
Comintern and its Cheka methods. He impressed me as a si»iendid type. He 
felt it to be a tremendous outrage that he should be kept in ]irison for over 

4 months. His demand was: "Put me on trial if I have been guilty of any 
offense, if not, I demand my liberty." 

Quite a number of the prisoners had been wounded in the war against 
Franco — and yet here they were held in prison as alleged Franco supporters! 
Our delegation was specially welcomed by the P. O. U. M. prisoners, and we 
spent an hour in the cell of Enrique Adroher Gironella. A number of prisoners 
were confined in the one cell. 

It was a real prisoners' International in the Modelo. They came from 
France, Greece, Germany, Italy, Austria. P.olgium, Holland, Switzerland, and 
America, as well as Spain. We were asked by scores of these prisoners to 
expose the operations of the brutal Cheka, with its torture, third degree, and 
death for militant Socialist fighters in Spain. 

When we made to leave the anti-Fascist wing of the prison there was a 
spontaneous surge toward the gate. The prisoners sang two C. N. T. songs 
and then the 'International," finishing with lusty cheers for the C. N. T., F. A. I., 
find P. O. U. M. The I. L. P. delegation was specially singled out for interna- 
tional recognition. Following this, there were cries of : '*Down with the brutal 
Comintern Cheka in Spain" and loud hisses. 

It was indeed an inspiring and moving sight to see these 500 anti-Fascist 
prisoners, mostly young, crowding the balconies, stairs, and hall, with their 
clenched fists raised, their eyes shining, their heads ut) and thrown back 
defiantly. Our final view was of hundreds of cheering men surging inside the 
huge iron gate. 

We saw this iron gate as symbolical of the Comintern Cheka. By such 
means it suppresses the revolutionary movement in Spain, which is deter- 
mined to change its false slogan of "bourgeois demorracy" into the slogan of 
"workers' power." The Communist International and its organized thugs are 
creating a tremendous force of antagonism. One day the storm will break and 
destroy their brutal gangsterdom. That will be a disastrous day for all who 
have supported it. 

We were asked to go quietly toward the office, as the doctor and director 
stated that they had never seen the prisoners so moved before and feared a 
revolt. On our way out we met Sefiur Fernandez, late chief of police in Bar- 
celona, and found that he had been a prisoner for SVj months in the Modelo. 
One year previously John McNair and I had received great kindness from him 
in Barcelona. Now he had been placed in prison by Burillo, his Communist 
.successor. He was imprisoned for the alleged disappearance and death of an 
official dui'ing his period of office. 


Our next visit was to the general hos|iital. where Katia Landau was a 
l>risoner and patient after her hunger strike. She had been in prison for over 

5 months; it was during her imprisoimient that her husband was seized by 
the Cheka, tortured an.d murdered. In spite of her ordeal we found her full 
of fight. She was fierce in her antagonism to the Comintern and its Cheka 
in Spain. She is a little womsin, only 4 feet 10 inches in height and 5 stone 
8 pounds in weight, but full of idealism and energy. Katia liad two armed 
guards at the h.ospital and no one could visit her without a permit. 

With her husband, Katia had fled from the Hitler terror to Paris. Both 
had a record of lieroism in the struggle against fascism. When the Spanish 
Civil War broke out they went to Spain to assist in any way possible to defeat 
Franco. Wlum arrested by the Cheka, she got a warning througli to her hus- 
band and he managed to escape, but night and day ninnerous victims were put 
through third-degree torture and threat of death in order to track Kurt Landau 


to lii.s place of hiding. A German Communist, whose name I have, is the 
Comintern Cheka oflicer. His threat was (as I subsequently heard from a 
prisoner to whom it was made) : "We must get Kurt Landau and kill him — 
he is an opponent of the Comintern and the Popular Front and a P. O. U. M. 
Trotskyist." Kurt was finally traced, seized, and murdered by order of the 
Moscow gang of thugs. 

We had raised the question of Katia's plight with the Minister of Justice. 
He told us that he had visited her in prison, dissuading her from the hunger 
strike and telling her frankly that her husband was dead. The minister 
released her the day following our visit. 8he was then in this difficulty: The 
Communists had stolen her papers, including her passport and marriage and 
birth certificates, as they always do. At our request she was given official 
papers, along with another German woman comrade, Else Homberger, who, 
despite the fact that she had a fine record of 0^2 years in the workers' struggle 
in Spain, had been kept in prison for over 5 months, including 1 month in the 
Cheka secret prison I will describe later. Else Homberger's husband had been 
at the front. AVhen he came to see his wife he was put over the froiUtier 
into France.^ 

At the women's prison, which we visited next, we found a varied group of 
anti-Pascist jirisoners. They were housed and mixed with the ordinary crimi- 
nals. There was a family of three — mother, daughter, and daughter-in-law. 
The latter's husband was fighting at the front — and she warned him to remain 
at the front as bis life would be in danger if he returned. There was a young 
German woman. Erika Gilpen, who was 6 months' pregnant. She had been 
over 4 months in prison just because she, like the others, was a member of 
P. O. U. M. 

I had a long talk with Dr. Carlotta Margulin, a German woman who could 
speak perfect P]nglish. She had been in Spain for 4 years and in prison for 
over 5 months. She was in charge of the first hospital train to the Aragon 
front and later of the Mauriii Hospital ; she had joined the P. O. U. M. and so 
was arrested. 

For the first few weeks she had been kept in the Cheka secret prison and 
had been put through the third degree for 51/2 hours; it was to her that the 
Comintern Cheka officer said that Kurt Landan must be killed. Dr. Margulin 
was threatened on many occasions before being handed over to the women's 
prison. Since my return to London I am glad to say that I have heard that she 
has been released. 


We visited the home secretary, Seiior Zugazagoitia, a right-wing Socialist. 
We had 2 hours with him. He deplored the disappearance and deaths of Andres 
Nin and Kurt Landati, and assured us that he was still having energetic 
inquiries made. He stated oi^enly that in his view the accusations that the 
P. O, U. M. leaders had been associated vvitli Franco were outrageous. 

I asked : "'How is it that Fernandez, C. N. T., chief of police in the previous 
government, is in prison for the disappearance of one official, while Burillo, 
Communist chief during the disappearance of Andres Nin, Kurt Landau, Erwin 
Wolf, Marc Rhein, Georges Tioli, and others, is free?" He could not explain 
why. In answer to an allegation of Cheka domination, he replied : "Weil, we 
have received aid from Russia and have had to permit certain actions which we 
did not like." He promised to speed up an amnesty for all genuine anti-Fascist 

We paid a visit to Seiior Miravitles, Minister of Propaganda. We saw new 
films of an attack on Madrid and offenses on Belchite and Aragon and had a 
long talk with him. He deplored the death of his friend, Andres Nin, and 
informed tis that when the arrest took place he phoned many of the ministers, 
repudiating the suggestion that Nin could have had any association or sympathy 
with Franco. He thought support of the May Days' resistance was wrong, 
but that was a difference of opinion among auti-Fascists. He had no doubt that 
Nin and others had been murdered. 


Our final visit was to the Cheka secret prison at Junta Plaza, Adraine 
Bonanova. We had been warned about this prison by many good comrades. 

8 Since I returned, following the deposition of Seuor Irujo from the Ministry of Justice,. 
Katia Landau and Else Homberger have again been arrested. 


Prisoners who had hceii in it told us of how thi^y had had to sleep ou the 
floor, men and women in Ihe same room, with guards in attendance, and no light 
at night. I could not shake olf the memory oT the picture drawn by the Italian 
comrade of his torture in the cellar with the sewer. As we approached it, the 
question in my mind was : "How many human beings have been tortured and 
murdered in this modern Inquisition?" 

When we walked up the steps of Calle Vallmajor Prison our path was barred 
by two guards with rifles and bayonets fixed in position. We presented our 
authority to visit the prison from the Director of Prisons and the Minister of 
Justice,* and word was conveyed to an inner room. In due course a further 
official appeared and he looked at our credentials with evident contempt. He 
informed us that he did not take any orders from the Director of Prisons or 
the Minister of Justice as they were not his bosses. We inquired who was his 
boss, and he gave us an address to the Cheka headquarters. His refusal to 
allow us to inspect the prison or see the prisoners was definite and complete. 

I must add that this official of the secret prison, as well as the two armed 
guards, were of a much type than any of the officials we had ijreviously 
seen. They had the look of gangsters. This was the immediate impression not 
only of myself but also of Professor Challaye. 

We proceeded to the Cheka headquarters at Puerta del Angel 24. We entered 
by a courtyard and passed through a passage to an inner room which had all 
the appearance of a detention department. We observed that there were a num- 
ber of U. S. S. R. propaganda books and Communist papers on the table, but no 
other type of book or paper. 

After a short delay a young lady entered and inquired as to our business. 
She did not conceal the fact that she knew who we were and that word had 
b-een sent on from the prison that we were on the way. She took the documents 
giving us authority to visit the prisons. In due course there appeared two 
young men, neither of whom was Spanish. Our interpreter, who has a wide 
knowledge of languages and countries, was convinced from their manner of 
speech that one was Russian and the other German. 

The Russian informed us that we could neither see inside the prison nor 
interview the prisoners. I replied that we had credentials from the Director 
of Prisons and the Minister of Justice and asked whether he was more powerful 
than the Government, adding that if we were refused admission we would be 
compelled to draw our own conclusions as to the reason. 

The two officials were evidently taken aback by this direct and challenging 
question and rets'ied again for consultation or orders. When they reappeared 
we were once more informed that we could see neither prison or prisoners. 
There was no alternative for us but to retire, but before doing so we asked 
if we could 'phone the Minister of Justice. The answer was : "No. we will 
'phone him." After a delay of 10 minutes, we were informed that Sefior Irujo 
was not at his office, but that his secretary had implored us not to press for 

Here was a direct challenge to the Government. We had intended to leave 
Barcelona immediately, but decided that we would wait and see who would 
win this battle — the Government or the Cheka. 

On the following morning we 'phoned the Minister of Justice and informed 
his secretary of our failure to see the prisoners. He replied : "You must not 
leave Barcelona with the impression that the Government do not govern this 
prison. If you will leave it to us, we will guarantee your admission." 

For a few hours we thought the Minister did rule the prison after all, but 
when, according to request, we called at his office at 12 : 30 p. m.. the secretary 
reported failure. It was clear that the Minister of Justice had not been able 
to get permission from the Cheka. Another effort was promised, and we called 
again the next day as arranged. W^e were then told by the secretary that 
alterations wei'e being made in the prison and that it was unsuitable for visits. 
I asked to see the prisoners at the door ; but it was no use. We wanted to see 
Georges Kopp, Eva Sittig, and others. 

The mask was off. We had torn aside the veil and shown where the real 
power lay. The Ministers were willing, but powerless. The Cheka was unwill- 
ing, and it had the power. We realized tliat if we pressed further we ourselves 
would be in danger. 

* See p. 2 for reproduction of the Mini.ster's letter. 



Russia has bought her way iuto Spain. In return for Russian assistance in 
• arms, Comintern has been given this tyrannical power and she uses it to im- 
prison, torture, and murder Socialists who do not accept the Communist line. 
Tliere are two International Brigades in Spain, one a fighting force, drawn 
from the Socialist movement of the world, and the other an International 
•Cheka drawn from Comintern's paid gangsters, especially from Germany and 
Italy. Lenin once said : "The leaders generally have passports in their pockets, 
but as there are not enough passports to go round, the rank and file must 
remain behind to face the dangerous enemy." 

These German and Italian Communist officials who escaped from Hitler 
.and Mussolini have now themselves adopted the Fascist methods of brutality. 

The Cheka first attempts to destroy the character of every decent working- 
class leader by slander. Then it proceeds with arrests, abductions, tortures, 
and assassinations. The victims of this murder trust lie dead in Barcelona, 
Valencia, and Madrid. Where is Andres Nin, Erwin Wolf, Mark Rhein, Georges 
Tioli, and others? Where are the many good comrades who have disappeared 
from the cities of Spain? 


"It is very hard for anyone like myself, who has taken an active part in 
Spanish events ever since the 19th of July, to break definitely all the ties that 
bind me to these activities without making a supreme effort. I had undertaken 
the work with such devotion that, strange as it may sound, I imagined that I 
had made no enemies. I had repeated to the point of monotony in all my 
conversations with the different anti-Fascist organizations, in all the meetings 
and speeches, that I was firmly convinced that only mutual loyalty, and unity 
of action and objectives, could bring us victory. * * '■' 

"Nevertheless, and this is the sad truth, the desire of certain parties, and 
especially the Communist Party, to monopolize everything has led to a situation 
full of disagreements, sordid internal struggles, and hatred — it has led to this 
wht>fi there should have been only harmony and understanding * * * 

"The concrete fact is that, resulting largely from the real and effective aid 
given by Russia to the war, the Communist Party today rules as it pleases 
the destinies of republican Spain. If it does not go further in the destruction 
•of the other political groups, it is only because at the moment this would be 
neither advisable nor advantageous to it. It still must keep up certain appear- 
iinces at home and abroad. 

"This monopoly of the C. P. means the introduction of the political methods 
<haracteristic of Russia. The disapeparance and assassination of Nin was an 
alarming and tragic symptom. The Communist organization, with the com- 
plicity of certain sections of the National Department of Police and gambling 
on the good faith of the Minister of the Interior, had him kidnapped and killed 

"Not satisfied with this, they invented a clumsy story, fitting only for children 
or idiots, according to which the one-time Secretary of the International Red 
Trade Unions was an ally of the Fascists who had snatched him from the hands 
■of the police. 

"Once launched on this path, one kidnaping succeeded another. Eager to do 
away with all those who do not submit to their designs, the Communists not 
only use violence, but what is even more disgusting, all the machinations Machi- 
avelli would have dreamed of employing against his enemies. Life, liberty, 
honor, prestige of men in the highest positions — these are no barriers to them. 
Left and right they fling calumnies against men of the purest revolutionary 
record, calling them traitors and spies, forging documents and inventing lies to 
prove their case * * *. 

"I have made my decision, but before definitely leaving Spain I felt it was 
my duty to make this explanation. Not the least of the reasons for which 
I hesitated was my desire to defend your comrades, the militants of the 
P. O. U. M., subjected to the most unjust and absurd lawsuit. If I were con- 
vinced that my staying in Spain would offer any guarantee to your comrades, 
I would not hesitate in the least to remain even against my own interests. 
Unfortunately, I have to confess that, knowing the situation as I do, all the 
<^fforts I would have been permitted to make would be useless and dangerous. 


"Recently in anti-Fascist Spain a throvy lias been adopted more ridioiilous; 
than we ever iniasinod possible in the most despotic period of the monarchy. 
This is the tlieory that a lawyer defending? a ease can for this reason Ite 
accnsed of complicity in the alleged acts of his clients. This was the ex- 
planation jiiven of the arrest and imjirisonment of certain well-known lawyers 
The Communist press clearly stated its opinion that because I was the lawyei 
for the P. O. U. M., I was as much a traitor, spy, and friend of Franco as my 
clients were alleged to be. Can you tell me what guarantees I would have 
in such an atmosphere, where calumnies are invented and documents of accu- 
sation forged overnight, that my role would not be changed from that of de- 
fending lawyer to that (>t one of the accused, without any possibility of de- 
fending myself against all the slander that they wish to heap upon my 
name? * * * 

"From here, whatever I may he outside Spain, I am ready to help you in 
giving out the true facts of the matter. I give tip everything. I go away 
completely disillusioned. To yoti I unburden my spirit, heavy v/ith the sadness 
of haA'ing to leave a country where I have worked so loyally to try to remedy, 
as much as was within my power, the injustices from which our peoT)le suffer."^ 

(The above are extracts from Senor Pabon's letter to the P. O. U. M. ex- 
ecutive. ) 

The Chairman. Your suo-irestioii would likewise apply to people 
in the various front organizations, or in organizations like the League^ 
for Peace and Democracv: thev could rid themselves of the Com- 
munist element, could they not ? 

Mr. Baron. I would say this, that inasmuch as the League for 
Peace and Democracy has gone so far as to became an instrument 
for war, I would sav it is not worth while to trv to use that instru- 
ment for peace and democracy. 

The job now is to expose all those instrumen.ts as being forces 
trying to do something its title does not imply, and therefore I. say 
that organization should be ignored, and other organizations should 
be built, like the Congress Against War, and other organizations 
that sincerely mean to keep the United States at peace. 

Anotlier article from the Socialist Call, ''Voices From Spain." 

{ The article referred to is as follows :) 

[From Socialist Call, Saturday, December 25, 1937] 
Voices From Spain 

Some weeks ago, before all left Socialists were prevented from speaking in 
Loyalist Spain, two leading representatives of the Spanish working class had 
the opportunity of addressing that working class i)ublicly. In view of the fact 
that it is highly improbable that these men will be able to speak for some time 
to come, we repiiut here a few of the significant ideas from their addresses. 

PaKCual Tomas, vice secretary of the U. G. T., gave the concluding speech at 
the convention of the National Federation of Hotel Workers of Spain. Speaking 
of the .«!lander campaigns ])eing carried out against the working-class organiza- 
tions and leaders, Tomas challenginl : 

"Give to your words the sense of defuiite accusations, accompany them with 
positive proof of whatever you charge, and if you succeed in proving a single 
one of your accusations, we shall accept without protest the verdict of con- 
demnation, lint if you do not prove them — as you will never be able to prove 
them — then we domand, in the name of working-class honor, that the pen which 
was capable of such defamation never more be granted the privilege of writing." 

After tor.ching upon the past struggles of the U. G. T.. Tomas concluded: 

"The years hav«' passed, the political regime of our Spain has changed. And 
today, when we return, as sowers of ideas, to those same towns v/hich we visited 
in other times, we ai'e suriuised to find that our greatest enemies of those days 
now come forward sheltered and protocted by an ideal which they neither feel 
nor understand nor will ever be capable of assimilating. lias the military 
rebellion had enough power of transformation to change so profoundly the men- 
talities and feelings of our traditional enemies? 

ux-a:mkui(\\n propaganda a^'tivities 2611 


'No. What has happened i.s that certain people, anxious to obliterate their 
past actions, have sought shelter in political parties which can serve them for 
their i)erverse intentions. The working class, that class which for so many 
years endured political and trade-union violence from its secular enemies, today 
doubts the sincerity of the words which they proclaim from their recently 
acquired ideological positions." 


It will be remembered that the reason given by the Communist Party for 
instigating the governmental crisis of last May was the administration of the 
Ministry of the interior by Angel Galarza. It was Galarza who had refused to 
bring the full military pressure or' the Central Government to Catalonia to be 
used against the anarclio-syndicalist and P. O. U. M. workers. 

Not long ago, at the installation ceremonies of a new Socialist local near 
Valencia, Galarza gave the chief address. The first part of his speech was 
taken up with the history of the struggles of the Spanish workers, the October 
events of 1934, the formation of the Popular. Front, etc. The essence of his 
analysis is given in the following paragraph : 

"Democracy, that democracy for which it is now fashionable to say in our 
slogans that we are fighting, what kind of democracy is it? The democracy of 
all the states which we knew, except Russia, has one characteristic, it is 
<:'apitalist democracy. And I ask. Can the Spanish Socialist Party continue to 
fitruggle for capitalist democracy? Are we going lo give the best of our youth, 
the blood of our men, the lives of our leaders and the ideas of our thinkers to 
the struggle for capitalist democracy? 

"If that is the case, believe me, comrades, some day the dead will arise from 
their tombs to insult us and to tell us that we have been traitors to our own 
ideas. For, what is more, there is no one who can save capitalist democracy. 
Capitalist democracy is either destroyed or is converted into a Fascist regime." 


The last part of Galarza's speech contains detailed, factual analysis of the 
May Days in Barcelona and of the relationship of the Ministry of the Interior 
to those events. Galarza pays particular tril)ute to the two anarcho-syndicalist 
ministers, Garcia Oliver and Federica Montseny, for their disciplined cooperation. 

"This anarchist cooperation," he concludes, "is due to the work of Largo 
Caballero, who knew how to bring to the responsibility of power a most im- 
portant section of the Spanish people, the anarchist section, the C. N. T., by 
saying to them: 'We are struggling for the ideas of the entire proletariat, and 
you have no right to refuse to accept responsibility. Come and govern together 
with us, responsible like ourselves for defeat as well as for victory. Ah, but 
govern as it is necessary to govern, with force, with discipline, with order.' And 
today the C. N. T. speaks to us of discipline and of order and of law. And they 
have not given up their ideals. What they have done has been this — they have 
realized that, in order to conquer, one must submit to everything and, since 
they want to conquer, they have submitted. 

"If, in a political party, there are offenders. I shall arrest them, and there are 
courts to judge them. But I shall not dissolve by force political parties which 
are anti-Fa scist, this I shall never do." 

Another quotation from Francisco Largo Caballero, former pre- 
mier of Spain, on how they undermine the Government by their 
slanderous statements in Sj)ain. 

(Th? quotation referred to is as follows:) 

Madrid Speicch — Cahallkro Slaxukr — IIuw Commumsis Get Unitkd Fbontess 

Who Want Front 

I remember an incident which happened to me — and I speak of it now inci- 
doTitally. brcau-s;e I shnll explain it on another occasion — in connection with 
military campaigns which were carried out : Sometimes they asked for re- 
serves ; on other occasions they said that we had too many men; they assured 
mo: "We have men, we have arms, we have munitions, v/e have airplanes, we 
have tanks; what is necessary is to make good use of them; we must give them 
to the fighters, because if Ave do not give them to the fighters, the fighters will 


suffer the consequences." I had to call in several of these people and show them- 
the facts I had (because I kept daily statistics of all the munitions, of all the 
guns, of all the machine guns, with a running account of what camie in and 
what went out). When these men, in the newspapers, gave out the informa- 
tion that we had this or that, but that it was not being put to good use because 
the Minister of War would not give it out, I had then left at my disposal 27 
guns in all Spain. I say this because it is already passed. I called one of 
their representatives in the Government, and I said to him : ''Look ! What 
shall I do? Shall I come out publicly and say that this is a lie and that I have 
no more than these few guns? If I do that, I shall merely inform the enemy 
of our situation. Or shall I remain silent? If I remain silent, public opinion 
will say : 'If the fighters do not conquer, it is because the Minister of War is 
not giving them the material which he has.'" [Shouts of approval and long 

Mr. Baron. An article here in the New York Times, the title of 
Avhich is, "Journalist Faces Trial in Valencia — J. M. Escuder Ar- 
rested 6 Weeks Ago Because of Connection with P. O. U. M. Paper." 

This is the stor}^ of a neAvspaper man married to an American citi- 
zen who had been in jail for some 15 months without trial, finally 
brouglit to trial recently, the Communists accusing him of being a 
paid agent of fascism. The courts freed him a few weeks ago, but 
the damage done to this individual by the Communist movement, be- 
ing kept in jail for 15 months — well that is forgotten. The Conmiu- 
nists have clone their dirty work and this man probably has to gf> 
tlirough the rest of his life explaining why and when ond v>'here. 

(The article referred to is as follows:) 

[From the New York Times, Sunday, August 1, 1937]'i Faces Trial in Valencia — J. M. Escuder ARRrsnn Weeks Ago 
Because or Coxnechion With P. O. U. M. Paper — Well Known in New 
York — Communists Accuse Him of Acting as Agent For Franco and His 
Rebel Forces 

[Copyright, 1937, by the North American Newspaper Alliance, Inc.] 

London, July 31. — A ditferent light on the outbreak of last May in Barcelona 
and the suppression of the P. O. IT. M. which was reported to have resulted in 
the death of 600 and the wounding of 1,400 was thrown by Fenner Brockway. 
general secretary of the British independent labor party, in a statement he isued 
here today in connection with the arrest of J. M. Escuder, newspaperman well 
known in New York. 

Mr. Brockway has just returned from Spain where he went with a group of 
Bi-itish and French laborites to investigate the suppression of the P. O. U. M. 
The P. O. U. M., anti-Stalinist Communists, was in opposition to the loyalist 
cabinet in Spain. Its suppression was an incident of the dis«^>rders. One of 
those arrested was Robert Smiley, grandson of ilie famous British lal)or leader. 
According to reports hei'e, Mr. Smiley died in prison after having been refused 
treatment for an appendicitis attack. 

Mr. Brockway said former Premier Francisco Largo Caballero had told him 
one of the reasons why lie was forced out of office by the Comnmnists was 
because he refused to suppress the P. O. U. M. and that tlie Cimununists ar- 
rested the P. O. U. M. leaders witliout the knowledge of the Government. His 
statement follows in full : 

".T. M. Escuder was ari-ested 6 weeks ago because of his connection with the 
Batalla, a daily newspaper puldished by the P. O. IT. M. All the 40 members 
of the P. (). U. M. executive, together with many of its local otficials. were 


"The Corjununist Party made charges against them of acting as agents of 
General Franco and the Fascists and demanded they be tried by military 
tribunals xind that the death penalty should he imposed. 

'The P. O. U. M. is the brother party in Spain of the British Independent 
Labor Party and I went to Spain to inquire into its position. 


I found that the arrests of P. O. U. M. leaders and members had been carried 
out by the Communist-controlled secret police and that, in many cases, members 
of the Government were unaware of what had been done. 

"In the case of Escuder, for instance, he and four of the P. O. U. M, leaders 
were transferred from Barcelona to Madrid without the knowledge of the 
minister of the interior. When I approached the minister of the interior in 
the matter, he left for Madrid to find out what the situation was. He assured 
me Escuder and the other prisoners were living — there had been rumors of their 
deaths — and promised they would be brought to Valencia immediately. 

*'I have since heard that Escuder is now confined in a Valencia prison, where 
he will be a great deal safer than in Madrid. 

"I found that, in all circles outside the Conmiunist Party, there was strong op- 
position to the arrests and disbelief in the Communist Party charges. All non- 
Communist members of the Catalouian government, including President Luis 
Companys, had protested to the Valencia government. Non-Communist mem- 
bers of the Valencia government dissociated themselves from the Communist 
charges and stated tlii\t the trial would be limited to two charges: (1) That 
Fascists had succeeded in introducing certain agents provocateurs into the 
P. O. U. M. and (2) that the P. O. U. M. had incited the resistance in Barce- 
lona during the May days and had encouraged workers to refuse to surrender 
tlieir arms. It will undoubtedly be on the latter charge that Escuder will be 
tried. No one would suggest he is a Fascist spy. 


"Escuder will l)e defended by Senor Benito Pabon, member of the Cortes for 
.Saragossa. He is one of the best-known lawyers in Spain. 

"I found there was disbelief in the Communist charges among other sections 
of the working class, and particularly in the C. N. T. (Syndicalist Trade 
Union ) , which Is the largest working class organization in Spain and in the 
non-Connnunist section of the U. G. T. (Socialist Trade Union). 

"Largo Caballero, secretary of the U, G. T., told me one of the reasons why 
Comnumists had driven him out of the premiership was his refusal to arrest 
P. O. U. M. leaders, including Escuder. 

"Mrs. Escuder, who is an American citizen, has left Spain for Paris, where 
she is hoping to organize international agitation and demand justice for her 
husband and other P. O. U. M. members. 

"Very influential pressure is being exerted from all countries and is signifi- 
cant. Senor Negrin, Prime Minister, in replying to these protests, emphasizes 
the Government is not responsible for what's been done and that the action 
has been taken by the police. He promises a fair trial. I could not ascertain 
the date of the trial, but was assured it would not be delayed unduly." 

[Copyright, 1937, by N. A. N. A. Inc.] 

New York. July 28. — The arrest of Joseph M. Escuder has been protested to 
the Spanish Government by such well-known figures as Norman Thomas, 
Socialist candidate for President of the United States, and Diego Rivera, the 
Mexican painter. 

Joining in the protest were Authors John Dos Passos, James T. Farrell, James 
Rorty, Bertram Wolfe, and Anita Brenner, and the radical leader, Jay Love- 

Miss Brenner said that "the protests were occasioned by a belief, which still 
continues, that the arrest of Escuder indicated Russia was exporting to Spain, 
not only food and arms, but its system of elaborately cooked-up trials and 
bloody finales for political rivalries." She added that the statement by Mr. 
Brockway that the arrests were carried out without the knovv^ledge of the 
Government confirmed her belief. 

Senor Escuder came to New York from Barcelona in 1928 to do newspaper 
work. He began on La Prensa, Spanish language newspaper, was American 
correspondent for Spanish newspapers and then became Latin-American editor 
of the North American Newspaper Alliance. He went back to Spain in 19.54 and 
in 1930, shortly before the outbreak of the civil war, arrived here to join the 
advertising department of the Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation. 


He was called back to Spain in the fall of lliat year to take a post wirli the 
Goveinmenr, but while he was en route the cabinet was changed and his party 

In New York, he married America Gonzales, of Tampa, Fla., who taught at 
Barnard College. 

Mr. Bakom. 1 have here marked a story by J. B. ^latliews — no; 
I mean Herbert L. ^Mathews, a correspondent for the New York 
Tinier in Spain. 

The CHAiR:\rAN. You know J. B. Mathews, do 3^ou not? 

Mr. Bakon. Oh, very well. 

The Chairman. You used to work with him? 

Mr. Bakon. Yes; I worked with him when he was a })lant in the 
Socialist Partv, and I was the only one in the Socialist Party who 
said he was a plant for the Commimist Party. 

Mr. MosiEK. He was with the Communist Party, was he not? 

Mr, Baron. Then he left the Socialist Party and went with the 
Communist Party. 

I have here marked from the Mathews' report the fate of xVudres 
Nin, who was murdered by the Communists in Spain. 

(The article referred to is as follows:) 

Nin's Fate a Big Fa( iok 

That is tlie background for the present situation, which has been brought 
to a crisis within the past week by the disapjjea ranee of Andres Nin, the 
P. O. U. M. leader, and the announcement by Seiior Largo Caballero that he is 
going to stump the country in defense of his record and in opposition to the 
Negrin government. 

Sefior Nin was arrested in Barcelona last June, when the authorities took 
the opportunity of the discovery of a Fascist plot in which some P. O. U. M. 
members were involved to raid the P. O. U. M. headquarters. It was given out 
that he w^as taken first to Valencia and then to Madrid for imprisonment pend- 
ing trial, but somehow no one ever saw him in Madrid or got the record of his 
arrival. P. O. U. M. members and anarchists grew more and more insistent in 
their demands that Sefior Nin be produced and tried, until the authorities, unable 
to dodge the issue any longer, gave out a comimmique last week stating that he 
had escaped along with his guards. ;- ■ ■- 

Outwardly that had to be swallowed. The censors forced even C. N. T. news- 
papers to print that version. Actually it is firmly believed in I*. O. U. M. and 
anarchist circle that Sefior Nin was murdered en route to Madrid. 

[Other accounts assert that he was kidnaped from a madrid jail and assassi- 

Mr. Baron. I have here marked in a story from Moscow how they 
deliberately attempted to tie up the Nazi trials in New York with 
the Barcelona trials in Spain in order to show the connection between 
the forces of fascism. Plere in Spain are Avorking- class leaders being 
tried because they are charged by the Communists with being agents 
of fascism, and in New York here are Fascist spies, Nazi spies, and 
Moscow links the two together. 

(The article referred to is as follows:) 

Tkial Stirs the Soviet — It Proves German Spies Are Busy in Many Lands, 

Moscow Says 

[Wireless to the New York Times] 

Moscow, October 21. — The spy trial in New York is being fallowed with great 
interest here because it is held to prove what Soviet nnthorities long have con- 
tended, namely, that Germany has sown the Soviet Union and other countries 
with spies. Soviet commentators link German espionage with Trotskyists — 
which was one of the major theses of the Moscow treason trials. 


Significance is seen in ibe fact that the New York trial is occurring simul- 
taneously with the trial of an alleged Trotskyist group in Barcelona on charges 
of being agents of German-Italian Fascists. 

Both Pravda and Izvestia devoted half their front pages yesterday to long 
factual accounts of the trial cabled by the New York bureau of Tass, official 
Soviet news agency. Summaries of the testimony are being broadcast over the 
Soviet radio. 

Today the Soviet press contained further substantial news accounts. Pravda 
also published editorial comment asserting that the New York trial is giving 
new evidence of the debauch in which capitalist, and in particular Fascist, 
espionage now is indulging. It says the New York trial is proving to the hilt 
Stalin's contention that the bourgeois states are sending spies, wreckers, diver- 
sionists. and sometimes even murderers into each other so as to undermine their 

"There is an organic connection between the New York and Barcelona trials," 
says this commentary. "Both trials illustrate the work and methods of Fascist 
intelligence services and their foul Trotskyist agents. Evidence of these trials 
will rouse genuine friends of peace to intensify in all lands their vigilance 
against the cunning efforts of the German intelligence service and its Trot- 
skyist-Bukharinist agents." 

The Soviet press today also gave considerable prominence to anti-Fascist 
speeches of Secretaries Wallace and Ickes. Moscow obviously is gratified at the 
concern President Roosevelt and other American leaders now are showing over 
espionage and Fas'cist maneuvers in the Western Hemisphere. 

Mr. Barox. I am submitting copy for the record of various matters 
concerning terror in Spain with reference to the individuals named 
in these writings of mine. 

(The matter referred to is as follows:) 

Impossible of computation, too, is the number of those who have been killed. 
In some instances official reports claim that the victims were slain by Fascists 
or by "unknown parties," but in many cases responsibility has been definitely 
assessed as in the death of Nin. I list some of the incidents which were 
common knowledge in Spain. 

Camille Berneri. an Italian anarchist who had been forced into exile be- 
cause of his activities in his native land, had come to Spain to aid his com- 
rades in the fight against Franco. For many years he had been associated with 
the Rossellis, v/hose murder at the hands of Mussolini's agents in France stirred 
^'.orld-wide attention. For several months he served as political commissar for 
the Ascaso column, named after Francisco Ascaso, who was killed by the Fascists 
in Barcelona as he led the workers' attack on the Atarazanas Barracks on the 
very day the civil war started. Ascaso's brother, Domingo, about a year later 
died on the barricades in Barcelona during the May riots. In addition to 
serving with the Ascaso column. Berneri edited an Italian anti-Fascist paper in 
Spain. On May 5 his home was raided by police and persons wearing the red 
arm bands of the P. S. U. C. the so-called United Socialist-Communist Party, 
w^iich is affiliated with the Communist International. Berneri and a friend, 
Barbieri. were arrested. Solidaridad Obrera reports the sequal : "At dawn on 
May G the police came and told Barbieri's wife the prisoners would be freed at 
noon. But on the same day the fainily learned from the lists of the clinical 
hospital that the men's bodies had been picked up by the Red Cross near the 
Generalidad Building that very night. The autopsy on Berneri's body revealed 
a bullet wound : the bullet entered at the back, traveling toward the front and 
from the top down. .Judging from the edges of the wound, it was produced from 
a very short distance. One wound was caused by an attacker standing behind 
or beside his victim ; another by an attacker standing above. Thus died 
Comrades P^erneri and Barbieri. 

One of the most tragic — and illuminating — of such incidents is the case of 
Bob Smillie, a young ICnglishman who had come as a volunteer to Spain only to 
die at the hands of Communists in a Valencia prison as a result of being denied 
medical attention when stricken with appendicitis. Smillee had been secretary 
of the Youth section of the Independent Labor Party and had joined the militia 
of the P. O. U. ]M. His death was a shock to many in England and served in part 
to make the Independent Labor Party take the leadership in agitation for the 
defense of anti-Fascist victims of the Communists. The activities of the Inde- 
pendent Labor Party in this regard are doubly significant v.dien it is recalled that 

949.31— 80— vol. 4 13 

2616 t'x-a:mericax tropaganda a(^tivities 

only a few years ago that organization, following its withdrawal from the 
British Labor Party, applied for admission to the Communist International. 
Now John Mt'Nair, one of the lnde))endent Labor Party leaders, writes: "The 
workers' movement of the world is bigger than the Spanish Commnuist Party or 
the Communist International, which will hnally destroy itself in attempting to 
destroy others. * * * Unless the workers" movement is free, the workers' 
movement is damned.'' 

Another foreign radical whose life was taken by the Communists because of 
political heresy is Kurt Landau, a former member of the executive committee of 
the Austrian Connnunist Party, who had been converted to the views of the 
P. O. U. M. His wife. Katia Landau, was imprisoned for half a year, during 
which she subjected herself to a hunger strike for 11 days in order to compel the 
authorities to give her information concerning her husband. The ministf^r of 
justice, Irujo, a Basque Catholic, was touched by her sutfering. Visiting her in 
.iail he told her the truth, that Landau was dead, and pleaded with her to end 
the hunger strike. The Communists were angered by his action aiid added this 
act of mercy to the long score which they finally settled with Irujo by forcing 
his removal. 

How many other foreigners have disappeared, like Irvine Wolfe, once a secre- 
tary of Leon Trotsky, it is impossible to say. They are simplj^ swallowed up in 
the maw of the Cheka and never heard from again. 

While the P. O. U. M. and the anarchists have suffered most, it must not be 
thought that other political groups are untouched. The disappearance of Mark 
Rein, the Socialist, should not be forgotten. That many Socialists are in jail 
was dramatically revealed by a letter sent to Largo Caballero from a Valencia 
prison after he had been forced to resign from the Government and his trade- 
union organization, the U. G. T., had been split. It read : 

"EsTi EMED Comkade: At a meeting held yesterday by the U. G. T. workers here 
imprisoned, it was unanimously agreed to send solidarity to the U. G. T. 
executive committee of which you are general secretary, and to condemn strongly 
the divisionist tactics used by the so-called new exectttive committee. In this 
prison there are more than 60 U. G. T. leaders from regions of Catalonia and 
Levante. We have followed attentively and carefully the stritggle which you 
have waged so sticcessfully and with such dignity in the face of the maneuvers 
and campaign of slanders of one section of the U. G. T., influenced by the so- 
called Commtmist Party. These lines express most strongly otir adiierence to 
the crusade which yoti have so valiantly undertaken in behalf of proletarian 
unity and for the tritimph of the war and the revolution." 

Mr. Baron. Now, I have put all the documents that I want in the 
record, and I want to make a quick review of the things I have con- 
tended here, and then lead from that into my personal experience and 
my arrest. 

As I pointed out, in December 1936 the Russian press indicated 
that they were going to start a reign of terror in Spain. From that 
flowed many events. 

The first event was the elimination from the Catalonian Cabinet 
of representatives who were hostile to the Communist Party. Then 
in Madrid the offices and the newspaper of that particular party were 
wrecked by Hooligan mobs of Communists. 

Tliere was a reign of terror in the Province of Murcia, around 
Valencia, around Albaceita, and throughout the whole Catalonian 
section. All these things led up to the Barcelona riots of May 1937, 
when in resistance to this reign of terror members of the working 
class defended themselves against it, and in that struggle it is 
estimated between one and two thousand people lost their lives. 

After the May events in Barcelona and the crisis that the Govern- 
ment underwent, the Government then presiding over Loyalist Spain, 
I want to refer to Francisco Largo Caballero's own words as to the 
reason for his resignation. 

In that meeting it was asked of me — 


He ^vas referring to a meeting of the cabinet — 

lu that meeting it was asked of me, that the Government dissolve a political 
organization not in agreement with the Communist Party. I who have been 
persecuted in organizations to which I belonged and to which I still belong, by 
reactionary elements in our country, insisted that by no act of the Government 
would I dissolve any organization, political or trade union ; that I had not 
come to the Government to serve the political interest of any one of the fac- 
tions which were contained in it ; that whoever felt the necessity of denouncing 
criminal acts or misdemeanors, however they may be called, should do so, and 
the courts would take charge and would dissolve the organization or not as 
they saw fit, but that Largo Caballero, the president of the council of ministers, 
would not dissolve any of these organizations. 

When the Communist Party heard that Francisco Largo Caballero 
would not be a front for their dirty work they created a crisis and 
Largo Caballero, rather than further splitting the Loyalist forces, 
resigned from the Premiership. 

I came back into Spain in the beginning of October 1937. I had 
letters of introduction to all the leaders of the Spanish Government 
from the Ambassador from Spain to the United States, De Los Kios. 
But do you think the Communist movement in Spain cares what 
credentials a person carries? They don't. I had credentials from 
my own party and credentials from the Ambassador, and still the 
minute I came into Spain I was followed continuously by agents of 
their Cheka, not of the Government, but of the Communist Cheka. 

I went down to Valencia, and here I will relate this occurrence, and 
I go into some detail because it illustrates many things, and would 
be very, very important in educating the public in the United States. 
I do not go into detail because I am personally involved, but only 
that I feel it woidd do some good. 

One day I am walking with a friend of mine. 

I have this all written out, incidentally, but I am not going to read 
it, because I want to demonstrate that I am not sick, because I know 
that that is going to be used far and wide. I am going to relate it. to 
you without looking at notes, and without referring to any other 
document that I have here. 

I was walking on the street with a reporter of a Spanish newspaper 
when of a sudden somebody walked up and tapped him on the back 
and took him into an alley. He flashed a badge and took this friend 
of mine away. That very afternoon I went into my restaurant to 
eat and a lady sat down at my table. She was blond and evidently 
of German nationality. She immediately started to talk to me in 
English and I asked her hoAv she knew that I could speak English and 
she answered that she could tell by looking at me that I was either an 
Englishman or an American. The conversation went on and in 
passing she mentioned my name and I asked her, "How did she know 
my name"; and she said "Everybody in Spain knows Sam Baron." 

The upshot of this conversation was whether I knew a lady by the 
name of Anna Marie Baron. I was taken aback and I said I did not 
She said she was a correspondent for the New Masses, the Com- 
munist publication in New York, and would I like to meet her? I 
said I would be delighted inasmuch as she has a similar name and 
further that she is a comrade. 

So slie agreed that she would make this appointment for the next 
day. Anna Marie Baron was out of town and would be in that 


The next clay I go to the headquarters of the newspaper of my 
friend wlio had been arrested and I find him sitting at his desk and 
I asked him what had happened. He said he was taken by the 
secret political police and tliat they were interested in him but had 
asked him questions concerning myself; how long he had known me 
and where am I living and what have I been doing, and so on and 
so on. 

I was about to leave when this friend of mine said, "And further- 
more, I have a message for you." I said, "What is the messaged' 
and he said that there is a girl in jail, an American, who sends out 
word for me to help her, and her name is Anna Marie Baron. 

When I got this information, having heard of the many things 
the Communists were doing in Spain, I felt it was my duty to go to 
the American consulate and tell the consul that an American citizen 
was in jail. I went to the consulate and spoke Avith Milton K. Wells, 
who was vice consul in the American Embassy in Valencia, about 
Anna Marie Baron. Before I quote him, let; me say this, that Milton 
K. AVells Avas haggard and drawn from his work, day in and day out, 
trying to release Americans anIio had fallen into the hands of the 
Conmiunists and were jailed. 

I told him about Anna Marie Baron and he, in turn, asked me if I 
know where the Commmiists maintained their private jail, after 
saying to me : 

What can I do about these things? There .'ire many Americans in jail. If 
tliey are in Government jails, I can do something, but if they are in Connnunist 
jails, I am helpless. 

The Chairman. That is what he said to vou? 

^Ir. Baron. That is what he said to me. Of course, being a mem- 
ber of the ATorking class, I Avas not going to invoh^e the American 
GoA^ernment in the question of the Connnunist secret jails, but shortly 
tliereafter the Government uncoA^ered a secret Connnunist jail in 
the vicinity of Valencia, in the monastery of Santa Ursala, Avhere the 
Communists kept those aa'Iio Avere in disagreement Avith their policies. 

The Chairman. Where Avas that jail? 

Mr. Baron. In the vicinity of Valencia. 

The Chairman. In a monastery? 

Mr. Baron. The monasterA^ of Santa Ursala. 

The Chairman. They had couA^erted this monastery into a Com- 
munist jail? 

^Ir Baron. That is correct. There Avere several other secret jails^ 
one in Barcelona, Avhich John McGovern, the English member of 
Parliament, referred to in his report. You recall that I spoke about 
it before. There Avere man v. 

In addition to that, the Communists controlled the International 
Brigade from top to bottom, because the International Brigade Avas 
an autonomous unit inside the Loyalist forces. They administered 
their OAvn affairs under the leadership of Andre Marty, the French 
Communist. In other Avords, everybody in the brigade Avas subject 
to the Communist control Avithout recourse to the Government of 
Loyalist Spain. 

In the New York Times scA^eral months ago, you recall, there was a 
story about a Loyalist volunteer, an American Avho had come to the 
Government and said, "I have serA'ed m,y full time. I Avant to leave 
Spain." He was told to go back to the International Brigade be- 


cause the GoA'ernment had no jurisdiction, and when he went back 
to the International Brigade they slapped him into a jail. Then 
the}^ took him out of jail and they tied him and six other people, 
arm to arm, and brought them back to the front, put them into the 
trenches. That AAas the time of the great Aragon offensive of the 
Fascists which broke through to the Mediterranean coast, and here 
were tliese boys ATithout guns, unable to protect themselves, and they 
had to run for their lives. 

If you will look up the edition — I have not got that story here; 
he is a boy from Xew York State and the New York Times carried 
a complete story on it — I am sure you will find that I am stating a 

Mr. MosiER. Was the Abraham Lincoln Battalion, from the United 
States, in that International Brigade? 

^Ir. Baron. Absolutely; it was a purt of the International 

Mr. ^losiER. The Abraham Lincoln Battalion was composed of 
Aineiican boys recruited over here, was it not? 

Mr. Baron. That is so; yes, sir. I vrant to make this clear, also, 
that I admire, respect, and revere exevy boy that went over to Spain 
to light against fascism. What I am trying to bring out here is the 
terrorist role of the Communist in the domination of the Inter- 
national Brigade. I want to go into these things very clearly, be- 
cause it will be garbled and made to appear that I am in some way a 
supporter of Fascist Spain. In any event, I told you what vice consul 
Milton K. Wells told me in Spain, about a great many Americans 
being in jail. Let me say this, further, that it is my opinion that the 
State Department has many, many letters and many, many reports 
from Spain which substantiate what I am saying here. There are 
also mothers, fathers, sisters, and brothers of boys who have gone to 
Spain who do not hear an^^thing about their sons in Spain. Many 
of them have come to me personally, with tears, begging me to do 
something about their sons in Spain. Many of them have written me 
letters stating the same thing. 

In my tours in the United States, those parents have come to me, 
but, unfortunately, I am bound to secrecy by these people who feel 
that their sons might be harmed if it were given publicity by men- 
tioning their names. Therefore, I do not mention their names. How- 
ever, I tell you in all sincerity that when men are in jail in Spain 
today, the only thing that can get them out — and I say this to the 
parents — ^^is to give it publicity. They should even bring it out in 
the American press, because I know that this Loyalist Government has 
no sympathy with the Communist, and if there is adverse publicity 
they can go forward with new strength, and say to them, that they 
shall not hurt those boys that go over there, and that "You will not 
do your dirt}^ political work any more." 

As an illustration of that, I have here two clippings. From time 
to time in the United States press you will read items of this nature. 
I am reading now from the New York Times under the date line of 
^'Washington, Novem.ber 4." under the headline "Brooklyn Man Held 
in Spain," as follows: 

Mrs. Russell N. Blackwell, of Brooklyn, appealed to the State Department 
today for assistance in obtaining the release of her husband from jail in 
Loyalist Spain. 


Mr. Blackwoll, who is 34 years old, went to Spain to fight for the Lo3'alists, 
but was arrested a few months ago on the ground that lie was a "H^nown 

Mrs. Blackwell was told that the United States Embassy bad made repre- 
sentations in behalf of her husband and had been assured that Foreign Minister 
Julio Alvarez del Vayo favored Mr. P>lackweirs release. 

The Chairman. In that connection, I am sure that a number of 
Members of Congress have had tlie same experiences. I have received 
several letters from my district from parents of boys in Spain. 
They did not know where their boys were. I have undertaken to 
secure information with reference to one young man, who is not a 
Communist, but who was induced by certain Communists to enlist. 
Tliat boy has entirely disappeared. While they have been trying to 
find out something about him, it is impossible to find out whether the 
boy is living or dead, or where he is. I am sure that mam^ other 
Members of Congress have received letters of the same kind from 
parents, and many of these parents caution them, saying that the 
names should not be used for fear something v>'ill happen to their 

Mr. Baron. I wish to say this, ]Mr. Chairman, that I disagree with 
those parents. I know that because I have spoken to officials of the 
Loyalist Government, and they have said to me, "What can we do 
about these things when in this day the United States refuses aid. 
England refuses aid, and France refuses aid. We have only the help 
of Soviet Russia, and you cannot bite the hand that feeds you." 
They say, '^However, if on the outside there is created enough pub- 
licity and enough demand to remedy this situation, we will be in a 
position to rectify it." Those people in the United States who 
feel that they are helping their sons by being quiet are not doing so, 
because nobody knows how the war will turn from day to da}^ Ter- 
ritory held by the Loyalists today may be Fascist the next day. So, 
it is because so many parents have spoken to me about their boys 
that I want to bring this out clearly and sharpl3^ 

The Chairman. We have heard some testimony on that. We had 
two witnesses fi'om Boston whr) went over to Spain, and we heard 
some witnesses from Detroit, and they all told practically the same 
story. Since they were far separated, they could not have been any 
concerted action or agreement as to their testimony. Therefore, vre 
have every reason to believe that it was genuine testimony. They all 
agreed that they were approached to go to Spain by certain well- 
known Communists; that they were instructed to report in Xew York 
to a man named Mannie. That is the only name they knew him by. 
They went to the Communist headquarters in New York, and reported 
there to this man named Maunie, and were furnished with faked 
passports that enabled them to go to Spain, From this testimony that 
we heard from these volunteers, it is very evident that tlie (Communist 
Party has played a prominent part in enlisting those boys and seuvding 
them over to Spain. 

Mr. Baron. It is true that the Commimists have recruited men for 
the Internntional Brigade in Spain, but I do not criticize tliem for it. 
I believe that the cause is just and worthwhile, and that if tlie Loyalist 
GoA^ernment had accepted my petition, I would have been fighting for 
the Loyalist cause. I offered to go with a batch of Si)anish citizens to 
be trained for aviation, but an official of the Government said that 


there were too many intellectuals fiirhting. They said, "Your job is 
to tell the story of democratic Spain an.d what it is suffering against 
Fascist aggression." So I do not criticize the Communists for re- 
cruiting. What I criticize is Avhat they do with these boys when they 
get them on the other side. They take their passports away from 
them on the other side ostensibly to keep them safe, but I know they 
take the passports away to prevent any aiiti-Communist reports going 
out of Spain. Don't you see that if some of those boys came back 
and stated what they had seen or v\'hat the Communists have done in 
Spain, it would reflect on the Communist movement? Therefore, 
those passports were taken by officials of the International Brigade. 
Now, you hear in France that many Americans who have been in 
Spain, under the new policy of the Loyalist Government, have no 
passports. Where those passports are. nobody knows. I refuse to be 
silent about that, and that is what I am trying to bring out clearly and 

I have another item here that reveals like nothing else how ridicu- 
lous can become the methods of the Communist movement in Spain. 
This is from the correspondent of the United Press in Valencia. He 
writes this story trying to show that a certain American has been 
framed in Spain and has been sentenced to 20 years in a concentra- 
tion camp. Let me read the story: 


(By the United Press) 

Valencia, .January 6. — Because he pulled the whistle cord of a train, Zymund 
Piasecki, former taxicab driver of Toledo, Ohio, started a 20-year term in a 
Spanish prison today. 

Piasecki, 23, came to Spain and enlisted in the International Brigade. Re- 
cently he was granted a 2-day leave. At Albacete he jumped into the cab of a 
locomotive in the station and pullod the whistle. lie was arrested and accused 
€f high treason on the grounds that he had attempted to drive a Loyalist train 
into rebel territory. 

Brought before a military court, he was sentenced to 20 years' imprisonment. 
He began serving the sentence in a concentration camp near Valencia. 

Let me add here that trial by a military court means a trial by the 
Communists who control the International Brigade. 

It says here that Piasecki pulled the cord, or whistle cord, because 
he wanted to drive the train into Fascist territory. Now, Albacete 
is here [indicating on map]. This is about the dead center of Loyal- 
ist Spain, and here [indicating] is the front. 

The Chairman. How many miles is that from the front, or Fascist 

Mr. Baron. It is hundreds of miles. Here [indicating] is the 
front, and the next nearest front is down here [indicating]. It is 
farther away. At the time the northern front was farther away. 
It ran up this way [indicating] . Here is Albacete, at the dead center 
of Loyalist Spain. You could not conceive that a person would get 
up on a train or attempt to drive a train over all these hundreds of 
miles from Albacete into Fascist territory. How ridiculous it is ! 
The United Press correspondent only writes in that fashion to try 
to indicate, through the censorship, that this boy had been framed. 

There was a headline in the press this morning that an American 
had been killed in Spain by Communists, and I want to read this into 


the record. Tliis is from Walter WiiK-helPs cohiinn, dated September 
2. 1938, and I will read from it, as follows : 

Ernest IIeniiii?:wny has a piece coming: out in Ken about a correspondent for a 
powerful British newspaper. * * * Because it would l>e lib«'lous in England 
to mention the man's name it isn't. * * * It tells how this correspondent tried 
to send out an uncensored story almut Loyalist terrorism — that the soldiers are 
wantonly shot dead by their own fellows, etc. * * * Hemingway tried to tell 
the newcomer that such terror happened last year — not anymore. * * * 
Nevertheless the man insisted on sending out the fabrication by a newspaper girl, 
wlio didn't know the contents of the sealed envelope. Had she been caught with 
it on her person, she would have been shot. * * * The newspapermen there 
finally intercepted the envelope and destroyed it. 

What I want to brino: out here is that Ei'iiest Heminpvay, a coura- 
ofeous individual, whom I admire, and an able story teller, who had 
just ^one to Spahi. tried to talk upon political matters, which Ernest 
Heming-way does not understand, but has just been whitewashing 
Connnunist terror in Spain in the various articles he has written in 
the United States. He has here admitted that the Communists haA'e 
been spreading terror in Spain and shooting their felloAv Loyalists in 
the backs. 

If Ernest Heminjrwav is not sufficient authority, let nie refer to a 
statement of Lawrence A. FernsAvorth. Barcelona correspondent of the 
New York Times and of the London Times, one of the most able politi- 
cal writers in Loyalist Spain. Lender date of May 25. 1938. he wrote : 

Recent incipient terrorism was a result of attempts by the secret police to con- 
stitute themselves something resembling the old Russian Cheka with absolute 
power independent of the Government. There was another attempt of this sort 
a year ago when Communist influences did for a time set up a kind of cheka, 
which the Government was able to break up. and some of the secret police had 
gone so far as to claim the right to investigate and arrest ministers of the 
Government if they chose. 

Mr. ^fosTER. How did that dispatch get out of Spain ? 

Mr. Baron. All of these dispatches I have referred to. speaking of 
Comnumist terrorism, were written from Paris, over the border of 
Spain. The correspondents would go up to Paris, write out their dis- 
patches there, and later on go back into Spain. That is the Avay they 
prevent, as the clippings here show, the statements of the terrorism 
going through the Communist controlled censorship in Loyalist Spain. 

The Chairman. Suppose we adjourn at this time until 1 :30 o'clock. 
You mav finish vour statement, and then we will adjourn for 5 davs 
so we may have a good rest. 

(Thereupon the subcommittee took a recess until 1 :3() p. m.) 


The subconnnittee resumed its session at 1.30 p. m., upon the expira- 
tion of the recess. 

The Chairman. You may continu.e your testimony, Mr. Baron. 


INIr. Baron. I will just take a minute before I proceed to refer to 
an article in the Baltimore Sun of yesterday's date. I hesitate to refer 
to it because it is really an excellent report of the proceedings of this 
conunittee, but there is one item which I think is a misunderstanding. 


and I blame myself, because what is clear in my mind is evidently not 
clear in other people's minds. The report has it — I quote : 

The Socialists' principal complaints against Moscow were that it did not send 
troops into Spain soon enough. 

Now, I never testified to that effect. What I referred to was aid 
from Soviet Russia, which I meant to mean planes, artillery, and other 
munitions of war or implements of war, which the Soviet Russian 
Government had a legal right to sell to the Loyalist Government. I 
say at this time that no troops were sent from Soviet Russia into 
Loyalist Spain. It is a known fact, however, that a handful of avi- 
ators, a handful of technicians, did get into Spain, along with repre- 
sentatives of the G. P. U. That is the Cheka organization of Soviet 

The Chairman. Where did Franco get his name as a Fascist ? Who 
pinned that on him? 

Mr. Baron. He did himself, sir. In every interview he has given 
to the press he has said very emphatically that if he wins the war he 
will set up a totalitarian state. There is no doubt about that, and 
there is no quotation that can be shown 

The Chairman (interposing). You understand that this committee 
is not taking any sides, one way or another, either for Loyalist Spain 
or against them. Our province is to hear the facts. We want evi- 
dence Avitli respect to communism there primarily as it affects Ameri- 
cans who were sent there. That is because of the fact that many 
Americans have been recruited and have gone over there, and there are 
charges that they have been recruited by Communists and controlled 
by Communists. As to the question which side is right, that does not 
come within our province, and therefore we are not concerned with the 
views of any witness with respect to the merits of this controversy. 
The only thing we are concerned with is the facts with reference to 
connnunism as it applies to the American boys who went over there. 
Therefore we willingly hear witnesses who are for the Loyalist Gov- 
ernment or those who are against it. That part of it does not control 
us. You are in sympathy with the Loyalist cause, and we are glad 
to have your testimony. We have had other testimony of those who 
are not in sympathy with it. We want to make it plain that the 
committee is not taking any sides in the controversy. 

Mr. Baron. I understand that thoroughly. I just want to add 
this to the answer to that question concerning Franco, and that is 
that nobodv can show at anv time that the Loyalist Government or 
any individual thereof, or any of its resolutions in the Cortes or the 
Congress, had stated anything else but that they are for democracy, 
and that they would set up a democratic nation. 

The Chairman. We are merely permitting you to make those state- 
ments in fairness to vou. You understand that the conuuittee is not 
concerned in any respect, nor will any finding of the committee be 
predicated, upon the question of whether tlie Loyalist Government is 
one way or another We are permitting those statements in order 
that you may have an opportunity, in accordance with your request, 
to present the full facts with reference to them, but not as it pertains 
to this committee, because it is absolutely out of the province of this 
committee whether Franco is this or that, or whether the Lovalist 
Government is this or that. The main thinir we are concerned with. 

2624 rN-A:\ii:KiCAN propaganda activities 

is the Comnuniist angle, especially as it concerns the American 

Mr. Barox, I only wanted to show that Franco is definitely com- 
mitted to a Fascist state, whereas the Loyalist Government is com- 
mitted to democracy. 

I left off in my testimony that pertained to my arrest, and I told 
how I was accosted bv a woman in a restaurant and asked various 
question.s. After this meeting I had gone to the newspaper reporter* 
Avho had been arrested and, as I told the connnittee, the newspaper 
I'eporter had the following experience, where the secret political 
police were not interested in him, but were interested in me. Events 
followed very quickl}' after that; and, as I have stated before, 
throughout this time I was follovred wherever I went. 

However, before anything happened, I interviewed many leaders 
of Spain, and I spoke with many individuals who liad gone through 
the gamut of the Stalinist terror in Spain. I am not going to go 
into those conversations, because you will find them replete in the 
doctunents a\ hich I have submitted for the record. 

One day I went into my residence and there was somebody outside, 
sitting on the opposite side of the street, on the curbstone, watching 
the house intentlv. I went into the house, and the landladv was verv 
nervous about it, and asked me what that man was doing out there, 
watching the house all the time. I told her not to worry about it, 
and I went up to my room. I noticed that this gentleman left, and 
after a time individuals came to my house, knocked at the door and 
asked for me. 

I came down, and they showed credentials, and they were repre- 
sentatives of the secret political police of Spain. I immediately sent 
word to the former Ambassador from Spain to France, Luis Ara- 
rjuistan, and fortunately he was home. He came into the house, and 
a long conversation ensued, and the upshot of the whole thing was 
that they wanted to search my baggage. We went tipstairs, and I 
bowed them into the room, and they bowed me into the room — you 
cannot precede a Spaniard; they are very courteous — and they went 
over my baggage. After a lot of formality they pulled out a docu- 
ment and asked me to sign it. After looking over the document, all 
it said was that they did not find anything in m}^ belongings, and I 
signed it. After signing it, they announced that I was under arrest. 
I was immediatelv taken over to a building; and walked into a largfe 
room, and I looked up on the wall, and there was a huge portrait of 
Joseph Stalin looking doAvn upon me. 

I stayed in this large room, and many men came through, looking 
me over, up and down, and walking out without saying a word. 
After some time, I was taken into a smaller office, and there was a 
desk with a plate -glass top, and I looked down on the desk, and under- 
neath the })late glass was Joseph Stalin's picture looking up at me. 

I waited around the small office, and in time two individuals of 
the secret police showed sufficient proof that they were anti-Stalinists, 
and that they were terribly put out about my arrest, and spoke to me 
for a while. Then they left, and came back and told me that the 
leaders of the secret political police had called a conference on my 
case and that every knowni anti-Stalinist Avas barred from that 
meeting. So from that I knew immediately that they were beginning 
the operations of their Cheka. 


After some time there was a commotion outside, and I heard my 
name called, and who should be brought into the room but Milton K. 
Weils, the vice consul that I referred to previously in my testimony. 
He looked at me in amazement, and he said to me, "What are you 
doing here, Bai'on?" I said, ''I am under arrest." He says, ''Impos- 
sible ; I don't believe it." At any rate, he cauie there looking for Anna 
Marie Baron, that I referred to previously, and he could not find out 
vv'here she Avas, and he had asked for her, and by mistake some official 
in that department had brought liim to me. And I said as follows to 
Milton K. Wells : ''I want you to listen to me carefully. I do not want 
the United States Government to become involved in my case. All I 
ask of you is to send a message to Norman Thomas in the United 
States notif^^ing him that I am in the hands of the Communists and 
I don't know what they intend to do." And 1 want to point out, in 
connection with that statement, that when- 1 came back to the United 
States and I read of the situation in this Kobinson case in Russia — 
3'ou remember, a couple who had gone to Russia and were arrested, 
and the United States tried to get to these people to aid them, and 
this woman, a citizen of tiie United States, had told a representative 
of the United States Government that they did not want the United 
States Government to interfere in the case — I saw a strange parallel 
in the two experiences ; that whereas I wanted to keep the differences 
within the working class out of the hands of the Government, so in 
far-off Russia this person also did likewise. It is just a speculation, 
but the Robinson case received such wide publicity that I throw it out 
for what it is wortli. 

However, after being in this room for some time, in came some 20 
or 30 men, and at their head was an individual who took a place 
behind the desk; and there was a lot of talk; and somebody pushed 
through and up to the individual behind the desk and asked him, 
"What is Sam Baron doing here?" and he very dramatically looked 
over the men standing in the room, turned to me, and stuck his finger 
in my face, and he said in Spanish: "Sam Baron is a Trotskyist 

Now, mind you, this is before one question had been asked. I had 
already been indicted as being a Fascist. 

I turned to this indiAidual, whom I called "El Jefe" — the chief — 
and there was a person in the croAvd who I knew spoke English. My 
Spanish is what they call "poco" — I mean, I speak a little Spanish, 
enough to be understood, but not for such situations as that. I called 
him over and told him to tell this individual that I vras a representa- 
tive of the United States, that I had credentials from the Ambassador 
from Spain to the United States, and what I wanted to know was if 
he could not prove me a Fascist who v\-as going to punish him? Well, 
it is a marvelous thing, in using a translator or interpreter, when you 
can sit back and watch the reaction of the words on the given indi- 
vidual. His face turned red, and all colors, and he picked up a sheaf 
of papers and slapped 'them, and he says : ''He has got the goods." 
Then he turns to me and says, "Do you know" — and he mentioned 
a certain newspaper in Detroit, Mich.; and I replied that I did not 
know any such paper ; that the only paper I wrote for was the Socialist 
Call, published by the Socialist Party. 


He ^ave an order : I was twirled around ; two men went througli me- 
like I had never been gone thronofh before. They searched me from 
stem to stern, and at the end of this procedure he turns again very 
(h'amatically and he says, "Incommunicado" — and "incommunicado" 
in Spain means a dungeon, and nobody could get to you or speak 
to you. 

i was taken through many alleys, and so forth and so on, and just 
then the siren began blowing, and the siren was right on top of that 
Iniilding. and one of the usual air raids was in action. The bombs were 
falling and the antiaircraft guns were banging awa}^, and I was taken 
through the alleys and brought into a dungeon; and when I say 
"dungeon" I mean a dungeon. It was 5 feet in width and 6 feet in 
length. There was not a window; there was not any means of venti- 
lation other than a little round hole in the door. There was no bed; 
there was no cot; there Avas no chair; there Avas nothing of any kind 
of ecjuipment in that room. The only place you could sit down — but 
not lie doAvn — was a cut-out in the wall ; and if you haA'e seen pictures 
of Spanish cathedrals, or any substantial buildings in Spain, you 
know they are made of this heavy stone. So these cells are made of 
the heaA^y stone, thick, and in the Avail Avas cut out this box, and you 
Avere able to sit there, but not lie doAvn. 

Well, I Avas in that place for some 12, 13, or 14 hours. They had 
taken aAvay my Avatch; they had taken aAvay my tie and my belt, and 
they told me that they did that because they had had people commit 
suicide; and then after these hours somebodj^ came to the door and I 
had tAvo emotions. One was "Stay aAvay from my door," and the 
second Avas "Come to ni}^ door." The first emotion Avas clue to the fact 
that the way the Communists operated in Spain Avas as folio avs : They 
had control OA^er the police department. They got their members of 
the police department to carry out a certain assignment. After that 
assignment Avas cari'ied out, then the Cheka got to Avork and came to 
These institutions Avith false documents saying that a prisoner has to 
be transferred from this place to that place. 

The Chairman. What date Avas that? You haA^e not giA^en us the 
date of your arrest and imprisonment. 

]Mr. Baron. I Avas arrested around the end of October 1937. 

As I said, I feared Avhat had happened to Andres Nin, the leader 
of a political movement in Spain, Avho Avas arrested under political 
charges, and before he had his clay in court, the Communist Cheka 
took him out of that jail and murdered him. Well, it so happened 
that that Avas not the case. I Avas taken from the cell, and I Avas Avalked 
through some more alleys, and finally brought into an office, brightly 
lit. ancl it took me some time to recognize the indiAuduals in there, and 
I found many Spanish leaders, statesmen, Avho are friendly to me per- 
sonally, there as a committee, and they had come to the chief of police 
of all the Spanish police and demanded that the Conununists produce 
their charges against me. And Avhen I looked^ at the chief of police of 
all Spain I found him to be a persomil friend of mine; that I had met 
him in Almeria Avhen he Avas governor of that province. Then I 
turned to him and asked him how he, a Socialist, could permit these 
things to go on ; and he thrcAv up his hands in helplessness and pointed 
out that already he had a letter of resignation in the hands of the 
GoA'ermnent, because he would not be identified Avith the Communist 


terror. He told me, however, that the Communists had decided to 
prefer charges, and that I was to come back the following day to be 

I came back tlie follovri]:;g day with my own interpreter, and when 
I got into tlie office the secret political police summarily told my in- 
terpreter to leave. I want you to remember that fact. Instead they 
brought me their own interpreter, and the first thing this interpreter 
did Avas to sidle up to me and whisper in my ear : "You have many 
powerful friends on the outside ; you have nothing to fear ; they will 
take care of you ; they have sent me here to help you." 

Well, of course, he was an agent provocateur, too. He was trying 
to get me into a position where I believed that he was a friend, wlien 
I knew all the time that an interpreter for the secret political police, 
controlled by the Communists, was no friend of mine. 

So the inquisition started, and for 6 hours I was questioned, and the 
first question, mind you, was: "Did you ever criticize the Communist 
Party of Spain?" 

Xow, mind you, here is a department of the Government that is sup- 
posed to see to it that justice is done in Loyalist Spain; and was this 
department operating in behalf of Loyalist Spain? Not at all. It 
was interested in the Communist Party. 

Well, after 6 hours of questioning, this long document of many 
pages of testimony, taken down b}^ a recorder, was handed to me to 
sign. I said, "I refuse to sign that document until somebody I trust 
comes here and reads it back to me, and if it is what I testified to, I 
will be willing to sigii it." 

And let me interject here noAv that I have received information 
from Spain that if I had signed that document they would have put 
me up against a Avail and shot me first, and then explained to the 
world later that they had the proof against Sam Baron, a Fascist spy. 
And for confirmation of that fact liere is a sentence that a.ppeared 
in the Communist Press of the United States Avhen I returned : 

It is quite possible that if Baron hadn't been an American he wonld have 
been shot for treason. 

After the questioning, and I had refused to sign this document, 
this "El Jefe," the chief, went back into an. inside room for advice, 
and he came out and ^Yent doAvnstairs and came back and told me, 
all right, I can go, but I must report to tlie police every day at 12 
o'clock. Well, for the days thereafter leaders of the Spanish people, 
not sympathetic to the Communist Party, had me sleep in their 
houses — different houses every night. Why? Because they Avere 
certain that if the Communists could not accomplish Avhat they 
Avanted through an official department they AvouJd operate to get me 
through the illegal departments. And so I slept in a different house 
CA^erv nifjht. 

I came back to the secret police the folloAving day Avith the former 
Ambassador to France, Senor Luis Araquistan, and we went to the 
main chief, and Araquistan looked at the main chief of the Valencia 
Province police and he says, "Don't I knoAv you?" And this chief 
of police said, "Yes; we Avorked together as neAvspapermen many 
years ago." And Araquistan said to him, "Hoav come you are a 
member of the Communist Party?" He had the hammer and sickle 


in his lapel. He says, "Well, everybody today has to ])elong to a 
political party, and I think the Communists are tlie party of the 

So he asked him about Sam Baron and he says, "Wliy, of course 
Sam Baron is free to go." "Free to go?" I went out and made 
arrangements with friends, through the Frencli Ambassador, wlicre 
they would permit me to go on a French ship and be taken to Mar- 
seille. I came back to the secret political police and he tells me, yes, 
1 was free to go, but not to leave Spain. And I said. "Who has the 
authority to permit me to leave Spain?" And he said, "Somebody 
\i}) in Barcelona." So one morning, also during an air raid, a car 
l^nlled np to my door, and by sympathetic friends I was taken in the 
dead of night up to Barcelona. 

I went to the American consulate and asked them to get my visa so 
I could leave Spain. And I am speaking about this particular item 
because it has been charged that the Loyalist Government put me out 
of Spain., and that is a falsehood, as the State Department can testify 
to through their records in the Barcelona office: that I went to the 
American consulate in Barcelona, and they themselves, after 3 days' 
wait, procured my permission to lea^'e. And I left S]>ain. 

When I got on the train at the border I noticed a certain individual, 
and it was not until about 3 weeks after that I took a boat, or took the 
train for the boat, to take me to the United States ; and I am sitting 
in a cafe in the railroad station waiting: for mv boat train, and I am 
speaking with a Spaniard, and this Spaniard seems to be engrossed 
in something over my shoulder, and I am irritated by it, because he is 
paying no attention to my conversation ; and I look around, ajid tiiere 
is an individual leanins: all the wav back trving- to catch the conversa- 
tion. I immediately get up, and I pass this individual, and I look at 
l\im, and it is the same individual who was on that train from the 

I get on my boat — a boat that had about 20 passengers ; a slow boat, 
a 10-day boat from France — and I walk on dock that night, and who 
is walking toward me but that individual. I managed to secure the 
identity of that person, and I found that he had purchased his ticket 
right after I had purchased my ticket; that he had purchased that 
ticket to the same place that I bought my ticket, and that this indi- 
vidual was a Russian., recentlv Americanized. 

The Chairman. Do you know who that individual was? 

Mr. Baron. That is something that T have been looking iln-ough 
for 3 days. I have his name, an.d if I can get it — which I will get 
before I come back here Monday — the passenger list of that boat, I 
will give that name into the record. 

John P. Frey was one of the passengers on that ship — John P. 
Frey, of the American Federation of Labor — and he could testify to" 
the nature of my suspicions pertaining to that individual. 

There were onl}^ 20 people — approximately 20 people — on that ship; 
and you know on a long voyage of that sort, 10 days, everybody gets 
to talk to each other. Well, that individual never spoke one word 
to me. 

So I came back to the United States, to l^e greeted })y a barrage from 
the Communists, from their stooges, from their fronts, from their 
"fellow travelers," desti-oying my character. 


But before I close I want to relate just one incident of so many 
incidents in connection with this terror. I had known an individual, 
whose real name I am not going to give because he is still in Spain. 
This individual was born in a central European countrj'-, and when the 
Bolshevik re^^olution broke out he, in sympathy, went to that country, 
participated, was taken prisoner by Kolchak in Siberia, and subse- 
quently stayed on in Soviet Russia and trained himself in the army. 
When the Spanish war broke out he volunteered to go there, and 
through his military abilities he grew to the rank of captain. I met 
him in Madrid. He was a hulking giant of a man, about 6 feet 2, 
who probably weighed something like 250 pounds. While in Valencia 
I lieard that his wife, whom he had married in Spain, had been 
denounced by the Communists as being a Fascist spy. This woman 
had put in years of her life in the movement of the German Socialist 
Party; had come to Spain in 1932, when Hitler took power, and par- 
ticipated in her activities to help tlie working class there. The Com- 
munists denounced her as a Fiscist spy because she was in opposition 
to the Communists. 

Mr. Baron. Well, this particular woman was defended by many 
prominent people in Spain, and the Connnunists did not vv^ithdraw 
their charges; they just dropped them. But her character was ruined, 
because so many people know the charges and they rarely hear the 

Her husband, fighting at the front, tells me that the Communists 
came to him. and the G. P. U. ordered him to denounce his wife as a 
Fascist spy. He said, ''How could I denounce this woman as a Fascist 
spy, when at the front, when things became hot, this woman came to 
the front with two revolvers and fought next to her husband through- 
out the defensive." 

And he said, "Now, I do not know what is going to happen," and I 
looked at him, this hulking giant who formerly weighed 250 pounds, 
who probably now w^eighs about 150 pounds, just a visible example to 
me of how the terror can undermine a human being. 

Then he said this last word to me. He said, "Sam Baron, forget 
all about it ; go back to the United States and do your work and for- 
get it." He said, "We have built a monster, Stalin, and he will 
destroy us all. You save yourself." I said to him, "I have a good 
many years to go, and I can never rest in peace if I remained silent." 

That concludes my testimony in relation to the Communists' role in 
Spain. I want to give testimony on another aspect of Spain in a 

The Chairman. What other aspect do you have in mind? 

Mr. Baron. I want to show vrhat I believe to be un-American ac- 
tivities in conjunction with individuals in the United States who are 
supporting General Franco and the Fascist cause there, as it relates 
to the question of the Neutrality Act and the embargo on Loyalist 

It is my contention that tlie embargo on Spain is unjust and un- 
American, that the Loyalist Government is a legal government and 
has the right to do business, especially in those nations 

The Chairman. Mr. Baron, we have allowed you a great deal of 
latitude, but. of course, when you get into the question of the embargo, 
pro or con, we are getting into something that this committee has 



absolutely notliiiiir in the world to do witli. AVe want to give you all 
the latitude i)Ossible, because we realize the circumstances surrounding 
this matter, l)ut I doubt sincerely if we would be justified in receiving 
testimony either in defense of or against either Loyalist Spain or 
Franco's government, or anything else. 

We have allowed you a lot of latitude in developing the communistic 
phase, but we have nothing to do wnrh or are we concerned as a com- 
mittee with the question of n.eutrality, as to which side is right. 

j\Ir. ^Iason. We are very dee])ly concerned with communistic activ- 
ities here in America in connection with the enlistment of these boys 
and how they proceeded, and so forth. If the witness has anything 
in that connection to give us, it seems to me that is one thing we 
should emphasize. 

The Chairman. Of course, the witness, as I luiderstand it, is taking 
the other phase of the question, which he is entitled to do ; that is, the 
communist angle of those enlistments. As I understand it, what you 
w^ant to develop is the Fascist angle of those Avho support that 

Mr. Baron. That is right. Your un-American activities pertain 
both to the Fascist and communistic activities. 

Mr. MosiER. It seems to me, Mr. Chairman, we have in this witness 
one whom I would call an expert. If we have had any experts here^ 
this is the one witness wdio is an expert not only on the question of 
communism in Loyalist Spain, but I think he would probably pro\'e 
to be an expert on Fascist activities on the other side. 

I think this conmiittee ought to be perfect^ fair. I do not care 
to have him argue the merits of the Neutrality Act, because that is 
something that Congress has already determined. 

The Chairman. And the Committee on Foreign Affairs has charge 
of that. 

Mr. Mosier. Yes. But I think if he knows what is actuallv beino- 
done in this countr}^ by groups or individuals for the Fascist side in 
(Spain, he ought to tell us. 

Mr. Mason. That is a different thing, if it is being done in this 
country in support of the Fascists in Spain. If that is true, then it is 
just as un-American as any other un-American activity. 

The Chairman. Is that the effect of what you are going to say 
about individuals in this country? 

Mr. Baron. Yes. Before going into that, I would like to tie up 
what I contended at the very beginning, when I started to testify, that 
the Communist Internationale, in its role in Soviet Russia, its role in 
Germany in 1931 and 1932, and its role in Austria in 1934, was predi- 
cated on the basis that all democratic forces were social Fascists, and I 
told \\\^ committee the fact that those in the Communist movement 
claim that since 1935 it has changed this line, and proceeded to prove 
in the Spanish events that the line has not been changed, but what has 
changed are slogans. Their tactics remain the same and their objec- 
tives remain the same, but in the changing of slogans 

Mr. MosiER. You still have not told' us wdiat I asked you this 

Mr. Baron. After I get through with this you can ask me thnt 


When I talk about changing the slogans, which I think is of im- 
portance to the people of the United States, and especially the workiiig 
class, I want to indicate what I mean by that. 

First, you heard about the League Against War and Fascism; then 
that was changed to the League for Peace and Democracy. 

First, it was a league against imperialist war, and now it is collective 
security, and when that slogan became a little tainted, it is now con- 
certed action. 

You heard a lot about the people's front. Now that that has become 
a little tainted, they now call it the democratic front. 

You heard a lot about defending the Chinese Soviets, now you have 
defending the Chinese Republic. 

In 1934, in the Madison Square Garden meeting, at which LaGuardia 
spoke, sponsored by trade-unionists and Socialists, to trj^ to defend 
civil liberty and democracy in Austria, the Communists broke up that 
meeting, and that was one of the greatest riots recorded in that year. 

The Communists refused to let any speakers speak. AVhy ? Because 
Mayor LaGuardia was the chief speaker. 

In 1938 the Socialist Party meeting was broken up. Why? Be- 
cause the Socialist Party had refused to support Mayor LaGuardia. 

In the old davs it was social Fascists ; todav it is asrents of fascism. 

In the old days we were told to respect and admire the type of 
leadership of the old Bolsheviki as Communist leaders, but in the 
Connnunist movement today they have been put up against the wall 
and shot, and we are told we must despise them. 

Throughout the course of Communist activities is one major premise ; 
that is, no matter whether the Communist movement is left, right, or 
center in political affairs, it remains a totalitarian movement. 

Its objective is to set up a dictatorship of its own party over all of 
the people. By that I mean the dictatorship of an individual over that 
party, as demonstrated in Soviet Russia. 

The Chairman. I think vou have covered that. 

Mr. Barox. I am through now. 

The Chairman. Here is the point I am particularly interested in. 
You wanted to tell us about Americans in Spain who have been vic- 
timized b}^ the Communists. You have given the instance of yourself, 
vour trial and arrest, and certain instances about which you have read 
from articles, but you have not testified and come down to facts. What 
we are interested in is the American participation in this thing, the 
part Americans are playing in it. 

Mr. Baron. You ask the questions and I will answer them. 

The Chairman. I want to ask you a few questions to see if we can 
get the specific facts. 

Do you know how many American boys, at the top figure, were in 

Mr. Baron. Well, I think the reports in the press are accurate. 
They range between four and six thousand. 

The Chairman. Do you knoAv what percentage of those boys were 
Communists and what percentage were non-Communists? 

Mr. Baron. According to Communist sources them'selves, the per- 
centage was 25 or 30 percent. 

The Chairman. Twenty-five or thirty percent Avere Communists and 
the others Avere of different political beliefs? 

04931— 39— vol. 4 14 


Mr. Baron. That is riolit. 

The Chairman. Were th.ere many Socialists over there? 

Mr. Baron. Of Americans? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

]Mr. Baron. Very few. 

The Chairman. Do you maintain, from your experience and inyes- 
tif^ation, that the Communists were wholly instrumental in enlisting 
these boys for Spain? 

Mr. Baron. In the United States? 

The CHAiR]srAN. Yes ; in the United States. 

Mr. Baron. Yes; that is true; but. as I said before, I do not criticize 
therii for that. 

The Chairman. I just want to get the facts. 

Mr. Mason. In that connection, could you say whether many of 
these boys were enlisted on W. P. A. projects, who were working for 
the W. P. A. here before they were enlisted to go to Spain? 

Mr. Baron. I could not testify to anything like that. I would 

The Chairman. Let us not imagine. You do not know ? 

Mr. Baron. No ; I do not know. 

The Chairman. Let us try to get positive evidence just as to what 
you know. 

Do you know w^iat percentage of the American boys in Spain are 
now in prison ? 

Mr. Baron. No. 

The Chairman. Are you in a position to say wliether any of them 
are in prison? 

yiv. Baron. An}* of them? 

The Chair3ian. Any of them. 

Mv. Baron. I have brought out various instances of Americans in 
jail, and all through the newspaper clippings and articles, many things 
I have put into the record, I referred to or I pointed out that all 
through these you will find instances of Americans getting caught up 
and being put in jail in Spain. That is V\diy I wanted to read those 
thino-s, and then I climaxed it by showing you 

Xhe Chairman. I understand. From the information you have 
and from your own experience, would you say there is any considerable 
nimiber of them in prison ? 

Mr. Baron. It is possible. 

The Chairman. Of course, you found it difficult to get the facts 
over there, did you not? 

Mr. Baron. Very difficult. But I do know this : That I have spoken 
to some 50 people who were with the International Brigade. 

The Chairman. While you were over there? 

Mr. Baron. Yes; and that men who have fought in the American 
Brigade have confirmed it and told me many stories of instances where 
Americans were clamped in jail because they disagi'ced with the Com- 

I have letters and other material, but. as I told the conunittee before, 
I am not breaking any confidences. I am not involving people who 
do not v.ant to come forward. 


Tlie Chairman. But your information, which you secured while in 
Spain, based on the documentary evidence which you have submitted, 
indicates that a number of American bo^'s have been imprisoned by 
tlie Communists. 

Mr. Babon. Quite a number. 

Tlie Chairman. And that some have been kidnaped. 

Mr. Baron. Tliat is true. 

The Chairman. And that some have been subjected to other forms 
of torture. 

'My. Baron. That is right. 

The Chairman. That wouhl be correct, woukl it? 

Mr. Baron. That woukl be correct. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether or not that is confined to 
non-Communists, or whether Comnnmists who went over to Spain are 
subjec'ied to similar treatment? 

Mr. Baron. It is confined pi'imariiy to non-Communists, but it is 
not umisual for Communists to get the same medicine the first time 
they step out of bounds. 

The Chairman. Wliat do vou mean bv "step out of bounds"? 

Mr. Baron. For nistance, Communists go over there and they see 
what goes on, the activities that are carried on in the movement. They 
become disgusted, and they declare their disgust, and various officials 
in the movement hear about it, and so they are marked, and they suffer 
the consequences like non-Connnunists. 

The Chairman. You had coiiA^ersations with officials of the Lovalist 

Mr. Baron. Yes. 

The Chairman. Did they admit to you that the Communists have 
jails over there? 

Mr. Baron. I would rather read those reports; I can give you that 
from the report of John McGovern, a Member of Parliament. 

They told me that they knoAv the Communists have jails through- 
out Spain and that they are trying desperately to find out where they 
are and break them up. Officials of the Lovalist Government have 
told me that, many of them. 

The Chairman. Did you learn tliat from otlier sources? 

Mr. Baron. Oh, yes: from many people. 

The Chairman. Is that a matter of common knowledge throughout 
Spain ? 

Mr. Baron. Throughout Spain ; that is right. 

The Chairman. Do you, 3^ourself, know of any specific act of mur- 
der of an American ? 

Mr. Baron. Did I witness a murder? 

The Chairman. You, yourself, never witnessed one, of course. 

Mr. Baron. I am sorry to say the Communists did not invite me to 
their parties. 

The Chairman. Do ^'ou know, from specific acts, that you yourself 
have investigated, with the facts that you discovered surrounding 
them, tliat you were led to the certain belief that ximericans had been 
either kidnaped or murdered ? 

Mr. B\R0N. Members of the International Brigade in New York 
have told friends of mine, and have boasted, that they have shot other 


members of the Internatioiial r>riira(le because they disagreed with 
most of the communistic line. That is all there was. I could give 
you plenty more instances of peoi^le I spoke to in Spain, and I wish 
that a certain doctor, who has returned from Spain 

The Chairman. Wait a minute. 

Mr. Bakon. I wish that a certain doctor who has come back from 
Spain and who had been there for 15 months on the ground and 
served with the medical bureau — I wish he would come forward and 
tell what he knows and what he told me about the terror in Spain, 
as it affected the American boys. 

The Chairman. You do not want to give his name ? 

Mr. Baron. No. 

The CHAiRiVtAN. Do you care to give the names of any of these 
members of the International Brigade who gave you this informa- 
tion ? 

Mr. Baron. No : if I had their names I would give them, those who 
boasted about murdering. 

The Chairman. You do not have any of their names? 

Mr. Baron. No. 

The Chairman. Is it true that your charges of murder and kid- 
naping are largely based upon hearsay testimony, on what you were 
told, and what you learned from others? 

IVIr. Baron. In addition to my own personal experience with the 
secret political })olice, which reveals 

The Chairman. Of course, that is direct testimony. I am trying 
to verify this to get the meat of this thing exactly, as to how much 
you, yourself, know as distinguished from what some (me else knows. 

Mr. Baron. Hearsay, and in corroboration I have had in hundreds 
of stories from various sources from the American press and from 
people who have been in Spain, and it corroborates Avhat I have said 
before this committee. 

Tjie Chairman. In addition to your own trial and one or two 
incidents you have enumerated, what was your actual experience 
with the Communists in Spain? I am asking now for your own 

Mr. Baron. I was in contact with them all over Spain, wherever 
I went. 

The Chairman. Did you meet them at various places in Spain? 

^Ir. Baron. Yes. 

The Chairman. Did you see them function as unofficial com- 

Mr. Baron. As committees of the Loyalist Government — well. I 
saw them operate around the censorship bureau, and I will relate 
an incident that occurred there upon my second trip. 

On my second trip, I had notified a member of the censorship 
bureau that I would he there the following day. I came up there 
and was greeted immediately, and turned over to one by the name 
of Steve Nelson. Steve Nelson is an American, and a political com- 
missar in the International Brigade. 

Steve Nelson said to me, he said, "You are Sam Baron?" I said, 

He said, "Are you a Fascist?" I said, "No." He said, "Did you 
write an article in the Socialist Call?" I said, "Yes." 


Then he went into a lonof tirade in which he denounced me. So I 
turned to him and said, "If you have anythino: to say about me there 
are man}' agencies in the Loyalist Government who will be glad 
to hear of it, and I will answer it. 

The Chairman. I am trying to ^XQi this straight in my own mind, 
Mr. Baron. Of course, much of 3'our information is based upon 
these newspaper articles and magazine articles. You are not in a 
position to say whether those articles are authentic, or not. are you? 

Mr. Barox. Yoti mean the material contained in the articles'? 

The Chairman. Yes. What leads yott to belie^'e that they are 
authentic articles that acttially depict the trtith? 

Mr. Baron. Like any reporter, when he speaks with such people as 
the former Premier 

The Chairman. I was not speaking about that. I mean, in refer- 
ence to articles written by other newspaper re])orters in Spain, who 
wrote of certain incidents that occurred, what leads you to believe 
they are authentic? 

Mr. Baron. If you make it specific — for instance, as to the terror, 
I have spoken to and have known many hundreds of people in Spain 
who have been through the terror, and when a newspaper writer 
writes about the terror, and I get the evidence on ail sides that it 
exists, that is my experience in that direction. 

For instance, let me cite this: Eugene Lyons, in his very excellent 
liook on Soviet Russia, compiled data which indicates certain events 
in Soviet Russia. Eugene Lyons was not in the period or the time 
tliey had millions of people dying from hunger. He was not there to 
die with them, but still he ascertained the facts by speaking with 
many ])eople aa^io should know. 

]\rr. MosiER. Is it not, Mr. Witness, somewhat similar, we will say, 
to the Klan in the United States, the Ku Klux Klan? You ask the 
ordinary American if tliere VN-as a Klan in the L^nited States. He 
pi'obably was not a member and did not see the organization, but it 
was common knoAA'ledge that there was a Klan in the LTnited States, 
and it was common knowledge that the Klan did a lot of things that 
Avere horrible. It was common knowledge, and you did not have to 
prove it, either to yourself or anybody else, because everybody 
kneAY of it. 

As I understand the operations of the Communists in Spain, it is 
more or less an underground proposition; they do not let you see 
any more than they can possibly help. 

If 5^ou happen to get into a situation, as you did, where you were 
pei^onally involved, it proA^es to you that there is a great deal of 
truth in all of the stuff you have heard, especially that other people 
have gone through the same experience. 

Mr. Baron. I think you haA^e made an excellent point about the 
Ku Klux Klan in o|>eration as an tuiderground movement. That is 
why no tnidergrotmd or illegal movement functions in a AA^ay in Avhich 
you can say it operates here or there, or does this or that; the only 
tiling you can do is to take the people aaIio liaA^e suffered at the hands 
of these illegal organizations and produce them, and I haA^e in those 
articles names and dates and places Avhen and at Avhich people Avere 
persecuted by this underground and illegal Communist organiza- 
tion in Spain. 


Tlie Chairman. You have to depend to some extent — there is only 
one item in a o^reat many like it, so you record your personal experience 
and otlier news])apermen recorded their personal experiences, and 3^ou 
put them together to get a com])osite picture of the whole situation. 

Mr. Baron. That is right. When I tell you I have traveled in 
every section in Spain and been in every major city, and in many 
small towns, certainly that wide survey would indicate that ihe 
ground has been thoroughly covered. 

Mr. Mason. I want to ask this question: I understood that the main 
reason you put so many ne\\'spaper and magazine articles in the 
record was to use tliem as corroboration for the incidents you testi- 
fied to from personal observation, as coming from other authorities 
besides yourself, to back up your own observation and experience. 

Mr. Baron. That is right. 

Mr. MosiER. Let me ask you one more question. You mentioned a 
man by the name of Steve Nelson. What part of tiie United States 
was he from? 

Mr. Baron. Xew York City. 

Mr. MosiER. Had you known him before you went to Spain? 

Mr. Baron. I knew of him. 

Mr. MosiER. Was he a Communist in New York? 

Mr. Baron. Yes. 

Mr. Hosier. Active in the Communist Partv? 

Mr. Baron. Yes. 

Mr. MosiER. Was that his correct name, Steve Nelson ? 

Mr. Baron. I doubt it. 

Mr. MosiER. But he was known as Steve Nelson, in New York? 

Mr. Baron. Yes. 

Mr. MosiER. AYas this Steve Nelson, to vour knoAvledo'e, ever located 
in New York on Fourth Avenue, and associated with a man known as 
Manney ? 

Mr. Baron. I do not know of my personal knowledge, but I have 
heard it. 

Mr. MosiER. Did you ever hear of an.y man they called Manney ? 

Mr. Baron. Only as you know about those things, because you hear 
about things. I do not know Manney personally, or his activities. 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. Baron. Of course, I will tie these things together, but I want 
to put in the record photographs of German Nazis, Italian Fascists, 
Moors, that Avere taken prisoner by the Loyalist forces in Spain and 
whom I interviewed. 

I also want to put in the record certain items that I picked up 
when I followed the Loyalist Army, which resulted in the Guadala- 
jara rout of the Italian forces in Spain, and when I got to tha 
Italian positions, or positions formerly held by the Italians, I picked 
up certain things which I want to put into the record. 

For instance, here is an Italian money order, indicating evidently 
that the Italians were being ])aid through Rome. It has not been 

Here are covers of cigarette packages indicating Avhere they cam© 

T took this plate off an antiaircraft truck, which indicates the 
truck was manufactured in Ital3^ 


I have here a document of the War Department of Italy with all 
the fancv riaamarole indicatino- the owner of this document was a 
member of the Italian Arm v. 

All of this in Spain. 

Of course, no longer is there any dispute that the Italians, Ger- 
mans, and Moors are in Spain, but the thing that affected me most in 
that experience is that when I went into a machine-gun nest for- 
merly held by the Italians and I picked up the shells of the bullets 
they were firing and I looked at them, I saw that the imprint was 
"U. S." Here are the bullets. [Producing bullets.] There wasj 
graphically revealed to me that munitions manufactured in th© 
United States get into the hands of Fascist Spain by purchase 
through Germany and Italy, 

The point I want to make is that the Neutrality Act is unneutral; 
that if we reallv wanted neutralitv we should at least refuse to sell 
munitions to Germany and Italy, who are participants in the war in 

Not only these bullets but it is a fact that bombs have been 
shipped from the du Pont plant, where the bill of lading m.ade clear 
that the ultimate destination was not Germany. The New York 
Evening Post brought that out very clearlj^ 

While I was in Spain a group of eight planes were being flown 
into Spain and they came down on the border of France, and upon 
investigation it w^as found that these planes were consigned to 
Franco but they were of American manufacture. 

Now, one thing I cannot understand is this. I have experienced 
this, that the Fascists' capacity for terror and horror surpasses even 
the Communist capacity for terror and horror. I have been in Madrid 
for 30 days, throughout the time that city was shelled clay in and 
day out. Approximately TOO shells would hit that city in 1 da}^ from, 
two positions outside of Madrid. These shells sent into the city, no 
matter where they fell, there was no bit of desire upon the part of 
those firing them to hit any military objective. 

I personally witnessed so many horrors that if I told you about 
tliem it would make your blood run cold, as it did mine. 

I have been in approximately 50 areas in territory that had no 
military objective. I have been down into Almeria at the time 100,- 
000 people were driven out of the city of Malaga and they came up 
a road, a road cut out of a cliff that on one side had a sheer drop 
to the Mediterranean below, and on the other side was this wall and 
the only way they could proceed north was along the open road. 
The Fascist ships pulled up in the Mediterranean and the planes from 
above dropped bombs on these refugees and then swooped down 
strafing these refugees until some of them in desperation found 
peace by jumping off the clifi down into the Mediterranean below. 

I can go on for hours telling of terror and horror, but what amazes 
me is that certain priests in the United States — for instance, Father 
Coughlin in the press yesterday takes the occasion to point out alleged 
brutality from the Loyalist side and never mentions one W'Ord about 
the Fascist brutality on the other side. 

What I ask of these priests and Ellerv Sedgwick and the Catholic 
laymen who are in the press every day talking about terror on the 
other side is. Why don't thev speak out and tell the world about the 
terror that exists as the result of the Fascist onslaus^ht ? 


I cannot understand it and I do not say this in any sort of religions 
intolerance, because nobody will ever find a word I have written or 
said where I have preached religious intolerance. 

But what I cannot understand is how the Catholic Church that 
fights Hitler in Germany and is at the throat of Mussolini in Italy 
can find itself in a united front with Hitler, Mussolini, and last, but 
not least, the Christian-hating Moors in Fascist Spain. 

The Chairman. Is it not a fact that in Loyalist Spain the churches 
were demolished and the priests and nuns were butchered? 

jNIr. Baron. I will answer that question. The churches were de- 
molished; nowhere near the number stated. 

The Chairman. How do you know that? 

Mr. Baron. Because I have been all over Spain and I have seen 
churclies that have been demolished. 

The Chairman. Do you know of a church that has not been used 
for military purposes, that has not been taken possession of, that has 
not been seized t 

Mr. Baron. I know churches have been closed and I have seen hun- 
dreds that are not used for military purposes and I have been at 
religious services of Protestant churches in Spain during the war that 
have not been closed. 

The Chairman. Did you see any Catholic churches that have not 
been closed in Lo^^alist Spain ? 

Mr. Baron. Xot that I know^ of, but at the time I was in Spain I 
knew as a fact that ])riests were officiating at services in various parts 
of Spain, and the Catholic Church of the Basque section of Spain, 
all the churches there were functioning, and the Catholic Church in 
that section officially supported the Loyalist cause. 

The Chairman. What section of Spain was that? 

Mr. Baron. Basque section. 

The Chairman. Outside of that section, do you know of any 
churches that were open? 

^fr. Baron. Xo: I do not. 

The Chairman. Do you not think by that act the Loyalist Govern- 
ment condemned itself? 

Mr. Baron. No; and I will explain that. 

The Chairman. As intolerant? 

Mr. Baron. I will explain that. 

The Chairman. What I want to %^t in my mind is this : We cry out 
against the pei-secution of peoi)le in one area — let us say Germany; 
and tliat is bad, we all agree. But here is Spain, in wJiicli a religious 
body was not jjermitted the right to worship God according to the 
dictates of their conscience, where the Government used repi'essive 

Mr. Mason. That is not democracy. 

Mr. Baron. It is not democracy. 

The Chairman. Is that not a condemnation of their whole set-up? 

Mr. Baron. I will answer thot. I disagree with you. Has it ever 
occurred 1o the Catholic Chuivh to ask itself the question why it is 
that not the Loyalist Government but the people who attend those 
churches — because Sj^ain is 98 or 99 percent Catholic — rise up in a 
frenzy and tear a])art a church? Nobody has shown to this date that 
the Loyalist Government has ever spoken or directed or in any way 


had anytliino: to do with the buniiiiii' of churches in the early davs of 
the war. 

How did tliat occur' I tell you from personal experience, when I 
went through various cities of Spain, I saw this: The church had been 
burned, and in front of the church was the usual watering place; the 
church usually faces the square, and in the centesr of the square is the 
wateiino- place. 

The Chairman. I do not know what the other gentlemen on the 
conmiittee think, but I think we are v\'andering far afield to permit 
any testimony either of approval or condenmation of any religious 
body. It brings into the picture a Aery controversial subject. I do 
not know that it adds to any testimony that we have had 
with respect to this iriquiry. Do you not think we liaA^e had enough 
on this^ 

Mr. Mason. Mr. Chairman, I Avant to knoAv just how and Avhere 
and by Avhom any aid of any kind is being sent to Franco from the 
United States. 

The Chairman. That is ail right. 

Mr. Mason. In violation of the laAv. That is all I am interested 
in. I am not interested in Avhat is going on -OA^er there pro or con, 
Avho is being cruel and aa ho is not. But the other is really part of 
our function. We Avant to know where this stuff is going oA^er there^ 
to either side. 

The Chairman. Of course. Ave liaA^e had testimoiiA' that large sums 
of money haA^e been raised. 

Mr. Mason. Yes. 

The Chairman. By such organizations as the League for Peace 
and Democracy, and the money eAddently was used to purchase sup- 
plies that Avent to Spain. If the Avitness has any testimony with 
respect to the other side. Ave will hear that. But Avhat I mean is, 
AA'hen we get into the question of the Catholic Church in a couniry 
across the Avater 

Mr. Mason. That is extraneous to our inA^estigation. 

The Chairman. I think it is wandering far afield. 

]Mr. Baron. I am not condemning the Catholic Church. I am re- 
ferring to individuals and sections of the people Avho are actiA^e in 
being pro-Franco supporters in the United States. This committee 
has heard many, many people who have come here and denounced 
people Avho have supported the Loyalist side. This is not an issue 
Avith the Church as such. Catholic institutions run by Catholic 
laA'men are also raising money for General Franco. 

The Chairman. Do a^ou have auA' evidence of that ? 

Mr. Baron. Why, it Avas reported in the NeAv York Times, and 
there is a list of contributions to the Spanish cause, Avhich I have 

Tliere Avas an American Committee for Spanish Relief — and you 
can get this information, it is Avell known that there Avere a lot of 
Catholic laymen connected with that and they held one meeting at 
Madison Square Garden Avhere the amount of contributions received 
Avas $28,696.24 and expenditures for relief in S]>ain, nothing. Funds 
s]>ent for administration, publicity, affairs, campaigns, etc., $30,- 
359,10. Nothing Avas sent to Spain. 

Then the Brookh^n Tablet : Certainh^ eA^erA'bodA" in NeAv York knoAvs 
that that is a Catholic organ. They raised $33,335.56. Sent to Spain,. 

2640 UN-AMi:iii('AX puopaganda activities 

to General Franco. $26,804.50. I can ^o down the list and point ont 
other orpmizations. 

What I am tryiiig to say here, if yon will let me answ^er the former 
qnestion, is that there have been so many misstatements of fact. For 
instance, why were churches burned? On July 18, 1936, when the 
revolt spread out and the army did not have a military base, the 
church was used as a militar}^ base. I have gone througli manj^ cities 
and towns in Spain wliere I corroborated that testimony. 

In the center of the square, facing the church, this stone watering 
})lace was simply ])eppered with machine-gun-bullet holes, where on 
the day of the revolt the local Fascist supporters locked themselves into 
the church and fired upon the people upon the outside. 

On the back of the churcii was a rope hanging down from the 
window, up which the Loyalist supporters climbed and vrent inside 
and fought with them to the death. 

Naturally the people in a town like that, finding the church sup- 
porting the Fascists and the Germans and the Italians, would rise up 
and revolt, and no government, I do not care what it is, at a time like 
that can control the emotions of the people. 

And what I said before was that I have attended services in the 
Protestant church. No Protestant church was closed in Spain. The 
Catholic church was closed for one simple reason, that if it were 
opened the people would have risen and torn tliem apart. 

Now, you see in the press every day church after church being 
opened in Loyalist Spain, Catholic churches, because the feelings and 
emotions of the people have been quieted since that time. But to tie 
it up with the Loyalist Government I think is unfair, terribly unfair. 

The Chairman. Does that conclude what you wanted to say with 
reference to the Fascist aid? 

Mr. Baron. Just this : That, as I contend, the Loyalist Government 
is a legal government and has a right to do business with governments 
having normal relations with it. The reason why the Communists 
have been able in Spain to make such inroads against democracy is be- 
cause the various govermiients have refused to do normal business 
with the Loyalist Government. I hold and I submit to this commit- 
tee that certainly the Government of the United States ought to lift 
the embargo and let the I^oyalist Goverujnent buy on a cash and carry 
plan the things that it has a right to buy from this Nation. That 
means that the United States Government cannot become involved in 
the fight in Spain : that the Spanish Government would send its own 
ships and carry oft' its own merchandise. 

Let the Neutrality Act be amended so that it is a neutrality act. 
The United States Government should refuse to sell munitions of Avar 
to Germany and Italy if it does not do what I have suggested. 

That is all I have to say. 

The Chairman. Do you feel you have had an opportunity to ex- 
press fully your views? 

Mr. Baron. Yes, and I appreciate the cooperation of the committee. 

The Chairman. We have permitted you to do that, not because it 
is in the province of tlie committee to discuss these subjects, it is 
w^andering afield, but we wanted to be absolutely fair with every wit- 
ness. Tliat is tlie reason we permitted you to make your statement. 


Mr. Baron. That completes entirely the Spanish question. I would 
leave my testimony on the other aspects of the Communist work in 
the United States until the committee reconvenes again. 

The Chairman. Before we conclude the hearings, the Chair wishes 
to read into the record from the November 1933 issue of Figlit and 
a statement by Roger Baldwin, executive director of the Civil Lib- 
erties Union, as follows: 

For militant tactics against war in the United States, we of the Anti-War 
Congress mnst not count upon conscientious objection based upon individual 
consciences as any force whatever. We must count only upon organized workers, 
farmers, and their sympathizers among intellectuals, to refuse service to the 
war machine, to block a declaration of war by a general strike, to impede a war 
by the same tactics after it has been declared, and failing that the moment the 
opporrunity comes to refuse to go on with the war. Historically examined, 
such mass refusals have always been the prelude to ousting the war government 
and ushering in revolutionary change. No adequate power can be built to end 
war, as all its opponents identify themselves with the straggle of those classes 
which alone can abolish the system of conflicting greeds on which war thrives. 

There is a note under that article which the Chair wishes to read, 
as follows: 

Note. — This article by Mr. Baldwin, v.hile not expressing the official position 
of the American League Against War and Fascism, is an important contribution 
from one who has been actively engaged in the antiwar movement. The editors 
invite discussion. 

The Chair reads that because the evidence before this committee 
indicates that a number of Government officials are prominently 
identified with the Civil Liberties Union. 

Mr. MosiER. Are they classed as farmers or workers or intellec- 
tuals — these gentlemen ? 

The Chairman. The Chair also wishes to read from the December 
issue of tills magazine, an excerpt from an article by Donald Hend- 
erson, executive secretary of the American I^eague Against War and 
Fascism, as follows: 

Organize temporary stoppages of work in the factories, on the docks, on all 
war jobs. Demand the appropriations for relief and insurance, for slum clear- 
ance and new houses, for schools and unpaid salaries. 

Let all supporters of peace throughout the churches approach their ministers, 
priests, and rabbis to demand that they speak out against these policies of war 
works instead of public works. Let the preachers of the gospel demand from 
their pulpits immediate cancelation of all war contracts; let them range them- 
selves openly and sharply with the forces fighting for peace and against the war 
makers in our Government. Let the last two Sundays of this year be "Peace 

The Chairman. The Chair read a statement from an earlier article 
by Mr. Roger Baldwin, and the record also coiitains another statement 
heretofore placed in the record in whicli Mr. Baldwin, quoting his 
own language, stated chat "communism is the goal." 

!N'ow, there has been called to the Chair's attention a statement issued 
by Secretary Ickes, in which the Secretary has engaged in his usual 
cam'paign of abuse and vilification. The Chair will not attempt to 
contest with the Secretary on the question of which one can be the 
most abusive. The Chair is willing to award that palm to the Secretary 
without argument. 

However, the Secretary in his statement does admit, and, I might 
interpose, somewhat proudly, that he is a member of the Civil Liberties 

2642 UN-A^ii:uT( AN propaganda activities 

As to tlie statement whieli has been read from Roo-er Baldwin, Avho 
is the o-uidino- oeniiis of this oroanization, and has been for many 
years, the Chair wislies to sinnmon as a witness Mr. John L. Lewis, of 
the United Mine Workers, wlio in 1924, 1 believe was tiie date, had this 
to say about the American Civil Liberties Union : 

TluM'o arc 2«K) organizations in the Unito<l States actively engaged in or 
sympathetic with tlie Connnunist revolntionnry movement as directed and con- 
ducted l)y the Communist Party of America. Some of them are local in their 
scope and work; others are Nation-wide. Forty-five of these organizations of 
either "pink"" or radical structure are engaged in the Communist effort to seize 
control of the lahor iniions in this country and convert them to the revolutionary 
movement. In virtually every instance these organizations have direct contact, 
through the mechanisms of interlocking directorates, with the central executive 
committee of the Communist I'arty of Amei'ica, or with its legal branch, the 
Workers Party of .\merica. 

I note that it says further: 

Illustrative of tliis arrangement is the executive committee of the national 
committee of the American Civil Liberties Union, at New York, posing as the 
champion of free speech and civil liberties, but serving as a forerunner and trail 
blazer for the active and insidious activities of the Communist among labor or- 
ganizations. Harry F. Ward, born in London in 1873, and chancellor of the 
Union Theological Seminary, is chaii'man of this organization. The managing 
director is Roger Baldwin who served a term as a draft evader in thef E.ssex 
County jail in New Jersey in 1918 and 1919. 

So the Chair su.mmons as a Avitness the United ]Mine Workers an.d 
Mr. Jolni L. Lewis as to the character and type of this organization 
which Mr. Ickes admits lie belongs to, and to which it has been shown 
other Government officials belong or are identified Avith. 

In the statement which had been handed the Chair, the Secretary is 
quoted as saying : 

I think that the sound and decent public opinion of America should be felt, 
if there is such a thing as sound and decent public opinion. 

Hie Chair can appreciate the Secretary's doubt as to wliether there 
is a sound public opinion, in view of the fact that public o])inion has 
been very unfavorable to him in recent times, especially in Virginia 
where they repudiated him for his interference in a congressional 
cam])aign, as Aveil as in other sections where he intruded. 

The Secretary makes no attempt to answer the testimony which 
was received by this committee with reference to the action of the 
Civil Liberties XTnion in sponsoring legislation which Avas later in- 
corporated in bills and became a laAv. He makes no attempt to anSAver 
the charges, but resorts to his usual tactics of abuse for the simple 
reason that he is unable to ansAver the testimony by facts. 

The chair Avants to add, as he has stated many times, that the Sec- 
retary of the Interior, or anyone else, is Avelcome to appear before 
this committee and refute under oath any testimony that has been 
received. The Chair has extended that invitation from the first mo- 
ment Ave met, and the record Avill show that there haA^e been repeated 
invitations. Also, the ncAvspapers liaA^e carried that invitation 
throughout the country. Up to this present time, a very small num- 
ber of those against Avhom any charge or attack has been made haA^6 
requested the opi^ortunitv, either in person or through affidavits, to 
a])])ear before this committee to refute any such charges. The com- 
mittee, of course, has a schedule noAv, having invited numerous out- 
standing citizens to apj^ear before the committee beginning December 

un-a:mericax propaganda activities 2643 

-5 and extending throuoh December 16, which is the latest date on 
which we can hold any hearings, l^ecause of the approaching holi- 
days. From the 5th to the 16th of December we will give those wit- 
nesses every reasonable opportunity to be heaixl. I want the recoi'd 
to show that ample opportunity has been afforded anyone against 
whom charges have been made to appear before this committee and 
I'efute any such charges. 

The Chair wishes further to say, as he has said before, that any 
witness Avho testifies falsely before this committee can be punished 
for perjury. One individual, Mr. Isserman made some threat that 
he was going to proceed in criminal court against one of our wit- 
nesses, but we have heard nothing about that from that time to this, 
although we stated at the time that we would be glad to cooperate 
with the district attorney or an}^ Federal agency, because if any wit- 
ness perjures himself before this committee we will cooperate to tha 
end that he be punished for it. We do not anticipate that Mr. Isser- 
man will press his charges, because we happen to have considerable 
corroborative evidence in the form of witnesses and in the form of 
documentary proof which is ready to be offered should any attempt 
be made to question the accuracy of the witness' statement. 

The committee will stand adjourned until Monday morning at 
10 : 30 o'clock. 

(Thereupon, the subcommittee adjourned to meet on Monday, 
November 28, 1938, at 10:30 a. m.) 




House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Special Committee to 

Investigate Un-American Activities, 

Was king ton, D. C. 

The subcommittee met at 10:30 a. m., Hon. Martin Dies (chair- 
man) presiding. 

Present also : Mr. Mosier and Mr. Starnes. 

The Chair3ian. The committee will be in order. I vrant to put 
in tlie record some galley sheets from the New Jersey Guide and the 
Montana Guide, These galleys are the ones that went to the press 
for publication. 

(The galley sheets referred to are as follows:) 

a. J. M. — Machine No. 5 — October 4 

RACK 21— SLIDE 59 


2468— W. P. A. — NEW JERSEY— 10 Int. Gara. on 12 x 25 

The industrial revolution, which closely followed the political revolution 
against England, created a favorable opportunity for labor organization as it 
replaced home manufacture with the factory system. Despite this and the 
growth of many other natural fields for unionism, notably railroad and canal 
construction, iron and glass making, and pottery production, organization until 
1850 was almost vrholly confined to the older individual crafts. The extremely 
harsh conditions of the Paterson textile factories made them an exception. 
Here, women and children, who formed the majority of the employees, were 
required to be at vrork at 4 : 30 a. m. ; the whip was frequently used to obtain 
speedier production, and the work day lasted up to IG hours. 

One of the earliest recorded strikes and the first recorded sympathy strike in 
America occurred in these Paterson mills in 1S28. The employees, including a 
large number of children, walked out, demanding restoration of the noon lunch 
hour (which the company had changed arbitrarily to one o'clock) and reduction 
of the work day from 13i/^ hours to 12 hours. Carpenters, masons, and mechan- 
ics struck in sympathy with the millhands. The strike was lost, although later 
the owners conceded the 12 o'clock lunch. 

Trade unions organized by journeymen in several crafts caused the first real 
wave of strikes in New Jersey. Rising costs of living unaccompanied by in- 
creased wages during the prosperous period 1830-1836 resulted in at least a 
dozen important strikes. In 1835 or 1836 shoemakers in Newark, Paterson, and 
New Brunswick ; hatters in Newark ; textile workers in Paterson ; harness- 
makers and curriers in Newark ; and building-trades workers in Trenton, Pater- 
son, New Brunswick, and Newark — all battled for higher wages, and in som« 
cases for the 10-hour day. A majority of the strikes was won by organized 
trades societies that closely resembled the present-day "locals" of international 
unions. Early co-operation among such societies was evidenced by a $203 con- 
tribution from the Newark workingmen to striking textile workers in Paterson. 

Recognition of the value <;f ::^vicli aid led 10 trade societies, to t'csrm a 
Newark Trades Union, which today would be called a city federation or central 
labor council. Although this body sanctioned strikes and lent moral and. financial 
assistance, the individual trade societies shouldered the brunt of strike action. 
The Newark group played an important part in ISHG in the formation of tl'.e 



National Trades Union : New Bninswiclc also had a trades union, but it did not 
participate in the national movement. I'aterson's organization, tirandiloquently 
styled "The Paterson Association for the Protection of Laboring Classes, Opera- 
tives of Cotton Mills, Etc.," joined with the Newark Trades Union. 

Workers' co-operation coupled with the burgeoning of radical thought paved 
the way for labor's entry into politics during the turbulent ihirties. In Septem- 
ber 1830 a group of farmers, mechanics, and workingmen from Essex County m«^t 
in Newark to form ;i Workingmen's Party. Although th(^ outcome is unknown, 
records show that the meeting demanded the removal of property qualifications 
for voting, the taxation of l)onds and mortgages, and free schools. In 188-1 and 
1836 attempts were again made to establish a labor party in Newark. Their 
failure may be traced to tlie founders' apparent aim to build a patchwork political 
party rather than a strictly labor party, as demonstrated by their nomination of 
a coch lace manufacturer for mayor. 

The panic of 1837 temporarily halted the remarkable progress of the previous 
decade. Along with most other trades unions, the Newark group expired during 
the long depressi(ni, and in 1840 labor sacrificed its tiny political independence 
to the Whig onslaught against the "panic-making" Democrats. The following 
quarter of a century was marked by the growth of reform movements rather than 
militant trade unionism. Labor neglected organization for Fourierism, land 
reform, and the struggle for the 10-hour day. Perth Amb(jy and Trenton were 
centers of the reform movements ; workingmen in the latter city were mainly 
responsible for the passage in 1851 of the 10-hour working day law which also 
prohibited labor of children under 10 years of age. 

Out of this law, which characteristically carried no provisions for its enforce- 
ment, developed the Paterson textile strike of 18r)l. This struggle lacked the 
united front of the 1835 strike, and, although there was some attempt to form a 
union to sustain the law, most of the strikers lost their demands or agreed to 
work the 10-hour day at a reduction of wages. 

Three years later a spectacular dispute arose between the directors and the 
enginev^rs of the Erie Railroad. The engineers objected to a company rule which 
made them solely responsible for the safety of the trains. They tied up the 
railroad's traffic, and were charged with violence against strike-breakers. The 
difficulties were compromised, but in 1856 a new strike occurred when the com- 
pany discharged 10 members of a negotiating committee which was seeking to 
revise the objectionable rules. The Erie employed a strong iwlice force to guard 
the nonstrikers ; contemporary journals warned readers against traveling on the 
road during the strike. Although the struggle was won by the company, the 
engineers were prepared for participation in the national railroad organization 
that grew up after 1852. 

Despite an epidemic of strikes in the late fifties, organization activities fell off 
during the Civil War. When they were resumed after 18G5 it was on a broader, 
more nearly national basis. New Jersey contributed to this widening through 
the work of Uriah Smith Stevens, a native of Cape IMay, who founded the 
Knights of Labor in Philadelphia in 1869. This organization (whose sessions 
were secret until after 1878) sought to form a national alliance of skilled and 
unskilled workers, women as well as men, but its progress was impeded for 
almost a decade by tlie results of the panic of 1873. One of tlie earliest New 
Jersey groups to join was that of the ship carpenters and caulkers of Camden, 
organized in 1873 as Local 31. Other State locals were formed by Trenton print- 
ers, Jersey City mechanics, and Newark brewery and leather workers. 

During this period the State was the scene of two important events that indi- 
cated lal)or's rising strength. In 1877 the Socialist Labor Party, the oldest labor 
party in the country, was founded at Newark at the second convention of the 
so-called Working Men's Party of the T'uited States. This early organization had 
grown from a union of various socialist groups (1874-6). In 1882 Peter McGuire, 
of Camden, and Matthew Maguire, of Jersey City, started to campaign for the 
establishment of an oflicial Labor Day. Despite these significant trends, ir was 
said in 1.S82 that the window glass workers of New Jersey constituted the only 
large body of workers in the State that had steadily maintained a trade organi- 
zation throughout the previous 15 years. 

Improved conditions after 1882 swelled the membership of the Knights of 
Labor, which more and more showed itself a forerunner of industrial unionism. 
It made rapid strides in railroads, textiles, hats, cigars, leather, machinery, and 
pottery. The organization reached its peak in the State in 1887 with an enroll- 
ment of 30,000 out of a total of 50,000 organized workers ; 11,000 of these were in 
N(;wark alone. 


A combination of causes brought about tlie sudden and swift downfall of the 
Knights. The looseness and latitude of the organization made strike operations 
difficult, and its leaders tended toward conciliation rather than militancy. More 
serious, however, were the external obstacles and internal wrangles arising from 
the invasion of mass production industries employing unskilled labor. In these 
fields the Knights lacked the strength to cope with the employers, who could 

A. J. M. — Machine No. 5 — October 4 

RACK 21— SLIDE 60 

GALLEY 34 ^ ^ .^ „^ 

2460 — W. P. A. Guide — New Jersey — 10 Int. Gaia. on 12 x 25 

easily dissuade immigrant labor from unionism and could use the new arrivals 
as strikebreakers. Finally, the advocates of the old craft union system bitterly 
and constantly fought the national policy. 

These dissenting factions gradually made their way into the New American 
Federation of Labor which completed the local disintegration of the Knights by 
a vigorous push into the State shortly after 1<S90. The organization, set up on a 
craft union basis, was successful in unionizing the theatrical, printing, metal 
and building trades, although brewing and textile operatives were organized 
industrially. The federation concentrated on skilled workers and, although it 
became tlie official voice of labor in New Jersey, it generally neglected the mass 
production industries which dominated the State after 1900. 

The most important struggles in New Jersey labor history have been the 
Paterson silk strike in 1912-1?., luider the leadership of the Industrial Workers 
of the World; the Passaic woolen and worsted strike of 1926, the first strike in 
the country in which acknowledged communists played a vital part in organiza- 
tion ; and the Paterson silk and dye strikes of 1933 and 1934. Only the 1933 
strike was notably successful. Both the silk workers' and dyers' unions won 
recognition, with pay increased from $12 and $13 weekly to $18 and $22 in the 
silk mills, and wages as low as 20 cents an hour in the dye houses raised to 66 

Perhaps the most ruthless labor massacre in New Jersey occurred early 
in 1915 wjien "deputy sh.eriffs" hired from a Newark detective agejicy fired on 
an unarmed group of pickets standing outside of the Williams and Clark 
fertilizer factory at Carteret. A member of the local police force testified later 
to the peacefulness of the strikers, whose loi-^ses were 6 dt ad and 28 wottnded. 
Twenty-two deputies were arrested on charges of manslaughter but were later 
released. The following year guards of the Standard Oil Company at Bayonne 
killed 8 and severely wounded 17 men. As with the Carteret killings, this 
assault outraged even the conservative pi-ess. 

For about half a century the efforts of workers in New Jersey, as elsewhere 
in the United States, to form unions have been handicapped or crippled bv tne 
activities of industrial spies. The La Follette committee's report (1938) on 
violations of the rights of labor showed that 11 New Jersey corporations alone 
spent 12 percent of a $9,440,132 national total for espionage, strikebreaking, 
mtmitioning, and similar activities in 1933-37. 

At least 31 other New Jersey concerns were listed as clients of detective 
agencies that provide spy service. All of the widely known detective agencies 
had contracted with one or more New Jersey corporations to provide lists of 
union members or workers interested in unionization ; or reports on union 
meetings ; or armed guards for strikebreaking — or all of these services. In 
every important manufacturing city spies worked side by side witli the em- 
ployees, often taking a prominent part in tmion activities, and turning in daily 
reports that resulted in the sudden dismissal and blacklisting of an unestimated 
number of workers. 

At present the New Jersey State Federation of Labor immbers approximately 
200.000 dues-paying members, organized in about 1,000 local unions. There are 
21 central labor bodies in the State, which include most of the A. F. of L. local 
unions in the respective county districts. Strongholds of organized labor are 
Newark. Passaic. Elizabeth, Trenton. Paterson, and Camden. 

Of recent origin is the work of the Committee for Industrial Organization, 
which established a special North Jersey Council early in 1937, later supplanted 
by the Greater Newark Industrial Council. Similar councils have been set up 
in Trenton and Camden. The C. I. O.. with a State-wide membership esti- 
mated (1937) at 130,000. is attempting to organize on an industry-wide basis 
thousands of workers who have been neglected by craft unions. The commit- 
tee's immediate objectives in the State are the textile, steel, heavy machinery, 
and electrical industries. 

04931— 39— VOL 4 15 


Although Governor Harold Hoffman warned early in 1037 that he would 
tolerate no sit-down strikes involving the C. I. O., a number of such strikes, as 
well as ordinary walk-outs, have been called successfully. The organization's 
drive continued virtually unimpeded until December 1987 when it launched an 
offensive against the open-shop refuge of Jersey City. Police of that city seized 
distributors of literature, prevented mass meetings, and jailed organizers. How- 
ever, in April 193S the ban against the distribution of literature was lifted. 

The American Newspaper Guild's successful strike in 1934-35 against the 
Newark Ledger (the Nation's first large-scale strike of newspapermen) not 
only established the Guild as a labor power but also broke ground for the 
subsequent C. I. O. drive to organize while-collar workers. Including the Guild, 
C. I. O. affiliates in this field late in 1937 numbered approximately 2,700 mem- 
bers. Among these were ofiice, professional, and insurance workers, architects, 
engineers, chemists, and technicians. State and municipal emi)loyees, retail 
clerks, and professional medical workers. The A. F. of L. has also organized 
teachers and has retained a portion of the unionized office workers. An inde- 
pendent white-collar union is the State chapter of the National Lawyers' Guild. 

Because New Jersey remains "The Garden State," the unionization of agricul- 
tural and allied workers constitutes an important labor objective. The first 
farm labor organization in the State developed in 1934 from a strike at Sea- 
brook Farms in Cumberland County. Although the A. F. of L. subsequently 
chartered agricultural locals in three other counties, in 1937 the New Jersey 
membership of 1,500 helped to organize the international union of United 
Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers, which immediately af- 
filiated with the C. I. O. 

To one other class of workers the C. I. O. opened wide the door to full-fledged 
unionism. In line with its drive for industrial unionism, the C. I. O. offered 
Negroes equal membership with whites and established locals in fields where 
Negro employees predominate. Organizers have been conspicuously successful 
with junk yard, novelty and felt, and domestic workers. The A. F. of L. 
responded by increasing the Negro membership of the International Union of 
Hod Carriers, Building, and Common Laborers and by organizing building 
service workers. The great mass of Negro labor, spread over light* industry 
and mercantile establishments, still remains unorganized. 

Union labor in New Jersey keeps vigilant watch on the entrance of "runa- 
way shops." According to the State Federation of Labor, of 250 factories 
that moved to the State in 1936 approximately 200 were "fugitives" from trade 
union activities. Most of these shops were in the needle trades ; a few manu- 
factured cosmetics, hats, or textiles. They have invaded Essex, Passaic, Union, 
Hudson, Morris, and Monmouth Counties. In 1937 a runaway umbrella shop 
from New York was established in Boouton ; luiion organizers signed up a ma- 
jority of the underpaid girls, and a strike was called. The manufacturer moved 
1o Pennsylvania, and again was harried by the union. He returned to Boonton, 
and finally went back to New York. There are many other instances of sweat- 
shop operators being pursued across State lines. 

Not so progressive as the labor legislation of New York, Massachusetts, or 
Wisconsin, New Jersey laws protective and favorable to labor have slowly 
increased since the impetus given 25 years ago by Woodrow Wilson. In 1932 
the Consumers' League of New Jersey established a labor standards committee 

J. A. E. — Machine 5 — Oct. 4 — Tuesday 



24G0 — Wl'A — New Jersey — 10 Int. Gara. on 12 x 25 

which unites the efforts for labor legislation of a score of progressive organiza- 
tions. In 1937 the State Federation of Labor cooperated with the Consumers' 
League, the New Jersey League of Women Voters, and the New Jersey Federa- 
tion of Women's Clubs to secure an appropriation for the enforcement of the 
minimum wage statute and maximum hour law for women passed in 1933. 
A somewhat similar coalition succeeded in 1935 in having the legislature ratify 
the Federal Child Labor Amendment. 

Progressive labor continues to struggle against the power of the Court of 
Chancery to grant injunctions in labor disputes. An anti-injunction bill was 
passed by the assembly in 1936 but was defeated in the senate. A major factor 
in the defeat, it is alleged, was the withdrawal of the traditional Democratic 
support for the bill on the ground that its passage would frighten industry from 
the State. 


lu common vx^ith other industrial States, New Jersey is faced with the problem 
of regulating industrial home work. The State department of labor licenses 
these operators, but it has not had sufficient funds to enforce even the meager 
health restrictions. The latest census shows that 5,000 operators have been 
licensed but since each family works under a single license, the total number 
of home workers may well be 15,000 of even 20,000. The median wage for this 
type of work is figured to be 9 cents per hour and the average family income 
$2.60 weekly. Major home work products are dolls' clothing, knitted goods, 
and powder puffs. The legislature has to date failed to pass the industrial 
home work bill sponsored by the Consumers' League, which would drastically 
reduce health hazards and raise wage levels to those paid for similar employ- 
ment in factories. 

Undoubtedly this menace to legitimate industry and to the preservation of 
minimum wage standards accounts for a large number of New Jersey workers 
who earn a sub-subsistence wage. According to a survey completed in 1937 by 
the minimum wage division of the State labor department, 34,000 women and 
children receive less than $5 weekly and 292,000 less than $17. 

After a generation of allying itself with either the Republican or Democratic 
parties, New Jersey labor took a step toward political independence in 1935 
when Labor Party tickets entered the field in Essex and Passaic Counties. 
Although none of the nominees was elected, the action led to the formation of 
the State-wide Labor's Nonpartisan League the following year. Thus far the 
organization has endorsed two successful candidates in the Newark city elec- 
tion of 1937 (one of them Vincent J. Murphy, secretary of the State Federa- 
tion of Labor), and held the balance of power in the last gubernatorial contest. 
The estimated 150,000 members of the League are expected to form the nucleus 
of the proposed State Labor Party. 

Along with its quest for political independence, labor is seeking economic 
independence by joining professional and white-collar workers in cooperative 
enterprises. Cooperative leaders look to such economic activity to provide con- 
sumers with a means of controlling prices and the cost of living. Fifty years 
of effort in New Jersey resulted in the establishment by December 1936 of 240 
consumer-producer cooperatives. Of these, 120 were credit unions ; 42 agri- 
cultural purchasing organizations ; and 26 urban food stores. 

Consumer cooperatives, which cbietly sell groceries and fuel supplies, are 
strongest in the northern and central urban areas ; producer cooperatives 
naturally center in the agricultural south. Jersey Homesteads, organized by 
the Resettlement Administration in 1935, is considered one of the most modern 
cooperative experiments in the United States. With a garment factory, gardens, 
and homes, it represents a fusion of the industrial, agricultural, and con- 
sumer interests of cooperative enterprise. This fusion typifies on a small scale 
the social goal of the cooperative movement. 


New Jersey is rightly called "the Garden State.'' Its truck farms, extending 
from the northern mountains to the southern plain, are mere garden patches 
when compared with the western prairies or southern plantations. But these 
gardens produce a large proportion of the fruits and vegetables consumed in 
New York and Philadelphia. For these millions as well as for its own. New 
Jersey has developed exceptionally prosperous small farms and some of the 
highest types of agricultural specialization. 

Tlie State has three main soil and topographical farm belts. Underlain 
largely with limestone and other glacial rock, the northern counties are hilly 
and in some places even mountainous. Here dairying and the raising of grains 
and other field crops predominate, with scattered centers for market gardening. 
Although found in all sections of the State, commercial poultry farms are 
concentrated in the northern and central areas. 

Ill the middle counties are fertile loam lands, level or rolling, with a rich 
sub.coil of green sfind marl. Of first rank in this section are truck crops and 
potatoes. Grain, hay, fruits, and milk are secondary. 

The southern counties of the level sandy coastal area contain, in addition to 
a broad expanse of pine barrens, large fertile areas that yield excellent apples, 
peaches, cranberries, and small fruits and vegetables. Peach blossoms in Bur- 
lington and Cumberland Counties make this section the agricultural show place 
of the State in spring. 

2650 un-a:mkiiican propaganda activities 

When the early settlers arrived they found the Indians growing corn, pump- 
kins, gourds, tobatco, and beans. Taking a lesson from the natives, they 
cleared the lands, and v^ith the help of seeds and livestock imported from the 
old country, soon made New Jersey an important agricultural colony. 

Although its large wheat yield ranked New Jersey as one of the '*bread 
colonies" before the Kevolution, the farmers were already anticipating the 
present-day variety of products. Large farms had been established in the South 
on which Negro slaves performed most of the work. This system was readily 
adapted to Hax-raising, a major pre-Revolutionary crop. Although wliite labor 
predominated in the North, Negroes were commonly seen in the small fields and 
large orchards, which i)rodiiced fruits, vegetables, and cider. The hill country 
si>ecializcd in grazing, and about 1750 New Jersey was reckiaied the leading 
sheep-raising Colony. r>y the time the armies of Washington and the British 
were criss-crossing the State, New Jersey offered a ready supply of horses and 
pork from the north, flour and grain from the central part, and fruits and 
thread materials from the south. 

After the llevolution a period of serious depression was intensified on New 
Jersey farms by the ravages of the Hessian fly in the wheat fields. This was 
followed by a gradual upward trend in agriculture that reached fruition in the 
middle of the nineteenth century. During the next half century agricultural 
societies were formed in the several counties. Worn-out soils were restored by 
the use of marl, lime, and fertilizer, and crop yields soared 

J. M. R. — Sept. 27, 1938— Tuesday— Nite—Mach. No. 4 


r. ALLEY 39 

2457— W. P. A. GUIDE— MONTANA— 10 Int. Garamond— 25x12— 

being the trefoil or cloverleaf window over the arch of the middle front door- 
way. Von Herbulis, European architect who helped design the Votive Church 
in Vienna, drew the plans. 

Ranch buildings and summer homes in the mountains are usually of logs 
hewed, in most instances, on the interior surface only. The logs extend beyond 
4:he corners, where they are notched together, and are either sawed off uniformly 
or, if the ends are chopped, allowed to protrude at random. Outside chinking 
is usually of clay and gypsum ; inside, of cedar strips. Old-style roofs are of 
cedar shakes nailed to poles placed lengthwise, but in recent construction 
rafters, board ceilings, and composition vShingles are favored. There are ex- 
amples of fine log work near Red Lodge, at Swan and Flathead Lakes, and 
around Lake McDonald (see Glacier National Park). The slightly modified 
Swiss chalets of Glacier Park have a rightness in relation to their setting that 
nothing in the State, unless it be the old-fashionel prairie sod honse, has ever 

Newspapers and Radio 

The first news sheet published in Montana (name unknown) was printed in 
Virginia City in January 1864 on a small press brought by an ox team from 
Denver. Wilbur F. Sanders was the editor ; John A. Creigliton, who later 
foui:ided Creighton University at Omaha, was printer's devil. 

The News Letter, a small paper printed by Francis M. Thompson, ai>peared 
in Bannack two or three months later. The press was hand operated and used 
mostly for business purposes ; no copy of the short-li^ ed News Lrttcr is extant. 

The first newspaper of consequence was the Montana Post, published by John 
Buchanan and M. M. Manner. Arriving in Virginia City in 1864 — after an 
adventurous trip on the steamer Yelloivstone from St. Louis to Fort Benton — 
they set up their equipment in a cabin cellar. The events of the trip were the 
chief matter of the first two issues, but the publishers planned wide news 
ser\ ice. An introductory editorial said : "^^'e have correspondents in the various 
mining camps, who will keep our readers well posted on what is going on in 
. . . our young and rapidly growing territory." The first issue appeared 
August. 27, 1864; the 960 copies sold quickly at 50^; each, usually in gold dust. 
Before the third issue, Bucharian and Manner sold out for $3,000. 

The Republican Montana Post was followed in 1865 by another Virginia City 
weekly, the Montana Democrat. The publisher freighted all his supplies from 
Salt Lake City. 

The Leiviston Radiator (1865) was Helena's first newspaper. Press and 
supplies were brought across the snowy passes by nude train from Idaho's 


Snake River country. At first independent, it became a Republican organ, the 
Helena Herald. 

Other gold camp weeklies were the Rocky Mountain Gazette (Helena, 1866), 
the Independent (Deer Lodge, 1867), the New Northivest (Deer Lodge, 1868), 
and the Missoula and Cedar Creek Pioneer (Missoula, 18'70), which later became 
the Daily Missoulian. The Independent became one of the strongest advocates 
of Helena in the impending capital-location fight. 

These early newspapers, filled with zostful matter pertaining to gold strikes, 
Indian raids, hold-ups, and range affairs, held up a faithful mirror to frontier 
life, but they softened the reflection a little in dealing with politics. They were 
eagerly received, for printed matter was scarce. News from the East came most 
quickly through Salt Lake City, whose newspapers, brought in by stage were 
much clipped by Montana editors. 

Railroad building brought a boom in newspaper publications, as towns sprang 
up along tlie routes; but it did not last long, and several papers reversed the 
usual order of newspaper evolution by becoming weeklies after having been 
dailies. The Livingston Enterprise staried as a daily when the construction 
crews approached in 1883, became a weekly when the boom collapsed the follow- 
ing year, and did not return to daily publication until 1912. 

In*^ the turbulent ISOO's, W. A. Clark and Marcus Daly fought for control of 
public opinion and acquired ownership or control of most of the influential pub- 
lications. Copper-knuckled editorials followed. In Billings, whose first news- 
paper had adopted the hard-boiled slogan, "We did not come to Montana for our 
health," Shelby E. Dillard was editor of the Vociferator and a sharp critic of 
public affairs. A story is told of Dillard that illustrates his high -pressure 
methods of obtaining money from political factions. On one occasion he wired 
the head of an influential organization : *I must have $200 by tomorrow or hell 
will begin to pop." The check apparently arrived, and Dillard celebrated so 
diligently that he forgot to print any further issues of the Vociferator. 

Animosities among the powerful papers subsided as their economic interests 
began to grow identical. Lesser journals continued in the pugnacious tradition of 
the earlier press, but their alignment changed from one of owning faction to one 
of public interest against corporate interests. After 1917 Bill Dunne issued more 
or less regularly the small and sometimes violent, but always vital, Butte Dailrf 
Bulletin, to the occasional discomfiture of the reigning powers and at almost con- 
stant risk to his own life and health. For years after the Bulletin's suspension 
for lack of funds, Montana had no aggressively independent daily, but scattered 
weeklies carried on the fight. 

"It is doubtful," wrote Oswald Garrison Villard in the Nation, .July 9, 1930, 
"if in any other State the press is . . . so deeply involved in the great economic 
struggle ... at the bottom of our political life." He declared that the same 
corporation "generously runs both Republican and Democratic dailies," and that 
in Missoula a single versatile editor wrote at one time the arguments for both 
sides. In 1928 W. A. Clark, Jr., launched the Montana Free Press, at first a very 
promising effort to achieve journalistic independence on an effective scale ; but 
the expenses of the paper were ruinous, and he gave it up within a year. Of 
the independent weekly newspapers the Producers' News, the most outspoken, 
closed its shop at Plenty wood {see Tour 2) early in 1937 after twenty years of 
activity had made it nationally known. The Montana Lahor News and the Eye 
Opener, published at Butte, are the chief surviving organs of labor opinion, in 
the State. 

Butte has a morning paper and an evening paper without Sunday edition. 
This pattern is repeated in Great Falls, Missoula, and Helena. Of 120 news- 
papers published 20 are dailies. 

— JACOBSON — Machine No. 4— September 26 (night) 

RACK 27— SLIDE 97 


2457— W. P. A.— MONTANA— 10 Int. Garamond on 10 and 12 by 25 

increased 365 percent. This record was never approached again. Later census 
reports — up to 1930 — show that, although the State's growth was still rapid, it 
became steadily less so ; from 1890 to ICOO the increase was 70 percent ; from 1900 
to 1910 nearly 55 per cent; from 1910 to 1920, about 46 per cent. Then, as 
drought and inequalities struck hard at the farmers, and activity in the State's 
chief industries slumped, the movement of population changed its direction ; 
from 1920 to 1930 there was a decline of slightly more than 2 iDer cent. 

Politically Montana has been somewhat unpredictable during its entire period 
of Statehood. Since 1900 it has invariably cast its electoral votes for the win- 


iiing Presidential cnndidate : but, wliile all but two of its Governors have been 
Democrats, a majority of the other elective State otRces — up to 1983 — was held 
by Republicans. In the face of great exertions made by corporate power in 
civic alfairs Montanans have been sympathetic to labor's point of view and 
inclined to support candidates and policies tliat seemed to promise something in 
the way of betterment for the common people ; they have been ijrone to consider 
and try out experiments and have given at least temporary support to many an 
ism : a few of these they have retained, adapted, and made workable. 

Socially signiticant laws include those on compulsory school attendance (1887) 
and child labor (1907) ; the initiative and referendum (1907) and the direct 
primary (1912) ; and special laws which protect the health of women at work 
and provide for an eight-hour day (1917) and equal wages to men and women 
for identical work. Under tlie Workmen's Compensation Act (1915) graduated 
compensation is paid to those injured in industry, and employers are required 
to contribute to an insurance fund. An inheritance-tax law imposing graduated 
assessments was passed in 1923, the moneys received to go into educational, 
oonservational, and general funds. A year later the people initiated and passed 
a law imposing a tax of one-fourth of one per cent on the gross production of 
metal mines. Laws on grain grading and marketing (1915), livestock and fruit 
inspection, hail insurance (1917), and education through extension service have 
aided agriculture. Traffic laws were first passed in 1905, and the State highway 
commission was created in 1913. A gasoline tax of five cents (1931) pays for 
construction of hard-surfaced roads. A planning board, created in 1934, is 
studying means of bringing resources of the State into more extended use. A 
highvv'ay patrol system was inaugurated in 1935. 

The State government is of an old, not particularly centralized type; but, 
since the passage of House Bill 65 (often called the "Hitler Bill") by the 1937 
Legislature, the power to hire and fire all appointive State employees (even 
including stenographers) — with the other powers that this implies — has been 
concentrated in the hands of the Governor. Montana has two executive bodies 
not common to all States : a special livestock commission of six members ap- 
pointed to protect the livestock interests of the State, and a water conservation 
board whose special interest is irrigation. 

In 1916 Jeannette Rankin of Missoula was elected to Congress as the Repre- 
sentative of the western district. She took her seat as the Nation's first Con- 
gresswoman the following spring, in the special session which met to declare 
war on Germany. At first — according to Walter Millis' Road to War (1935) — 
she did not vote. Then "Uncle Joe" Cannon urged her, "You cannot afford 
not to vote. You represent the womanhood of the country in the American 
Congress." "At last," says Millis, "she rose * * * looking straight ahead, 
*I want,' she said * * * *to stand by my country, but I cannot vote for 
^ar * * * J yQ^Q j^Q ' » Then she "fell back into her seat, pressed her 
forehead, and began to cry." Her action was widely denounced as discredit- 
able to women and to women's participation in politics, and, from an opposite 
point of view, as widely acclaimed. 

Montanans have a fairly warlike tradition. Many of the pioneers were vet- 
erans of the Civil War, or had fought Indians. Tlie First Regiment of Montana 
Infantry won high praise in the Philippines, and their flag in 1905 became the 
official State flag. The Second Montana Infantry served four and one-half 
months on the Mexican border in 1916, and in 1917 sailed for France as part 
of the 163rd Regiment. Montana troops fought at Cantigny, Chateau Thierry, 
and the Argonne, wMnning 54 Distinguished Service crosses. In the Argonne 
the war cry of the Ninety-first became famous, "(We're from) Powder River; 
let 'er buck !" 

In the early 1920's, while oil and gas fields were being discovered in Montana, 
oil was indirectly responsible for bringing into Nation-wide prominence two 
Montana Senators, Thomas J. Walsh and Burton K. Wheeler. AValsh, who led 
the investigation that unearthed the illegal Teapot Dome lease and other 
irregular leases of naval oil lands, had been Senator from Montana for 
years; after this episode he became known as the inquisitorial genius of the 
United States Senate and one of the best legal minds in the Nation. In 1933 
he was chosen for the post of Attorney-General in the Cabinet of Franklin D. 
Roosevelt, but died suddenly before taking oflSce. Senator Wheeler became 
the Vice-Presidential candidate of the Proggressive ticket headed by Robert 
M. La Follette in 1924. When this ticket was defeated he continued as Senator 
from Montana. In 1937 he acted as spokesman for the group in Congress that 
opposed the President's court reform plan. 


Montana recovered slowly from the depression of the early 1930's: adverse 
factors included a drought of unprecedented length. Great aids to the State, 
however, were Federal projects such as Fort Peck Dam and lesser undertakings, 
and large Federally sponsored programs of soil conservation, irrigation, rural 
electrification, insect control, and construction of roads, parks, and recreational 
facilities, under such agencies as the Public Works Administration and Works 
Progress Administration. In 1935 Helena suffered disastrous earthquakes. 
Several lives were lost and property damage ran to $4,000,000. Business revival 
and great activity in mining and oil districts were observed in 1936 and 1937 ; 
mines and ore-reduction plants operated at capacity. Eastern Montana, at the 
same time, was subjected to extreme drought. In the autumn of 1937 some of 
the Butte mines suspended operations although the owners reported high 
profits ; others followed until, early in the summer of 1938, only one or two 
remained in operation. In contrast to the gloom in industrial Butte, there was 
joy in the State's agricultural districts as a rainy summer had brought to 
maturity the best crops in ten years. 

Ethnic Groups 

Many of the early trappers engaged in the Montana fur trade were French- 
Indian ; the managers of the companies were usually English or Scottish, and 
several of them, who married Indian women, left descendants of mixed blood. 
Most of the people who poured in when gold was found were native whites 
from the Midwest and East; those who rushed to the Butte silver and copper 
ledges were largely German and Irish. Between 18S0 and 1900 many immigrants 
helped build railroads, then turned to farming and lumbering. Thousands of 
Germans and Scandinavians settled in the dry-land sections after 1900. 

The Chairman. I have prepared some extracts from these galleys 
which I should like to make a part of the record at this time. I have 
only picked a few of the extracts from these Guides, to show the types 
of statements that are placed in publications supposed to be impartial. 
All of these are from official publications of the United States Gov- 
ernment, paid for by those who pay taxes into the Federal Govern- 

(The extracts referred to are as follows:) 


A combination of causes brought about the sudden and swift downfall of the 
Knights (Knights of Labor). The looseness and latitude of the organization 
made strike operations difficult, and its leaders tended toward conciliation rather 
than militancy. * * * in these fields the Knights lacked the strength to 
cope with the employers, who could easily dissuade immigrant labor from 
unionism and could use the new arrivals as strikebreakers. Finally, the advo- 
cates of the old craft union system bitterly and constantly fought the national 

Not so progressive as the labor legislation of New York. Massachusetts, or 
Wisconsin, New Jersey laws protective and favorable to labor have slowly 
increased since the impetus given 25 years ago by Woodrow Wilson. 

The Federation (American Federation of Labor) concentrated on skilled 
workers and, although it became the official voice of labor in New Jersey, it 
generally neglected the mass-production industries which dominated the State 
after 1900. 

Perhaps the most ruthless labor massacre in New Jersey occurred early in 1915 
when "deputy sheriffs" hired from a Newark detective agency fired on an 
unarmed group of pickets standing outside of the Williams & Clark fertilizer 
factory at Carteret. A member of the local police force testified later to the 
peacefulness of the strikers, whose losses were 6 dead and 28 wounded. Twenty- 
two deputies were arrested on charges of manslaughter but were later released. 
The following year guards of the Standard Oil Co. at Bayonne killed 8 and 
severely wounded 17 men. As with the Carteret killings, this assault outraged 
even the conservative press. 


For about half a centnry th(^ otTorts of woikors in New Jersey, as elsewhere 
in the United States, to form unions have 1)een liantlicapped or crippled by the 
activities of industrial spies. The La Follette Committee's report (19:^8) on vio- 
lations of the rights of labor showed that 11 New Jersey corporations alone 
spent 12 percent of a $SU40,132 national total for espionage, strikebreaking, 
numitioning, and similar activities in 1 988-^37. 

At least 81 other New Jersey concerns were listed as clients of detective 
agencies and contracted with one or more New Jersey corporations to provide 
lists of union members or workers interested in unionizaticm ; or reports on 
union meetings; or armed guards for strikebreaking— or all of these services. 
In every important manufacturing city spies worked side by side with the 
employees, often taking a prominent part in union activities, and turning in 
daily 'reports that resulted in the sudden dismissal and blacklisting of an 
uncstimated number of workers. 

Progressive labor continues to struggle against the power of the Court of 
Chancery to grant injunctions in labor disputes. An anti-injunction bill was 
passed by the assembly in 1936 but was defeated in the senate. A major 
factor in the defeat, it is alleged, was the withdrawal of the traditional 
Democratic support for the bill on the ground that its passage would frighten 
industry from the State. * * * After a generation of allying itself with 
either the Republican or Democratic Parties, New Jersey labor took a step 
toward political independence in 1983 when Labor Party tickets entered the 
field in Essex and Passaic Counties. Although none of the nominees was 
elected, the action led to the formation of the Statewide Labor's Nonpartisan 
League the following year. Thus far the organization has endorsed two success- 
ful candidates in the Newark city election of 1937 (one of the Vincent J. 
Murphy, secretary of the State Federation of Labor), and held the balance of 
power in the last gubernatorial contest. The estimated 150,000 members of the 
league are expected to form the nucleus of the proposed State labor party. 

Animosities among the powerful papers subsided as their economic interests 
began to grow identical. Lesser journals continued in the pugnacious tradition 
of the earlier press, but their alinement changed from one of owning faction 
against owning faction to one of public interest against corporate interests. 
After 1917 Bill Dunne issued more or less regularly the small and sometimes 
violent but always vital Butte Daily Bulletin, to the occasional discomfiture 
of the reigning powers and at almost constant risk to his own life and health. 
For years after the Bulletin's suspension for lack of funds, Montana had no 
aggressively independent daily, but scattered weeklies carried on the fight. 

"It is doubtful," wrote Oswald Garrison Villard in the Nation, July 9, 1930, 
"if in any other State the press is * * * so deeply involved in the great 
economic struggle * * * at the bottom of our political life. He declared 
that the same corporation "generally runs both Republican and Democratic 
dailies," and that in Missoula a single versatile editor wrote at one time the 
arguments for both sides. In 1928 W. A. Clark, Jr., launched the Montana 
Free Press, at first a very promising effort to achieve journalistic independence 
on an effective scale ; but the expenses of the paper were ruinous, and he gave 
it up within a year. Of the independent weekly newspapers, the Producers 
News, the most outspoken, closed its shop at Plenty wood (see tour 2) early 
in 1987, after 20 years of activity had made it nationally known. The Mon- 
tana Labor News and the Eye Opener, published at Butte, arc the chief sur- 
viving organs of labor opinion in the State. 

In the face of great exertions made by corporate power in civic affairs, 
Montanans have been sympathetic to labor's point of view and inclined to sup- 
port candidates and policies that seemed to promise something in the way of 
betterment for the common people ; they have been prone to consider and try 
out experiments and have given at least temporary support to many an "ism"; 
a few of these they have retained, adapted, and made workable. 

The State government is of an old, not particularly centralized type; but, 
since the passage of House bill 65 (often called the "Hitler bill") by the 1937 
legislature, the power to hire and fire all appointive State employees (even 
including stenographers) with the other powers that this implies — has been 
concentrated in the hands of the Governor. 

In 1936 Jeannette Rankin of Missoula was elected to Congress as the Repre- 
sentative of the western district. * * ♦ (Then follows a descrintion of her 


vote against war.) Her action (in voting against war) was widely denounced 
as discreditable to women and to women's participation in politics, and, from 
on opposite point of view, as widely acclaimed. 

Montanans have a fairly warlike tradition. 

In the antnmn of 1937 some of the P>ntte mines suspended operations al- 
though the owners reported high profits. 


The Chairman. Mr. Baron, I believe you had concluded j^our state- 
ment Avith reference to Spain and you were going to tell us this morn- 
ing about some other activities of the Communists, especially as they 
relate to front organizations. Will you proceed? 

Mr. Baron. Before I do that I think at this time I will answer the 
questions ])ut to me at various times through the hearing as to my 
iniderstanding of the differences between socialism and communism. 
First, as to the economic differences, or rather pertaining to the eco- 
nomic, botli the Socialist and the Communist movements want to 
replace the capitalist economy with that of a cooperative common- 
wealth, which is a Socialist economy. 

The distinctions between the two philosophies are that the Com- 
munist philosophy calls for extreme socialization, the Socialist phi- 
losophy for moderate socialization. I am going to do this in brief 
form, because you can speak on this subject for hours. 

The Chairman. Very well. 

Mr. Baron. The next item is how to accomplish the replacing of 
the capitalist economy. The Socialist movement has always taught 
faith in democratic procedure and seeks to change our economy 
through the use of the ballot. On the other hand, the Communist 
movement predicts that only through an uprising of the people and 
through force and violence will the capitalist economy be replaced. 

Mr. Starnes. It is the difference between ballots and bullets? 

Mr. Barcn. I leave that to the committee. 

The third item is how a Socialist state shall be governed. Socialist 
believe that socialism without democracy is not socialism. The Com- 
munist philosophy calls for a dictatorship of their party over all ; and, 
naturally, when you have a dictatorship of a party, it becomes a dicta- 
torship of its highest body and naturally results in the dictatorship 
of one person, as evidenced in Soviet Russia, where Joseph Stalin is 
the dictator of that nation. 

The Socialists claim and insist that the economic solution is not 
one by itself, but it must be in conjunction with other things. For 
instance, w^e can all get three meals a day in any prison. That is an 
economic solution, but certainly it is not a solution for civilization, 
and therefore, no matter how much you prattle about idealism, as 
long as you have dictatorship, it results in what you see in Soviet 

On religion : The Socialists have always taught religious tolerance 
and have onl}^ criticized the church when, in its judgment, it thought 
that the church was being used as a bulwark to protect the vested 
interests of a particular nation. 

The Communists have taught that religion is the opium of the 
people and in practice we can turn to Soviet Russia and see what 
has happened to i-eligion there. But do not think that religion is 


entirely out of the picture in Soviet Russia, because they have a new 
reli^rion. They have set up Stalin to be worshii)ped. 

On Avar: Socialists are unequivocally against war as an implement 
or as a method to settle any problems, especially the age-old. Old 
World i)roblems. The Communists at the present time are bending 
every effort to bring about an alignment of forces which will mean 
that* the United States is on the side of Soviet Russia m a coming 

Mr. Starnes. Do you not think the Communists would like really 
to align the democracies against the dictator nations, and let them 
fight a war to exhaustion, after which communism would be the pre- 
vailing power in the world? Is not that what is really in back of 
their minds? 

Mr. Baron. Would the committee wait until I get through with 
my explanations, and then if you want to ask me questions. I will 
answer them. 

Class war : Class war is an exaggerated term, but let us accept the 
term and I would state that such a war exists in every nation of the 
world where the capital economy is practiced: and that every time 
you have a strike anywhere in the world, that strike is a clash of 
interests between the employer, who seeks the greatest amount of 
profit out of his investment, and the employee, who seeks the greatest 
return for his labor. 

The Socialist movement teaches the working class that it must 
think in terms of its class interest; that when workers do not invite 
their employer to administrate their economic organizations, their 
trade unions, so should not the workers in their political activities 
vote for representatives of their employers, but they should vote for 
representatives of their class. 

The Communists teach in more violent terms, as has been proven 
in Soviet Russia, that the owning class must be exterminated. The 
distinction there is again a matter of emphasis on violence as against 
teaching the working class to take intelligent political action. 

Of course, all my opinions of the Communist philosophy are quali- 
tied in only this one respect, that in the last 2 years the Communist 
movement is operating under a sedative, a sedative prescribed by 
Moscow. In other words, it is their opinion that their main objec- 
tive — that is, the people's front and collective security — can be en- 
hanced if the fundamental propositions of the Communist movement 
are put in the background. And so you see the phenomenon of Com- 
munists talking in terms of 100-percent Americanism, wrapping the 
American flag around them and are as patriotic as anybody possibly 
can be. That is the only qualification that I have to make. 

I am through with the definitions, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. That new policy is not a sincere policy; they have 
not abandoned any of their fundamental convictions. That is merely 
an expediency, is it not? 

Mr. Baron. Absolutely an expediency; and as I go on into the ques- 
tion of security, I will bring that out definitely. 

The CiiATRAfAN. One more question I want to ask you. Do the 
Socialists teach class hatred, that the employee should' hate the em- 
ployers as a class? 


Mr. Baron. No ; not at all. You do not look upon an employer and 
say he must be exterminated, lie is our enemy. The Socialist move- 
ment accepts the fact that the human being is operating under a 
certain economy and if he is an emplo^^er or a worker, he has his 
position in that economy. We have no personal hatred against an 
individual because he is an emploj'er. 

The Chairman. How does that compare with the Communist atti- 
tude ? 

Mr. Baron. The Communist attitude, as I have said before, has 
been an emphasis upon the fact that this class as a class must be 

Mr. Starnes. I want to ask you some questions. You said a mo- 
ment a«ro that the Socialists did not believe in war as an instrument 
in settling international disputes. 

Mr. Baron. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, as a policy? 

Mr. Baron. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. That is not true of the Communist Party. They are 
only against what they call imperialist wars, is not that correct? 

jVIr. Baron. They are not against imperialist war any longer. This 
new philosophy cuts across all lines. Their old philosophy of being 
against imperialist vrar has been changed of necessity, because Soviet 
Russia is threatened. Soviet Russia is threatened by Germany and 
Soviet Russia is threatened by Japan and they would just as leave 
England go into a war of an imperialist nature in order to defend the 
interests of Soviet Russia. That is why the lines have been cut away. 

Mr. Starnes. I come back to the question that I asked you a mo- 
ment ago, when I interrupted your prepared statement, and it was 
this: Frankly, the Communists would be glad to array the dictator 
nations of the Fascist and Nazi types against existing democracies, 
and let those nations fight a war of exhaustion or extermination in 
order to prepare the way for world-wide communism, is not that true? 

Mr. Baron. No; I would not say that. 

Mr. Starnes. You would not say that? 

Mr. Baron. No ; I would not say that because I think Soviet Russia 
is sincere in this respect, that if Germany and Japan want to keep the 
peace they are only too anxious to keep the peace. What Soviet 
Russia fears is that Germany and Japan do not want to keep the 
peace. And I agree with them. Therefore Soviet Russia's objective 
is to get as many allies as possible. 

Personally, my opinion is that a war cannot settle these problems. 
You cannot do what we failed to do in 1914; we cannot save the 
world, save democracy in 1938 when we did not save it in 1914. And 
so for the United States to become involved in the economic prob- 
lems of the Old World, that go behind all the idealogical differences, 
whether they be Nazi or whether they be Fascist or whether they 
be Communist — the economic problem that is generated is the same 
as it was in 1914. 

Mr. Starnes. I come back, though, to this thought. Communism 
in the ultimate is just as violently opposed to democracy as it is to 
fascism and nazi-ism? 

Mr. Baron. Absolutely. I have testified to that all the way 


Mr. Starnes. Well, I did not hear all of that testimony. 

Mr. Baron. There is no doubt about it. They are as totalitarian 
as any other movement, whether it be called Nazi or Fascist, 

The Chairman. Go ahead, INIr. Baron. 

Mr. Baron. Now, I kept referring to collective security through- 
out my talk. I want to point on that under this seductive slogan is 
what I call 2)ropaganda for war. 

Of coulee, the members of the committee know Earl Browder. 
He is what I call a super-super 150-percent patriot. He t-estified 
before a lejrislative committee in New York that in the event of war 
between the United States and Soviet Russia he would fight on the 
side of the United States — a super-super 150-percent ])atriot. 

Earl Browder is the secretary of the Communist Party in the 
United States. The Communist Party is a section of the Communist 
International whose headquarters are in Moscow, Russia. The head 
of the Communist International is Dimitrov, and the head of the 
foreign office of Soviet Russia is Litvinotf . I do not know who sits 
in whose lap, whether the head of the foreign office sits in the lap of 
the head of the Communist International or whether the head of the 
Connnunist International sits in the lap of the head of the foreign 

Mr. Earl Browder on yesterday said that the Communist Party of 
the United States does not take orders from Moscow, and in that state- 
ment he took time out to again propagandize the American public on 
the holy war under the seductive slogan of selective security when he 
pointed out that wdiat we needed at the present time was for our 
democratic nations to get together. 

I just referred to that in passing to show that the Communist move- 
ment, day in and day out, is w^orking for this purpose of involving the 
United States in a war on the side of Soviet Russia. 

Not orAy in this statement but several months ago Earl Browder 
had occasion to write an article for the New Republic, a weekly pub- 
lication, and in that article he told the people of the United States — 
and he wrote so graphically that you could visualize the Japanese 
alregidy on the shores of California taking over valuable properties 
and land resources — but, amazingly enough, he did not mention any- 
thing about the sanctit}^, or, rather, he did not mention the sanctity of 
the home and virtue of our women. 

"What Earl Browder was bringing out in his article was that we 
have more to fear from Japan than has Soviet Russia, and that any 
person in the United States who thinks that the United States is 
fighting for Soviet Russia when it fights Japan is making a mistake, 
because the United States has more danger involved from a Japa- 
nese invasion than has Soviet Russia. Any day now I expect Earl 
Browder to produce a letter from "William Randolph Plearst which 
would say as follows : "I thought I knew all about the Japanese men- 
ace, but you have me topped"; and signed, "Yours for a people's front 
against Japanese aggression, William Randolph Hearst." 

I would also indicate to the connnittee the kind of propaganda that 
is going through this country. For instance, I have here a leaflet pub- 
lished by the Young Communist League of America. This leaflet was 
published at the time of the Pamiy incident. On the face of this leaf- 
let you have a ship that is going down, which is supposed to be the 


Pwnay. It has two smokestacks and it has about four decks. In 
other words, to look at this picture of the Panay you might think that 
it was some great passenger ship going down under Japanese bombs. 
I quote from that leaflet, as follows : 

The sinking of Panay in Chinese waters, an American boat; the Panay is 
crnising peacefully on its errand of mercy for American refugees. 

Overhead fly deatli-dealing Japanese planes, a typical sight in the invasion 
of China. 

I do not have to tell you how I feel about Japanese imperialism, 
and I do not have to tell you about what I think of Adolf Hitler, 
because I am a Jew. It should be self-evident that I am unalterably 
opposed to this vulturous form of society, but when this type of 
propaganda fails to mention that the Panay was a gunboat, that the 
Panay was escorting tankers of the Standard Oil Co., it is promul- 
gating propaganda to inflame the minds of the American public, and 
drive them into a war situation. 

Morrie Kyskind, one of the highest paid Hollywood writers, has 
been referred to before this committee in some indirect manner, 
leaving the impression that Morrie Ryskind was being used by the 
Commiuiist movement, and tlie suspicion was that Morrie Ryskind 
was a Communist. 

The Chairman. I do not recall any such testimony as that. 

Mr. Baron. I will add this, that Morrie Kyskind wrote an article 
for the Nation, in which he referred to it. His name evidently ap- 
})eared on some stationery that was submitted in connection with the 
Communist Party, and it was concluded that naturally he was a 
Communist. I will put that in two parts: One is that Morrie 
Kyskind, whom I know personally, has said he is not a Communist, 
and never has been a worker of the Commimist Party. At the same 
time, I v\'ill put into the record a letter he wrote, in which he not 
only gives his own word as to the Communist Party problem, but, 
also, on the question of collective security. This letter to the "Uni- 
versity against war" group, or rather, published by the Columbia 
University Youth Committee Against War, reads as follows : 

Dear Mr. Alexander : First, let me thaiik you for your kind note. During 
my teens and twenties, it always made me feel good to get an appreciative slap 
on the back from my elders; now that the forties are upon me, it feels even 
better to get a word of praise from the younger generation. 

I am sorry to say that at the moment I'm involved in a writing assignment 
that should keep me busy for the next 2 months. That means that I'll not be 
able to do an article for you, and I can add that I regret this far more than 
you. And not because I think my article would be important, but because I 
think every voice lifted against the Communist line for collective security is a 
vote against war. 

Thry don't have to prove the world is round to me. I stand almost exactly 
where I stood in 1917. In those days the boys on the right were yelling that 
this was a war to make the world safe for democracy. I didn't think it was 
and the results seem to justify me. AVe traded the Kaiser for Hitler, and 
Nicholas for Stalin. 

Today, curiously enough, it's the boys on the left who demand war ; of 
<*onrse, their war is different ; their war will make the world really safe for 
democracy. And if, in the course of it, many Americans die, what of it? What 
are lives compared to the C. P. line? 

No, thanks, says I. A plague on both their houses; a plague on the Fascists 
of the right and the Fascists of the left. I'm in favor of adopting the Com- 
munist technique of the united front. I want a united front against both Com- 
munist and Fascist warmongers. Arid I want American lives saved, and not 


thrown to tho dogs of war in order to save the economic security of the 
totalitarian states. 

And, after all, I couldn't saj' more in 1,500 words. 

MOKRIE Ryskind. 

The Chairman, All right, let us move on. 

Mr. Baron. I have one more example, Avhich will take but a min- 
ute, to show what length Connnnnists will go to in impugning our 
position on the program for collective security. I quote from An 
A]:)peal to Socialist Voters, published by tJie New York State Com- 
mittee of the Communist Party : 

A vote for Thomas is in effect an aid to Fascist agjfressors — a helping hand 
to the American Chamberlains. 

Now, of the two organizations, aside from the Communist Party of 
America and the Young Communist League, which are Conmumist- 
controlled, I think by far the greatest work in behalf of this program 
is by the League for Peace and Democracy, and the American Stu- 
dents' Union. Both of those organizations are Communist-controlled, 
but I want the committee to definitely understand that when I say 
an organization is Communist-controlled, I do not for a minute imply 
that every individual connected with the organization is a Commu- 
nist. There are many honest people in public life who really believe 
that these organizations stand for all their titles say. I do not think 
that Americans know what these organizations actuall}^ constitute, 
and the danger of calling everybody connected with these organiza- 
tions a Communist is self-evident. I believe that this is a serious 
item. Permit me to state to the committee that the American Civil 
Liberties Union is not Communist, and that Ro^er N. Baldwin is 
not a Communist. 

The Chairman. You say he is not a Communist, meaning that he 
is not a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Baron. He is not a member of the Connnunist Party, nor does 
he follow the Comnumist line in an}^ particular. 

The Chairman. You are familiar with his statement wherein he 
said that communism v^'as the goal, are you not? Are you familiar 
with that statement? 

Mr. Baron. I do not know^ what statement you refer to. 

The Chairman. His statement in the Harvard College Class Book 
of the class of 1905, published in 1935. That is his own article, in 
which he saj^s that the capitalist sj^stem is doomed and that 
communism is the goal. 

Mr. Baron. I do not have that statement before me. I do not 
loiow anything about that statement, but I will give you what I think 
is sufficient evidence to show that the American Civil Liberties Union 
is not Communist or communistic, nor is Roger N. Baldwin a Com- 
munist. The members of the connnittee must know that there is no 
intention upon my part to hide Conununists, wherever they are. I 
want to bring out the facts. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you say that the International Labor Defense is 
not communistic? 

Mr. Baron. I will speak on that, because the Liternational Labor 
Defense has nothing in line with the American Civil Liberties Union. 
They do not run on parallel lines. In that connection, I will call 
your attention to the case of Fred E. Beall : Fred E. Beall was con- 

UN-Aivn:riiCAN propaganda activities 2661 

iiected with the Gastonia strike, and was indicted for some crime com- 
mitted in connection with the strike. He was out on bail, jumped 
bail, and fled to Soviet Kussia. After a time in Soviet Russia, he 
saw what the Communist Party or communism is in actual practice, 
and he became thoroughly disgusted with it. He came back to the 
United States, and when he came back to the United States, of course, 
he denounced Browder and the movement, and after that the Com- 
munists went after him as they did no other man. Subsequently, 
Fred E. Beall was picked up in a New England State. A com- 
mittee was organized in his behalf, but the Communists violently 
denounced him and did everything in their power to get him in bad. 
The proof of that is here in a copy of the New Leader publication, 
imder the headlines, "Communists turn on pressure to keep Beall 
in jail." I submit to the connnittee that no Conununist v»'ould dare 
come out in defense of Fred Beall, but Roger N. Baldwin, of the 
American Civil Liberties Union, is on record in the defense of Fred 
Beall. No Communist was permitted to do that, but they did it. 

Now, the second illustration 

The Chairman (interposing). Did not the International Labor 
Defense defend some Nazis? 

Mr. Baron. Never; no, sir. Let me get through with my answer 
to that question : The second illustration is the business of violently 
breaking up Nazi meetings, which happened in New Jersey, at Union 
City, and other places. The Communist group, plus certain so-called 
veterans organizations, broke those meetings up, but Roger N. Bald- 
win and the American Civil Liberties Union came out in defense in 
the right of free speech in this country. No Communist would dare 
do that. 

The third illustration is this : I sat on the executive committee with 
Roger N. Baldwin. That is the executive committee of the North 
American Committee to Aid the Spanish Democracy. Individual 
Communists in the organization, although the organization is not 
a Communist one, came to the North American Committee and tried 
to impose upon this organization a political line in reference to Loyal- 
ist Spain — a line that was pro-Communist. Roger N. Baldwin, in 
conjunction with myself, fought that tooth and nail, and we defeated 
them. Of course, no Communist would be permitted to do that. 

So I submit to the members of the committee that the greatest 
<langer in the United States, in fighting the Communist menace and 
fighting the Fascist menace, is to take every one in this picture and 
label him as a Communist or communistic, because the net result is 
that the people who Avant to reacli throughout the whole thing say, 
"This is utterly impossible," and, therefore, the Communist move- 
ment gains by it. 

Mr. Starnes. You brought up a point right there, and that is 
that many of tliese people, or a majority of the people in these organi- 
zations, are not supporting tlie activities of the Communist Party. 

Mr. B\RON. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. And therein lies the greatest danger. 

]\Ir. Baron. Yes. sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Tliey are inclined to laugh and ridicule any threat 
of Communists or insidious moA^ements. 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir. I want to answer the question this way : 
The Communist movement has a slogan that communism is twen- 


tieth century Americanism. jMy answer to that slogan is that com- 
munism is t^Yentieth century double talk. In other words, they do 
not reveal themselves to the public, which shows lack of con'idence. 
It is more like racketeers who will use something which will not 
identify them. 


Mr. Starnfs. Tliat is tlie point. As you say, the movement does 
not reveal itself to the public. 

Mr. Baron. They haA^e a seductive slogan, which does not reveal 
the Communist movement. 

Mr. Starnes. They never wear a distinctive uniform, or drill with 
wooden rifles, or any other sort of rifles. 

Mr. Bakon. No, sir. 

The (^iiAiRMAX. Before we go from thar subject, let me make this 
statement: This committee, and no member of it, has ever charged 
that a majority of the members of those front organizations are 
Communists. As a matter of fact, I have repeatedly stated that, so 
far as the evidence is concerned, it shows that a majority in the 
American League for Peace and Democracy, and a majority of the 
members of the C. I. O., and all those organizations, are loyal, patri- 
otic Americans. There lias been no such effort on the part of this 
committee. While on the subject of the Civil Liberties Union, I 
want to call your attention to this statement of Mr. Roger Baldwin. 
Tliis is his own statement, and not what someone has said for him. 
You sa}' he is not a Communist, and does not believe in communism, 
but here is his own statement, and this shows whether he believes in 
communism. I am reading from the statement of Roger Nash Bald- 
win, director of the American Civil Liberties Union, appearing in the 
Harvard Class Book, published in 1935: 

My chief aversion is the system of greed, private profits, privilege, and 
violence whicli makes up the control of the world today, and which has brought 
it to the tragic crisis of unprecedented hunger and unemployment. I see social 
ownership of property, the abolition of the propertied class, and sole control 
by those who produce wealth. ConmiuniFm is the goal. 

That is one excerpt that was placed in the record the other day. 
There is another article written for the Fight magazine. 

Mr. Baron. What was the date of that? 

The Chairman. 1935. We put in the record a few days ago an 
article written by Roger Baldwin for Fight, and if it is not of a 
comnumistic character, nothing can be classified as such, because he 
has followed on the whole line of communism. 

Further, as you know, in 1924 the United Mine Workers and Mr. 
John L. Lewis filed a repovt on the subject of cornnnmisin in the 
United States, and in spealving of the Communist organization, they 
have this to say: 

Illustrative of this arrangement is the executive committee of the National 
Committee of the American Civil Liberties Union, at New York, posing as the 
champion of free speech and civil liberties, but serving as a forerunner and 
trail blazer for the active and insidious activities of the Communists among 
labor organizations. Harry F. Ward, born in London in 187:3 and chancellor of 
the Union Theological Seminary, is chairman of this organization. -The manag- 
ing director is Roger Baldwin, who served a term as a draft evader in the 
Essex County jail in New Jersey in 1918 and 1919. 

They go ahead and set forth the directors and leaders in this or- 
ganization, and the number of Comnuinists is predominant. That is 
not a statement from this committee, but it is the statement of Mr. 


Lewis and the United Mine Workers organization. That is Senate 
Document No. 14. Furthermore, we have in the record some docu- 
mentary evidence on that line that I would like to call attention to. 
It is very voluminous. Much of it deals with the American Civil 
Liberties Union, classifying the directors, and from the beginning 
on doAvn, you will find among them many well-known Communists. 
They Avere people who have contributed money to many of these 
organizations. They contributed money to the Liternational Labor 
Defense, and they have contributed money to various known Com- 
munist organizations. 

• Therefore when vou sav that the American Civil Liberties Union 
and Roger Baldwin are not communistic, at least this much can be 
said, that, in view of the words of Mr. Baldvv^in and others connected 
with him, they favor comlnunism. I do not want to enter into any 
dispute about it, but I am calling attention to this documentary evi- 
dence, w^hich is stronger in the case of the American Civil Liberties 
LTnion than in the case of some other front organizations. You will 
find many pages of it, if you want to go back to the beginning of this 
docuraentary proof. There are reports and there are publications 
regarding their activities and what they say about themselves. You 
will find some far-reaching statements which would lead anyone to 
believe that tliej^ are a Communist organization. 

Now, you were to tell us something about the International Labor 

Mr. Bakon. The International Labor Defense, as I have said before, 
is a Communist organization in the Civil Liberties field, but the per- 
sonal political opinions of members of the Communist Party organi- 
zation v/ho belong to the Civil Liberties Union do not, I submit, niake 
that organization a Communist organization, nor, for instance, do 
members of the Ku Klux Klan, who are likewise members of the 
Democratic Party, make the Democratic Party a Ku Klux Klan 

The Chairman. Nobody is charging that; but as to this being a 
front organization 

Mr. Baron. It is not a front organization, I submit. 

The Chairman. Do you mean the International Labor Defense? 

Mr. Baron. No, sir; the American Civil Liberties Union. What 
you have done here, Mr. Chairman, is to go into their individual 
opinions. Now, for instance, a statement made 18 years ago is not to 
me documentary proof, nor is the statement made"^ ]3y a person that 
cominunism is the goal is, of necessity, proof that it' is a front of a 
given organization. That is the vital point. 

The Chairman. But when you have the statement of a person show- 
ing what he says about it, it is different. There was an article in 
Fight magazine, which I read in full a few days ago, in which Mr. 
Baldwin espoused practically everything on tlie Communist Party 
line, what they advocate in reference to war, property, and so forth. 
When you take that, it at least raises a question in your mind as to 
just what he believes in. In addition to that, if you will read the 
documentary evidence here dealing witli the numerous directors, start- 
ing from the beginning, you will find that a large number of them are 
Communists. When you take that, at least very much can be said as 
to the Communist Party members of the organization, whether they 
dominate all the activities or not. 

94931— 39— vol. 4 16 


Mr. Baron. Wliich is important. 

The Chairman. Whicli is important? 

Mr. Baron. Whether the Conmmnists dominate the activities. That 
is the im])ortant thino- before 3^011, and I submit again that the Amer- 
ican Civil Liberties Union is not a front organization for the Com- 
mnnist Party. 

The Chairman. Let us pass on to the International Labor Defense. 

Mr. Baron. In oixler to continue with the point I ^^ as making, hero, 
for instance, in j^our statement where you characterize certain organi- 
zations as front organizations, you have listed the League for Indus- 
trial Democracy. I have been personally associated and acquainted' 
with tlie League for Industrial Democracy, and it is not in any sense 
of the word a front organization of the Communist Party. As a mat- 
ter of fact, the Communist Party has done everything in the world to 
try to destroy that organization. 

The Chairman. Let me show you some of the evidence on that 
organization. What is it called? 

Mr. Baron. The League for Industrial Democracy. May I suggest 
that I go on with the organizations I know not to be Communist front 
organizations, so we may have them at one time? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Baron. The next organization which I hold and contend is not 
a Communist front organization is the North American Committee 
for Spanish Democracy. 

Another organization is the American National Socialist Party, 
by which I think the chairman meant the Socialist Party of the 
United States. 

The Chairman. No, no. This is an organization that was recently 
formed — a small organization, advocating revolution. 

Mr. Baron. Then you do not mean the Socialist Party of the 
United States? 

The Chairman. Oh, no. 

Mr. B^RON. Then I withdraw that. 

The Chairman. It is an entirely different orgariization. 

Mr. Baron. Those are the onlv two oro^anizations that I w^isli to 
make mv statement on — that they are not "front" orojanizations to 
my personal knowledge. 

The Chairman. I want to read vou something on this Leacrue for 
Industrial Democracy. You saj^ you served on the board once? 

Mr. Baron. Of which? 

The Chairman. Of the League for Industrial Democracy. 

Mr. Baron. No; on the North American Committee, I did. 

The Chairman. Well, go ahead with your statement. 

Mr, Baron. Before identifying certain individuals who are operat- 
ing in public organizations and concealing their identities, I would 
like the record to show also, as one being present during the time 
that Norman Thomas was forcibly removed from Jersey City, and 
upon liis second deportation — I was deported with him, on the same 
train — that the statement made before your committee that the inci- 
dents that occurred in Jersey City in relation to ]\Iayor Hague were 
Communist inspired is not true. 

The Chairman. I do not know of any statement having been made 
to that effect before the committee. 


Mr. Starnes. The statement was made in the New York City hear- 
ings that members of the Federal Writers' Project who were known 
Communists were in Jersej^ City helping to make publicity arrange- 
ments, and other arrangements for the meetings there. I do not 
]*ecall that it was for the Norman Thomas meeting, but I think it 
was for a couple of Members of the Congress, as I recall it now. 

In other words, the testimony was not that the Communists them- 
.^elves set it up, but the}^ said they were members of the Federal Writ- 
ers' Project, who were open and aboveboard members of the Com- 
jnunist Party — they made no denial of it — who were over in Jersey 
('ity helping- to arrange the details for the meeting and to help handle 
publicity for the meeting. 

Mr. Baron. Mr. Starnes, I am going to refer to that which you 
jiave mentioned and show just what connection the Communists had 
with it. But the press in New York did carry statements flowing 
from the testimony of these individuals, giving the impression that 
this thing v/as a Communist idea, Communist inspired, and a Com- 
jnunist plot. , 

And I want to keep the record straight. The only thing the Com- 
munist movement had to do with that affair was when the I. L. D. — 
the International Labor Defense — brought those two Congressmen 
from the far West to speak at Jersey City ; and then the International 
Labor Defense stuck their toes in the water and found it too hot, and 
they ran. But aside from that, Norman Thomas, and, as I contend, 
the American Civil Liberties Union, the Workers' Defense League, 
and the C. I. O., are not 'fronts" for the Communists and were not 
operating in the interests of the Connnunist Party. 

That is the only thing I Avant to say on that question. 

Mr. Starnes. For the sake of the record, there was no testimony to 
the effect that the Communist Party or, as I recall it, that even Com- 
munists were sponsors for the Norman Thomas meeting or had any- 
thing to do with it. That testimony that was given there was given 
by a member of the Writers' Project in New^ York City, and he testi- 
fied that he was asked to go o^^r there himself by other members of 
the Federal Writers' Project and to help on publicity and arrange 
details for these two Congressmen. That was the testimony. 

Mr. Baron. Yes; on the Congressmen. That is right. I agree 
vrith you. I do not dispute that. 

Mr. Mosier. Who did you say brought the two Congressmen to 
Jersey Cit}^? 

Mr. Baron. The I. L. D. — the International Labor Defense, which 
is Communist controlled; and Vito Marcantonio is the head of that 

Mr. Starnes. He is coming back to us ? 

Mr. Baron. He is coming back with you. 

Mr. Starnes. Asa Republican ? 

Mr. Baron. No ; he withdrew from the Rej^ublican Party. 

Mr. Starnes. Did he? I did not know that. 

Mr. Baron. Yes. 

The next item to get out of the way : Also before the committee was 
the statement that the C I. O. in its inception was in some direction 
and somehow inspired, and also a plot of the Communist movement; 


and I have here just one document wliicli I think will sufficiently prove 
to the committee that the C. I. O. is not a Communist machination. 

Mr. Starnes. For j'our information, there has been no testimony 
before this committee that tlie C. I. O. had a connnunistic inception. 
The only testimony before the committee about comnnmism and the 
C. I. O. is this sworn testimony, with the names and addresses and the 
organizations in which the Communists worked as organizers of the 
C. I. O. 

Mr. Bakox. I do not dispute that at all. I am not referring to 
John P. Frey's testimony. I do not dispute that. But there was 
another witness before the committee aa'Iio in passing made the state- 
ment that the inception, that the idea 

The Chairman (interposing). No: here is where that arose. In 
1924 Mr. Lewis in his pamphlet said that the Communists were trying 
to seize the labor movement by setting up an industrial organization. 

Mr. Baron. That is right. 

The Chairman. I think that is what 3^ou are referring to. 

Mr. Bakon. That is right ; and in the testimony upon that point th& 
witness drew the conclusion for you that therefore the C. I. O., tho 
Congress for Industrial Organization, was a Communist j^lot. 

The Chairman. I do not think that is correct, Mr. Baron. 

Mr. Baron. But if 3^ou will let me make the point, just to get it 
clear, it won't do any harm. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Baron. For instance, I want to show you the proceedings of 
the Seventh World Congress of the Communist International. That 
was the Congress where they developed the "Trojan horse" policy; 
that is, to give up their drial unions and come into the parent labor 
unions and do their work from within. 

Xow, Vv'hen did this Congress occur? It occurred on August. 20 — 
one of the speeches in the Congress, to give you the dates. It was 
August 20, 1935 — the end of August — ^that the Communist Inter- 
national first laid down the "Trojan horse" policy. 

Now, I was a delegate in the American Federation of Labor Con- 
vention in 1935 at Atlantic City. That was in October, only about 
2 months after this convention. The Communists were still in their 
dual unions. They still had not gotten out of them. They still had 
not put this into effect. And I was there in the A. F. of L. Con- 
vention with the few Cojumunists that were there, and I personally 
know that these few Commmiists were confused. They did not 
know what to do. They had already decided that they must be 
good boys; that they must comb their hair and press their pants 
and be "goody-goodies;" and all of a sudden, in their convention, 
John L. Lewis starts a movement for the organization of the mass 
production industries. 

So the Conmiunist movement did not know how to approach this 
question: and I know, in my own union, that I was president of, a 
Comnmnist got up in the union and said that under no circumstances 
should we get out of the A. F. of L., shovring that they were play- 
ing both sides against the middle, but that the C. I. O. was certainly 
inspired out of a certain condition in our economic set-up, where 
the mass industries had not been organized in the last 25 or 30 years, 
and that certain forces in the C. I. O. had set their minds to complete 
the job. So there was a split, and the Connnunists climbed into the 


band wagon afterwards and got into various positions in unionist 

Mr. Staknes. That is right. Now, they did do this, and I think 
you can give us further light on that point: The Communists did 
have a labor policy of their own for a time. The American Fed- 
eration of Labor consistently fought against the infiltration of com- 
munism in its ranks. The Communists then attempted to set up 
a labor policy of their own. 

Mr. Baron. Inside or outside? 

Mr. Starnes. Outside. 

Mr. Baron. Outside; that is true. 

Mr. Starnes. But they abandoned that outside policy when, as 
you say, they got a chance to ride on the band wagon? 

Mr. Baron. No ; it was not that. They abandoned their dual union 
policy before the C. I. O. was created by virtue of this convention 
in Moscow. Thej^ decided there that no longer would they try to 
build revolutionary unions, dual unions, but they would go back into 
the parent body. When they went back into the parent body, into 
the A. F. of L., they found they had to take a choice, and either go 
out again, or stay in. So they did not leave their dual unions in 
order to create the C. I. O. or go on the band wagon, because they did 
liot know of the C. I. O. at that time. It had not occurred. It did 
not occur until 1936. 

Mr. Starnes. But they did go then ? 

Mr. Baron. Oh, after. After the thing had developed, the Com- 
munist movement could no longer play one side against the other. 
They, in all their records, have gone into the C. I. O. and they have 
done enough damage in that organization, by virtue of the fact that 
in every trade union they control there is no democracy; there is 
ruthless, dictatorial purging of all minority opinions; and further, 
in comparison to the old line A. F. of L. conservative leaders, the 
A. F. of L. conservative leaders were the acme of democracy in com- 
I)arison to the Communists, where they get control in trade union 
organizations. They do not allow any freedom to any minority or 
to any opposition. 

The minute somebody raises his head in that organization they will 
yell, "You are an agent of the Dies committee; you are an agent of 
the boss; you are an agent of fascism." And so they disgrace and 
destroy anybody who, in the trade-union movement, desires to develop 
a trade union along constructive lines. 

Mr. Starnes. That is a point that I am happy that you brought 
out. In other words, their work in trade unions does not promote 
the cause of labor nor of trade unionism, but, to the contrary, it has 
a destructive effect? 

Mr. Baron. Absolutely. 

Mr. Starnes. And it discredits the entire labor movement in the 
eyes of the American public? 

Mr. Baron. There is no doubt about that; that every time you 
have a clash in a trade union, and it breaks out to the public, where 
minorities cannot get their democracy rights, it reflects on the trade 

The Chairman. In order to clear up the record, you said some- 
thing about the International Labor Defense bringing speakers to 
Jersev Citv? 


Mr. Bit RON. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What did you say? Tliere seemed to be some 
doubt among the reporters about what you said, and I did not want 
you to be misquoted. 

Mr. Baron. Wliy, the International Labor Defense sponsored the 
meeting at which the two Congressmen were supposed to speak, and 
those two Congressmen are O'Connell and Bernard. I mean that^ 
and tlnit is a fact. 

Mr. ^ [osier. What was it you said about Marcantonio? Is he the 
head of that organization? 

^fr. Baron. Vito Marcantonio is the presiding head of the I. L. D'. 

Mr. MosrER. The International Labor Defense? 

Mr. Baron. That is correct; and further let the record show that 
it was Vito Marcantonio's statement to the press that called off the 
meeting of the two Congressmen in Jersey City. 

The Chairman. And you say there is no question about that or- 
ganization being a "front" of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Baron. No question in my mind whatever. 

Mr. Starnes. And absolutely controlled by the Communist Party 'I 

Mr. Baron. That is right. 

The Chairman. Now, continue, Mr. Baron. Can you tell us how 
the Communists became influential in certain unions connected with 
the C. I. O. ? How did they work it ? How did they get these posi- 
tions as organizers, and in some instances get on the board of execu- 
tives of local unions? 

Mr. Starnes. As president, secretary, and so forth ? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Baron. First, to preface my remarks on that score, I think 
within a trade-union organization that is strictly economic you can- 
not examine the political beliefs of the members in that trade-union. 

Mr. Starnes. That is right ; and no attemj)t should be made to do so* 

Mr. Baron. That is right. The only thing, however, that should 
be done is that where a trade-union official is taking his orders from 
the Communist Party and carrying out its political line inside that 
trade-union, in all honesty these people should get up and say, "I am 
a Communist, and I stand for this," and stand on their own feet, so 
that the public will know and be able to decide. But they do not 
do that. In the trade-unions these Communists will deny they are 
Communists, and then they will put forward their propositions, and 
so the members will not be able to consider the propositions on their 

And so heie came a new organization — the Committee for Indus- 
thial Organization — that had a job to do which should receive the 
applause of every working man and woman in the United States ; and, 
of course, the Conimunists, who were an active entity in the United 
States, saw to it that they secured as many positions of influence as 
possible, and they horned their way in, and whei*ever there were any 
forces in that situation that were in any way inimical to their interests, 
those forces were destroyed in one wa}' or another. 

Now, of course, at the height of an organizing campaign you can- 
not go out and wash dirty linen in public; and so the work of the 
Communists in certain sections of the C. I. O. was sort of 

Mr. Starnes. Glossed over 


Mr. Baron. Kept quiet. But after the job had been done, and 
when you could evahiate the job, wherever the Communists got con- 
trol it was just a sorry mess. Wherever the Communists did not 
have control, they went on to further and further gains. Because* 
< he ordinary trade unionist is primarily concerned with his organiza- 
tion and the development of that organization. The Communists 
have many concerns — many concerns that do not have anything to do 
with the organization itself — its outside interests. 

And so you ask me how they got control of various places. They 
are hard workers. They are disciplined workers; and in the trade- 
union movement those who work hard, those who sacrifice themselves, 
are voted into positions of power. 

The Chairman. Do you know of any of these particular instances 
that have occurred^ 

Mr. Baron. First, I want to speak about Mortimer — Wyndham 
Mortimer, of the Automobile Workers Union. I corroborate the 
testimony before this committee that this person is a Communist. 
At the A. F. of F. convention of 1935 the representative of the Com- 
munist movement. Jack Stachel, introduced me to him as a Com- 
nninist. Mortimer is of the Automobile Workers Union of America 
and he leads the Communist faction in that union. 

A]id while I am on the question of the Automobile Workers Union 
of America, let me say that I think that the trade-union movement 
would recei\e a terrible blow if Homer Martin, by any manner of 
means, is defeated by the Communists in that union; that 
A^Iartin is a thousand percent more progressive than the Bridges, the 
Rathbones, the Merrills, and the others. I feel that Homer Martin, 
who does everything in his power to keep America out of war, and 
who is a capable executive in a trade union, should receive the support 
of every conscientious person. 

I want to speak now of tlie president of the International Pro- 
fessional and Office Workers Union. 

This president, Lewis Merrill, had been charged before this com- 
mittee as being a Communist. He has called upon the gods to wit- 
ness his persecution, and has vehemently denied that he is a Com- 
munist, in the New Pork press. I am here to state that on two dif- 
ferent occasions Lewis Merrill told me that he was a member of 
the Communist Party. In one conversation I asked him: "How did 
it happen that during the dual union period of the Communist Party 
you were working for an A. F. of L. organization?" I asked him 
whether he had received a special dispensation from God — Stalin. 
He laughed, and he said, "Something like it." 

But if Lewis Merrill, the president of the Professional and Office 
Workers Union, wants to deny that, I will give him something else 
to deny, and that is that Lewis Merrill attended a political confer- 
ence in the headquarters of the Communist Party in New York, at 
which I was present and several other people were present; and 
nobody attends political conferences at the Comnuuiist Party head- 
quarters unless he is a Communist. 

The Chairman. How did you happen to be there? 

Mr. Baron. As a representative of the Socialist Party. I mean, I 
am an official of the Socialist Party, as you understand, and natur- 
ally there are political conferences of all kinds. 

The Chairman. I just wanted to clear that up for the record. 


'Mr. Bakon. Aaain, lot me say that I expose individuals in the 
trade union movements and other or<^anizations as Communists, be- 
cause I believe there is a moral rioht in exposing them, so that, the 
membership of their organizations know from where comes the policy 
that they propose, and they can act intelligently upon those propo- 

I speak now of the president of Local 16, the largest unit in the 
United Pi-ofessional and Office Workers Union of America, by the 
name of Peter K. Hawley. 

Peter K. Hawley, the president of the union, Avas expelled from 
the progressive group in that union, which group I headed, for being 
a Communist plant in that group. 

The Chairman. What position does Peter K. Hawley hold? 

Mr. B:^RON. He is president of the largest unit within the United 
Professional and Office Workers Union. That is the biggest local in 
New York — Local 16. 

The Chairman. And the Socialists expelled him? 

Mr. Baron. Not the Socialists — the anti-Stalinists in the union. 
Like in Congress and other places, there are groups formed on certain 
propositions. The progressive group in that union expelled Peter K. 
Hawley from the group because he was a plant of the Communist 

Another individual in that union is Norma Aaronson. She is the 
general organizer of that union in New York. She was formerly leader 
of the dual Communist union, the Office Workers Union of New York, 
and she is a known Communist. 

Morris Yanoff, who is general manager of that union, has been a 
candidate on the Communist Partv ticket several vears a^o. 

The next person I want to refer to is Claude Williams. Claude 
Williams is head of Commonwealth College ; and I am going to read 
from the Socialist Call, the issue of Saturday, September's, 1938: 

Socialists and other friends of the Southern Tenant Farmers Union should be 
informed that President Butler of the union, on the basis of documentary evi- 
dence, is bringing charges that Claude Williams, the head of Commonwealth 
College, has been secretly a member of the Communist Party and is cooperating 
with the Communists in the Commonwealth College to capture the S. T. F. U. 

Mr. Starnes. That Commonwealth College is down in Arkansas? 

Mr. Baron. Yes, sir. 

The next individual I wish to refer to is the head of the Workers' 
Alliance of America, the president. David Lasser was asked to re- 
sign from the Socialist Party l)ecause he was following the Com- 
munist line in that organization. 

Mr. Starnes. And Oscar Fuss, the first vice president, is an avowed 
Communist; that is correct, is it not, Mr. Baron? 

Mr. Baron. According to my information, Fuss is a Communist. 
Joseph Lash, I believe, the president or the head — I do not know his 
title — of the American Student Union, a very poAverful organization 
in propagandizing collective security — Joseph Lash was asked to re- 
sign from the Socialist Party because he Avas folloAving the Com- 
munist line in that organization. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, the Southern Tenant Farmers Union 
is controlled by the Communists? 

Mr. Baron. No; the Southern Tenant Farmers Union Avas anti- 
Communist and was exposing 



Mr. Staknes. This fellow as president of Commomyealtli College? 

Mr. Baron. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. But tlie president, the head of the Workers' Alliance, 
was expelled ivoni the Socialist Party because of his communistic 

Mr. Barox. That is )'ight. 

Mr. Starnes. A]id liis lirst vice president, Oscar Fuss, is an open 
and avowed Communist ? 

Mr. Baron. Yes. But more important than those two is Herbert 

Mr. Starnes. He is the power behind the throne ; he has been and is 
an open and avowed Communist? 

Mr. Baron. That is riglit. 

Mr. Starnes. He is really tlie power behind the throne in the 
Workers' Alliance movement ? 

Mr. Baron. That is right. 

I just want to make this concluding statement and I will be through 
With my testimony. 

I am perfectly aware tluit tlie wolves are howling, and they are 
ready to tear apart one who has strayed from the pack. 

I know also that it will be charged that I sold out. 

I plead guilty to that charge; I have sold out. I have sold out the 
dictators; I have sold out fascism, whether its color may be brown, 
black, or red. 

In return for this sell-out I have given myself peace of mind that 
I had not remained silent concerning the twin menace of communism 
and fascism. 

And I say to my friends in New York, of the Socialist Party, that 
they have an opportunity to tell the entire world that the Socialist 
Party has at last ceased to aid and abet the criminal activities of the 
Communist movement by refusing to accept my resignation from the 

I want again to repeat in closing that whatever criticism there is of 
the Dies committee, I still consider the committee as a public forum 
from the House of Eepresentatives of the United States Govern- 
ment, and that that committee has in no way or fashion told me what 
to sa}^ and what not to say, that those who really want to do some- 
thing concrete about the admitted menace of communism and fascism 
in the United States have a public forum in which they can do it. 

The Chairman. In that connection, may I say, Mr. Baron, that this 
committee has invited repeatedly every organization and every in- 
dividual who has been involved directly or indirectly in any charge 
to appear before the committee and give us their testimony. 

The first thing this committee did was to invite Mr. John L. Lewis 
to appear before this committee. 

Instead of pursuing the course of appearing before the committee 
and under oath testifying either for or against, whichever the case 
may be, most of these individuals and organizations have resorted to 
a campaign of abuse and misrepresentation, evidently feeling that 
they could discredit the investigation by witticism or by sarcasm or 
ironic remarks when, as a matter of fact, they have only increased 
suspicion throughout the country with regard to their activities, as 
manifested by the fact that we are receiving thousands of letters 

2672 rN-AMi:racAN propaganda activities 

from every section of the coimtrj^ and the fact that or^ranizations 
have taken up the slogan from one end of the country to the other, 
and are sayinor that it is very unfortunate that these people who are 
so incensed aoout this investigation fail to take advantage of the 
re])eated opportunities and offers we have made to them to come 
before the committee and say exactly what the facts are. 

We want to express to you our deep appreciation of the fact that 
3'ou have availed yourself of the opportunity to come before the 

As I said in the beginning, we are not after anyone; we are not 
interested in the investigation disclosing any particular facts; but w^e 
do want the facts and haA^e invited people from every quarter to come 
and give us those facts, and the committee feels that the approach you 
have adopted has been a constructive course, and the one that should 
have been adopted by all others interested in true liberalism, and are 
able to distinguish the difference between true liberalism on the one 
hand and communism on the other, that being the most pagan philos- 
ophy in the world. 

I want also to say, in addition to expressing our deep appreciation 
to you, that if other members of your party, instead of resorting to 
newspaper comments and intolerant statements, and jumping at con- 
clusions without any evidence to support them, would come before the 
committee and under oath give us the benefit of any information they 
have, they would be doing justice to themselves and doing a service to 
the country. 

One of the great mysteries about the whole thing from the beginning 
has been the unwillingness of organizations like the League for Peace 
and Democracy to come before the committee and show what are the 
facts, and to say, "Here are our records ; we want to deal cleanly and 
openly with the Congress of the United States." 

Mr. Baron. Might I say, Mr. Dies, that this committee would have 
probably done the unusual if these organizations had not felt that 
there was a political objective of this committee, and I personally, in 
all honesty, must say, if I had been subpenaed before the national 
elections, I would not have appeared before the committee ; that I did 
approach it with the thought that the committee was being used to 
impair the political position of certain individuals in the National 
Government, and if that had not been the opinion of many you would 
have had many more organizations appear before 3^ou than you have 

The Chairman. The trouble with that is that it is not supported by 
the facts. Of course, the fact is that long before any political elec- 
tions, it was announced that this committee would begin its hearings 
and continue them right through ; that our time Avas limited, and that 
if we deferred the hearings until after the elections there w^ould be no 
investigation; it would liaA^e been utterl}^ and physically impossible, 
with the time available, to make an investigation. But from the time 
the investigation was announced all those people who had the facts 
have had an oi)portunity to present such facts as they saw fit, so their 
failure to do so antedated any political campaign. It w as long before 
the national election was imminent, and way back in the beginning, 
long before their names were brought into the evidence, that they 
assumed a belligerent attitude, seeking to discredit the committv^e, and 


the result has been to arouse feeling in the minds of millions of 
patriotic American citizens. 

Mr. Bakon. It has just occurred to me that I can make a state- 
ment to the committee concerning Heywood Broun, which I think will 
be very interesting. 

I think somebody should go to the trouble of taking Heywood 
Broun's articles in the daily press over a period of the last 2 years 
and try to find any one instance or any proposal wherein Heywood 
Broun discredited or criticized any political line of the Communist 

Heywood Broun, you will find in a research of these 2 years of 
articles, has criticized and attacked practically every political section 
in public life, including a mild criticism of President Koosevelt. But 
I say again, from full knowledge, you will not find one written word 
by Heywood Broun that he has ever criticized or discredited any of 
the fundamental tenets of the Communist Party. 

The Chaikman. In reference to the League for Industrial Democ- 
i-acy, beginning on page 683 of the hearings and on down page 691, 
you will find a list of various officers and directors and the duties they 
put them on, and you will find well-known Communists occupying 
important positions. 

Mr. Bakon. Name one. 

The Chairman. Here are some. Here is Robert W. Dunn ; do you 
know him? 

Mr. Baron. How many years ago was that ? 

The Chairman. That was several years ago. 

Mr. Baron. What was the date, Chairman Dies ? I can satisfy you 
right now. Chairman Dies, so you will not misunderstand. The 
League for Industrial Democracy has an individual, Prof. John 
Dewey — right '? 

The Chairman. That is right. 

Mr. Baron. As to Prof. John Dewey, if anybody has been excori- 
ated mercilessly and w^hipped by the Communist movement, that is 
John Dewey, because of his defense of Leon Trotsky. 

Even as to Norman Thomas, if you pick up any paper of the Com- 
munist movement, you will find him lashed by that movement. Or, 
take Dr. Harry W. Laidley. He is the head of the State Socialist 
Party of New York. The Comnuinists have flayed him unmercifully. 

I tell you this organization has been unmercifully attacked by the 
Communist movement, and they have tried for several years to de- 
stroy that organization. And when you mention an individual 

The Chairman. Your contention is that this organization is not a 
front of the Comnumist Party and is not influenced bv the Communist 

Mr. Baron. Absolutely not. 

The Chairman. And your contention is the same in respect to the 
Civil Liberties League ? 

Mr. Baron. And as to the North American Committee. 

The Chairman. With the exception of tliose, are these other front 
organizations, like the Young Pioneers, the Communist League of 
America, the International Labor Defense, and various other agencies 
which have been set up, fully controlled and dominated by the Com- 
munists ? 


Mr. Baron. I have testific^d to those I know. There are so many- 
new or^ranizations, I. cannot keep np with them. 

But 1 will not characterize any organization that is a relief organi- 
zation, not political, in reference to China or to Spain, as a Com- 
munist organization, because the one error that is made by people 
coming here to testify is to attack relief organizations that are not 
political as Connnunist. That is doing an injury that I cannot put 
into words. 

So I say that those organizations I know to be Communist I have 
named, the I. O. D. and maybe several others that I know about that 
I will be sure of. 

The Chairman. The ones you have named you sa}^ are not? 

Mr. Baron. That is right. 

The Chairman. We certainly appreciate your testimony. 

The committee will stand adjourned subject to the call of the 

(Thereupon the subcommittee adjourned to meet subject to the call 
of the chairman.) 



House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Special Committee to 

Investigate Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. G. 

The subcommittee met at 10:30 a. m,, Hon. Martin Dies (chair- 
man) presiding. 


(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. What is your name? 

Mr. Martin. Homer Martin. 

The Chairman. Where do you live? 

Mr. Martin. Detroit, Mich. 

The Chairman. How long have you lived there? 

Mr. Martin. Since 1936. 

The Chairman. Where did you live prior to your residence in 
Detroit, Mich.? 

Mr. Martin. At Kansas City, Mo. 

The Chairman. How long did you live in Kansas City, Mo. ? 

Mr. Martin. About 6 years. 

The Chairman. What business were you in at Kansas City, Mo.? 

Mr. Martin. I was in the ministry. 

The Chairman. Wlicre did you live prior to going to Kansas City ? 

Mr. Martin. In southern Illinois. 

The Chairman. In what portion? 

Mr. 'Martin. At Goreville, 111. 

The Chairman. Hoav long did 3^ou live there ? 

Mr. Martin. All my life. I was born there. 

The Chairman. Did you finish high school there? 

Mr. Martin. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. Do you have any college education? 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir. 

The Chairisian. Where did you obtain it? 

Mr. Martin. At Evring College and at William Jewells. 

The Chairman. Where is Ewing College located ? 

Mr. Martin. In southern Illinois. 

The Chairman. Where is William Jewells? 

Mr. Martin. At Liberty, Mo. 

The Chairman. You completed your course at those institutions, 
and then went into the ministry? 



Mr. Martin. I was in the ministry during that time. 

The Chairman. During the time you were going tlirough college^ 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. On the completion of your college course, did you 
enter the ministry? 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. On a full-time basis. 

Mr. Martin. On a full-time basis; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. It was not until 1936 that you became connected 
with the labor movement. 

Mr. Martin. No; I became connected with the labor movement in 

The Chairman. How did that happen? 

Mr. Martin. I was elected vice president of a local union in Kansas 

The Chairman. Wliat local union? 

Mr. Martin. It is known as Local No. 93, in Kansas City. 

The Chairman. What is that? 

Mr. Martin. Chevrolet and Fisher Body employees. 

The Chairman. That was while you were in the ministry? 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir ; while there I was active in the ministry. 

The Chairman. Did your connection with that union continue 
during the time you were in Kansas City. 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you hold any position in that union? 

]Mr. Martin. I was vice president and then president. 

The Chairman. Did you have any other connection with any 
union besides that before you went to Detroit ? 

Mr. Martin. No, sir; no official connection. 

The Chairman. When you went to Detroit in 1936, did you go 
there for the purpose of doing union work, or w^ere you in the min- 
istry there? 

Mr. Martin. No, sir; I went there as vice president of the organ- 
ization called the International Union of United Automobile Workers 
of America. 

The Chairman. You went there as vice president, and were you 
later promoted? 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir; I was later elected as president. 

The Chairman. When were you elected? 

Mr. Martin. In April 1936. 

The Chairman. And you later became president of that same 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir; that is right. 

The Chairman. Approximately, what is the m^^mbership of your 

Mr. Martin. About 350,000. 

The Chairman. Where is your membership located? 

Mr. Martin. They are located throughout the United States, prin- 
cipally in Michigan, Ohio, Indiana, but scattered throughout the 
United States. 

The Chairman. Now, Mr. Martin, do you know of 3^our own knowl- 
edge of any Nazi, Fascist, or Communist activities in the United 


Mr. Martin. I have a statement I would like to read to the com- 
mittee as a part of the record. 

The Chairman. Will you first answer that question? 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you know that of your own knowledge ? 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you know of any Nazi or Fascist activities? 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Where are they located? 

Mr. Martin. Weil, the principal activities that I would like to 
deal with in my re]3ort are in Detroit and in Michigan. 

The Chairman. What character of Xazi and Fascist movement is 

Mr. Martin. They are the activities of the various organizations 
and representatives of the Italian Govermnent and German Govern- 

The Chairman. You propose to give us a statement dealing with 
that phase of it? 

Mr. Martin. That is right. 

The Chairman. You appear under subpena, do you not? 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You would not have api)eared otherwise if you 
had not been subpenaed. 

Mr. Martin. That is right. 

The Chairman. Will you tell us exactly what you know with 
reference to Nazi and Fascist activities in Detroit and in Michigan? 

Mr. Starnes. And their connection with the German Government, 
or the Imperial German Government, and the Italian Government, 
with a statement as to whether or not there is any connection between 
the movement and the Governments. If so, state what the connec- 
tion is. 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

Mr. Martin. My first statement is relative to the witnesses that 
appeared before the committee. I will refer to one, Judge Gadola, 
of Flint, Mich. 

The Chairman. You will connect him with the Fascist and Nazi 
movement ? 

Mr. Martin. I will connect him with the Fascist movement. 

Mr. Starnes. In connection with the Fascist Government of Italy ? 

Mr. Martin. In connection with his activities in support of the 
Fascist government. 

The Chairman. Of Italy ? 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Martin. It is common report that Judge Gadola has been 
seen many times at Fascist meetings. It is reliably reported also 
that in Flint Judge Gadola participated in meetings called for the 
purpose of raising money to help Mussolini in his war of aggression 
against Ethiopia. 

There is one other phase of Judge Gadola's activities that places 
his testimony in a very biased position : He is a notable hater of 
organized labor and of all activities of the labor movement. 


Following Gov. Frank Murphy's successful efforts to settle the 
General Motors strike because of his humane statesmanship, the 
General Motors Corporation and the International Union, United 
Automobile Workers of America, agreed to tlie dismissal of the 
injunction suit which had been started by the General Motors Cor- 
poration before the notorious Judge Black, who was a substantial 
stockholder in the General Motors Corporation. Only the exposure 
by the union of this unholy relationship between Judge Black and 
the General Motors Corporation ended Judge Black's insistence to 
sit on the case. 

It was then that Judge Gadola stepped into the breach. Despite 
the agreement of all parties that no useful purpose could be served by 
the further continuance of the injunction suit, especially since a 
peaceful settlement had been arrived at. Judge Gadola refused to 
dismiss the case and technically it still is current litigation, although 
almost 2 years have passed. 

It may be well to remember that, at the very time that Governor 
Murphy was approaching a successful climax of his efforts to bring 
about a peaceful settlement, and sensed that a postponement of 
General Motors' application for an injunction would be conducive 
to a speedy accomplishment of his objective, Governor Murphy 
had caused to be brought to Judge Gadola 's attention his request 
that a continuance be had while negotiations continued. Judge 
Gadola showed his respect for the cliief executive of the State of 
Michigan by telling him to go to hell. 

This vicious, antilabor complex of Judge Gadola has been mani- 
fested since that time by an undignified and unjudicial demeanor on 
the part of Judge Gadola, who, in and out of season, and chiefly 
Avitliout provocation, has indulged in frequent tirades and attacks 
upon organized labor and the Governor of the State of Michigan. 

As illustrative of this, may I direct your attention to the fact 
that a few months ago, our organization appeared before a judge in 
the same county in which Judge Gadola sits, and secured a temporaiy 
restraining order to prevent a local Flint concern from avoiding its 
responsibilities created by an agreement with our union when it 
sought to move out of the county and. indulge in what in common 
parlance is called "make a run-away" effort. Judge Elliot, in keep- 
ing with the precedents that had been established within the last 
few years, granted such a temporary I'estraining order, whereupon 
Judge Gadola and the notorious Judge Black both complained to 
judges of the Michigan Supreme Court in their criticism of Judge 
Elliot's action. 

The latest episode in which Judge Gadola demonstrates tliis un- 
believable antagonism toward organized labor is exemplified by a 
recent lawsuit commenced in Genesee County, in Avhich he issued a 
temporary injimction ex parte, restraining an employer from living 
up to an agieement made with a labor union. Could it possibly be 
that this is an accident — that this judge has this attitude? 

No one can deny that Judge Gadola's testimony can liave any 
place in an inquiry into alleged subversive activities directed specifi- 
cally at fascism, nazi-ism, and communism, except that the only 
comiection that Judge Gadola had with any of these "isms" puts 
liini squarely v\ ithin the ranks of the Fascists themselves. 


The Chairman. Does that complete your statement as to Judge 
Oadola ? 

Mr. Martin. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know of any Black Shirt movement in and 
around Detroit ? Are they active there in the Black Shirt movement ? 

Mr. Martin. I so understand. I do not have personal knowledge 
of this, but it is a matter of common knowledge that there is quite a 
bit of activity, which has recently increased, in the city of Detroit. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is the head of the mcn^ement, according to repute, 
if you do not have first-hand knowledge of it? I admit that we are 
going far afield when we let in matters of general knowledge, but, 
as a matter of common repute, can j^ou furnish the committee the 
]iame of the leader of the Black Shirt movement in Detroit? 

Mr. Martin. No, sir; I cannot. My satement relative to that has 
to do with the activities in the past, known and of record, of the 
Italian vice consul by the name of Giacomo Ungarelli. In that con- 
nection, I would like to read this statement: 

In 1934 Detroit \Yas blessed by one Giacomo Ungarelli, who had arrived from 
Brazil to serve as Italian vice consul. Ungarelli came to Detroit because of his 
effective methods in forcing Italians living in Brazil to become willing and 
pliable agents of the Italian Fascist Government. He was sent to Detroit to 
.succeed a vice consul who had not been hard enough in forcing the Datroit 
Italian community into line in support of the Italian Fascist Government. 
Ungarelli immediately began his vrork. Prominent Detroiters, American citi- 
zens of Italian ancestry, were called in by Ungarelli to fall into line in support 
of the Fascist Government. This meant that American citizens were being 
asked by the Italian Government to be traitorous to their country and carry 
on actively in support of Fascist Italy. When these requests met with refusal 
threats of physical violence were made, and when this did not succeed, 
Ungarelli set into motion an economic boycott against these persons. Merchants 
who obtained provisions and supplies from Italy were told that they would be 
cut off from their source of supplies in Italy if they did not accede to his 
demands. Ungarelli also sought to persuade those whom he thought were 
loyal to Fascist Italy to refuse to patronize American citizens of Italian descent 
who had proved stubborn in resisting him. Attempts were made to compel 
Detroiters, American citizens, to contribute financially to organizations and 
activities sponsored by the Italian Government. Threats of injury to relatives 
and friends in Italy if resistance was offered constituted one means of persuasion 
employed by Mussolini's puppet. 

A veritable reign of terror ensued, which even caused Detroit citizens to go 
to the prosecuting attorney of Wayne County for relief against the terroristic 
methods of this Italian vice consul. Finally, protests were lodged against 
Ungarelli with the State Department in Washington. So compelling were the 
facts against him that the American State Department made certain repre- 
sentations to the Italian Government which resulted in the Italian Government 
recalling Ungarelli from the United States. The official excuse given was that 
Ungarelli was "promoted"' from a position of vice consul in the fourth largest 
city in the United States to the position of consul in an insignificant North 
African village near the Sahara. It is reported that Ungarelli's successors, two 
in number, proved to be more decent than the Italian Government expected 
them to be, with the result that both have been recalled and there is now on 
the way to Detroit, it is said, another consular representative of Fascist Italy, 
a "squadrisda" — a storm trooper of ability and a rival of Ungarelli's terroristic 

Undoubtedly there has been a definite revival of P'ascist activities within the 
last few months, including an interference with the election campaign in Wayne 
County. The Fascists, in endorsing two Italians running for office on the 
Ttepublican ticket, spoke in this fashion of Italians opposed to Italian reaction- 
aries running on the Republican ticket : 

"When nationalities inferior to ours, like the Polish, Irish, and Jewish, have 
absolute control of the political situation in Detroit, some degenerate, Ignorant 
Italian sons, for the price of treachery, are using the right of speech to sell, 

94931— 39— vol. 4 17 


like Judas Iscariot, the dignity aud honor of our race. We, the avengers of 
our rights, and our history, give warning so that you may not be deceived by 
those miserably sold worms." 

Those statements and others were distributed by Fascists in the 
last political campaign in the city of Detroit. 

Mr. Starnes. Through what agency? 

Mr. Martin. Through some newspapers, and through leaflets dis- 
tributed throughout the city. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have any evidence of uniformed Black Shirt 
activities in the Detroit area? 

Mr. Martin. There is evidence to that effect that can be uncovered. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you be kind enough to furnish the committee 
with leads and names so we may pursue that inquiry? 

Mr. Martin. I will be most happy to do so. 

Mr. Starnes. The committee, I am sure, will be happy to have it. 
Can you give us an estimate of the approximate number of Fascists 
in the Detroit area? 

Mr. Martin. I think that is impossible, because all of those for- 
eign organizations, or all of those organizations are controlled and 
operated by totalitarian governments, ajid as to those organizations, 
the membership is kept secret, and it would take an investigation by 
the Department of Justice or some other source of investigation to 
uncover their identities and their membership. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know anything about Fascists' activities, or 
do you have personal knowledge of those activities in other areas 
of the country, outside of Detroit? 

Mr. Martin. Only from a report that I think can be verified by 
much evidence. 

Mr. Starnes. But you have no first-hand knowledge of it. 

Mr. Martin. No, sir; I have no first-hand knowledge of it. 

Mr. Mosier. Do you know approximately how many Italians live 
in the Detroit area ? 

Mr. Martin. I do not know. There is an Italian connnunity there, 

Mr. Mosier. That community is the communit}' that those consuls 
or vice consuls worked on. 

^Ir. Martin. That is right. 

Mr. Mosier. Did they work through any particular organization, or 
Italian organization, such as the Sons of Italy, or any other like 

Mr. Martin. I understand they do, and that recently there have 
been other organizations, or new organizations, formed for the pur- 
pose of furthering Fascist influence in this country. 

Mr. Starnes. I judge from the tenor of your remarks that Judge