(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "Investigation of un-American propaganda activities in the United States. Hearings before a Special Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Seventy-fifth Congress, third session-Seventy-eighth Congress, second session, on H. Res. 282, to investigate (l) the extent, character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, (2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propaganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation"

•j'! 



ih'^UU'^' 



•,■■■■' M :' ; 



: ■') 



il :''■',''':: 
< • •; ■ < 






:^;i|-i.i''.;;: 



1^ '.»'''■■■ , ,^ ■■ 









' V • ■ i '•' 



i 



a- 



r^ 



LG 



^ Stat. Hall. Usr, nMLY 



jv?^j:5^.^.:..4/J.^£ 



V .J/ 



"^^^-^ 



^■? 






•* 'life 



SB! 



.n 



m^ 



^^-^^ 



FROM THE 

FRANK CLEMENT FUND 



3^ 



FN 978 : 4.23.40: 300 



)3^< V 

INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN 
PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IN THE /' ' 
UNITED STATES 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE A 

SPECIAL 

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

SEVENTY-SIXTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 

ON 

H. Res. 282 

TO INVESTIGATE (1) THE EXTENT, CHAEACJTER, AND OBJECTS 
OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED 
STATES, (2) THE DIFFUSION WITHIN THE UNITED STATES OF 
SUBVERSIVE AND UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA THAT IS INSTI- 
GATED FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES OR OF A DOMESTIC ORIGIN 
AND ATTACKS THE PRINCIPLE OF THE FORM OF GOVERN- 
MENT AS GUARANTEED BY OUR CONSTITUTION, AND (3) ALL 
OTHER QUESTIONS IN RELATION THERETO THAT WOULD AID 
CONGRESS IN ANY NECESSARY REMEDIAL 
LEGISLATION 



VOLUME 7 

SEPTEMBER 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, AND 13, 1939 
AT WASHINGTON, D. C. 



Printed for the use of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities 




UNITED STATES ^X ^ 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
94931 WASHINGTON : 1940 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN 

PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IN THE 

UNITED STATES 

HEARINGS 

BEFORE A 

SPECIAL 

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

SEVENTY-SIXTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 
ON 

H. Res. 282 

TO INVESTIGATE (1) THE EXTENT, CHARACTER, AND OBJECTS 
OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED 
STATES, (2) THE DIFFUSION WITHIN THE UNITED STATES OF 
SUBVERSIVE AND UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA THAT IS INSTI- 
GATED FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES OR OF A DOxMESTIC ORIGIN 
AND ATTACKS THE PRINCIPLE OF THE FORM OF GOVERN- 
MENT AS GUARANTEED BY OUR CONSTITUTION, AND (3) ALL 
OTHER QUESTIONS IN RELATION THERETO THAT WOULD AID 
CONGRESS IN ANY NECESSARY REMEDIAL 
LEGISLATION 



VOLUME 7 

SEPTEMBER 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, AND 13, 1939 
AT WASHINGTON, D. C. 



Printed for the usp of tbe Special Committee on Un-American Activities 



%5^ 



UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMEIST PRINTING OFFICE 
"J4931 WASHINGTON : 1940 



f n 



7 



SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES, 
WASHINGTON, D. C. 

MARTIN DIES, Texas, Chairman 

JOHN J. DEMPSEY, New Mexico NOAH M. MASON, Illinois 

JOE STARNES, Alabama J. PARNELL THOMAS, New Jersey 

JERRY VOORHIS, California 

JOSEPH E. CASEY, Massachusetts 

Robert E. Stripling. Secretary 
Rhea Whitley, Counsel 
J. B. MA.TTHBWS, Director of Research 
II 



. . ■. • ; • • • 

^t ,» ' •» ... ». *•« 
• « • ^ » » » 1 



CONTENTS 



Brodsky, Joseph, attorney, Xe\v York 4492 

Browder, Earl Russell, secretarj", Communist Party of United States 4275 

Browder, William E., state treasurer, Communist Party of New York 4810 

Gitlow, Benjamin, former general secretary of Commimist Partj' of United 

States "- 4529 

Kuntz, Ed, attorney representing W. E. Browder 4810 

Marwig, Carl, accountant for Special Committee on Un-American Activ- 
ities 4831 

Trachtenberg, Alexander, secretary and treasurer, International Pub- 
lishers "_ 4863 

Weiner, Robert William, financial secretary of Communist Party of 

United States '. 4747 

m 



INVESTIGATION OF ITN-AMEEICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1939 



House of RErRESENXATivES, 
Special Committee to Investtgave 

TJN-AMFJiicAN Activities, 

Washington^ D. G. 

The committee met at 10 a. m.. Hon. Martin Dies (chairman) 
presiding. 

The Chairmax. The committee will come to order. 
"Who is the witness this morning, Mr. Whitley? 
Mr. Whitley. Mr. Earl Browder. 

TESTIMONY OF EAEL RUSSELL BROWDER, SECRETARY OF THE 
COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES 

(The witness was sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. I understand that our procedure will be that our 
counsel. Mr. Whitley, will first question the witness, and then Mr. 
Matthews Avill also ask some questions, following Mr. Whitley's ques- 
tions. Then if members of the committee have some pertinent ques- 
tions they desire to ask during the course of the hearing, if they will 
address the Chair and state tliey desire to interrupt the questioning 
for that purpose, the Chair will accord them the privilege of asking 
questions in connection with the matter as to which the witness is be- 
ing questioned. It is preferable, however, for members to wait until 
the questioning of witnesses by committee counsel is completed, after 
which members may ask such questions as they desire. 

Mr. Whitley. What is your full name? 

Mr. Browder. Earl Russell Browder. 

The Chairman, It is our purpose to be entirely fair to you, and at 
the same time we want you to make your answers responsive, so we can 
get some place. Witnesses are entitled to and will receive fair treat- 
ment, and, in turn, we expect them to be eoiirteous to the committee 
and make their answers responsive. Then, if a witness has an ex- 
planation that is pertinent to the question, an explanation will be in 
order, if it is pertinent to the particular matter under consideration. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder. have you ever gone under and been 
known by any other name? 

]Mr. Broavder. I have been known by other names years ago: I have 
used different pen names in writings, and so on, but in all my ordinary 
life I have been known by the name of Earl Browder. 

4275 



4276 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. "Wliat other names have yon been known by, Mr. 
Browder ? 

Mr. Browder. I have been imder the name of Ward and Dixon in 
various writings and conferences. 

Mr. Whitley. Are those names. Ward and Dixon, which yon have 
used, v.'hat are known as party names? 

Mr. Browder. Xo : nom de phnnes, for the purpose of writing. 
Mr. Whitley. You have only used them for the purpose of 
writing ? 

Mr. Browder. And so on. 

Mr. Whitley. You have not used them for the purpose of identifi- 
cation by the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. I have been addressed by those names at times many 
years ago. 

Mr. Whitley. Is it the general practice of the Communist Party 
for its members to use aliases or assumed names ? 
Mr. Browder. It is not. 

Mr. Whitley. And there is no such thing as a party name? 
Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. That is, no name other than the actual name of the 
person or the member? 
Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. There is no such practice in your party? 
Mr. Browder. No such practice. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you state the occasions on which you have used 
those names — Dixon and Ward? 

Mr. Browder. Around 1921 and 1922. at the time there was in 
existence what was called the underground Communist Party, that 
is, the Connnunist Party that did not maintain open headquarters and 
open publications. 

Mr. Whitley. Were you known to the other officers and members 
of the i^arty in this country or abroad by those names ? 

Mr. Browder. That I do not know. Of course, some people knew 
these names. 

Mr. Whitley. As a matter of fact, you were generally known and 
referred to on your trips to Russia by the name of Dixon, at least on 
a number of occasions? 

Mr. Browder. On some occasions, I believe one time a book of mine 
•was published under that name. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know whether the party official publications, 
in referring to you Avhile you were attending conferences abroad, in 
Moscow, referred to you as Dixon? 

Mr. Browder. I believe that took place once. 
Mr. Whitley. On one occasion? 
Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Are there any other names other than the two you 
have mentioned? 
Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. What is your ]:>resent address, Mr. Browder ? 
Mr. Browder. Home address? 
Mr. Whitley. Home and business. 

Mr. Browder. My home address is T Highland Place, Yonkers, and 
my business address, 35 East Twelfth Street, New York City. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANUA ACTIVITIES 4277 

Mr. WiriTLRY. Where were you born, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. In Wichita. Kaiis. 

Mr. Whitley. AVhen were voii born? 

Mr. Browder. On May 20, 1891. 

!Mr. Whitley. Where were you educated? 

Mr. Browder. I left school when I was 9 years old; what schooling 
I had Avas in Wichita. Aside from that I obtained only self-educa- 
tion in cori-espondeiice schools. 

Mr. Whitley. Were you in the World War ? 

Mr. Browder. I suppose you mean as a soldier; I was not. 

Mr. Whitley. Are you married or single? 

Mr. Browder. Married. 

Mr. Whitley. Have you any childen? 

Mr. Browder. I have. 

Mr. Whitley. Have you ever been arrested in the United States, 
or elsewhere? 

Mr. Browder. I have been arrested in the United States several 
times. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you name the occasions and the charge? 

Mr. Browder. I was arrested in 1917 on the charge of conspiracy 
to defeat the operation of the draft law. That charge arose out of 
activities in opposition to the entrv of the United States into the 
World War. 

Mr. Whitley. What was the result of that charge ? 

Mr. Brow'der. I was sentenced to 2 years in Leavenworth Prison. 

Mr. Whitley. Any other arrests? 

Mr. Browder. During the course of my period in jail at that time 
I was charged with refusing to register for the draft. 

Mr. Whitley. That was another charge, other than the one on 
which you were sentenced? 

Mr. I^rowder. Yes, sir; but two charges were made, one arising out 
of the first. 

Mr. Whitley. What was the disposition of the second charge? 

Mr. Browder. That resulted in a sentence of 1 year in jail. 

Mr. Whitley. Any other arrests? 

Mr. Browder. I was arrested in Chicago in connection with the 
Bridgeman convention of the Communist Party in 1922, I believe it 
was. 

Mr. Whitley. What was the charge on that occasion? 

Mr. Broavder. That was a State charge under the State criminal 
syndicalism law. 

Mr. Whitley. And what was the disposition of that charge? 

Mr. Brow^der. The charge was dropped after hanging fire in the 
courts for about 10 years. 

Mr. Whitley. Any other arrests? 

Mr. Brow^der. Xo other involving any charge ; no. I have, of 
course, been held at various times by police officers in connection 
with some disturbances that used to take place at meetings, although 
I am glad to say that in at least 8 or 9 years we have had no such 
occasions. 

The Chairmax. ^lake your answers responsive to the questions. 

Mr. Whitley. The ones you have mentioned are the only arrests 
that involved charges in the United States? 



4278 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitlet. Have you ever been arrested elsewhere? 

Mr. Browder. I have not. 

Mr. Whitley. No other arrests? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Where have you lived in the United States, Mr. 
Browder; at what places? 

Mr. Browder. Wichita, Kans. ; Kansas City, Chicago, and New 
York. 

Mr. Whitley. And what occupations have you f olloAved ? 

Mr. Browder. Followed occupations from — beginning with mes- 
senger boy, bookkeeper, accountant, building laborer, and so on. 

Mr. Whitley. What is your present occupation, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. I am a journalist and secretary of the Communist 
Party. 

Mr. Whitley. The general secretarv? 

Mr. Browder. The general secretary. 

Mr. Whitley. How long have you been a member of the Com- 
munist Party, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. Since 1920, although my membership is technically 
dated from 1919, at the time of the formation of the party. At that 
time I was in Leavenworth Prison, and my activity began at the 
end of 1920. 

Mr. Whitley. What official positions have you held in the Com- 
munist Party during the period you have referred to? 

Mr. Browder. I have been a member of the central committee, 
or national committee, since the formation of what was then known 
as the Workers Party in the end of 1921 or beginning of 1922. 

Mr. Whitley. And you have been a member of the central or 
national committee since 1921 or 1922? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. That is the governing body of the Conimunist Party 
in the United States? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. What other official positions have you held in the 
Communist Party during that period? 

Mr. Browder. Since 1930 I have been the general secretary. 

Mr. Whitley. What, if any, official positions have you held in the 
Communist Party in other countries? 

Mr. Browder. I have never held any official position in any other 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Whitley. Have you ever been a member of any committees of 
the Communist International or served in any capacity in the 
Comintern ? 

Mr. Browder. Of the Communist International, I have been a 
member of the executive committee since 1935. 

Mr. Whitley. That is the highest governing body of the Com- 
munist International ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. Have you served the Communist International in 
any capacity elsewhere than in the United States? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Or as a representative to any other country for 
the Comintern? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4279 

Mr. Browder. I must make one exception to that statement. In 
1935 I was an official member of a delegation representing the Com- 
munist International to accompany the body of Henri Barbusse, 
who had died in Moscow, back to Paris and to take part in his 
funeral as one of the delegation of the Communist International. 

Mr. Whitley. Did you ever serve the Comintern in any capacity 
in China? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. What was your official position or activity when 
you were in China? 

Mr. Browder. I was a delegate of the Trade Union Educational 
League, of the trade-union delegation or workers' delegation that 
went to China in 1927. While that delegation was in China there 
took place a trade-union conference in Cliina, with delegates from 
the United States and elsewhere, and this conference elected me to 
the secretariat of the committee that was set up for the establishment 
of trade unions and connections between various countries. 

Mr. Whitley. That had nothing to do with the Communist Party 
or the Communist International? 

Mr. Brow^der. No; that was a trade-union activity, a trade-union 
organization. 

Mr. Whitley. Who sent you on that mission, with that delegation ? 

Mr. Browder. The Trade Union Educational League. 

Mr. Whitley. Of the United States? 

Mr. Browder. Of the United States. 

Mr. Whitley. As to your present position as the general secre- 
tary of the Communist Party of the United States, which position 
you have held ince 1930, what is your official capacity there? Are 
you the head of the Communist Party in the United States? 

Mr. Brow^der. I am the chief executive. 

Mr. Whitley, And the official spokesman for the party ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. What is your present salary, Mr. Browder, as gen- 
eral secretary of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. $40 per week. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you have any other source of income? 

Mr. Browder. I have, for the past several years, been getting an 
income from my writings, and from lectures. 

Mr, Whitley. Can you give us approximately the amount of that 
income ? 

Mr, Browder. Well, the total income, as reported for 1938, was 
around $4,000. 

Mr. Whitley. When was the Communist Party of the United 
States founded, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. 1919. 

Mr. Whitley. Where was it founded? 

Mr, Browder. In Chicajro. 

Mr. Whitley. By whom was it founded? 

Mr. Browder. Well, it was rather a confused situation, the foand- 
ing of the Communist Party. The party was born under rather 
extraordinary conditions which resulted in two parties appearing, a 
division of the forces of tlie Commrnists from the very beginning, 
and this period of confusion and diviriion lasted for several years. So 



4280 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

it is very difficult give direct, responsive answers to such a question as 
to who founded the Communist Party, for that lasted a long time. 

Mr. Whitley. If you will tell me the officers of the Communist 
Party perhaps that will answer my question. 

Mr. Broavder. Of the two parties formed in September 1919, one 
called the Communist Party of America had as its secretary Charles 
E. Ruthenberg, and the one they called the Communist Labor Part}' — 
T do not remember who was the secretary. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know who any of the other officers were of 
either group? 

Mr. Browder. No : I could not tell from memory : I would have 
to look up the records. 

Mr. Whitley. Which of those two groups were you ideiitified with 
at the time they began ? 

Mr. Browder. I was in the Leavenworth Prison at that time, and 
therefore was not familiar with the developments, and when I came 
out of Leavenworth Prison there was already what was called a 
United Communist Party. That was one of the stages of the devel- 
opment of this process of bringing the two party groups together, 
and it lasted for about a year. 

Mr. Whitley. That was the group you first identified yourself 
with? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you explain for the record the administrative 
set-up of the Communist Party of the United States, briefly, the 
administrative structure under which it functions? 

Mr. Browder. I suppose you want to trace the delegation of author- 
ity in the party? 

Mr. Whitley. That is right; and the manner in which the smaller 
groups are identified with the larger groups. 

Mr. Browder. The supreme authority of the Communist Party of 
the United States is the national convention, made up of delegates 
from the lower bodies of the party elected on the basis of propor- 
tional representation. 

This national convention of the Communist Party, under its con- 
stitution, elects a national committee, the number being determined 
by each convention. 

The national committee, which meets approximately three times 
everj' year, elects in turn what it calls its political committee, which 
meets weekly, and is the executive body conducting the business of 
the party. 

The national convention elects the chairman and secretary of the 
party, the general secretary. The national committee elects addi- 
tional secretaries and designates their special functions for particular 
work. 

Mr. Whitley. How often, Mr. Browder, are the national con- 
ventions held? 

Mr. Browder. They are held approximately every 2 years. That 
has been the uniform practice in the past, but it is noAv the practice, 
and it is the rule. 

Mr. Whitley. They are held Avhen called by the national 
committee? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 



IX-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4281 

Mr. Whitij-T. How many members, presently, comprise the na- 
tional committee of the Commmiist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Browder. There are 35 members, and 20 candidates, I be- 
lieve — ])ardon me. there are 35 members and 25 candidates. 

]\Ir. Whitley. That is the supreme governinj^ body of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Broavder. That is right. 

Mr. AVinTLj:T. That is elected by the national convention? 

Mr. Bruavder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. That body, in turn, elects wliat i^ known as the 
political committee? 

]\Ir. Broavder. That is right. 

]Mr. Whitley. What is the size of that committee? 

Mr. Browder. The political committee has seA'en members and six 
candidates. 

Mr. Whitley. AAluit is the distinction between a member and a 
candidate? 

Mr. Broavder. The distinction is that if there Avas a diAnsion of 
opinion in the body it Avill be decided by the A'oting members. The 
candidates are just to take the place of the members if they drop 
out or are remoAed. and to participate AA'irhout a right to A'ote on ques- 
tions, or on a diA'ision in the Avork of the party. 

Mr. Whitley. And the national committee meets approximately 
three times a year, and in the interim the political committee, consist- 
ing of seA'en members, meets approximately once a AA'eek? 

Mr. Broavder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. It Avould be during the period betAveen the coiiA'en- 
tions that the political committee is the active group, and that is the 
ruling body in connection Avith the affairs of the organization; is that 
correct ? 

Mr. Broavder. That is right, responsible to the national committee. 

Mr. AVhitley. Mr. BroAvder. I do not Avant to take the time to read 
all these names into the record at the moment, but I Avill hand you a 
list of names which I believe represents the members of the national 
committee, or central committee of the Communist Party at the 
present time, and I Avill ask you, if a'ou Avill. to go over this list, 
possibly during the lunch period, and see whether it is correct, f!md 
then I Avould like to introduce it into the record and make it a 
]:)art of the record. Will you do that ? 

^Ir. Browder. I Avill be glad to. 

Mr. Broavder. I Avill be glad to. (The list referred to folloAv^s:) 

National Committee of the Communist Pakty, V. S. A., Elected at the 

Tenth Convention 

Win. Z. Fester, chairman : Earl Browder. general secretary. 

Members. — Israel Aniter. Max Bedacht. Alex Bittelman. A. AA'. Berry, Ellla 
R. Bloor. Louis Bndenz. Peter Y. Cacchione, Morris Childs, Gene Dennis, Sam. 
Don, Elizabeth G. Flynn. James W. Ford. Harrison George. Ben Gold, Gil 
Green, Ray Hansboro. Clarence Hathaway. .Jasper Haaland, Angelo Herndoii, 
Roy Hnd.son. .Jack Johnstone. Charles Krnnihein. Robert Minor, SteA'e Nelson, 
AYilliam Schneidernian. Jack Stachel. Pat T<>ohey. Alex Traehtenberg, William 
AA'iener. Anita Whitney, John Williamson. Henry Winston. Rose Wortis. 

Candidules. — John Kallam. Herbert Benjamin. W. G. Binkley, Don Burke, 
Rose Biltmore. Isadore Begun. Ann Burlak. Margaret Cowl. Sam Darcy, Phil 
Frankfeld, Harry Gwynn. Robert Hall. Albert Lannou, Andrew Onda, William 
Patterson, Pettis Perry. Morris Raport, Earl Reno. Carl Ross, Nat Ross, Otto 
Wangerin, Maude AVhite, Wm. AA\ Weiustone, Robert Woods. 



4282 UN AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Bro wrier, will you tell us who the members oi 
the political committee are, the seven members of the political com- 
mittee at the present time ? 

Mr. Browder. You will excuse me if I happen to get a little 
confused between members and candidates, because the distinction in 
practice is so rarely called upon that I am not certain that I can 
tell you which one is a member and which a candidate of the 13 
members and candidates, but if you are interested in an exact divi- 
sion I can make that for you later. 

William Z. Foster and myself, Jack Stachel, James W. Ford, Alex- 
ander Bittleman, Charles Krumbein. C. A. Hathaway, Rose Wortis, 
Henry Winston, Roy Hudson. 

Mr. Whitley. Israel Amter? 

Mr. Browder. No ; Amter is not. Robert Minor. 

Mr. Whitley. Is Max Bedacht a member of the political com- 
mittee ? 

Mr. Bro^vder. Xo ; he is not. 

Mr. Whitley. A. j. Berrv^ 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Margaret Cowl? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Fred Brown? 

Mr. Browder. I can check up on those lists later; it will be a 
simple matter of checking. 

Mr. Whitley. Who are the present officers of the party, in addi- 
tion to yourself? 

Mr. Browder. William Z. Foster, chairman, and myself, general 
secretary. 

Mr. Whitley. Those are the only national officers? 

Mr. Browder. Those are the only officers elected by the national 
convention. 

Mr. Whitley. Who is treasurer of the party at the present time? 

Mr. Broavder. We have what we call a financial secretary, Mr. 
William Weiner. 

Mr. Whitley. Who is he selected by? 

Mr. Browder. The national committee. 

Mr. Whitley. Wliat other officers are selected by the national 
committee ? 

Mr. Browder. We have a legislative secretary and an industrial 
secretary. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you name them for us? 

Mr. Browder. The legislative secretary is John Dennis, and the 
industrial secretary is Roy Hudson. The executive secretary is Jack 
Stachel. 

Mr. Whitley. Those are the only officers selected by the national 
committee ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, in addition to this public or known 
organization, the Communist Party of the Unit^ed States, does the 
Communist Party of the United States maintain what is known 
as a secret or underground organization? 

Mr. Browder. No : it does not. 

Mr. Whitley. It has no machinery or devices for the purpose of 
operating any secret or miderground organization? 

Mr. Browder. No. 



y~ UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4283 

Mr. Whitley. None whatever? 

Mr. Browder. There has been nothing: of that kind since 1923. 

Mr. ^^'HITLEY. All of its administrative machinery is open and 
above orround ( 

Mr, Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And consists of the administrative set-up you have 
just described? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

]SIr, AVhitley. What are tlie qualifications for membership in the 
Communist Party. Mr. Browder? 

]Mr. l^ROWDER. To answer that. I will quote from our statutes. 

Mr. AVhitley. All right, sir. 

Mr. Browder. T will'iead from the article of the constitution that 
deals with the membership of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Whitley. All right, sir. 

Mr. Browder. Article III of the constitution of the Conmiunist 
Party of the United States, on membership, section 1, says: 

Any person 18 years of age or more, regardless of race, sex. color, religious 
belief, or nationality, who is a citizen or who declared his intention of becoming 
a citizen of the United Stares, and whose loyalty to the working class is 
unquestioned, shall be eligible for membership. 

Section 2 provides : 

A party member is one who accepts the party program, attends the regular 
meetings of the membership branch of his place of work or of his territory or 
trade, who pays dues regularly, and is active in party work. 

Section 3 provides : 

An applicant for membership shall sign an application card which shall 
be endorsed by at least two members of the Communist Party. Applications 
are subject to discussion and decision by the basic organization of the party 
(shop, industrial, neighborhood branch) to which the application is presented. 

Mr. Whitley. I believe that covers the qualifications for member- 
ship. I do not care about the procedure to be followed in acting on 
the qualifications of a particular member. 

Mr. Browder, what percentage of the Communist Party of the 
United States are citizens ? 

Mr. Browder. I would say 97-98 percent. 

Mr. Whitley. And what is the total membership of the Com- 
munist Party at the present time, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. Approximately 100,000. 

Mr. Whitley. Can you tell us what the membership was, approxi- 
matelv, in 1929? 

Mr. Browder. Seven thousand. 

Mr. Whitley. Can you approximate it for 1934? 

Mr. Browder. From memorv I would hesitate: I think about 
25,000. 

Mr. AVhitley. By members, you mean dues-paying members? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whttley. Regular, active dues-paying members of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Brow^der. Ye5. Of course, I must qualify that by saying that 
of the present 100,000 figure that I gave you. I think that the amount 
of dues payments that reaches the national office is still only about 
72 percent. 



4284 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. Seventy-two percent of the dues paid? 

Mr. Browder. That is, 72 percent of that membership is reflected 
in the dues payments that reach the national office. Our figures 
show that approximately 100,000 are membei-s, and therefore presum- 
ably pay dues, but somewhere in the administrative apparatus of the 
party some of that gets lost. So when I say dues-paying I do not 
mean that that would be reflected directly in the dues receipts of 
the national office to the full extent. 

Mr. Whitley. How is that membership distributed, Mr. Browder ? 
Can you give us some idea as to whether it is concentrated in certain 
portions of the United States or fairly well distributed? 

Mr. Browder. It exists in some 42 States. The largest part of it 
is in the larger industrial cities. About 25 to 28 thousand are in 
New York City; about 7,000 in Chicago, as an example. 

Mr. Whitley. What is the approximate membership on the West 
coast and where is that membership principally located. Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. I believe we have about 6,000 members in California, 
between six and seven thousand. In Washington and Oregon, which 
are dealt with as one district, there are about 4,000. 

Mr. Whitley. How many districts do you have, Mr. Browder, 
.and do they correspond with the States? 

Mr. Browder. We have 36 districts; in the main they correspond 
with the States. 

Mr. Whitley. What are the exceptions? 

Mr. Browder. The exceptions are that some places two or more 
States are united together for one district because of the lack of 
sufficient membership to maintain an organization for one State 
alone. In the State of Pennsylvania we have a district organization 
for the east and the west. 

Mr. Whitley. Two districts in the one State ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. In what States do you not have an organization, 
Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. I am afraid I could not identify them offhand, but 
I can furnish them to you by getting in touch with my office. 

(The matter referred to follows:) 

List op Districts of the Communist Party. U. S. A., axd Addresses 

Box 23, Essex Station, Boston, Mass. (Maine, Massachiisettj;. New Hampshire, 

Rhode Island, Vermont). 
.•35 E. 12th Street, New Yorli, N. Y. 
250 S. Broad Street, Room 701, Philadelphia, Pa. 
729 Central Avenue, Kansas City, Kansas. 
305 Seventh Avenue, Room 406, Pittsburgh, Pa. 
1524 Prospect Avenue, Cleveland, Ohio. 
.5969 Fourteenth Street, Detroit, Michigan. 
208 N. Wells Street, Room 201, Chicago, Blinois. 
10 South Tenth Street, Room 2, Minneapolis, Minn. 
516 Karbach Block, Omaha, Nebraska. 
P. O. Box 1467, Fargo, North Dakota. 

P. O. Box 332, Seattle, Washington, (Idaho, Washington). 
121 Haight Sti-eet, San Francisco. California (Arizona, California, Nevada). 
1 William Street, Room 405, Newark, N. J. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4285 

6 Church Street. Room 212, New H-iveii. Couiiecticut. 

P. O. Box 021, Greeusboro, North Carolina (North Carolina, South CaroUna). 

P. O. Box 1871, Birminghain, Alabama (Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi). 

617 North Second Street, Room 902, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 

P. O. Box 2823, Denver. Colo. (Colorado, New Mexico, Wyoming). 

P. O. 18:34. Houston, Texas. 

r)06 N. Vandeventer Street. Room 21, St. Louis, Missouri (Arkansas, Missouri), 

P. O. Box 92, Charleston, W. Va. 

P. O. Box 11)43. Louisville, Kentucky. 

P. O. Box 465. New Orleans, Louisiana. 

P. O. Box N. West Bay Annex. .Jacksonville. Florida. 

P. O. Box 366. Sioux Falls, South Dakota. 

P. O. Box 496, Ironwood, Michigan. 

Meridian Life Bldg., Rm. 401, Indianapolis. Ind. 

P. O. Box 132. Richmond, Virginia. 

P. O. Box 77. Butte, Montana. 

Box 245, Oklahoma City. Oklahoma. 

222 Toungermau Bldg., Des Moines, Iowa. 

P. O. Box 1692. Knoxville, Tennessee. 

.501 B North Eutaw Street, Baltimore, Maryland. 

74 West First Street S., Salt Lake City, Utah. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Whitley, will you find out from Mr. Browder 
whether there is a district for tlie District of Cohimbia ; and also 
will yon find out what the membership is in the District of Cohnnbia? 

Mr. "Whitley. Yes. Mr. Browder, do yon have a district covering 
the District of Columbia? 

]Mr. Browder. The District of Columbia belongs to the Maryland 
district. 

Mr. Whitley. What is the approximate membership in the 
District ? 

Mr. Browder. I could not give you offhand the exact figures. It 
would be easv for me to get it through mv office. I believe it is 
around 200. 

Mr. Whitley. Active, dues-paying members? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Is that in the District of Columbia or in the party 
district ? 

Mr. Browder. In the District of Columbia. 

Mr. Whitley. In the District of Columbia '. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

]\Ir. Whitley. That does not include the Maryland portion? 

Mr. Browder. ]\[aryland would be much more. 

Mr. Whitley. You say you will furnish me the names of the 
States in which you do not have an organization? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. How many States are there? 

Mr. Browder. Forty-two States and 36 districts. 

Mr. Whitley. Forty-two States and 36 districts? 

Mr. Brov.der. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, what administrative records does the 
Communist Party of the United States maintain? 

Mr. Browder. Wo keo]) our financial re<^'ords of the national office. 
AVe keep a file of all the documents issued by the Communist Party. 
We keep the correspondence received and sent for a period of a few 
months, as lone: as it is current. 



4286 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. That is periodically destroyed? 

Mr. Browder. Periodically destroyed; yes. With the financial 
records, after the financial records have been audited and the report 
approved, the financial records are usually destroyed. They are 
kept for about a year. 

Mr. Whitley. Is there any purpose behind the destruction of the 
financial records or the correspondence records ? 

Mr. Browder. No particular purpose except to prevent the ac- 
cumulation of a lot of material which would have to be taken care of. 

Mr. Whitley. Does the Communist Party maintain membership 
records ? 

Mr. Browder. The national office keeps membership records on 
the basis of the reports of the lower organizations. 

Mv. Whitley. Do you keep a list of the names and addresses of 
the members? 

Mr. Browder. Of the individual members— no ; we do not. 

Mr. Whitley. You do not? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Did you ever maintain such a list? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. You never have? 

Mr. Browder. We never have. 

Mr. W^HiTLEY. You have never had occasion to have such a list 
destroyed, then? 

Mr. Browder. The only place where such lists are made or kept 
is in the branch. 

Mr. Whitley. In the branch? 

Mr. Browder. The branch has a list of its own members. 

Mr. Whitley. That is the smaller unit within the district? 

Mr. Browder. That is the basic unit of the party. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know a]3proximately how many branches 
there are in the United States, Mr. BroM^cler? 

Mr. Browder. Between four and five thousand. 

Mr. Whitley. Four and five thousand? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And they are the smaller unit administrative gi'oup 
in the district? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. Will you develop that matter of the branch? Does 
that mean that they have offices of their own and are they officially 
a part of the organization? What part do they play in it? 

Mr. Whitley. What is the administrative set-up of the branch, 
or where does it fit into the administrative organization of the party, 
Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. Perhaps I should answer that by quoting the con- 
stitution of the party. 

Mr. Whitley. The branches were formerly called units, were they 
not? 

Mr. Browder. In the course of years they have been known by 
many names. But the branch is the official name and is the one 
uniform practice that has not fluctuated. 



L.\-AMERICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4287 

Mr. "VVhitlky. It is the snuillest administrative group of the party? 

Mr. Bkowdkr. That is the ph\ce wliere an individual holds member- 
ship iji the party, and onh^ tliere. 

Mr. "\Vhiit.ey. He holds membership there? 

Mr. BK(n\DER. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. The branches have been called units, have they not? 

Mr. Bhowder. Yes. 

The Chairman. Or cells? 

Mr. Whitley. Have they also been called cells? 

Mr. Browder. I have never used that tei-m myself. 

Mr. WhiiTiEY. Has it been used to describe the smaller groups? 

Mr. Browder. Not generally. 

Mr. "Whitley. But it has been used? 

Mr. BROwDEii. As a translation from other languages in describ- 
ing other Communist parties in other countries. 

jSIr. \yHiTLEY. But the smaller administrative groups in the United 
States have been referred to, if not by yourself, by others, as cells? 

Mr. Browder. Oli, yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And they have been referred to as units ? 

Mr. Browder. And nuclei, and so forth; various terais. 

Mr, Whitley. But the official term that you designate those 
smaller groups by is branch ? 

Mr. Browder. Branch ; that is right. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you give us the administrative set-up of the 
branch? That is, where does it fit into the administrative structure 
of the party ? 

Mr. Browder, In article VII of the constitution on the structure 
of the party, section 1 says : 

The basic organization of the Communist Party of the United States are the 
shop, industrial, and territorial brandies. The executive committee of the 
branch shall be elected once a year by the membership. 

That is the basic provision for this first structure of the party. 

Mr. Whitley. And the branches make up the district organization ? 

Mr. Browder. Between the branches and the district organization 
there is some section organization in most States. 

Mr. Whitley, That depends on the size 

Mr, Browder. That depends on the size of the party, where an 
intermediate link is required by the number of members, section 
organizations are set up. 

Mr. Whitley. What is the average size of the branch, Mr. 
Browder? Is it quite .small? 

Mr. Browder. 1 would say the average would be alx>ut 20 to 25, 

Mr. Whitley. Twenty to twenty-five members? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Does its branch have a leader or a head ? 

Mr. Browder. They have an executive committee. 

Mr. Whitley. An executive committee? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

!i49:;i — -to— vol. 7 2 



4288 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. And does that committee maintain its own offices 
and its own administrative records? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And are those officers publicly known? Is there 
any attempt to conceal the committee which governs the branch? 

Mr. Browder. It depends entirely on the conditions under which 
they work. Some branches composed of members in shops, where 
their jobs would be endangered if their politics were known, will not 
make public their membership. 

Mr. Whitley. And the branch makes its reports and its financial 
returns either to the section organization or to the district 
organization ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. And the district, in turn, makes its report and its 
financial return to the national organization? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. Right there, Mr. Counsel, you say section or dis- 
trict. Do you mean that they are the same thing ? 

Mr. Whitley. No. Some of the larger districts are broken up by 
an organization called a section. That is. where the membership jus- 
tifies it. That is my understanding. Is that correct, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

The Chairman. That is only in a few cases? 

Mr. Browder. No; in most cases. 

Mr. Whitley. The district is divided by sections, and the section, 
in turn, is divided up into branches. And the branches and the sec- 
tions and the districts all have their executive committees? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. Each body has its executive committee. 

Mr. Whitley. And each maintains its own administrative records? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. For their particular group. 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley, x^nd you say the only membership lists are main- 
tained in the branches? 

Mr. Browder. In the branches. 

Mr. Whitley. Are those maintained as a matter of record? Is it a 
part of the records of the branch or is it just known to the executive 
committee of the branch? 

Mr. Browder. It is a part of the records of the branch as the usual 
practice. 

Mr. Whitley. And you say there are approximately 4,000 branches ? 

Mr. BROWDER. Approximately. 

Mr. Whitley. And the national organization has never maintained 
any membership lists? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whittle Y. Is there any particular reason for that, Mr. 
Browder ? 

Mr. Browder. It would be an impossible administrative task. 

Mr. Whitley. What type of reports does the district make to the 
national headquarters ? 

Mr. Browder. The districts, first of all, report on the number of 
dues-paying members each month and purchase from the national 
office dues stamps corresponding to this number. The districts peri- 
odically give political reports. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4289 

Mr. Whitley. Periodically? How often? 

Mr. Browder. On their own initiative or when called upon by the 
national office; political reports on the political developments of their 
district. State, or region. 

Mr. Whitley. Are those reports written or oral? 
Mr. Browder. Sometimes written, sometimes oral, depending upon 
the circumstances. 

Mr. Whitley. And the financial report, in turn, is made by the 
district once a month? 

Mr. Browder. Once a month. 

Mr. Whitley. Does it give the number of members in that dis- 
trict that pay dues that month? 

Mr. Browder. The regular financial reports deal not with members 
as registered members, but with the members paying dues. 

Mr. Whitley. And the political reports come in not periodically 
but when called for or when volunteered? 
Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. And they deal with conditions in the district? 
Mr. Browder. The political developments of the district. 
Mr. Whitley. And the district organization which makes that re- 
port to you gets its reports from the smaller groups in its district, 
namely, the section and the branch? 
Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. Are those reports kept on file, where they are made 
in writing? 

Mr. Browder. They are kept while they are current. 
Mr. Whitley. Are all of the records of the Communist Party 
nuiintained at the national headquarters in New York? 
Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. There are no secret records kept elsewhere? 
Mr. Browder. No. 

The Chairman. Do I understand, Mr. Counsel, that if we went to 
a section or to a branch, we could secure a list of the membership, 
the true names of the members? Will you develop that fact? 
Mr. Whitley. Is that correct, Mr. Browder? 
Mr. Browder. I suppose you could. 

Mr. Whitley. Would there be any attempt to conceal the records 
of the membership in the branches ? 

Mr. Brow^der. Well, I can only speak for the national organization. 
As far a- the national organization is concerned, there would not be. 
^Ir. Whitley. The branch wotdd follow the instructions of the 
national organization in such an instance? 

Mr. Browder. If they followed our instructions, they would take 
the same course. 

Mr. Whitley. And that course would be to make its membership 
lists available? 

INIr. Br;owDER. I tliink that there would alwaj'S be certain reserva- 
tions aljout people whose jobs would be endangered by their names 
being placed on public records. 

Mr. Whitley. AMiy should their jobs be endangered, Mr. Brow- 
der ? 

^Ir. Browder. Because it has even been suggested in the hearings 
of this committee, as I read the record, that there should be organized 
a campaign to remove Communists from their jobs. We have to try 



4290 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

to prevent thixt from happening to the members. We do not want 
people to lose their means of livelihood by joining our party. 

Mr. Whitley. So you, as the national secretary, would not issue 
instructions to your branches to make the membership lists available? 

Mr. Browder. I would leave it up to them to determine whether 
they are endangering the jobs of their members thereby. 

Mr. Starnes. May I ask a question there? What jobs are en- 
dangered, Mr. Browder? I mean by that, what are the jobs that you 
think would be endangered by the disclosure of the names to this 
committee ? 

Mr. Browder. Well, perhaps I should call attention 

Mr. Starnes. I would like to have an answer to that question. 
What is the nature of the jobs ? 

The Chairman. The gentleman is talking about the nature of the 
jobs. 

Mr. Browder. Jobs in industries. 

The Chairman. You mean private jobs? 

Mr. Browder. Private jobs; yes. Jobs in factories; jobs in shops 
where people make their living. 

Mr. Starnes. That is what I wanted to know. 

Mr. Browder. ]Most of our members are people who work in the 
shops. 

The Chairman. You have answered the question, 

Mr. AYhitley. Mr. Browder, what are the sources of income of 
your organization ? 

Mr. Browder. Dues and initiation fees; contributions from indi- 
viduals, and organizational income ; that is, income from meetings, 
and so on, from the organizational activities which cannot be specifi- 
cally identified as dues and individual contributions. 

Mr. Whitley. That is, where you have a meeting or a rally of 
some type ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And charge admission? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. That is one of the principal sources. 

Mr. Whitley. What are the membership dues and Avhat are the 
initiation fees, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. The initiation fee is 10 cents for an unemployed and 
50 cents for employed persons. 

Mr. Whitley. What percentage of that goes to the national head- 
quarters and what percentage is kept by the branch or section or 
district? 

Mr. Browder. The branch keeps 25 })ercent of this income ; 35 per- 
cent goes to the national office. The remaining 40 percent is distrib- 
uted among the State, count}', city, or section organizations that may 
exist between the national office and the branch. 

Mr. AVhitley. "Wliat are the membership dues in the party? 

Mr. Browder. The scale of dues now in force is as follows : House- 
wives, unemployed or members earning up to $47 per month pay 10 
cents a month. All members earning from $47 to $80 a month pay 25 
cents. All members earning from $80 to $112 a month pay 50 cents. 
Members earning from $112 to $160 per month pay $1 per month. 
Members earning more than $160 per month pay, besides the regular 
$1 per month dues, additional dues at the rate of 50 cents for each 
additional $10 or fraction thereof. 



r.X-AMEUKAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4291 

Mr. Whitley. What percentage of the luonthly dues j^oes to the 
national ort>anization ? 

Mr. Bkowder. Thirty-five percent. 

Mr. ^^'I^TLEY. Aiid'the bahmce is distributed for the administra- 
tive operations of the branch and the section and the district? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes; and city committees, and so forth. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Whitley, will you find out Avhat are the aver- 
age dues among the 100,000 members? 

Mr. A\'hitlet. Yes. Can you give us the average dues paid by the 
100,000 members, Mr. Browder — the monthly dues? 

Mr. Browder. I could give you an approximation. I do not have 
any very accurate figures already prepared on such a thing. For 
the year 1938 the income of the national office for dues was $65,000. 
That means the dues paid by the members would be about three 
times that nuich. That is about $200,000 during the year was paid 
by tlie membership for dues. The average number of members dur- 
ing the year paying that would be about TO — 75,000. 

Mr. Starnes. I would like to ascertain what disposition is made 
of the 35 percent that goes to the national office; whether any of it 
goes in turn to the international organization. 

JNIr. Whitley. I am going to develop that. 

Mr. Casey. Wliat is the high and what is the low of the dues paid? 

Mr. Browder. The low is 10 cents per month. The high — the 
limit is determined onl}" b}- the amount f>f tlie income. It is 50 
cents per month for each $10 per month income. 

Mr. Casey. And what is the highest individual dues paid in tlie 
last year? 

Mr. Browder. I could not say. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, you gave us your approximation of 
the total membership. Maintaining no membership records, how do 
vou arrive at that figure ? 

Mr. Browder. The amount of dues payments is checked by a 
periodical registration of the membership. That is, the branches are 
called upon to register their members twice a year; to have them 
appear and to make a registration. The totals of these registrations 
are transmitted to the organization, to the national office. 

Mr. Whitley. The totals, but not the names? 

Mr. Browder. Not the names, no. 

Mr. AVhitijey. But you do get a report twice a year of the total 
Jiiembership? 

Mr. Broavder. Independently of the dues records; yes. That is a 
means of checking our dues records and it is this that discloses to us 
that we have more members than appears in purely the financial 
records. 

Mr. Whitley. And 35 percent of all initiation fees and all mem- 
bership dues go to maintain the national organization and the bal- 
ance i> user] to iiKiiniain the district, section, and branch organiza- 
tions ? 

Mr. Browder. Thirty-five percent of the dues and 50 percent of the 
initiation fee. 

Mr. Whitley. Mv. Browder, you mentioned as one of the sources 
of income contributions. Can j'ou give us the approximate number 
and amount — the total amount of contributions received? 



4292 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Bkowder. I would estimate, in the course of a year, we will 
receive around 800 to 1,200 individual contributions of amounts that 
are taken note of. That is. it is not just a contribution through a 
collection at a meeting, but made to officers of the organization in the 
various States. 

Mr-. Whitley. What is the approximate total of those 800 to 1,200 
contributions? 

Mr. Browder. Approximately the same total as the dues : maybe a 
little more or a little less. 

Mr. Whitley. $65,000? 

Mr. Browder. Around that. 

The Chairman. From whom do they come, sympathizers or 
members ? 

Mr. Whitley. Are those contributions from party members? 

Mr. Browder. Sympathizers. 

Mr. Whitley. Sympathizers? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Individuals or organizations? 

Mr. Browder. Individuals. 

The Chairman. How do they range? How much would a large 
contribution be? 

Mr. Whitley. How do these contributions range? 

Mr. Browder. It varies from year to year. In 1936. foi- example, 
during the Presidential campaign, we would have to say we received 
thousands of contributions ranging from $500 — I think we had a 
few of a thousand dollars 

The Chairman. Why do you take a Presidential year? What 
would that have to do with bringing in the contributions? 

Mr. Browder. We made a special appeal for funds to finance the 
election campaign, establishing a special election campaign fund. 

The Chairman. You mean for your candidate? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. For the Communist candidates throughout the 
country. 

Mr. Browder. That is right. We had a special committee in 
charge of the campaign, under the laws of the country, to be respon- 
sible for making all reports that were necessary. 

The Chairman. So that these contributions were really contribu- 
tions to the campaign? 

Mr. Brow^der. To the campaign. 

The Chairman. To finance the national campaign of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. Who were the candidates in 1936? 

Mr. Browder. I was the candidate for President. James W. Foid 
was the candidate for Vice President. 

Mr. Thomas. How many votes did you receive in 1936? 

Mr. Browder. According to the reports, I received 84.000 votes. 

Mr. Thomas. Why do you say according to the reports? Did you 
receive 84.000 votes? 

Mr. Broaat)ER. We have some indications that I received somewhat 
more than that, but not always were they registered. 

The Chairman. You say you got thousands of contributions that 
vear ? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4293 

Mr. liRowDER. Yes. 

The Chairman. Ami only got 84,000 votes? 

Mr. Browder. That is rijiht. 

The Chairman. Your contributions Avere nearl}' as great in num- 
ber as your votes, were they not? 

]\Ir. Browder. Yes. I think we raised more than $84,000 for the 
campaign. And if the object of our campaign had been votes, it 
could be considered a failure, because we did not get many votes. 

Mr. Casey. Was vour membership during the Presidential cam- 
paign year 100,000?*^ 

Mr. Browder. No. Our membership was approximately 50,000. 

Mr. C\\sEY. So that you got 34.000 votes 

Mr. Browder. Between forty and fifty thonsand. 

Mr. Casey. In addition to your membership total, you got 34,000 
votes? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; about twice as many as the membership. 

Mr. Starxes. How many votes were cast for Communist candidates 
in the general election of 1938? 

Mr. Browder. 1938? 

Mr. Starnes. Throughout the countrv? 

Mr. Browder. I would say around 300,000. 

Mr. Thomas. Would that mean — that large difference between 193C 
and 1938 — would that mean a very large growth in sympathy for 
your party, or would it mean that in 1936, a great many of those 
who were sympathetic to the Communist cause supported some other 
candidate other than yourself? 

Mr. Browder. I would say most of those who were sympathetic to 
the party in 1936 voted for the President, 

Mr. VooRHis. Mr. Browder, yon made a speech down in Charlottes- 
ville at that institute, in which you said, I believe, something to the 
effect that a Aery substantial offer had been made in 1936 to you 
if you would Avithdraw your candidacy officiall}' and officially en- 
dorse the Democratic candidate. 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. VooRHis. I AA'onder if you AAould like to elaborate on that. 
Have you any proof of that fact? 

Mr. Broavder. I liaAe no documentary proof. But there are other 
people who kneAA' about this at the time, and if any authoritative 
body Avere interested in going deeply into it, I am sure they could 
get more facts even than I have. 

]\Ir. VooRHis. What was the purpose of such an offer? 

Mr. Broavder. I think the purpose of the offer AAas clear; that the 
gentleman ayIio conceiA'ed the idea thought that since the Communist 
Party has only a very small folloAving in the country, comparatively 
speaking, if the I'elative unj^opularity of the Communist Party could 
be attached to the popular candidate for President, this Avould 
diminish his vote. 

Mr. Starnes. Would you giA'e us the names of the people Avho 
made that offer? 

Mr. Broavder. I do not know them personally and the representa- 
tive that they sent to me — I do not knoAv who he Avas. He intro- 
duced himself by the name of DaA^dson. 

Mr. Starnes. Did he tell you who he represented, Mr. BroAvder? 



4294 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIE-S 

Mr. Browder. He said that lie represented a group of people who 
had money that they wanted to use for a public purpose, and he 
said that he thought that while they were opposed to the politics of 
the Communists that he thought they ought to be able to do busi- 
ness because they were v/illing to help the Communist Part}' 

Mr. Thomas (interposing). Mr. Browder. did he name them? 

Mr. Starnes. Did he name any of those persons? 

Mr. Browder. He did not name those people. 

Mr. Thomas. I think he should be more specific and tell us the 
names of them. 

The Chairman. I understood his testimony to be that he doesn't 
know them. 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. All you know is that someone who said his name 
was Davidson said he represented certain groups. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. Who had money provided they could do business 
with your organization. 

Mr. Starnes. Where did that meeting take place? 

Mr. Thomas. Where did this meeting take place? 

Mr. Browder. The gentleman came directly to my office. 

Mr. Starnes. Where was that? 

Mr. Browder. The gentleman came directly to my New York office. 

Mr. Starnes. In New York City? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you name the date? 

Mr. Browder. I can't be exact, but approximately it was — let me 
see — toward the end of Mav 1936. 

Mr. Starnes. May 1936?*^ 

Mr. Browder. May 1936. 

Mr. Starnes. Were j^ou actively conducting a campaign at that 
time ? 

Mr. Browder. I was not yet named ; and the conventions took place 
shortly thereafter. 

Mr. Starnes. And neither of the parties at that time — major 
political parties — up to that time had named their candidates? 

Mr. Browder. It was right during the convention period. 

Mr. Starnes. Both of the conventions were held in the latter part 
of June; isn't that correct? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. You think this was in May of 1936? 

Mr. Browder. In May, I believe. 

Mr. Starnes. Did he give you his full name? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Had j'ou ever seen him before ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you ever seen him since? 

Mr. Browder. I have not. 

Mr. Starnes. Did he name any specific amount of money? 

Mr. Browder. He did. 

Mr. Starnes. How much? 

Mr. Browder. At first he named $100,000. and then when I re- 
acted rather coldlv to the whole proposition he tried to warm me up 
to it by raising tlie ante to $250,000. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4295 

Mr. Starnes. And then what happened? 

Mr. Bkowder. I told the gentleman that it would be very unlikely 
that any circumstance could arise where we could cooperate. 

Mr. Starnes. Did he offer that money to you personally, Mr. 
Browder ? 

]Mr. Browder. He did not have any money in his hands. He made 
a general proposition. 

Mr. Starnes. I mean did he offer to pay that to you personally, 
if you would do what he wanted ^ 

Mr. Browder. His proposal was that it would go to the Communist 
party. 

Mr, Starnes. For any purpose it saw fit to use it ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; for the purpose of communistic propaganda. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. And you refused to acecpt the money, the 
funds for that purpose? 

Mr. Browder. I did not. I merely received the proposition rather 
coldly and discouraged the gentleman in the hope that he would 
continue to talk and give me more information, and I had subsequent 
conferences with him, 

Mr, Starnes. AVhere did they take place? 

Mr. Browder. In fact, I went so far as to ask him to interview 
some other people as to how he could demonstrate he really meant 
business by depositing the money in a bank where it would be paid 
over under certain conditions. I wanted to see how far he would go. 
Before we got any evidence which could be documentary he suddenly 
disappeared. My impression is that it was because he received some 
sort of a tip that I wasn't doing business with him because I had in 
the meantime sent word through individuals asking them to transmit 
the information of this proposal to the Democratic Party. 

Mr. Starnes. To whom in the Democratic Party? 

Mr. Browder. The individual that I asked to transmit the infor- 
mation was to communicate with the secretary of the Democratic 
Party. 

;Mr. Starnes. How many meetings did you have with this indi- 
vidual after you had the first meeting? 

Mr. Brow^der. I would say three or four. 

Mr. Starnes. Where did they take place ?_ 

Mr. Browder. In the Grand Central Station. 

Mr. Starnes. New York city? 

Mr, Browder, In New York city, 

Mr, Starnes. Just in the lobby there? 

Mr, Browder. In the dining room. 

Mr. Starnes. In the dining room by prearrangeemnt ? 

Mr, Browder. By prearrangement. 

Mr. Starnes. Wlien did the last meeting take place? 

Mr. Browder. Early in July. 

Mr, Starnes. Early in July? 

Mr. Browder. Or the end of June. 

Mr. Starnes. So you carried negotiations on from the month of 
May until probably around the early part of July, and you had a 
number of meetings; did you say how many meetings? 

Mr. Browder. I v.-ould say four, possibly five. 

Mr. Starnes. Did he e^-er give you his address or telephone 
number? 



4296 UX-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. He did not. 

Mr. Starnes. How did you get in touch with him ? 

Mr. Browder, He called me up. 

Mr. Starnes. Each time? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you make any attempt to trace the calls? 

Mr. Browder. I did not, because I did not have the facilities 
for doing so. 

Mr. Starnes. Was there any correspondence or any memoranda? 

Mr. Browder. No memoranda. 

Mr. Starnes. Each time thereafter the meetings were in the din- 
ing room of the Grand Central Station? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. After the first offer was made. 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. Was there any particular reason why you met in the 
Grand Central? 

Mr. Browder. He said he didn't want to come to my office and 
ask me to meet him outside. 

Mr. Starnes. Was there any other figure after the $250,000 men- 
tioned ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Were any names ever mentioned at any time as to 
persons Avho would furnish the money? 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; he gave me certain details without names. He 
said that there were about six or seven people in his group that he 
knew could furnish the fund, and at one time he spoke about one 
of the members of the group having just arrived from abroad. 

Mr. Starnes. Did he indicate the character of business in which 
these men were engaged, or why he wouldn't give their names? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Did he give you information as to their affiliation? 

Mr. Browder. Yes : he said they were all Republicans. 

Mr. Starnes. Did he say anything else about them? 

Mr. Browder. That they were very much interested in the Presi- 
dential election. 

Mr. Starnes. So much so that they were personally willing to 
contribute $2.50,000 to your political party to induce you to identify 
yourself with another political party? 

Mr. Browder. That was the exact proposition that he made. 

Mr. Starnes. Did he give his first name or initials? 

Mr. Browdfr. He did not give it. 

Mr. Starnes. Never. 

Mr. Browder. He said his name was Davidson. 

Mr. Starnes. Would you recognize that man if you saw him? 

Mr. Browder. I would. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you give us a general description of this man 
Davidson? 

Mr. Browder. A man of medium lieight, dark hair, dark com- 
plexion ; I lielievp brown eyes, but T would not be certain of that. 
Close shaven, with a hea^-y beard showing through the skin. Neatly 
dressed always in a gray business tvreed. Looks like a typical execu- 
tive or industrialist or banker or broker. 



rX-AMERICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4297 

Mr. Starnes. Did you ever receive any contributions from bar.kers 
or brokers or industrialists for the purpose of your party? 

Mr. Browder. That is very unusuaL 

The Chairman. I want to see if I can understand this. The pro- 
posal was that they would make a contribution to your party of 
$250,000 if you would a<iree to withdraw in favor of President Roose- 
velt? 

Mr. Browder. That was the proposition; the original proposition 
Avas if we would nominate Roosevelt on the Communist ticket. 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. When I just laughed at that he then made a modified 
proposition to withdraw m favor of him. 

The Chairman. The thought was if you would do that it would 
hurt the President. 

Mr. Browder. It was. 

The Chairman. And tliey were willing to pay you $250,000, that is, 
your organization to do that ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. On the theorv that your support would hurt Roose- 
velt? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. You did come out and endorse the President in 1936, 
did you not? 

Mr. Browder. I did not. 

The Chairman. At that time you made statements in his behalf, 
did you not? 

Mr. Browder. I spoke in favor of the policies, but I carefully re- 
frained from endorsing the President because that is precisely what 
they wanted me to do. 

The Chairman. You confined your endorsement to policies'? 

Mr. Browder. The policies of the New Deal. 

The Chairman. I see. 

Mr. Thomas. I would like to ask you a question. What was the 
date on which you first made an announce^nent that this offer had 
been made to you? 

Mr. Browtjer. Just a few weeks ago. 

Mr. Thomas. You j ust made that a few weeks ago ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Thomas. You kept it a secret all this time? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Thomas. Why did you not make an announcement of that kind 
during the campaign in 1936? 

Mr. Browder. It was the intention if I could get sufficient evidence, 
and I had even entered into communication with some Democrats to 
prepare for that. But in the absence of documentary evidence I 
thought at the time it would only serve to confuse the campaign and 
therefore should not be disclosed at the time the campaign was on. 

Mr. Thomas. You just mentioned you had been in communication 
with certain Democrats. What Democrats? 

Mr. Bkowder. If you want to have the full story about that 

Mr. Tikmas (interposing). You said that you liad contacted 
certain Democrats. 



4298 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Bkowdek. The first man that I got in contact with was Hey- 
wood Broun. 

Mr. Thomas. He is one of the Democrats 3^011 referred to? 

Mr. Broavdek. Yes. I got in touch witli the editor of one of the 
New York papers and asked him if he liad any connections what- 
ever witli the Democratic Party if he would transmit this informa- 
tion to a representative of the Democratic Party. 

Mr. Thomas. Do you know whether he did that or not ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know, because he is a man who does not 
take organizational work of that kind very seriously and I don't 
know how far he carried it. 

When I didn't hear anything from that message I then got in touch 
with the editor of the New York Post and asked him to transmit the 
information. From that I got an answer and I Avas called into con- 
ference Avith another gentleman aa'Iio didn't give me his name. 

Mr. Thomas. And you did not ask him his name ? 

Mr. Broavdek. But he said he Avould give this information to Sen- 
ator GufTey. 

Mr. Thomas. You haA^e been conferring Avith Democrats lately 
in regard to this matter ? 

Mr. Broavdek. At the time this Avas at the time of 19S6; I am 
speaking noAv of about the time that the couA^entions Avere on. 

Mr. Thomas. Have you A'isited Washington this year, other than 
this occasion; have you been back? 

Mr. Browder. This yeai' — I believe I have not been in Washington; 
no. I am not certain about it. 

j\Ir. Thomas. You haven't been in Washington, D, C, at any other 
time this year ? 

Mr. Browder. I belieA^e not; I am not positiA^e; I don't remember 
all of my speaking engagements. 

Mr. Thomas. If you visited Washington, D. C, you would recall 
it. AA'ouldn't you? 

Ml'. Browder. I don't remember clearh' — I Avas liere in October — 
whether I have been here since last year, sometime this year, but I 
believe it was last year, the last time that I was here. 

Mr. Thomas. You definitely state you haven't been in Washington, 
D. C. on any other particular visit? 

Mr. Broaa^der. Well, I would want to check. 

Mr. Thomas. You must know Avhether you were. 

Mr. Browder. To the best of my recollection it was last October. 

Mr. Thomas. Yoii are certain 3'ou haA^e not been in Washington 
this year? 

Mr, Browder. To the best of my recollection. 

Mr. Thomas. That is all, 

Mr. Starnes. Do you recall the name of any other peison aa'Iio 
ever sat in on conferences AA-ith you and Mr. Davidson? 

Mr. Broavder. There Avas one other person Avho could possibly give 
you more detailed information as to the identity of some of these 
people. 

Mr. Starnes. We Avould like to have the name, 

Mr. Browder. Bex-ause there aa'us — I called in a banker from 
Canada. 

Mr. Starnes. From Canada? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4299 

Mr. Browdek. A banker from Canada. 

Mr. Thomas. From the Dominion of Canada ? 

Mr. Browder. From the Dominion of Canada. 

Mr. Starnes. What was that banker's name? 

Mr. Browder. I would prefer to give you the name privately. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you mind disclosing here the reason why this 
man's name was given, mentioned, to Mr. Davidson? 

Mr. Browder. The reason was — I sent his name myself as a person 
who could negotiate with the gentleman as to how such a sum of 
money could be handled. 

Mr. Thomas. Do you know whether he was someone connected 
with the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. No; I do not think he was. I secured the name 
through some trade-union connections. 

Mr. Thomas. Do you know whether he was sympathetic to the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Thomas. Will you give the name to the committee, off the 
i-ecord '? 

Mr. Browder. Privately. 

Mr. Thomas. Later on? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. AVas there any other party who sat in on a confer- 
ence, or with whom you were in touch? That is what I was trying 
to get at. 

Mr. Browder. Individuals, none, except Hey wood Broun and 
Mr. Stone of the Post. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Stone of what place? 

Mr. Browder. Mr. Stone of the editorial staff of the Post. 

Mr. Starnes. The New York Post? 

Mr. Browder. New York Post. 

Mr. Starnes. Anj^one else? 

^Ir. Browder. The banker. The others' names I do not know. 

Mr. Thomas. Is it not true that all the information they had came 
through you ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Thomas. They w^ouldn't know except what you told them, 

Mr. Browder. That is right; the only one who could give you any 
other information is the Canadian banker. 

The Chairman. All right, gentlemen, anything further? 

Mr. AVhitley. Getting back to the source of income 

Mr. Starnes. Just before you begin that line of questions I want 
to make this inquiry. I have heard a great many thing said about 
the man, but this is the first time I have heard it intimated Heywood 
Broun was a Democrat. 

Mr. Browder. That is what he always says. I do not know. I 
have never seen liis party card. 

Mr. Wihtley. Mr. Browder, getting back to the source of income 
of the Communist Party of the United States. You have indicated 
one source. You have stated that approximately the annual income 
of it, recently, from dues, was about $65,000. In 1935 that the na- 
tional organization received between 800 and 1,200 contributions, 
making up a total of approximately $65,000. 



4300 UN-AMERIGAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIP^S 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; $65,000 to $70,000. 

Mr. Whitley. That is the average, recently? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Wliat otlier sources of income, Mr. Browder, does 
the party have? 

Mr. Browder. Organizational income, meetings, and so forth, that 
is about the same total. 

Mr. Whitley. About the same? 

Mr. Browder. The total national income would be covered in the 
three groups. 

The Chairman. Have you got all sources of income except con- 
tributions; have you covered that? 

Mr. Whitley. No; I have not yet. 

The Chairman. I want to find out definitely something about the 
contributions. 

Mr. Whiti^ey. Yes. The income for the national party from the 
organizational activities you say is about the same? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. In the matter of contributions, getting back to 
tliat, I believe you stated a moment ago that between 800 and 1,200 
annual contributions were received from persons outside the party. 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. And individuals, and not organizations and groups. 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. And these individuals, Mr. Browder, are persons 
who are just sympathetic to the party; or are they in some way 
actively sympathetic? 

Mr. Browder. They are interested in the work the party is doing; 
they are interested in its work. 

The Chairman. I want to ask what type of people make the con- 
tributions. Are they all workers? 

Mr. Browder. Not all workers. 

The Chairman. Generally what type of people? 

Mr. Browder. I would say it is principally the middle class. 

The Chairman. The middle class of people? 

Mr. Browder. Workers do not usually have money enough or in 
sufficient amounts to be listed as individual contributors. 

The Chairman. I see. 

Mr. Starnes. By class, you mean middle class, idealists? 

Mr. Browder. Well, I do not know whether they are idealists. 
That is a. philosophical question that I cannot answer. 

The Chairman. .Mr. Browder, what I was trying to find out was 
when you say middle class whether you mean the class of industrial- 
ists, stockholders, or of the intelligentsia. 

Mr. Browder. All sorts. 

The Chairman. All sorts; they come, for instance, from teachers. 
Do they come from the professions? 

Mr. Browder. Undoubtedlv ; some are teacliers 

The Chairman. Lawyers? 

Mr. Browder. Lawyers. 

The Chairman. Doctors? 

Mr. Browders. Doctors; dentists. 

The Chairman. Dentists? 



rX AMERKWX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4301 

Ml-. Bkowokr. Dentists; businessmen. 

The Chairman. Businessmen. 

Mr. Ri;owni:R. Meirhnnts. 

Tlie CiiAinMAN. jNIeicliants^' 

Mr. Br(i\\ DER. And some munufacturers. 

The Chairman. So tliat in 193() you oot thousands of such con- 
f I'ihutions^ 

Mr. Broa\i)i:i;. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Thomas. Did you list the contributions? 

Ml'. Browdkk. In tlie election campaion such contributions are 
listed, sliowiiio- the reciMpts as I'equired by law. 

Mr. Thomas. You did list them? 

^^r. Browuer. Yes. 

The Chairman. Those were peo]:)le who Avere interested in your 
success in the 1936 cam))ai<T:n? 

Mr. Browdkr. Yes; they were interested in strengthening the mes- 
sage we Avere bringing to the country. 

The Chairman. "Were they so much interested in the success of 
the ]">arty as in the A'iews it endorsed? 

]Mr. Browder, Stressing of viewpoints. 

The Chairman. Stressing your views. 

^Ir. Thomas. Principally Communists? 

Mr. Broavder. Communists, and most anybody who was interested 
in what tlie Communists were doing. 

Mr. Whitley. Now, Mr. Browder, the three sources you have 
already listed show approximate income, from those sources, in the 
amount of $195,000. What other sources of income did the national 
organization have? 

Mr. Broavder. To be exact the income in 1938 Avas a little over 
$200,000. 

Mr. Whitley. A little over $200,000? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. What other sources of income has the national or- 
ganization. Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Broavder. That is all. Certain sums identified AA'ith local 
organization income. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. 

.Mr. Broavder. One could make a more detailed break-doAvn of that 
but it Avould haAe no significance. 

Mr. WniTi.EY. Do you know Avhether the Communist Party of the 
United States receiA'es or has eA'^er receiA^ed a subsidy from the 
SoA'iet GoA'ernment ? 

Mr. Broavder. The Communist Party in the time that I haA^e been 
its general secretary, the only time I can speak from personal knowl- 
edge, has neA'er recei\'ed any subsidv from any soiu'ce outside the 
United States 

Mr. Whitley. That Avould include the SoA^iet Government, the 
Comintern, or Communists of other countries? 

Mr. Broavder. Correct. 

Mr. Whiti.ey. It has never received anv contribution or subsidv 
of that kind ? 

Mr. Broavder. It has never received any financial support from out- 
side the United States. 



4302 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairmax. That is an imqnalifiecl statement? 

Mr. Browder. Unqualified; yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Let me ask this question with reference to the sec- 
retaryship of the party. You said wliile you were general secretary. 

Mr, Browder. Yes. I can only speak for the time when I was 
secretary of the party. 

Mr. Starnes. And you became general secretary in 1930? 

Mr. Browder. 1930. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, the three sources you have named 
constitute the onl}^ sources of income ? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Whitley. For the Comm.unist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Whitley. Now, Mr. Browder, what is the total annual budget, 
approximately, of the national party for all its activities? 

Mr. Browder. You must get a picture of the organizational set-up 
before you would understand my answer. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you explain, please? 

Mr. Browder. The budget of the national office of the Communist 
Party is confined entirely to the activities directly carried on from 
headquarters. 

Mr. Whitley. From the national headquarters? 

Mr. Browder. From the national headquarters: yes. The budaet 
for that, for 1938, was $200,000, approximately. 

Mr. Whitley. $200,000? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. In addition to that, of course, there are many 
activities of the party which are organized in different forms and 
which are not financed through the national headquarters. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. 

Mr. Browder. There is, for example, the Daily Worker. 

Mr. Whitley. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. That has its own financial system; it is a corpora- 
tion. It has its own financial system, financed through regular direc- 
tors meetings; and at times the paper makes appeals, public appeals 
for donations directly to it and it raises considerable money in that 
way. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. 

Mr. Browder. And all that is entirely outside the budget. 

Mr. Whitley. The budget of the Communist Party, at national 
headquarters ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whiti.ey. In addition to that, similar activities, or rather in- 
come and budget expenses, outside the national organization are car- 
ried on in each district, which have their own financial set-up? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. Through their own income, through dues? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And organizational activities, possibly contributions. 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Whitley. The same source as the national party. 

Mr. Browder. The same as national headquarters. 

Mr.' Whitley. What is the average budget of the districts, Mr. 
Browder? 



UN-AMERICAN PliOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4303 

]Mr. Browdek. It varies from district to district. 

Mr. Whitley. What would be the hir^est budget for that purpose ? 

Mr. Browder. New Yorlc City district organization; its budget. I 
belie\e, is larger than that of the national. 

Mr. Whitley. Hoav much larger I 

Mr. Browder. I could not name the exact figure. 

Mr. Whitley. Approximately? 

Mr. Browder. I think somewhat larger. 

Mr. Whitley. Somewhat larger ? 

^Ir. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Would you say $15,000, $20,000, or $35,000? 

Mr. Browder. I do not like to give any exact statement as regards 
its financial activities 

Mr. Whitley (interposing). Well, you have some idea as to what 
llie l)udget of the Xew York district organization would be, Mr. 
Browder ? 

Mr. Browder. Well, on details, such as finances, I never like to give 
such estimates. As to certain basic facts, I believe I can make a 
statement. 

Mr. Whitley. Well, we are willing for you to use your best ap- 
l)roximation. 

Mr. Browder. I do not like to make an estimate as to something 
that can be gotten accurately without nnich delay. 

Mr. Thomas. You can get that information, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. I can. 

Mr. Whitley. You can give us that figure ? 

Mr. Broa\t)er. I can give it to you. 

Mr. Whitley. You will give it to us ? 

Mr. Brow^der. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Can you get it in a little while? 

Mr. Browder. I can have it by tomorrow, I believe. 

Mr. Starnes. So that it will be accurate ? 

Mr. Browder. If I get the information I am quite sure it will be. 

Mr. Whitley. Very well. The New York district organization is 
the largest and has the largest budget of any district? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And you believe it is a little larger than the budget 
of the national organization ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. And von will give us the exact figuers? 

^Ir. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. A little later on? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mv. Whitley. Are all of the financial transactions of the Com- 
munist Party of the United States handled through banking institu- 
tions. Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you explain the manner in which thev are 
handled? 

]\rr. Browder. We formerly had a system of handling the finances 
thro\igh bank accounts but at the time of the bank crash, beginning 
in 1933. we began a system, under necessity, of handling larger 
amounts of cash without going through the banks. 

94931 — 10— vol. 7 3 



4304 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. I see. 

Mr. Browder. And since that time — up to that time we did every- 
thing through banking accounts, but since that time the current 
business is often done in cash. 

Mr. WnrrLEY. The cash business you mentioned referred to national 
headquarters ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. Such as miscellaneous expenses? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Does the Communist Party have an outside vault, 
maintain a vault at any place? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Except the bank account at headquarters? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. How many bank accounts does the Communist Party 
have, the national organization, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. We do not have any bank account in the name of 
the Communist Party, if my memory serves me correctly. 

Mr. Whitley. Under whose name is the account? 

Mr. Browder. Financial secretary. 

Mr. Whitley. Who is Mr. Weiner? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. The bank account is in his name ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. In what bank? 

Mr. Browder. I believe it is the Amalgamated Bank. 

Mr. Whitley. Does it have any others? 

Mr. Browder. I cannot say for certain. 

Mr. Whitley. You do not know whether it does have or not ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you have a report of the financial transactions 
of the party, showing the expenses, of its cash, and so forth ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. Right at that point: Has the bank account you 
referred to been in his name right along ? 

Mr. Browder. I think so. 

Mr. Thomas. How long. 

Mr. Browder. While he has been the financial secretary. 

Mr. Thomas. How long has he been financial secretary ? 

Mr. Browder. I don't know exactly. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you belong to any other organizations other 
than the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. Political organizations, you mean ? 

Mr. Whitley. Organizations of any kind. 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; I belong to many. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you name some of them in which you have 
been actively identified? 

Mr. Browder. The International Labor Defense; American 
League for Peace and Democracy; International Workers Order, an 
insurance organization that I insured in. I was a member of the 
office workers union but I think I am in bad standing; they do not 
take executives. 

Mr. Whitley. Any other groups or organizations? 

Mr. Browder. I don't recall any offhand. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4305 

Mr. Whitley, Had you held any official positions in those organi- 
zations you have just named? 

Mr. Bi{owDf:K. I was one of the founders of the International 
Labor Defense, or of an orpinization out of which the International 
Labor Defense grew. I think the first one was called the Labor 
Defense Council. That was an organization set up for the purpose 
of hiring an attorney, Frank Walsh, to defend the Michigan cases 
and to raise money for that purpose. 

That was merged later into the organization now called the Inter- 
national Labor Defense. 

Mr. AViiiTLEY. Have you an office in that organization? 

Mr. Broavder. I have not been an officer in the International Labor 
Defense for sometime. 

Mr. Whitley. What official position did you hold in it? 

Mr. Browder. I was a member of the committee in the Labor De- 
fense Council. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. 

Mr. Browder. And I believe that at one time I was on the board 
of International Labor Defense, but I wasn't active and they dropped 
me off. 

Mr. Whitley. Have you held any other official position in the. 
International Labor Defense? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. No official position? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. How about the American League for Peace? 

Mr. Browder. I was a vice president of the American League for 
Peace and Democracy until November 1937. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. And those are all the organizations that 
you have been identified with, that is, of any significance? 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; that is all. 

Mr. Whitley. Now, to repeat for just a moment, Mr. Browder, 
At the present time, in addition to being general secretary of the 
Communist Party of the United States, you are a member of the 
executive committee of the Comintern; is that correct? 

Mr, Broaat)er. That is right — of the Communist International. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, who are the men upon whose books 
or writings communism is based, or founded? 

;Mr, Browder. The gi'eatest authorities on the theory of com- 
munism are Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin. 

Mr. Starnes. Who was the second? I did not get the second 
name. 

Mr. Whitley. Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, 

Mr. Browder, Karl Marx; Frederick Engels, collaborator with; 
Marx; Vladimir Ilich Lenin; and Joseph Stalin, 

Mr, Whitley. Mr, Browder, what books or writings of the per- 
sons or authors you have just named would you select as best repre- 
senting the principles and purposes of communism? 

Mr, Browder, Well, I would say that in the writings of Lenin and' 
Stalin you have summed up the teachings of Marx and Engels, and 
their further development under the conditions of the twentieth 
century. If one was to pick out particular writings which would best 
represent it. I would say the two volumes of the collected works of 
Stalin, published under the name of Leninism. 



4306 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. Foundations of Leninism? 

Mr. Browder. Foundations of Leninism is only one part of that. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. The two vohnnes are known as Leninism? 

Mr. Browder. As Leninism ; yes. That is a collection of the writ- 
ings and of speeches of Stalin for the period of 1924 to 1929, aside 
from those things which were purely topical and of the day. Elim- 
inating those, in those writings you have the best expression of the 
theory of communism. 

Mr. Whitley. Now, getting back to the books, or the teachings 
upon which communism is founded, would you list the Manifesto by 
Marx and Lenin as one of the basic works on communism? 

Mr. Browder. I suppose you refer to the Communist Manifesto of 
1848 by Marx and Engels. 

Mr. Whitley. By Marx and Engels; that is correct. 

Mr. Browder. Yes; I would say that is one of the greatest his- 
torical documents as marking the foundation of the theory of 
scientific socialism. 

Mr. Whitley. And would you classify Das Kapital. by Marx, 
as one of the basic works on communism? 

Mr. Browder. One of the basic works. 

Mr. Whitley. And one of the works • 

Mr. Browder. Indispensable to any understanding of the economic 
question. 

Mr. Whitley. And presents the principles and purposes of 
communism ? 

Mr. Browder. Presents an understanding of communism and the 
jproblems of economics. It is not a progi-am. 

Mr. Whitley. State and Eevolution, by Lenin ; would you classify 
:that as one of the basic works? 

Mr. Browder. I would classify that as one of the basic works. 

Mr. Whitley. And one of the works which presents the principles 
:aiid purposes of communism? 

Mr. Browder. Yes — one of the great books. 

Mr. Whitley. Left Wing Communism, by Stalin? 

Mr. Browder. By Lenin. 

Mr. Whitley. By Lenin? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Would you so classify that ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Two Tactics? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

IVIr. Whitley. Also by Lenin? 

Mr. Browder, Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And What is to be Done, by Lenin, is another one 
of the basic works on communism ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. AVhitley. I w^ould like to introduce those works in the record 
at this time, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. You mean as exhibits? 

Mr. Whitley. That is right. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Whitley. Just to have them identified by the reporter. 

Mr. Browder. I believe on Capital you only have volume 1. There 
are three volumes to it. 



UN-AJ^IERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4307 

Mr. WiiTTLET. Yes; that is tlie first volume. 

Mr. TiiuMAs. Are sill those in English, or in some foreign language? 

Mr. Whitley. They are all in English. 

(The books above referred to were marked "September 5, 1939. 
Witness Browder, W. R. G.") 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, is the most authoritative definition or 
statement on the present line of the Conmiunist Party set forth in 
The United Front, by Dimitrofi"^ 

Mr. Browder. I would say that is the most authoritative statement 
of the general line of the World Communist movement as formulated 
by the Seventh World Congress in 1935. 
' Mr. Whitley. I would also like to have that identified. 

(The book above referred to was marked "September 5, 1939. 
Witness Browder, W. R. G.") 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, DimitrofF is the secretary of the 
executive committee of the Communist International ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. He is general secretary of the Com- 
munist International. 

^Ir. Whitley. His position with the Communist International cor- 
responds to your position with the Communist Party in the United 
States? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And his book represents — it is the best representa- 
tion of the present line of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. In its international phase: yes. 

Mr. Whitt.ey. In its international phase? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, what are your own principal books 
or writings on the subject of communism? 

Mr. Casey. Before you go to that, may I ask a question, Mr. 
Chairman ? 

The Chairman. Is it pertinent, along the line of this testimony? 

Mr, Casey. Yes. 

The Chairman. Go ahead. 

Mr. Casey. These various books that have been introduced in 
evidence as forming the basis of the Communist doctrine, is the 
Communist Party in America in substantial agreement with all of 
the various theories set forth in these books ? 

Mr. Browder. Well, there is no orthodoxy of communism, and all 
the literature of communism is taken not as orthodox formulas, but 
as guides to thought and action — guides to thought and action — 
which is applied not mechanically and not according to the letter, 
but according to the substance and the circumstances of each par- 
ticular countr}'. 

Mr. Casey. According to your definition — may I put it this way: 
Is there any substantial disagreement between anything that is set 
forth in the books that have been introduced in evidence? 

Mr. Browder. Not of a principle character. 

^Ir. Whitley. What are your own principal writings on the sub- 
ject to communism, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. I have published four books: Communism in the 
United States, a collection of the reports, articles, and speeches in 



4308 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

the years 1933 and 1934; a book, Wliat is Communism, which Avas 
published in the beginning of 1936; The People's Front, a collec- 
tion of articles, reports, and speeches for 1936-37, published at the 
«iid of 1937 or the beginning of 1938; and the book. Fighting for 
Peace, a collection of my articles and speeches during 1938 and the 
beginning of 1939, having to do with the question of the foreign 
policy of the United States and the questions of peace and war. 

Mr. Whitley. How about The Democratic Front; is that another 
■of your works? 

Mr. Browder. That is my report to the tenth convention of the 
Communist Party of the United States. 

Mr. Whitley. And these writings represent the line of the Com- 
munist Party in the United States as interpreted by its official 
spokesman — yourself ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; and the largest part of the contents of these 
books have been officially endorsed by the Communist Party — not 
-every detail, but the largest part. 

Mr. Whitley. It represents, then, the authentic position 

Mr. Browder. I think so. 

Mr. Whitley. And the line of the party of the United States ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. I would like to have those introduced, Mr. Chair- 
man, into the record. 

The Chairman. All right; they will be marked as exhibits by 
the stenographer. 

(The books above referred to were marked "September 5, 1939. 
Witness Browder. W. R. G.") 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, your pamphlet. The Democratic 
Front — does that represent the line, the present line of the Com- 
munist Party of the United States on the subjects which are cov- 
ered therein? 

Mr. Browder. It does. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, is the Communist Party of the United 
States affiliated with and a part of the Communist International ? 

Mr. Browder. The Communist Party of the United States is affi- 
liated with the Communist International. 

Mr. Whitley. Does it function under the constitution of the Com- 
munist International ? 

Mr, Browder. The Communist Party of the United States never 
•complied Avith the constitutional provisions of the Communist Inter- 
national on affiliation and the issue was never raised between us. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, you say that the Communist Party 
of the United States has never officially adopted the constitution? 

Mr. Browder. And has not complied with its provisions. 

Mr. AVhitley, It has not complied with its provisions? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. If that is the case, Mr. Browder, then in what 
manner and on w^iat terms did the Communist Party of the United 
States become officially affiliated? 

Mr. Browder. The affiliation was first made at the time when the 
party was known as the Workers' Party of America. I cannot give 
you the exact date, but it is approximately 1923, or the end of 1922 — 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4309 

irom a year to a year and a half after the formation of the Workers' 
Party. " 

^Ir. Whitley. Did the Workers' Party, ^Yhich was the forerunner 
of the present Communist Party in the United States, officially adopt 
or approve the constitution of the Communist International? 

Mr. Browder. It did not. 

]Mr, Whitley. It did not? 

]\[r. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Your affiliation, then, has not been formal; is that 
the understanding? 

Mr. Browder. There are certain formal affiliations, yes, because 
we have participated in the international congresses; w'e have sent 
delegates to all of the international congresses since the third 
congress. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, the fact that the C. P. U. S. A. has 
not officially aproved or adopted the constitution of the Communist 
International has not in any way changed its status from any other 
Communist Party which has adopted it ? 

Mr. Browder. Politically ; no. It was only on organizational ques- 
tions that there was any ignoring of the constitution. Politically, 
there has been the closest collaboration, the closest relationship. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, your relationship to the Communist 
International was just the same as if there had been a formal ap- 
proval of the constitution? 

Mr. Browder. In its political essence, yes; in its organizational 
forms, no. 

Mr. Whitley. You mean organizationally there is a variance? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. From the constitution of the international? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you point out those points of variance, Mr. 
Browder ? 

]Mr. Browder. Well, for one thing, the Communist Party of the 
United States has never paid dues to the Communist International; 
it has not submitted regular reports, and so on. 

INIr. Whitley. Those are requirements under the constitution? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Of the international? 

Mr. Browder. There are a series of such requirements under the 
constitution which have never been observed by us. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you point out some of the others, m addition 
to not paying dues and making regular reports? 

Mr. Dempsey. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Browder said he had not made 
regidar reports. How often have they reported, and how often are 
they required to report? 

Mr. Browder. Well, we have reported, in the period in which I 
can speak of my own personal knowledge, at the international con- 
gresses and conferences in person. Most of those since 1930 I have 
myself attended, and I have given oral reports to all of my associates 
of the other Communist Parties, both in personal conversations and 
in formal meetings of the Communist International. I have spoken 
about American conditions and problems, and tried to explain them 
and to make clear these problems and conditions, and also the attitude 
of the Communist Party of the United States to them. 



4310 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr, Dempset. Did the constitution require that you make any 
reports at various periods? 

Mr. Browder. Well, the constitution requires that all the minutes 
and documents of affiliated parties should be sent to the headquarters 
of the Communist International, This we have never complied with, 
one of the reasons being, of course, not that we do not want them to 
have them, but we are so far away that communication is very 
difficult. 

Mr. Dempsey. That is the only reason? 

Mr, Browder. Yes; no political reason, 

Mr. Whitley. To all intents and purposes, though, you are affili- 
ated with the Communist International, just the same? 

Mr. Browder. So far as the political essence of the problem is 
concerned, there is the closest harmony between the Communist Party 
of the United States and the Communist International. 

Mr. Whitley. And the Communist International itself has ap- 
proved the affiliation? 

Mr. Browder. Not formally; but by accepting the delegates of 
the party in its congresses. 

Mr. Whitley. The fact it was not formal does not vary the rela- 
tionship ? 

Mr. Browder. No. It becomes a question only if people begin to 
raise formal questions. If they are dealing with political questions, 
it does not become a question ; if they are dealing with formal ques- 
tions, it does. 

Mr. Thomas. Does that close harmony exist now that Mr. Stalin 
has signed up with Mr. Hitler? 

Mr. BRO^^^DER. I don't understand your question. 

Mr, Thomas. You said the closest harmony existed between the 
Communist Party in the United States and the Communist Interna- 
tional. That is the statement you just made; is not that correct? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. That is true ; is it not ? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Thomas. What I want to know^ is whether the closest har- 
mony exists right today, now that Mr. Stalin has made his non- 
aggression pact with Mr. Hitler, that did not exist a few weeks ago ? 

Mr. Browder. I understand your question now. Yes. Yes; the 
closest harmony and agreement exists. 

The Chairman. Let us proceed. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, is that a copy of the program of the 
Communist International and the statutes of the Communist Inter- 
national under which it presently operates [handing pamplilet to 
witness] ? 

Mr. Browder (after examination). No; this is the Sixth World 
Congress. 

Mr. Whitley. That is the program adopted at the Sixth World 
Congress. 

Mr. Browder. At the Sixth World Congress. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. 

Mr. Browder. It is in force only as modified by the Seventh World 
Congress. 

Mr. Whitley. What were those modifications; do you know? 



UN-AMERICAN PKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4311 

Mr. Browdicr. Tlie Seventh World Conoress inaiifruratecl the policy 
of the People's Front, which was a sharp turn in the political policy 
of the Communist Parties of the World. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, that was a radical departure from 
the program as outlined by previous congresses ? 

Mr. Browder. From the tactical phase; yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you have a copv of the program as adopted by 
the Seventh World Congi-ess in 1935^? 

jNIr. Browder. I could provide it for you. The resolution, you 
mean ? 

]\Ir. Whitley. Yes. 

Mr. Broavder. You have the substance of it in the book you have 
already introduced. 

Mr. Voorhis. Now might I ask a question at this point ? 

The Chairman. Is it pertinent? 

Mr. Voorhis. Yes. 

The Chairman. Go ahead. 

Mr. Voorhis. Mr. Browder, would you say that the only reason for 
the change in policy, so far as the Communist Party of the United 
States is concerned, from the policies followed previously, was on 
account of the new decisions and program adopted at the Seventh 
World Congress? 

Mr. Browder. No; I would say nothing of the kind. I would say 
that the same forces that were operating in other Communist Parties 
of the world are operating in the United States, and we were inde- 
pendently coming to conclusions of a change in policy before the 
representatives of the various parties gathered in the Seventh World 
Congress. In fact, the Communist Party of the United States was 
one of those parties which took the initiative in beginning changes 
before the congress, in its own work, and raising the whole question 
at the Seventh World Congress and clarifying it for the Seventh 
World Congress. 

]Mr. Voorhis. Supposing you had failed in the Seventh World 
Congress in putting your idea across, would you have been free to 
proceed along the lines that were actually adopted in the Seventh 
World Congress, in spite of the fact that the Seventh World Con- 
gress had decided against you? 

Mr. Browder. If we had considered the question of sufficient im- 
portance that it was necessary to take a different line, then inevitably 
the conclusion would have been drawn that we would leave the 
Communist International. We do not believe in an international 
organization which continues to keep up a formula of international 
unity, in spite of a real lack of unity, and whenever we funda- 
mentally disagree with a decision of the Communist International, 
we would withdraw from it. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, there has never been a fundamental 
disagreement? 

Mr. Browder. There has not. 

Mr. Whitley. You have always agreed fundamentally with the 
Connnunist International ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Voorhis. But that is purely a fortuitous circumstance ? Wliat 
I mean is, it has just happened that the Communist Party of the 



4312 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

United States just happened to agree with what the Communist 
International decided ; is that right ? 

Mr. Browder. According to our understanding of history, nothing 
just happens; it happens according to certain laws, according to 
certain social and political developments. 

The Chairman. You say this Seventh World Congress changed 
the policy or tactics of the Communist Party ; is that right ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. With reference to the People's Front? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. That decision was that the Communist Party was 
to join hands with other organizations opposed to nazi-ism; is that 
right? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. And to form a People's Front, like in France — 
I believe it is called a People's Front there — and in other countries ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. Where they would present a united front against 
nazi-ism ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. That was the purpose — to present a solid front 
against nazi-ism? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; to prevent the destruction of democracy, op- 
posed to fascism in all of its forms on every question. 

Mr. Starnes. What were those organizations affiliated with or or- 
ganized as a result of the Seventh World Congress to carry on the 
fight against nazi-ism and fascism throughout the world? 

Mr. Browder. I would not say any particular organizations were 
formed as a result of the Seventh World Congress. 

Mr. Starnes. Were organizations formed thereafter, Mr. Browder,. 
for that purpose? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know of any. 

Mr. Starnes. You do not know of any at all ? 

Mr. Browder. If you have reference to the American League 
Against War and Fascism, that was formed sometime before the 
Seventh World Congress. 

Mr. Starnes. Was a report made of the doings of that league at 
the Seventh World Congress, and attention called to its work? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, sure. Wlien I reported to the Seventh World 
Congress, I reported what I considered a very important and sig- 
nificant development in American political, civic, and economic life, 
including all of the political parties of America— a very significant 
reorganization. I tried to give a rounded-out picture of the devel- 
opments in America. 

The Chairman. You have answered the question. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, will you give us an outline of the 
administrative structure of the Communist International ? _ 

Mr. Browder. The world congress is the supreme authority of the 
Communist International. It elects an executive committee composed 
of representatives of the most important parties affiliated to the Com- 
munist International. The executive committee, which meets only 
occasionally on call, elects a smaller committee to conduct the day -to- 
day business of the organization. 



UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4313 

Mr. Whitley. What is the name of that committee? 

Mr. Erowder. I believe it is called the secretariat. 

Mr. Whitley. Now, what is the size of the executive committee of 
the Communist International, approximately? 

Mr. Broavder. Approximately, it is between 40 and 50 members. 

Mr. Whitley, Between 40 and 50 members? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Selected by the world congress? 

Mr. Broavder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. That congress being made up of Communist parties 
throughout the world? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. And the executive committee, in tuim, selects a 
small group known as the secretariat? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. AVliich carries on the day-to-day business of the 
Communist International ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. Is that the organization of which he is a member? 

]Mr. Whitley. Are you a member of the executive committee? 

Mr. Browder. I am a member of the executive committee. 

Mr. Whitley. Are j^ou a member of the secretariat? 

Mr. Browder. No; I am not. 

Mr. Whitley. How many membei's comprise the secretariat? 

Mr. Browder. I think there are some 10. 

Mr. Whitley. That is the small governing body? 

Mr. Browder. I would not say governing body; I would say 
administrative body. 

The Chairman. But the}' are subject to the executive committee? 

Mr. Browder. Responsible to the executive committee. 

Mr. Whitley. "Wliere are those congresses held and when are they 
held, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. The congresses are held in Moscow. That is not a 
constitutional provision, but it happens to be the only place where a 
world congress can be held. 

i\Ir. Whitley. That is because the headquarters of the Communist 
International are there, is it not? 

Mr. Browder. I would say the headquarters are there for the same 
reason. 

Mr. Whitley. It just happens? 

Mr. Browder. That is the only country that would permit the 
functioning of the International organization. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, it just happens to be in Moscow,, 
for those reasons? 

Mr. Browder. Again I would say I never can agree with the ex- 
pression-just happens,"' When a thing happens, it happens because 
of certain laws. 

The Chairman. Well, you have explained that. 

Mr. Whitley. If some other country would permit, the Com- 
munist International, the headquarters of the Comintern would be 
there? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. And I think the Communist International 
would welcome such a development. 



4314 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. How often are cono-resses held in Moscow? 

Mr. Browder. There is no stated period. 

Mr. Whitley. There is no stated period? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Just when called? 

Mr. Browder. The last one was held in 1935. 

Mr. Whitley. Who are the congresses called by? 

Mr. Browder. The executive committee. 

Mr. Whitley. They are called by the executive committee? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley, And when was the congress preceding the one in 
1935? 

Mr. Browder. 1928. 

^Mr. Whitley. In 1928? 

Mr, Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. There was a lapse there from 1928 until 1935, 
when there was no World Congress? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. During which period the executive committee and 
the secretariat carried on the administrative functions of the Com- 
munist International? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. Now who are the members of this secretariat, Mr. 
Browder? Do you recall? 

Mr. Browder. I can recall a few names; I am not certain I can 
recall them all. George Dimitroff, general secretary; Wilhelm 
Pieck — -— 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Dimitroff is a member of what Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Browder. At the present time I think he is a citizen of the 
Soviet Union and a member of the Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union. He comes from Bulgaria. 

Mr. Whitley. But he is a member of the Soviet Communist Party ? 

Mr. Browder, At the present time; yes — since his release from 
Germany. At the time of the Reichstag fire trial, he was gotten 
out of Germany by being made a citizen of the Soviet Union at 
that time. 

Mr. Whitley. Now Mr. Pieck, another member of the secretariat: 
-Of what Communist Party is he a member? 

INIr. Browder. Pieck is a German. 

Mr. Whitley. He is a member of the Germany party? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Is he a German citizen? 

Mr. Browder. According to the laws of Mr. Hitler, no, 

Mr. Whitley. Is he a Soviet citizen ? 

Mr. Browder. No; he is like so many Germans — a man w^ithout a 
country. He holds citizenship in the Communist Party of Germany. 

Mr. Whitley, Will you name the other members of the executive 
committee ? 

Mr, Browder. Maurice Thorez. 

Mr. Whitley. And what party is he a member of? 

Mr. Browder. The Communist Party of France. 

Mr. Whitley. The Communist Party of France? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 43I5 

Mr. "Whitley. Is he a citizen of France? 

Mr. Bkowder. Yos. 

Mr. "\^'HITLEY. AVill you name the others, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. Ercoli— Alfred Ercoli. an Italian— again, a man 
denied his citizenship by the present regime in Italy. 

Mr. Whitley. But not a Soviet citizen? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. He is a refugee from Italy ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

ISIr. Whitley. Living in Russia ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

ISIr. Whitley-. Just like Mr. Pieek is a refugee from Germany living: 
in Russia? 

jNIr. Browder. That is right. And if you want a complete list, 
which I am sure I will not be able to give you from memory, perhaps 
you should allow me to get the records from New^ York on it. 

Mr. Whitley. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. I can give you a complete list of the secretariat of the 
Communist International. 

Mr. Starnes. And let us know what country they come from. 

Mr. Whitley. Give us the background. 

Mr. Browder. The name and the country ? 

Mr. Whitley. That is right; their citizenship and the Communist 
Party they belong to ; that is, what country. 

ISIr. Browder. That is right. 

(The list referred to follows:) 

Members of the Secretariat, Executive Committed: of the Communistt 
International (As Elected at the Seventh World Congress, 1935) 

George Dlmitroff, general secretary ; M. Ercoli, D. Z. Manuilsky, Wilhelm 
Pieck, Otto Kunsinen, Andre Marty, Klement Gottwald. 

Candidate-members. — M. Florin, M. A. Moskvin, Wang Ming. 

Mr. AVhitley. Now, JSIr. Browder, just to get a clear picture of 
the administrative or organizational set-up : The Comintern, or Com- 
munist International, at its World Congress, elects its program body,, 
its governing body, its executive committee, then a small gi"oup known 
as the secretariat, whi-ch is the active functioning body? 

Mr. Broavder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. Now the Communist Party of the United States has 
its national conventions when called, and at the national convention 
selects the national committee, and the national committee, in turn,, 
selects a small body known as the political committee ? 

IVIr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. It is the active functioning group? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Does the same administrative structure extend to the 
district ? The district has its convention, selects a district committee, 
and the district committee, in tui-n, has a smaller group? 

Mr. Browder. It has an executive committee. In fact, you will find 
that the organizational principle in that respect, with delegates, com- 
mittees, and so forth, is much the same as in every other similar body 
in the IJnited States. 

ISIr. Whitley. That is uniform for the Communist International 
down to the smallest units of the party in the United States,.in its ad^ 
ministrative functions? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir ; it is not. 



4316 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. I understood you to say that just now when he 
asked you the question. I understood you to say that. 

Mr. Browder. I said that the organizational principles, with the 
delegation of authority by conventions, committees, and so forth, was 
practically the same as that for every political party in the United 
States. That is quite different from the question I said "no" to. 
There is no such uniformity in the Communist International as a 
whole, because each national Communist Party has its own supreme 
authority. 

Mr. Whitley. I was referring to the administrative structure 
under which the party functions. 

Mr. Browder. It will be very easy to diaw a wrong conclusion 
from the form of the question, and I want to be as careful as I 
can. 

Mr. Starnes. You gave us a moment ago the names of some of the 
members of the general secretariat that you could remember. 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. In that connection, you made a very peculiar state- 
ment. You said that one of the members, Mr. Pieck, I believe, 
and Mr. Ercoli, an Italian — one a native German and the other an 
Italian — were denied citizenship by Hitler and Mussolini. Would 
you tell us why that was? Was it because of the commission of 
some crime, and so forth? 

Mr. Browder. I think it is well knowni that Communists in those 
countries have been denied citizenship, have been executed, and in 
large numbers have been imprisoned in those countries. 

,Mr. Starnes. On what basis? 

Mr, Browder. On the basis of the suppression of political rights. 
'That applies not only to Communists but to all democratic organi- 
zations. 

Mr. Starnes. It had nothing to do with race, religion, or color? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir ; it was political. 

Mr. Starnes. It was purely political? 

Mr. Browder. Purely political suppression. 

Mr. Whitley. There are quite a few more questions I want to ask 
about the International. 

The Chairman. I think we should adjourn now until 1 : 15 o'clock. 

(Thereupon the committee took a recess until 1: 15 p, m.) 

AFTER RECESS 

((The committee resumed its session at 1: 15 p. m.) 

TESTIMONY OF EARL RUSSELL BROWDER— Resumed 

The CH.URMAN. The committee will come to order. You may pro- 
rcee.d, IMr. Whitley. 

Mr. Whitley. Did you, or your organization, pledge loyalty to any 
foreign country at any time? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Has this been the consistent attitude of both you 
and your organization from its beginning? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Whiix-ey. Does your organization receive foreign subsidies of 
any kind? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4317 

^Iv. Browder. It does not. 

Mr. WhitXiEY. Is your organization connected in any way with any 
foreign agency which advocates those ideas? 

^Ir. Browder. Which ideas? I do not understand. 

Mr. WHITI.EY. The ideas of loyaUy to a foreign country or re- 
ceiving subsidies from them. 

]\Ir. Browder. It does not. 

Mr. "Whitley. We were discussing the relation between the Com- 
munist Party of the United States and the Communist International, 
and you are explaining the administrative structure of the Commu- 
nist international. Does the Communist Party of the United States 
have representatives to the Comintern or the Comunist International ? 

Mr. Browder. We have delegates to the congresses and confer- 
ences of the Communist International. 

^Ir. Whitley. As to delegates to conferences, is that just occa- 
sionally, or do you have them regularly? 

Mr. Browder. Occasionally. 

Mr. Whitley. You do not have regular delegates or representa- 
tives assigned by the representatives of the C. P. U. S. A. to the 
Comintern ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. The only type of representation you have from the 
C. P. U. S. A. to the Comintern is an occasional one, or to a congress 
or an occasional conference? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

]SIr. Whitley. There is no regular representative assigned to them ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. There are a few Americans on the work- 
ing staff of the Communist International, but they are not regularly 
assigned. 

Mr. Whitley. As employees, but not as representatives of the 
Communist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes, sir; that is true. 

Mr. Whitley. In the ]3ast, has any representative to the Comintern 
for any purpose, for conference purposes, or whatever the purpose 
was, as a visitor to the Comintern from the C. P. U. S. A., been 
known or designated by the name of Randolph? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir: the name "Randolph" is the name of one 
of the comrades working there. 

Mr. Whitley. Was that his real name, or a name that he assumed ? 

INIr. Browder. I do not know. 

]Mr. Whitley. That is the only name you know him by ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know any other members of the C. P. U. 
S. A. who worked for or attended conferences of the Comintern and 
who used that name or was known by that name ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Is Randolph still living in Russia? 

Mr. Browder. I think he is in the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you furnish the names of the officials and 
members of the governing committees or groups of the Communist 
International ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. I believe you stated this morning that you would 
give us the membership of the secretariat, and, also, of the executive 
committee. 



4318 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr, Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Are there any other groups or divisions there 
active in administrative affairs made up of representatives from for- 
eign countries? 

Mr. Browder. I believe they have what they call a presidium or 
presiding committee. 

Mr. Whitley. What is the function of that committee ? 

Mr. Browder. It is a small body that meets occasionally when 
it is impossible for the executive committee to meet as a whole. It 
takes up matters that ordinarily would go to the executive com- 
mittee when the executive committee meets. 

Mr. Whitley. Is that a larger body than the secretariat? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. It is an intermediate body between the executive 
committee and the secretariat? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Are any representatives of the Communist Party 
of the United States members of that group ? 

Mr. Browder. I believe that William Z. Foster is a member of it. 
I can confirm that positively later. 

Mr. Whitley. A member of the presidium? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you let us know definitely about that? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir ; I believe that he is a member. 

Mr. Whitley. That meets subject to call, or periodically? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir ; subject to call. 

Mr. Whitley, I believe you stated that you were a member of the 
executive committee ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. How long have you held that position ? 

Mr. Browder. Since 1935. 

Mr. Whitley. Have any other members of the C. P. U, S, A, held 
positions on the executive committee, the presidium, or the secretariat? 

Mr. Browder. At the present time there are four Americans on 
the executive committee : William Z, Foster, myself, James W. Ford, 
and Gilbert Green. 

Mr. Whitley, Are they members of any of the other two groups, 
other than Mr, Foster? 

Mr. Browder. I think not. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is Gilbert Green? 

Mr, Browder. He is president of the Young Communist League 
of the United States. 

Mr. Starnes. What does he do? What is his business or affilia- 
tions ? I am speaking now of his means of livelihood. 

Mr. Browder. He is working for the Young Communist League. 
He came into that work as a student. 

Mr. Whitley. Does the Communist Party of the United States 
contribute financially to the Communist International ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. No contribution is made of any kind ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr, Whitley, You have already stated that it did not pay dues 
to the International? 

Mr, Browder. Yes, sir ; that is true. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4319 

^Ir. Whitley. Does the Communist Party of the United States 
contribute financially to the Communist Party in other countries? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley, To what parties and under what circumstances? 

Mr. Browder. I can best answer that by giving concretely the 
financial assistance that we gave other parties in 1938 : During 1938 
our party, out of a fund which we collect from the membership 
called the international solidarit}' fund, contributed to or expended 
on behalf of the Communist Party of Germany $6,400; to the Com- 
munist Party of Cuba, $6,700 ; to the Communist Party of the Philip- 
pines, $4,000; to the Communist Party of Mexico, $2,264; to the 
Communist Party of Spain, $5,500; to the Communist Party of 
China, $1,600; to 'the Communist Party of Chile, $1,400; to the Com- 
munist Party of Ireland, $1,200; and to others in relatively small 
amounts. 

Mr. Whitley. What is the total of the contributions that you 
have mentioned ? 

Mr. Bro^vder. $36,000. 

Mr. irniTLEY. That is, during 1938 the C. P. U. S. A. contributed 
$36,000 to the Communist Party in the countries you have named? 

]Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whiitjey. Who decides to what parties those contributions 
shall be made ? 

Mr. Browder. The financial committee of our party. 

Mr. Whitley. That committee decides to whom contributions shall 
be made, and the amount of the contribution to be made ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley: And the contributions are made out of what you 
call the solidarity fund? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. That fund is made up how ? 

Mr. Browder. From a financial assessment of the membership col- 
lected together with the dues, equal to 1 month's dues, three times 
a year. 

Mr. Whitley. Has the C. P. U. S. A. ever contributed financially 
to the Communist Part}- of Soviet Russia ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. They have made no contributions to that group? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. How are funds transmitted to those countries ? Are 
they transmitted directly to the leaders in those countries? 

Mr. Browder. Sometimes, as in the case of Ireland, we send them 
a postal money order. In most of the countries where we have given 
assistance there has been some difficulty in transmitting funds through 
the post office or banking channels, and it is sent through private 
individuals. 

Mr. Whitley. I believe we touched on this matter this morning, 
but I will ask the question again in case it was not fully answered: 
Do you make regular reports to the Communist International? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir; not in the sense of written reports. The 
Communist International receives, however, our publications, and is 
informed of our activities through our publications. 

94931—40 — vol. 7 4 



4320 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. Through your ])iiblications, and at the congress, you 
make a personal report i' 

Mr. Browder. When I am present. I have been in the last 
congresses. 

Mr. Whitley. Do yon maintain contact with or make reports of 
any kind to the Communist International or to any foreign govern- 
ment, or through personal representatives? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Not of any kind? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Is there any written form or statement for the trans- 
fer of Communist Party members from one country to another? 

Mr. Browder. Theoretically, it is provided for by the statutes of 
the Communist International, but in practice the Communist Party 
has not done such a thing for several years. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you mean that they officially issued transfers 
to members from one government to another? 

Mr. Browder. I believe it has been done ; but for many years, since 
the world has become one of disorder, the Communist Party has re- 
fused to take transfers from one country to another by a form of 
transfer, and says that every individual who comes into the country 
must come on the basis of work and character. They do not take any- 
body on the basis of a form of transfer. 

Mr. Whitley. When, to your knowledge, was the last transfer 
made of a member of the C. P. U. S. A. to another country? 

Mr. Broavder. I would say that the last time I signed a transfer was 
about 1933. 

Mr. Whitley. Such transfer was made by a form, when they were 
used ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. It was a notification that the person who 
lield the transfer was a member of the party in this country and 
wanted to be a member of the party in the country to Avhich he was 
going. 

Mr. Whitley. That was in the form of a letter from you, as general 
secretary of the party in this country, to the head of the party in the 
country to which the member was going? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. I understood you to say, but I want to be quite sure, 
that no such transfer has been issued since 1933. 

Mr. Browder. I think that is about the time I signed the last 
transfer. 

The Chairman. I would like for him to be more positive about that. 
He said he "thinks." 

Mr. Whitley. Such transfers would have to be signed by you? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. If you liad signed any since 1933, you would know 
about it? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. And you state, to the best of your knowledge 

Mr. Browder (interposing). To the best of my knowledge and be- 
lief, the last one was in 1933. 

Mr. Whitley. The form of the transfer would be a letter, or in the 
form of a communication from you to the head of the party in the 
country to which the member was proceeding ? 



UX-AMEUICAX rUorAliANDA ACTIVITIES 4321 

^fr. BiJOM'DER. Yes, sir. 

Mr. "WiiiTi.EY. Ts there aiiytliiii<>- secret or uuderiiroinul about such 
transfers? 

Mr. Browdek. Tt depends on the country to which the persons are 
jroing. If they were going to a Fascist country, it woukl certainly be 
Transmitted secretly. 

]Mr. Whitley. Suppose tl\e })ariy were going to Soviet Russia, 
Mould there be any attempt to conceal the documents transferring 
the party to that country? 

Mr. Browdek. It would depend on what countries he would be trav- 
eling through. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, there is such a secret metliod of 
transfer? 

Mr. Browder. Whenever they are going to a Fascist country, every- 
thing connected with the Communist Party has had to be made secret. 

Mr. Whitley. That is, Fascist and Nazi countries? 

Mr. Browder. We use the term as a generic term. 

Mr. AVhitley. But only by those going to those countries? 

]Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Does that apply to every type of government, or does 
it just cover every type of government except the Communist form 
of government? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. We understand by the Fascist type of gov- 
ernment that which rules through a bloody dictatorship over the 
]ieople. destroying all democratic organizations and every form of 
democracy. 

Mr. Whitley. Are you familiar with the pamphlet by O. Piat- 
nitsky entitled "The Twenty-one Conditions of Admission Into the 
Communist International"? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Do those conditions still apply? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir; that document has been inoperative for 
many years. 

Mr. Whitley. Have supplementary conditions been issued to take 
the place of these conditions? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. The whole problem that that was written 
to meet has disappeared from the Communist International. That 
was to meet problems in the formative period. 

Mr. Whitley. As to those conditions, were they formally aban- 
doned or repealed by the Communist International ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir; they were in practice relegated as anything 
would be. The publication of this document, or pamphlet, to which 
you refer, was one discussing whether those conditions should be 
revived, or not. Our decision was against it. 

]Mr. Whitley. Against revising it? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir; and Mr. Piatnitsky is no longer in the 
membership of the Communist International. 

Mr. Whitley. What was his position at the time he wrote the 
pamphlet? 

Mr. Browder. A member of the executive committee. 

Mr. Whitley. A member of the executive committee, or the 
Comintern ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 



4322 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley, If there was a discussion, or if they proposed con- 
sidering whether those conditions should be revived, it would imply 
that it had been formally revoked. 

Mr. Browder. What took place was not a formal revocation, but 
to adopt a decision in the opposite direction. 

Mr. Whitley. They have no application, then, today? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir ; they w^ould have only historical interest. 

Mr. Whitley. When and where have the congresses of the Com- 
munist International been held? Will you indicate each congress 
or conference? 

Mr. Browder. The first congress was in March 1919, at Moscow. 
All the congresses have been held in Moscow. The second congress 
was in 1920. The month, I am not sure of. The third congress was 
in 1921, in June; the fourth congress was in 1922, and the fifth was 
in 1924. The month I am not sure about. The sixth congress was 
in the summer of 1928, and the seventh congress was in 1935, also 
in the summer. 

Mr. Whitley. Under the original plan of operation, were the con- 
gresses supposed to be held periodically or at regular intervals? 

Mr. Browder. I believe there were decisions generallv to the effect 
that the congresses were to be held frequently in the early days, but 
that rapidly proved to be impracticable. Also, political congresses 
became less and less necessary with more normalism of world condi- 
tions during that period, and, also, with the stabilization of the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Whitley. Between 1928 and 1935, the years in which the sixth 
and seventh congresses were held, the entire Communist International 
was directed and administered by the executive committee, or by the 
smaller bodj^, the ]3residium, and the Secretariat? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. There has not been one since 1935 ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. And only a world congress can outline the program 
for the Communist International? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. No change in the program in the interim can be 
made until the next congress meets ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. Does the Communist Party of the United States re- 
ceive any financial support from the Communist International? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Nor from the Comintern ? 

Mr. Browder. It does not. 

Mr. Whitley. Does it receive any financial assistance from the 
Communist Party in Soviet Russia ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Or from the Commimist Party in any other country ? 

Mr. Browder. It does not. 

Mr. Whitley. Has it ever at any time in the past received any such 
financial support? 

Mr. Browder. I cannot say positively that it has not. I do not 
know. I was speaking of the administration of the party since 1930. 

Mr. Whitley. Since 1930, it has not ? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4323 

IMr. Browder. It has not. 

■Sir. "Whitley. AVhat are the relations between the Communist In- 
ternational and the Government of Soviet Russia? 

Mr. Broavder. There is no relationship. 

Mr. AVhitley. None whatever? 

Mr. Browder. No. sir. 

JNIr. AVhitley. Either direct or indirect? 

Mr. Browder. It depends on what you mean by indirect relation- 
ship. Men who occupy high office in the Government of Soviet Russia 
are also leaders in the Communist International. 

jNIr. Whitley. Do officials of the Soviet Government exercise any 
<lireotion or control over the Communist International? 

Mr, Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. What is the membership of the Communist Party in 
Russia toda}'? 

Mr. Browder. I believe it is about three and a half million. 

Mr. Thomas. What was the approximate membership in Russia 
in 1919? 

Islr. Browder. 1919 I believe it must have been about one and a half 
million. 

Mr. Whitley. What are the relations of the Communist Party of 
the United States with the Government of Soviet Russia ? 

Mr. Browder. There are no relations. 

Mr. Whitley. There are no relations whatever? 

Mr. Browder. None whatever. 

Mr. Whitley. Would you say definitely that its relations with that 
government are the same as they would have with any other govern- 
ment that it might have contact with ? 

Mr. Browder. The form of your question makes it difficult to 
answer. 

Mr. Whitley. Then I withdraw the question. I wanted a positive 
answer, and I think the committee should be given a positive answer. 
You say it has no connection or relation with it, directly or indirectly? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir ; it has not. 

Mr. Whitley. What are the relations between the Communist 
Party of the United States and the Communist Party in Soviet 
Russia ? 

Mr. Browder. Well, generally it is on a fraternal basis, belonging 
to the same party. 

Mr. Whitley. The relations of C. P. U. S. A. with the Communist 
Party in Soviet Russia are the same that the party in the United 
States would have with the Communist party in any other country? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Does the Communist Party of the United States 
leceive any financial assistance, direct or indirect, from the Soviet 
Government ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Does it receive instructions or suggestions, directly 
or indirectly, from the Soviet Government? 

Mr. Browder. It does not. 

Mr. Whitley. What are the contacts or relations between the 
Conununist Party in the United States and the Soviet Government 
officials in the United States? 



4324 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. None whatever. 

Mr. Whitley. Does the Soviet Government carr}' on propaganda 
activities of any kind in this country, to your kiiowledge? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Through any intermediaries? 

Mr. Browder. Unless you could say that the Soviet Government's 
participation in the World's Fair is propaganda. 

Mr. Whitley, Is the Connnunist Party of the United States regis- 
tered with the State Department as a propaganda agency of a foreign 
power ? 

Mr. Browder. It is not. 

Mr. Whitley. Does the Soviet Government have leaders and offi- 
cials of the Communist Party of the United States to make trips to- 
Russia for the purpose of training them in propaganda activities? 

Mr. Browder. It does not. 

Mr. Whitley. Does the Comintern or the Communist Interna- 
tional give their members or officials of the party in the United 
States trips to Russia for the purpose of training them? 

Mr. Browder. The Communist Party of the United States has in 
the past through cooperation with the Communist International sent 
students to Russia, but there have been none sent for several years. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you mean by cooperation financial assistance? 

Mr. Browder. I mean that the Communist International main- 
tained the students. The Communist Party of the United States sent 
them abroad. 

Mr. Whitley. We Avill go into that in more detail. How many 
trips have you made to Russia? 

Mr. Browder. I cannot say offhand, but A^ery many. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you give the dates of as many as you can,, 
beginning with the first trip? 

Mr. Browder. My first visit was in 1921. I was there in a union 
conference. I attended the Trade Union Conference. My next visit 
was in 1926, to a Trade Union Conference. I believe I have visited 
there almost at least once a vear since then. My last visit was In 
1938. 

Mr. Whitley. AVhat was the purpose of these later yearly visits ? 

Mr. Browder. Since 1930 I visted there because of my position as 
general secretary of the party, and a desire to confer with Commu- 
nists in the Soviet Union and other countries. 

Mr. Whitley. Have any of these trips been in connection with 
your position as a member of the executive committee of the Com- 
munist International? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir; most of them. 

Mr. Whiti^ey. During those visits, or many of the visits to Soviet 
Russia, did you ever contact Mr. Stalin or other Soviet Government 
officials ? 

Mr. Browder. I met Mr. Stalin once, in 1926, personally, and that 
is the only time I ever spoke to him personally. 

Mr. Whitley. What was the occasion of that meeting? 

Mr. Browder. We were both members of the same commission, and 
I was introduced to him. 

Mr. Whitley. What commission was that ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know. I think it was a commission on 
China. It was some political discussion. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4325 

Mr. "Whitley. That -was not immediately prior to your trip to 
China ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley, Thereafter, I believe you said you made a trip to 
Africa ? 

]Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Did you confer with him about that trip? 

Mr. Browder. Not personally with him. I conferred with as many 
people as I could, but I did not have an opportunity to confer with, 
him. 

Mr. Whitley. Did you have an opportunity to discuss with him 
party activities and the party program in this country? 

jNIr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Did you pay your own expenses, or did the party 
pay your expenses, on these various trips to Russia? 

^Ir. Browder. Since I have been general secretary of the party, the 
party has always paid my expenses. 

Mr. Whitley. The party in this country? 

Mr. Browder. The party in the United States; yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. They paid your expenses? 

Mr. Browder. They paid my traveling expenses. My expenses in 
the Soviet Union were taken care of from the ruble fund from roy- 
alties, accumulated from my books and pamphlets. 

The Chairman. It is difficult to hear what the witness is saying. 
AYhat was his last statement? 

]\lr. Whiti^y. The last question was who paid Mr. Browder's 
expenses on his trips to Russia, and he said since he has been secre- 
tary the party pays his traveling expenses, and that his expenses there 
were paid from some fund. 

Mr. Bro\\t>er. Out of the proceeds of my Avritings published 
there. 

Mr. Starnes. Published in Russia? 

Mr. Brow^der. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Published, sold, and circulated there? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Out of royalties that had accumulated there? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you have a bank account in Russia in which 
you place the money derived from the sale of your works in Russia? 

Mr. Browder. It is not exactly a bank account. It is a fund from 
royalties on which I draw for expenses. From there I can draw 
out in rubles what is coming to me in royalties. 

The Chairman. What publishing firm? 

Mr. Browder. I really do not know. I could not give you the 
names offliand, because I deal with a representative. 

The Chairman. They handle your works and you have an account 
there, and you go there and draw it out ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. Is that the only time you have received payments 
from the Soviet Union in United States money ? 

Mr. Broavder. Until 1938 I never did, but in 1938 the newspaper 
Pravda began to send me the fees that they pay me for my articles 
to the United States in dollars. That is 'the first time l" ever re- 



4326 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

ceived dollars from the Soviet Union. Moscow gold only comes in 
this form. 

The Chairman. Do you have any arrangement similar to that in 
France ? 

Mr. Browder. In France? No. 

The Chairman. No other country but the Soviet Union? 

Mr. Browder. No other country but the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Whitley, did I understand correctly that these 
are royalties from his books that have been sold by the Soviet 
Union ? 

Mr. WHITL.EY. Eoj^alties from iiis books that had been sold by the 
Soviet Union, as I understand. 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Thomas. Would you not say that the payment of royalties 
was a capitalistic proceeding? 

Mr. Browder. It is similar to the proceeding in capitalistic coun- 
tries; yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Wliat is the Pravda? 

Mr. Bkoavder. The Pravda is the official newspaper of the Com- 
munist Party of the Soviet Union. I write for it quite regularly. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, has the Comintern or the Soviet Gov- 
ernment ever defrayed any portion of your expenses on these trips to 
Russia ? 

Mr. Browder. Not as secretary of the Communist Party; no. 

Mr. Whitley. You mean that prior to the time you were secretary 
they did defray some of your expenses? 

Mr. Browder. Well, the Comintern, when I was acting as their 
delegate in the funeral train of Henri Barbusse, paid all expenses. 

Mr. Whitley. When you attend the world congresses of the Com- 
munist International, your traveling expenses are paid by the party 
in this country? 

Mr. Browder. By the party in this country. 

Mr. Whitley. Not by the Comintern? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Nor by the Soviet Government? 

Mr. Browder. In the course of congresses, while the congress is on, 
the Communist International itself ])rovides meals and so on at the 
congress, in connection with the congress. That is the Communist 
International, and presumably the Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union paid my expenses by giving me my meals in the congress. 

Mr. Whitley. Aside from that, the Communist International does 
not defray any portion of your expenses? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Tlie Chairman. Let me understand that part. You say the Com- 
munist Party provides your subsistence while you are attending 
your congresses? 

Mr. Broavder. That is right. 

The Chairman. And the Soviet Union, in turn, supplies the in- 
ternational with funds for that purpose? 

Mr. Browder. No; I said nothing of that kind. I said presum- 
ably the Party of the Soviet Union. 

The Chairman. What did you mean by that phrase? 

Mr. Browder. I mean I did not know what the detailed arrange- 
ments were, but I presume that the Communist Party of the Soviet 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4327 

Union, tlironoh its dues and pnyments to the Communist Interna- 
tional, liad ])i'ovided the funds Mliereby the Communist International 
maintained its congress. 

Mr. Chairman. I see; all right. 

Mr. WniTLKY. ]\Ir. Browder, is the Communist Party of the United 
States in any Avay connected Avith Soviet espionage, either military 
or political, in the United States? 

Mr. Broavdek. It is not. 

Mr. Whitley. Does the Soviet Government contribute financially 
to the support of the Comintern? 

Mr. Bkowder. It does not. 

ISIr. AVhitley. Does the Soviet Goverimient exercise any control 
over the Comintern, financially or in matters of policy? 

Mr. Browder. It does not. 

Mr. Whitley. INIr. Browder, do you know about the Lenin School 
in MoscoAv. 

Mr. Browder. I do. 

Mr. Whitley. How many students does the Communist Party of 
the United States send there each year? 

Mr. Browder. It does not send any, 

Mr. Whitley. It does not send any? 

Mr. Browder. No ; it has not for many years. 

Mr. Whitley. It has not for many years? 

Mr. Broavder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Do members of the Communist Party in the United 
States attend that school? 

Mr. Broavder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. They do not attend it? 

Mr. Broavder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Either on their OAvn expense or at the instance of 
the part}'? 

Mr. Broavder. Not in any way that I know of. 

Mr. Whitley. You said a moment ago that the party in this country' 
had not sent students for many j'ears. How far back, Mr. BroAvder? 

Mr. Broaader. I believe that the last time there were American stu- 
dents there Avas in 1933. 

Mr. Whitley. 1933 : and since that time the party as such has not 
sent any students there? 

Mr. Broaa'der. That is right. 

!Mr. Whitley. And no members of the party haA^e gone there as 
students ? 

Mr. Broavder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. During the period that the students or members of 
the C. P. U. S. A. did attend the Lenin school, who paid their expenses? 

Mr. Broavder. The Communist Party of the L^nited States paid their 
traveling expenses, and the Communist International maintained the 
school. 

]Mr. Whitley. Mai)itained the school and took care of their sub- 
sistence Avhile they Avere attending school ? 

Mr. Broavder. That is right. 

Mr. Thomas. I\Ii-. Whitley, Avill you determine Avhy that practice 
vras discontinued ^ 

]Mr. Whitley. Yes; I Avill, Mr. Thomas. 

How long had that practice continued prior to 1933, Mr. BroAvder? 



4328 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. I am not certain. I found that practice going on 
when I became the general secretary. 

Mr, Whitley. And you discontinued it? 

Mr. Browder. I was one of those who brought about its discon- 
tinuance. 

Mr. Whitley. And wh^y was it discontinued, Mr. Browder. 

Mr. Browder. For a variety of reasons. In the first phice, we found 
that the type of teaching that was being received there by Americans 
was not of the best, and, as we subsequently^ found out, this was due 
to the influence of certain enemy forces that had penetrated into the 
teaching staff of the school — Trotskyites and Bukharinites. 

Mr. Starnes. What is that last name again ? 

Mr. Browder. Trotskyites and Bukharianites. The names are de- 
rived from Leon Trotsky and Nicolai Bukharian, who were exposed 
as enemies of communism and enemies of the Soviet Union. 

The second reason why we discontinued sending students was be- 
cause we came to the conclusion that it was not good for students to 
be so long away from America; it was not good for them to be so 
long awav from their home. Thev have a tendencv to become dena- 
tionalized, and our whole policy and our whole effort was to make 
our membership more American, more conscious of America's prob- 
lems and more deeply immersed in America. We decided, therefore, 
that the education of them abroad was a bad thing, and we discon- 
tinued it. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you educate them at home now, or have you since 
that time? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. Do you educate them in your own schools? 

Mr, Browder. We have a national training school in New York. 

Mr. Thomas. How many students do you have at that school ? 

Mr. Browder. It varies from year to year; sometimes 25, some- 
times 50. 

Mr, Thomas. What is the term of the course ? 

Mr. Browder. Six months. 

Mr. Thomas. Have you any other schools in the United States 
besides that one? 

Mr. Browder. That is the only full-time training school of the 
university type. We have many of the more elementary schools. 

Mr. Thomas. How many elementary schools have you in the United 
States? 

Mr. Browder. I have not the statistics available. We have the 
workers' school in New York City, which enrolls many thousands 
of students in evening classes. 

Mr. Thomas. What do you teach in those classes ? 

Mr, Browder, Economics, history. Communist theory, public speak- 
ing, languages, literature, and so on. 

Mr, Thomas, Various forms of political philosophy ? 

Mr, Browder. That is right. 

Mr, Whitley, Approximately how many of those workers' schools 
does the party maintain throughout the United States ? 

Mr. Browder, I would say at least a dozen. 

Mr. Whitley, At least a dozen in the larger cities? 

Mr, Browder, In the larger cities ; yes — mostly evening classes. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4329 

Mr. "Whitley. "Wliere are they located, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. New York, Philadelphia, Boston, Chicago. Cleve- 
land 

Mr. Whitley. Pittsburgh? 

Mr. Browder. Pittsburgh had one, but I think it is closed now. 

Mr. Whitley. It has reopened again, I believe. 

Mr. Browder. It may be. San Francisco 

^Ir. Whitley. Los Angeles? 

Mr. Browder. I am not certain about Los Angeles; I think there 
is a school there — and Seattle. 

Mr. Whitley. Those are the ones you recall? 

Mr. Browder. Those are the ones 1 recall ; j^es. 

Mr. Thomas. Will you determine what is tlie annual attendance at 
all those schools, Mr. Whitley? 

Mr. Whitley. Will you give us the figure of the total attendance 
of all the schools, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. I could not with any claim to accuracy, but just 
as a rough estimate I would say that perhaps as many as 25,000 
students attend classes in one form or another in the course of a 
year. 

Mr. Starnes. Do any of these students or these people who are 
former students engage in teaching work in some of our schools and 
colleges throughout the country ? 

Mr. Browder. Well, I think it would be more accurate to say 
that sometimes those whose profession is already teaching in the 
public schools attend the classes of our schools. Not so often do 
we have graduates of our schools themselves, on the basis of that, 
becoming professional teachers later. 

Mr. Starnes. That applies to colleges and universities also, as well 
as public schools, does it not? 

^Nlr. Browder. Yes: I mean the colleges and universities also. 

Mr. Starxes. Is Columbia one of them? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; I am sure it is. 

Mr. Starnes. Harvard? 

Mr. Bro-\\T)er. I am sure that there are at least a dozen univer- 
sities which have had people come to attend our workers' schools. 
There is quite an interest in these workers' schools in the educational 
field. 

Mr, Starnes. Suppose we get that for the record, Columbia has 
some of them; Harvard has some of them? 

'Sir. Browder. Well, I can't say positively. Harvard has had 
one of our most distinguished Communist educators as some sort of 
a fellowship there — Mr. Granville Hicks. 

Mr, Starnes. How about City College? 

Mr. Browder. I am not at all sure about that. I know that there 
are many students of City College who have attended the workers' 
schools — night classes, I will say, 

Mr. Starnes. What about Minnesota — the Universitv of Minne- 
sota? 

Mr. Browder. I am not familiar with the conditions there. 

Mr. Starnes. Go ahead and give us the names, then; because 
you said there were at least a dozen. Please give us for the record 
some of these other schools. 



4330 UN-AMERICAN TROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. I think that in everY city where we have a worker's 
school you will find students from the university attending these 
schools. 

Mr. Starnes. All right; presumably then, you have members of 
the faculty in the University of Chicago? 

Mr. Browder. No; I am not speaking of the faculties. I said 
from the universities. 

Mr. Starnes. But vou have members of the faculties of some of 
the universities, do you not, who teach communism ? 

Mr. Beoam)er. We sometimes get lectures from faculty members 
of the universities, but never regular teaching courses. 

Mr. Starnes. What I am driving at is, are not these professors 
who give these lectures on these subjects in your own schools also 
teaching those subjects in other schools and colleges ? 

Mr. Browder. No ; not the same. 

Mr. Starnes. Not the same? 

Mr. Thomas. Would Brooklyn College be one of those that you 
have mentioned? 

Mr. Browder. Yes: I think we have some in Brooklyn College, 
also. 

The Chairman. As I understand it, you have representatives of 
the Communist Party in all vocations of life; you have some pro- 
fessional men, doctors and lawyers, and you have the middle class 
of people, and it is a cross section of the entire country? 

Mr. Browder. That is right, although the majority of them are 
workers in the industries. But we have also members from all 
Avalks of life. 

Tlie Chairman. All walks are represented in the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

The Chairman. You do not think we will have any trouble in 
getting the membership from the branches for the inspection of the 
committee, so that the committee can inspect it? 

Mr. Browder. I think the only possibility of trouble would be 
where a branch might suspect that it would be used for purposes of 
discrimination in jobs. 

The Chairman. That would be the only objection that could be 
heard ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. But you yourself would advise them to give the 
committee full access to them? 

Mr. Browder. Wherever this element of risk of livelihood is not 
involved; yes. 

Mr. Starnes. By the way. do you have any organizations for the 
housewives ? 

Mr. Browder. No separate organization. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, to be a student in one of the workers^ 
schools, does a person have to be a member? 

Mr. Browder. No. In fact, most of the students are not members. 

INIr. Starnes. Are they adults? 

Mr. Browder. Mainly. 

Mr. Whitley. And who are the teachers in these various workers' 
schools that you have named, and which the party maintains? Who 
are the instructors? 



IX AMEKKWX rnOPAOAXDA ACTIVITIES 4331 

Mr. Bkowder. These schools that the party supports, of course, are 
independent associations, and the party merely influences them as it 
influences other organizations. For the purpose of helping to guide 
the work of these schools, ^Ye have school commissions, who help to 
work out the curricula and select the teaching staff. 

^fr. Whitley. And from what classes are the teaching staffs 
selected ? Are they members or officials of the party ? 

Mr. Bkowder. I would say that in the workers' schools there is 
probably 60 or 70 percent party members, but as much as one-third 
may be nonparty. 

Sir. AVhitlet. Are they especially trained to perform those teach- 
ing duties? 

Mr. Browder. Well, we often have special teachers' courses during 
the summer to prepare teachers for the winter school work. 

^Ir. Whitley. And in addition to the workers' schools you liave 
the institution of higher training, the universitA^ which is maintained 
in New York City? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. And the only difference between that and the work- 
ers' schools being that the course of instruction is more aclyanced? 

]Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. And it is a regular fidl-time school? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. And all of these schools are under the immediate 
direction of the party ^ 

Mr. Browder. AA'e have a school committee that guides them as 
nuich as possible. The National Training School is a regular insti- 
tution of the party. The others are not. 

Mr. Whitley. Who is the head of that school committee, Mr. 
Browder? 

Mr. Browder. The head of the school committee is a comrade who 
just died the other day — Abraham Markotf. He died of a sudden 
heart attack just last week. 

Mr. Whitley. And he has not been replaced? 

^Ir. Browder. He has not been replaced yet. 

The Chairman. Here is a thing that I want to clarify. We have 
been questioning here at some length. What is the purpose of the 
Communist Party — the ultimate purpose in the United States? It is 
to bring about communism in the country, is it not? 

Mr. Browder. The ultimate, or final goal 

The Chairman. The ultimate, or final goal, the reason you are 
organized, and the reason you are working on this thing, is eventually 
to build up a Communist State in the United States, is it not? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. We want to see the time when America will 
have all of its industries, its economic life, and the property of all 
the people as a whole, together. 

The Chairman. That is it: Government ownership, or abolition 
of private property ? 

Mr. Browder. In the means of production and distribution: not 
the abolition of private property in the means of consumption. 

Tlie Chairman. I see. But that is the real purpose of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Browder. That is the ultimate aim. 



4332 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Without that, there would not be rtnv reason for 
its existence ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; we would be in some other kind of organization. 
Without this goal, we would w^ant, for example, to establish socialism 
as the first stage of communism. 

The Chairman. Yes; but what I mean is, without that, there would 
be no reason for communism to exist ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. That is the main objective. 

The Chairman. Really, the aim of your tactics, your strategy and 
everything else is to bring about socialism in the United States? 

Mr. Browder. Not necessarily. It must be in harmony with our 
aim to bring about socialism, but also, while we are Communists, we 
are citizens, and we share many aims with the majority of the people, 
and, therefore, as a party, we also do things which 

The Chairman (interposing). But your primary objective is to 
establish communism in the United States ? 

Mr. Browder. As a party, that is the primary end. 

The Chairman. And that being true, you support eA'ery movement 
which you think tends in that direction, do you not ? 

Mr. Browder. Not only that 

The Chairman. But is that right? 

Mr. Browder. That is a part of the truth. 

The Chairman. But that is true, is it not? 

Mr. Browder. That is true as far as it goes : yes, sir. 

The Chairjian. I mean you are naturally sympathetic with any 
group or movement which tends toward communism ? 

Mr. Browder. Tliat is right. 

The Chairman. Now, what is the rest of the truth ? 

Mr. Browder. The rest of the truth is that we share many of the 
objectives of those who are not Communists and who are not Social- 
ists, but who want things that we also want. 

The Chairman. In other words, who agree with you in part? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes; on things which are not directly related to 
socialism. 

The Chairman. In other words, if someone agrees with 3'ou on part 
of your program, you go along with him to that extent ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. But it is correct to sa^^ that your fundamental 
purpose is to establish communism in the United States, and that you 
naturally encourage and support every movement that tends in that 
general direction? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Starnes. In that connection, how do you distinguish between 
the Trotskyites and the Stalinites? 

Mr. Browder. Well, we have had many years of learning to dis- 
tinguish a Trotskyite, so that we have got so sensitive to the ques- 
tion that we can almost smell them when we get in the same room 
with a Trotskyite. 

JNIr. Thomas. On the basis that you can smell a Republican? 

Mr. Browder. Well, it is not so easy to smell a Republican, always. 
Sometimes Republicans and Democrats are indistinguishable. But 
Trotskyites and the so-called Stalinist Communists are not indis- 
tinguishable. They are quite distinct and separate political animals. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4333 

Mr. Starnes. Now give us the distinction ; because I had the same 
question to ask you that the chairman asked, for you to define Com- 
munism and what your aim is. You have done that. Now I want 
the distinction between the two, because each claims that he is the 
true Communist. What is the distinction? 

Mr. Browder. The distinction is that in every practical issue of 
the day you always find Trotskyites doing everything possible to 
prevent the accomplishment of whatever the Communist Party is 
trying to do, no matter what it may be. Their one function in the 
political life of this and every other country is to block and to wreck 
the work of the Communist Party. It is a specialized organization 
for that one purpose. 

^Ir. Starnes. In other words, the objective which you stated a 
moment ago of the Communist Party is real communism, and it is 
the so-called Stalinite doctrine of communism; is that correct? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. We call it Marxism and Leninism. 

Mr. Starxes. Now, then, the Trotskyites are diametrically op- 
posed, we will say, to everything that Marxism and Leninism and 
the Stalinite Communists stand for ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. Well, just what do they stand for? I do not get 
the distinction yet, Mr. Browder. I am sincere about this. Just 
in what way ? Do they give you another movement ? Do they have 
a program of their own which they offer in contradistinction to your 
proo:ram, or is it just mere blind opj)osition? 

Mr. Browder. They have no formulated program, and they change 
Their position on issues from week to week and from year to year 
with great facility. Trotskyism has no definite program. Always 
concretely, it expresses itself in a program of the moment, a program 
of action to counter and defeat the program of the Communists, the 
Communist Party, as well as the broad democratic movement. For 
example, at the present moment in American political life the main 
purpose of the Trotskyites today is to try to make it appear to the 
country, for example on the unemployed relief issue, that the main 
enemy of the unemployed is the President, and that the President is 
responsible for the present difficulties they are going through. The 
Communist Party, on the contrary, has supported the efforts of the 
President to get a decent W. P. A. program, and while they do not 
think he goes nearly far enough to meet the situation, they explain 
to the masses that the President is not responsible for the break-up 
and sabotage of the relief program of this country. 

The Chairman. How far do you want to go on this? 

Mr. Browder. I do not want to be in the position of refusing to 
answer a question. 

The Chairman. On the other hand, there is bound to be some end 
to it. 

Mr. Browder. That is up to you. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is the leader of the so-called Trotsky faction 
in this country? 

Mr. Browder. There is a multitude of them. 

Mr. Starnes. Name some of them. 

Mr. Browder. There is the so-called Socialist Workers' Party. 
There are many different leaders, people who used to be in the Com- 
munist Party but who were driven out 11 years ago. 



4334 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. Wlio drove them out? 

Mr. Browder. The membership of the party. 

Mr. Starnes. Name some of those men. 

Mr. Browder. James P. Cannon, Max Shachtman, Martin Abern. 
These are the names I am most familiar with. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you not what you call Lovestoneites in this 
country ? 

Mr. Browder. That is a branch of the general camp of Trotsky- 
ites. You really have to draw a map if you want to follow all of 
the intricacies of this group. The Lovestoneites are a separate group. 

Mr. Starnes. They were all at one time recognized as Communists, 
even by those who drove them out; is not that true? 

Mr. Browder. They are groups that originated as groups within 
the Communist Party, and they were driven out. 

Mr. Starnes. What is the distinction between socialism and 
communism ? 

Mr. Browder. That is a problem which has to be answered on two 
planes, one on the plane of political theory and the other on the plane 
of practical politics, as expressed in two parties. 

The Chairman. Theoretically they are the same? 

Mr. Browder. In the field of theory, socialism is the first stage of 
the development of communism. 

Mr. Starnes. Wliatever it is called, it ends in the same thing? 

Mr. Browder. In the field of practical political action most peo- 
ple, when they think of the dilference between the two parties are 
thinking about the difference between the Socialist Party and the 
Communist Party. There you are on an entirely different plane of 
question, because there is no difference 

Mr. Starnes. Except in practice. 

Mr. Browder. Just a difference of opinion as to how socialism 
shall be brought about. 

Mr. Mason. And the approach to the ultimate objective? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. Then in the approach to the ultimate objective, what 
is the final distinction between them? 

Mr. Browder. Between the two parties? ' 

Mr. Starnes. That is right. 

Mr. Browder. The main distinction as it presents itself in the 
United States today is that the Communist Party says the best way to 
contact the masses of this country by socialism — and it is a long job, 
far from being done — is to do everything possible to help the progres- 
sive democrats — with a small "d" — generally democratically minded 
people, to achieve their immediate objectives, and thereby establishing 
sympathetic proof that they have the opportunity to lead their minds 
to that legitimate argument for socialism. 

The Chairman. Let us see if we can understand it, broken down into 
plain English. 

Mr. Browder. I thought it was plain. 

The Chairman. I am not saying that sarcastically. What you 
mean is this, that your idea of the way to bring about communism is to 
support every communistic plan or scheme proposed by other groups 
for the time being. 

Mr. Browder. I go much fui'ther than that. 

The Chairman. Do you go that far ? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4335 

Mr. Browder. Yes; I have to go that far in order to get further. 

The Chairman. The Communist Party says that the way to bring 
about communism ultimately is to support communistic or socialistic 
measures that are proposed by other groups at the present time. 

Mr. Browder. And even to support the simplest progressive 
measures. 

The Chairman. Anything that tends in the general direction of 
Govermnent ownership of industries? 

Mr. Browder. Not always that, but everything that tends to help 
improve the conditions of the majority of the people. 

Mr. Starnes. How far will you go in that direction, as a party? 
That is a practical question. 

Mr. Browder. How far we will go we demonstrated in the 1938 
elections in New York State, where it was Communist votes that 
prevented New York from having a Republican governor and en- 
abled them to have a Labor-Democratic governor instead. 

Mr. Starnes. How far will you go in reaching your objectives, 
only through the use of the ballot? 

Mr. Browder. That is another question. 

Mr. Starnes. I beg your pardon. 

Mr. Browder. I misunderstood your question. 

Mr. Starnes. Is that as far as vou will go with the use of the 
ballot? 

Mr. Browder. We think that the ballot is one of the most valuable 
instruments of political action ever devised by man, and it must be 
used to the fullest possible extent. 

Mr. Starnes. If that fails, what will you do ? 

Mr. Browder. That is a question that has to be decided by the 
majority of the people when they face a real failure of the ballot. 

Mr. Starnes. When it has broken down, what has been sub- 
stituted ? 

Mr. Browder. If the ballot should break down, and if it failed it 
would mean it did not bring what people wanted, because the test 
of whether the ballot breaks down or does not is whether it gives the 
people the chance to express their will, whatever it may be. If the 
ballot breaks down, no one can give any guaranty what will come 
after. That is one reason why we have got to have this develop- 
ment of progressive democracy because we do not know what will 
come after it. 

Mr. Starnes. If democracy has broken down, force will be sub- 
stituted ? 

Mr. Browder. Inevitably. 

Mr. Starnes. If the ballot fails, then it is force without limit until 
your objectives are obtained? 

Mr. Browder. Force, in present conditions, is very bad for Commu- 
nists, because it is largely used against us. 

Mr. Starnes. It was used initiallv to obtain the success it did 
obtain; is not that rights 

Mr. Browder. In the same sense that it was used to establish the 
United States. 

Mr. Starnes. You used it that way in Europe in the beginning? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; and the American democracy was established 
by force. 

94931— 40— vol. 7 5 



4336 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. You think communism and democracy are synony- 
mous? 

Mr. Browder. Not synonymous, but related. 

Mr. Starnes. One believes in private capital and the other does 
not; is that where you draw the distinction? 

Mr. Browder. That is the difference; and the point where they are 
related is that both are based upon the basis of the rule of the 
majority, the rule of the people, 

Mr. Thomas. If you should gain your objective, if you should be 
successful in bringing about a communist state in the United States, 
«vould there be any private ownership of property at all ? 

Mr. Browder. According to my theory, yes; and according to the 
theory of my party, there would be private property in everything 
that had to do with private consumption ; there would be no private 
property in the national economy, in the means of production, in 
production industries and factories, railroads and banks. 

Mr. Thomas. And farms. 

Mr. Browder. As to agriculture, we think we should deal with that 
separately. 

Mr. Thomas. So the Government would own all of the factories? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; the whole productive economy of the country, 
except farms. 

Mr. Thomas. They would not own the farms? 

Mr. Browder. Our program would call for the nationalization of 
land; the Government would own the land, but the actual agricul- 
tural processes of production would be organized according to the 
desires of the farmers themselves, therefore providing for the fullest 
possible development of agricultural production. 

Mr. Thomas. At the present time in this country many individuals 
liave small businesses, some of those businesses in their homes. In 
view of that, would they be allowed to own that property where they 
conducted their own businesses? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. Does not that program of yours drastically differ 
from the program of the Communist International ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Thomas. Take the situation in Soviet Russia. 

Mr. Browder. The program of the Communist International is a 
program of socialism of the means of production ; that is, as to 
socially used means of production which can be provided through the 
production of one individual isolated, there is no sense in socializ- 
ing it. 

Mr. Thomas. Does not that differ from the program of the Com- 
munist Party in Soviet Russia ? 

Mr. Browder. There are many differences in detail, but we say 
America is not Russia. 

Mr. Thomas. What I am trying to bring out is in Soviet Russia 
the government owns all of the property. 

Mr. Browder. Not all of it; the productive property 

Mr. Thomas. A person cannot om^ his own home there. 

Mr. Browder. Yes; you can. 

Mr. Thomas. They can? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4337 

The Chairman. There is one thing I wanted to clarify, and that 
is this : You stated a few minutes ago that the one consummation you 
desired more than anything is a Communist state in the United 

States? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. You think that is the only final solution for our 
])roblems ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. Feeling that way, you naturally encourage and 
support movements that you think tend in that direction ; you made 
that clear. 

Mr. Broavder. Yes. 

The Chairman. Is it not a fact that the only conditions favorable 
for connnunism are chaos and absolute conditions of poverty and 
unrest throughout the land. Is not that the only condition out of 
whicli comnumism has ever arisen? 

Mr. Browder. Xo : that is a very serious simplification which gives 
a wrong picture. 

Tlie Chairman. You could not go to power during a prosperous 
period. 

Mr. Browder. Xo : if the present system could operate to the sat- 
isfaction of the majority of the people, normally there would be no 
room for a socialistic system. 

The Chairman. So the only chance for communism would be to 
have chaotic conditions in the United States? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

The Chairman. What other conditions would promote or make 
possible the establishment of communism? 

Mr. Browder. In order for communism to win the support of the 
majority of the people, it must prove to the ])eople not onlj^ that the 
existing system is breaking down, but not that the Commimists are 
responsible for this existing system. For that reason the Com- 
munist Party cannot be for the break-down, for chaos and disorder. 

The Chairman. But the break-down has to be shown to the people 
before they would embrace communism. 

Mr. Broavder. But it has to be apparent that the break-down comes 
from the capitalists. 

The Chairman. So, they Avould insist, Avould they not, that Avhere 
the break-doAvn of the economic system now existing occurs, that they 
place the blame upon the capitalists ? 

Mr. Broavder. That is right. 

The Chairman. So therefore when you said you joined move- 
ments to help the majority of the people, and joined movements for 
the benefit of the majority of the people to ^ain your objective, you 
would 1)6 going directly opposite to communism? 

Mr. Broavder. No. 

The Chairman. And yet you say you join movements to help the 
majority of the people. 

Mr. Broavder. We must do everything possible to help the majority 
of the people, or there will be no socialism, there will be only 
fascism. 

The Chairman. Even if you are going in the opposite direction 
from commimism. 



4338 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



Mr. Browder. I believe everythino- we can do to help improve the 
conditions of the majority of the people will help us win them to 

socialism. . -, -, , ^ ^ i 

The Chairman. But you just said there had to be a break-down, 
and you hoped to convince the people that the break-down was due 
to capitalists. 

Mr. Browder. We are also convinced that we must not bring the 
break-down ourselves. We are quite confident that the capitalists 
will do the job themselves. 

The Chairman. You know the break-down is coming eventually. 
Mr. Browder. Yes; but not by our work. 

The Chairman. Then you are trying to prevent the break-down? 
Mr. Browder. We are trying to prevent the break-down. 
The Chairman. In doing that you are actually operating against 
the object, or preventing the achievement of the object of communism. 
Mr. Browder. That is the argument of the Trotskyites. 
The Chairman. Is that your argument? 

Mr. Browder. That is not our argument. I think that answers 
also a previous question, what is the difference between the Com- 
munists and the Trotskyites, and disposes of the belief that the 
Communists are working for chaos and disorder. 

The Chairman. But as a matter of common sense, you admit, and 
you say very plainly, that there must be a chaotic conclition before 
communism can ever come about, and yet you are placing yourself 
in the attitude of trying to prevent it ? ... 

Mr. Browder. Xo ; in fact, I think the most favorable condition is 
not chaos, but an orderly transition. 

The Chairman. A gradual process; is that right? 
Mr. Browder. An orderly transition, just as orderly as possible. 
The Chairman. A gradual socialism? 

Mr. Browder. The more chaos there is the more chance there ^s 
for fascism instead of socialism. 

The Chairman. Therefore, your idea is that gradual socialism is 
the program for America? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know how gradual, but I would say that 
we cannot, perhaps, evolve the majority of the people and have them 
ready for socialism, and do it overnight. I would propose first the 
socialization of trustified industries. 

The Chairman. That is the reason you would favor gradual so- 
cialistic measures, including the ownership of railroads ; you support 
everything in that direction? 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; but we do not expect a great deal to be accom- 
plished by moves in connection with isolated industries. But I think 
the economic conditions of the country would enable us to take over 
the trustified industries of the country. 
The Chairman. All overnight? 

Mr. Browder. Not overnight, because in the basic industries of the 
country you can hardly operate very long with part socialism and 
part capitalism. 

Mr. Starnes. The only thing that would contribute to the break- 
down of the present form of government would be to bankrupt that 
government and financially undermine the present system. 

If it became bankrupt, and you destroyed it, there would have to 
be some other svstem substituted. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4339 

Mr. Browder. I think there is a certain surface plausibility to 
that. 

Mr. Starnes. Then you would have to go to communism or fas- 
cism, if this type of govermnent should break down; is not that 
right? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starn'es. So you would be willing to support any type of 
movement which would destroy the faith and credit of the Govern- 
ment from a financial standpoint to bring about that break-down 
so that a socialistic government might be substituted therefor; is that 
true? 

Mr. Broander. No ; that is not true. 

Mr. VooRHis. Mr. Browder, you spoke a while back about the 
time when the ballot might break doAvn. Is there any real reason 
why the ballot, used by the people to express a majority will in a 
country — is there any real reason why that should break down, 
provided you have a healthy condition in the country ? 

Mr. Browder. Our difficulty in the United States is that we have 
not a very healthy condition in the country. We have the largest 
part of the economy of the country in the hands of a very undemo- 
cratic group, a small fraction of the population. Any time they 
decide to use this economic power to breakdown the power of the 
ballot, I am afraid the ballot would be seriously endangered. 

Mr. Voorhis. Do you or do you not believe that it is possible 
for the power of that very small group to be so mitigated in the 
protection of a majority of the people, through democratic action, 
as to prevent it from being used to prevent the welfare of the people 
being served ? 

Mr. Browder. I think everything possible should be done in that 
direction. 
Mr. VooRHis. You believe it can be accomplished? 
Mr. Browder. I think so; but I would not want to guarantee that 
it would be possible. 

Mr. VooRHis. As a matter of fact, is it not true that according 
to your philosophy, you do not believe it is possible ? 

Mr. Browder. No; our philosophy does not exclude it, but our 
philosophy emphasizes the danger that it will not be done. 

Mr. VooRHis. Assuming sincerity on the part of certain people 
who endeavor, to the best of their ability to maintain freedom, in 
the large sense of that word, and at the same time to establish 
justice for the great mass of people of America, and assuming they 
are successful in that effort, then, as a matter of fact, would it not 
be true that there would be no place for the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. That is right: if the people in trying to solve these 
problems by whatever means are successful, they will make the Com- 
m'unist Party unnecessary. 

Mr. VooRHis. Is it not true that the very presence of two rival 
movements, one at either end of what one 'might call the scale of 
political philosophies, each of them saying, "We do not want to use 
violence, but will if necessary."' makes more likely the break down 
of the ballot and the failure of these efforts to bring about a solution 
of the economic problem without any such break-down? 

Mr. Browder. If you mean one of these is the Communist move- 
ment, you do not describe it correctly, because we are not making 
anv threats of violence whatever. 



4340 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. VooRHis. Supposing that it should turn out that you were, 
successful and you did establish a Communist oovernment in Amer- 
ica, is it or not true that you would require a dictatorial government 
to carry out the program you mentioned when the chairman was 
questioning you ? 

Mr. Browder. Only in the scientific sense that we consider as a 
matter of political theory that every government is a dictatorship 
of some kind. But in the popular sense in which it is used in the 
newspapers in referring to a dictator government, w^e are absolutely 
opposed to every form of that. 

Mr. VooRHis. Do you believe you can take over all these trustified 
industries without it? 

Mr. Browder. The argument that that is impossible is the argument 
of a large group, that industry can only be run by a dictatorship, and 
that it is better to have a private dictator than a public dictator. I do 
not believe that if the will of a majority of the American people 
be made up — that if a majority of the American people ever made up 
their minds — I do not believe the American people finally will believe 
it is better to have a private dictator than a public dictator in industry. 

Mr. VooRHis. Mr. Browder, assuming you were in control of the 
United States, would you be ready to permit the people to oppose the 
program freely, and generally to enjoy the ordinary rights of civil 
liberty? 

Mr. Browder. Surely. 

Mr. VooRHis. Why has not that been done in the Soviet Union ? 

Mr. Bro^vder. It was done. 

The Chairman. Is it now ? 

Mr. Browder. There were quite a number of political groups out- 
lawed into the Soviet Union ; these are the ones that make complaints 
and have political discussions, and you may ask the question. Why 
were they outlawed? They were outlawed only after they took uj) 
arms and tried to overtlirow the Government. For the same reason 
that any group would be outlawed in the United States that would 
take up arms against the American Government. It would be out- 
lawed, and that would be the proper democratic course to take. 

Mr. VooRHis. Would it be possible, under the circumstances, for 
any movement that would command a majority of the people of Amer- 
ica, by an ordinary election, to unseat Communist control ? 

Mr. Browder. I think that socialism or communism never can be 
brought about in the United States unless it has such a support of the 
majority, such strong support that no election could defeat it, because 
if socialism or communism was to be tried and then to be defeated and 
be tried again and defeated, then you would have nothing but chaos 
in the country, and therefore it would not be correct to try to establish 
socialism until you had a majority behind it. 

Mr. VooRHis. Why not take the ground that one nev'er should use 
any other method but the ballot to accomplish that because the ballot 
is the only way for indicating that a majority of the people are of a 
certain opinion? 

Mr. Browder. One could hardly take the stand in Germany today 
that one would never use anything but the ballot. 

Mr. VooRHis. The time is past for that possibility, and it has also 
passed in the Soviet Union, has it not ? 



UN-AMERICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4341 

Mr. Bkowder. No ; they are also making progress by the use of the 
ballot. 

Mr. Staunes. How luauy elections have they held in Russia? 

Mr. Browder. jSIany. 

Mr. Starmes. Did they hold an election in 1919? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Thev held a popular election? 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; in 1917, 1918, and 1919. 

Mr. Starnes. Have they held one since then? 

Mr, Browder. Yes; innumerable ones. 

Mr. Starxes. How many people live in the Soviet Union? 

Mr. Browder. One hundred and seventy million. 

Mr. Starnes. What is the dominant political party ? 

Mr. Browder. The party with the overwhelming majority behind 
it is the Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. You stated this morning that there are 3,500,000 
members of the Communist Party in Russia ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Three and a half million, and 3^et they control the 
country. 

Mr. Broam)ER. The best way to answer that question is to ask how 
many members there are of the Democratic Party in the United 
States. 

Mr, Mason. Too man3^ 

Mr. VooRHis. Is there an opposition party in the Soviet Union? 

Mr. Browder. That is another question, also. There have been 
innumerable opposition parties. 

Mr. VooRHis. AVhat has happened to them ? 

Mr. Browder, They tried to make revolutions with a minority of 
the people behind them, and what happens to them will happen 
to everybody of that kind, 

Mr, VooRHis, In other words, they have no ordinary method of 
using the ballot to carry out their program ? 

Mr, Browder. Yes; they have full use of the ballot. They were 
not satisfied with it. 

Mr, VooRHis, Are there organized parties in the Soviet Union 
that can carry on political activities ? 

Mr, Browder. There is not. 

Mr, Starnes. In how many countries on this earth is the Com- 
munist Party dominant today? 

Mr, Browder. Only the Soviet Union, 

Mr. Starnes, It was established by force and maintained in that 
way? 

Mr, Browder. It was established as every government in the world 
was established, without exception. There is not a single govern- 
ment in the world 

Mr. Starnes. It was established by force, of course, 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; the same as the United States and everv other 
government. 

Mr. Starnes. By the slaying of the then rulers of that country. 

Mr. Browder. Just the same as the United States was established. 

Mr. Starnes. There was nobody in the United States slain; no 
rulers were slain in the United States. 



4342 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. I beg your pardon; my reading of history is dif- 
ferent. 

The Chairman. It seems to me we are getting into a discussion 
of American history. 

Mr. Browder. Canada was very largely populated by the Loyalists 
who fled from the Un,ited States. 

Mr. Casey. As I understand you, if you have chaos, say, to the 
extent that existed in Germany "before Hitler came into power, that 
condition would not be conducive to communism coming into power, 
but would be conducive to a strong man setting up a dictatorship 
because of the very dissatisfaction and discontent existing? 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; if you have that condition. 

Mr. Casey. The second proposition is this : Assuming that you do 
have millions of unemployed men and millions of men underpaid 
and overworked through long hours, without a breakdown such as 
you had in Germany, would not that situation be more conducive to 
communism coming into rule ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes: it Avould be much more so, because the normal 
conditions for the Communist Party work, is to be working among 
employees who are dissatisfied. 

Mr. Casey. Let me follow that with another step : Assuming that 
the unemployment problem is taken care of and the people are getting 
decent living wages and that the country is operating so that a vast 
majority of the people are happy, economicall,y ; would not that 
be a preventive to the establishment of communism ? 

Mr. Browder. It Avould make our growth slower. But I think the 
Communist movement would grow quicker because it has in it an 
intellectual appeal. 

Mr. Casey. That is all that would be left. 

Mr. Browder. It would be merely an appeal to intelligence. 

The Chairman. In that connection, as I understand you, the reason 
you are supporting these measures that have to do with unemploy- 
ment, and so forth, is to prevent conditions that would be necessary 
for the establishment of communism ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

The Chairman. You are really working against communism. 

Mr. Browder. No : I am Avorking against fascism. 

The Chairman. I do not see the consistency of your logic. On the 
one hand you say that these progressive measures which have been 
enacted, such as unemployment relief, are things that your party is 
supporting in the United States, which makes it very difficult for 
communism to get a foothold. 

Mr. Broavder. No ; it does not make it difficult. 

The Chairman. Did you not just say that the only other ap]3eal 
would be an intellectual appeal ? 

Mr. Browder. But that is a very strong appeal in the United 
States, and I think the Communist movement would groAv under the 
most healthy conditions. 

The Chairman. You think that under prosperous and healthy 
conditions you will continue to grow on account of that intellectual 
appeal ; that is, the appeal to the professors ? 

Mr. Broavder. And to Avorkers. I do not agree that only professors 
can be reached by the intellectual appeal. I think the great mass 
of people can be reached in that way. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4343 

The Chairman. So even under the most favorable conditions you 
feel that this intellectual appeal would be successful? 

Mr, Starnes. In time. 

Mr. Browder. Yes; I think it would be sufficient to keep the move- 
ment growing. 

The Chairman. You do not think the fact that there were only 
84,000 of them who voted in the United States 3 years ago is any 
indication? 

Mr. Browder. Xo; I think those who w^ere not smart enough to 
vote for me were smart enough to vote for Roosevelt. 

Mr. Starnes. Twenty-seven million of us voted for him 3 years 
ago. I do not know whether they were all Democrats or not, but 
27,000,000 voted for him, and there were 17,000,000 in opposition, or 
a total of 44,000,000 American citizens exercising the right of the 
ballot, which is notice that they were voting for the preservation 
and continuing of the form of government we have now rather than 
for a form of government under which 170.000,000 souls are ruled 
through the operations of 3,500,000 people. 

Mr. Browder. May I comment on that? 

The Chairman. No ; I think not. 

Mr. Browder. Merely to register the fact that there are 70,000,000 
votes cast in the Soviet Union. 

The Chairman, With one candidate, or one line of candidates, 
Hitler practically got every vote in Germany, according to his 
figures. 

Mr. Whiti^y. Mr. Browder, returning to the Lenin School, which 
we started to discuss, have you ever attended the Lenin School ? 

Mr. Browder. No ; I have not. 

Mr. "Whitley. Have most of j-our district organizers and other 
main officials attended that school? 

Mr. Broa\t>er. No. 

Mr. "Whitley. "What percentage of them, would you say? 

Mr. Browder. I would say not more than four or five. 

Mr. "Whitley. Four or five of your principal officials and organ- 
izers? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, 

Mr. "Whitley. How many members of the C. P. U. 8. A. alto- 
gether have attended the Lenin School in Moscow ? 

IVIr. Browder. I have no statistics on that. 

Mr. Whitley. Approximately? 

Mr. Browder. I would say approximately 1'20. and possibly as 
much as 1.50. 

Mr. "Whitley. None since 1933 ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. "Whitley. Did Mr. Benjamin Gold, the president of the Fur 
Workers' International Union, attend the Lenin School? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know whether he did or not. 

Mr. Whitley. Did Mr. Potash, the s'ecretarv of the same union, 
attend ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know. 

Mr. Whitley. Did Mr. Clarence Hathaway, the editor of the Daily 
Worker, attend the Lenin School ? 

Mr. Browder. Hathaway did, I believe. 

Mr. Whitley. Did Mr. Marcel Scherer. of the L'nion of Chem- 
ists and Te<?hnicians, attend the Lenin School? 



4344 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. I do not know. 

Mr. Whitley. Would it be an underestimate or an overestimate to 
say that the Lenin School has trained approximately 400 members of 
the Connnunist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Browder. I would say that is a gross exaggeration. 

Mr. Whitley. What subjects are taught in the Lenin School, Mr. 
Browder ? 

Mr. Browder. Political economy, philosoph}^, and history; those 
are the main subjects. 

Mr. Whitley. Do they teach studies and methods of party domi- 
nation ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Do the}^ teach military training to the students? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. No military training? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Are they instructed in methods of street fighting 
and civil war ? 

Mr. Browder. They were not. 

Mr. Whitley. Are they taught the theory of combat organization 
and tactics, and politics, to produce civil strife? 

Mr. Browder. They were not. 

Mr. Whitley. Are they taught rifle and machine-gun and war 
practice in the "red" army armories ? 

Mr. Browder. They were not. 

Mr. Whitley. Does not the same school turn out organizers for 
other countries? 

Mr. Browder. It did. 

Mr. Whitley. It did turn them out ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not think the school exists now for several 
years. 

Mr. Whitley. The school is not in existence ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. During the period of its existence it was financed 
and operated by the Soviet Government? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. It was not? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. AVho operated the school ? 

Mr. Browder. The Communist International. 

Mr. Whitley. It was financed and operated by the Communist 
International ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. What were the reasons for the discontinuance of the 
school ? 

Mr. Browder. I think that most of the other Communist Parties had 
the same experience that we had. We found it produced very unsatis- 
factory results. 

Mr. Whitley. Did any of the members of the Communist Party of 
the United States who were sent over there for instruction subse- 
quently come back to this country and iristruct party members or 
pass on to them, these part}- members in tliis coimtr}% the instruction 
that they had received over there? 



UN-AMERIGAN TROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4345 

Mr. Browder. I suppose everyone wlio gets an education every- 
where passes it on wherever he may be working. 

Mr. Whitley. That is not responsive. I ask the question again. 

The Chairman. You can make that responsive. 

Mr. "Whitley. It is either "yes" or "no." Do you know of any 
instances Avliere members wlio went over there, received instruction, 
and came back, and in turn, instructed part}' members in this 
country ? 

Mr. Broavder. If I must answer "yes" or "no," I would have to 
say "yes." That does not explain anything, of course. 

The Chairman. Do you Avant to make some pertinent explanation 
in connection with that ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chair^ian. Go ahead. 

Mr. Browder. I would explain that, of course, the whole purpose 
of education is to get it in order to spread it to others. 

The Chairman. Does that answer the question? 

Mr. Whitley. Yes. 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, name the official publications of the 
Communist Party of the United States. 

Mr. Browder. The Daily Worker is the official organ of the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Whitley. That is a daily newspaper? 

Mr. Brow^der. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Printed in New York City? 

Mr. Broavder. In New York City. 

Mr. Whitley. Any others? 

Mr. Broaat)er. The party also publishes a theoretical magazine 
knoAvn as The Communist, a monthly. 

The party publishes a monthly magazine on legislative questions 
called National Issues. I believe those are all the official publica- 
tions. There are numerous publications that are more or less based 
upon the Communist teachings that are not officially a part of the 
party machinery. 

Mr. Starnes. The Ncav South; hoAv do you classify that publica- 
tion ? 

]Mr. Broavder. The NeAv South is a nonparty publication. The 
Communist Party supports it. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is the editor? 

]Mr. Broavder. Really, I do not knoAv. 

Mr. Whitley. Is the Communist Party directly or indirectly con- 
nected Avith any other publications than those you have mentioned 
as being official publications? 

Mr. Broavder. Indirectly ; innumerable publications. 

Mr. AVhitley. Will you name those and indicate the degree of the 
connection ? 

Mr. Broavder. There are some 9 or 10 daily neAvspapers in various 
languages Avhich are supported by the Communists, and Avhich in 
general take the Communist point of view. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you name those? 

Mr. Broavder. There is the Freiheit, a JeAvish daily in NeAv York 
City; the Ukrainian Daily Ncavs, a daily in NeAv York City; there 



4346 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

is the Laisve, a Lithuanian daily in New York ; there is the Wihios, 
another Lithuanian daily in Chicago; there is the Eetanpain, a Fin- 
nish daily in New York: there is the Tyomies, a Finnish daily, 
Superior, Wis. 

Mr. Whitley, Approximately how many other language news- 
papers do you have, Mr. Browder ? 

Mr. Browder. I would say about three or four more dailies, and 
perhaps a dozen weeklies. 

Mr. Whitley. What is the connection or the extent of the support 
given those papers by the Communist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Browder. The support that is given is that their readers are 
mostly Communists. That is, their supporting body of readers are 
mostly Communists, and the editorial line of these papers 

The Chairman (interposing). You have many sympathizers who 
are not members of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. Do you have any official membership for 
sympathizers ? 

Mr. Browder. No; we do not. 

The Chairman. You do not have any sympathizers' group or 
anything like that? 

Mr. Browder. No. We have made no attempt to set up any formal 
organization among our sympathizers. 

The Chairman. Have you any way of approximating how many 
sympathizers you have for each party member? 

Mr. Browder. Well. I would say it is at least in the ratio of 
about 5 to 1. 

The Chairman. For every party member you have five sympa- 
thizers ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Have you any publications on the West coast. If 
so, name them for us, please. 

Mr. Browder. We have organizations which were initiated by 
Communists, although they are not official Communist organiza- 
tions and several non-Communist newspapers, daily newspapers, in 
the English language, in Chicago, and in San Francisco. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you name them? 

Mr. Browder. In Chicago, the Daily Kecord was initiated by Com- 
munists, and while it is a nonparty paper, and tries to serve as 
broad a public as jiossible, everybody knows that it was the Commu- 
nists' support that made it possible. 

Mr. Starnes. And in Frisco? 

Mr. Browder. In San Francisco, there is a similar paper known 
as the People's World. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, does the party cooperate or assist 
these various papers you have mentioned other than just to endorse 
them officially ? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Do they lend them financial sujDport ? 

Mr. Browder. We help organize their financial campaigns. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you contribute to the papers in any way? 
Mr. Browder. We sometimes raise loans for them when they are 
in financial difficulty, but they have finally to cover their budget 
bv their mass campaigns for contributions. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4347 

Mr. Whitley, But you do oflScially endorse them and assist them 
in every way possible because they generally follow the Communist 
Party line or program ^ 

Mr. Browder. That is, they follow the line of the cooperation 
of Conmiunists with all the other elements. 

Mr. AVhitley. Do they publish articles written b}' Communists? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. How about the actual management of those papers? 
Are the management Communist members or at least, sympathizers ? 

Mr. Browder. I would say all of them are at least sympathizers. 

Mr. Whitley. And a great many of them members? 

]Mr. Browder. Quite a few of them members. 

Mr. Whitley. But they are not described by you as official pub- 
lications ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Because they are not entirely controlled and oper- 
ated by the party ? 

Mr. Broavder. That is right. And they make their appeal to a 
broader field than if they were official publications. 

The Chairman. Just in that connection, when you speak of the 
party line, you mean the party line of the Soviet Union ? 

Mr. Broavder. Xo. 

The Chairman. You mean the party line of the United States? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. "\^nien we say line, we mean a consistent pol- 
icy, a policy that is followed up. 

The Chairman. In the United States? 

-Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. That has no reference to an}- other Communist 
party ? 

Mr. Browder. Unless we are talking about the other Communist 
party. 

The Chairman. Do you have any single instance where the Com- 
munist Party of the United States has ever disagreed with the 
Communist line in Russia? 

Mr. Browder. Never have. 

The Chairman. You have always been together? 

]Mr. Browder. We sure have. 

The Chairman. That has not been by any prearrangement or 
anything of that sort. 

Air. Browder. No : but not by accident, either. 

The Chairman. It is because 

Air. Browder. It is because we think from the same premise. 

The Chairman. You have the materialistic interpretation of 
history, is tliat right? 

Air. Browder. We think from the same premises. 

The Chairman. Which is the materialistic philosophy, is it not? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. We think the material conditions of life de- 
termine our thoughts, rather than the thoughts determining the 
material conditions of life. 

The Chairman. So that has been responsible for the fact that in 
all the years in which your party has been in existence you have been 
in complete unanimity and harmony with Russia? 

Air. Browder. We have a common philosophy. 

The Chairman. You were with Russia in all of its fight against 
nazi-ism ? 



4348 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Tlie Chairman. You consider Russia today the greatest single foe 
of nazi-ism, do you not ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. You think it is doing more to stop nazi-ism than 
any other government on earth? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

Mr. Browder. I will be glad to go deeper into that question. 

The Chairman. I asked you a question and you answered it; go 
ahead. 

Mr. Whitley. Wlio owns the official publication of the Communist 
Party? I mean, what is the organizational set-up that controls and 
operates the publication? 

Mr. Browder. The only one that I am in any way familiar with 
is the Daily Worker and the others I am not familiar with at all, so 
far as their formal organization is concerned. 

Mr. Whitley. What is the operating organization for the Daily 
Worker ? 

Mr. Browder. It is a corporation. 

Mr. Whitley. What is the name of the corporation? 

Mr. Browder. The Daily Publishing Co. Formerly it was the 
Comprodaily Publishing Co. But that corporation went into bank- 
ruptc}^ proceedings because of a foreclosure of some debts and it is 
now a new corporation. 

Mr. Whitley. When did the bankruptcy occur? 

Mr. Browder. Some months ago. 

Mr. Whitley. Within the last year ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. That is, there was a pressing of immediate 
settlement of debts, and the creditor insisted upon getting an im- 
mediate settlement even though it was pressing a bankruptcy which 
caused certain losses. 

Mr. Whitley. Who were the stockholders of the Compro Publish- 
ing Co., which was a corporation? 

Mr. Browder. Really, I could not answer that offliand. 

Mr. Whitley. Could you determine that for me; in other words, 
who owned the corporation? 

Mr. BR0-viT)ER. That could be found out. 

Mr. Whitley. Who were the stockholders and officers of the cor- 
poration ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Can you have that information for us tomorrow ? 

Mr. Browder. I will try and get it for you. 

Mr. Whitley. The Compro Publishing Co., a corporation incor- 
-porated in the State of New York? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Operating or publishing the Daily Worker? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. As a separate corporate entity? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. And you will have the officers and stockholders and 
directors of that corporation for us? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; I think that can be gotten. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4349 

Mr. Starnes. They are all Communists, I presume. 

Mr. Browder. I am not sure. I do not think they were. I think 
there were some non-Communists among them. 

Mr. Whitley. That corporation went into bankruptcy in the past 
year? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Owners of tlie Comprodaily Publishing Co., 50 East Thirteenth Street, New 
York City : Jack Lowrey, Carl Brodsky, William Browder. 

Mr. Whitley. What is the name of the new corporation which has 
taken over the business of the Daily Worker ? 

Mr. Browder. Let me see if I have a copy of the paper with me and 
I will check on it. 

I am afraid I have not a copy here, but I will get you the official 
name from the paper. 

Mr. Whitley. The official name of the new corporation. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. What were the assets and the liabilities of the Corn- 
pro Publishing Co. when it went into bankruptcy, do you recall ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know, but I know that always our liabilities 
are greater than our assets. 

Mr. Whitley. Is that publication self-supporting? 

Mr. Browder. No ; it is not. 

Mr. Whitley. To what extent does the Communist Party subsidize 
the Daily Worker? 

Mr. Browder. The subsidy is in the form not directly of help from 
the party, but by an annual fund-raising campaign, a direct appeal 
to the public for contributions to the paper. There is one such just 
started now. It is the regular time of the year for us to have such 
and we are raising $100,000 by this appeal to the readers of the paper. 
That is approximately the amount of the deficit of the paper each 
year. 

iSIr. Whitley. One hundred thousand dollars? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. That is made up through a campaign? 

Mr. Browtder. Yes. 

Ml-. Whitley. Which is conducted by the party? 

Mr. Browt)er. Yes; by the paper and the party. 

Mr. Whitley. What was the reason for the bankruptcy? Was 
there anj^ reason other than just the fact that it was insolvent? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; some of the creditors — no; we are always in- 
solvent. Creditors who give us credit always know that they do it 
on the basis of crediting an insolvent corporation. That is, its lia- 
bilities are always greater than its assets. 

Mr. Whitley. Who were the petitioning creditors in this instance? 

jSIr. Browder. But from their experience they have learned that 
once a year we make up that deficit by our campaign. 

Mr. Whitley. Did the Compro Publishing Co. go into bankruptcy 
prior or subsequent to the granting of a judgment against it to Mrs. 
Walter Liggett? 

Mr. Browder. Mr. Brodsky, my lawyer, tells me that it was not a 
bankruptcy at all, but a judgment of a creditor which was forced 
to a sale. 

Mr. AVhitley. That was the judgment which was obtained by Mrs. 
Walter Liggett ? 



4350 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. It was not. 

Mr. Brodsky. It was some other creditor. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know the name of the creditor ? 

Mr. Browder. No; I do not know who it was. The whole thing 
was rather sudden. 

Mr. Whitley. That judgment made it necessary to put the Compro 
Publishing Co. into bankruptcy? 

Mr. Browder. When the Daily Worker was sold, we had to form 
another corporation. 

Mr. Whitley. To carry on the publication? 

Mr. Browder. To carry on the publication. 

Mr. Whitley. In that manner, of course, this judgment was de- 
feated; this judgment which was obtained against the corporation? 

Mr. Browder. No judgment of that kind could ever be collected 
because, as I say, the Daily Worker 

Mr. Whitley (interposing). What was the amount of the judg- 
ment, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. Of which judgment? 

Mr. Whitley. The judgment which was obtained against the 
Compro Publishing Co. prior to its bankruptcy ? 

Mr. Browder. That forced the sale? 

Mr. Whitley. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. I do not know the amount of it. As I said, the Daily 
Worker never has assets in any way commensurate to its liabilities. 

Mr. Whitley. But that deficit is made up by the campaign con- 
ducted by the party? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. What is the corporation, if it is a corporation, which 
publishes The Communist, its montlily magazine? 

Mr. Browder. That is published by the Workers Library Pub- 
lishers. 

Mr. Whitley. What is the relation between the Workers' Library 
Publishers and the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. It is a corporation which specializes in the market 
of the Communist Party membership. 

Mr. Whitley. It specializes in publishing and distributing Com- 
munist Party literature? 

Mr. Browder. Those things — not always party literature — ^but 
those things which would sell in Communist Party circles. 

Mr. Whitley. And they are sold through Communist Party chan- 
nels? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Is that a corporation? 

Mr. Browder. That is a corporation. 

Mr. Whitley. A New York State corporation? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And who are the directors, the incorporators, and 
the oflBcers of that corporation? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know. Do you know, Mr. Brodsky? 

Mr. Brodsky. I would not know offhand, I can get them for you. 

Mr. Whiit,ey. That is operated in the same manner as the cor- 
poration which publishes the Daily Worker, a separate corporation 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 435I 

which puts out The Communist, the monthly magazine, which also 
puts out other party literature. 

Mr. Browdek. In a similar manner, except that is has no public 
fund-raising campaign. 

Mr. Whitley. Is it in any way or to any extent subsidized or 
financed by the party? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. It is self-supporting? 

Mr. Browder. It is self-supporting, 

Mr. AVhitley. Through its sale of literature through party chan- 
nels? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. How about National Issues, the other publica- 
tion — a monthly publication, I belieye you said? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. How is that periodical handled? 

Mr. Browder. The business end of it is handled in the Workers' 
Library Publishers, and it breaks even, about, between its income 
and expenditures. 

The Chairman. By the way, do you have one of your blank mem- 
bership cards with you, membership cards in the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. No; I haye not with me, but I could get one sent 
down. 

The Chairman. Will you get one? I will appreciate it. 

Mr. Browder. Surely. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, what is approximately the total cir- 
culation of the official Communist Party publications; that is, the 
daih" paper and the two monthly periodicals? 

Mr. Bro\\T)ER. The DaiW Worker, I belieye, has approximately 
50,000 copies a day. The Communist, monthly magazine, about 15,000 
copies per month. National Issues, the legislatiye magazine, about 
eight or nine thousand copies per month. 

Mr. W^HiTi.EY. Do you haye any idea concerning the total circula- 
tion of the publications which you haye described as being approved 
by the party which you do not consider official party organs; the 
various language papers and the Midwest Worker, and the People's 
World? 

Mr, Browder. I can only give the roughest estimate. I would say 
perhaps 250,000. 

Mr. Whitley. Daih' circulation of those various papers which you 
mentioned ? 

Mr, Browder. Yes, 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, what are the sources of material for 
your official publications? Is it all prepared by the staff of the 
publications? 

Mr. Browder. Not entirely; no. We draw from most varied 
sources. 

Mr, Whitley. Do you publish or republish material from foreign 
sources ? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Wliat foreign sources in particular? 

Mr. Browder. We have the United Press service, in the first place. 
Then we get the News Agency, France Mont. 

94931— 40— vol. 7 6 



4352 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. What agency is that? 

Mr. BitowDER. They have an agency in Paris. It operates with us. 
Mr. Whitlet. A privately owned agency 'i 

Mr. Browder. Yes; which operates with us and our newspapers 
here through the Inter-Continent News here, which exchanges news 
with them and sends on news to other countries from here. We get 
information directly from Communist parties of other countries, be- 
sides the press associations, and articles we get from all sources. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you have the service of the Soviet News Agency, 
the Tass? 

Mr. Browder. No; we do not get that. That is already tied up 
with some sort of a contract with the Associated Press. 

Mr. Whitley. Wliat is the connection between the Communist 
Party of the United States and the International Publishers? 

Mr. Browder. There js no connection except that the International 
Publishers publish books that we use. 

Mr. Whitley. That is an entirely separate corporation? 
Mr. Browder. It is a private corporation. 
Mr. Whitley. A private corporation? 
Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Has nothing to do with the Communist Party? 
Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Are any of the officials of the International Pub- 
lishers connected with the Communist Party? 
Mr. Browder. I believe they are. 
Mr. Whitley. Would you name those for us? 
Mr. Browder. Mr. Trachtenberg. 
Mr. Whitley. Alexander Trachtenberg? 
Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. What is his position with the International Pub- 
lishers ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know technically the position he holds in 
the company, but he is the active manager. 
Mr. Brodsky. Secretary-treasurer. 

Mr. Browder. Mr. Brodsky tells me he is the secretary-treasurer. 
Mr. Whitley, What is his official position in the Communist 
Party? 
Mr. Browder. He is a member of our national committee. 
Mr. Whitley. Does he head any other committees ? 
Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you have a literature committee ? 
Mr. Browder. Well, it is possible he may be the head of some com- 
mittee like a literature committee. I am not sure about that. 
Mr. Whitley. Could you find out for us ? 
Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Other than the fact that he is general manager or 
the active manager of International Publishers, or that the active 
manager of International Publishers is an official of the Communist 
Party, there is no connection ? 

Mr. Browder. And a very active member of our party, too. But 
the business is not party business. 

Mr. Whitley. That is entirely separate ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. It is a private corporation ? 



I'x-AMErarAN propaganda activities 4353 

Mr. BwowDEu. It is a private corporation. 

Mr. Whitley. And ilu-re are no financial relations of any kind? 

;^^r. Bkowder. Xo. Tlio party has never made any investments 
in it. 

Mr. AVhitley. What is the relation of the Commnnist Party of 
the United States with the Wholesale Book Co.? 

Mr. Browder. That I do not know. That is a detail I have never 
come across. 

Mr. Whitley. Do yon know whether there is any or not? Would 
you say there is no connection ? 

Mv. Bkowder. It is just a new name to me. I have not run across 
it in my daily work. I do not know. 

Mr. Whitley. Could you find out and let us know ? 

Mr. Bri)Wder. I can find out. 

Mr. Whitley. If there is any connection and what that connec- 
tion is? 

Mr. Browder. That is the Wholesale 

Mr. Whitley. The Wholesale Book Co. 

Mr. Casey. Where is it published ? 

Mr. Whitley. New York City. Mr. Browder, how many book 
shops or book stores does the Communist Party operate? 

Mr. Browder. Directly, none. The book stores are organized on a 
business basis, like the publishing activity. Each book store sep- 
arately stands on its own feet. But they are book stores that have 
the support of the party and which have associated themselves into 
a sort of trade association for certain cooperative efforts. A list of 
such stores as that is contained on the back of some of our pamphlets 
that I think I can refer to. That is the best answer to your question. 

]Mr. Whiti.ey. Those book stores are private enterprises which 
have the endorsement of the party, is that correct? 

Mr. Browder. They are corporations. In some instances, they 
may have had party support, even to the extent of putting money 
in them. I would not say they are the private property of in- 
dividuals. 

Mr. Whitley. They are the channels through which the party sells 
its laterature, is that correct? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, they handle party literature? 

Mr. Browder. It is one of the channels. 

The Chairman. Is there any way by which you can estimate 
approximately how many pieces of Communist literature the party 
sends out every year through the United States, through all channels? 

Mr. Browder. In the way of books and pamphlets? 

The Chairman. Everything. 

Mr. Browder. That is rather difficult to estimate. 

The Chairman. Would you say as many as 5,000,000 pieces of 
literature are sent out over the country, through the United States? 

Mr. Browder. I would say that would be rather conservative. I 
would sav more than .5.000,000. 

The Chauiman. Probably 10,000,000? 

Mr. Browder. Maybe not 10. 

The Chairman. Between 5 and 10 million pieces? 

Mr. Browder. Certainly more than 5; the books and pamphlets 
alone, you see, we ran 1,500,000 last year. 



4354 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Books and pamphlets alone? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. And that represents 

Mr. Browder. My own pamphlet here [indicating] sold, for 
example, 170,000, something like that. 

The Chairman. That is the Democratic Front, where you get to- 
gether with everybody that has the same views you do? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. That sold some 170,000, about 10 
percent of the book circulation. 

The Chairman. Referring to the figure you gave, one and a half 
million, that reached a great many people who are not members of 
the Communist Party, of course. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. And the total estimate of between 5 and 10 mil- 
lion, those reached a great many people in the United States who 
are not members of the party? 

Mr. Browder. A great many. I would say between 5 and 10 for 
everyone who is a member. 

The Chairman. If it were 10, it would be, say, a million people? 

Mr. Browder. Somewhere between half a million and a million 
people. 

The Chairman. Somewhere between half a million and a million 
people are receiving the publications of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. That is right, and pay for them. 

Mr. Mason. In connection with the Democratic Front, I would 
like to ask 

The Chairman. That is the book that he has there, that he has 
published. 

Mr. Mason. Yes ; I want to ask this question : What so-called pro- 
gressive measures that have been instituted in this country during, 
say, the last 10 years would you say have been initiated and spon- 
sored by the Communist Party of America, and therefore they are 
entitled to the credit for initiating and sponsoring them ? 

Mr. Browder. None in the form in which they were enacted. I 
would say, however, on the question of unemployment insurance the 
Communist Party made the first great campaign that placed this 
question before the country, and in this campaign established certain 
principles which were partially adopted in the Social Security Law. 
But the Social Security Law as it became a concrete legislative 
project and was adopted, was in no way a direct result of the Com- 
munist Party's work. 

Mr. Mason. Of course, Mr. Browder, you understand that when- 
ever any principle is incorporated into law, it has to go through the 
legislative hopper and, of course, is changed decidedly. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Mason. And so no one could claim that they initiated and 
sponsored a particular law. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Mason. But it is the idea, or the ideal, that has been incorpo- 
rated into the law that I have in mind. And that is one of them that 
you would claim your party initiated in principle, although not the 
actual law that was passed. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. Although in the interest of modesty I would 
have to say that I know, of course, that the great majority of the 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4355 

people wlio became convinced that such measures were necessary were 
never conscious of the fact that the Communist Party led in propa- 
ofatinir this idea. We reached not more than 10 percent of the people 
who Avere convinced of the necessity of this measure. 

Mr. Mason. Of course, Mr. Browder, in that same connection, I 
liave lived lon<r enoujTjh to se^ wliat used to be considered purely 
socialistic principles adopted into law by all parties during the years. 

Mr. Browder. I am sure the same thing will happen with us, too, 

Mr. TnoivrAS. I would like to ask this question : What other pieces 
of legislation did your party support? 

Mr. Browder. Our party has supported practically every measure 
that has been known as a part of the New Deal since 193.5. We did 
not support the first phase of the New Deal, that phase which was 
based primarily upon the devaluation of the dollar and the N. R. A. 
We had very mixed feelings about that period of the New Deal. 

Mr. Thomas. Generally since 1935, you have supported every piece 
of legislation that was 

Mr. Browder (interposing). That has been known as characteristic 
of the New Deal type of legislation. 

Mr. Mason. Will you be willing to state, Mr. Browder, why you 
have supported these New Deal measures, as you called them since 
3935? Was it because vou thought it would advance the cause of 
Communism in the United States more rapidly by doing that, or is 
that the evolutionary way of bringing about communism ? 

Mr. Browder. No ; we do not think that it is the evolutionary way 
of bringing about communism : we do not consider socialism or com- 
munism is the New Deal and if we support that it is not because we 
have any expectations that out of such measures socialism and com- 
munism will come but because we are interested in orderly progress 
and we do not see any other possible road in which it can be brought 
about, by which there can be orderly progress in America. We be- 
lieve that no one can expect to bring socialism to the American people 
unless at the same time he is very practically supporting the measure 
of orderl}' progress. 

Mr. Dempsey. What special legislation do you recall that your 
party was in favor of passing in 1935 that has been passed since 1935 ? 

Mr. Browder. I would sav especiallv the Labor Relations Act. 

The Chairman. The N. L'. R. B.? 

Mr. Browder. N. R. L. B. The wage-hours. 

Mr. Dempsey. The wages and hours? 

Mr. Browder. The wages-and-hours law. 

Mr. Dempsey. As I recall, the Labor Relations Act was supported 
by other parties? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Dempsey. And really did not become a party issue. 

Mr, Broavder. iSfany of the things we supported have not only 
been supported by the Congress but the country. 

Mr, Dempsey, The wages and hours bill was in that category, 
except in certain parts of the South, 

Mr. Broaat)er. Yes, 

Mr. Dempsey. Among the Democratic Members of the House. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Dempsey. What other pieces of legislation ? 

Mr. Browder. The W. P. A. : Social Securitv. 



4356 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Dempsey. The W. P. A. and the Social Security was sup- 
I>orted. by Republicans and Democrats alike in the House. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. And we supported the more controversial 
measures in which there was a divided opinion. The reorganiza- 
tion ; we supported the Supreme Court reform bill. 

Mr. Dempsey. The what? 

Mr. Browder. The Supreme Court reform bill. 

Mr. Dempsey. Is that what you call it? 

Mr. Browder. Well 

Mr. Thomas. Commonly called the Supreme Court packing bill? 

^Ir. Brow^der. Is that the congressional name for it ? 

The Chairman. That is the Trotskyized name for it. 

Mr. Browder. Well, I submit to the courtesy of the Congress. 

Mr. Casey. Do j^ou believe that within the framework of the 
democratic principle of government there can be worked out a happy 
and an economic prosperous citizenry? 

Mr. Browder. I would say that only within the democratic prin- 
ciples can such a plan be worked out. 

Mr. Casey. Do you believe and does the Communist Party of 
America believe in the traditions of Lincoln and Jefferson? 

Mr. Browder. Emphatically; yes. 

Mr. Casey. Do you differ from those traditions today in any 
lespect ? 

Mr. Browder. I think they have to be developed to fit modern 
conditions. We say the principles are sound and furnish a basis 
for all future progress, but you understand that conditions have 
changed and we have to work out the principles in new form. 

For example, I think that Jefferson's concrete development of 
the democratic principle fitted the conditions existing at that tune, 
at a time when the economic conditions were largely in the hands 
of the individual producers, and by his ownership and own means 
he produced, which gave a solid foundation for those democratic 
principles, but todaj^ private ownership and means of production 
differ. 

Mr. Casey. Do you believe if Jefferson and Lincoln were alive 
today they would abolish private ownership and production? 

Mr. Browder. Well, many of the practices, I am sure they would. 

The Chairman. Well, gentlemen, that is getting a little far afield; 
it is too speculative. 

Mr. Browder. Everyone is entitled to his opinion. 

The Chairman. Any further questions, Mr. Casey ? 

Mr. Casey. That is all. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, did you determine how many book 
shops there were? 

Mr. Browder. I have a list here that was printed on the pam- 
phlet The Democratic Front, and I assume that it is approximately 
accurate. 

Mr. Whitley. That shows the number and locations of book 
shops ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Which you say are not entirely operated by the 
party, or at least entirely by the party as an outlet for party 
literature. 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4357 

Mr. AVhitlet. But tliey handle the party's literature almost ex- 
clusively ? 

jNIr. Browder. I -would not say almost exclusively. Most of them 
handle various kinds of literature. 

Mr. "Whitley. What are the sources, some of the sources, from 
Mhich they secure that literature ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know whether it is all from the Worker's 
Library Publishers or not. 

]Mr. Whiti.et. Will you furnish the reporter with a list of those 
book shops? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

(The list of Associated National Book Shops, shown on the back 
page of the publication The Democratic Front follows:) 

Baltimore, Md., International Bookshop, 501-A North Eutaw 
Street: Birmingham. Ala., Jane Speed's Bookshop, 1907 Fifth Ave- 
nue North: Boston, Mass., Progressive Bookshop, 8 Beach Street; 
Chicago. 111., Twentieth Century Bookshop, 200 West Van Buren 
Street: Cleveland. Ohio. Modern Bookshop, 1522 Prospect Avenue; 
Detroit. Mich., Modern Bookshop, 2610 Clifford Street; Los Angeles, 
Calif.. Progressive Bookshop, 2261/2 South Spring Street; Milwaukee, 
Wis., Workers Literature Agency, 914 North Plankinton Avenue, 
room 1 ; Newark, N. J., People's Bookshop, 216 Hale St. ; Minneapolis, 
Minn.. Progressive Bookshop, 631 Third Avenue South; New Haven, 
Conn., Nathan Hale Bookshop, 38 High Street; New Orleans, La., 
People's Bookshop, 130 Chartres Street: New York, N. Y., Workers 
Bookshop, 50 East Thirteenth Street; Oklahoma City, Okla., Progres- 
sive Bookshop, 1291/2 West Grand Avenue; Philadelphia, Pa., New 
World Bookshop. 508 Court Place ; Richmond, Va., Peoples Bookshop, 
301 North First Street: Salt Lake City, Utah, People's Bookshop, T4 
West First Street; St. Paul, Minn., Progressive Bookshop, 26 East 
Fourth Street; San Francisco, Calif., International Bookshop, 170 
Golden Gate Avenue; Seattle, Wash., Frontier Bookstore, 701 Pine 
Street. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, v.hat is the Amtorg Trading Cor- 
poration? 

Mr. Browder. All I know, by reputation, it is a trading organiza- 
tion of the Soviet Government. 

Mr. Whitley. WHiere is it located? 

Mr. Browder. I don't know. 

Mr. Whitley. It has an office in New York City? 

Mr. Browder. In New York City. 

Mr. Whitley. And all you know about it is that it is an alleged 
trading group of the Soviet Government? 

Mr. Browder. I know its public reputation is that. 

Mr. Whitley. As a business concern? 

Mr. Broa\t)er. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. What is the relationship of the Amtorg Trading 
Corporation and the Communist Party of the United States, if any? 

^Ir. Browder. There is none. 

Mr. Whitley. None whatever? 

Mr. Browder. None whatever. 

Mr. Whiti.ey. That is, not to any extent is there any connection 
with the party's program ? 



4358 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. Not to any extent is there any relationship of its 
business with the Communist Party. 

Mr. Casey. Has the Amtorg ever contacted any members of the 
Communist Party of America in order to purchase supplies? 

Mr. Browder. I never heard of such a thing. 

Mr. Casey. You have not? 

Mr. Browder. The members of the Communist Party are not usu- 
ally in the business of selling supplies. 

Mr. Casey. No; but you have heard, undoubtedly, of the Anitorg's 
activities in America for the purpose of purchasing supplies for 
Russia. Have you ever heard of that? 

Mr. Browder. Purchase of supplies from Russia? 

Mr. Casey. For Russia. 

Mr. Browder. Yes; they do business with a general group of 
Americans. 

Mr. Casey. The Communist Party does not enter into those partic- 
ular trading activities at all? 

Mr. Browder. Not at all. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, what is the relationship between the 
Communist Party of the United States and the Young Communist 
League ? 

Mr. Browder. The relationship of a friendly or fraternal organi- 
zation. There is no organizational tie between them at all. The 
Young Communist League is independent, but friendly and coop- 
erates with the Communist Party. 

Mr. Whitley. Wliat is the administrative organization of the 
Young Communist League ? 

Mr. Browder. I am not fully familiar with it. I know that the 
president of the organization is Gil Green, who is also a member 
of the party. 

Mr. Whitley. He is also a member? 

Mr. Browder. He is an active leader of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Whitley. And is a member of your national party? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. And he is president of the Young Com- 
munist League. 

Mr. Whitley. He also is a member? 

Mr. Starnes. What was the name ? 

Mr. Whitley. Gilbert Green. 

He is also a member of the executive committee of the Comintern? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. One of the four American members of that body? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. He is now in Russia ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. He is president of the Young Communist League 
in the United States? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, is the ]Dolicy of the organization of 
the Y. C. L. in the hands of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. It is not ? 

Mr. Browder. It is in the hands of the young people. 

Mr. Whitley. Entirelv? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4359 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Mason. Would you brin^ out the idea that there is, you might 
say, an interlocking directorate between the two organizations in that 
there is an overlapping? 

Mr. Whitley. That is. the president of the Y. C. L. is a member 
of the party. 

Mr. Browder. Yes; there is a very close personal contact between 
them. 

Mr. Whitley. The Young Communist, rather, the Young Com- 
munist League, is under the direction of the district orgjinizer and 
works under the direction of the organizer of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. No. The party, of course, demands some recog- 
nition of course, from those to whom it gives help, but they have 
their own organizers. 

Mr. Whitley. But the officers of the Y. C. L., the Young Com- 
munist League, are under the control; its activities are that of a 
front organization? 

Mr. Browder. I have never heard of it being in control ; I have 
heard of it carrying on activities over a very broad field. It en- 
courages its membership to be active in all organizations of young 
people wherever it has members. 

Mr. Whitley. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. And they will be active in those organizations. 

The Chairman. Right in that connection, as a matter of fact, it is 
the policy of the Communists to be active in all these organizations? 

Air. Browder. Yes. The Young Communists 

The Chairman. Not only among the Young Communists, but all 
Communists, 

Mr. Brow^der. Yes; young and middle-aged, black and white. 

The Chairman, You also utilize the qualifications of the members, 

Mr, Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman, That is, some members have a particular qualifica- 
tion and will go into labor unions. 

Mr. Browder, Yes, 

The Chairman. And some having particular qualifications go into 
teaching, 

Mr, Browder, Yes, 

The Chairman, That is one of the purposes, to utilize the members 
in eveiy organization, 

Mr, Browder, Yes; it has been our effort to spread enlightenment. 

The Chairman, Through all organizations. 

Mr. Browder. To take the message to people everywhere. 

The Chairman, That is done principally through these activities, 

Mr, Starnes. You call it "enlightenment," 

The Chairman. Not propaganda? 

Mr. Browder. We have called it propaganda, too, but that word has 
somewhat fallen into disrepute from its original sense when it re- 
ferred to the propagation of religion. 

Mr. Starnes. I noticed that the other day some of the witnesses 
also used the word "enlightenment." 

]Mr. Browder. We use education, propaganda, enlightenment; every- 
thing that has an educational purpose, mass educational purpose, 
educating the mass of people. 



4360 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder. the Young Communist League works 
generally among the schools and universities by way of enlighten- 
ing the student body? 

Mr. Browder. As far as it has membership ; yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And is it also active in the National Students* 
Union ? 

Mr. Browder. Well, if it has members in the National Students' 
Union. 

Mr. Whitley. How about the American Youth Congress: is it 
active in that congress? 

Mr. Browder. The Young Communist League has a chapter in the 
American Youth Congress. 

Mr. Whitley. The Young Communist League is affiliated with the 
Young Communist International? 

Mr. Browder. I believe it is ; yes. 

Mr. Whitley. You believe it is? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you not know whether it is or not? 

Mr. Browder. I can't give you the details of the relationship. 

Mr. Whitley. Yes. 

Mr, Browder. But I know the policy. 

Mr. Whitley. And that international body for the Young Com- 
munist League functions like the Communist International; the 
international organization is for the various divisions of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Brow^der. That is approximately correct. 

Mr. Whitley. Where is the headquarters for the Young Com- 
munist International ? 

Mr. Browder. I believe they are in Paris. 

Mr. Whitley. In Paris? 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; I know the secretary of the Young Communist 
International has headquarters at Paris. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you describe the relationships between the 
Young Communist League and the Young Communist Inter- 
national, the extent of the relationship ? 

Mr. Browder. Roughly the same as between the Young Com- 
munist League and the Communist Partj' of the United States. 

Mr. Whitley. I see; just a friendly cooperative relationship, but 
with no actual authority? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. With no active direction over it? 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; that is right. 

Mr. Whitley. When are the congresses of the Young Communist 
League held? 

Mr. Browder. There is no fixed time for them : thev are held at 
the call of the executive committee. 

Mr. Whitley. How many congresses have there been? 

Mr. Browder, Six. 

Mr. Whitley. Six; there have been six congresses of the Young 
Communist League, and there have been seven of the Communist 
International ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Wliere are those congresses held? 

Mr. Brow^der. Moscow. 



UX-AMEftKAX I'KOPAGAXDA ACTIVITIIOS 4361 

Mr. Whitlet. They have all been held there? 
• 'JMr. Browder. Have all been held in Moscow. 

' Mr. Whitley. How many camps has the Communist Party of 
the United States, Mr. Browder ? 

Mr. Browder. Camps? 

Mr. Whitley. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. That is summer camps, I suppose you mean? 

Mr. Whitley. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. They are mostly cooperative organizations, I be- 
lieve, and if by that you mean how many of these camps are par- 
ticipated in b}' Communists, where they play a predominant role in 
the policies, I do not believe that I could answer. But offhand I 
would say I personally know of five or six. 

Mr. Whitley. Five or six? 

Mr. Bromder. And there may be many others tliat I have not 
heard of. 

Mr. Whitley. And to what extent does the Communist Party 
participate in the organization and operation of those camps? 

Mr. Browder. As a party it doesn't participate. 

Mr. Whitley. Not as a party? 

Mr. Browder. Not as a party. 

^Ir. Whitley. In what manner does it participate? 

Mr. Broavder. The party sponsors the work of these camps by 
organizing them; the material organization of the camp, the legal 
organization is in the main cooperative. 

Mr. Whitley. Who cooperates in the venture? 

Mr, Browder. Everybody that can be interested in it. 

Mr. Whitley. Any other individuals than members? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

^Ir. W^hitley. Of the party? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. I mean, who gets into them, and organizes the 
camps ? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, even nonmembers. 

Mr. Whitley. Nonmembers? 

^Ir. Broa\t)ER. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Where are the camps located? 

Mr. Browder. There is. as far as I know in these camps, no ques- 
tion ever raised of party membership as a condition for participating. 

Mr. WiiiTi.EY. Does the party own the property where the camps 
are located ? 

Mr. Browder. Xo. 

Mr. Whitley. Do jon know whether it leases the property for the 
purpose of the camps? 

MY. Browder. No; I think the properliy is all owned privately; 
maybe owned by cooperative organizations. 

'Sir. Whitley. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. A corporation set up to hold the property. 

Mr. Whitley. But you do not know about that? 

^fr. Browder. I do not give attention to that. 

^Ir. Whitley. You know the party as such does not actually oper- 
ate the camps? 

Mr. Browder. Xo. 

Mr. Whitley. It does not. 



4362 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. The party as such does not. 

Mr. Whitley. And to what extent does the Younof Communist 
League participate in the organization and operation of the camps? 

Mr. Browder. I would say much the same as the party: member- 
sliip in the party is not required. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you stress a youth camp and an r)ld persons, 
cam}), or are they operated together? 

Mr. Browder. The only camps I know of are general camps. 

Mr. Whitley. For all classes? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. There are no restrictions? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. No restrictions that certain age limits are required? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. 

Mr. Browder. There are general vacation camps. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. And where are these camps located, of the 
ones you know about. You suggested six or seven, I believe. 

Mr. Browder. I know of a camp, Unity, at Wingdale, N. Y. ; Camp 
Beacon, at Beacon, N. Y. 

There is a camp in Wisconsin which is frequented by party mem- 
bers. I do not know to what degree the party members control or 
own it, but I know that tliey have organized vacation activities 
there. 

There is another one at Boston. 

Mr. Whitley. Yes. Any others? 

Mr. Browder. I believe there is one in Philadelphia, and so on. 

Mr. Whitley. These cainps, Mr. Browder 

Mr. Thomas. Find out how many there are and where they are 
located. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know of any others? 

Mr. Browder. None that I know of offhand. 

Mr. Whitley. There are others the location of which you do not 
know? 

Mr. Browder. I only make that qualification because I don't know 
but what there might be such camps. 

Mr. Whitley. Do the district organizations of the Communist 
Party participate actively in the camps? 

Mr. Browder. Well. I would say that every subdivision of the 
party that would have contact with people where there are such 
camps would concern itself with the policies and education of the 
camp. 

Mr. Whitley. What has been the training and instructions which 
have been given in these camps, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. Largely of a cultural nature. 

Mr. Whitley. You stated. I believe, the party does actively par- 
ticipate in training and instructions in the camps? 

Mr. Browder. Well, I do not know of any specific, extensive 
school conducted in these vacation camps, in which a program is 
carried on ; it is largely of a cultural nature. 

Mr. Whitley. Are any foreign ideologies taught in these camps? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Wliat flags or emblems of foreign countries would 
be displayed in the camps? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4363 

Mr. Browder. I would say that in most of the camps that I have 
been in they had, together with the American flag, the Soviet flag. 

]\rr. Whitley. And does the Communist Party, Mr. Browder, make 
any particular effort to enlist or recruit members in the armed forces 
of the United States, the Army and the Navy? 

Mr. Browder. No; we do not. We used to years ago, but in the 
past 6 or 7 years we have not only discouraged it but have definitely 
prohibited any special recruiting in the armed forces. 

Mr. Whitley. What has been the reason for that change, Mr. 
Browder ^ 

Mr. Browder. Because we have had a change in attitude toward 
the Government of the United States, toward its administrative doc- 
trines and change in relationship to the question 

Mr. Whitley (interposing). But you did formerlj^ attempt to 
recruit members? 

Mr. Browder. We used to try to make specific effort to find sym- 
pathetic contact and to do educational work in the armed forces, 

]Mr. Whitley. Why was that done ; why did you have a particular 
interest in recruiting members in the armed forces? 

Mr. Browder. Because we wanted to make sure that the armed 
forces were not turned into an instrument against the people. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. 

Mr. Starnes. What do you mean by that statement? 

Mr. Browder. I mean that it is very important that it should 
not happen here what happened in Spain where the army destroyed 
the republic, and we saw the general course of America was in 
quite the opposite direction and we abandoned this attempt in the 
armed forces. 

Mr. Casey. You do not think there is any reason to fear such a 
thing happening in America ? 

Mr. Broa\t)er. No; we do not think there is any danger of the 
Army destroying the American republic, although there may be a 
lot of people in the Army who have crazy ideas. 

Mr. Starnes. AVe have a lot of crazy people in this country, do 
we not? 

Mr. Browder. Quite a few ; some think I am crazy 

Mr. Starnes. You referred to culture. What type of culture do 
you teach? 

Mr. Browder. Well, we Communists pride ourselves on the in- 
fluence we have had in the cultural life of America. It has been 
one of the influences pi communism, the Communist influence, that 
stimulated the arts; rather, there has been a renaissance of Ameri- 
can drama and American literature. 

Mr. Starxbs. How has that been evidenced? 

Mr. Browder. Well, perhaps no one who is not a Communist 
would agree with that. I am, of course, giving you our own idea 
of it. We think that great vitality in American drama has taken 
place. For example, that was so well developed in the theater work 
under the W. P. A. ; the old W. P. A. set-up had it originally — 
we had it before the theater set-up was developed in the W. P. A. 

Mr. Starnes. You mean in Russia? 

Mr. Browder. No; located in the United States. I am talking 
about the United States. 



4364 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. You are talking about the Federal Theater 
project? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. You say that your party origmated it? 

Mr. Browder. No; I said it stimulated the cultural movement. 
That the theater movement was developed to a greater extent, as a 
result of that stimulus. 

Mr. Mason. That was the "little theater." This movement was 
long before that? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Mason. The so-called little theater movement. 

Mr. Browder. Well, it was not the little theater movement, that 
was after this. 

Mr. Starnes. You said no foreign ideology was taught in these 
camps. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. But you do teach communism? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. Now, on the "little theater"; your party was 
not responsible for that? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

The Chairman. You mean movements like that. 

Mr. Browder. I spoke of the drama. 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. And, as I sa^^, the Communist Party had a great 
deal to do with that, and I do not want to take any credit away 
from anyone else. 

The Chairman. Your members have had no trouble cooperating 
with any other groups? 

Mr. Browder. Not the slightest. 

The Chairman. And a great deal of your work with the Com- 
munists is with the objective of having well-trained members ; is that 
true ? 

Mr. Browder. In most places our people, the members of our party, 
find no difficulty working with other people. 

The Chairman. And your people are glad to work with them. 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; that is correct. 

The Chairman. You train, in schools, you train many of your mem- 
bers to be good speakers, do you not ? 

Mr. Browder. Well, I don't laiow how many good ones we have. 

The Chairman. You try to ? 

Mr. Browder. We try to make better speakers out of them. 

The Chairman. That is right; and you have taken quite a part in 
the labor unions, have you not? 

Mr. Browder. Our people have been active in the labor movement. 

The Chairman. Yes. Now, what type of people largely do you try 
to train, mostly; poor people, medium class people, or rich people? 

Mr. Browder. Mostly poor people ; that is, people who have to work 
for their living. 

The Chairman. Mostly unemployed people? 

Mr. Broavder. No, no ; I would say about, of the members, I would 
say about TO percent of them are employed. 

The Chairman. And 25 percent are unemployed ? 

Ml'. Browder. Well, perhaps 30 percent unemployed. 



UX-AMKKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4365 

The Chairman. What proportion of your membership would you 
ohiss as tlie intelli<T:entsia — I do not mean that the others are not intel- 
ligent, but I am referring to tlie type of persons usually classed by 
you in that group ? 

^Ir. Browder. Professional ? 

The Chairman. I think the term mostly used is "intelligentsia," is 
it not? 

Mr. Browder. It has been used, but I prefer the term professional. 

Tlie Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Broavder. I vrould say perhaps 12 to 15 percent. 

The Chairman. Twelve to fifteen percent are professional ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. And about Yo percent are employed? 

Mr. Browder. About 70 percent. 

The Chairman. And do they get pretty good wages ? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, all sorts ; from the lowest pay. 

The Chairman. Some high paid ? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes. 

The Chairman. So the appeal of communism is not just on account 
of economics ? 

Mr. Broavder. Xo. 

The Chairman. But among the intelligent, higher paid? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes. 

The Chairman. So coiimiunism Avould exist, evidentally, under most 
prosperous condition. 

Mr. Broavder. Oh, yes ; unquestionably. 

The Chairman. So the appeal to the Avorkers is largely to the 
intellect and not for economic reasons alone. 

Mr. Browder. Also that. 

The Chairman. That is only a minor party. 

Mr. Broavder. But unless it carries with it an intellectual appeal it 
would have no significance. 

The Chairman. But as a matter of fact the real backbone of the 
movement, the Communist movement, Avas it not, w^as intellectual 

Mr. Broavder. I Avould say the backbone of it was the workers. 

The Chairman. But it was the intelligentsia that organized them 
and has kept the party going, was it not? 

Mr. Broavder. It Avas the Communist, the Avork with the intel- 
lectual 

The Chairman (continuing). I mean, the present communistic 
movement; in other Avords, the organization that makes possible for 
them to successfully bring about a revolution; they are the real 
vanguard of the organization. 

Mr. Broaa^der. Of course, they do haA^e others. 

The Chairman. But it is the A^anguard of the proletariat. 

Mr. BROAVDEii. Yes. 

The Chairman. The generals in connection with the movement. 

Mr. Broaa^der. Well, we do not giA'e ourseh-es any title. 

The Chairman. They are the founders, that is, the vanguard of 
the reA'olution. 

Mr. Broaa^der. Yes; but we do not give ourselves such a title 

The Chairman. And they are the general staff. 

Mr. Broavder (continuing). Such as a general staff. 

The Chairman. Thev are the workers in the revolution. 



4366 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. Every party has its leaders- 



The Chairman. But I am just talking about the Communist. 

Mr. Browder. And I am pointing out where we are alike. You 
referred to their differences. 

The Chairman. You have what is called the general staff of the 
proletariat. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. The ultimate effort which is to establish the move- 
ment; and you do believe there is a distinction 

Mr. Browder (interposing). As a scientific principle. 

The Chairman. As a scientific principle, but you make the dis- 
tinction between the scientific principle and the organization. 

Mr. Browder. Entirely opposite. 

The Chairman. And you would be the vanguard in the movement 
to bring about the revolution, and take control if such revolution 
came about, just like what took place under Trotsky in Russia 

Mr. Browder. There is a distinction between communism and 
Trotsky. 

The Chairman. You are not a Trotskyite? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Mason. I would like for you to develop the activities of the 
Young Communists League and the league members in the youth 
movements which they have in this country. 

Mr. Whitley. Yes. Mr. Browder, you have stated, I believe, that 
the Young Communists League members were active in the various 
youth movements. 

Mr. Browder. I believe so. 

Mr. Whitley. Including the American student youth movement 
of the American Youth Congress. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know the extent and nature of activities 
in these youth organizations? 

Mr. Browder. Well, I can only give you the limit of their activ- 
ities by saying it is limited by the number of members of the Y. C. L. 
It has about 25,000 members and they operate and contact with a 
great many large organizations, of some 5,000,000 members, 

Mr. Whitley. I see. 

Mr. Browder. They are a little bit of a drop in the ocean of the 
youth of America. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. 

Mr. Browder. Now within these limits I would say the Young Com- 
munist League is doing very good work. 

Mr. Starnes. Would you say "a drop in the ocean" or "the leaven of 
the loaf" ; is that not the better term ? 

Mr. Browder. Well, I hope that some day they will be such a leaven 
but at the present time the most I can say is they are a drop in the 
ocean; they are not a decisive portion. 

Mr. Whitley. The Young Communist League is supported by the 
party ? 

Mr. Browder. The party gives them some help ; some help to the 
Yoimg Communist League. 

Mr. Whitley. By way of contributions to workers of the league? 

Mr. Browder. We support the headquarters for them. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4367 

Mr. Whitley. I see. ^Wvax are the principal sources of income 
of the Yoiniir Communist League? 

Mr. I5ro\\t)er. Dues. 

Mr. Whttlet. Dues? 

INIr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Contributions? 

Mr. Browder. Some contributions. 

Mr. Whitley. Does it have any other source? 

Mr. Browder. It has a monthly magazine. 

Mr, Whitley. A monthly magazine? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. AVhitley. What is its name? 

Mr. Browder. The Young Communist Review. 

Mr. Whitley. Who publishes that magazine? 

Mr. Browder. I don't know. 

Mr. Whitley. You do not know what company, publishing com- 
panj^, puts it out ? 

^ir. Browder. No ; I don't know : I have never paid any attention 
to that. 

]Mr. Whitley. But the Communist Party does assist them when 
the}" need it? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know approximately what is the amount 
of the budget of the Young Communist League? 

Mr. Browder. I don't; but it is relatively small in comparison with 
the party. 

Mr. AVhitley. Now, at the camps, several of which you have named 
and located for us — the program there is educational and is carried 
out at least in keeping witli the Communist Party program; is that 
correct — with Communist Party approval? 

Mr. Browder. That is our aim. There is no organizational guar- 
anty that is so; it depends upon how much influence we exert. 

Mr. Whitley. And the extent of the influence of the Young Com- 
munist League in the various youth organiaztions and in schools and 
universities is subject to the limitations of its membership, insofar as 
numbers are concerned? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, is it the general practice of your Com- 
jnimist Party members to travel on false passports, or to use false 
passports while traveling? 

Mr. Browder. No ; it is not a general practice. 

Mr. Whitley. Is it a practice that has been indulged in bj^ party 
members ? 

Mr. BROWDERr I believe it has been done in the past. 

Mr. Whitley. To what extent has it been done in the past? 

Mr. Browder. Well. I would not know exactly. 

^fr. Whitley. Is that done with the party's knowledge and ap- 
proval ^ 

Mr. Browder. It is an individual question in each case. 

Mr. Whepley. Well, to re])eat the question: In tlie instances where 
tlie party membershi]), the officials, travel on false passports, is it 
done with the knowledge and ai)proval of the party? 

Sir: Browder; Xo^-^^"i ; ■ 

94931— 40— vol. 7 7 



4368 UN-AIMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr, Whitley. It is not done with the knowledge or approval of 
the party? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, if the individual members choose to- 
travel on false passports, you do not know anything about it and. 
therefore, have no chance to disapprove? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. And you cannot say that has been or still is a gen- 
eral practice? 

Mr. Browder. I would say definitely it is not a general practice. 

Mr. Whitley. And you would say, although you understand it 
has been engaged in to some extent, it was engaged in to a very- 
limited extent? 

Mr. Browder. I would say that; yes. 

Mr. Whitley. You would say that? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know Charles Krumbein? 

Mr. Browder. I do. 

Mr. Whitley. What positions has he held in the Communist Part}^ 
of the United States? 

Mr. Browder. He is a member of the national committee, of the 
political committee, and is one of the leaders of the New York dis- 
trict organization. I believe he is State secretary. 

Mr. Whitley. That is his present position? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And he is presently a member of the highest gover-^- 
ing body of the Communist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know whether Mr. Krumbein has ever trav- 
eled on a false passport? 

Mr. Browder. I loiow he was charged with that and convicted in 
the Federal court. 

Mr. Whitley. I ask you, Mr. Browder, if you can identify this 
photostatic copy of the passport application, and the identifying 
photograph on there as bein^ Mr. Krumbein's [handing to witness] ? 

Mr. Browder (after examining). I would not be able to identify 
that photograph ; no. It bears a certain superficial resemblance, but 
I would not recognize him from that photograph. 

Mr. Whitley. How about this photograph; would you recognize 
him from that one [handing to witness] 

Mr. Browder (after examining). That looks a little more like him. 

Mr. Whitley. But you still could not say that was his photograph t 

Mr. Browder. I could not swear to it; no. 

Mr. Whitley. I show you another photograph 

Mr. Thomas. I did not get that. 

The Reporter (reading). "I could not swear to it; no.'* 

The Chairman. Do you know his signature when you see it; have 
you ever seen it? 

Mr. Browder. Knmibein's signature? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. Many times? 

Mr. Browder. Well, I would not say many times. I have seen it. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4369 

Mr. Starnes. Are 3^011 sufficiently familiar with it so that you 
could identify it? 

Mr. Browoer. Krunibein's signature? 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. T^rowder. Pi-obably I could. 

Mr. "Whitley. Would you say that is a photograph of Mr. Krum- 
bein? 

Mr. Browder. That is quite possible, although he looks different 
from that. 

Mr. Thomas. What is the date of that passport? 

Mr. Whitley. This particular a])plication. Mr. Thomas, is dated 
January 22, 1030. That is pne application. There is a second appli- 
cation here bearing his photograph, dated October 17, 1927. That 
application is filed under the name of Albert E. Stewart. The first 
application was filed under the name of Albert L. Stewart. The 
third application was filed under the name of Albert E. Stewart, and 
is dated — well, it was received in the Passport Division of the State 
Department January 15, 1924. 

And you cannot idi-ntify any of those photographs as being Mr. 
Krumbein ? 

IMr. Browder. No. I would say they have a certain resemblance 
to him. 

Mr. Whitley. You know that Mr. Krumbein was indicted and 
prosecuted in the Federal court for illegal use of passports, do you< 
not? 

]Mr. Broavder. I do, 

JNIr. Whitley. And served a sentence for it? 

ISfr. Browder. I do. 

Mr. Whtti.ey. And he is presently a member of the executive com- 
mittee of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. And also a member of the political committee? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. The highest governing body ? 

Mr. Broavder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. How long has he been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

]\Ir. Browder. Since its foundation. 

Mr. Whitley. Since its foundation — a charter member ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, 

Mr. Whitley. And if Mr. Krumbein, under the name of "Stewart"" 
was traveling on illegally obtained passports, it was not with the- 
knowledge or approval of the Communist Party? 

Mr. I^ROWDER. No. 

Mr. Whitley. But that did not disqualify him from holding one 
of the highest positions in the party? 

Mr. Browder. It did not. 

Mr. C.\si:y. Have you any doubt, that is a photostatic copy of the 
photograph of Mr. Krumbein? 

Mr. Browder. I have no reason to question it. 

Mr. Whitley. Are you acquainted with Mr. Alfred Wagenknecht?' 

Mr. Browder. I know him; yes. 

Mr. Whitley. What is his position in the party ? 



4370 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. I don't know that he has any official position in the 
party. He is, I believe, employed at the present time by the news- 
paper. Daily Record, of Chicago. 

Mr. Whitley. By the Daily Record, of Chicago ? 

Mr. Browder, Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. How long has she been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Browder. Since its foundation. 

Mr. Whitley, He is a charter member? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know whether Mr. Wagenknecht has ever 
traveled on a false passport, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. I don't. 

Mr. Whitley. You do not know ? 

Mr, Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. If you knew that Mr. Wagenknecht or any other 
Communist Party member was engaging in that practice, would you, 
as head of the party, object? 

Mr. Broavder. I would object; I would advise him strongly 
against it. 

Mr. Whitley. Are you acquainted with Mr. Jack Stachel? 

Mr. Browder. I am. 

Mr. Whitley. What position does he hold with the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Browder. He is the executive secretary. 

Mr. Whitley. The executive secretary? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. How long has he been a member ? 

Mr. Browder. Since 1924. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know whether Mr. Stachel has ever traveled 
on false passports? 

Mr. Browder. I don't. 

Mr. Whitley. You do not know? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Thom.as. jMr. Chairman, right along that same line of ques- 
tioning: Mr. Browder says if he knew these people did travel on 
false passports, he would object? 

Mr. AVhitley. That is right. 

Mr. Thomas. Would they also be prevented from holding office in 
the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. No ; this is a question that would have to be handled 
entirely apart from the question of their membership in the party. 

Mr. Thomas. What do you mean, then, when you say you would 
object? 

Mr. Browder. I would use my influence to prevent it. 

Mr. Thomas. Well, after you had found out they had done it, 
though, then what would you do about it? 

' Mr. Browder. I would use all the influence I had to prevent its 
repetition. 

Mr. Thomas. Probably to the extent of seeing that they did not 
hold office in the Communist Party, too? 

Mr. Browder. Well, I could not say that. That would have to be 
determined by other considerations entirely. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4371 

Mr. Thomas. What other considerations? 

Mr. Browder. Entirely different sort of considerations. 
JNIr. Thomas. Well, suppose you found one of these officers had 
repeatedly traveled over to the other side on false passports, what 
would 3'ou do about that? 

Mr. Browdicr. I would see that the thing was stopped. 

]Mr. Thomas. And that is all you would do about it? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. You would allow them to continue to hold office in 
the Communist Party? 

Mv. Browder. That would have to be determined by other things, 
as far as those things concerned them. 

Mr. Thomas. What other things do you refer to? 

!Mr. Browder. Political considerations. 

The Chairman. In other words, if he is serving the Communist 
Party, you would condone him; if he is on a mission for the Com- 
munist Party and was using a false passport, you would not throw 
him out? 

Mr. Browder. I would say whether he has a position in the move- 
ment, or not, depends entirely upon his politicul relationship to the 
big issues in the country today. 

The Chairman. And if his political relationship were satisfactory 
to you, then you would not throw him out of the party ? 

Mr. Browder. Membership in the party is determined only by 
political considerations. 

Mr. Casey. Do not his personal integrity, character, and personal 
matters have any weight? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; where they become political considerations. 
We do not try to regulate the personal life of people; but if their 
personal life becomes such as to endanger the standing and prestige 
of the party, that becomes a political question that we take into 
consideration. 

Mr. Whitley. JNIr. Browder, can you tell us why many Communist 
Party members wlio are citizens do not travel under their own 
passports ? 

Mr. Browder. I think it is largely because of the dangers of travel- 
ing abroad as a laiown Communist. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. But if they are going to Russia, why they 
have no occasion; they are not in danger there, are thej^? 

Mr. Browder. No; but they have to travel through many other 
countries before they get there. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know George Mink? 

Mr. Browder. I am familiar with the name. 

Mr. Whitley. You do not know him personally? 

]Mr. Br.owDER. Not personally ; I have seen him. 

jSIr. Whitley. You have seen him? 

Mr. Browder. Years ago. 

Mr. Whitley. Is he a member of the Communist Party of the 
United States? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. He is not? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Is he a member of the Communist Party of the 
Soviet Union? 



4372 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. No ; not that I know of. 

Mr. Whitley. Not that you know of ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know anything about his activities in this 
country or elsewhere? 

Mr. Browder. Not for many years. 

Mr. Whitley. Not for many years? 

Mr. Browder. I knew of him only when he was active in the 
organization of the Waterfront Workers' Clubs in New York, years 
ago. 

Mr. Whitley. And what year was that? 

Mr. Browder. 1929. 

Mr. Whitley, At that time he was not a member of the Com- 
munist Party either of Russia or elsewhere ? 

Mr. Browder. At that time he was a member of the Communist 
Party, I believe. 

Mr. Whitley. In the United States? 

Mr. Browder. lliat was my impression ; yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Did he ever hold any official position in the Com- 
munist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know whether he holds any official position 
with the Communist Party in Russia, or elsewhere? 

Mr, Browder. I don't know about him since he left the United 
States ; since 1930. 

Mr, Whitley. What time? 

Mr. Browder. 1930, I believe. 

Mr. Whitley. He is not in the United States at the present time? 

Mr. Browder. I have not seen him or heard of him being here. 

Mr. Whitley. To your knowledge, he is not in the United States 
at the present time ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whiti.ey. And if he was here on a party mission you would 
know it? 

Mr. Browder. I certainly would. 

Mr, Whitley. Or if he was here on behalf of the Communist 
Party of Russia or elsewhere? 

Mr. Browder. I take it for granted I would. 

Mr. Whitley. Do 3^ou know whether he is a relative of A. Lozow- 
sky, who is now an assistant foreign commissar of the Soviet? 

Mr. Browder. I have not the slightest reason to believe he is. 

Mr. Whitley. George Mink was born in Russia, was he not? 

Mr. Browder. I don't know. 

Mr. Whitley. Did you help him to obtain an American birth cer- 
tificate. Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. You did not? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Wlio is in charge, or what group or individuals in 
the Communist Party have charge of the false passport business, 
Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Broavder. We have no false passport business. 1| 

Mr, Whitley. I see. Do you know Alexander Bittelman? " 

Mr. Browder. I do. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4373 

Mr. Whitley. What are his functions in the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. A member of the political committee, and one of 
tlie editors of the Communist. 

Mr. Whitley. Was he a delegate of the Comintern to India in 
1930 and 1931? 

Mv. Browder. Not that I know of. 

Mr. Whitley. Not that you know of? 

Mr. Brow^der. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know whether he ever traveled under a false 
passport ? 

Mr. Browder. I don't know. 

Mr. WiirTLEY. You don't know? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you think if he had that you would have known 
it? 

Mr. Browder. I have no reason to know those things. 

Mr. Whitley. But you would not approve of it, if you did know 
it? 

Mr. BR0^^^)ER. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know Harry Kwite ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. You are not acquainted with him? 

j\Ir. Browder. I have heard the name. 

Mr. Whitley. If he a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. He is not. 

Mr. Whitley. What relation is Sparks to Harry Kwite? 

Mr. Browder. I don't know of any relationship. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know of anyone by the name of "Sparks"? 

Mr, Browder. I do. 

The Chairman. Is he a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. Sparks is secretary of the Communist Party in 
Wisconsin. 

Mr. Whitley. In Wisconsin? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. He was formerly the organizer of Boston, was he 
not? 

Mr. Browder. I believe he was in Boston for a short time. 

Mr. Whitley. Is "Sparks" the party name for Kwite, or vice 
versa ? 

Mr. Browder. No. I am sure Sparks' name is not K^vite. 

Mr. Whitley. You are sure Kwite has never used the name of 
^'Sparks"? 

Mr. Browder. Well, I cannot answer for Kwite, but I never heard 
of it. 

INIr. Whitley. In other words, what is Sparks' first name? 

Mr. Browder. Ned, I belieA'e, 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know whether Harry Kwite was acting for 
the Comintern in India about the same time Alexander Bittelman 
was there? 

Mr. Browder. I don't, no. 

Mr. Whitley. You do not know about that? 

]Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know whether — you say Sparks is organizer 
in Wisconsin? 



4374 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. In Wisconsin. ' 

Mr. Whitley. Has Sparks ever operated a shortwave radio for the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. In this comitry, or elsewhere? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Do yon know under what name he might have 
traveled between the IJnited States and Moscow ? 

Mr. Browder. I have never heard of him traveling to Moscow. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, have you ever traveled under a false 
passport ? 

Mr. Browder. I have. 

Mr. Whitley. You have? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. When was that? 

Mr. Browder. Some years ago. 

Mr. Whitley. Under what name did you travel ? 

Mr. Thomas. And what year ; let us have the year. 

Mr. Broam)er. I would prefer not to answer such questions. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Chairman, I submit that that is pertinent. 

The Chairman. You are declining on the ground it might in- 
criminate you ? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. I submit it is pertinent to this inquiry, because it 
has to do with the operatio]is and activities of the party, and its 
officials and members. 

Mr. Brodsky. The objection is not on the ground of pertinency, 
but on the ground of incrimination, which is a good constitutional 
objection. 

The Chairman. I understand the point. Well, we will pass that 
question up for the time being, and the Chair will take it under 
advisement. 

Mr. Starnes. Under what name, Mr. Browder, did you travel ? 

Mr. Brodsky. That same objection. 

Mr. Dempsey. Mr. Chairman, I should say the witness should an- 
swer these questions; that it is not for his attorney or someone else 
to answer for him. 

Mr. Browder. I am ansAvering on advice of counsel. 

The Chairman. As I understand, this gentleman is your counsel? 

Mr. Browder. My counsel; yes. 

The Chairman. He is the representative of yourself personally, 
and not the Communist Party? 

Mr. Broa^tder. Of myself personally. 

Mr. Starnes. Let us get his name. 

Mr. Brodsky. Joseph K. Brodsky, 100 Fifth Avenue, New York 
City. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. BroAvder, have you ever used the name of 
George Morris? 

The Chairman. Wliat was that? 

Mr. Whitley. I asked Mr. Browder if he had ever used the name 
of George Morris. 

Mr. Browder. The same answer as to the previous question. 

Mr. Whitley. You decline to answer on the ground it might in- 
criminate you? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4375 

;Mr. Browder. Yes. 

!Mr. Whitley. Have you ever used the name of Stewart? 

Mr. Browder. The same answer. 

Mr. "WnrrLET. The same answer? 

IVIr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chair:man. For the sake of the record : I understand the wit- 
ness, upon advice of counsel, has declined to answer each one of 
these questions on the ground it might incriminate him, and he in- 
vokes his constitutional privilege. 

Mr. Brodsky. Right. 

The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Whitley. Have you ever used the name of Dozenberg? 

Mr. Browder. The same answer. 

jMr. Whitley. You decline to answer on the same grounds? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. Don't say "the same answer"; give specifically 
what the answer is. 

Mr. Browder. I decline to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Dempsey, On what ground — on the ground it would incrim- 
inate you? 

Mr."^ Browder. On the ground of incrimination, and the constitu- 
tional ground. 

Mr. Whitley. But you do admit you have traveled under false 
passports. 

Mr. Brodsky. The same objection. 

Mr. Thomas. He has already answered that question. 

The Chairivian. Yes; he has already answered that question. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, Mr. Browder, you stated this morning that 
you had traveled under assumed names, or under different names, 
and you told of two names, I believe, this morning. Will you mind 
stating for the record what other names you have traveled under, or 
used? 

Mr. Browder. Anything relating to technical problems, that might 
cause me difficulties, I don't want to go into. Wliere you are dealing 
with political questions, such as original questions about names I 
wrote under, I am quite ready to answer. I wrote some years ago 
mider the names of Ward and Dixon. 

Mr. Starnes. You stated this morning, though, that you had been 
known by different names — other names than those. 

;Mr. Browder. I said everv name I have ever wrote under, I have 
been known by somebody by that name. 

Mr. Whitley. As I recall, I did not limit my question this morn- 
ing to the names Mr. Browder had written under. 

Mr. Starnes. That is true. 

The Chairman. The record will s|>eak for itself on that point. 

Mr. Starnes. Yes; but based on that record, I have asked him to 
give the committee now some of the assumed names under which he 
traveled, or by which he has been known. 

The Chairman. Will you repeat the question? 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Browder, will you please give some of the 
names under which you have traveled or by which you have been 
known or called, other than your own name? 

]Mr. Browder. I object to answering, and decline to answer, on 
the ground of incrimination ; also, it is not pertinent to the inquiry. 



4376 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, you rely again upon your constitu- 
tional prerogatives and decline to answer because of the fact that 
the answer might incriminate you ? 

Mr. Browder. And also it is not pertinent to the subject of the 
inquiry. 

The Chairman. Let us pass that question for the time being. 

Mr. Mason. That type of question ? 

The Chairman. As far as the pertinency of the question is con- 
cerned, the Chair holds it is pertinent ; but as far as the other ques- 
tion is concerned, the Chair will take that under advisement. 

Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, is one of the main tactics of the Com- 
munist Party known as the united front — participation in united - 
front organizations ? 

Mr. Browder. It is. 

Mr. Whitley. And will you define for the committee — I think you 
have already given at least a partial definition — what you mean by 
"united-front organizations" ? 

Mr. Browder. I never use the term "united-front organizations." 
I would say the united front is a tactic of joining with as many 
other people as possible who hold the same objective in view, for 
the gaining unitedly of that objective. And in relation to the Com- 
munist Party, it means specifically uniting with non-Communists on 
as broad a scale as possible for objectives which are not directly re- 
lated to communism. 

Mr. Whitley. Now when you refer to objectives that agree with 
Communist Party objectives, are you referring to immediate objec- 
tives, or ultimate objectives? 

Mr. Browder. I am referring to immediate objectives which have 
no necessary and direct relation to communism, but which are held 
by Communists in common with large numliers of other people. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. Now what do you mean — give us your defi- 
nition or interpretation of "mass organizations." 

Mr. Browder, A mass organization is any organization that has 
masses of people in it. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. In other words, under your definition, a 
united front organization could be a mass organization ? 

Mr. Browder. Well 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, the united front is made up of 
organizations of various types? 

Mr. Browder. It is very difficult to answer questions that are based 
upon certain stereotyped phrases which themselves represent com- 
plicated thoughts behind them which are not explained. And when 
you use those terms the way you do, it is clear you use them as synon- 
ymous for a whole conception which I do not hold. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, the question as I phrased it you 
cannot answer? 

Mr. Browder. I cannot answer "Yes" or "No." 

Mr. Whiti^ey. I have not restricted you in any way or attempted 
to hold you to "Yes" or "No" answers, Mr. Browder. 

The Chairman. As I understand, the witness says the united front 
is composed of Communists, non-Communists, sympathizers, non- 
sympathizers — everyone that agrees upon a certain program. 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4377 

The Chairman. While the program may not be but only partially 
Connnnnigtic ^ 

]Mr. 13kowi»:k. Or not at all Communistic. 

The Chairman. Or not at all Communistic? 

Mr.- Browder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. But if the Communist Party joins with it, it is 
because the Communist Party believes it tends ultimately to the pro- 
motion of the ends they are seeking? 

^Ir. Browder. Or if they just want to for its own sake. 

The Chairman. I see. They may do it for two reasons; one is it 
tends ultimate^ to bring about Communism 

i\Ir. Browder. Or may be desirable of itself. 

The Chairman. In and of itself? 

ISIr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, it is acceptable as useful to the 
Communist Party — one or the other, or both? 

IMr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. The program of the group? 

^Ir. Browder, Yes. 

The Chairman. Mr. Counsel, right there, let me ask him to estab- 
lish these facts : It is true, is it not, that the real theory of communism 
was expressed in the language "From everyone according to his 
ability and to everyone according to his needs"? That was the theory 
of communism, was it not? 

Mr. Browder. Well, I would say that was the slogan to popularly 
describe the cliaracter of the Communist regime, not the theory. The 
theory is much more complicated. 

The Chairman. It was the slogan to describe what the Communist 
Party stood for? 

Mr. Browder. That is right — the ultimate aim. 

The Chairman, The ultimate aim? 

]Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. And, of course, that has never been put into effect 
in Russia, up to this moment ? 

Mr. Browder. Not yet. 

The Chairman. Not yet ? 

^Ir. Browder. They have not got communism yet ; they have 
socialism. 

The (^hairman. As a matter of fact, they have a partial socialist 
state and, to some extent, a capitalistic state, do they not? 

Mr. Browder. Well 

Tlie Chairman. To the extent you have a difference in wages, that 
is capitalism, is it not? 

Mr. Browder. If that is your understanding of the term "capi- 
talism." 

The Chairman. But you do haA^e wages in Russia, don't you ? 

Mr. Browder. But "capitalism" without "capitalists" is a strange 
feature, and they have no capitalists. 

Tlie Chairman. But you do have wages in Russia? 

Mr, Browder. We do have wages in Russia. 

The Chairman. And have a difference in wages? 

Mr. BroW'Der. Yes: a difference in wages. 

The Chairman. They were put into effect recently ? 

Mr, Browder, No. 



4378 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Comparatively? 

Mr. Browder. No; except under the military rule, when we had 
invasions, and so on. 

The Chairman. In what year did Russia be^in wage differentials? 

Mr. Browder. In 1921. But even before that there was .never 
equality. 

The Chairman. There was never equality in Russia; I will agree 
with you about that. 

Mr. Browder. There is no equality about wages ; there is only equal- 
ity of the right to wages. 

The Chairman. Then you also have private property, do you not, 
in the land ^ 

Mr. Browder. Not in land. 

The C^HAiRMAN. They have abolished all private property? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. How long did it take to abolish private property in 
Russia ? 

Mr, Browder. Well, I think it was absolutely by one of the first 
decrees of the new Government. 

The Chairman. Did you abolish it all at the same time? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. And did you seize all private property by one 
process ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

The Chairman. It was a gradual process? 

Mr. Browder. It was: the program of the new Govern.ment in the 
Soviet Union was a gradual process of socialization, but the invasions 
that took ])lace in the war that followed quickly destroyed that pro- 
gram and forced wholesale socialism. 

The Chairman, But you have never reached to this day the ideals 
of communism as preached by Marx, and Engels, or Lenin ? 

Mr. Browder. No. They are just on the way. 

The Chairman. They are just on the way now? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman, And one of the ways was this recent pact with 
Germany ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman, Go ahead, 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, name some of the more successful 
united front organizations in which the Communist Party has par- 
ticipated. 

Mr. Broavder. You have already yourself previously named the 
organizations in which the Communist Party has participated and 
which are more or less successful mass organizations. 

Mr. Whitley. The International Labor Defense: Is that one of 
the organizations? 

Mr, Browder. The Communist Party is not officially in the Inter- 
national Labor Defense. It supports it. 

Mr. Whitley. It supports it? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. The Communist Party was officially part of 
the American League for Peace and Democracy, but withdrew in 
1937. 

The Chairman. Did you ask him about the early labor organiza- 
tions — the trade unions? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4379 

Mr. Whitley. I have got that as the next step in the questions. I 
am trying to keep these segregated by subject matter. 

The Chairman. I would like to know about the labor organization. 
I understand they once had their own labor organizations. 
Mr. Whitley. That is riglit. 

The Chairman. And those were abandoned, and I would like to 
know when they were abandoned. 

Mr. Whitley. That is the the next set of questions. 
Getting back to the International Labor Defense, you say the 
Communist Party supports the International Labor Defense but is 
not olRcially a part of it? 
Mr. Broavder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, the International Labor Defense is 
not in any way or to any extent under the control or domination of 
the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. No, no. It has its own independent attorney. 
Mr. Whitley. It is entirely independent? 
Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And the Connnunist Party has no say-so in formu- 
lating the policies or the program of the International Labor De- 
fense ? 

Mr. Browder. We make no attempt to make decisions for them. 
We sometimes make suggestions to people in it, and sometimes those 
suggestions are accepted; sometimes not. 

]Mr. Whitley. Just like any other organization could make a sug- 
gestion, and they could take it or leave it? 
Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. You are not in a position to exercise any degree of 
control or domination over that organization? 
Mr. Browder. Not at all. 

Mr. Whitley. The American League for Peace and Democracy 
was an organization Avhich succeeded the American League Against 
War and Fascism? 
Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you say that you and others formally partici- 
pated, for the party, in its organization? 
Mr. Browder. That is right. 
The Chairman. He was a director? 

Mr. Whitley. Did you hold any official position in that organiza- 
tion ? 

Mr. Browder. I was one of the vice presidents. 
The Chairman. Was he not a director of it ? 
Mr. Browder. No, sir, 

Mr. AVhitley. You said tliat tlie Communist Party linally with- 
drew from that organization. When was that ? 
Mr. Browder. In 1937. 

Mr. Whiti.ey. Was it a i)ul)lic withdrawal? 

Mr. Browdek. Yes, sir; there was an agreement with the leaders of 
the organization. 

Mr. Whitley. Since that time Communist Party leaders individ- 
ually may belong to and participate in the work of the American 
League for Peace and Democracy? 
]\Ir. Browder. Yes, sir. 
Mr. Whitley. But the party, as such, is not a part of the league? 



4380 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. It is not represented in the least. 

Mr. Whitley. Does the Communist Party exercise any direction or 
control whatever over the policies, program, or operations of the 
American League for Peace and Democracy? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. To the same extent that yon have no control over 
the International Labor Defense, you have none over the Ameri- 
can League for Peace and Democracy? 

Mr. Browder. I wonld say tliat the proportion of nonparty })eople 
in both organizatio]is is overwhelming, although they are democratic 
organizations. 

]VIr. Whitley. You are not a medium through which any degree of 
control can be exercised over those organizations? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir; only by the influence of the reasonableness 
of our proposals. 

Mr. Whitley. They are entirely independent organizations, formu- 
late their oM^n programs, and carry them out as they see fit? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. How about the International Workers Order ? What 
control does the Communist Party have over that organization? 

Mr. Browder. There are no relations between the two organizations 
as such. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Bedacht is general secretary of the I. W. O.? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. He is also chairman of a board in the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Browder. I believe he is. 

Mr. Whitley. And a member of the national committee ? 

Mr. Browt>er. A member of the national committee of the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. Whitley. For a number of years ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. The I. W. O. organization is a fraternal insurance 
organization, and it has no connection whatever, you say, with the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. As such, it has not. Sometimes they invite a Com- 
munist speaker to address them, and some of the universities do also, 
but for that they are not Communist organizations. 

Mr. Whitley. The Communist Party has some members who be- 
long to the I. W. O. as individuals? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know, approximately, how many there are? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir; I cannot give any sort of exact figure. 
My assistant informs me, to my surprise, that about 3 percent of 
the I. W. O. membership are Communist members. I would have 
expected it to be more, or at least 10 percent. I myself am a mem- 
ber of the I. W. O. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you hold any official position in the I. W. O. ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir; I just had a membership in the organization. 

Mr. Whitley. Would you say that the Conmiunist Party is not in 
a position through any channels or any sources or resources to con- 
trol the I. W. O. in any way ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir ; it is not in such a position. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4381 

^fr. Whitley. "Would yoii say that its programs and policies are 
handled by it as an independent organization? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr, Whitley. How about the American Youth Congress? What 
sort of a relationship does the Communist Party, or the Young Com- 
munist League, have with the American Youth Congress? 

Mr. Browder. The relation, so far as the Young Communist League 
is concerned, is that of a participating organization and of support 
of the general program. So far as the Communist Party is con- 
cerned, we have no direct relation, but we have an attitude of 
benevolent support. 

jSIr. Whitley. You approve it? 

Mr. Browder. We approve the congress. 

Mr. Whitley. You approve its objectives? 

]\Ir. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. The Communist Party and the Young Communist 
Leaaue are just one among many participating organizations? 

Mr. Broavder. The Connnunist Party is not participating, but the 
Young Communist League is. 

Mr. Whitley. Of course, I mean through the Young Communist 
League. 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. The Young Communist League, as a minority, is not 
in a position to use the American Youth Congress for the purposes 
of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir ; it is a distinct minority. 

Mr. Whitley. All of those organizations I have named are in the 
same category, in that the Communist Party does not exercise any 
control over them? 

IMr. Browder. That is true. 

]Mr. Whitley. Is the American Students Union in the same cate- 
gory? 

Mr. Browt)er. It is in the same category, except that it is a much 
smaller organization. When you deal with the American Youth Con- 
gress, you are dealing with 1,000,000 people, while the American 
Students organization, I l)elieve, has not more than 30 or 35 thousand 
niembers. It is an organization of about the same relative weight 
in membership as the Young Communist League, but the Young 
Communist League has only a small proportion of its members as 
students. 

Mr. Whitley. Referring to the American Students Union, is the 
Young Communist League in a position, with its members participat- 
ing in the program of the American Students Union, to control that 
organization, or is the Communist Party, as such, through the Young 
Communist League, or through any other channels or organization, 
in a position to exercise control over the programs or policies of 
the American Students Union? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir; none whatever. 

Mr. Whitley. Referring to the Friends of the Abraham Lincoln 
Brigade, what are the relations between the Communist Party and 
tiiaf organization? 

Mr. Broavder. The Commimist Partv approves and supports the 
objectives of the Friends of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. 



4382 UN-AMERIGAN PKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. It is an entirely independent organization? 
Mr. Browder. Yes, sir ; it is entirely independent. 
Mr. Whitley. And it is not under the control of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Wliat about the Committee to Aid Spanish 
Democracy ? 

Mr. Browder. It has the same relation. The Communist Party 
approves its objectives and supports its work. 

Mr. Whitley. But it exercises no control over it? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. What about the American Negro Labor Congress? 
What are the relations or connection between the Connnunist Party 
and that organization? 

Mr. Browder. It is the same relation. 

Mr. Whitley. You aj)prove it? 

Mr. Browder. It does approve and support its work, but we have 
no control over it. 

Mr. Whitley. Did you have anything to do with the organization, 
or the setting up of the organization? 

Mr. Browder. Some of our leading members took part in the 
formulation of the plans for it, among the leaders being James W. 
Ford, candidate for Vice President on the Communist ticket. 

Mr. Whitley. But it is an entirely separate and independent organi- 
zation ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. How about the Friends of the Soviet Union, or what 
is the relation between the Communist Party and that organization? 

Mr. Browder. None. I doubt if we have a single party member in 
it. There may be two or three. 

Mr. Whitley. As a matter of fact, that organization has become 
increasingly inactive, has it not ? 

Mr. Browder. It has never been a very active organization. 

Mr. Whitley. Not since the United States recognized the Soviet 
Union. Since that time it has been more or less inactive. 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir ; it does a little work. It is a relatively small 
group of people. 

Mr. Whitley. Its objective was to gain recognition for the Soviet 
Union, and since recognition was given it has become increasingly 
inactive. 

Mr. Browder. I would not attempt to analyze the history of the 
organization. I have not been close enough to it. 

Mr. Whitley. But during the life of the organization the rela- ,, 
tionship between the Communist Party and that organization was the j | 
same as you have described with reference to the other organizations 
mentioned ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. How about the League of American Writers ? 

Mr. Browder. It is the same relationsliip, except here, in the interest 
of full clarity and frankness, I should state that I have a personal 
relation to the League of American Writers and that I was invited to 
address their first two congresses 



Mr. Whitley. When was that organized? 



I 



UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4383 

Mr. Bkowder. I think in 1937 or 1936. As a writer and associated 
Avith some writers, I was closely in touch wdth that organization. I 
accepted its invitations and spoke there at times when other political 
organizations did not accept and that made om* relations friendly. 
In the past 2 years I have had very little time to give personal attention 
*to it. The party as an organization does not have anything to do 
with it. 

Mr. Thomas. Who was the head of that organization at that time? 

Mr. Bro^\t)er. I really cannot say who the officers wei-e. 

Mr. Thomas. Do you recall who ijitroduced you on the night you 
spoke ? 

Mr. Browder. Do you mean at the Carnegie Hall meeting? 

Mr. Thomas. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. Donald Ogden Stuart. He was the chairman and 
was later elected president of the league. 

IMr. Thomas. He did not introduce you both times, did he? 

Mr. Browder. I am not sure. 

Mr. Thomas. Not according to the Daily Worker. 

]\Ir. Broa\t>er. If the Daily Worker says otherwise, it is correct. 

Mr. Thomas. It is my recollection that the Daily Worker 

The Chairman (interposing). That is an accurate publication, is it? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thomas. According to my recollection, the Daily Worker stated 
on numerous occasions that a man by the name of Archibald MacLeish 
introduced you. 

Mr. Browder. Then, that is correct. In answer to the question 
with regard to the first meeting of the American Writers League, I 
am sorry I cannot remember who was chairman. I think you are 
correct as to Mr. ]\IcLeish. The chairman, Donald Stuart, was 
elected president of the League. 

The Chairman. Is it not a fact that many of your sympathizers 
and many of your members owe their favorable feeling to the fact 
that 3' our party was very much opposed to nazi-ism ? Did not other 
people join with you, not primarily because they were favorable to 
communism, but because they looked upoji your party as the arch 
foe of nazi-ism ? 

]\Ir. Browder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And when I say nazi-ism I mean also fascism. 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir ; nazi-ism is one variety of fascism. 

The Chairman. JNIany people in the Communist Party are very 
much opposed to fascism, and they see in your party an arch foe of 
fascism. Is that not a fact? 

Mr. Browder. I think that is so. 

The Chairman. They see your party as a militant fighting force 
against fascism? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir ; it unites them in the work against nazi-ism 
and fascism. 

The Chairman. Therefore, they contribute their money and join 
in the work because of their opposition to fascism and nazi-ism? 

^Ir. Browder. I think that probably plays quite a role in it. 

Mr. VooRHis. Would you say that you have found it easier to build 
up \cA\r movement on the basis of opposition to nazi-ism rather than 
on the basis of the positive appeal of communism ? 

94931 — 40 — vol. 7 S 



4384 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. I would say that the anti-Fascist sentiment in 
America embraces an overwhelming majority of the people, whereas 
those who believe in communism represent a small minority. 

Mr. VooRHis. In other words, in a movement of this kind, there 
might be a great many people who are connected with it who would 
not have any sympathy whatsoever with the objectives of the Com-' 
munist Party? 

Mr. Browder. Of course; yes, sir. 

Mr. VooRHis. Does it not make it difficult for you to carry on anti- 
fascist work at present, in view of the agreement between Russia and 
Germany ? 

Mr. Browder. I would be glad indeed to discuss that question. 

Mr. VooRHis. Is it not, at least, hard, or is it not a tough thing to 
get around? 

Mr. Browder. I tell you frankly that I will be quite happy before 
the conclusion of this testimony to discuss that. I think it is quite 
pertinent to the inquiry. 

The Chairman. You say you will be happy to do that ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir; I would like to explain why. It is perti- 
nent to the inquiry. 

Mr. Thomas. At the present time we are trying to find out the 
various organizations. 

Mr. Browder. I will be happy to do that later on. 

The Chairman. You will give us your own viewpoint ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir; I will give my own viewpoint, and from 
the standpoint of the American national interests. 

The Chairman. Would that coincide with the viewpoint of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir; I will give you my position, and will dis- 
cuss it from the standpoint of the American national interests. 

Mr. Whitley. You were discussing the relation of the Communist 
Party to the League of American Writers. Other than the fact that 
you have addressed them, I believe you stated, at two of their con- 
ventions, the Communist Party is not in a position to exercise any con- 
trol over that organization ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir ; it is not. 

Mr. Whitley. It is an entirely independent organization ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. I am hoping to become a member of it 
some time. I have not gotten around to it yet. 

Mr. Whitley. It is in the same category with the other organiza- 
tions I have mentioned, so far as being subject to Communist control 
is concerned? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. We consider that any organization con- 
troiled by the Communist Party is a failure. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you mean if it is known? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir ; if it is controlled. 

Mr. Whitley. There is a big difference between control and known 
control. 

Mr. Browder. We consider the control of any organization by the 
Communist Party means that 

Mr. Whitley (interposing). If it were controlled in such a manner 
that it could be effectively denied, it would not mean that. 

Mr. Browder. It w^ould still be so. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4385 

Mr. VooEHis. You would not want any one of these organizations 
to adopt a policy that was opposed to your general program ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir; but if we controlled them, it would be bad 
for us. They would rely on our control to convince the people, 
whereas if we do not control them, they will go to work. 

The Chairman. You do not object to controlling them or having 
them take the same point of view that you have? 

Mr. Browder. That is what brings us together in the same organiza- 
tion. 

The Chairman. That is, the fact that you have the same viewpoint? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. People who do not agree with the objec- 
tives of an organization do not get together much. 

The Chairjian. You would not be in this organization unless there 
was a unity of feeling? 

Mr. Browder. Something in common ; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You have not begun to meet with any Nazi groups 
or Fascist groups? You do not meet with Deatherage or any of 
those groups ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Tlie Chairman. The reason you meet with the other group is be- 
cause of a similarity of viewpoint, or because you have an objective 
in common ? 

Mr. Browder. They have certain things in common. 

Mr. Whitley. What about the relation between the Communist 
Party and the League of Women Shoppers? 

Mr. Browder. There is none. 

Mr. Whitley, Are any members of the Communist Party mem- 
bers of that organization ? 

Mr. Browder. On general principles, I assume that we have some. 

Mr. Whitley. It is in the same category with the other organiza- 
tions I have mentioned, so far as Communist influence or control is 
concerned ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

]\Ir. A'ooRiiis. Do you mean that the League of Women Shoppers 
has the same relationship to the Communist Party that the Ameri- 
can League for Peace and Democracj^ has? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir ; not exactly the same. 

Mr. Voorhis. As a matter of fact, it is quite different, is it not? 

Mr. Browder. As to the American League for Peace and 
Deinocracy. the Communist Party at one time belonged to it, where- 
as it never has had any relation whatever with the League of Women 
Shoppers. 

Mr. Whitley. It has had relations to the same extent it has had 
with the otliers mentioned, with the exception of the American 
League for Peace and Democracy. That is, it has individual mem- 
bers in it. 

Mr. Broavder. Yes, sir. 

^Ir. Whitley. The American League for Peace and Democracy is 
different in that one respect, or your relations with the League for 
Peace and Democracy are different in that one respect, in that at one 
time you were officially affiliated with it as a party. 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. With those other organizations, you do not have 
any such official affiliation ? 



4386 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browdek. Yes, sir ; that is true. 

Mr. Whitley. Participation is the measure of it, and the fact 
that individual members of the Communist Party may belong to 
those organizations ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you hold any official position in any of that 
group of organizations I have named, other than, I believe you 
stated, you were vice president of the American League for Peace 
and Democracy? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. At one time I think you mentioned the 
International Labor Defense, and I think I was on the national 
board. 

Mr. Starnes, I think you said you were one of the founders. 

Mr. Browder. That was an organization that preceded it and that 
was merged with it. 

Mr. Whitley. They are the only two in which you have held an 
official position? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. In which group, if any, did the Communist Party, 
as such, actively participate in the forming of the organization? 

Mr. Browder. The Communist Party was one of the organizations 
that came together and formed the committee for the first congress set 
up by the American League. 

Mr. Whitley. That was the League Against War and Fascism ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir ; we worked together with the Socialist Party 
and a dozen other organizations and different societies. 

Mr. Whitley. Did you actively participate, as an organization, in 
the formation of any of those other gi'oups? 

Mr. Browder. None of the others that you have mentioned, 

Mr. Whitley. Who is the head of the International Labor 
Defense ? 

Mr. Browder. The president of the International Labor Defense is 
Congressman Vito Marcantonio, 

Mr. Whitley. Who is general secretary? 

Mr. Browder. Anna Damon. 

Mr. Whitley. She is the active administrative official of the 
organization ? 

Mr. Browder. She is the executive in charge of the office. 

Mr. Whitley. How long has she been a member of the Communist 
Party ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know. She has been a member for a num- 
ber of years. 

Mr. Whitley. Did she ever hold any official position in the party ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know. 

Ml-, WhitivEY. You do not know whether she was a member or an 
officer of the national committee of the party ? 

Mr. Browder. She may have been. I would hesitate to say posi- 
tively one way or the other. 

Mr. Whitley. Who is the head of the American League for Peace 
and Democracy? 

Mr. Browder. The secretary, I believe, is Reverend Harris. I for- 
get his first name. It is Thomas, I believe. The president is Rev. 
Harry F. Ward. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4387 

]Mr. Whiitxt. Is either of those officers a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

yiv. Broavder. Tliey are not members of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Whitley. Ret'errino; to the International Workers Order, I 
believe you stated that the general secretary was a member of the 
national committee of the Communist Party. Who are the other 
officers of the oroanization ? 

Mr. Browder. Mr. William Weiner is president. 

Mr. Whitley. And he is financial secretary of the Communist 
Party? 

]Mr. Broavder. Yes, sir. 

'Slv. AA^HiTLEY. "NA'lio are the officers of the American Youth Con- 



gress ? 



]\Ir. Browder. I am not familiar with their names or the positions 
that they hold. I have a few of the names. I have a few of them. 

^Ir. Whitley. Wlio is Joseph Cadden ? 

]\fr. Browder. He is one of the most f)rominent people in it. I do 
not know his exact office. 

^Ir. Whitley. Is he a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. TAHio is the head of the American Students Union ? 

Mr, Browder. I believe the secretary of that, or the chairman of it, 
or the outstanding leader of it, is Mr. Joseph Lash. 

Mr. Whitley. Is he also a member of the Young Communist 
League ? 

]\Ir. Browder. No. sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Is he a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Has he ever been ? 

Mr. Browder. Xo, sir. He is a Socialist, who, on account of his 
stand for maintaining the Students Union as a united organization, 
was excluded from the Socialist Party. The Socialists wanted a di- 
vided organization, and he refused to do it. He is, therefore, quite 
friendly to the Communist Party, which supported the united organi- 
zation. 

Mr. Whitley. I believe the retiring president of the National 
Lawyers Guild, Judge Ferdinand Pecora, last winter publicly charged 
in the press of the United States that the National Lawyers Guild was 
Communist controlled or dominated. "WHiat are the relations between 
the Communist Party and the National Lawyers Guild? 

Mr. Browder. There are no relations between the Communist Party 
and the National Lawyers Guild. 

Mr. Whitley. It exercises no control of any kind over the guild ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. They are ridiculous charges. 

]Mr. Whitley. Coming from the retiring president, I think it would 
be a good source for such a statement. Are you acquainted with a 
l^arty by the name of Ewart, a former member of the German 
Reichstag? 

Mr. Bromder. I have met him. 

Mr. Whitley. Is he a member of the Communist Party ? 

!Mr. Browder. He is a member of the Communist Party of Germany. 

yir. Whitley. Has he ever been a member in this country ? 

!Mr. Browder. No, sir. 



4388 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know where he is ? 

Mr. Browder. I understand that he is in prison in Brazil. 

Mr. Whitley. Has he ever been active in this country as a member 
of the Communist Party of the United States or the Communist Party 
of any other country ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. How much time did he spend in this country ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know that he was ever in this country. I 
met him in Germany and in Moscow. 

Mr. Whitley. He was active in Germany, was he not ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know what he is in jail for in Brazil at the 
present time? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know what the charges are. He was jailed 
in connection with some trouble that took place in Brazil many years 

Mr. Whitley. Related to Communist Party activities? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir; on account of the National Union, I think. 
It was the one headed by Prestes. He was in Brazil, in touch with 
Prestes. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know whether he ever traveled on an Ameri- 
can passport? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know. 

Mr. Whiti^y. Are you familiar with the trade-union department 
of the party? The Communist Party had its OAvn trade-union, or 
org-anizecl the Trade Union Unity Lea^jue. 

Mr. Browder. We had our own trade-unions. There were trade- 
unions organized largely under the stimulus of the Communist Party 
among workers, but they were independent trade-union organizations, 
not connected with the Communist Party, although the Communist 
Party gave most of the stimulus to their organization, 

Mr. Whitley. They gave the T. U. U. L. unions their full support, 
did they not? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Were the T. U. U. L. unions members of the Red 
International Labor Union? 

Mr. Browder. The executive committee set up by the T. U. U. L. 
had made such a decision, but the decision was never ratified by the 
constituent organizations, some of whom objected to it, and the 
decision was later canceled. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, was the T. U. U. L. a part of or 
identified with the R. I. L. U., or was it not ? 

Mr. Browder. The executive committer was identified, but its con- 
stituent bodies were not. 

Mr. Whitley. What status would that place it in? Was it or was 
it not a part of the organization? In other words, if the executive 
body says "yes," the constituents say "no." Now, where did that 
place it? 

Mr. Browder. That placed it in a division of authority, and they 
solved it by canceling the affiliation. 

Mr. Whitley. The affiliation was canceled? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. The affiliation with the R. I. L. U. ? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4389 

Mr, Browder. Yes. It was much the same as a deadlock between 
the President and Con^jress, which sometimes cancels out decisions 
of the American Government. 

Mr. Whitley. Now, how long did the unions of this country oper- 
ate under the T, U. U. L. : that is, how long were those T. U. XL L. 
unions operative or active? 

Mr. Browder. The history of each one would have to be taken 
separately to give an accurate instance. 

Mr. AVhitlet. But how long was it from the first of those unions 
until the time they were dissolved or ceased to exist? 

Mr. Browder. The first of those organizations were established in 
1929. The last of these organizations was merged with the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor in 1935. 

IMr. Whitley. Did vou ever hold any official position in the 
T. U. U. L. ? 

Mr. Browder. I was a member of the executive committee that 
was first set up. 

Mr. Whitley. And how long did you hold that position? 

Mr. Browder. A couple of years; until I became active in the sec- 
retaryship of the Communist Party, and then I got out of that. 

Mr. Whitley. You were a reiDresentative to conventions or meet- 
ings in Moscow with reference to the activities of those unions? 

j\Ir. Browder. I do not know that I ever was a representative in 
any ^Moscow gathering for those unions. 

Mr. Whitley. I thought this morning you stated that the occa- 
sion of one of your trips to Moscow was 

Mr. Browder (interposing). That was when I was representing an 
organization which had gone out of business at the time you speak 
of. That was the Trade Union Educational League. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. What was the relationship between the K. I. 
L. U., the Red International of Labor Unions, and the Comintern? 
They both had their headquarters in Moscow. Organizationally thej'^ 
were separate and distinct, just as organizationally the Conununist 
Party in this country is separate and distinct from the publishing 
company that puts out the Daily Worker. But what were the rela- 
tions between the Communist International and the R. I. L. U. dur- 
ing the period of that organization's existence? 

Mr. Browder. There was a period of general agreement about the 
main political outlines of the problems of the working class. 

Mr. Whitley. As a matter of fact, Mr. Browder, the Red Inter- 
national of Labor Unions was an instrument or an organization of 
the Comintern, was it not? 

Mr. Browder. No ; I would not agree with that kind of description. 

Mr. Whitley. Well, if you would not say that that was strictly 
or technically correct, what was the extent of the relationship? 

Mr. Browder. I would not agree with it, because it would carry 
implications which would not be correct. 

Mr. Whitley. I do not want any implications, but I just want to 
get the relationship. 

Mr. Browder. But if you use certain implications, you do not get 
the relationship. When you say, for example, that the Red Inter- 
national of Labor Unions was the instrument of the Communist Inter- 
national, that implies a certain role of a passive tool in the hands of 
an active force. 



4390 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr, Whitley. x'Vnd what was the active force? 

Mr. Browder. There were two forces. In the International of 
Labor Unions there were representatives of trade unions, making 
their own trade-imion decisions. 

Mr, Starnes, Were they in agreement about policies? 

Mr. Browder, They had general agreement about general policies. 

Mr, Starnes. And, of course, as regards the tactics to be pursued, 
they were in general agreement? 

Mr. Browder. There was quite a distinct division of functions be- 
tween them. They were not identical so that one could be called an 
instrument of the other. 

Mr. Starnes. I understand that. We have got that distinction. 
But what I want to know is whether there was a general agreement 
of purpose between the two organizations, 

Mr. Browder. Yes; there was an absence of any political struggle 
between them. 

Mr. Starnes. I understand that; but were the tactics to be pursued 
the same? 

Mr, Browder, As far as tactics are concerned, these were decided 
by each organization separately. One was the organization of politi- 
cal parties, which uses one kind of tactics, and the other was the 
organization of trade unions, which uses another kind of tactics. 

Mr. Starnes, But it did lead to the same general objective? 

Mr. Browder. In the same general direction; yes. 

Mr. Whitley, And the same degree of relationship and coopera- 
tion existed between the Communist Party of the United States and 
the T. U. U. L. unions in this country, which were a branch of the 
R. I. L. U? 

Mr. Browder. So far as personnel is concerned, I think that we 
can say that our relations were closer to the T. U. U. L., because the 
unions were smaller than those involved in Europe. 

Mr. Whitley. You considered them your unions, did you not, Mr. 
Browder ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. You repeatedly referred to them in your publica- 
tions as the Communist Party unions. 

Mr, Browder. No; hardly that. Sometimes — they were called so 
much the Communist unions in the public press that we sometunes 
fell into the influence of this public labeling; but as a matter of 
fact we were always striving to keep them on a completely inde- 
pendent basis, 

Mr, Whitley. I see. The reference to them as Communist Party 
unions in the press was taken up by your own publications? 

Mr, Browder, There was some reflection of it in our press. 

Mr, Dempsey. You were a victim of propaganda, in other words? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. They were boring from within the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr, Whitley. Mr, Browder, they were also referred to frequently 
in your official press as the revolutionary trade unions, were they not? 

Mr, Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, those independent unions continued 
to operate until — I believe you stated a moment ago — nineteen 
hundred and 



UN-AMElilCAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4391 

Mr. Bkowder. 193-Jr-35. Perhaps I should add that when they were 
called revolutionary unions that was a mistake. They were called 
that, but thev were not. 

Mr. "Whitley. But you called them that yourself; that is, the party 
press did. 

]\Ir. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. What was the mistake? 

]Mr. Browder. The mistake was that they were not revolutionary. 

Mr. Whitley^ That was before the party line changed in 1935, was 
it not, Mr. Browder, that they were called revolutionary unions? 

Mr. Browder. They were called revolutionary unions while they 
existed; yes. 

Mr. WnrrLEY. And why were the independent T. U. U. L. unions 
abandoned or discarded? 

Mr. Browder. Because the conditions which gave rise to them 
began to disappear. 

The Chairman. What conditions ? 

Mr. Bro"\vder. The conditions under which these unions were built 
were those that existed in 1929, 1930, 1931, and 1932, in which the 
established labor movement refused to organize, refused to lead 
the workers who were trying to organize and who were entering 
into struggles. They did not want new members and, especially, 
they did not want new unions which were striking. Therefore, in 
order for these workers to be organized at all, they had to be organ- 
ized in independent unions. But with 1932 — well, I would say more 
in 1933 — when they began the big movement of the masses into the 
old established trade unions, this gradually began to change their 
attitude toward the whole question of organizing the unorganized. 
Instead of rejecting these groups they began to invite them to come 
in and, as soon as they began to open the doors to these unions and 
invite them to join, the Communists and non-Communists in these 
unions rapidly agreed that the thing to do was to bring these 
small unions into the big organization and wdpe out this movement; 
and that was done. 

Mr. Thomas. AVhat was the name of that big organization? 

Mr. Browder. The American Federation of Labor, 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, in other words, when the inde- 
pendent or se]:)arate unions were disbanded, the membership was 
absorbed into the A. F. of L. ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. Were the members of the T. U. U. L. unions in- 
structed to get into the A. F. of L. in every case possible? 

Mr. Browder. Well, the Communist Party does not have the habit 
of issuing instructions or orders on any such question. It only 
gives advice. 

Mr. Whitley. Just a suggestion? 

Mr. BroW'Dee. Suggestions or advice. 

Mr. Whitley. If that suggestion is not taken, what happens? 

Mr. Browder. Then it is not taken. 

Mr. IMason. IMr. Counsel, do we understand that this absorption 
of these independent unions into the A. F. of L. took place in 
1935, approximately? 

INIr. Whitley. 1934 and 1935: is not that correct? 

Mr. Browser. In 1934 and 1935. 



4392 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Mason. Just previous to the growth or expansion of the indus- 
trial unions? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. I believe there was a further great growth 
of the movement in the period 1935-36. 

Mr. Whitley, Mr. Brow^ler, does the Communist Party of the 
United States make a particular effort to control, or at least have an 
influential membership in, the trade unions in certain industries? 

Mr. Browder. The Communist Party absolutely does not seek to 
control any trade union ; it does not want to control. 

Mr. Whitley. For the same reason, it does not want to control these 
organizations that we have referred to? 

Mr. Browder. The Communist Party tries to extend the influence of 
its ideas among workers everywhere. 

Mr. Whitley. Has it ever taken the position that it was particularly 
desirable for its members to be active in trade unions, say, in the mari- 
time industry or other transportation industries? 

Mr. Brow^der. Oh, yes. We have always emphasized the basic im- 
portance of particular industries, those u}jon which the economy of the 
country is built. These are the most important industries. 

Mr. Whitley. How about munitions — the munition industries? 

Mr. Browder. Munitions we have never given a great deal of atten- 
tion to, largely because there has not been effective trade-union organ- 
ization in that field. 

Mr. Whitley. Communications ; have you made any particular ef- 
ford to get members in the conmiunications field or communications 
trade unions? 

Mr. Browder. No. Our concentration efforts have been directed 
toward basic industries. 

Mr. Whitley. What percentage of the former membership of your 
own labor organization — and, if you object to that designation, I will 
say the former membership of the T. U. U. L. labor organizations — is 
now affiliated with the A. F. of L. or the C. I. O. ? 

Mr. Browder. Well, of all that went into the A. F. of L., it is very 
difficult to say how much is in the C. I. O. because all these organiza- 
tions grew very much even before the C. I. O. was formed. 

Mr. Whitley. Wliat percentage of your present membership, Mr. 
Browder, in lines of work where they can get into trade unions, are 
presently active trade unionists? 

]Mr. Browder. Oh, I would say about 75' percent of those who have 
trade unions to which they are eligible members. 

Mv. Whitley. In the trade unions? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And what is the percentage, approximately, of j^our 
membership in the A. F. of L. unions and in the C. I. O. unions? 

Mr. Browder. The largest part of our membership is in the in- 
dustries where the C. I. O. unions control — the basic industries, the 
mass-production industries. But, of course, we have a considerable 
number in the skilled crafts also that are in the A. F. of L. but their 
numbers are naturally smaller. I would say perhaps the ratio is 
2 to 1. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have any leaders of the Communist Party 
who are leaders or heads of the American Federation of Labor or 
any of its groups? 

Mr. Browder. Well we have on a local scale. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4393 

Mr. Starnes. You do not on a national scale; do you? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. xVnd you do not have any organizei^s in the A. F. of 
L., do you ^ 

Mr. Browder. On a local scale; yes. 

Mr. Starnes. But not on a national scale? 

Mr. BR(nvDER. Xo; not on a national scale. 

Mr. Starnes. That statement, however, is not true when applied 
to the C. I. O., is it? 

Mr. Browder. Well, no. In the C. I. O. we have, for example, the 
fur woi'kers' union, the ]n-esident of which is a Communist and a 
member of our national committee ; but thai: does not mean anything 
from the angle from which you are approaching this. 

^Ir. Starnes. No; I am merely asking you the question; that is 
all ; and I do not care for anything further. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. The fact is that he was the president of the 
union in the A. F. of L. and became president of the union in the 

C. I. o. 

The Chairman. Is not the truth about the thing — that you had 
many party members who were well trained in trade-union work, or- 
ganizational work, and that they w-ere well qualified to step into the 
roles of organizers when this mass movement started? 

Mr. Browder. Naturally they went where their services were 
needed, where people were being organized in new unions. 

The Chairman. And vour men had been well trained; had they 
not? 

Mr. Browder. Some of them. 

The Chairman. But they were better trained than those who were 
not members of the party; were thej' not? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. Because you concentrated much of your effort to- 
ward training men for trade-union work ? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, yes. 

The Chairman. That was one of the principal activities that you 
engaged in ? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, yes. 

The Chairman. And naturally in this mass organization, along 
industrial organization lines, your men being prepared, they stepped 
into the roles of organizers and officials; is not that true? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; our people had been trained for many j'ears; 
they had been trained in the thought of industrial unionism and 
mass organization. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, what is the purpose, the real purpose, 
of the Communist Partv in its efforts to jjet its members into trade 
unions and to have them active in trade-union work? Is it to help 
improve the conditions of the workers, or is it to promote and further 
the ideas of Communism? 

Mr. BnowDER. It is both, the two go together. 

^Ir. Whitley. I see. 

Mr. Browder. It is both to improve the conditions of the workers, 
to help establish orderly relations in industry, to avoid confusion 
and unnecessary strife, and on that basis 

Mr. Whitley. Make every effort to avoid unnecessary strife? 



4394 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr, Browder. Absoll^tel3^ I want to emphasize that. 

The Chairman. Let us see if this is correct. You had had workers' 
schools in existence prior to 1935, or the 1934-35 period, when this 
mass organization started in the United States; did you not? 

Mr. Browder, Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And in these workers' schools many of your party 
members had been trained especially along organizational lines; is 
not that true? 

- Mr, Browder, Not so much in the schools. In the schools they 
were mostly trained in the books. They got their training in or- 
ganization in the field. 

The Chairman, So that in the big industrial centers you had a 
great many men who were well trained along that line? 

Mr, Browder. Quite a few; yes. 

The Chairman. And in the mass organization of these workers 
there was a scarcity of trained organizers, was there not? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

The Chairman. And they naturally turned to your party to supply 
this need ; is not that a fact ? 

Mr. Browder. I think it is more correct to say that they just took 
the best material wherever they found it. 

The Chairman, And you happened to have the best material at 
that time? 

Mr, Browder. We gave them some good material. 

Mr, VooRHis. Mr, Browder, is it the case, as a general rule, that 
these men, when they entered actively into the larger union move- 
ment, did not go as Communists; they merely went as John Jones, 
or whoever it was? 

Mr. Browder. Of course; like everybody else does. 

Mr. VorsRHis. Was that a policy? 

Mr. Browder. Ben Smith does not go in as a Democrat either; he 
goes in as a union worker. The fact that he is a Democrat is no- 
body's business. 

Mr. Whitley. But he does not deny that he is a Democrat? 

Mr. Browder. Sometimes he does; and in the South he certainly 
denies it if he is a Republican. He is afraid. 

Mr. Whitley. If he denies it, it is a personal decision on his part ; 
and he has no instructions to deny it. I mean, there is no active at- 
tempt on his part to conceal any political affiliations? Is that true 
in the Communist Party also? 

Mr. Browder. That is true also. 

Mr. Whiti.ey. Tlie Communist Party does not instruct its members 
to conceal their affiliations? 

Mr. Browder. No, no. 

Mr. Whitley. And it does not, as a part of that instruction, en- 
courage the use of party names or fictitious names? 

Mr. Browder. It does not. 

The Chairman. Does that conclude vour examination, Mr. 
Whitley? 

Mr. Whitley, Yes, sir. 

The Chairman, We will meet in the morning at 10 o'clock and re- 
sume the questioning. 

(Thereupon the committee adjourned until tomorrow, Wednesday, 
September 6, 1939, at 10 a. m.) 



INVESTirxATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 6, 1939 

House of REPRESENTATI^1:s, 
Special Committee to In\'estigate Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D. C. 

The coniinittee met at 10 a. m. in the caucus room, House Office 
Buildino;, Hon. Martin Dies (chairman) presiding. 

The Chairman. The committee will be in order. Mr, Matthews, 
you may proceed. 

TESTIMONY OF EARL R. BROWDER— Resumed 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder, you stated yesterday, I believe, that 
the Communist Party had supported the enactment of the National 
Labor Relations Act, among its support of other pieces of legisla- 
tion which liad been adopted in recent years; is that correct? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you recall that William Dunne appeared as 
an official representative of the Communist Party before the Senate 
Committee on Education and Labor to make a statement concerning 
the pending National Labor Relations Act? 

Mr. Browder. I recall that William Dunne made an appearance 
ostensibly on behalf of the party, but he did not place the party 
position correctly. 

Mr. Matthews. Wlien he vigorously opposed the pending legisla- 
tion, he was not representing the Communist Party; is that correct? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Dunne said: 

It is in the name of the Communist Party which I represent here 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. Was this statement prepared by Mr. Dunne per- 
sonally or by some committee of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. Mr. Dunne personally. 

Mr. Matthews. Was Mr. Dunne taken to task in any manner for 
misrepresenting the party's attitude on this question ? 

Mr. Browder. The action that was taken was to cease allowing 
him to speak in the name of the party, and to make our statements 
through other channels. 

Mr. Matthews. You said yesterday that while you knew of a 
certain Mr. Randolph who had been in Moscow, you did not know 
him by any other name. Is that still your answer to that question? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

4395 



4396 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Matthews. Did Mr. Randolph occupy any important position 
in the Communist International at any time ? 

Mr. Browder. He signed some documents of the Communist Inter- 
national, I believe. 

Mr. Matthews. Was he ever placed on the Presidium of the Ex- 
ecutive Committee of the Communist International ? 

Mr. Browder. I believe he was on the presidium of one of the 
meetings, but not on the Executive Committee as a permanent propo- 
sition, 

Mr. Matthews. Reading from the International Press Correspond- 
ence of July 24, 1929, the following statement appeared: 

The plenum exteudecl the Presidium of the Executive Committee, Communist 
International, by adding to it Comrades Garlandi, Italy ; Gottwold, Czechoslo- 
vakia ; Randolph, United States. 

Is it possible, Mr. Browder, that any individual who had ever been 
placed so high in the Communist International would not be known 
to you under his correct name if, by any chance, he were using a 
name other than his own in this connection? 

Mr. Browder. I do not understand the question. 

Mr. Mattheavs. You were in Moscow at the time of this meeting 
of the executive committee of the Communist International, were you 
not? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know which meeting you refer to. 

Mr. Matthews. This is the meeting in midsummer 1929. It is 
dated Moscow, July 20, 1929. 

Mr. Browder. At that time I was not there. 

Mr. Matthews. You were not there? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you not know, Mr. Browder, that this Ran- 
dolph was Robert Minor? 

Mr. Browder. No; I do not. 

Mr. Matthews. You do not know that? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Matthews. Is Robert Minor a member of the national com- 
mittee of the Communist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Browder. He is a member of the national committee. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you know, or do you not know, that Mr. Minor 
has on other occasions used the alias of Randolph? 

Mr. Browder. I do not. 

Mr. Matthews. You stated yesterday, Mr. Browder, that you do 
not know who edits a publication known as the New South. Do you 
now know who edits that publication? 

Mr. Browder. No; I have not got a copy of it with me, and I am 
not familiar with it. I have not been in close touch with that. 

Mr. Matthews. Would it refresh your memory if I told you that 
Paul Crouch is listed as the editor? 

Mr. Browder. I think that would probably be correct. 

Mr. Matthews. Of that publication? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. You recall, do you not, that Paul Crouch has for 
many years occupied a rather prominent position in the Communist 
Party of the United States? 

Mr. Browder. He has been a member for many years. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4397 

;Mr. jSIatthews. T>o you know that some years ago wlien he was 
in the armed forces of tlie United States, stationed in Hawaii, he was 
court-martialed for his Comnumist activities m the Army and re- 
ceived a sentence of 40 years? 

Mr. Browder. I am familiar with that. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Chairman, right at that point, I thought Mr.. 
Browder made the statement yesterday that the Communist Party 
was not active in the Army at any time. 

The Chairman. He said up until 1933; after 1933 he said they 
ceased to be active ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. And, furthermore, Mr. Crouch 
joined the part}- after his release from that sentence. 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

i\lr. Matthews. AVas jNIr. Crouch one of the leaders in the Southern 
Conference on Human Welfare held in Birmingham, Ala., last year? 

Mr. Browder. Not that I know of. He may have been present, 
but I never heard of his name in connection with leadership. 

Mr. Matthews. Did you not read in the Daily Worker that Mr. 
Crouch headed one of the commissions of that conference on behalf 
of the Communist Party? 

]Mr. Browder. I did not notice that he headed one of the com- 
missions. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder, at the tenth convention of the Com- 
munist Party of the United States in 1938 Joseph Stalin was elected 
to the honorary presiding committee of that convention, was he not? 

Mr. Broavder. I believe so. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you recall the response which the name of 
Joseph Stalin brought from the delegates to that convention? 

Mr. Browder. I would imagine that it would be greeted with 
great applause. I do not recall the exact circumstances, but I sup- 
pose that is what you have in mind, and that is correct. 

Mr. Matthews. The words '"tremendous ovation" would not be an 
exaggeration? 

IMr. Browdeb. Would not be an exaggeration. 

Mr. ]\Iatthew^s. Of the reception which was given his name? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

jSIr. Matthews. At the same convention, was there a cablegram 
sent to Dimitroff hailing his leadership of the Communist Inter- 
national? 

!Mr. Browder. I believe there was. 

Mr. ^NIatihews. Did that cablegram state on behalf of the Ameri- 
can Communist Party, as follows [reading] : 

At the Seventh Congress of the Communist International under your leader- 
ship we learned how that victory could be attained. 

jNIr. Browder. I think that is a correct quotation. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder, have you ever stated that a Soviet 
America would correspond in every detail to Soviet Russia? 

;Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Matthews. From you book entitled, "Wliat Is Communism?" 
published in 1936 by the Workers Library Publishers, New York, 
chapter 21, entitled "A Glimpse of Soviet America," I read: 

The principles upon which a Soviet America would be organized would be 
the same in every respect as those which guided the Soviet Union. 

That was the statement made by you. 



4398 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browdee. Yes. I said the principles, not the details. Your 
question was about details and forms. I said the principles. 

Mr, Matthews. You are acquainted with the book which William 
Z. Foster wrote entitled "From Bryan to Stalin." are you not? 

Mr. Browder. I have read it. I have not studied it carefully. 

Mr. Starnes. Wliat Bryan? 

The Chairman. William Jennings Bryan. 

Mr. Matthews. From the text I gather it is William Jennings 
Bryan. This book deals with the political situation in the United 
States from the standpoint of the chairman of the Coimnunist Party 
of the United States, does it not, Mr. Browder ? 

Mr. Browder. It is a historical review. 

Mr. Matthews. Of the conditions in the United States from the 
standpoint of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Beowdek. Particularly from the evolution of a political posi- 
tion of the author. It is a personal book. 

Mr. Matthews. And that study takes up the period which Mr. 
Foster describes as one which began with the Populist movement 
under William Jennings Bryan, and ends with the appearance of 
Joseph Stalin as a figure important in some respects in the Ameri- 
can situation ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Browder. That is in a general way a description. 

Mr. Matthews. Yesterday, Mr. Browder, you identified for the 
record Alexander Bittelman, or perhaps it is Alex Bittelman. You 
are acquainted with the writings of Mr. Bittelman ? 

Mr! Browder. I am. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr, Bittelman, in fact, is one of the editors of 
the publication The Communist, is he not? 

Mr. Browder, He is. 

Mr. Matthews. Of which you are also an editor ? 

Mr, Browder, That is correct, 

Mr. ISIatthews. You know Mr. Bittelman's pamphlet entitled, 
"Milestones in the History of the Communist Party"? 

Mr. Browder. I am familiar with it. 

Mr, Matthews. Has the Communist Party of the United States 
through its leaders and publications, made frequent reference to the 
leadership of the Comintern in the aifairs of the American Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. Browder, Very frequently, 

Mr. Matthews. I read you from the pamphlet by Alex Bittelman, 
page 71 : 

The leading role of tlie Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the Comintern 
needs neither explanation nor apology. 

That is a correct statement as of the present date? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Matthews. Again reading from page 87 of the same pamphlet : 

Will the imemployed American workers, who know these facts, as well as 
the class-conscious employed workers, resent this "interference" of the Com- 
intern in American affairs? No; they will not; they will say, "If this is what 
Comintern leadership means, we are all for it * * *." 

Does this statement represent the attitude of the Communist Party 
tow^ard the so-called interference of the Comintern in American 
aifairs ? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4399 

Mr. Broavder. That by itself ; no ; not as an isolated sentence. That 
is only a polemic in answer 

Mr. ^Matthews. In some respects, however, it does represent the 
viewpoint 

Mr. Browder. As a polemic, as an answer to a charge which raises 
the term '"interference," and answering it and using the term in 
quotation marks. The Conununist Party of the United States has 
never been interfered with. 

jSIr. Matthews. Is it true that the Comintern has ever spoken to 
the American party with authority? 

Mr. Browder. The Communist International has spoken to the 
American party expressing views which carried great moral author- 

Mr. Matthews. I read you from — — 

Mr. Browder. It has never spoken with organizational authority. 
Mr. Matthews. That answers the question. I read you from Mr. 
Bittelman's pamplilet again: 

Because the Cominteru spoke to the American party with authority and wis- 
dom ; in so speaking, in pointing out the dangers and the way to avoid them, 
the Cominteru released the initiative and creative activity of the overwhelming 
majority of the party * * *. 

And again: 

Tlie Cominteru did "interfere" ; there can be no doubt of that. And it is 
fortunate that it did. 

Is that a correct statement? 

Mr. Brow^der. That in relation to the facts with which it deals, 
that the Comintern, at the moment in which Mr. Bittelman is writ- 
ing about, the Comintern intervened decisively to unmask a fraudu- 
lent position that was put forward, representing to be its position in 
the United States. The Comintern unmasked that fraud. In that 
sense it was an interference, an interference with the fraud. 

Mr. Matthews. I am not interested for the moment in the reasons 
for the interference, but in the fact of the interference. 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; interfered in the sense of intervened, expressed 
itself. 

Mr. Matthews. I read again from Mr. Bittelman's pamphlet : 

In the 15 years of its existence the Comintern has grown into a true world 
party. It has reached the high stage where all Communist parties are carrying 
out one single line of the Comintern * * *, 

Does that statement require any kind of a context in order to make 
it say something other tha,n is apparent on the surface ? 

]Mr. Browder. It could be deepened. It is a very bald statement. 
It is a correct statement, that the parties of the Communist Inter- 
national — that is, all the Communist Parties of the world — are in 
full agreement on their main line of approach to the world situation. 

Mr. Matthews. I have here another pamphlet, also by Alex Bit- 
telman, entitled ''The Communist Party in Action." This is also 
published by the Workers Library Publishers. In chapter 3, page 
33, we find the following language : 

What is the nature of membership in the Communist Party? This is well 
stated in the Constitution and Rules of the Communist International. 

94931— 40— vol. 7 9 



4400 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

By nature of membersliip in the Communist Party, Mr. Bittelman 
means membership jn the Communist Party of the United States, 
does he not? 

Mr. Browder. I presume so. 

Mr. Matthews. Again : 

This is well stated in the Constitution and Rules of the Communist Inter- 
national, paragraph 3, which reads as follows : 

"Membership in the Communist Party and in the Communist International 
is open to all those who accept the program and rules of the given Com- 
munist party and of the Communist International, who join one of the basic 
units of a Party, actively work in it, abide by all decisions of the Party and 
of the Communist International, and regularly pay party dues." 

That is the end of the quotation from the constitution of the Com- 
munist International. Continuing the words of Mr. Bittehnan: 

You will observe that all of the specific requirements for membership in the 
party aim at one thing, namely, the active, conscious, and disciplined partici« 
pation in the struggles of the masses that are led and organized by the Party. 

If, as you stated yesterday, Mr. Browder, the Communist Party 
of the United States is not and never has been under the forma] 
statutes of the Communist International or its constitution, what is 
the relevance of quoting a paragraph from the constitution of the 
Communist International in order to clarify the nature of member- 
ship in the Communist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Browder. On the same principle that arguments in law be- 
fore American courts can quote statutes and precedents of other 
countries as developing and exemplifying principles and practices 
of a similar nature. 

Mr. Matthews. I call your attention, however, to the fact that 
after quoting that statute from the constitution of the Communist 
International, Mr. Bittelman refers to it as setting forth specific 
requirements for membership in the Communist Party of the United 
States. 

Mr. Browder. I am not sure that that is a correct interpretation; 
but if it is, that was a mistake. 

Mr. Matthews. That is a mistake? Was Mr. Bittelman reminded 
of the fact that he made a mistake? 

Mr. Browder. My attention was not called to it before, until you 
called my attention to it. 

The Chairman. Let us see. When was that pamphlet published? 

Mr. Matthews. This pamphlet is dated May 1934. 

The Chairman. 1934? 

Mr. Matthews. Yes. 

The Chairman. And your explanation of that is that Mr. Bittel- 
man either did not know what he was talking about or misstated 
the facts, is that it? 

Mr. Browder. No. I said that if Mr. Matthews' interpretation 
of that is correct, then it was a mistake. 

The Chairman. Read it again and let us see if there is any ques- 
tion about the interpretation. 

Mr. Thomas. Let us find out what Mr. Browder's interpretation of 
it is. " 

The Chairman. Read it to Mr. Browder again. 

Mr. Matthews (reading) : 

What is the nature of membership in the Communist Party? This is well 
stated in the constitution and rules of the Communist International, paragraph 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4401 

3, which reads as follows: "Membership in the Communist Party and in the 
Communist International is open to all those who accept the program and 
rules of the given Communist Party and of the Cunnnunist International, who 
join one of the basic units of a party, actively work in it, abide by all deci- 
sions of the partv and of the Communist International, and regularly pay party 
dues." 

That is the end of the quotation from the constitution. Continu- 
in<x the words of Mr. Bittehiian : 

You will observe that all of the specific requirements for membership in the 
party aim at one thing, namely, the active, conscious and disciplined participa- 
tion in the struggles of the masses that are led and organized by the Party. 

Do YOU wish Mr. Browder to give his interpretation of that? 

]Mr. Browder. I would be very glad to. 

The Chairman. It means what it says. It is very plain. 

Mr. Browder. But it does not mean what Mr. Matthews in hia 
question inferred it means. 

The Chairman. What does it mean? 

]\Ir. Browder. Mr. Matthews inferred that independently of the 
decisions of the Communist Party of the United States, the individual 
members of the party would be bound by the decisions of the Com- 
munist International. The fact of the matter is that the Communist 
Party of the United States acts, not through its individual members 
in such quesions, but through its own bodies elected in the United 
States, the leadership of the Communist Party of the United States. 
This is provided in the constitution of the Communist Party, where 
it is made very clear that the sujireme body for decisions of the 
Communist Party of the United States is the convention of the party. 

The Chairman. Then that statement by Mr. Bittelman was in- 
correct ? 

Mr. Broa\t)er. As interpreted by Mr. Matthews. 

The Chairman. How do you interpret it? 

Mr. Thomas. How do you interpret it? 

Mr. Browder. I interpret it by the constitution of the Communist 
Party of the United States. 

Mr. Thomas. What does the sentence mean when it refers to the 
rules of the given Communist Party and the Communist Interna- 
tional ? To me it means tliat the members of the Communist Party 
here are governed by the rules of the given Communist Party and 
the Communist International. Does it not mean the same to you? 

Mr. Browder. That 

Mr. Thomas. Answer it "yes" or "no" ; does it not mean the same to 
3'ou? 

Mr. Broavder. It does not mean exactly the same to me as it 
does to you. 

The CHAiR:\rAN. Wliat does it mean to you, when they use the words 
"Communist Party" and the "Communist International"? Wliat 
does that mean to you ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not understand your question. Make it more 
pecific. 

The Chairman. Read it over again. Let us see if you can interpret 
this in any other way except the plain purport of the writing. 

Mr. Mathews. Mr. Chairman, there is another quotation, also from 
the constitution of the Communist International, on page 35 of this 
pamphlet, which raises the same question and is just as clear, I 
think, for the purposes which we have in mind. 



s 



4402 tJN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Bittelman says: 

An essential part of the Bolshevik principles of organization is the principle 
of democratic centralism. The constitution and rules of the Communist Interna- 
tional formulate this as follows : 

"The Communist International and its sections are built upon the basis of 
democratic centralism, the fundamental principles of which are: (a) Election of 
all the leading committees in the party, subordinate and superior (by general 
meetings of party members, conferences, congresses, and international con- 
gresses) ; (b) periodical reports by leading party committees to their constit- 
uents; (c) decisions of superior party committees to be obligatory for subordi- 
nate committees, strict party discipline and prompt execution of the decisions 
of the Communist International, of its leading committees and of the leading 
party centers. 

"Party questions may be discussed by the members of the party and by the 
party organizations until such time as a decision is taken upon them by the 
competent party committees. After a decision has been taken by the congress 
of the Communnist International, by the congress of the respective sections, 
or by leading committees of the Comintern, and of its various sections, these 
decisions must be unreservedly carried out even if a section of the party 
membership or of the local party organization are in disagreement with it. 

"In cases where the party exists illegally the superior party committees may 
appoint the subordinate committees and co-opt members on their own com- 
mittees subject to subsequent endorsement by the competent superior party 
committees." 

That language, I believe you will notice, is somewhat stronger than 
the language of the other paragraph in that the decisions of the 
congress of the Communist International must be unreservedly car- 
ried out even if lower party bodies are in disagreement with them. 

The Chairman. Is that a correct statement? 

Mr. Browder. I would say it is correct in the sense that any party 
that disagreed with the decisions of a congress and did not carry them 
out would withdraw from the Communist International. Only those 
would stay in the Communist International who agreed. The Com- 
munist International is a body, an association of people of like minds, 
and if their minds differ on fundamental questions, they would part 
company. 

The Chairman. Then that is a correct statement, that Mr. 
Matthews read? 

Mr. Browder. In general principle. 

Mr. Matthews. In other words, the decisions of the Communist 
International are obligatory upon all sections and affiliates of the 
Communist International and if the}' disagree they have only the 
choice of retiring from the Communist International; is that correct, 
Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. That is, they are obligatory for the continuation of 
the association. 

The Chairman. That is what he asked you. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. Then the answer to his question is "Yes." 

Mr. Browder. He was inferring 

The Chairman. He was not inferring anything. 

Mr. Browder. An authoritarian imposition of decision. It is a 
question of the conditions for the continuation of the association. 

The Chairman. It is just a question like this: If they issue an 
-order and you do not obey it, you have got to get out. 

Mr. Browder. I have never heard of any orders being issued. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 44O3 

The Chairman. If they did issue an order and you disobeyed it, 
you Avould have to get out. 

jNlr. Bkowder. Of course, if anybody gives me an order and I dis' 
obey it, I am breaking relations with him. 

Mr. Starnes. Let us quit the shadow boxing and get an answer to 
this question. Does the international party have any authority over 
its affiliates or associated bodies? 

]\Ir. Browder. It has. 

Mr. Starnes. Is there an international authority in communism? 

Mr. Browder. Of course. It has the moral 

Mr. Starxes. Over whom? 

Mr. Browder. It has moral and political authority arising from 
acceptance of its teachings. 

Mr. Casey. Before you go on, I take it, Mr. Browder, there is no 
question but what the Communist Party of America is within the 
Comintern ? 

Mr. Browder. The Communist Party is affiliated with the Com- 
munist International. 

Mr. VooRHis. And further that in order for it to continue that 
affiliation, it is true, is it not, it has to abide with its decision ? 

Mr. Browder. It is necessary for it to agree with the decisions of 
the International. I would emphasize the nature of this affiliation 
as an agreement. 

The Chairman. All right, proceed. 

Mr. Matthews. Reading from the same pamphlet, the same chap- 
ter, on page 46: 

Our party is the United States section of ttie Communist International, which 
is a world Communist Party, and each one of us is therefore a member of a 
world party. 

And continuing further down the same page : 

The World Congress elects the executive committee of the Communist Inter- 
national and the international control commission. The decisions of the execu- 
tive committee of the Communist International are obligatory for all the sec- 
tions of the Communist International and must be promptly carried out. 

That is the language of Mr. Bittelman, Mr. Chairman, and not a 
quotation from the constitution of the Communist International. 

Has Mr. Bittelman correctly stated the facts'? 

Mr. Browder. Not fully, because he left out one of the very essen- 
tial roles that is played by the party as a national party and a 
relation of the party to that matter. 

The Chairman. With the exception of leaving that out, the rest 
of the statement is true? 

Mr. Browder. If understood in that light, of the role of the party 
to the Nation as developed in the constitution, modified that way, it 
v>ould then be correct. 

Mr. INIatthews. Mr. Browder, who called the first session of the 
Communist International ^ 

Mr. Browder. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Matthews. Wlien was that first congress of the Communist 
International held? 

Mr. Browder. In March 1919. 

Mr. Matthews. You are acquainted with the pamphlet entitled 
"Foundation of the Communist International," by V. I. Lenin? 



4404 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. I am. 

Mr. Matthews. In this pamphlet, on page 27, we find the follow- 
ing statement : 

And the most cbaracteristic feature of this luternational, its mission, is to 
fulfill and bring to life and heritage of Marxism and to realize tlie century-old 
ideas of socialism and the labor movement — this most characteristic feature 
of the Third International showed itself at once in the fact that the new, third 
International Working Men's Association has already begun now to coincide 
to a certain degree, with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 

Do yon agree with the statement made by Lenin? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; I think it is very clear that the Union Soviet 
of the Socialist Republic is realizing the teachings of Marxism which 
were embodied in the Commnnist 

Mr. Matthews (interposing). I refer specifically to the statement 
that the Third International, the Comintern, has already begun now 
to coincide to a certain degree with the Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics. 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; the principle of the Third International being 
realized in the Soviet Union, 

Mr. Matthews. Lenin did not state that the principles coincided 
but that the Third International had begun to coincide. 

Mr. Browder. That is the clear meaning; he is dealing with the 
principles; he is dealing with the principles of Marxism and the 
principles of the Communist International. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder. has the American Communist Party, 
through its leaders and publications, made frequent references to 
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as a model party for all 
other Communist Parties? 

Mr. Browder. Frequently. 

Mr. Matthews. In the world? 

Mr. Browder. Frequently. 

Mr. Matthews. There has been recently published in the United 
States a history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. 

Mr, Browder, Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. Was the edition a rather large one? 

Mr. Browder. One hundred thousand copies. 

Mr. Matthews. Is. the party of the United States now conduct- 
ing a campaign for the education of its own members in all the 
history and tactics of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Matthews. Are the members of the Communist Party of the 
United States required to purchase copies of the History of the 
Communist Party of the Soviet LTnion? 

Mr. Browder. Not required to; it is purely a voluntary act. 

Mr. Matthews. Not required except by moral stress of the party? 

Mr. Browder. Required, insofar as they accept the opinions of the 
leaders of the party. 

Mr. Matthews. They have been urged so to do ? 

Mr. Browder. They have been urged to do so, 

Mr, Matthews. Rather strongly? 

Mr. Browder. Very strongly. 

Mr. Matthews. Reading from the Communist for September 1939 
from an article which is signed only with the initials A, B., which I 
take to refer to Alex Bittleman 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 



UN-AMERICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4405 

Mr. IVIatthews. We have the f olloAving statement : 

Communists, niul many non-Communists, are well familiar with the fact 
that, beginning with about 1924, when the post-war revolutionary wave was 
beginning temporarily to recede, all Communist Parties, upon Stalin's advice, 
began concentrating on bolshevizing themselves. And this was the main content 
of the guidance of the Communist International. 

The Communist Party has frequently referred to the guidance of 
Tlie Communist International 

Mr. Browdek. Frequently. 

Mr. Matthews. In its affairs, and has frequently made reference 
to Stalin's advice in conducting its activities? 

Mr. Broavder. Frequently. 

Mr. AIaithews. Again from the same editorial I read with refer- 
ence to the history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which 
we have just been discussing, the following statement: 

Hence a comparative study of the history of the two parties has become an 
absolute necessity for evei'y Communist, for every anti-Fascist, for every 
progressive fighter of America. The history of the Communist Party of the 
Soviet Union is the guide to the struggle for democracy. 

That is an indication that the part}- members are expected, rather 
emphatically, to purchase and study that history. 

Mr. Browder. That is, they are advised that they will be unable 
to follow the events of the day if they do not know the history. 

]Mr. ]Matthews. To understand and study the history in the United 
States 

jNIr. Browder. In the world. 

Mr. ISIatthews. Including the United States? 

Mr. Browder. Including the United States. 

Mr. Matthews. That it is absolutely necessary for them to study 
the history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and use it 
as their guide ? 

Mr. Broavder, That it is necessary to the understanding of the 
movement. 

Mr. Matthews. In tliis country and in the struggle for democracy ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. ^Iatthews. In the same issue of the Communist j^ou have an 
article entitled ''Some Kemarks on the Twentieth Anniversary of 
the Communist Party of the United States." 

Mr. Broa\t)er. I have. 

Mr. ISIatthews. That is correct? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. I read the following statement, also concerning 
the History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union : 

In approaching the task of working out detailed and systematic under- 
standing of the history of the United States of America, of the labor move- 
ment, and of the Socialist movement and specifically the Communist Party 
of the United States of America we have received a highly important stimu- 
lus and help in a recently published History of the Communist Party of the 
Soviet Union. 

That is a further verification of your estimate of the history of 
the Communist Party as being absolutely necessary. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

^Ir. Matthews, For the American party? 

Mr. Browder. As I suggest, it emphasizes and expresses the good 
of this book, as I understand it. 



4406 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Casey. You say it expresses and emphasizes the good of this 
book as you understand it ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. I have made a speech devoted entirely to this 
book; if you gentlemen are interested I would be glad to give you 
a copy of it. 

Mr. Casey. Quite aside from that then unless the reader of this 
book has your interpretation and understanding of it he would be 
free to understand it according to his own limitations and ability? 

Mr. Browder. Each reader would have to understand it according 
to his own ability and understanding. I have done my best to help 
in the full understanding of it. I made one speech devoted entirely 
to this question and if you gentlemen are interested I would be glad 
to furnish you with a copy. It was delivered at the fifteenth anni- 
versary of the Workers School. It is devoted very largely to the 
significance of this history as a distribution of the theory. 

Mr. Matthews Would you say then, Mr. Browder, that the Com- 
munist Party of the Soviet Union has played a great role in the 
development of the Communist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. In corroboration of that answer, I read the fol- 
lowing from an article in the Communist : 

In makiug available the lessons of the broadest international experiences in 
the first place, the tremendous achievement of the Communist Party of the 
Soviet Union which is successfully building the new socialist society which is 
embracing 170,000,000 population, one-sixth of the earth's surface, the Com- 
munist International has played and continues to play a great role in the 
development of the Communist Party of the United States. 

That is a statement which you subscribed to, I take it? 

Mr. Browder. That is better understood if you will continue with 
the rest of the paragraph. 

Mr. Matthews. With the work 

Mr. Browder. I would suggest that will be clarified if you will 
read the rest of the paragraph. 

Mr. Matthews. I have no objection. 

The Chairman. Put the balance of it in the record ; I think it is 
only fair to read the balance. 

Mr. Matthews. Yes. [Reading :] 

It is precisely this education in internationalism which has enabled the 
Communist Party of the United States of America to become organically 
American, rooted in the American soil and tradition, and understanding 
American problems and history in a deeper sense than they have been probed 
before. Both Lenin and Stalin, besides the contribution to the American 
workers made by their leadership of the Soviet Union, have by direct expres- 
sion of opinion contribution inestimably to the mastering of American problems. 
Of this contribution I have written in more detail previously. 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Matthews. It is correct that both Lenin and Stalin have 
made direct expressions of opinions which have been necessary for 
the mastery of American problems by the Communist Party of the 
United States? 

Mr. Browder, That is correct. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder, you are acquainted with the pub- 
lication Communist International? 

Mr. Browder. I am. 



UN-AlMEraCAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4407 

Mr. Matthews. I show you a pliotostatic copy of an article from 
the Communist International dated October 15, 1933. Do you recog- 
nize tliat from the photostat copy [exhibiting to witness] ? 

]\Ir. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. JMatthews. Thank you. Mr. Chairman, I ask that this be 
marked for identification. 

Tlie Chairman. Has he identified it ? 

Mr. Matthews. Yes. 

(The article referred to was marked "Exhibit No. — .") 

Mr. MvTi'HEWs. The article begins on page 726 of the Communist 
International, and is entitled "Review of the Daily Worker, U. S. A. 
(June and July)." 

The subtitle in the paragraph reads as follows : 

In the order of checking up the carrying out of tlie tasks put before the 
Communist Party of the United States of America by the executive committee 
of the Communist International. 

The article is a very lengthy one, and it would be impossible to 
read it, but I will summarize its purpose and ask you if that summary 
is correct. 

Mr. Browdek. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. The Communist International examined and an- 
alyzed 2 months' issues of the Daily Worker and then wrote a rather 
lengthy report on the successes and shortcomings of the Daily Worker 
for the guidance of its publishers in the future. 

Mr. Browder. Very sharply criticized it and pointed out wherein 
it has made many political mistakes ; that is correct. 

The Chairman. And did it make constructive suggestions as to 
the future? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; it made some very serious observations about 
how certain weaknesses had prevented the party from effectively 
meeting the problems and how they could be overcome. 

The Chairman. And in furtherance of those suggestions has the 
Daily Worker taken the advice given in those suggestions? 

Mr. Browder. I think they learned a great deal from them; that 
is correct. 

Mr. Starnes. Did they take advantage of the suggestions? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Did they carry out the suggestions which were 
made ? 

Mr. Browder. As a precondition to taking advantage of this 
learning. 

Mr. Starnes. Then they followed the suggestions? 

Mr. Browder. As we learned them. 

Mr. Starnes. As you learned them and you interpreted them? 

Mr. Broam>er. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And understood them? 

Mr. Browder. Some things we did not learn and did not do, and 
others we did. 

Mr. Casey. One more suggestion: Can you give us an idea as to 
what the suggestions were, or are they too lengthy ? 

Mr. Matthews. They are rather lengthy. 

Mr. Casey, Can you put them in the record ? 

Mr. Matthews. I think perhaps the conclusion might be put into 
the record as an elucidation of that particular matter. 



4408 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Casey. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. Conclusion appears on pages 737, 738, and 739. 

(The statement referred to is as follows:) 

Conclusions 

The review of the Daily Worker for June-July shows a certain improvement 
in the paper toward the end of this period. This improvement consists in the 
paper's giving more topical material, and presenting it in a more popular form 
to the working-class readers. However, together with this, the paper (a) has 
not succeeded in carrying on campaigns on questions of the greatest importance 
to the party, particularly on the popularization of the Open Letter, on the eco- 
nomic struggles, and on the trade-union question; (b) has, although supplying 
better and more topical, informational, and party, also propagandist material, 
still been very weak as agitator and organizer; (c) does not show a suflBciently 
careful and politically worked out plan for carrying through the campaigns of 
the party; (d) has had very weak connections with the local organizations, 
particularly the party organizations. In view of this it is necessary to take a 
number of practical measures to strengthen the cadres of the workers, both 
centrally and locally; to secure assistance and control by the political bureau 
of the party, to strengthen the participation of the local party organizations in 
the work of the paper, in order further to improve the contents of the paper 
and increase its role as a class agitator and organizer of the work of the party 
in the masses, and as builder of the party. It is necessary to carry out in 
practice the decision on the work of the Daily Workers' representatives in the 
districts chosen as points of concentration, on the regular pages to be directed 
to work in each such district. 

The principal task of the paper at the present time is the struggle against 
Roosevelt's policy, the popularization of the Open Letter, and the fight for 
carrying it into life. 

At the monthly discussion of the work of the paper by the central committee 
it is necessary each time not only to summarize the work of the paper in the 
most important campaigns and give instructions based on it, but also to discuss 
how the paper fought for carrying out the principal tasks of the party, e. g., 
the building of the party in districts for concentration ; the development of 
revolutionary trade-union work, particularly the opposition inside the American 
Federation of Labor in the branches of indiastry where it has mass organiza- 
tions; leadership of strikes, popularization of the experience and lessons of 
strikes ; the daily popularization and organization of the united front from 
below in mass work and mass action — the fight against social fascism on both 
fundamental questions (democracy and dictatorship, fascism, way out of the 
crisis, state capitalism, danger of war, unity of the working class, etc.), and on 
daily questions of mass action — the attack of capital, etc. ; the fight against the 
danger of war and in defense of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, point 
which as yet is very insufiiciently stressed in the paper. 

(b) The Daily Worker must decidedly strengthen the struggle for develop- 
ing revolutionary trade-union work, in the first place by systematically popular- 
izing the tasks of the party in this work, particularly in the building up of 
revolutionary trade-unions and the creation of independent unions in the steel 
and automobile industries, in the organization of mass opposition in the Amer- 
ican Federation of Labor by showing the experience of this work, regularly 
printing pages on work in the most important branches of industry ; to carry 
this out the paper must have permanent connections with the active party 
members in the trade-unions ; secondly, by specially explaining to the nonparty 
workers, in the most popular manner possible, the current tasks of trade- 
union wfirk, with concrete examples (e. g., the Gary strike against a company 
union, the miners' strike against the will of the American Federation of Labor 
leaders, etc.), with workers' letters, at conferences with worker readers of 
the paper, etc., so that not the least detail of trade-union life, of the trade-union 
policy, and work of the party should remain unexplained to the nonparty 
masses ; and particularly questions of opposition work in the American Fed- 
eration of Labor (mobilization of the membership masses against the American 
Federation of Labor leaders, who are supporting Roosevelt, for strikes, against 
the persuasion of the American Federation of Labor as in Pennsylvania), work 
in the independent unions, questions of trade-union unity, attitude toward the 
Musteites, the policy of the reformist trade-unions, etc., for it is necessary to 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4409 

extend the network of nonparty local worker correspondents, in the local organ- 
izations of the trade-nnions, carrying on systematic work among them. Ques- 
tions of trade-union work should occupy a central place in the paper ; for that 
reason this work must undoubtedly he carried on by a comrade with a profound 
understanding, who has had serious experience of trade-union work, with a 
good understanding of the policy and task of the party in this question, and of 
the work of the American Federation of Labor. 

(c) In spite of the great growth in the strike struggle, particularly after the 
passing of Roosevelt's laws, the popularization of the experience and lessons 
of these strikes (strikes of metal workers and miners for higher wages, recog- 
nition of unions, etc., the role of the American Federation of Labor, and of 
the revolutionary elements in these strikes) have not occupied a corresponding 
central position in the paper, in connection with and together with the daily 
trade-union work. The paper must not only increase the quantity of informa- 
tion on strikes, which has ixp to now been quite insufficient, but must syste- 
matically explain, giving concrete examples (strikes in Detroit, Buffalo, etc.), 
the aims of the strike struggle and the problems of its tactics, so that the work- 
ing class reader should receive not only information about strikes, but also 
explanations of the mistakes or shortcomings in the organization of a partic- 
ular strike ; this is necessary in order that the strike may be more successfully 
carried on, etc. ; systematically to print editorials summarizing the exjierience 
of strikes, etc., constantly leading the workers toward an understanding of 
the necessity for their own leadership of strikes on the basis of the united front. 

(d) The Daily Worker has printed several articles dealing with questions 
of the united front. However, these articles explain the policy of the party 
only to the active party members, and not sufficiently either. It is necessary 
to extend the popularization of the practice of the united front in the districts, 
particularly taking into consideration the level of the understanding of the 
rank-and-file nonjiarty worker, showing good and bad examples of the united 
front. Besides this, it is necessary to give a number of popular articles on 
the united front, making use of concrete examples of strikes, hunger marches 
(the metal workers' strike in Buffalo, and the hunger march to Ford's in 
Detroit) to explain such questions, for example, as what the united front is, 
why it is necessary from below, and not from above, the Communists' attitude 
toward rank-and-file workers in the American Federation of Labor and the 
Socialist Party, and toward their leaders ; why the Communists consider these 
leaders traitors, splitters, social-fascists, etc., and the attitude of the social- 
fascist leaders toward the united front as a maneuver. 

(e) The Daily Worker has considerably strengthened the struggle against 
social-fascism along the lines of exposing the policy of the social-fascists on 
current events. While continuing to carry on this most important work in 
the same spirit, it is necessary, in the first place, to expand the information 
and criticism of the practical work of the Socialist Party in the local strikes 
(e. g., the textile industry), demonstrations, in the factories, the unions, in 
the municipalities, e. g. (Milwaukee) and so on, and, secondly, to begin to 
carry on extensive criticism of and polemics against the social-fascists, making 
use of definite points (i. e., the attitude toward Roo.sevelt's laws, etc.), in the 
principal questions of program which divide the Communists from the social- 
reformists (democracy and dictatorship, fascism, the capitalist and the revo- 
lutionary way out of the crisis, state capitalism, the danger of war, the unity 
of the working class, etc.). 

(f) The Daily Worker carries on a campaign of some magnitude against 
Roosevelt's forced labor camps. This work must be intensified, by printing 
not only information, as has been done up to now, but also a number of 
political articles on the questions and methods of struggle in these camps. 
The paper has dropped its work among the unemployed — very little material 
is printed on this subject, and the campaign for social insurance which was 
renewed in .June has again subsided. It is necessary to carry out systemati- 
cally the decision on the campaign for social insurance, the importance of 
which has not decreased through the adoption of Roosevelt's laws, but has, on 
the contrary, increased, particularly in view of the coming fifth hungry winter 
of the crisis. The same applies to the work of the unemployed councils. 

(g) The paper's network of worker-correspondents is still very weak, and no 
serious work among them is evident. The paper must very soon take steps, 
first and foremost, to create a strong network of worker-correspondents in the 
localities, in order to instruct and help them in writing their letters and to 
raise their political level ; no only to print letters, but to point out the political 



4410 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

importance and the lessons of any given fact described by the correspondent, 
instructing him on his worl< and the paper's systematically discussing the 
work of particular correspondents or groups of correspondents over a certain 
period (e. g., a month), in order to reveal a correspondent's m'ain shortcomings 
and achievements and to help him in his further work. 

It is necessary to enliven the work of the workers' editorial councils in the 
center and the concentration districts, to develop the initiative of the members, 
carrying out their proposals, arranging regular (e. g., weekly) discussions of 
Daily Workers' questions with them, in which leading comrades should take 
part, thus drawing them into the daily work of the paper. 

(h) The work carried on by the paper to popularize the Open Letter and 
carry out its instructions is very weak. And yet, the popularization of the 
Open Letter and the fight for realizing it have now become still more impor- 
tant in connection with the mobilization of the party against Roosevelt's 
measures. It is necessary systematically to print articles explaining various 
points of the letter in connection with the situation and current events of the 
class struggle in the covmtry, to give information on discussion of the Open 
Letter in the localities, and, first and foremost, to organize a checking up on the 
carrying out of the Open Letter with regard to the tasks set in concentration. 
The paper must combine its foremost task — the fight against Roosevelt's meas- 
ures — with popularization of the Open Letter and fight for it, in concrete ques- 
tions (concentration, trade-unions, united front, strikes, etc.). 

(i) The Daily Worker does not deal with questions of building the party. 
And yet these questions are of a decisive importance for the development of 
the Communist Party of the United States of America, its transformation 
into a mass party, its bolshevisation. The paper must create a section of 
party life and party construction, which would, however, in its work take into 
consideration all the conditions necessary for conspiracy, which are secured 
directly by the Central Committee of the pax'ty. In this section the paper 
must, in the first place explain the line of the party in the most important 
current questions and fight for this line ; secondly, it must fight for a check-up 
on the execution of the party's decisions, of the tasks set by it, showing how 
this execution is going on, explaining the tasks of the party with concrete 
examples, and showing how to carry them out, and so forth ; thirdly, it must 
particularly give information on the tasks and methods of mass work of the 
Communists, in mass organizations, particularly the trade unions ; fourthly, 
it must popularize the experience of the organizational building of the party, 
the work of the cells, the fight against bureaucracy, for discipline, against 
membership fluctuation ; recruiting work, work among new members, and so 
forth ; fifthly, it must give information on questions of propagandist work, on 
the work of the school, on questions of agitation, on the work of factory 
papers. 

(j) In the work of the paper not enough planning and care is evident. 
Although the paper's leading articles have become shorter and more popular, 
they often resemble an editorial or just incidental paragraph, which is not 
connected with the rest of the paper's contents. It is necessary to make the 
leading articles politically instructive and supported by the main concrete 
material printed in the paper. This requires better organization of all the 
material, the addition to sections and important letters of editorial notes, a 
better and clearer grouping, and so forth, in order that each issue should 
have a definite task, around which the material should be organized, and 
that each issue should therefore bring a definite point or task home to the 
worker, to inform him on them concretely and from all angles. 

Therefore the paper must work according to a plan, the leading articles 
must be carefully thought out, the most important leading articles must be 
discussed beforehand by the Central Committee, together with members of the 
editorial board ; and, generally the leading articles must be agreed upon by 
the Central Committee, so that the party should really regard the paper's 
editorials as leading political articles. 

In all its work the paper must remember that all information must serve 
for educating and organizing the masses and the party itself; for that reason 
it cannot limit itself to giving information, but must carry on, on the basis of 
information, explanatory work, a fight for the line of the party ; must agitate 
for the party's slogans, organize the workers, pointing out what the workers 
should do and how they should do it in their struggle, in work in the trade- 
unions, and so forth, bringing the workers to an understanding of the main 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 44H 

questions of the Communist Party's tactics and the main tasks in the fight for 
the dictatorship of the proletariat. 

Mr. Matthews. The recommendations made by the Communist 
International to the Daily Worker include the sharpening of its at- 
tack upon the New Deal, among other things. Is that correct, Mr. 
Browder ? 

Mr. Browder. I am not sure about that. I do not recall that par- 
ticular item, but I do know that just during that period there was a 
sharp difference of opinion developing in the relation to the New 

Deal. Up until December 1934 — about December 1934 

Mr. Matthews (interposing). That is a correct statement? 
Mr. Browder. Up until the end of 1934 the Communists were the 
sharpest critics, and most of the time, until 1933 and 1934, the only 
public critics of the New Deal. 
The Chairman. And then it is a fact? 

Mr. Browder. And at the end of 1934 and the beginning of 1935 
it began to reexamine the attitude and fundamentals, and at the 
same time another group of Americans began to reexamine it, and 
the result of this examination was that about the same time the 
Liberty League was formed, at about that time the Communist Party 
revised its attacks and began to support specific phases of the New 
Deal. 

Mr. Starnes. You reacted like the Trotskyites reacted- to Stalin? 
Mr. Browder. No ; our reaction to the New Deal was in the oppo- 
site wa}' to what the Liberty League did. 

Mr. Starves. Just as the Trotskyites reacted to the Stalin pro- 
gram ? 

JNIr. Browder. I do not think the analogy is entirely accurate. 
Mr. Starnes. All right. 

The Chairman. You believe that the Trotskyites are all bad? 
Mr. Browder. They are all bad. 

The Chairman. In other words, nothing anybody can say for 
them. 

Mr. Browder. You can list all the cuss words together in de- 
scribing them. 

The Chairman. All right, let us proceed. 

Mr. IMatthews. Mr. Browder, are you familiar with a publication 
entitled ''Deutscher Weckrufund Beobachter," the publication of the 
German-American Bund in the United States? 

Mr. Browder. I have not seen it ; I have heard of it. 
Mr. Matthews. Yes. If the Ausland Institute at Stuttgart, in 
Germany, should take 60 copies of the Deutscher Weckrufund Beo- 
bachter and analyze them with the most careful scrutiny and then 
publish a 30- or 40-page statement recommending alterations here 
and there in that paper in the United States, would you not say 
that the Ausland Institute in Germany was exercising rather direct 
and complete control over the publication ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not think that would be evidence, in my judg- 
ment, about the Nazi group in the United States. 

Mr. Matthews. No; but I asked you if that would not be a con- 
clusion that could be logically drawn? 

Mr. BnowDER. I would not draw a bad conclusion from that; I 
would draw my conclusion from the policies of the paper. 



4412 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Matthews. The fact that the publication of the German- 
American Bund was guided by an agency in Germany would not 
lead you to the conclusion that the publication did not have complete 
-autonomy ? 

Mr. Broavder. No; I would draw my conclusion on the basis of 
policy contained in the paper. 

Mr. Matthews. Is it not perfectly clear that the Daily Woiker 
^does not have an independent existence, free to publish what it 
thinks should be published and to omit what it thinks should not be 
published. 

Mr. Browder, It is not clear. The Daily Worker is completely 
free to develop and conduct the paper in any way in which the edi- 
torial staff in America desires is correct. 

Mr. Matthews. I call your attention to the fact or the statement 
under the heading of this article which includes the word "the tasks 
put before the Communist Party of the United States of America by 
executive committee of the Communist International." 

I think you have already made it plain that when such tasks are 
put before the party the party has its choice either to comply or 
retire from the Communist International. 

Mr. Browder. I would say that if it disagrees with the tasks ; yes. 
We would retire at any time we are given a task by anybody, if we 
disagreed, because it can only give advice and we would have the 
choice. 

Mr. Matthews. If the Daily Worker failed or refused to comply 
with the criticisms set forth in this analysis, the party would be in 
trouble with the Comintern? 

Mr. Browder. Or the Comintern would be in trouble with the 
party. In other words there would be a difference of opinion between 
them. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, someone in the International organi- 
zation gives the orders, lays down the policies, and it is not a ques- 
tion of obeying ; it is a question for them to agree. 

Mr. Browder. If they do not agree, there would be a difference of 
opinion. 

Mr. Starnes. In other words, you do not use the word "obey" ; you 
use the word "agree," and whenever an order is issued there is not 
such a thing as obeying, you simply agree, as a matter of policy, 
and go along? 

Mr. Browder. No orders are issued, and therefore there is no ques- 
tion of obeying. 

Mr. Matthews. Does not the Comintern 

Mr. Browder. If you will pardon me for just one further word in 
order to make it quite clear, and I think you are all interested in 
being clear obout it. 

Mr. Starnes. To make the comparison, Mr. Browder, in this coun- 
try a law is enacted. 

Mr. Browder. Yes, 

Mr. Starnes. By the National Government. 

Mr. Btjowder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. The people do not obey they just agree? 

Mr. Browder. No; that is not it. 

Mr. Starnes. That would be a parallel, would it not? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4413 

Mr. Browder. I tliank you very much for givin^^ me that iUus- 
tration. 

Mr. Starnes. That is what I wanted to know. 

Mr. Browder. It will help me to make perfectly clear what I am 
tryintr to say in tryino- to compare the advice given to us from the 
Communist International with a law passed in the United States. 
This is the point that I want to clarify, that no parallel can be drawn 
whatsoever. 

A laAv has to be obeyed and nobody can have any exception to it, 
and there is no voluntarj^ relationship existing between the citizen 
and the law ; the citizen cannot retire from the force of the law. 

The policy relationship existing between the party and the Comin- 
tern is entirely voluntary. There is no authoritativeness about it at 
all ; it is not in the nature of a law. 

The CiL\iRMAN. Just an agreement of the party to comply with 
the suggestions? 

Mr. Broamier. There is an agreement on principles. 

The Chairman. If yon accept them j^ou agree and if you do not 
vou disagree. 

Ml-. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starxes. You have no such thing as law in the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Browder. There is a constitution and bylaws ; it is a voluntary 
association; none of these are laws; they can be terminated at any 
time. 

Mr. Starnes. No decrees are ever written under those laws? 

Mr. Browder. Xo. 

Mr. Starxes. Or any such thing as a decree? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Any proclamations? 

Mr. Brow^der. Proclamations; yes; are used, and statements of 
policies. 

Mr. Starnes. Statements of policies; they have no force and 
effect ; the people just agree or disagree ? 

Mr. Bowder. They have force and effect when they are enacted 
into laAv. 

The Chairman. All right, gentlemen; let us proceed. 

Mr. Casey. I Avould like to ask one word before we go on. 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Casey. It is true, is it not, that from the Comintern you get 
policies for the Communist Party of America? 

Mr. Browder. It is true that the Comintern has periodically con- 
ferred with representatives of the various parties who meet together 
to discuss the aims as agreements of the most complicated problems 
in international affairs, and from these discussions come the so-called 
decisions of the Communist International. 

Mr. Casey. That is, the Comintern is the source of all these pol- 
icies and ideas as well as communistic principles ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; I would ]^refer to say it is the movement 
whereby these things are discussed. 

Mr. Starnes. And it is the one source that makes them effective? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Starnes. There is no such thing as an army or navy or police 
power or anything like that at all ? 



4414 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. Absolutely not. 

Mr. Starnes. To be used in carrying out the policies and programs 
and manifestoes or agreements? 

Mr. Browder. Absolutely not, insofar as the body is concerned. 
You are referring to government now. 

Mr. Starnes. What is the purpose of an army and a navy and a 
police force in a communistic country then? 

Ml". Browder. You are talking now about the State, the Nation, 
the Government, which were here long before we were. 

The Chairman. No international organization can impose or pass 
a law for the United States. 

Mr. Browder. Of course not. 

The Chairman. Whether it is the Nazi, the Communist, or the 
Fascist. 

Mr. Browder. Of course not. 

The Chairman. In other words, what you really mean in dis- 
cussing the Communist Party is that it cannot, as an international 
organization, nor as a Comintern impose any law on anybody in 
the United States, but from South America and from every other 
country there is a Communist Party. The Communist Party is 
allowed to have a representative on the Comintern. I am talking 
about the real Communist Party. 

Mr. Browder. Of real Communists. 

The Chairman. Let us proceed. 

Mr. VooRHis. That was the point that Mr. Browder made a while 
ago, that in effect you could not actually be a party to the Com- 
munist Party unless you did agree with the principles of the Comin- 
tern and practices outlined there. 

Mr. Browder. The very principle and policy of keeping together 
like-minded people. When people do not have minds thinking along 
the same line they do not stay together long. 

The Chairman. In other words, to continue what I was asking 
you, the Communist Party sends its delegates to meetings in Moscow 
and they consider various matters of policy, tactics, and agreements 
to be followed by the Communist Party, and when they enter into 
those agreements they become the decisions of the Communist 
Party ; is that the fact ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. And those decisions are obligatory, in the sense 
that while they do not have the force of law they have the force of 
moral and policy persuasion, also with the penalty that if they do not 
agree they get out of the organization. 

Mr. Browder. That is the force, that is the condition under which 
they associate. 

The Chairman. And if they do not agree 

Mr. Browder. If they do not agree 

The Chairman (continuing) . They get out. And there is no way 
that an international organization could make it any stronger. 

Mr. Browder. I do not see how it could. 

Mr. Starnes. Let us see how the international plan works. You 
get a direct law that is applicable to parties in the specific country 
where they live. 

Mr. BRo^vDER, Yes. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 44I5 

Mr. Starnes. Now as to policy, they are carried out by agree- 
nient 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. You have laws in particular countries; is that the 
idea; you have laws? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, no. 

Mr. Starnes. No such thing as laws? I am not talking about the 
international; I am talking about the Soviet Union. We will say 
that the Soviet Union is composed of the Communist party. Now 
would not the Communist Party of the United States of America 
have laws ? 

Mr. Browder. Not as a party, but the government would have 
laws. Certainly, we believe in government of law. 

]\Ir. Starnes. You believe in a government of law? 

Mr. Bro\vder. Absolutely. 

Mr. Starnes. And manifestoes? 

Mr. Broavder. The Communist Party is an eternal foe of anarchy. 

Mr. Starnes. You believe in the issuance of manifestoes and in 
government by manifestoes ? 

Mr. Broavder. We believe in the orderly process of government. 

Mr. Starnes. All right. 

The Chairman. Go ahead. 

Mr. Matthews. The question of the control of the Communist Party 
of the United States over its own members has been raised, and perhaps 
we might just as well at this time produce a document entitled "The 
Central Control Commission, Communist Party of the United States 
of America, New York, N. Y." You do have in the Communist Party, 
Mr. Browder, a Central Control Commission ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you recognize this photostatic copy of a docu- 
ment of that commission [handing to witness] ? 

Mr. Browder (after examining). I had not seen this before. I 
assume it is correct. 

Mr. Matthews. That appears to be the form in which such docu- 
ments are customarily published ? 

Mr. Browder. I assume this is a correct copy. I had not seen this 
particular document. 

Mr. Matthews. But you do know such documents are published by 
the party from time to time ? 

Mr. Browder. They have been in the past. 

Mr. Matthews. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. There has been very little occasion for it for some 
time. 

jVIr. Matthews. Mr. Chairman, I would like to have this marked for 
identification as an exhibit in the record. 

The Chairman. All right. 

(The paper above referred to was marked "September 6, 1939. 
Witness Browder. W. R. G.") 

Mr. ^Iatthews. This document is dated May 1935. It contains a 
list of those who were expelled from the Communist Party of the 
United States in the year 1934. The name of the person expelled, his 
party connection, and the reason for his expulsion is set forth in each 
instance. 

94931 — 40 — vol. 7 10 



4416 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

In clearing up the question of why members are expelled from the 
Communist Part}-, which was raised yesterday, these illustrations, or 
some of them, may throw light on the subject. 

I notice that a number of persons were expelled, according to the 
document, from the Communist Party because of their cooperation 
with the Democratic Party. Do you recall, Mr. Browder, that there 
were persons expelled from the party at this time for that reason? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Matthews. And in at least one instance a party member was 
expelled for supporting a Republican candidate ? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Matthews. That is correct ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. In another instance a member was expelled for put- 
ting religion above the party. Do you recall a case of that kind, or 
other cases of that kind, in the history of the party ? 

Mr. Browder. I don't recall that ; no. 

The Chairman. What was the detail — he was expelled because he 
put his religion above the party ? 

Mr. Matthews. The exact language is "For putting religion above 
the party." That was the ground noted for expulsion here in this 
document. 

Mr. Casey. Who issued that document ? 

]\Ir. Matthews. This is the Central Control Commission of the Com- 
munist Party of the United States of America, which is the commis- 
sion, as I understand it, which has final authority in such matters. Is 
that correct, Mr. Browder ? 

Mr. Browder. It reviews all the disciplinary questions. 

Mr. Matthews. They have final authority ? 

Mr, Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. And, Mr. Matthews, did you notice any illustrations 
where a person was expelled for putting his country before his party? 

Mr. Browder. No ; you cannot find that. 

Mr. Matthews. I do not know^ of any such instance as that in this 
particular document. There will be evidence bearing on that question 
later, Mr. Thomas. 

I call your attention, Mr. Browder, to several cases in which mem- 
bers were expelled from the party for misconduct in one or another 
of the so-called mass organizations. One man was expelled from the 
Communist Party because he took $5 from the I. L. D. Would mis- 
conduct of that sort in the International Labor Defense constitute a 
ground for expulsion from the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. It certainly would — or in any other organization. 

Mr. Matthews. In other words, you want to qualify the statement 
which you made yesterday, I believe, that only political considera- 
tions were ever taken into account in connection with the severing of 
a man's relationship with the party? 

Mr. Browder. I would say that that is the most serious political 
consideration; proper conduct of Communists in mass organizations 
is the very life of our party and any member of our party who goes 
beyond — who breaks the rules and does not carry through the deci- 
sions of the organizations to which he belongs, injures the party most 
drastically and, therefore, he has to get out of the party. 

Mr. Matthews. I presume the way that the Communist Party 
would know about this crime, as you describe it, would be that the 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4417 

International Labor Defense would notify the party of the conduct 
of the member? 

Mr. Browder. No. We have no relations with mass organizations 
that they notify us. 

Mr. INIatthews. Well, how would the Communist Party know that 
a certain member had taken $5 from the International Labor De- 
fense ? 

Mr, Browder. Other members inform the party. 

Mr, Matthews. Other members in the International Labor De- 
fense, necessarily? 

Mr. Brow^der. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. Then whether it came officially from the head- 
quarters of the International Labor Defense, or from a member, or 
members, of the International Labor Defense, would you consider 
tliat material? 

Mr. Browder. We rely upon our members to keep us informed upon 
those things. 

Mr. Matthews. I notice, also, that one member was expelled be- 
cause he was found to be a "petty intellectual." 

The Chair3ian. A what? 

Mr. ]\Latth3:ws. A petty intellectual — p-e-t-t-y i-n-t-e-l-l-e-c-t-u-a-1. 
Is that still a ground for expulsion from the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. I don't understand that at all. 

Mr. Matthews. That is the notation given here beside the name of 
the man who was expelled. I wondered if that was also a political 
crime which would be a ground for expulsion. 

Mr. Browder. I never heard of the expression before. 

Mr. Matthews. In numerous instances we have a notation that the 
expelled member "refused to carry out party decisions," That is in 
line with your explanation of the relationship between the Communist 
Party of the United States and the Comintern? 

Mr. Brow^der. Exactly. 

Mr. Matthews. A member must carry out all decisions of the party 
or be expelled from the party ? 

The Chairman. Is that correct? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; that is correct. 

Mr. Starnes, A party member does not have any latitude or dis- 
cretion in the matter — he has to carry out orders or get out? 

Mr. Browder. The party has to carry out orders. 

Mr. Starxes. I do not know what terms are used 

Mr. Browder. I am afraid you are trying to create a picture of the 
party as a sort of army with captains and lieutenants and corporals 
and sergeants, and everybody receiving orders, but there is no such 
thing. And if we tried to make such a thing, we would not be build- 
ing a political party as we are. 

Mr. Starnes. I have no such inference ; that is an inference you are 
drawing yourself. What I am trying to find out is how in the world 
3'Ou do operate. 

Mr. Browder. I would be glad to explain it, but I am answering 
questions. 

The Chairman. Proceed ; we will get to that later. 

Mr. Matthews. I also notice, Mr. Browder, several members were 
expelled for misconduct, usually of a financial nature, in the Inter- 
national Workers' Order. Do you recall such expulsions? 

Mr. Browder. I do not; no. 



4418 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Matthews. But such misconduct in the International Workers' 
Order would also be a ground for expulsion from the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Browder. It certainly would. 

Mr. Starnes. Is that a political consideration? 

Mr. Browder. A political consideration. 

Mr. Matthews. We have here the case of a man who was expelled 
from the Communist Party for slanders against the Soviet Union. 
That is a ground for expulsion from the Communist Party of the 
United States? 

Mr, Browder. It certainly is. 

Mr. Thomas. What was that last question ? 

Mr. Starnes. A man cannot express himself 

The Chairman. Just one at a time. Who had the first question ? 

Mr. Starnes. What I want to know is, a man cannot express him- 
self freely about the party and its policies ? 

Mr. Browder. Certainly; certainly he can. 

Mr. Starnes. He can do it, but he cannot do it and stay in the 
party ? 

Mr. Browder. If his views differ from the party's, that means by 
expressing himself, he is separating himself from the party. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. 

Mr. Casey. As I understand, that was an expression of criticism of 
the Soviet Union ? 

Mr. Matthews. Yes. 

Mr. Casey. That is not the Communist Party, as I understand ; that 
was the Soviet Union ? 

Mr. Browder. Slanders against the Soviet Union, the land where 
the political theories of the Communists are being carried out. That 
is an attack against the principles of our party. 

Mr. Casey. What would you say if a member of the Communist 
Party of America took issue with Stalin's non aggression pact with 
Germany; would that constitute a slander of the Soviet Union? 

Mr. Browder. I think it would be a demonstration of a most serious 
lack of understanding of politics, and a serious disregard of the 
national interests of America which have been helped by that pact. 

Mr. Casey. All right. 

Mr. Starnes. Therefore, he should be expelled from the party ? 

Mr. Browder. Well, we would try to clear him up first. If he 
persisted in his opinion, that would be a sharp break from the party. 

The Chairman. It would be a ground for expulsion ? 

Mr. Browder. Of course. 

Mr. Mason. Mr. Chairman, I have one question. The document 
Mr. Matthews is reading there is a list of expulsions by a certain 
authoritative grouj) of the Communist Party, is it ? 

The Chairman. That is right; the Central Control Commission. 

Mr. Mason. Now, the witness states each time, practically, that 
when a Communist differs or disagrees or criticizes, or does something, 
he automatically withdraws from the Communist Party, or separates 
himself. Now, this is not an automatic separation; this is a decision 
by a group. 

The Chairman. Well, I think he made that clear, that a member 
can voluntarily quit; then, if he does not do it, the party acts by 
expelling him ; is that right ? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4419 

Mr. Browder. That is right. The party, by his expulsion, is regis- 
tering the fact tliat that person, by his activities or opinions, has 
politically separated himself, and this decision is accompanied by an 
organizational registration of the political fact. 

The Chairman. Well, you have just as much discipline as you 
could possibly have under any circumstances? You could not have 
any more discipline, could you, if you had every man under Govern- 
ment discipline? 

Mr. Browder. Discipline as to procedure as practiced by every 
organization. 

The Chairman. What other discipline could you have that would 
be more if you had a governmental party? 

Mr. Browder. Well, there are organizations which attempt to go 
l^eyond that. The Communist Party never does. 

The Chairman. You mean there are organizations that go beyond 
your disciplinary measures ? 

Mr. Browder. I have heard of such things. 

The Chairman. What ? 

Mr. Browder. I have heard of such things. 

The Chairman. But that is just rumor. 

Mr. Dempsey. I understood you, Mr. Browder, to say that if a 
Communist in the United States, a member of the communistic group 
in this country, would take it upon himself to criticize the Soviet 
Union, he would be expelled from your organization ? 

Mr. Bro^T)ER. Xo. I said if he "slandered the Soviet Union." 

Mr. Dempsey. If he slandered the Soviet Union ? 

JNIr. Browder. If he took issue with fundamental principles which 
are being applied there. 

Mr. Dempsey. By the Soviet Union ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Dempsey. But what would happen should he take it upon him- 
self to criticize the United States Government ? 

Mr. Broaatier. If he criticized the United States Government in the 
same way, he would also be separating himself from the Communist 
Party of the United States. 

Mr. Dempsey. Do you have any members left in the Communist 
Party now ? 

Mr. Browder. Well, we have approximately 100,000. 

Mr. Dempsey. You are not checking up very closely, are you, on 
Avhat they say about our present Government ? 

Mr. Broavder. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Dempsey. You are? 

Mr. Browder. Very closely. And I would be glad to inform you 
about what we stated in the recent national committee meeting 
attended by 650 leading Communists from all over the country, held 
in Chicago last week end, in which we reached a unanimous agree- 
ment on all of the issues of the day. 

The Chairman. What are they? 

Mr. Browder. First, an agreement supporting the policies of Pres- 
ident Roosevelt in the present world situation ; second, to agree to sup- 
port and to explain the nonaggression pact between Germany and 
Italy and to point out how it has greatly helped — between the Soviet 
Union and Germany, and to point out how this greatly improved 



4420 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

the national situation of America, in the international situation, and 
helped the international influence of the United States. 

The Chairman. What else? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, a lot of things. I would be glad to explain them 
to you, if you want to listen. 

Mr. Starnes. Let me ask you a question : Suppose the United 
States should, in the course of events, find it necessary to declare war 
on Germany, or Russia, or both ; would your party support the United 
States of America ? 

Mr. Browder. As far as we can see the possible alinements, we 
would ; but we will do everything possible to keep the United States 
out of war. 

Mr. Starnes. Oh, that is what all of us would do ; you do not have 
to be a Communist to do that. But I say, if it was necessary, in the 
course of human events, if we had to go in there again, where is your 
allegiance — to the United States of America or to some other nation? 

Mr. Browder. To the United States of America. 

The Chairman. As against Soviet Russia, if we had a war against 
Soviet Russia? 

Mr. Browder. If it was possible for the United States to have a 
war with the Soviet Union, which would only be possible if the 
Trotskyites had succeeded in getting control, I would certainly be in 
favor, in the event of such a war, of supporting the United States. 

Mr. Starnes. What about the Stalinites? 

]Mr. Browder. The Stalinites are carrying out a policy which brings 
them in close alinement with the United States. If they would change 
that policy, I would disagree with them. 

Mr. Starnes. Wait a minute; you don't answer the question. I 
asked you what would be the course of your party in this country if, 
in the course of events, it found it necessary to go to war with the 
Soviet Union? 

Mr. Browder. If it was to go to war with the Soviet Union in 
order to try to defeat 

Mr. Starnes. I want to know 



The Chairman. Wait a minute. 

Mr. Starnes. I don't want any equivocation; I want a direct an- 
swer. I want to laiow what the course of Mr. Browder and his party 
would be if, in the course of events, it would be necessary for America 
and the Soviet Union to go to war. I don't want any equivocation. 

Mr. Browder. I can only answer for myself personally, and I can- 
not say "My country, right or wrong." If I thought my country 
was wrong, I would oppose its entrance into such a war and conduct 
of such a war, just as I opposed the entrance of America into the 
war in 1917, when I thought it was wrong. 

Mr. Starnes. That is just what I wanted to get you to say. 

The Chairman. He was about to say, when he was interrupted, 
if the United States entered in a war with the Soviet Union, which 
was opposing all the principles of the Soviet Union — you would be 
against the United States in that war? 

Mr. Browder. If it was trying, for example, to defeat policies of 
the Soviet Union. 

The Chairman. Then you would be on the side of Soviet Russia? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; I would oppose the entry of America into the 
war. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4421 

Mr. Starnes. How far would you go in that opposition? 

Mr. Browder. As far as I went in 1917. I would express my 
opinion publicly and perhaps be put into jail. 

Mr. VooRHis. Mr. Browder, what would you think 

Mr. Starnes. We were not at war with Soviet Kussia, though, in 
1917. 

Mr. Browder. We were when we went to war with Germany. 

Mr. VooRHis. Mr. Browder, would you think it could conceivably 
help the peace situation of the world for the United States at present 
to send a military mission to Berlin? 

Mr. Browder. I would not propose that the United States develop 
a peace role in international affairs by copying the particular moves 
of any country. I think we have to develop the international role 
of our country on tlie basis of our situation and our relation to the 
rest of the world. 

Mr. VooRHis. I certainly think we have to develop it on the basis 
of America's own interests. 

Mr. Browder. Of America — and American national interests. 

Mr. VooRHis. All right. Now, how can you conceivably say it is 
going to be of assistance to the peace of the United States for the 
Soviet Government to have a military mission in Berlin at the present 
moment ? 

Mr. Browder. I think you have been misinformed by the press 
about it. 

Mr. VooRHis. You do not think there is any military commission 
there? 

Mr. Browder. I am quite sure there is not. 

The Chairman. How do you know; where do you get your 
information from ? 

Mr. Browder. I get it from the news associations, which give two 
kinds of information, one kind of which is placed in the headlines, the 
other of which is placed in the dispatch, if you read to the bottom of 
the dispatch ; but you read the headlines. 

Mr. VooRHis. Well, I would certainly read to the bottom if I could 
find anything encouraging. 

Mr. Casey. As I understand it, Mr. Browder, you favor a demo- 
cratic front against Germany? 

Mr. Browder. I do. 

Mr. Casey. xVn aggressive democratic front? 

Mr. Browder. Not an aggressive democratic front, but a demo- 
cratic front that is, by necessity, nonaggressive. 

Mr. Casey. And you. I think, stated somewhere in j^our book, 
Fighting for Peace, tliat Daladier could not be trusted ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

]Mr. Casey. To go througli with this democratic front against the 
Xazis ? 

Mr. Broavder. That is right. 

Mr. Casey. You also stated that Chamberlain could not be trusted 
to go througli witli this democratic front against the Nazis. 

Mr. Browder. I did. 

Mr. Casey. Now, in view of what has happened, with Great Brit- 
ain and France at war against Germany, do not you think that you 
should revise your ojDinion on that? 



4422 UN-AMERIOAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. I don't. All the evidences have confirmed that 
distrust fully. 

Mr. Casey. What would you have said if Daladier, acting in 
behalf of France, made a nonaggression pact with Germany ? Would 
you have criticized him? 

Mr. Browder. Daladier, acting in behalf of France, did make a 
a nonaggression pact with Germany at the expense of Czechoslo- 
vakia. 

Mr. Casey. What would you say if Chamberlain, acting in behalf 
of the democratic Government of Great Britain, made a nonaggres- 
sion pact with Germany? Would you have criticized it? 

Mr. Browder. Great Britain did do that. 

The Chairman. He is not asking you that ; he is asking you if you 
would criticize it. 

Mr. Casey. I take it that he did. 

Mr. Browder. I criticized it when it happened. 

Mr. Casey. But you do not criticize Stalin for making a non- 
aggression pact with the Nazi Government ? 

Mr. Browder. The Soviet Union did not 

Mr. Casey. I think that can be answered fairly simply. 

Mr. Browder. Yes, but a simple "yes" or "no" completely distorts 
the picture. If you want to understand it, of course, that is one 
thing; if you merely want to register certain fundamentals, that is 
another. I am at your mercy. If you want a "yes" or "no" answer, 
you can have it. 

Mr. Casey. I do not want to appear arbitrary, and I, for one 
member of the committee, am willing to listen to the answer, if it 
could be set forth quickly, without taking up a great deal of time. 

Mr. Browder. That I would be very glad to answer. 

Mr. Casey. I think we ought to have it. 

The Chairman. Go ahead. 

Mr. Browder. The Soviet Union, in the pursuit of the aim to 
establish a peace front to prevent the outbreak of war, went much 
further than America had ever agreed to go. They offered to make 
a military alliance for mutual defense with Great Britain and France 
and to extend the guaranties of this alliance to every country in 
Europe threatened by aggression. They conducted negotiations for 
months, trying to arrive at an agreement. An agreement was blocked 
by the fact that Poland and the other Baltic states, which were the 
necessary scene of the threatening struggle, absolutely refused to 
agree to accept Soviet military help. 

It therefore transpired, and the basis of this is clear that this 
stand was under the advice, or at least with the agreement of Cham- 
berlain and Daladier — it therefore became clear that what was 
happening was that Chamberlain was allowing the world to drift 
into a disastrous war, without the conclusion of any agreement, and 
the Soviet Union was faced with the possibility that a war might be 
begun; that the world would be told it had pledged its support to 
Chamberlain; but no terms had been reached. In fact, there was a 
complete disagreement. And the world would be faced, would be led 
into a war under the assumption that the Soviet Union was already 
bound to Chamberlain, after that fact being present, and the Soviet 
Union being forbidden to take an active part in the war. But there 
cannot be a war with Germany. Under such circumstances, the 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4423 

Soviet Union, in the protection of its own national interests, just the 
same as America has to protect its national interests, had demon- 
stratively to show before the whole world it was not part of either 
camp and was not bound to support anybody, except an agreement 
was reached — and this is the situation today that the Soviet Union 
now occupies, in its principle, in the essence of the situation, a posi- 
tion closely analogous to that of America — which is neutral. It is 
defending its own national interests, but differs from America only 
insofar as it has proposed and tried to reach an active mutual-defense 
alliance, but failed. 

Mr, Dempsey. Do you believe there would have been a war today 
had that pact not been made? 

Mr. Browder. I think there would not have been a w^ar if Chamber- 
lain had made a pact with the Soviet Union. 

]Mr. Dempsey. Is it not also true we would not have had a war if 
the pact between Russia and Germany had not been made? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Dempsey. You think not ? 

Mr. Browder. The war was inevitable. 

Mr. Dempsey. It did not take long, after that pact was signed, to 
haA-e war? 

Mr. Browder. That was why the pact was signed, because every- 
body knew war was coming; everybody knew Chamberlain refused 
to perfect a peace pact. 

Mr. Dempsey. Is it not true, Mr. Browder, it assured Germany 
she would not be attacked by Russia ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; and assured the Soviet Union she would not 
be attacked by Germany. 

Mr. VooRHis. Mr. Browder, is there any doubt in your mind as to 
who the aggressor nation is in this struggle ? 

iSIr. Browder. I do not get that. 

Mr. VooRHis. Have you any doubt as to who is the aggressor 
nation ? 

Mr. Browder. I have no real doubt. 

Mr. VooRHis. And, as you expressed previously, you said the Soviet 
Union was against aggressor nations? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. VooRHis. And you think this pact with German, an aggressor 
nation as you determine it, is being against the aggressor? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. VooRHis. It is consistent with their being against it, to make a 
pact of nonaggression ? 

Mr. Browder. Absolutely. In essence, America has a past of non- 
aggression. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Browder, you have made a very concise state- 
ment relating to negotiations, the diplomatic negotiations, between 
Russia and Germany and some other countries. How is it you are so 
familiar with those diplomatic negotiations? 

Mr. Browder. Because I read tiie press very carefully. It is all 
reported. 

Mr. Thomas. Then you have formed your opinion absolutely from 
reading the press in this matter ? 

Mr. Browder. Completely and entirely. I have no other source of 
information. 



4424 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Thomas. There is one other question I would like to ask you. 
Supposing this country should find itself in a war with Germany, or 
some other country — supposing we should find ourselves in a war 
with Soviet Russia, for instance, would you oppose conscription in 
this country as you opposed it in 1917 ? 

Mr. Browder. I think, as I see the situation, if that possibility 
should develop, I would possibly not oppose conscription. 

Mr. Thomas. You would not oppose conscription? 

Mr. Browder. I oppose conscription only because I oppose war; 
but if that war is just, conscription is the best way to conduct it. 

Mr. Thomas. Supposing your opinion was in the next war — assum- 
ing there would be a war, and say that the war would not be just, and 
yet the United States Government passed a law bringing about con- 
scription : Would you then still oppose conscription in that event ? 

Mr. Browder. 1 don't know what attitude I would take. I would 
have to judge that at the particular moment. 

Mr. Tho:sias. You just said a few minutes ago, if you thought the 
war was unjust, you would oppose conscription ; that is what you said. 

Mr. Browder. I said I would oppose the entrance into the war. 

Mr. Thomas. Supposing, though, you should feel that the war was 
unjust and you had your firm opinions on that 

Mr. Browder. I would speak against it. 

Mr. Thomas. But regardless of whether you spoke against it or not, 
suppose the United States Government should pass a conscription law, 
what would you do then ? 

Mr. Browder. I would speak against it. 

Mr. Thomas. Yes ; but they had already passed the law : Would you 
then still speak against it and urge the people not to obey it ? 

Mr. Browder. Then I don't know what I would do if once the law 
had been passed. 

The Chairman. Let us proceed. 

Mr. Browder. Could I complete my answer to this question about 
the significance of this book ? 

The Chairman. I think we have had enough about it. Let us proceed. 

Mr. Browder. Just one moment. I think it is important for the 
purpose of this committee, because the essence of the question before 
the committee is to find un-Americanism, un-American activities, and 
I want to explain directly to this point that our opinions about the 
Soviet-German nonaggression pact are determined, in the first place, 
by our opinion as to what effect it has upon America. That was the 
first question we asked ourselves when the news began to come through 
that such a pact was in the making. 

The Chairman. I think you have gone far enough on that. 

Mr. Browder. We asked ourselves, "How will this affect American 
national interests?" and the reason we are able so quickly and defi- 
nitely to come to the support of the pact is because we found upon 
examination it greatly improved the situation of the United States in 
international affairs. 

The Chairman. Let us proceed; you have had an opportunity to 
explain. 

All right; let us proceed, Mr. Matthews. 

Mr. Matthews. Continuing with the list of expulsions from the 
Communist Party, with the grounds of expulsion, I note that a 



Avrong 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4425 

member in California Avas expelled for distributing Upton Sinclair 
leaflets. 

Ml'. liRowDER. That is correct. I think it was a great mistake, and 
I have so expressed myself publicly many times. 

Mv. Matthews. Have you invited this man back into the party? 

]\[r. Browder. I do not know. 

Mr. jNIatthews. Do you think he should be invited back into the 
party ? 

]\rr. Browder. That would depend entirely upon other considera- 
tions. If that is the only thing that stands between him and the 
party, he should have been back long ago. 

Mr. Matthews. In other words, he was right and the party was 
wrong ? 

Mr. Browder. As used in the political sense, but, perhaps, not in 
detail. 

Mr. Matthews. Would it be possible for the Comintern ever to be 

? 

Mv. Broavder. It seeks the right. It is theoretically right. 

Mr. ^Matthews. How about the practice? 

Mr. Browder. I have seen it so in practice. 

Mr. Matthews. It is so theoretically. 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mattheavs. That is, the Comintern is more or less infallible? 

JNIr. Browder. Nothing is infallible. 

Mr. Matthews. You have not discerned any evidence of fallibility 
on the part of the Comintern ? 

Mr. Browder. We have made mistakes. They were mistakes on 
our part and not mistakes that the Comintern caused. 

Mr. Matthews. I notice that one ground of expulsion was for 
reporting a decision to the Democratic Party. 

Mr. Browder. I do not know what the decision was, but if it was 
reported to an organization of the Democratic Party 

Mr. Thoaeas (interposing). Does it state definitely that it was a 
matter reported to the Democratic Party or some leading Democrat? 

Mr. Matthews. It was for reporting a decision to the Democratic 
Party. 

Another exj^ulsion is listed on the ground of a man^s being an op- 
portunist job seeker. Would you be able to clarify that matter? 

Mr. Broa\t)er. Yes, sir; we have them. Some people join the Com- 
munist Party under the illusion, which they get from the daily news- 
papers, tliat the Communist Party tries to push any Communists for- 
ward in lucrative positions, and we have had people to join from that 
standpoint. They are quickly disillusioned, and if they do go imme- 
diately the party puts them out. 

Mr. Matthews. If he is seeking a job, he is an opportunist, if he is in 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. If people try to use the Communist Party simply to 
get jobs, they have no place in the partj'. 

Mr. Matthews. Another expulsion listed is on the ground of a 
person's being a petty bourgeois Social Democrat. Is that a ground 
of expulsion ? 

Mr. Browder. The Social Democratic organization is a particular 
group. 

Mr. Casey. That is used as an epithet. 



4426 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. We do have a technical classification of Social Demo- 
crat, and a political classification. 

Mr. Matthews. Another expulsion listed is for being a rumor- 
monger. What would you say is a rumormonger? 

Mr. Browder. He is the kind of person that President Koosevelt 
warned the country against Sunday night. We do not want that 
kind of people in our party. 

Mr. Matthews. Are they people spreading rumors and propaganda ? 

Mr. Broavder. Spreading rumors for a particular purpose; rumors 
that cannot be substantiated, and which nobody can defend in public. 

Mr. Matthews. I note also that a person was expelled for being 
against the Friends of the Soviet Union, the specific charge being that 
he left behind unpaid bills for literature of the Friends of the Soviet 
Union. Do you think that a proper gi'ound for expulsion from the 
party ? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. I suppose you take into consideration whether, or 
not, he was able to pay for the literature. The Daily Workers being 
now in bankruptcy and unable to pay its bills, is not a party member 
entitled to the same consideration ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not think that w^as a question of bankruptcy. I 
think it was a question of irresponsibility. 

Mr. Starnes. You don't mean to say that you would apply one rule 
to an individual and another rule to a corporation ? It is a question of 
j)aying bills or a question of paying debts. Now, it is all right for an 
organization to welch on its debts, or be insolvent, but for an indi- 
vidual that means expulsion; is that correct? 

Mr. Browder. We can hardly expel the Daily Worker from the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. But you could dissolve or discontinue it. 

Mr. Broavder. Yes, sir ; we could. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you consider it a good policy or honest to have an 
insolvent group, and yet not frankly stale that it is insolvent and 
cannot pay its debts ? 

Mr. Broavder. Everybody who does business with the Daily Worker 
knows its condition. There is no subterfuge and nothing hidden. 
Everybody who does business with the Daily Worker knows that the 
normal income is somewhat less than the bills that are run up. 

Mr. Starnes. Is that not true of the individual, that he can only 
pay when he has the income? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. I notice that tAvo others were expelled on the 
ground of being bourgeois ideologists. I suppose you would have 
the same comment there as for the preAdous one expelled on that 
ground. What is petty-bourgeois ideology? 

Mr. Broavder. I do not knoAv what it is. 

Mr. Matthews. Here we haA^e a case which I think requires some 
elaboration. You stated yesterday that you held insurance in the 
International Workers Order? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir, 

Mr. Matthews. Is insurance considered a capitalistic device, by 
any chance ? 

Mr. Broavder. When you haA^e it in America, it is capitalistic, but 
in the Soviet Union it is socialistic. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4427 

Mr. Matthews. But in America, Iioav can a Communist- 



Mr. Browder (interposing). It is capitalist, but for those living in 
a capitalist country 

Mr. Matthews (interposing). Was not this man expelled because 
he charged that the International Workers Order was a capitalistic 
instrument ? 

Mr. Browder. That is another thing. That refers to the Interna- 
tional Workers Order as the instrument of a capitalist class, not of 
a workers' capitalism. 

Mr. Matthews. Another one was expelled for putting his position 
as part owner of a restaurant above his party. I take it that this 
means he was controlled by capitalist motives? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir ; that means that being a businessman he took 
a position which was contrary to the party position, as a motivating 
principle. 

Mr. Matthews. You also expel them for drunkenness? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Is that political? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir; entirely political. I think Washington 
ought to know. 

Mr. Whitley. You do not expel them for violating the laws of the 
United States by using false or illegal passports, do you? 

Mr. Browder. It depends on the degree of moral issue involved 
in it. 

Mr. Matthews. Did you ever expel anyone for using a false pass- 
port ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. But you do expel them for drunkenness and for all 
those things which have been described ; but if he violates the law of 
the United States, and uses an illegal passport, as in the case of 
Krumbein, you do not expel? 

Mr. Matthews. Several were expelled on the ground of holding a 
nationalistic attitude. Does that refer to the Nation or the United 
States ? 

Mr. Browder. That does not refer to support of the nation. That 
refers to a national as being non-Communist. That is an independent 
party. 

Mr. Matthews. What is the agit-prop of the Communist Party of 
the United States? 

Mr. Browder. That term is no longer used. That term used to be 
used for what is now known as the educational department. 

Mr. Matthews. It originally stood for agitation and propaganda? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. And in its place you have substituted the educa- 
tional department? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. I show you a publication entitled "Building So- 
cialism in the Soviet Union." Have you ever seen that pamphlet be- 
fore? 

Mr. Browder. I do not remember it. 

Mr. Matthews. Can you identify it by the title page? It is pub- 
lished by the Workers Library Publishers. 

Mr. Browder. I assume it is authentic. 

Mr. :Matthews. This pamphlet is by Leon Piatt. Does Leon Piatt 
use any other name in the Communist Party ? 



4428 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. He is known as Martin Young. 

Mr. Matthews. He is an organizer at Pittsburgh ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you know which is the alias that he uses? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know which is the alias. I do not know 
whether 

Mr. Matthews (interposing). He has two names, one he uses as 
organizer and another name that he uses as author ? 

Mr. Browder. I think that was long before 1930, because I am 
familiar with all the books published by the Communist Party since 
1930. 

Mr. Matthews. There is a reference in the text to 1933 as the date. 
He says "the total for the 5-year period, 1928-29 to 193^33." So it 
must have been published at a later date than 1932 ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. The Communist Party once declared that war be- 
tween the United States and the Soviet Union was inevitable, did it 

]10t ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir ; it did not. 

Mr. Matthews. It did in fact declare that war between the capitalist 
world and the Soviet Union was inevitable, did it not? 

Mr. Browder. It declared it was quite probable. 

Mr. Matthews. I will read from this pamphlet which we have just 
identified : 

All these factors lead to unavoidable war against the Soviet Union. 

To say that war is inevitable is not as strong as to say it is unavoid- 
able? 

Mr. Browder. That is an expression of personal opinion. 

Mr. Matthews. It was published by the agit-prop department of 
the Communist Party of the United States. 

Mr. Browder. Not everything published by that department is an 
expression of official opinion. It may be a matter of discussion. 

Mr. Matthews. But if the pamphlet set forth an issue, or a major 
issue, the party would not permit its imprint to go on it unless it 
subscril^ed to that position. 

Mr. Browder. It has often happened that views contrary to the 
party's position have been printed. 

Mr. Matthews. But I do not think it would be under the imprint 
of the party, showing that the party issued it. 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. I call your attention to the position which the 
agit-prop department of the Communist Party took on the question 
which you have just raised with reference to a war between the United 
States and the Soviet Government, reading from page 39 of the 
document : 

The American Workers when called upon to go into this war against the 
Soviet Union, must refuse to fight against the Russian Workers, and go over 
on the side of the Red Army. The American Workers, like the Russian Workers 
in 1917, must turn the imperialist war into a civil war against their real 
enemies — the capitalist class of the United States which exploits and oppresses 
the American working class. 

That statement was published over the imprint of the agit-prop 
department of the Communist Party of the United States as late as 
1933. 



un-a:merican propaganda activities 4429 

Mr. Browder. I presume so. 

Mr. Matthews. Have you ever published opinions corresponding to 
that, at other phices, in the literature of the Communist Party ? 

j\Ir. Browder. In a general, theoretical way. 

ISIr. Matthews. You did? 

Mr. Browder. The whole force and direction of the thought, argu- 
ment, and propaganda of the Communist Party in the United States 
has been to show that the Soviet Union and the United States have 
a great and growing order of common interests which inevitably will 
bring them, not into collision, but into harmonious cooperation. 

Mr. Matthews. That is not responsive to the question. Has it been 
the fundamental movement of and tenet of the Communist Party 
movement for many years that, in the event of a war in which a 
capitalist state should engage, the workers in the capitalist state 
should turn that war into a civil war against their own government? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. The Communist Party distinguishes be- 
tween wars and wars. Some wars we support and some wars we 
oppose. 

Mr. Matthews. Will you please identify O. Kuusinen? 

Mr. Browder. He is a Finnish Communist. 

Mr. Matthews. He is a member of the Executive Committee of the 
Communist International, is he not? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. And a member of the secretariat of the Communist 
International? 

!Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. Was he one of the leading figures at the Seventh 
World Congress of the Communist International? 

jNIr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. Did not the American Communist Party recently 
celebrate his birthday and pay tribute to him in your publications? 

Mr. Browder. I am not familiar with that. 

Mr. Matthews. I hold here a copy of a speech delivered by Mr. 
Kuusinen at the Seventh World Congress of the Communist Inter- 
national. Was that the congress at which the present line of the 
communist parties throughout the world was adopted in general? 

ISIr. Browder. Yes, sir, 

Mr. Matthews. In 1935? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. So the statement by one of the highest authorities 
and leading figures of the Communist International at the Seventh 
World Congress would, in general, reflect the position of the Com- 
munist parties throughout the world today? 

Mr. Browder. In general ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. I will read from page 28 of Mr. Kuusinen 's speech : 

Comi'ades, the second imperialist World "War is approacliing. Proi)aratious 
are being made for tlie most criminal of all criminal wars — a counter revolu- 
tionary imperialist attack on the Soviet country, the fatherland of the workers 
of all countries. 

Mr. Browder, have you not frequently in your literature and your 
speeches for the Communist Party in the United States referred to 
the Soviet Union as the fatherland of the workers of all countries ? 

Mr. Browder. I have; yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. That is a common practice among Communists 
throughout the world, is it not? 



4430 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. It is a quite usual expression. 

Mr. Matthews. Continuing with reference to this war which 
Kuusinen described as approaching, and stating the position of the 
Communists in other countries on that anticipated war, I read this: 

We want to attack our class enemies in the rear, when they start the war 
against the Soviet Union. But how can we do so if the majority of the toiling 
youth follow, not us, but, for instance, the Catholic priests or the liberal 
chameleons. 

We often repeat the slogan of transforming the imperialist war into a civil 
war against the bourgeois. In itself, the slogan is a good one, but it becomes 
an empty and dangerous phrase if we do nothing serious in advance to create 
a united youth front. 

We need a revolutionary youth movement at least 10 times as broad as our 
parties, and a united youth front hundreds of times broader still. That this is 
entirely possible in many countries is shown by the achievements of our French 
and American young comrades. 

That quotation you are familiar with? 

Mr. Browder, Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. You, perhaps, heard him deliver the speech ? 

Mr. Browder. I am not sure that I did, but I read it. 

The Chairman. What is primarily important is that is what he 
stands for? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. Let us clearly understand what the statement was. 
This statement anticipates war against the Soviet Union, without 
naming the powers to fight against the Soviet Union : Is that correct ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. He describes the war as an imperialist war. 

Mr. Browder. I think that a war against the Soviet Union would 
be an international imperialist war. 

Mr. Matthews. Then, when Kuusinen is talking of attacking our 
class enemies, he is referring to attacks made on class enemies in 
countries other than the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Browder. He is; yes, sir. 

Mr. JVIatthews. For example, if Great Britain, Germany, France, 
the United States, or any other capitalist powers were involved in 
this war against the Soviet Union, it would be the duty of the Com- 
munists in those countries to attack the enemies of the Soviet Union 
in those countries : Is that correct ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir; to undermine and weaken them so as to 
prevent war being carried on. 

Mr. Matthews. That would mean turning the imperialist war into a 
civil war ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir; as in Germany now the task is to develop 
a civil war against Hitler. 

Mr. Matthews. He then proceeds to describe one way in which 
preparations may be made to attack class enemies in the rear through 
a revolutionary youth movement. 

Mr. Bro"\vder. You are describing it 

Mr. Matthews. Those are his words. I want to call attention 
especially to the fact that he says that the American youth .comrades 
have demonstrated that it is entirely possible to build a revolutionary 
youth movement at least 10 times as broad as the party, and a united 
youth front hundreds of times broader still. The revolutionary youth 
movement, in the event of war between the United States and the 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4431 

Soviet Government, would be expected to attack the United States 
Government, because he says they will turn it into a civil war. 

Mr. Browder. You are assuming there that the United States would 
be an atrsressor nation, and that it would attack the Soviet Union, but 
I refuse to assume that it will ever attack. 

Mr. Matthews. But assuming that it should attack the Soviet Gov- 
ernment, or become involved in war against the Soviet Union, what 
then ? 

Mr. Browder. If it were possible for the American Government to 
do that, or if we assume that the American Government should make 
an aggressive war against the Soviet Union, I would stand as abso- 
lutely opposing such a war, and as doing everything possible to stop it. 

Mr, Matthews. Even to turning such a war into a civil war? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir; in every way I could to stop it. I cannot 
conceive, however, of America being an aggressor nation. 

Mr. ]NIatthews. In this address, Mr. Kuusinen made particular 
reference to the American united front, and the united youth front, 
and if the United States should be involved in a war against the Soviet 
Union 

Mr. Browder (interposing). He was speaking of America, and 
America not being an aggressor nation 

Mr. Matthews (interposing). Is it not unfortunate that he, in talk- 
ing about the American united front, or the youth front, and that runs 
all the way through it, for the purpose of defending democracy, should 
be using that as an illustration of how the movement should be directed 
to turn sucii a war into a civil war? Was that not an unfortunate 
figure ? 

Mr. Browder. I say it is unfortunate that such things have to be 
misinterpreted. 

Mr. Matthews. His intention is clear. 

Mr. Browder. I do not understand it the way you do at all. 

Mr. Matthews. Would you, in the event of a war against the Soviet 
Union try to turn that war into a civil war against the American 
Government ? 

Mr. Browder. I would try to stop aggression, wherever it took 
place. If the Soviet Union was guilty of aggression. I would be just 
as strongly against that aggression. 

Mr. Matthews. I take it that Stalin occupies a very important, if not 
a unique, position in the Communist movement of the world. 

Mr. Browder. He carries great authority and his word is respected. 

Mr. Matthews. When he speaks, which is on rare occasions, I 
suppose, he speaks with care and precision, does he not? 

Mr. Browder. I believe he does ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. Are you familiar with the pamphlet entitled 
"Stalin's Speeches on the American Communist Party"? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. Published bv the central committee. Communist 
Party. U. S. A., in 1929. 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir; I am familiar with it. 

]\fr. Matthews. I will read to you from one of Stalin's speeches: 

Therefore, we must pnt the question squarely to the meinber.s of the Ameri- 
can delegation : When tlie draft assumes the force of an obligatory decision 
of the Comintern, do they consider themselves entitled not to submit to that 

949ai — 4o — vol. 7— — 1 1 



4432 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

decision? We have argued the question in the commission for a wliole month; 
we have liad a number of discussions; we have spent a tremendous amount 
of time on the matter, time that might have been more profitably employed ; 
we finally arrived at tlie point when the time for discussion was over and 
were on the eve of adopting a decision which must be compulsory for all 
members of the Comintern. And now the question arises : Do the members 
of the American delegation, as Communists, as Leninists, consider themselves 
entitled not to submit to the decision of the Executive Committee of the 
Communist International on the American question. 

You are familiar with that statement of Stalin ? 

Mr. Beowder. Yes, sir, 

Mr. Matthews. That reflects the relationship between the Com- 
munist International and the American Communist Party. That 
decision was chiefly of interest to tlie American Communist Party. 
Now, I will read further from one of Stalin's speeches, with reference 
to the matter of American loyalty to the Comintern : 

Can you picture a Communist, not a paper Communist, but a real Com- 
munist, avowing loyalty to the Comintern and at the same time refusing to 
accept responsibility for carrying out the decisions of the Comintern? 

Mr. Matthews. Do you avow loyalty to the Comintern, Mr. 
Browder? 

Mr. Browder. I do. 

Mr. Matthews. If you did not express that loyalty by carrying 
out the decisions of the Comintern 

Mr. Broavder. That would mean I would disagree with them, and 
I would leave them. 

Mr. JNIatthews. You would be a paper Communist? 

Mr. Browder. I would not be a paper Communist; I would leave 
them. I would not call myself a Communist. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Stalin called you a paper Communist under 
those circimistances. 

I will read again from one of the speeches of Stalin, in which he 
says: 

A few words regarding the vaunting manner in which the group of Comrade 
Lovestone speaks and represents itself here in the name of the whole party, in 
the name of 99 percent of the Communist Party of America. They never repre- 
sent themselves otherwise than in the name of 99 percent of the party. One 
would think they have that 99 percent in their pockets. That is a bad manner, 
comrades of the American delegation. Let me remind you that Ziuoviev and 
Trotzky also at one time played trumps with percentages, and assured every- 
body that they had secured or, at any rate, would secure, a 99-percent majority 
in the ranks of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. You know, comrades, 
in what a farce the vainglory of Trotzky and Zinoviev ended. I, therefore, 
advise you not to play trumps with percentages. You declare you have a certain 
majority in the American Communist Party and that you will retain that 
majority under all circumstances. That is untrue, comrades of the American 
delegation, absolutely untrue. You had a majority because the American Com- 
munist Party until now regarded you as the determined supporters of the 
Communist International. 

The group referred to by Stalin in this speech did have the majority 
in the Communist Party in the United States, did it not? 

Mr. Browder. It was supported by a majority at one time. 

Mr. Matthews. It was supported by a majority at one time? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; for a period of about 18 months. 

Mr. Matthews. That majority was behind the group which is de- 
scribed here as the group of Comrade Lovestone; is that correct? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4433 

Mr. INlArniEws. Lovestone was secretary of the Commiuiist Party 
at that time? 

Mr. Bkowder. For a period of 18 months. 

Mr. Matthews. AVlio removed Lovestone from the secretaryship 
of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. The same national committee that elected him. 

Mr. Matthews. Was he expelled by a decision of the Executive 
Connnittee of the Comintern? 

^Ir. Browder. No ; he was expelled by the same Central Committee 
that had elected him secretary. 

Mr. Matthews. Was he expelled by the Central Control Commis- 
sion of the Comintern? 

Mr. Browder. He was not. 

Mv. ^Matthews. Did Lovestone have the right to appeal his expul- 
sion by the national committee i 

Mr. Browder. He did. 

Mr. ^Matthews. To the executive committee of the Communist 
International ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. Then, in effect, the final authority on the question 
of Lovestone's expulsion Avas the Executive Committee of the Com- 
munist Liternational ; is that correct? 

Mr. Browder. That is the question, and if that had been so they 
surely would have reviewed the case. That is the answer. 

Mr. Matthews. As a matter of fact, he did appeal to the Execu- 
tive Committee of the Communist International, did he not? 

Mr. Browder. He did not. 

Mr. ]\Iatthews. Did he appeal to the Central Control Commission 
of the Communist International ? 

Mr. Browder. He did not. 

Mr. Matthews. Did he appeal to any other body or agency of the 
Communist International? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know of any. 

]Mr. Casey. Did he have a right to sucli an api^eal ? 

Mv. Browder. Everybody has a right to appeal wherever tliey 
want to. 

Mr. ^Matthews. I want to read from the Daily Worker of July 
25, 1929, page 4. in reference to the Executive 'Committee of the 
Communist International, whicli is substantially the Communist 
International (and there follows here a considerable document which 
indicates that Lovestone did make an appeal to the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communist International). 

i\Ir. Browder. My memory has failed me in that particular case; 
I did not remember it. I only remembered that he appealed to the 
Central Committee of the Communist Party of the United States. 

The Chair:\ian. That statement in the 'Daily Worker would be 
accurate authority, would it not? 

Mr. Browder. Yes: and also it carries information that the Ex- 
ecutive Committee of the Comnumist Party of tlie United States 
acted upon it, 

Mr. Matthews. In the Daily Worker of July 29, 1929, there is set 
forth the "Decision of the Tentli Plenum of the Executive Committee 
of the Communist International on the appeal of Lovestone.'' 



4434 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. That was on removing Lovestone from the Execu- 
tive Committee of the C. I. 

Mr. Mattheavs. So the final authority on the question as to whether 
or not Lovestone remained in the Communist Party of the United 
States and the Communist International was the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communist International? 

Mr. Browder. Whether he remained a member in the Executive 
Committee of the Communist International. Whether he remained a 
member of the American committee that decision was made in 
America. 

Mr. Matthews. No ; I beg your pardon. The statement at the top 
of this says that the decision was the — 

Decision of the tenth plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist 
International on the appeal of Jay Lovestone, member of the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communist International, against his expulsion from the Com- 
munist Party of the United States of America. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. Is that correct? 

Mr. Browder. I suppose it is correct. 

Mr. Matthews. You do not challenge that, do you, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. I challenge what you said before, that he ceased to 
be a member on the decision of the Central Committee of the U. S. 
S. R. 

Mr. Matthews. It was the Executive Committee of the Interna- 
tional that gave that decision. 

Mr. Browder. That is it. 

Mr. Matthews. Did he have the right to appeal to the Executive 
Committee ? 

Mr. Browder. He had the right. 

Mr. Matthews. AYas that right recognized? 

Mr. Browder. That right was recognized. 

Mr. Matthews. Did he go to Moscow and prosecute that appeal? 

Mr. Browder. He did not. 

Mr. Matthews. Was he ever in Moscow in connection with the 
appeal ? 

Mr. Browder. He was not. 

The Chairmax. If he had been reinstated by the appeal board, 
you would have had to take him back into the Communist Party? 

Mr. Broavder. No ; the question as to whether he would be retained 
would be by the Central Committee; they would have to decide 
whether to reconsider that decision or to affirm. In the last analysis 
the decision would have to be made in the Central Committee of the 
United States. 

Mr. ]S1atthews. Then the phrase, "By the E. C. C. I." is somewhat 
meaningless, is it not? 

Mr. Browder. No; it means a great deal. 

Mr. Matthews. Why should he carry an appeal to a body which 
has less authority on the subject than the original expelling body? 

Mr. Browder. Well, the original expulsion body is the only one 
that has the decision on that appeal, and the other has only the 
original authority. 

Mr. Matthews. Not the authority, but the original decision? 

Mr. Browder. They can only appeal to the Central Committee of 
the American party. 



UN-AMEKICAN PROrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4435 

Mr. Starnes. Has the Cential Committee of the American party 
ever failed to accept the advice of that appellate body in the inter- 
national organization^ 

Mr. Browder. They failed to accept such advice when they named 
J a}' Lovestone as secretary. 

Mr. Starnes. I am talking about an appeal. 

]\Ir. Browder. On an appeal we have never had the issue before us. 

The Chairman. In other words, the Communist Party of the 
United States wanted Lovestone, but the Comintern did not want 
him ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; they knew he was a crook before the American 
party understood him. 

The Chairman. Well, the majority of the Communist Party of the 
United States wanted him. 

Mr. Browder. He remained as secretary. 

The Chairman. But the decision of Moscow finally prevailed. 

Mr. Browder. He remained as secretary, and he had 

The Chairman. Their attitude finally prevailed? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. Is there any instance on record in which their 
attitude or decision has not finally prevailed? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know of any case in which there was any 
prolonged — more than a year — disagreement. 

Mr. Starnes. But is there any instance on record in which their 
opinion did not eventually prevail? 

]Mr. Browder. I do not understand the question. 

iSIr. Starnes. He merely asked you whether in the case of a dis- 
agreement tliere was any case in which the international organiza- 
tion's opinion did not finally prevail? 

Mr. Browder. There have been many occasions where the opinion 
of the Communist Party of the United States has prevailed. 

Mr. Starnes. That does not answer the question. The question 
was, Has there ever been a case in which the international organiza- 
tion's opinion did not finally prevail? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; there have been cases in which the opinion 
devploi:>ed in the United States has been approved and adopted by 
the International. 

The Chairman. But there has been no case of disagreement on 
record of that kind? 

Mr. Browder. No sustained disagreement. 

(Thereupon the committee took a recess until 1:15 p. m.) 

AFTER RECESS 

TESTIMONY OF EARL R. BROWDER— Resumed 

The committee reassembled at 1 : 15 p. m. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

Mr. AAliitley, you may proceed. 

^Ir. Whitley. Mr. Browder, yesterday there was certain informa- 
tion you promised to get for the committee. Have you secured that 
information? 

Mr. Browder. The information I have to get from Xew York has 
not come yet. If it does not come today we will have to send for it. 



4436 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

We could not get the office on the phone after adjournment yester- 
day because there is an hour's difference in time. We sent somebody 
to New York last night for it. In reference to the information you 
asked about verifying a list of the national committee of the party, 
the list you gave me contains 61 names. Of these, 22 are not members 
of the national committee. That leaves some 39 that are. Those 
that are I have checked with a simple check, those that are not I 
have checked with an X, and the 21 names that are missing from 
that list are here in this supplemental list. 

Mr. Whitley. Have you indicated the members of the political 
committee? 

Mr. Broavder. No; I have not; but I can. [After marking list.] 
Those marked with an X on the side are members and candidates of 
the ])olitical committee. 

(The matter referred to follows:) 

Members of Political Committee, C. P. U. S. A. 

Wm. Z. Foster, Earl Browder, Alex Bittelman, Morris Childs, Gene Dennis, 
James W. Ford, C. A. Hathaway, Roy Hudson, Charles Krumbein, Robert Minor, 
Jack Stachel, Henry Winston, Rose Wortis. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, did you have an opportunity to get the 
names of the members of the secretariat of the Communist Inter- 
national ? 

Mr. Browder. No; that has to come from New York. 

Mr. Whiti.ey. And the budget of the New York State organization ? 

Mr. Browdkr. That also has to come from New York. 

Mr. Whitley. What are the other items that you were to get? 

Mr. Brodsky. You wanted the States in which there is no party 
organization ? 

Mr. Whitley. Do you have that ? 

Mr. Brodsky. Only in this information that has to come from 
New York. Then you wanted a full list of the political bureau, and 
you wanted the names of the national committee, the national com- 
mittee list checked, and that has been done. You wanted the budget 
of the New York district, and that will come along. You wanted a 
complete list of the secretariat of the Communist International, and 
that will have to come later. 

Mr. Whitley. With identifying data. 

Mr. Brodsky. With identifying data as to the party to which he 
belongs. 

The Chairman. I wonder if we could get the names and addresses 
of the officers of each branch in the United States, so if we decide to 
subpena the members of the executive committees of the respective 
branches we would have them available. 

Mr. Browder. We do not have those branch addresses in the na- 
tional office. We only have the district office addresses. 

The Chairman. You would have to get them from the district 
branches ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, have you or your organization at any 
time supported the idea of a dictatorship as a desirable form of 
government for this country? 

Mr. Browder. Not in the sense in which dictatorship is understood 
in the ordinary term in political conversation. We have always 
opposed that. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4437 

Mr. Whitley. Are you and your organization in favor of the main- 
tenance of freedom of speeoli and the press as desirable particularly 
for minorities in this country? 

Mr. Browder. We are. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you or 3'our or<!;anization receive any direct or 
indirect instructions from any foreijo^n agency or power? 

Mr. Browder. We do not. 

Mr. Whitley. What is the emblem of your organization? 

Mr. Browder. The crossed hammer and sickle. 

Mr. AVhitley. Does your organization maintain any secret form 
of organization in this country ? 

Mr. Browder. It does not. 

Mr. Whitley. Does your organization circulate printed matter 
received from any foreign country? 

Mr. Browder. In the book shops we sell publications printed in the 
Soviet Union, some books printed there, and a newspaper. We also 
sell newspapers from France, from England, and to a certain extent, 
from Canada and Mexico, although in much smaller numbers. There 
is some distribution of material printed in other countries. That is a 
relatively small part of our distribution of literature. 

Mr. Whiti.ey. Let me ask you another question which you have 
previously answered, but I will ask it again, perhaps in a little dif- 
ferent form. Does your organization advocate civil war, or the over- 
throw of the United States Government by force and violence ? 

Mr. Browder. It does not, and it actively opposes any such idea. 

]Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browcler, do you know Juliet Stuart Poyntz? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

INIr. Whitley. Was she ever a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. She was at one time. 

Mr. Whitley. How long was she a member of the party, Mr. 
Browder ? 

Mr. BR0^\'DER. I do not know exactly. 

Mr. Whitley. For a number of years ? 

Mr. Browder. A number of years. 

Mr. Whitley. Was she an active member of the party? 

Mr. Browder. At a period around 1923 to 1926. 

Mr. Whitley. She was active? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. In what capacity was she particularly active? 

Mr. Browder. I believe at that time she was a member of the Cen- 
tral Committee, for 2 or 3 years, and a speaker. 

Mr. Whitley. Which is the highest administrative body of the 
party, so she was not just a rank and file member? 

>rr. Browder. Not at that time ; from 1923 to 1926. 

iVIr. Whitley. When did she cease her party activity, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. I would not be sure of the exact date, and I cannot 
recall just the time, but I think since about 1929. 

Mr. Whiti^ey. She was at one time a secretary of the International 
Lal)or Defense, was she not? 

Mr. Browder. That is possible ; I am not certain. 

Mr. Whitley. As a matter of fact, she was extremely active, espe- 
cially in a speaking capacity, and certainly on such occasions in con- 
nection with her activities? 

Mr. Browder. She was a speaker. 



4438 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. And played a prominent part in the party's activi- 
ties over a period of many years? 

Mr. Browder. Two or three years. 

Mr. Whitley. Wonkl you limit it to 2 or 3 years ? 

Mr. Browder. That is all I am familiar with. 

Mr. Whitley. When did you last see Juliet Stuart Poyntz? 

Mr. Browder. About 1929^ 

Mr. Whitley. Just before you became general secretary of the 
party ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. After that time you did not see her; as far as her 
active party associations were concerned, she was not active in the 
party's business? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know what happened to Juliet Stuart Poyntz, 
or where she is now ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not. 

Mr. Whitley. You have not seen her or heard from her since 1929 ? 

Mr. Browder. Approximately 10 years. 

Mr. Whitley. You have no information at all as to what might 
have happened to her, or where she might be at the present moment? 

Mr. Browder. No ; I have heard her name only as it was mentioned 
in the newspapers. 

Mr. Whitley. Which was in connection with her disappearance in 
New York in June 1937? 

Mr. Browder. Something like that. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know whether she was ever employed by or 
connected with any agency of the Soviet Government ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know. 

Mr. Whitley. Whether she was a member of or working for the 
Ogpu? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, have any members of your family held 
official positions M'ith the Communist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Broavder. I ha^'e a brother who is. at the present time a section 
organizer in New York. 

Mr. Whitley. A section organizer for the New York district? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. What other positions has he held with the Communist 
Party of the United States ? 

Mr. Browder. Positions in the party — I could not say. I recall 
certain administrative positions, appointive positions, not elective. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you name those ? 

Mr. Broavder. For some time he Avas the financial secretary for the 
New York district. 

Mr. Whitley. That Avas until fairly recently, was it not ? 

Mr. Broavder. A fcAv months ago. 

The Chairman. What is his name ? 

Mr. Whitley. William BroAA'der? 

Mr. Broaa'der. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. Are there any other official positions he has held in 
the party ? 

Mr. Broavder. He has been an official in some of the corporations; 
I am not familiar with the details. 



UN-AMERICAX PUOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4439 

Mr. Whitley. Was he ever president of the Comprodaily Pub- 
lish iiiir Co.? 

]Mi'. BnowDER. I believe he Avas. 

Mr. Whitley. Diuiiio; what period? 

Mr. BiJowDER. That I could not say. 

Mr. AVhitley. For ho^v lon<»: a period i 

Mr. Broavuer. I coidd not say how long. 

Mr. Whitley. He was not still {^resident at the time of the recent 
banki'uptcy, Avas he? 

Mr. Browder. I believe he was president at tlie time of the sale of 
the property. 

]Mr. Whitley. Incidentally, Mr. Browder, you also promised to get 
information as to the directors of those corporations. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. That will have to come from New York also? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

]\rr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, do any other members of 3'our family 
hold official positions in the Communist Party in this country or in 
any other country ? 

Mv. Browder. They do not. 

Mr. Whitley. Do any members of your family, past or present, 
hold any official positions with the Comintern or with the Soviet 
Government ? 

Mr. Broavder. They do not. 

Mr. Whitley. Is your sister, JSIargaret Browder, em])loyed in any 
capacity by the Soviet Government or the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. I think not. I see her onlv occasionally, and I can- 
not say. 

Mr. Whitley. Where is she residing now ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know ; I cannot take the personal responsi- 
bility of explaining her presence or her activities; but, to the best 
of my knowledge and belief, she is not and has not been 

Mr. Whitley. She has no official connection, to the best of your 
knowledge, and has never had any official connection ? 

IMr. Broavder. To the best of my knowledge, she is not now and 
has not in the past been officially connected with any government 
institution. 

]Mr. AVhitley. Or Avith the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Broavder. I did not say Avith the Communist Party. She has 
been a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Whitley. Over what period ? 

Mr. Broavder. I do not knoAv the exact date of her joining, but I 
Avould say it Avas in the early tAventies. 

iVIr. Whitley. Was she an actiA'e party member ? 

Mr. Brcjavder. She Avas an active parry member. 

INIr. Whitley. Is she in the United States at the present time, or do 
you knoAv i 

Mr. Broavder. I do not knoAv. 

Mr. AVhitley. Mr. Browder, do you knoAv Avhether she has ever been 
used to traA'el on an illegal passport ? 

Mr. Broavder. I do not know. 

ISIr. Whitley. Do you knoAv Avhether she has CA'er Ijeen known 
imder the name of Jean Montgomery? 

Mr. Browder. I haA'e not heard that name except as reported in the 
newspapers. 



4440 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, does your former wife, Catherine 
Harris, occupy any official position with the Communist Party in this 
country or elsewhere? 

Mr. Browder. I do not have a former wife by that name. 

Mr. Whitley. What is her name, Mr. Browder ? 

Mr. Browder. I only had one former wife, whose name was Gladys 
Browder. 

Mr. Whitley. Is she a member of the party ? 

Mr. Browder. She is not ; she is an invalid. 

Mr. Whii-ley. Has she ever had an official connection with tho 
party ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. In this country or elsewhere? 

Mr. Browder. Not at all. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you have any relatives connected with the Peoples 
World, the publication in San Francisco ? 

Mr. Browder. Kelatives? 

Mr, Whitley. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Is Harrison George a brother-in-law of yours ? 

Mr. Browder. He was at one time married to my sister, years ago, 
and they were divorced. 

Mr. Whitley. Is he connected with the Peoples World? 

Mr. Browder. He is one of the editors of the Peoples World. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, is your present wife a citizen of the 
United States? 

Mr. Browder. She is not. 

Mr. Whitley. She is not ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Has she ever held any official position with the Com- 
munist Party of the Soviet Government? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. She has not ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Was she one of the judges of the "red" tribunal in 
Moscow in 1921 or 1922, or approximately that period? 

Mr. Browder. To the best of my knowledge and belief ; no. 

The Chairman. Has she ever told you that she was ? 

Mr. Browder. She has not. 

Mr. Whitley. Was her name Anna Gluzman? 

Mr. Browder. It was not. 

Mr. Whitley. It was not? 

Will you give her maiden name ? 

Mr. Brodsky. Mr. Chairman, I object to that as entirely imma- 
terial in connection with the object of this committee's investigation ; 
what can that have to do with it? 

The Chairman. What is the object of getting that information? 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Chairman, the allegation has been made and I 
am trying to be fair to Mr. Browder, to prove, disprove, or to estab- 
lish that some of his relatives at present, or have in the past, held 
official position in the Coimnunist Party in the Soviet Union and I 
do not see there would be any objection to securing that information^ 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 444I 

Mr. Brodsky. It seems to me tliat if Mr. Browder wants to answer 
the allepitions he coiihl answer them, but I do not think this is the 
phice to answer alle^rations of that kind. 

Tlie Chaihman, What woukl be the materiality of getting his 
wife's first name? 

]Mr. Whitley. It is just merely for the purpose of identification. I 
will say that the allegations were that she was formerly a member of 
the "red" tribunal and it certainly would show a connection with the 
Soviet Government, at least, to that extent. 

The Chairman. Well, pass to some other question. 

Mr. Thomas. What is the question? 

The Chairiman. The question was what was his wife's maiden 
name. They have got some correspondence, apparently, showing 
some connection between them. Suppose we pass to another question. 
I am not certain about it. 

Mr. Thomas. It seems to me that Mr. Browder would be glad to 
answer the question. 

Mr. BjiODSKY. I have made my objection. 

The Chair:\iax. Suppose we pass on to some other question. 

Mr. Thomas. Does Mr. Browder object to answering it? 

The Chairman. There has to be a line drawn somewhere. 

Mr. Browder. I think there has, Mr. Chairman ; I think there must 
be some line drawn somewhere defining the scope of an inquiry such 
as this. 

The Chairiman. Let us pass on, for the time being, to another 
question. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Browder, are the objectives and the program of 
the Communist Party today substantially the same as they have 
always been? 

^Ir. Browder. The objectives and the program, insofar as they 
relate to the goal and the transformation of our system to that of 
socialism in the place of capitalism, to a system without exploitation 
in place of a system with exploitation, to a system of common owner- 
ship of the means of production in place of a system of private own- 
ersliip, in all those respects, the objectives and the program of the 
party have been continuous throughout its existence. 

Mr. Whitley. The tactics and the strategy change from time to 
time but the fundamental objectives and the program have remained 
substantially the same? 

Mr. Browder. The fundamental objectives have remained substan- 
tially the same. 

The Chairman. Is that all? 

Mr. Whitley. That is all. 

Tlie Chairman. Anything further, Mr. Matthews? 

!Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder, you stated that to the best of your 
knowledge Juliet Stuart Poyntz had not been active in the Com- 
munist Party since 1929. 

Mr. Browder. Well, I would not be certain about the exact date; I 
don't remember her having been active since I became the secretary. 

Mr, Matthews. I believe the national headquarters gave out a 
statement to the press in December 1937 to the effect that Juliet 
Stuart Poyntz had not been active subsequent to 1928. The state- 
ment read 



4442 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Beowder (interposing). I am not certain about the exact date. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you not know that in 1934 the Daily Worker, 
on the first page, in an early January issue, printed a photograph of 
Juliet Stuart Poyntz with the statement that she had a clash with 
Mayor LaGuardia at a demonstration at the City Hall where she 
headed a delegation of the Trade Union League? 

Mr. Browder. I was not familiar with that. 

Mr. Matthews. You are not familiar with that? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. BroM'der, will you please identify for us, 
briefly, Mr. Molotov? 

Mr. Bro"wt)ER. That is the present Premier, the foreign commissar 
of the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Matthews. So that what Mr. Molotov might have to say 
about the decisions or acts of the Communist International would 
be authoritative, would they not? 

Mr. Browder. I would assume so ; he is a responsible man. 

Mr. JSIatthews. I read you from an issue of the International 
Press Correspondence of September 12, 1929, in which Mr. Molotov 
has the following to say : 

The Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International 
effected a radical renovation of tlie executive of the American Communist 
Party. 

This morning, Mr. Browder. you stated that the leadership of the 
American Communist Party had been removed by the National Com- 
munist Party of the United States. 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Matthews. That is in conflict, is it not. with the statement 
which I have just read from Molotov? 

Mr. Bro"\\t)er. It is not in conflict. 

Mr. Matthews. I will read it again. 

The Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International 
effected a radical renovation- ■ 

Mr. Browder (interposing). Yes. 
Mr. Matthews (continuing reading) : 

of the executives of the American Communist Party. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. Will you please state what is meant bj' "effected a 
radical renovation." 

Mr. Browder. They exposed the falseness of the claims of the 
Lovestone leaders in the American party, effecting a change of opin- 
ions in the Central Committee which resulted in the change of 
leadership. 

Mr. Mattheavs. Mr. Browder, in the parlance of the Communist 
Party, what do you understand by the words '"transmission belts"? 

Mr. Broavder. I think that if we begin to define all these technical 
terms of policy we will be here a very long time. 

Transmission belt is a technical term in the technical discussion of 
the Communist movement. 

The Chairman. You know what the words mean, do you not ? 

Mr. Broavder. I think I do, but it might be difficult to explain to 
people who have not in any way familiarized the technical terms of 
the theories. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4443 

The Chairman. You are an export on that subject, and we want 
enliohtenment. 

Mr. Broavder. I haven't the slightest objection to enlightening you. 

The Chairman. Make it as brief as you can. 

Mr. Browder. JSIy only objection to being brief in defining terms 
of policy is it does not give a clear explanation when you are dealing 
with such terms. 

The Chairivian. Give us some idea of it ; wliat do you mean when 
you say "transmission belt"? 

Mr. Browder. "Transmission belts" is a technical term referring 
to the tactics whereby the Communists establish their relations with 
the masses of people; it defines the cliannel of placing themselves 
before the masses of the majority of people. It is a technical term:, 
those contacts are called transmission belts. 

The Chairman. I think that is sufficient. 

Mr. Maithews. Yes. Mr. Browder, will you please name a few of 
the transmission belts of the Communist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Browder. The principal transmission belt of the Communist 
Party to the masses of people is the policy — the policy — in the first 
place, of peace for America, and every mass organization 

Mr. Matthews (interposing). That is not responsive to the 
question. 

Mr. Browder (continuing). And every mass organization which ex- 
presses this desire for ]^eace thereby becomes a transmission belt 
between the Communist Party and the masses. 

Mr. Matthews. Xow, will you please name some of the transmis- 
sion belts of the Comnumist Party in the United States? 

Mr. Browder. The trade-unions of America; the American Feder- 
ation of Labor ; the C. I. O. ; the peace societies of all parties, especially 
those that are not established strictly on the policy of isolation, in- 
cluding specially tlie large, mass peace movements; the American 
League for Peace and Democracy, and large organized peace move- 
ments ; and, in general, I would say every organization which stands 
for any sort of concerted effort to maintain peace in the world, be- 
comes thereby a transmission belt between the masses and the Com- 
]nunists, and one of the efforts of the Communist Party is to try to 
have its members join every organization which tends in that 
direction. 

]Mr. jMatthews. A great deal has been written in the Communist 
press on the subject of transmission belts, has there not, Mr. Browder ? 

^fr. Broavder. I would not say a great deal. 

Ml-. Matthews. Enough to make it perfectly clear what is under- 
stood by the term "transmission belt."' 

Mr. Browder. Xot to make it clear to everybody yet; it requires 
clarification. 

Mr. Matthews. In these discussions of transmission belts in the 
literature of the Connnunist Party a number of organizations have 
JDeen named. There has been no reference to the fact that "policy" 
is a transmission belt. 

Mr. Browder. Oh, yes, there has; I would be glad to cite you a 
number of instances. 

Mr. Mattheavs. All right. Forget that for the moment. Tlie 
point 1 would like for you to clear up is that in your naming of 



4444 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

the transmission belts in this country just now, you have refrained 
from mentioning the names which have been customarily cited, in 
Communist Party literature. 

Mr. Browder. I beg your pardon; I mentioned several. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Chairman, I should like to ask that an article 
by C. A. Hathaway in the Communist of May 1931, on the use of 
transmission belts in the struggle for the masses, be incorporated m 
the record. 

This is not a lengthy article but it seems to be a very clear and 
full statement of the subject of transmission belts, in the parlance 
of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Browder. Will you allow me to volunteer that if you exclude a 
consideration of policy as suggested by the questioner you will not 
have any idea whatsoever of the subject under discussion? To obtain 
its meaning it must be taken in conjunction with the policy. 

Mr. Matthews. I would like to read a portion of this Hathaway 
discussion on transmission belts. This is from an editorial appear- 
ing in the Pravda, the official publication of the Communist Party 
of the Soviet Union: 

The day-to-day work of the Communist Party, U. S. A., still bears a purely 
propag*anda character. The party has as yet come out before the masses only 
with general slogans, failing to concentrate attention on the immediate, every- 
day demands of the masses. The trade-unions have, in fact, only dedicated 
the party. The result of all this has been a considerable weakening of the 
party's contact with the masses, passivity, and lagging behind the general mass 
movement, and a consequent strengthening of opportunist tendencies, especially 
the "right" danger, in the various sections of the party. 

Now, that editorial from Pravda is discussed in connection with the 
Communist Party of the United States of America. Continuing with 
Mr. Hathaway's discussion under the heading entitled "Utilize Trans- 
mission Belts" : 

What must we do? 

In the iirst place, we must bi'eak definitely with the construction that Com- 
munist work consists solely in direct efforts to build the Communist Party and 
in recruiting new members. We must learn to set up and work tiuough a vrhole 
series of mass organizations and in this way also develop our party work. Our 
chief error is our failure to understand the role of and to systematically utilize 
mass organizations as transmission belts to the broad masses of nonparty workers. 

In a parenthesis in that quotation are named by initials examples of 
some of the transmission belts set up by the Communist Party and 
through which the Communist Party works. These are the 
*'T. U. U. L.," meaning the Trade Union Unity Leage; Unemployed 
Councils; "I. L. D.," standing for International Labor Defense; 
"W. I. R.," standing for Workers International Relief"; "L. S. N. R.," 
standing for League for Struggle for Negro Rights, and so forth. 

Mr. Thomas. Are there any more ? 

Mr. Matthews. In another part of the article there are others named. 

You are familiar with this discussion of Mr. Hathaway ? 

Mr. Browder. I am familiar with it. 

Mr. Matthews. Will you refer to your notes, Mr. Browder, and tell 
me if you gave by name any of the organizations here listed as trans- 
mission belts in reply to the question a moment ago ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; I did. 

Mr. Matthews. You did ? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4445 

Mr. Browder. I referred to the trade-unions and the American 
Leaofue for Peace and Democracy. They are tlie more important ones. 

Mr. Matthews. Were these orj2:anizations, here named as transmis- 
sion belts, set up by the Communist Party ? 

Mr. pROWDER. They were not set up by the Communist Party. 

Mr. Matthews. Then what Hathaway said here was in error when 
he said that they were set up by the Communist Party? 

]\Ir. P)R0WDER. I do not think he said so. 

Mr. JMatthews. I will read it again. 

Mr. Browder. If he said so it is in error. 

Mr. Matthews (reading) : 

We must learn to set up and work through the whole series of mass organ- 
izations and in this way also deA^elop our party work. 

Mr. Browder. I would say that is precisely how it was discussed 
at that time, to learn that it is not as effective for the Communist 
Party to set up organizations, but that it is more effective to have 
the members work through established and existing mass organiza- 
tions. 

jNIr. Matthews. Yes; but the Communist Party did set up the In- 
ternational Labor Defense? 

Mr. Browder. It took a part in setting it up. 

Mr. Matthews. Yes. Now you have named one of the existing 
organizations as a transmission belt, the American League for Peace 
and Democracy. 

Mr. Browder. I have named also the trade-unions. 

Mr. Matthews. And the American Federation of Labor? 

Mr. Browder. The American Federation of Labor. 

Mr. ]\L\TTHEWs. The Congress for 

Mr. Browder (interposing). The C. I. O. 

Mr. VooRHis. In that connection I think there should be a distinc- 
tion made between the willing and unwilling transmission belts. In 
other words, it does not seem to me it gives an accurate picture 
unless you do. 

Mr. Browder. The transmission belt 

The Chairman. I think it has been made perfectly clear that this 
is what the Communist Party itself thinks and is not what repre- 
sentatives of these various organizations, the American Federation 
of Labor or the other oro;anizations believe. In other words, it is 
purely a unilateral proposition. You have no thought of saying that 
you created them. 

Mr. Browder. Of course not. If any member of this committee 
should use the committee as a transmission belt for a particular idea, 
that does not involve the implication that it was organized for that 
purpose. 

The Chairman. And the fact that you have organized and that 
you have Communists, members in these organiaztions, the trade- 
unions, does not mean the trade movement is to do the Communist 
work. 

Mr. Browder. Certainly not, just as a trade-union organization in 
a particular State may have in it members of the Democratic and 
Republican Parties does not mean it is the Party, nor does it in any 
way involve the trade-union as a part of the Democratic Party nor 
does it mean that the party controls these trade-unions. 



4446 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. All right; let us proceed. 

Mr. Matthews. Here is the next quotation from this article by 
Mr. Hathaway, and I want to ask Mr. Browder if he recognizes this 
as common parlance in the Communist Party. This was a quotation 
from Kuusinen. 

We must create a whole solar system of organizations and smaller committees 
around the Communist Party, so to speak, smaller organizations working actually 
under the influence of our party. 

Do you recognize that as parlance of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. I recognize the quotation. I do not accept that as 
describing our policy now. 

Mr. Matthews. Yes ; but in the past has the Communist Party at- 
tempted to create a whole solar system of organizations and smaller 
committees around the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. We have made some efforts but we failed. 

Mr. Starnes. It was the policy at one time ? 

Mr. Browder. That indicates efforts were made to use the Com- 
munist influence through smaller organizations and have smaller or- 
ganizations started. 

Mr. Matthews. Is the change in policy due to the fact perhaps that 
other persons have set up organizations, which are more convenient for 
the Communist Party to use as transmission belts ; was that the cause 
of the change ^ 

Mr. Browder. It is due to the fact that whereas in previous years 
the purpose was, in presenting a progressive movement, we were try- 
ing to create organizations to do it and at the present time we are using 
organizations that have already been created. 

Mr. Matthews. But you do use the present organizations? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. As transmission belts? 

Mr. Browder. Of course. 

Mr. Matthews. Of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. Of course. 

Mr. Matthews. To quote from Stalin, in Stalin on "Problems of 
Leninism," on this need for transmission belts in relations to the 
party. What Hathaway states here is more sharply set forth than 
in previous quotations: 

The proletariat needs these belts, these levers (the mass organizations) and this 
guiding force (the party) because without them it would, in its struggle for 
victory, be like a weaponless army in the face of organized and armed capital. 

Lastly we come to the party of the proletariat, the proletarian vanguard. Its 
strength lies in the fact that it attracts to its ranks the best elements of all the 
mass organizations of the proletariat. Its function is to unify the work of all the 
mass organizations of the proletariat, without exception, and to guide their ac- 
tivities toward a single end, that of the liberation of the proletariat. 

Mr. Mattheavs. Now, Mr. Browder, will you tell me, please, whether 
or not the Friends of the Soviet Union was set up by the Communist 
Party as a transmission belt? 

Mr. Browder. It was not. 

Mr. Matthews, Was the International Workers Order set up as 
a transmission belt by the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. It was not. 

Mr. Matthews. I' read from your book entitled "Communism in 
the United States," page 74: 



UN-AMEKIC^W PItOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4447 

Since the seventh convention we have made another important addition to 
the list of mass revolutionary organizations. This is the mutual benelit society, 
International Workers Order. 

Was that a correct statement? 

!Mr. Browder. That is a correct statement. 

]\rr. Mattheavs. Is that not an absolutely contradictory statement 
to Avhat YOU have just said? 

;Mr. Browder. No; it is not. because we were inferring that the 
resolution of the I. W. O. followed the desire of the Communist 
Party to create an oroanizntion itself. That was not the ori.oin of 
the I. W. O. The I. W. O. originated as an organization to provide 
for fraternal insurance for all working class of people and the Com- 
munist gave their entire help 

]\Ir. Thomas. I think the witness should be instructed to just answer 
the question. 

The Chairman. The Chair is trying to accord the witnesses the 
opportunity of making an explanation, all witnesses, who appear 
before the committee. 

^Ir. Thomas. xVnd I am in accord with that 

The Chairman. I think a witness is entitled to explain something 
that cannot be answered by a "yes" and "no" answer, 

Mr. Matthews. In the definition of a transmission belt would 
you include the International Workers Order as a transmission belt? 

Mr. Browder. Every mass organization, without exception 

]\Ir. Matthews. Well, I am asking about this one. 

Mr. Browder (continuing). In which there is a Communist interest, 
is a transmission belt. 

Mr. Matthews. Well, will you please answer that? 

Mr. Browder. I think I am. 

Mr. ^Iatthews. I would like to know if the International Workers 
Order is considered by you as a transmission belt ? 

The Chairman. He is asking you about a specific organization. 
You can say whether it is. 

Mr. Browder. I can say "yes" ; it is. emphatically. 

The Chairman. You have already said that the others are. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

Mr. Matthews. And it was set up by the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. It was not set up by the Communist Party. 

Mr. Matthews. "VN-liat do you mean by "since the seventh conven- 
tion we have made another important addition to the list of mass 
organizations, the Intei;national Workers Order"? 

Mr. Browder. The "we" is a general term, includes everyone coop- 
erating together. I was not referring to the fact that the Communist 
Party had done this. The Communist Party, as such, as an organiza- 
tion, had nothing to do with the I. W. O. I myself 

The Chairman (interposing). I think you have answered the 
question. 

Mr. Thomas. I think he has. 

ISIr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. The statement is to that effect, if I remember, in 
Tour report delivered to the Eighth Congress of the Communist 
Partv in 1934: is that correct? 

94931 — 40 — vol. 7 12 



4448 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. Yes; and in 1936 I made a report saying that we 
had elected Roosevelt President of the United States, but I didn't 
mean the Communists had. 

The Chairman. What you are saying, in the use of the word "we" 
everybody who was sympathetic with the Communist Party '^ 

Mr. Browder. Everyone who was with the I. W. O.; not with the 
Communists. 

Mr. Matthews. But let us see, if we can, in your use of the word 
"we" that you did not mean Communists. 

Mr. Browder. I mean more inclusive. 

Mr. Matthews. Yes; but you did not mean to include more than 
those who sympathized with the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. I mean to include all those who helped to establish 
the I. W. O. 

Mr. Matthews. You say here that this "we" have set up the mass 
revolutionary organization ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. That would be evidence, I presume, that they were 
sympathetic to the revolution? 

Mr. Browder. At that time most of the members were members 
of the Communist Party. Since that time it has been broadened far 
beyond that, and the Communists are now a minority in the organiza- 
tion, in the last years, and you could not describe their actions as 
revolutionary. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you consider the "Workers Alliance one of the 
transmission belts in the formation of which the Communist Party 
played a leading role? 

Mr. Browder. In the same sense in which the trade unions are. 

Mr. Matthews. I read from your book The Peoples Front, page 

49: 

It was the Comnniuists who raised the slogan of national unification, fought 
for it consistently, and finally brought about the merger of all into the Workers 
Alliance, which is now broadened into an all-inclusive national organization of 
unemployed workers. 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Matthews. That is a correct statement? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. Here you say the Communists 

Mr. Browder (interposing). That is right. 

Mr. Matthews (continuing). Brought about the merger 

Mr. Browder. It was the Communists who convinced the 
others 



Mr. Matthews. Into the Workers Alliance. 

Mr. Browder. The Communists who fought for and convinced the 
others. 

]SIr. Matthews. Would the same hold true of the formation of 
the American Students Union, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. Not so clearly ; there were a number of Communists 
who worked for it. 

Mr. Matthews. Was it not the Young Communist League rather 
than the party that took the initiative in the formation of the 
American Students Union? 

That is set forth on pages 44 and 45. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4449 

The Chairman. That is ri^ht, is it; you did not answer? 

Mr. Browder. Tliat is approximately true. 

Mr. Matthews. Was the Lincohi Battalion set up by the Com- 
munist Party, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. liROWDER. It was not. It was set up by the veterans return- 
in<; from Spain. 

Mr. Matthews. Was it composed chiefly of members of the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. I would say about 55 to 60 percent. 

Mr. Matthews. On page 182 of this book, The People's Front, 

you said : 

And not the least source of our pride is the fact that over 60 percent of the 
liincoln Battalion members are members of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. I thought you were referring to the organiza- 
tion Friends of the Lincoln Battalion. 

Mr. ^Matthews. No ; I am referring to the Lincoln Battalion itself. 
But vour statement also refers to the Friends of the Lincoln 
Battalion ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir, 

Mr. Matthews. Was the North American Committee to Aid Span- 
ish Democracy created largely through the initiative of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Broavder. I would say it was created through merging of the 
initiative from many sources. There were many people moving 
simultaneously in the same direction at that time. 

Mr. Matthews. On page 75 of your book Communism in the United 
States you describe the International Labor Defense as a mass organi- 
zation "contributing to the general strengthening of the revolutionary 
movement," 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr, Matthews. Is that the description which you support today? 

Mr. Browder. Well, today it is merged more in the broad pro- 
gressive movement of the day. At that time it had very little to do 
except in connection with the activities of the Communist Party. 
In later years it broadened out very much. Other people came into 
it on a much larger scale and took over the direction of it. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder, in 1933 the Comnuuiist Party led 
the United States Congress Against War, did it not ? 

Mr. Browder. I think we had something to do with the leadership. 
We were in it, 

Mr. Matthews. In your book Communism in the United States, on 
page 183, you wrote : 

Our most successful application of the united front has been in the antiwar 
and anti-Fascist movement. We led a highly successful United States Congress 
Against War, which brought together 2,616 delegates from all over the country, 
and unanimously adopted a manifesto and program which is politically satis- 
factory. 

Does the "we" here refer to the Communist Party or to a broader 
^roup ? 

Mr. Browder. To give you a really authoritative answer on the 
granunar of it, I Avould have to examine it; but politically it sub- 
stantially means the Communists. 



4450 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



(The book referred to was handed to the witness.) 

Mr. Browder. Yes; that could be interpreted in the narrow sense, 
in wliich case it wonkl be rather boastful, and I would have to 
apologize for it. 

The Chairman. Well, how do you interpret it ? That is the ques- 
tion. What did it mean when you said that? Did you mean the 
Communist Party or a broader group ? 

Mr. Browder. I was probably falling into boastfulness then, with- 
out mentioning the others that helped. 

The Chairman. What do you mean by boastfulness ? 

Mr. Browder. I mean that really the first congress contained so 
many other people without whose help and initiative it would have 
been impossible to claim full credit for the Communists ; that I was 

not modest. 

The Chairman. In other words, you should have taken into con- 
sideration the fellow travelers along with you ? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, entirely. 

The Chairman. All right; go ahead. 

Mr. Casey. Quite a natural error with most writers ? 

Mr. Browder. No ; I think it is not a naturiil error except as natur- 
ally people may fall into the habit of each one claiming the credit 
which should be divided among a number of persons. 

Mr. Matthews. I believe at one time, Mr. Browder, you gave me 
credit for a part in the formation of that congress. 

Mr. Browder. I believe that you played a certain role in it. 

Mr. Matthews. However, on page 184 of the book, Communism in 
the United States, you wrote : 

The congress from the beginning was led by our party quite openly. 

That is quite specific in identifying the organizing element as the 
Communist Party ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Browder. That is as far as party influence was concerned. The 
Socialist Party attempted to lead it in a different direction. 

The Chairman. Is that statement true? Let us get the answer. 

Mr. Browder. There is a certain truth in it, but it does not give the 
complete picture. 

Mr. Starnes. No single statement does, in your view. 

Mr. Browder. Sometimes it does. 

The Chairman. Here is a simple statement that your party led the 
movement from the beginning. There is nothing complicated about 
that. Was that true or untrue ? 

Mr. Browder. That was the truth as we saw it. 

The Chairman. That is all we want. Go ahead. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder, will you please name the organiza- 
tion which was set up at this United States Congress Against War? 

Mr. Browder. The American League Against War and Fascism. 

Mr. Matthews. And that subsequently became the American League 
for Peace and Democracy; that is correct, is it not? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Matthews. Did the United States Congress Against War, and 
tiierefore the American League Against War and Fascism and the 
American League for Peace and Democracy, derive their initial impulse 
from what is known in Communist circles as the Amsterdam Congress ? 

Mr. Browder. I believe that was taken as the starting point for the 
establishment of the initiating committee. 



UX-AMERR'AX PKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 445I 

Mr. Matthews. Was not the leadiiio; figure in the Amsterdam Con- 
gress Henri Barbusse of France? 

Mr. Bkowuek. Henri Barbusse, associated with Romaine Rolland. 

Mr. JNIatthews. Was Henri Barbusse a member of the Conmiunist 
Party of France ? 

Mr. l^RowDFR. I do not know when he became a member. He was a 
member of the Conununist Party in France when he died. 

Mr. Matthews. Was he a member at the time of the calling of the 
Amsterdam Congress in 1932? 

Mr. Bkowder. That I do not know. 

Mr. JMatthews. Was he a member of the Communist Party when 
he came to the United States in 1933 to address the United States 
Congress Against War ? 

Mr. Browdek. That I do not know. He did not introduce himself 
to me as a member of the Conununist Party, and he acted as an inde- 
pendent person. 

Mr. Matthews. You do not recall that when he landed at the pier 
he stated to the press that he was a member of the Communist Party 
of France? 

Mr. Browder. I did not remember that. I know that he declared 
that he was in close sympathy with commmunism. 

j\Ir. Matthews. You have testified already, Mr. Browder, that you 
were at one time, or for a period of years, one of the vice chairmen 
of the American League Against War and Fascism and the American 
League for Peace and Democracy. 

Mr. Browder. P'rom the time of its foundation until 1937. 

Mr. Matthews. Has the American League for Peace and Democ- 
racy — and by that I mean the preceding organization as well — ever 
taken a position on the question with which it deals mainly, the ques- 
tion of war, which is contrary to the line of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. Well, at the Cleveland convention — I forget exactly 
the year now ; the convention held in Cleveland — the program that 
was adopted was much closer to the wishes of the Socialist Party than 
those of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Matthews. The American League has gone on record quite 
consistently as opposed to fascism, has it not ? 

Mr. Browder. It has. 

Mr. Matthews. Has it ever gone on record as opposed to com- 
munism ? 

Mr. Browder. It has not. 

Mr. Matthews. Have there ever been attemj^ts in congresses of the 
American League to introduce resolutions condemning communism? 

Mr. Browder. There have not. 

Mr. Matthew\s. Do you not recall tliat one such resolution was in- 
troduced in Pittsburgh by a member from the floor? 

Mr. Browder. I was not familiar with that. I did not know that. 

Mr. Matthews. You did not know that such a resolution was in- 
troduced at the Washington congress of the American League tliis 
year ? 

Mr. Browder. I was not in the Washington congress. 

Mr. Matthews. But you are confident that no such resolution has 
ever been seriously considered by the American League ? 

Mr. Browder. I had not heard of it. 



4452 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Matthews. And certainly none has ever been passed, as you 
have stated ? 

The Chairman. Well, if it does not interrupt, as a matter of fact, 
the American League recently issued a statement commending the 
pact between Russia and Germany, did it not? 

Mr. Browder. I believe that they did. I believe the spokesman of 
the American League issued a newspaper statement declaring that 
there was no reason in fact to interpret the nonaggression pact as an 
alliance between Germany and the Soviet Union, as was being done 
in the newspapers. 

The Chairman. Well, he said that it was a distinct step toward 
peace, did he not? 

Mr. Browder. And that it had been a distinct contribution tO' 
strengthening the position of the United States in world affairs, and 
to peace. 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. VooRHis. Mr. Chairman. I wish Mr. Browder would express 
what he means by strengthening the position of the United States in 
world affairs. 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. If you do not mind, let him complete the question, 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Chairman, I suggest that he complete the ques- 
tion and then allow Mr. Browder to make a speech, as long as he 
wants to, 

Mr. VooRHis. Not necessarily a speech, but I would like to have an 
explanation of what he means by that. 

Mr. Mason. And so would I. 

The Chairman. We will get to that in just a little while. 

Mr. Mati^hews. I have one other source here on the subject of trans- 
mission belts. The pamphlet by Alex Bittelman entitled "The Com- 
munist Party in Action,"' on page 51, states that "the principal trans- 
mission belts between the Communist Parties and the broad masses of 
the workers" are the independent revolutionary trade-unions. 

To what is reference made there, Mr. Browder, in that phrase^ 
"independent revolutionary trade-unions"? 

Mr. Browder. I assume that that was written at a time when it 
would be referring to the unions of the T, U. U. L. 

Mr. Matthews. You are quite sure, as a matter of fact, that it does 
refer to the unions of the T. U. U. L. ? 

Mr. Browder. I would feel quite confident. 

Mr. Matthews. Agahi, on page 56 of this pamphlet, Mr. Bittelman 
says: 

In speaking of the imijortance of transmission belts between the party and 
the masses, we mnst remember that besides the nnions there are other nonparty 
mass organizations, already existing, and others that we undertake to organize 
in the conrse of the developing coimteroffensive of the proletariat. We should 
refer here to snch nonparty mass organizations as the International Labor 
Defense, the Workers International Relief, various organizations in the struggle- 
for Negro rights, the League of Struggle for Negro rights (L. S. N. R.), etc. 

Of course, some of these organizations are as yet far from being mass organi- 
zations. Our task, therefore, consists in widening them, broadening them out, 
and transforming them into real mass movements. Also, in the course of devel- 
oping the proletarian counteroffensive, we are resorting to the building up of 
various nonparty mass organs on a united-front basis, as, for instance, the build- 
ing up of the unemployed committees and councils, antiwar committees, etc> 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4453 

Here the important thins to remember is that the party must build up and 
develop transmission belts between itself and the class, following the tacties of 
the united front from below with the widest masses of woi-kers on the basis of a 
common struggle for their daily and most burning needs. All Communists in 
such organizations nnist organize themselves into a party fraction working under 
the direction of their respective leading committees of the party. 

Does tluit statement set forth the view which the Communist Party 
lield on the subject of transmission belts and the way in which the 
party would control them, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Broavder. That is correct; but there have been very sharp 
chancres in tlie methods of work of the Communists in the last years — 
especially the whole system of organizing fractions of the Communists 
inside the mass organizations has been completely abolished. 

Mr. Matthews. There was a time, however, when the fraction 
which was composed of the members of the Communist Party mass 
organizations was charged with the responsibility by the party of 
seeing to it that the party line was adequately defended and adopted 
by the national organization; is that correct? 

]Mr. Browder. I would say that the first responsibility was to see 
that the organization was built and the organization's own aims 
were taken care of, and. secondly, within the limitation of that, to 
advance the line of the Communist Party. But, as I said before, 
that whole practice of having Communists work as organized groups 
inside the mass organizations has been discontinued and completely 
abolished. 

Mr. Matthews. Will you please tell us, Mr. Browder, when it 
was abolished? 

Mr. Browder. In 1937. 

Mr. Matthews. In 1937 ? 

ISIr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. Is there anything of record? 

Mr. Matthews. Yes. I do not have it where I can lay my hand 
on it. But in the March issue of the Communist of 1939 there are 
still discussions of the Communist Party nuclei and fractions in the 
various organizations. 

Mr. Browder. Yes. Every time we meet we have discussions about 
the clarification of this question everywhere, and the cleaning out of 
all practices in the work of organized fractions. 

Mr. Matthews. ^\nien did the party cease the publication of the 
so-called shop committee papers? 

Mr. Browder. That was just before the tenth convention. 

Mr. Matthews. About a year and a half ago? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; early in 1938. 

Mr. Matthews. Then you mean to say that at the present time 
the Communist Party does not maintain a fraction organization in 
any mass organization of any kind whatsoever? 
_ iMr. Browder. It does not. It prohibits the formation of frac- 
tions. 

Mr. Matthews. In what way is the viewpoint, or let us say the 
revolutionary policy of the party, now transmitted from the party, 
which is the vanguard of the proletariat, to the broad masses? 

Mr. Browder. TVe rely entirely upon the capacities of individual 
Communists to adequately present the viewpoint of the Communist 
Party before the masses. 



4454 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. Eight at that point, those Communists openly 
admit their membership in the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. Well, they cannot develop Communist ideas very 
well without it. 

The Chairman. I mean, there are no pains taken to conceal their 
identity ? 

Mr. Browder. No; of course not. 

The Chairman. So that there is no reason why others in the 
organization should not know who are Communists and who are 
not? 

Mr. Browder. I would say, in the great majority of cases, where 
politics is made known, ancl where it is considered whether a man 
is a Republican, a Democrat, a Socialist, or a Communist, that the 
Communists are known the same as members of the other parties 
are known. 

Tlie Chairman. But the question I am asking is this : There is no 
reason, according to your previous statement, why everyone in Ihe 
organization, or the majority, should not know who is a Communist 
and who is not? 

Mr. Browder. Not the slightest. 

The Chairman. So that if you have Communists who are organ- 
izers or officials in a tradeunion, there is no reason why the members 
and other officials of the trade-union should not know that they are 
Communists, is there? 

Mr. Browder. No more reason than there is that they should know- 
that they are Democrats or Republicans. 

The Chairman. Well, what is the answer to that ? 

Mr. Browder. The answer is, There is no reason. 

The Chairman. There is no reason for that. So that, as a matter 
of fact — we will take the A. F. of L. and the C. I. O. — there is no 
reason why the membership of those two organizations and the 
officials should not know those Communists who are in the organiza- 
tion, is there? 

Mr. Browder. The only reason that they do not know is because 
they receive such conflicting advice about the question. 

The Chairman. But you stated that the Communists themselves 
make no effort to conceal their identity. You say that if they carry 
on their work, they are bound to find out whether or not they are 
Communists, by their talk. Now my question is, There is no reason 
why the membership of those organizations and the officials do not 
know who are Communists, is there? 

Mr. Broavder. The labels are not important. The important thing 
is the position the people have. 

The Chairman. I mean there is no reason, in these labor organi- 
zations, if the party carries out its duties, why anybody should be 
deceived as to whether the individual is or is not a Communist? 

Mr. Broavder. There is not. 

The Chairman. If he is a Communist, he is supposed to work at 
liis job, is he not? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. And if he works at his job, everybody is sup- 
posed to know about it? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 



UN-AMERICAN PKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4455 

Tlie Chairman. And if he is a Communist, those who are around 
him are bound to find out tliat he is a Communist? 

Mr. Browder. And it is a proud title. 

The Chairiman. But is that correct? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. What makes that a difficult ques- 
tion to answer, often, in practice, is that there is a tendency to iden- 
tify every real pro<2;ressive or militant New Dealer as a Communist, 
or a "pink,'- or as Connnunist inclined, or as a fellow traveler. That 
confuses the question quite often. 

The Chairman. Y<nir party, as yon said a moment a^jo, has been 
quite boastful in includino- certain oTonps within your influence? 

Ml'. Browder. Yes. We even claim credit for the election of the 
President by sayin<:^ that we include ourselves in the majority. 

Mr. Casey. Rioht alono; that line. Mr. BroAvder, as I understand 
your testimony, you stated that in the beginning you set up organ- 
izations of your own like this transmission belt. 

Mr. Browder. No: I did not. 

]Mr. Casey. Yon did not say that? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

]\[r. Casey. Did you at some time set up such organizations? 

Mr. Browder. I said that we participated and helped in setting up 
small organizations which were not effective in setting up trans- 
mission belts, and our plan was to merge them in larger organ- 
izations. 

Mr. Casey. One reason you did that was because there were not 
then in existence organizations that could be used as transmission 
behs? 

Mr. Browder. There was no broad progressive movement in 
question. 

Mr. Casey. At that time were there not in existence the A. F. of L. 
and the Railroad Brotherhoods? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Casey. Did you feel that you were not making any progress 
through those two organizations with the transmission belt? 

Mr. Broavder. There were many industries in which the workers 
were trying to organize and improve their conditions, which the 
A. F. of L. refused to organize. That is why the independent unions 
sprang up, with our help. When the A. F. of L. became active, we 
were the first to agree to the proposals to merge them in the A. 
F. of L. 

Mr. VooRHis. In line with the question that the chairman was ask- 
ing a minute ago, would it not be more accurate to say that a person 
familiar with the tactics and programs of the Communist Party 
would have very little difficulty in knowing what members of the 
trade-unions were Communists, than it would be that anybody could 
tell just offhand? I got the impression from the interchange between 
yourself and the chairman that the idea was that whenever there 
was a Communist who was a member of a trade union, for example, 
it was a very easy matter for the leadership of that union to know 
who he was, and that he was a Communist. My question is. Would 
it not be more accurate to say that if those leaders were familiar with 
the policies and tactics and program of the Communist Party, they 
could tell ? 



4456 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browdee. Well, I think that everyone in the labor movement 
is quite familiar with the point of view and methods of work of the 
Communists. To the degree that there is any confusion, it is only 
because there are certain misrepresentations broadcast to try to make 
people appear as Communists who are not. 

The Chairman. All right ; let us proceed. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder, you stated a moment ago, I believe, 
in answer to a question by the chairman, that there was no reason 
why the identity of a Communist in a labor organization should not 
be a matter of open knowledge ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Matthews. There are, however, circumstances under which 
you consider it quite essential that membership of a person in the 
Communist Party be strictly secret ; is that not true ? 

Mr. Browder. No; that is not. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder, did you make a speech sometime ago 
at Union Theological Seminary in New York City ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. ^ 

Mr. Matthews. Was that around the middle of February 1935 ? 

Mr. Browder. Approximately. 

Mr. Matthews. I ask that this pamphlet be introduced as an ex- 
hibit, if Mr. Brow^der will identify it. 

(The pamphlet referred to was handed to the witness.) 

Mr. Browder. That is correct. 

Mr. Matthews. This pamphlet is entitled "Religion and Commu- 
nism, by Earl Browder," and is a copy of a speech delivered by Mr. 
Browder at Union Theological Seminary in New York City. 

(The pamphlet referred to was marked "Browder Exhibit No. 
— ," and is filed herewith.) 

Mr. Matthews. Did you say, Mr. Browder, to the students at 
Union Theological Seminary: 

You may be interested in knowing that we have preachers, preachers active 
in churches, who are members of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Browder. I said that. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you think that a congregation of any church in 
the United States would knowingly retain a clergyman who had 
membership in the Communist Party? 

Mr, Browder. I am quite certain of it. 

Mr. Matthews. Will you please give us the names, then, of the 
clergymen to whom you referred, or some of them, in this statement ? 

Mr. Browder. I will not. 

Mr. Matthews. It is important that they be kept secret, is it? 

Mr. Browder. It is not. 

Mr. Matthews. But there are clergymen active in churches 

Mr. Browder (interposing). It is very important that they shall 
not have brought down upon them the spotlight of a national pub- 
licity campaign. That certainly would disrupt their congregation. 

Mr. Matt'hews. You know that there are cases where these clergy- 
men are members of the Communist Party, and are known to be 
such ? 

Mr. Browder. To their own members. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4457 

The CuAiRMAx. Does that comprise all denominations? 

Mr. Bkowoek. No; I Avoukl not say all denominations. 

The Chairman. Well, many denominations? It does not include 
the Catholics, does it? 

Mr. IhjowDER. At the present time we have not yet got the Catholic 
cler<xy in the party. 

The Chairman. Do vou have any Catholics in the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. r»RowDEK, Oh, man}' Catholics. 

The Chairman. You do? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Members of the Communist Party who also belong 
to the Catholic Church? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And all other denominations? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know that we have all denominations. We 
have Catholics; we have Methodists; we have Baptists; we have 
Unitarians ; we have Mormoms ; we have Spiritualists. These are the 
ones that I have met and know about. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you have any Holy Eollers? 

Mr. Browder. I believe we have a Holy Roller in the south, too. 

Mr. JMatthews. Do you have members of the Communist Party 
who are clergymen or preachers in the Methodist Church ? 

Mr. Browder. No ; not in the Methodist Church. 

Mr. Matthews. In the Baptist Church ? 

Mr. Browder. I believe there are Baptists, and Holy Rollers. 

Mr. Maithews. Baptists and Holy Rollers? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. Not the Catholic Church? 

Mr. Browder. Not the Catholic Church. 

Mr. Matthews. Presbyterians? > 

Mr. Browder. I am not certain about the Presbyterians 

Mr. Matthews. Congregationalists? 

Mr. Browder. Not the Congregationalists. 

Mr. Matthews. Quakers? 

Mr. Browder. Not the Quakers. 

Mr. Casey. Unitarians? 

Mr. Browder. No. That is my old church. I have done very little 
work there. 

Mr. ^Matthews. So far as you can remember, they are only in the 
Baptist Church and in the Holy Roller Church? 

Mr. Browder. Those are the only ones that I am sure of. 

Mr. Matthews. In which there are clergymen who are active 
preachers and who are members of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. And is their identity as Communist Party mem- 
bers known to their congregations? 

Mr. Browder. It is. 

Mr. Mattheavs. In your book, Mr. Browder, entitled "What Is 
Communism?" you stated, I believe: 

We Communists do not distinguish between good and bad religions, because 
we think they are all bad for the masses. 



4458 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

That is a statement which you made in this book? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Matthews. Is that still your viewpoint ? 

Mr. Browt)er. Yes; I think that religions are not playing a very 
progressive role at this time. 

Mr, Matthews. Do the clergymen who belong to the Communist 
Party also subscribe to this viewpoint? 

Mr. Browder. No ; they differ with me on that. 

Mr. Matthews. They are entitled to differ with the party on that 
question ? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, yes. We have complete freedom of religious 
opinion. 

Mr. Matthews. Although we did notice this morning that a 
certain member was expelled for putting religion above his party? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. If religion becomes an obstacle to the perform- 
ance of a member's duties, that is taken into account. 

Mr. Matthews. But he can still differ with the party on religion? 

Mr. Browder. I would say if he does not find it in conflict with the 
party. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder, this morning j'ou stated that the re- 
lationship between an individual member of the Communist Party 
and the party was one of free contract, shall we say ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. In which the member, if he finds himself in dis- 
agreement with the Communist Party, may resign his membership; 
is that correct? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder, is it not, on the contrary, true that 
it has always been considered that a man's membership in the Com- 
munist Party does not belong to himself, but to the party? 

Mr. Browder. There has been discussion that has expressed that 
point of view, but the party did not adopt it, and rejected it, and 
definitely placed itself on the principle of free association. 

Mr. Matthew^s. Are members who find themselves in disagreement 
with the Communist Party permitted as a rule to resign their 
membership ? 

Mr. Browder. It depends upon the nature of the dispute. 

Mr. Matthews. In most cases has it not been true that such mem- 
bers have been expelled, even though they asked for the permission to 
resign ? 

Mr. Browder. No ; that is not true. We have had, in the year 1938, 
some 25,000 people pass out of the ranks of the Communist Party. 
Only a few dozen were expelled. Some 25,000 just severed their con- 
nection with the party. 

Mr. Matthews. Would there be a distinction in the matter be- 
tween the so-called rank and file of the Communist Party and a func- 
tionary or a leader? Would you permit a leader of the party to re- 
sign because of a disagreement with the party, or would you insist 
on the procedure of expulsion ? 

Mr. Browder. We have never had a case of a leader of the party 
wishing voluntarily to resign. 



UN-AMERICAN I'ROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4459 

Mr. ISIattiiews. Did not Scott Nearing, some years ago, ask for the 
privilege of resigning from the party? 

Mr. Bkowder. That ^vas before I was the secretary. I am not 
familiar with the details of it. 

]\Ir. Matthews. But you do recall that he requested the privilege 
of resigning, do you not ? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, I know that Nearing was in and out of the party 
a number of times. 

Mr. Matt'hews. He was expelled, was he not? 

]Mr. Browder. I think once he was expelled, and once he dropped 
out. 

Mv. Matthews. The last time he was expelled; is that not your 
recollection ? 

Mr. Browder. I am not certain. 

Mr. MattheW'S. In spite of the fact that he remained friendly to 
the party for years subsequent to the expulsion? 

On this matter of a trade-unionist who is a member of the Com- 
munist Party being free to let his membership be known openly in his 
union, do you recall, Mr. Browder, that Lenin wrote a book entitled 
"Left-Wing Communism: and Infantile Disorder?" 

Mr. Browder. I do. 

Mr. Matthews. Is that one of the more important documents used 
by the party in its educational work ? 

Mr. Browder. That is a great book. 

Mr. Matthews. On page 38 of this book by Lenin 

The Chairman (interposing). Let use see if we cannot make these 
answers more responsive. You are asking him the question as to 
whether or not that book is considered an important document of the 
Communist Party ; is that right ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairmax. His answer is yes? 

Mr. Broa\'der. Yes. It is a great book. It is considered so by us. 
I thought that was directly responsive. I am sorry if that was not 
clear. 

The Chairman. He merely asked you if it was an important docu- 
ment, and of course you can answer that yes or no. 

Mr. Browder. I thought it was responsive to the question. If it is 
not, I will try to make it more clear. 

Mr. Matthews. It is true, is it not, Mr. Browder, that in unions 
that are led by those opposed to communism, members of the party are 
in constant danger of expulsion from the unions? 

Mr. Browder. Where that is true, of course — where Communists are 
placed under special disabilities and not given their rights on an 
equality witli other political faiths, then, of course, Communists hide 
their identity. 

Mr. Matthews. And they have been under obligation to hide their 
identity, have they not? 

Mr. Broavder. No. That is entirely a personal question. 

Mr. INIatthews. This discussion here identifies the unions referred to 
by the naming of the men who are the heads of the various trade- 
union movements in the world. The first name is that of Gompers; 
the second is Henderson, referring to Arthur Henderson, of the trade- 



4460 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

union Inovement in England; Jouhanx, of France; and Legiens, of 
Belgium. But, at any rate, the American trade-union movement re- 
ferred to in the discussion here is the American Federation of Labor, 
inasmuch as Gompers is noted as the head of it. Now, Lenin said : 

It is necessary to be able to withstand all this to agree to any and every 
sacrifice, and even — if need be — to resort to all sorts of devices, maneuvers, and 
illegal methods, to evasion and subterfuge, in order to penetrate into the trade- 
unions, to remain in them, and to carry on Communist work in them at all costs. 

That quotation does refer, or did refer at the time of its writing, to 
the American Federation of Labor, did it not ? 

Mr. Browder. It referred to those places were democratic rights were 
denied. 

Mr. Matthews. And this would still be the philosophy of the Com- 
munist Party in the trade-unions if Communist trade-union membei-s 
encountered any opposition in their unions ? 

JSIr. Browder. No ; I would not say that ; oh, no. I would say only 
that wherever such organizations, in which it is necessary for the work- 
ers to belong in order to make their livelihood, and they are in danger 
of losing their livelihood if they are brought under certain discrimi- 
nations wliich are leveled against Communists, and if they have Com- 
munist beliefs and yet cannot afford to allow their jobs to be tiaken 
away from them, that they should conceal their Communist opinions 
insofar as it is necessary to continue to make their livelihood and 
maintain their families. 

Mr. Matthews. Should they resort to all sorts of devices in order to 
stay in the union ? 

Mr. Browder. Whatever is necessary. 

Mr. Matthews. All maneuvers and illegal methods, evasion and 
subterfuge ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not think it is necessary to emphasize that. 

Mr. Matthews. That is the formula laid down by Lenin, however? 

Mr. Browdee. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. In dealing with this question ? 

Mr. Brow^der. I would say we have not many such examples in 
America of any such conditions arising, though. 

Mr. Starnes. But that was the formula laid down by one of the 
founders ? 

Mr. Browder. That was the attitude he took at the time when Com- 
munists were generally being driven out of labor movements and out 
of their jobs. 

Mr. Starnes. And that was the official attitude of the party, too ? 

Mr. Browder. There was nothing official that was discussed. 

Mr. Matthews. In keeping with this Communist doctrine of Lenin, 
should a man, whose job is endangered by any kind of organization, 
resort to all sorts of devices, maneuvers, illegal methods, evasion, and 
subterfuge, in order to keep his job? 

Mr. Browder. I would not give any general answer to such a ques- 
tion. 

Mr. Matthews. Let us take clergymen who are members of the 
Communist Party : Are there some of them in the Communist Party 
whose membership is not known to the congregations which they 
serve ? 

Mr. Browder. No. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4461 

Mr. Matthews. As to these Baptist con^regiitions which have Com- 
munist clergymen 

Mr. Casey. Wait a minute. I do not tliink he said "Communists'^ 
plural, of the Baptists. Is there more than one? 

Mr. Browder. I know one. 

Mr. INIatthews. You do not know more than one? 

Mr. Browder. I do not; no. 

ISIr. Starnes. Then all you can say is there is only one Baptist 
minister in the United States. How many Holy Rollers do you 
know ? 

Mr. Browt)Er. One. 

Mr. Starnes. So that is the extent of penetration of the Communist 
Party of this country into the churches ; is that ri^fht ? 

Mr. BroW'DER. I think their influence extends far more than that. 

Mr. Starnes. Is that Baptist minister — can you identify him 
broadly ; is he in the eastern section of the United States, the northern 
section, or the western section? 

Mv. Browder. I would sa}' nothino- at all that would help to direct 
any publicity upon a cleroyman in a small congregation. 

Mr. Starnes. You had no hesitancy a moment ago in saying the 
Holy Roller minister was in the South, and I wondered why you had 
any hesitanc}^ in saying whether the Baptist minister w^as in the 
South, the North, the East or the West, or what point of the compass, 
so far as the country is concerned. 

Mr. Browder. I think when we said "Holy Roller" we did relegate 
him to the region where that church is to be found. 

Mr. Casey. It is synonj^mous with the South? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. That is the tenant class, is it not? 

^Ir. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. The fact of the business is that the minister you had 
reference to is an organizer? 

Mr. Browder. No ; not an organizer. 

]\fr. Starnes. He also does organization work in the party? 

Mr. Browt)er. He is a Communist. 

]\fr. Starnes. And also does organization work in the party? 

IMr. Brow^der. I don't know whether he does any organization work. 

Mr. Starnes. Don't you know he does organization work? Let us 
be fair: don't you know that the primary purpose of that man is he 
is there as an organizer, rather than a minister? 

Mr. Broavder. Do you know him? 

]\Ir. Starnes. I am asking j'ou the question for information. 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. You don't know that ? 

Mr. Br.owDER. I don't know that. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know the section of the country in which this 
other man is? Certainly it is not a violation of law and there is no 
reason why it should not be disclosed. I do not want to embarrass 
you to give the name; if you will give the region, I will appreciate 
it: otherwise I will have to insist on the name and place, or I am 
going to ask for action. 

Mr. Broavdfr. If you consider it very important to know the re- 
gion, I would say it is in the Middle West. 



4462 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. That is all I want to know. 

Mr. Matthews. Would this formula of concealment and subterfuge 
apply to the college professor who is on a teaching faculty, where 
Communist Party membership would not be looked upon with favor ? 

Mr. Browder. I would leave that entirely for the professor himself 
to decide ; I would not try to give any answer for him. 

Mr. Matthews. Are there college professors and teachers in the 
United States who are members of the Communist Party and whose 
membership is not a matter of open knowledge ? 

Mr. Browder. I believe not. I don't know of any. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you know of any Communist Party members 
who are teachers but use one name in their teaching profession and 
another name in their party activity ? 

Mr. Browder. I don't; no. 

Mr. Mattheavs. Do you know a man who writes under the name 
of Jack Hardy, for Communist publications? 

Mr. Browder. I know of his writings. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you know whether he wrote a book recently 
entitled "The First American Revolution"? 

Mr. Browder. I am familiar with that book. 

Mr. Matthews. And he has written previous books on trade-union 
situations ? 

Mr. Browder. I am not familiar with his other books; I am only 
familiar with the first one you mentioned. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you know what Jack Hardy does? When he 
is not doing party work, what does he do for a livelihood? 

Mr. Browder. I don't know. 

Mr. Matthews. You don't know he is a school teacher in New York 
City? 

Mr. Browder. I don't know. 

Mr. Matthews. You don't Imow whether that is his correct name? 

Mr. Browder. I don't. 

Mr. Matthews. Don't you know it is Dale Zysman ? 

Mr. Browder. I never heard of that before. 

Mr. Matthews. And you don't know he is a public-school teacher 
in New York City? 

Mr. Browder. I did not. 

Mr. Matthews. And before that, he has been active in the Com- 
munist Party for many years? 

Mr. Browder. I have been familiar with his writings for several 
years. 

Mr. Casey. Do you mean Hardy, or Dale Zysman ? 

Mr. Matthews. My understanding is his correct name is Zysman 
and that is the name under which he teaches in the public schools of 
New York, but he does go under the name of Jack Hardy. 

Mr. Casey. Is he a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Matthews. He is a member of the Communist Party, is he not ? 

Mr. Browder. Jack Hardy ? 

Mr. Matthews. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. I believe he is. 

Mr. Matthews. Do 3^ou know, Mr. Browder. that there are nu- 
merous instances of the sort wliich I have simply illustrated by the 
case of Jack Hardy ? 

Mr. Browder. T am not familiar with that. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 44^3 

Mr. Matthkws. You juv not familiar Avith tliat ? 

Mr. Bkowoer. No. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder yesterday mentioned Granville 
Hicks as an instructor or felloM- who does work as an instructor at 
Harvard T'niversity. Is tlial correct? 

Mr. Br.owDER. That is rijjht. 

Mr. Matthews. I think, hoMever, liis contract was not renewed 
for the present, year? 

Mr. Browder.' I uiulerstniid that. I learned it from the newspaper. 

Mr. ]Mattiiews. You learned it from the newspai)er? 

Mr. Browuer. Yes, sir. 

Mr. jNIatthews. AYas he a member of the Connnunist Party? 

Mr. BROwniR. He is a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. ^Iatthews. As a matter of fact, he was ousted from the Kens- 
selaer Polytechnic Institute, was he not. of New York State, because 
of his Connnunist Party membership? 

Mr. Bi;ownj:R. Tlu' institute — no: he was ousted for an entirely 
different reason, but it was generally suspected he was ousted be- 
cause of his political beliefs and affiliations. 

Mr. Matthews. Is it not correct, Mr. Browder, that Communists 
distinguish sharply between what they descril)e as bourgeois moral- 
ity on the one hand and working-class morality on the other? 

'Mr. l^ROWDER. We distinguish (juite carefully between the moral 
precepts of such })eople as those who ousted Granville Hicks for 
being a Connnunist and said it was for some other reason, and the 
inoralitv which would pi-otect workers, whether in factories or in 
colleges, ill ilie tenui-e of their work without regai'd to their |)olitical 
beliefs. 

Mr. Matthews. Yes. 

Mr. Browuer. That is. we sharply distinguish between those so- 
called inoials which can be directed to taking people out of their 
livelihood, and the morals which would protect the livelihood of the 
peoi)le. If that is what you mean, jes. 

Mr. Casey. That is. you believe if a college ousts a man because 
he is a Coniunmi.-t, tliey ouglit to haA'e the courage to give the 
i-eason '. 

Ml-. BRcnxbEP.. They ought to ha\e the courage to say so. 

Ml-. Starnes. Don't you think a man who is a professor in a col- 
lege and a Communist ought to have the courage to say so? 

Mr. Broavder. Sometimes he may be forced to adopt the morality 
of those who run the college. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder. is it true that Communist morality 
is sul)or(]iiiated to the interests of the class struggle? 

Mr. BnowiiER. AVe don't have such a thing as Communist morality. 
[Laughter.] 

Mr. Mati'hews. Well, you are familiar, of course, with the speech 
which Lenin made to the youth of Russia some years ago? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. He was speaking in a country where Com- 
numists already represented the great majority of the })eople, and 
when he speaks of "Communist morality*' he is speaking of the 
morality of the majority of the |)eoi)]e. The Coiniminists are a very 
small group in the country. They liave no si>ecia) morality separate 
from the morality of the great mass of the iieojjle. 

!I4!>:!1 — 40— Vdl. 7 1.-. 



4464 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. All right; that answers the question. 

Mr. Matthews. You said, Mr. Browder, there was no such thing as 
Communist morality; Lenin did use the phrase "Communist moral- 
ity," did he not ? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Matthews. So that there was such a thing, according to Lenin ? 

Mr. Browder. There is in the Soviet Government. Communists 
have morals, of course ; I don't want you to think, when I say tliere is 
no Communist morality, that we reject ethical codes. We certainly 
have an ethical code, but it is not pecidiar to us. 

Mr. Matthews. Lenin said, on page 13 of this pamphlet : 

We say that our morality is entirely subordinated to the interests of the 
class struggle of the proletariat. Our morality is deduced from the class strug- 
gle of the proletariat. 

That is the view of Lenin on the use of morality. Lenin did speak 
of Communist moralitv, did he not? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. And that is the view which is held by Communist 
Parties of the Avorld today? 

Mr. Browder. It is. 

Mr. Matthews. Does that mean that any act which might jeopar- 
dize the interests of the proletariat would be considered an immoral 
act? 

Mr. Browder. Anything that would injure the interests of the 
majority of the people is considered immoral. 

Mr. Matthews. And anything which might advance the interests 
of the proletariat would be considered within the bounds of Com- 
munist morality? 

Mr. Browder. Anything that would advance the interests of a ma- 
jority of the people. 

Mr. Matthews. In other words, the plain language there, "Moral- 
ity is subordinated entirely to the interests of the class struggle of 
the proletariat," means that whatever advances the cause for which 
the Communists stand is good, and whatever does not advance tliat 
cause is bad; is not that the simple truth of the matter? 

Mr. Browder. Not in that form. You are trying to reduce it to a 
statement that we have no moral code. No; I cannot folloAV you in 
that line of reasoning whatever. 

Mr. Matthews. No ; I am trying to understand the code which you 
do follow. 

Mr. Browdek. Yes; you are expressing a very well-known misun- 
derstanding. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Chairman, I cannot see how he can read such a 
construction nnd I think the witness should answer these questions 
clearly and unequivocally, if he knows. If he does not 

Mr. Browder. Mr. Chairman, I was answering clearly and un- 
equivocally. I do not accept the implications of the question; I dis- 
agi-ee with that. 

Mr. Matthews. Then let us let the language speak for itself in the 
(luotation. 

Mr. Starnes. I think this witness, and all other witnesses, when 
a question is fairly put to the witness where tliere can be no misun- 
derstanding about it, should be required to answer respectfully when 



un-a:\ierican propaganda activities 4465 

a tiuesti(.)n is addressed to them respectfully, and I think we should 
insist upon this witness giving unequivocal answers to questions of 
that type and character. 

The C iiAiRMAN. Well, of course, he is being questioned with regard 
to the statements of someone else and not with regard to his own 
statements, and he is being asked to interpret the statements, and it 
seems to me that some exi)lanation would be in order, rather than a 
"yes'' or "no" proposition. I mean to make it as responsive as possi- 
ble, but the Chair does believe where questions of policy or morality 
are asked, or dealing with those matters, that it is often difficult to 
give a "yes"' or "no" answer, and some explanation ought to be ac- 
corded the witness, in fairness. 

Mr. Starnes. Certainly, and I do not want him to be shut off from 
explaining anything of that character; but when he is asked the ques- 
tion as to whether — to define or explain what that means, he ought to 
define or explain it. 

Mr. Browder. Maj' I explain? 

Mr. ]Masox. I just want to inject this thouglit : That when a wit- 
ness is asked to place an interpretation upon some other person's 
words, he is entitled to place the interpretation that he thinks or 
believes those words mean. 

Mr. Starnes. Certainly. 

Mr. IMasox. That may not be the interpretation that the great ma- 
jority of people would place upon them, but he certainly is entitled 
to it. and I think the witness, in this particular case, did attempt 
to give his interpretation — which I do not accept and which maybe 
others do not accept ; but that is all he can give, is his interpretation 
of it. 

I think you are right, Mr. Chairman, in the attitude you express. 

Mr. Starxes. As I understood him, instead of answering the ques- 
tion, he charged the man asking the question with putting certain 
implications upon it. That is what I had objected to. 

Mr. Mason. I did not hear it that way. 

Mr. Starxes. That he charged Mr. Matthews with certain im- 
plications in asking the question. And if there is any doubt about 
it. let the reporter read it. 

Mr. Casey. Let us go along. 

The Cpiairmax. All right. 

Mv. Matthews. Mr. Browder, you stated a while ago that shop 
pai)ers had been discontinued prior to the tenth convention. 

Ml'. Browder. I believe it was just before the tenth convention. 

Mr. ^Iatthews. Do j'ou consider the paper published by the 
Communist unit of the Xew York Times, formerly known as Better 
Ti)nes and more recently known as High Time, to be a shop paper? 

Mr. Browder. T don't knoAv whether that was one of our shop 
]ja])ers. or not. I assume it was, I have no direct information. 

^Ir. ^Matthews. I beg your pardon: that Avas Xew Time, instead 
of High Time. 

That publication, though, is still being printed, is it not? 

Mr. Brcjwder. It is not, to my knowledge and belief. 

j\Ir. Matthews. It was, within the last 2 or 3 months, though? 

Mr. Browder. I think not. I would say if it is being published, 
it is against the decision of the Communist Party, if it purports 
to be a Communist organ. 



4466 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Matthews. It does so purport, does it not, on the masthead, 
"Published by the Communist Party Unit of the New York Times" ^ 

Mr, Browder. I don't know; I am not familiar with it; I can only 
answer hypothetic-ally. You said it did appear; I said if it did, it 
was in violation of the decision of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Matthews. Are you acquainted with the shop paper pub- 
lished by the Communist Partv unit in Time magazine, known as 
High Time? /. . . 

Mr. Browder. I am not familiar with it. 

Mr. Matthews. You have not seen anything of it? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Mattheavs. You do not know that has also been published 
within the period of the last year, or in the period of tlie last 
months ? 

Mr. Browder. I don't know. 

Mr. Matthews. You do not know that? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Matthews. You stated this morning, Mr. Browder, that some 
years ago the Trade Union Unity League was disbanded and the 
unions which composed that league were dissolved and the members 
went into the American Federation of Labor. Is that correct? 

Mr. Browder. That is not the precise way in which I formulated 
it. I said the unions were merged into the A. F. of L. 

Mr. Matthews. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. The manner in Mhich the merger took place was 
they withdrew according to case. Sometimes there was acceptance 
en bloc; sometimes there was dissolution and individual entering. 

Mr. Matthews. Can you give one instance where there was a 
merger between the unions of the Trade Union Unity League, and 
the corresponding union of the American Federation of Labor? 

Mr. Browder. Various metal workers' unions entered the machinists. 

Mr. Matthews. Who is Jack Stachel ? 

The Chairman. If I may interru]>t you, I want to see if I under- 
stand that. You have about 75,000 members of the Conununist Party 
who are now identified with the A. F. of L. and the C. I. O.? 

Mr. Browder. Not so many as that. 

The Chairman. How many ? 

Mr. Browder. I would say it is about between 40 and 50 thousand. 

The Chairman. Who are members of those two unions, and the 
membership in the C. I. O. is 2 to 1 ; 2 for every 1 of the A. F. of L. ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. So that there would be, approximately, if there 
are 50,000 altogether — what would the proportion be? 

Mr. Matthews. About thirty-three and a third thousand. 

The Chairman. Thirty-three and some odd to thirteen; is that 
right? 

Mr. Matthews. Thirty-three to seventeen ? 

Mr. Browder. Approximately. 

The Chairman. Approximately? 

Ml'. Browder. Yes. I am not br-ushed up on my mathematics right 
now. 

Mr. Matthews. It would be 33% and 16%. 

Mr. Browder, who is Jack Stachel ? 

Mr. Browder. Executive secretary of the national committee. 



U.N-AMEUICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4407 

Mr. Matthews. What is his ivhitionship to tlie trado-imioii work 
of the Comiiiuiiist Party? 

Mr. Bkowdkk. Xo special rehilioiisliip now, except as all Com- 
imiiiists are interested in it. 

Mr. Matthews. Did he once have a special desioiuition with refer- 
ence to the trade-union work of the Comnnniist Party? 

Mr. Bkowdkr. He u^ed to <>ive special attention to trade-union 
questions. 

Mr. Matthews. Readinji' from TJie Communist, dated November 
1934. from an article entitled ''Our Trade-ITnion Policy." by Jack 
Stacliel. I read, on pa<ie llOo: 

The Greens will, of course, continue to resort to expulsions, but if we work 
cleverly they will not succeed in isolating us. 

Do you recall that article, Mr. Browder ? 

Mr.' Browder. I don't recall tliat particular one. I do not ques- 
tion it. 

Mr. Matthews. That was a rei)ort to the political bureau of the 
central committee of the Communist Party, made by Jack Stachel in 
1934. at the time of the dissolution of the unions of the Ti-ade Union 
Unity League? 

Ml-. Browder. Yes. 

]\Ir. Matthews. Could you tell us i>recisely what Mr. Stachel means 
by "workino- cleverly" so' that the Greens will not be able to isolate 
us in the A. F. of L. unions? 

Mr. Browder. I think it means avoiding such — all controversies 
on any issues which would not have the support of the majority of 
the members. It was warning the trade unionists that by getting into 
controversies on issues which are not popular they will isolate them- 
selves among those masses. 

Mr. Matthews. In other words, if they spoke too boldly of the 
Communist Party line in the unions, they would by that fact be 
isolated and identified as Communists? 

Mr. Browder. That they should not attemj^t to proi)agandize the 
Commuinst Party before a crowd which, in its great majority, was 
non-Communist, and even anti-Connnunist, 

Mr. Matthews. That is in accordance, I believe, with the theories 
expressed by Karl Marx in advising the Communist movement of 
Europe, in the last century, to gage its language to the ability of 
masses of workers to accept the language, and not to be overbold 
where the masses were afraid of such revolutionary words as "dic- 
tatorship," and so on? You are not familiar with that? 

Mr. Broa\t)er. I am not familiar with the quotation of Avhich j^ou 
speak, but I would express the same genei-al idea in my own language 
by saying it is the part of wisdom for every political leader and ever}^ 
political worker to adjust the terms of his message to the life and 
experience of those to whom he is speaking. 

INIi'. Matthews. In other words, the party may believe in the dic- 
tatorship of the proletariat, but for a peiiod of years say nothing 
.ibout that dictatorship, in order to adjust its language to the masses 
it is addressing; is that correct? 

Mr. Browder. That is, if there is such a term as "dictatorship 
of the proletariat"; but if this term has been misrepresented to 
mean its opposite, then those who want to transmit that idea should 



4468 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

not use a term which has already come to mean the opposite of 
what its hearers think it means. And I would say, speaking for 
myself, I would not, in alluding to the political theory, refer to 
the "dictatorship of the proletariat"; I would never get up before 
a general audience and speak about the "dictatorship of the prole- 
tariat," because not only would they not understand me, but they 
would understand the opposite of what I want to say. 

Mr. Matthews. Is it not true, Mr. Browder, there has been a 
sharp change in the policy or tactics of the Communist Party on 
this question of the use of certain phrases, such as "dictatorship of 
the proletariat," in recent years? 

Mr. Browder. I would say that over the years there has been a 
great change; that w^e used to repeat phrases out of books, and 
now we try to get phrases from the masses of the people. 

Mr. Matthews. As a matter of fact, in recent years the use of 
the phrase "dictatorship of the proletariat" has appeared rarely, 
or not at all, in the columns of the Daily Worker? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Matthews. And formerly it was found in those columns rather 
frequently ? 

Mr. Browder. It is quite possible it was very frequently used, 
because there was a serious effort to popularize the paper in past 
years. 

Mr. Matthews. But the party and this Daily Worker still believe 
as strongly as ever in the dictatorship of the proletariat, according 
to their interpretation of the phrase? 

Mr. Browder. No ; I would say those who believe in that get their 
understanding out of books and not out of the papers. 

Mr. Matthews. I did not refer to anything in the paper; I say 
they still believe in the dictatorship of the proletariat, as they under- 
stand it, despite the fact they no longer speake of it ? 

Mr. Browder. Among party members it is referred to, but not in 
the constitution, 

Mr. Matthews. Is there anything about the dictatorship of the 
proletariat in the party's constitution today ? 

Mr. Browder. lliat phrase is not used. 

Mr. Matthews. It is not there at all ? 

Mr. Browder. No ; it is not there at all. 

Mr. Matthews. Is this your final document in the rewriting of 
the constitution which the Communist Party has published ? 

Mr. Browder. It is the first such document ever published by the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Matthews. In other words, you have not had a constitution 
prior to this ? 

Mr. Browder. There was one adopted at the sixth convention, but 
it was purely a formality and the thing was lost and never printed 
and was not in effect. 

Mr. Matthews. Are not there many other phrases, such as "dic- 
tatorship of the proletariat," which have also been dropped from 
Communist writing at the present time ? 

Mr. Browder. We try either to clarify or drop every expression 
w'hicli will not convey our precise idea to the broadest masses of 
the people. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4469 

Mr. Matthews. Do you speak frequently today of the overthrow 
of capitalism in your publications — at all comparable to the fre- 
quency with which it appeared in former years ? 

Mr. Rrowder. No; we don't. 

Mr. Matthews. Or of (he establishment of a workers' and farmers' 
government of the United States, to sui)plant the present capitalistic 
state ? 

Mr. Browder. We more often speak of the workers' and farmers' 
government of the United States. 

Mr. Matthews. Has not there, as a matter of fact, Mr. Browder, 
been what we might describe as a "blackout" of the Communist ter- 
miiiology, with a view deliberately to conceal the vulnerable points in 
the Communist ideology, so that the American people will not be able 
to attack the Communist citadel ? 

Mr. Browder. No; that is not true, and, aside from what I have 
already explained, the main motive of our carefulness in the choice of 
language is to sharph' distinguish ourselves from those circles in 
Anierica which, even expressing themselves in the daily newspapers 
today, use every revolutionary -sounding talk and phrases, which we 
want to have nothing to do with at all. I refer to such people as 
Father Coughlin, who speaks about bullets to overthrow the Ameri- 
can Government. I speak about such things where in a recent news- 
paper, a daily paper, I saw he suggested the assassination of the Presi- 
dent. And we carefully choose our language to separate ourselves 
from all such societies in America. We have nothing to do with them ; 
we fight against them. 

The Ch.mrman. In other words, you are becoming the conservative 
party of America, and they are the radicals? [Laughter.] 

Mr. Browder. In that sense, we are becoming more and more con- 
servative. 

Mr. Matthews. Now, Mr. Browder, let us see if we have that clear; 
instead of those phrases which were formerly used with great fre- 
quencv, is it not true that today you use the word "democratic" a gi'eat 
deal?*^ 

Mr. Browder. No ; we have always used the word "democratic." 

Mr. Matthews. But have you not, in the use of that phrase in the 
past, or during the last few years, been careful to draw a distinction 
between bourgeois democracy, so-called, and proletarian democracy? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, yes ; and we still do. 

Mr. Matthews. And you still do that? 

Mr. Browder. Oh. yes. 

Mr. Matthews. You &cill do that? 

Mr. Brow^der. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you speak in all your publications about the 
proletarian democracy? 

Mr. Broavder. We speak for the defense of the principles of de- 
mocracy as a defense against that which is threatened throughout the 
world now. If we speak about it more, it is because the danger is 
more. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you ever qualify the word "democracy," by call- 
ing it proletarian democracy? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir; we want to defend democracy everywhere. 

Mr. Matthews. You want to defend bourgeois democracy? 



4470 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. Even though it suppresses the working ehiss? 

Mr. Browder. I do not defend suppression. I defend democracy. 

Mr. Matthews. Did you not in the past frequently call bourgeois 
democracy an instrument of suppression for the working class? 

Mr. Browder. If that was said 

Mr. Matthews (interjDosing). It was said. 

Mr. Browder. It may have been. I do not deny it. 

Mr. Matthews. Is it not true that the use of the word "democracy" 
without the front words "bourgeois" or "proletarian" leads to unclar- 
ity or misunderstanding from the standpoint of Communist cloctrine ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir; I think it clarifies the situation considerably. 

Mr. Matthews. You were a delegate to the Seventh World Con- 
gress of the Communist International in 1935, were you not? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. And you reported to the congress on the situation 
in the United States? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. I show^ you a photostatic copy of the Daily Worker 
of July 29, 1935, pages 1, 2, 3, and 5. Do you recognize this? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir ; it seems to be authentic. 

Mr. Matthews. On the third page of the Daily Worker of July 29, 
1935, we find the headline "United front the first step to revolution." 
That is a correct description of the united front, is it not ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir ; I think that is a very stupid headline, and it 
is not taken out of my speech. 

Mr. Matthews. You say it was a stupid headline? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. Even if the Comintern recommends headlines for 
the Daily Worker, you say it was a stupid mistake? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. The Comintern does exercise considerable scrutiny 
over the headlines of the Daily Worker, does it not ? 

Mr. Browder. They have examined them sometimes in a limited 
way. I am very critical myself of headlines when placed over my 
speeches. 

Mr. Matthews. In your book. Communism in the United States, 
you described the united front as a "lever to win the masses." Do you 
consider the power of the State 

Mr. Browder (interposing). I would say that the whole question of 
the relation between tlie immediate demand for social revolution is one 
that cannot be dealt with in headlines, but only in serious discussion. 

Mr. Matthews. You still think that the imited front is the lever to 
win the masses? 

Mr. Brow^der. Such a phrase has very little meaning to me taken 
out of its context. 

Mr. Matthews. It is the headline on this page and must be in the 
text. 

Mr. Browder. Except for the discussion that follows. 

Mr. Matthews. You say it is a stupid headline? 

Mr. Browder. They sometimes make stupid headlines. 

Mr. Matthews. Would you say it was stupid in the light of the 
present policy? 



UX-A.MEKICAX I'liOl'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 447I 

yiv. Bruwdei{. Everythino- that tends to distort the position of tho 
party is stuiMd. They should he intelligent and expose the distortions. 

Mr. M.vrrHEWs. Will you please identify M. Jenks for the com- 
mittee? Do you know that name? 

Mr. Bkowdkr. I am not familiar with that book. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you know the man ? 

Mr. Browdek. No, sir. 

Mr. ^Matthews. You never heard of the man? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. You never heard of him? 

Mr. Browder. I knew very little about it. I have never read the 
book. 

Mr. Mattheavs. I am talking about Jenks. 

Mr. Brow^der. No, sir ; I do not know him. 

Mr. ]Matthews. You have not heard of him ? 

Mr. BROWDFJi. I have heard the name. 

Mr. Matttiews. You do not know his relation to any Communist 
body? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. You do not know whether Jenks belonged to the 
Conmiunist Party in the United States? 

Mr. Brow^der. I never heard of it. 

Mr. Matthews. Will you give the names of some of the delegates 
from the Comintern to the American Party ? Are you familiar with 
the name of Jolin Pepper ? 

Mr. Browder. It is quite familiar, but not as a delegate from the 
Comintern. 

Mr. INIatthews. Was John Pepper his real name? 

Mr. Brow'der. I am not sure. 

Mr. IMatthews. Was it Joseph Pogany? 

Mr. Browder. I never heard of that, 

Mr. IMatthews. Did he use "Schwartz" as an alias ? 

Mr. Browder. I have heard of ScliAvartz. 

Mr. MATTHEW^s. Would you recognize a picture of John Pepper? 

Mr. Browder. I certainly would. I believe that is he [indicating a 
picture] . 

Mr. INIatthew^s. The picture is marked in evidence. This is a pic- 
ture of Joseph Pogany, alias Schwartz, and identified as John 
Pepper. Now, you say that you did not know that John Pepper 
was a delegate from the Comintern to the Communist Party of the 
United States? 

Mr. BijowDER. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. Was he an American ? 

Ml'. Browder. I ])elieve he was an American. 

Mr. IMatthews. Was he a naturalized citizen? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know. 

]Mr. IMatthews. Is he now? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know. 

Mr. ^Ia'ithews. Did not the Connnunist International demand the 
return of Pepper to Moscow on two occasions? 

Mr. Browder. I believe he was requested to come to Moscow, 

Mr. Matthews. Was he not called twice, and did they have some 
trouble in getting him back? 



4472 UN-AMERICAx\ PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. There was a great deal of trouble, not in getting 
him back, but in getting him there. 

Mr. Matthews. In getting him to return? 

Mr. Browder. In getting him out of the United States. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you know who Gussev was? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir ; I am acquainted with him. 

Mr. ^Iatthews. Was he a delegate from the Comintern to the 
Communist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Broavder. I do not know. 

Mr. Matthews. Have there ever been delegates from the Comin- 
tern to the United States? 

Mr. Browder. Harry PolUtt was a delegate. 

Mr. Matihews. Who else besides Harry Pollitt? 

Mr. Browder. I think he is the only one representative authorized 
lo speak for the C. I. 

Mr. Matthews. Then, it is your recollection that Harry Pollitt, 
to your knowledge, was the only authorized representative from the 
Commtern to the United States? 

Mr. Browder. I believe so. 

Mr, jMatthews, You ought to know. 

Mr. Browder. I cannot answer for everything that has taken place 

Mr, Matthews. That would be an important place, would it not? 

Mr. Browder. I am telling you what I know. That is the most 
I can do. 

Mr. Matthews. Would it not be an important position to occupy, 
that of delegate from the Comintern to the Communist Party of the 
United States? 

Mr. Browder, Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. His function would be to see that the policies of 
the Comintern w^ere carried out here? 

Mr, Browder. His function would be, in the light of his experience, 
to do 

Mr. Matthews (interposing). Who is the Comintern delegate to 
the United States at the present time? 

Mr, Browder. There has been no Comintern delegate since Harry 
Pollitt was here, 

Mr. Matthews. Do you recall when he was here ? 

Mr. Browder. In 1929. 

Mr. Matthews. There has been none in the last 10 years? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

The Chairman. There are some questions I will ask while Mr. 
Matthews is looking up something. I believe you said that the party 
had about 7,000 members in 1929? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And it grew to about 30,000 or 35,000 in 1934, and 
then from 1934 to 1939 it jumped to 100,000, so that your greatest 
growth has been from 1934 to 1939 ? 

Mr, Browder, Yes, sir. , 

The Chairman. That was the greatest gTOwth in the history of 
the party? 

Mr, Browder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. I believe that you also stated that fi'om 1934 to 
1939 there have been put into effect more humanitarian measures 
than in our entire history before? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4473 

Mr. Bkowdiii. To be iiioie precise, I would say from 1935. 
'' The Chaiioian. From 1935 you have seen more sympathy on the 
part of the authorities for the relief of distress and unemployment 
than ever before? 

Mr. BitOAVDER. Yes, sir; Ave consider that the measures proposed 
and approved have more relation to that end and therefore should 
be supported. 

The Chairman. You consider that we liave gone further in that 
direction than ever before? 

Mr. Browdkr. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And that Congress in that ])eriod had gone the 
longest Avay or taken tlie greatest step in the direction of humani- 
tarian legislation than any Congress had in the past? 

Mr. BR(AVi)ER. Yes. sir; "to put it in the language of the street, for 
the first time in our experience we have seen a more sincere effort to 
carry out after the election promises made before the election. 

The Chairman. You have no quarrel with our Government's plan 
of administering those measures? 

Mr. Broaat)er. We have had many good measures, and we have 
supported those projects. 

The Chairman. But it has not gone as far as you wanted it to go, 
but to the extent that it has gone you have been in accord with it? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In other Avords, it is a step in the right direction ? 

Mr. Broaa-der. Yes, sir; in the right direction. 

The Chairman. Do you not think that Congress lias done practi- 
cally everything that it could do, Avithin our constitutional limita- 
tions, to help the masses of the people ? 

Mr. Broavder. I think that much more could have been done. 

The Chairman. But under the circumstances that existed, with 
our ca])italistic system and constitutional limitations, do you not 
think it has done about everything that could be done in that 
direction? 

^Ir. Broavder. No, sir; I think that a great deal more could have 
been clone even under a capitalistic system. I do not think we have 
hardly touched the surface of Avhat can be done to improve the eco- 
nomic condition of the people, eA-en under capitalism. 

The Chairman. Would you admit that in no other equal period 
of time in the history of tlie country have we gone so far in the 
direction of benefiting the masses as Ave liaA-e gone during this period 
from 1935 to 1939? 

Mr. Broaa'der. Xo, sir; at no time in the past have we done so. 

The Chairman. Xo other time in our history has been equal to this 
period in that respect? 

Mr. Broaa'der. No, sir. 

The Chairman. Yet, during this time in which we have enacted so 
many of such measures, and have gone so far in that direction, your 
party has made its greatest growth in numbers. 

Mr. Broavder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What is the explanation of that to those Avho say 
that Marxism or connnunism thrives on distress, unemployment, and 
so forth? What is the explanation of it, when we consider that dur- 
ing this period of j^our greatest growth, the Government has put 
into effect social legislation aiming to further economic security? 



4474 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

JDuring that period it has enacted all that social legishitioii, yet dur- 
ing the same period your party has liad a greater growth than ever 
before. 

Mr. Browder. It is a very good and a very interesting question, 
and I will try to give a very brief and clear answer. I think the ex- 
planation of that is to be found in this fact, that our party learned 
how to enable people who want socialism to express their desires for 
a Socialist system, thereby placing them in a position to immediately 
improve their condition. We found out how to combine that. 

The Chairman. Making it practical ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. To advocate something that does not 
exist, we start with something that does exist. 

The Chairman. Have you reached the conclusion that socialism 
can never be achieved by any sudden movement, that it would be 
improbable that if conditions ever became very chaotic in this country, 
it Avould enable communism to come into power ? 

Mr. Browder. That is not an unfair formulation. 

The Chairman. You realize that the more clever strategy would be 
to go along with socialistic economic measures, even if they are in- 
complete — that it would be better to go along with socialistic meas- 
ures and do gradually what it is impossible to do suddenly ? 

Mr. Browder. Well, of course, if you really want to know what I 
have in mind, you must draw a finer distinction than that, because 
those measures we are supporting now I do not conceive to be social- 
istic in their tendency. I would say that they tend to strengthen 
capitalism. They strengthen the capitalistic system. We support 
them, not because they strengthen the capitalistic system, because we 
want to improve the condition of the workers. 

The Chairman. But because you support them, you increase your 
popularity with the masses? 

Mr. Browder. We help to improve the condition of the people. 

The Chairman. In other words, by joining in with a popular move, 
you increase the prestige and influence of your own party. 

Mr. Brow^der. Yes, sir. Of course, you cannot build up a move- 
ment in America today that does not have a realistic hold on the 
people. 

The Chairman. You admit that there has been a radical change in 
your party strategy and tactics? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. That is the same change that has occurred in every 
other country where the Communist Party existed? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Have you arrived at that change in a conference 
in the Comintern? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir; we exchange our experiences, and find out 
what is taking place everywhere, and by making it a conscious uni- 
form practice, we make it deeper and more effective. 

The Chairman. So far as the chief, primary, and ultimate pur- 
poses of socialism are concerned, do you admit that chaotic conditions 
in the country are more favorable than prosperous conditions ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

The Charman. In other words, your recent experience has indicated 
to you very clearly that an appeal to intelligence is more effective than 
an appeal to distress and poverty ? 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4475 

Mr. Browder. Distress in itself does not produce results. It is only 
when it is combined with intelligent planning and a program. 

The Chairman. That has been subsequent to tlie change. 

Mr. Browdwj. We have learned that only in the last few years. 

The Chairman. AVlint ]ia]^pened in Russia was due to terrible 
poverty. 

Mr. Broavuer. It was on the way to a break-down. 

The Chairman. But for that, one and a half million members of the 
j>arty coidd not have seized control of the Russian Government? 

Mr. Browder. Xo, sir. 

The Chairman. That was also the experience until it began to 
expand to other countries? 

Mr. Browder. That has been the experience of liberal movements 
everywhere. 

Tlie Chairman. By an evolutionary process, in its forward march 
over into England and into other countries, they found that they would 
make better progress by a radical change in their tactics and policies, 
or from the tactics and policies which prevailed during the Russian 
revolution. 

Ml'. Broavder. Thai i> not an unfair statement, but it is not the way I 
would put it. 

Tlie Chairman. Tlie average member of your party who is trained 
for trade-union activities receives far greater training than the average 
menil)er of a trade-union movement, does he not? 

Mr. Browder. I would say that is usually the case. 

The Chairman. Tlirough all your writings you stress Avork among 
the workers. 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir : in the first place. 

The Chairman. So that a man who goes into the trade-union move- 
ment from your party is really efficient in the art, you might say, of 
agitation, education, or enlightenment, as I think they put it. 

Mr. Browder. We would not want him to speak for communism if 
he was not efficient, because if he is inefficient he would discredit our 
views. 

The Chairman. He is trained and qualified for that work? 

Mr. Browder. We try to bring that about. 

The Chairman. You tiy to bring that about ? 

]\rr. Browder. Yes, sir ; as much as we can. 

Tlie Chairman. Does that account for the fact that so many of your 
members succeed in becoming efficient organizers? 

Mr. Browder. I would say that is the reason. If Communists are 
elected to office in trade-unions, it is not because those who elect them 
want to sup])ort communism but it is because they choose what they 
consider to be tlie most efl'ective trade-union organizer. 

The Chairman. Tliat is, on the basis of experience and ability? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes, sir. 

Tlie Chairman. That is wliat has happened in the mass industries 
of the United States? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. sir. 

The'CiiAiRMAN. They Avere lacking in organizers? 

>rr. BRo^^•])ER. As long as they had good jobs, they Avere entirely 
willing 

Tlie Chairman (interposing). Is it not a fact that in the automobile 
indiistiv. the steel industrv. and tlie other lieavv mass industries, be- 



4476 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

ginning about 1935, your party members were much more efficient in 
building up the unions than was the ordinary trade-union organizer? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. Of course, there were other very efficient 
organizers. 

The Chairman. But, on the whole, that is true? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. Taking our organizers as a whole group, 
you would find more trained organizers among Communist members 
than in other groups. 

The Chairman. And that accounts for their success? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You spoke of Marxism in connection with nazi-ism 
and national socialism. Do you see anything socialistic in nazi-ism? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir; it is the very repudiation of human reason, 
whereas Marxism is the elevation of human reason to a higher level. 

The Chairman. Have you studied the program of the Workers 
Party in Germany, or the Workers Party of the Nazi group? Have 
you studied their first program? 

Mr. Browder. I have seen the documents. 

The Chairman. Their appeals were to the workers. Hitler's 
appeal was to workers. 

Sir. Browder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. He has said time and time again that he could 
not make any progress with the middle classes or upper classes. 
Did he not say that Ms gi^eatest success was in his appeal to the 
workers? Is it not a fact that Hitler enunciated a social program 
of economic security or insurance, and made promises of that sort to 
get poAver? 

Mr. Browder. He used certain slogans and promises, but there 
was no program. 

The Chairman. He advocated certain socialistic measures? 

Mr. Browder. Not clearly defined socialistic measures. 

The Chairman. Do you mean that the program he outlined in 
the first instance, or his first enunciation of principles for the Work- 
ers Party was not socialism? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir. 

The Chairman. You think it was capitalistic? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you not recognize that in Germany private 
owners merely hold a paper title to property, and that the State 
directs all enterprises? 

Mr. Browder. The State does, but the owners are the big capital- 
ists. When you speak of private property disappearing, it mean.s 
that they are taking the property of small property owners. 

The Chairman. The State direct tlie business enterprises of tlie 
country. 

^Ir. Browder. There is nothing socialistic in that. 

The Chairman. Is it a fact that the State directs all those enter- 
prices, or all private business enterprises, in Germany ? 

Mr. Browder. The State authority is supreme. 

The Chairman. Is it not a fact that their law specifically pio- 
vides that the State reserves the right to confiscate property id any 
time without due process of law? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir; I did not know that. Of course, every 
government retains that right. 



I 



UN-AMKIUCAN I'KOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4477 

The Chairman. But not without due process of law. 

Mr. Browdkr. Every government lias its own due process. 

The Chairman. The point I am making? is that under Fascist and 
Nazi regimes, for all practical purposes, the owners of private prop- 
erty do not control their property, but the control passes to the 
State. 

Mr. Browdkr. No. sir; I would say that the small owners lose 
their property, ;ind that it ]>asses into the hands of the big capi- 
talists. 

The Chairman. But whether it is monopolistic control, or State and 
nionopoli>:tic control, the State does control the business enterprises? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir; but if the property is controlled by monop- 
olists, I say that what is going on there is not socialism, but it is a 
kind of economic system of the country that concentrates property 
into the hnnds of a small group, or a shrinking group of mono^wlists 
and capitalists. 

Mr. Voorhis. Mr. Browder, first of all, I would like to ask you 
this question : Yon have spoken about world conditions and the 
United States. You have said that yon believe that the United 
States should do. and I think that it certainly wants to do, what it 
can to defend democracy in the real sense of that word to prevent 
dictatorships. Is that right? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Vo( rhis. Do you feel that at least one type of dictatorship 
that should be combatted from that ]ioint of view is nazi-ism or 
fascism ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir: that is right. 

Mr. Voorhis. That would be the point of view from which you would 
judge the action of the United States and its effectiveness in carrying 
on that work? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Voorhis. Do you believe that it was helpful to that work for 
Germany to be relieved of the necessity of looking to her eastern border ? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir; I do not. I think it would be nnicli better if 
Chamberlain had formed the peace front which the Soviet Union 
urged, but which he broke up. 

Mr. Voorhis. Is it not true that the Connnunist Party of France, for 
example, is going to the front and supporting the Government without 
the hel]) of the Soviet Union in any respect ? 

Mr. IBrowder. That is not true, without the help of the Soviet Union. 
The Soviet Union can only give help outside of its borders by agree- 
ment. It has helped the United States. 

Mr. Voorhis. Let us see what you mean by saying that the pact 
between Germany and Russia has strengthened the position of the 
United States. Will you explain that? 

Mr. Browder. I will try to explain that. I can do it in a logical way, 
or by the way in which events have developed, which shows the true 
situation. The true state of the events is shown by an examination of 
the results of this pact. Its announcement was followed by world 
events, and the greatest dismay that was created by this pact was in 
Tokyo. Shortly after that the Tokyo cabinet resigned and a new 
cabinet came in, which, in the first hour, begiin to broadcast messages 
of peace to the American people. 



4478 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. VooRHis. But, Mr. Browder, if I may interrupt, in the last 
couple of days we have had dispatches that negotiations were in prog- 
ress between'the Soviet Government and Japan, and also dispatches to 
the effect that Japan had told the British and the French that they 
should withdraw their troops from the Far East voluntarily. I do not 
know about those dispatches, but I have read them. 

Mr. Browder. It is a significant fact that the Soviet Union was pre- 
pared to make a pact with Japan, Init Japan has always refused to 
sign it. If there is something new that comes from Japan, if Japan 
is reacly to sign such a pact, it means that Japan is in a very desperate 
situation and is convinced that it can only save itself by adopting 
that policy. 

Mr. VooRHis. How does that help the United States? 

Mr. Browder. It would obviously help them by breaking the axis. 
First of all, the result of the pact was that it broke the axis. 

The Chairman. Do you mean that Japan has been replaced by 
Stalin ? 

Mr. Browder. No ; I do not mean that. 

Mr. VooRHis. Surely you cannot say that signing of this pact was a 
blow to fascism in Europe ? 

Mr. Browder. So far as Europe is concerned, I think it has been 
made clear 

Mr. VooRHis. Is it not perfectly clear that the signing of that pact 
made it possible for Mr. Hitler to go ahead ? 

Mr. Browder. No ; that is not true. 

Mr. VooRHis. I cannot quite understand why that should not be true, 
on the one hand, and why, on the other hand, the Connnunists of 
France and England should support and cooj^erate with the efforts of 
their aovernment to enter this war. It does not seem to me that it 
makes sense. 

Mr. Browder. I will be glad to exphiin it. The Communists of 
the United States, of France, and of England consistently advocated 
the getting together of their governments, together with the Soviet 
Union, or as many as could be brought together, to form a compact 
to resist aggression, whoever miglit be the aggressor. They supported 
the smaller powers threatened by aggression. Were we taking a 
different stand, in principle, from the Communists of the Soviet 
Union? No; over there the Communists control the government 
and are responsible for the course of the government. They took the 
same stand because their government has offered its cooperation for 
the same purpose. The Soviet Union went much further in being 
prepared to tiirow its strength into world strength against aggres- 
sion. It was prepared to make such a pact against aggression. 

But when they found that Chamberlain and those that influenced 
affairs in the small countries refused to agree to any kind of a pact 
which would alloAv the Soviet Union, if at war with Germany, to 
conduct the war effectivel}^, then it became clear that they wanted 
only to have the Soviet Union technically at war, without any free- 
dom of action, but tliemselves free to turn German aggression against 
the Soviet Union. 

Therefore, the Soviet Union, in the interest of stopping this whole 
drifting into war and this conspiracy of hiding the realities of the 
situation, had to demonstrate before the workl that it was not bound 
by any compact to go to war. It was in the same position as the 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4479 

United States, except that the world had been led to believe that 
they were eoiii])e]led to <>o to war when they were not. 

Mr. VooRHis. But the plain matter of fact is that their action did 
not stop the war. and it seems to me evident that the negotiations 
between the Soviet Union and Germany could not have been under- 
taken on the spur of the moment, but must have been in progress 
over the same period of time when negotiations between the Soviet 
Government, P^ugland, and France were in progress. 

Mr. Browder. That is a question we can onl^y speculate on. 

The Chairman. In that connection, suppose I was threatening to 
jump on my friend, Mr. Voorhis. 

Mr. Browder. I am sure you would not do that. 

The Chairman. Of course not, but just as an illustration, assume 
tliat he is a small man and I am a powerful man, and you are sup- 
posed to be a friend to Mr. Voorhis. 

Mr. Browder. He would deny that. 

The Chairman. Assuming that to be true, and I should doubt it. 
and you know I am going to jump on him, and you have been all 
the time pretending to be his friend. 

Then j'ou and I, let us assume, go off in a corner and make an agree- 
ment under which I would juni]) on Mr. Voorhis, and you say, "I 
will not lake any part in it: I will just stand on the side." You 
would say, "I have told him I am also his friend and am against 
aggression." 

Mr. Browder. To complete that picture- 



The Chairman. You saj, 'T am not going to get in this myself, 
but if you want some club, I will give you a club to knock Voorhis 
in the liead. and if you get hurt I will get you busy. If you put him 
under, I am for it." 

Under those circumstances, what about the agreement that is 
between yon and me? 

Mr. Browder. As I look at the picture, I would like to draw a 
few strokes myself. I would suggest, as the supposed threat on Mr. 
Voorhis, you are both attacked by a big brute and you want my 
help. Mr. Voorhis says, "No; I do not w^ant to have anything to do 
with Avars." Then I suspect that the fight between you and him was 
perhaps prearranged as something to begin to prepare to attack me. 

The Chairman. You think this thing is all agreed to ? 

Mr. Browder. Such things have been known to happen in history. 

The Chairman. You believe probably that is true? 

Mr. Browder. So, in the circumstances, what do I do? Shall I 
retire ? I have no choice but to be neutral ; and if it is a question of 
continuing to do business, I will do business with both of you. 

The Chairman. Do you say that as far as the Communist Party is 
concerned you are yourself defending democracy, no matter whether 
it is proletarian democrac}- or not? 

Ml'. Bwowder. I am. 

The CiiATRMAN. Still you defend the Soviet Union in being at least 
conservative, according to that statement, as more conservative 
minded at the moment than other nations? 

Mr. Browder. Xo; the Soviet Union is exactly in the same legal 
juridicial relation to all powers that the United States is. 

Mr. Starxes. The United States has not agreed not to fight Ger- 
many. 

94931— 40— vol. 7 14 



4480 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. Oh, yes; it has. 

Mr. Starnes. It has not agreed noi to join any combination of 
powers opposing Germany. 

Mr. Browder. Yes; it has. The United States has declared it 
would not fight Germany and will not join any combination against 
Germany. 

Mr. Voorhis. Is it not true that the Soviet Union is pursuing a 
policy to its own interest. I am not saying that they should not do 
that, but they have pursued a policy purely in the interest of the 
Soviet Union. 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Ml-. Voorhis. At the same time the United States has been urged 
by. the Communist Party to take a stand against the policy of looking 
out for American interests. 

Mr. Browder. Oh, no. 

Mr. Voorhis. Maybe I am stating it not quite fairly, but I can say 
this: It has been urged to enter into a policy of collective security, 
so-called, with other nations in the world, and to make that the pri- 
mary feature of American foreign policy. 

Mr. Browder. Not abandoning the defense of American interests, 
and if you will read my book. Fighting for Peace, you will find that 
it contains a complete elaboration of our proposals, and you will find 
we never have ceased to place emj^hasis upon tlie defense of Ameri- 
can national interests or saying that America should ^o into joint 
efforts to organize the peace of the world only on the basis of defend- 
ing American interests. 

Mr. Casey. I notice on page 21 of your book, Fighting for Peace, 
you say : 

It is my couvictiou tliat the Fascist dictatorships can be halted only by 
superior force. 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Casey. Russia has not added its superior force? 

Mr. Browder. They offered it, but it was refused. 

Mr. Casey. To whom? 

Mr. Browder. To England, France, and Poland. 

The Chairman. You mean they offered to help Poland? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. And Poland refused because to have Poland agree 
would have been a farce. 

Mr. Browder. I did not say anything of the kind. I say I suspect 
there is an understanding between Chamberlain and Hitler as to how 
this is coming out. 

Mr. Casey. In reference to the policy of Chamberlain — I have in 
mind that you said Russia was considering her own interests — in this 
book, on page 35, you say that — 

In the same breath, they proceed to "'prove"' by the liritish example that the 
only correct course for the United States is one closely copied after that of 
Chamberlain — that is, to hell with the rest of the world, make our own arrange- 
ments, and above all. keep out of the way of tliH bandit nations, the Fascist 
iiiigressors. and speak softly to them. 

At any rate, that is just the policy that Russia has adopted, do you 
not agree? 

Mr. Browder. No: I say up to the very last minute, up until the 
time when it became clear that in a few days war would break out. 



UN-AMEKICAN TKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4481 

the Soviet Union was still trying to bring about a pact between 
nations that were threatened, which was refused, and only then were 
they forced, in order not to sacrifice the interests of a nation of 
170,000,000 people, to agree with Germany that neither would attack 
the other, that is, to prevent the war spreading to Soviet territory, 
when the Soviet nation has no agreement with any other power in 
connection with that matter. 

Mr. Whitley. How do you know they did not have such an agree- 
ment ? 

Mr. Browder. I think I can speak of it as a matter of public knowl- 
edge. I have no knowledge of these things except as they are matters 
of public record. 

Mr. Whiteey. That is just your opinion? 

Mr. Browder. No; I think there is such a thing as a public record. 

Mr. Whitley. What is the public record in this instance, their own 
statement? 

Mr. Broavder. The public record is the public relations betw_een the 
public and the Government, statements of officials. I am entitled to 
express an opinion based on this public record. 

Mr. Casey. On page 44 of your book Fighting for Peace you say : 

It is the height of futility, aud that means, in the last analysis, of stupidity, 
to try to folloNY a domestic policy of a progressive, democratic, and peaceful 
character, and at the same time in foreign affairs to he "neutral"' as between 
Fascist and democratic, hetwi-en war-making and peace-seeking governments, 
to retreat before and surrender to the bandit governments. 

Mr. Broavder. That is right. 

Mr. Casey. Assinning that the nonaggression pact with Germany 
by Russia is not a big thing, do you not agree that it is a surrender 
to little things? 

Mr. Browder. I do not. I say it is a big thing, and not a sur- 
render. It was a very big concession by Hitler. [Laughter.] 

Mr.- Browder. Those who want to laugh at this statement are entitled 
to laugh, if you want to do so. It is not merely the opinion of the 
Communist Party; it is tlie opinion, the composite opinion, expressed 
by the Communist Party, and also the opinion expressed by a minister 
of His Majesty's Goveninient, Anthony Eden, before he was taken 
into the Cabinet again. 

Tliis view was ex])resse(l by many other very conservative public 
men; and I think, if I may, continuing my answer, I think by many 
public officials in Wa^^liingtoii. Take as an example the city of Wash- 
ington, if you want to gft a majority of all the different opinions 
about this i)act, and measure it from this ]ioint of view, and compare' 
the reaction of those closest to the making of decisions on foreign 
policy for the United States with the reaction of those furthest re- 
moved from the formation of foreign policy, those furthest removed 
will say that this was a bad thing to do from the angle of what they 
wanted the United States to do in the world situation. But they agree 
that if the pact was a good thing for Russia and for America, in the 
long run it would be a good thing for the world. 

Mr. Thomas. Who are you referring to now? 

Mr. Casey. I have just one more (Question. 

Why is the Russian pact with Germany a o()od thing for the United 
States? 

Mr. Browder, Because it broke the axis, it relieved tlie j)ressure on 
American interests in the Far East. It dissolved the threat of fascism 



4482 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

through Spain, to penetrate to Latin America and threaten American 
interests tliere. It dissolved the threat to the Monroe Doctrine. 

Two weeks ago Dorothy Thompson, a very conservative writer, 
wrote in her column that if America continues to drift along in a very 
short time there will be no "open door," there will be no Monroe 
Doctrine, and there will be no Europe. 

Today nobody may write like that. Everybody sees the "open door" 
opening again, everybody sees trade to Latin America lifting, and 
that came directly after the conclusion of the Soviet-German non- 
aggression pact. By breaking the axis the Soviet Union broke the 
most direct threat to America. 

Mr. VooRHis. If you sny there was no act of friendship between 
Germany and Russia in this pact, why should it have broken the axis? 
Is there not an implication in what you said that Germany sacrificed 
all her close ties that she had ? 

Mr. Browder. I did not say this was not an act of friendship with 
Germany. It most certainly was an act of friendship between the 
German and Russian people, and we have to distinguish between 
friendship between peoples and alliances between governments. It 
was an act of friendship between these peoples and in no way an 
alliance between governments. 

Mr. Thomas. Just a few moments ago you referred to some indi- 
viduals who were closest to the picture and you said you were making 
a comparison between those in Wasliington closet to the picture and 
others who were farthest away from the picture. Who were you 
referring to as being closet to tlie picture and who would think that 
was a good pact ? 

Mr. Browder. I was merely suggesting to you a method of putting 
to the test this question. I have no personal acquaintance with any 
of the people who handle these questions. 

Mr. Thomas. You did not have any one particularly in mind? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Thomas. Here is another question I want to ask you, which has 
to do with the testimony you gave this afternoon. 

You were referring to the utilization of transmission belts, and I 
inferred from what was said that the transmission belts were what 
were formerly known as the united front organizations ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; that is all organizations for the masses of work- 
ers, in which we would unite people with various views. 

Mr. Thomas. At one time in your testimony you referred to them as 
the united front, and at another time you referred to the same or- 
ganizations as transmission belts. Are those tAvo terms as used by 
the Communists synonymous? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Thomas. You mentioned specifically the Workers Alliiiiiee as 
being one of the transmission belts. 

Mr. Browder. Tiansmission belts refer entirely to the Commun- 
ists' approach to the problems of reaching the masses. Transmission 
belts mean having Communists work among the masses in the various 
organizations. If you say that the leaders of tlie organizations are 
transmission belts that makes it senseless. 

Mr. Thomas. As I understand it, some of tliose organizations are 
the Workers Alliance of America. The American League for Peace 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4483 

find Democracy, and the American Youth Congress. Those are three 
mentioned liere this afternoon. 

I also want to know whether these organizations can be included: 
The International Congress of American Democracies. That is one. 
Is it all right to include that? 

Mr. Browto:!?. I am not familiar with that particular name. If 
you will name the various organizations, I will tell yon. 

Mr. Thomas. There is the International Congress of American 
Democracies. 

Mr. Browder. I am not familiar with the name. I would say 
there have been those along this line that could go under that head. 

Mr. Thomas. How about the National Lawyers' Guild? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; they are one of the organizations. 

Mr. Thomas. And the American Students Union? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. And the National Negro Congress? 

Mr. Brow DER. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. And the World Youth Congress? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr, Thomas, And the Southern Conference for Human Welfare? 

Mr. Brow^der. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. And the Negro Youth Congress. 

Mr, Browder. Yes. 

Mr, Thomas. And the Consumers' National Federation? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. And the American Civil Liberties Union? 

Mr. Brow^dee. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. Now, I have here a list of all these organizations 
which you 

Mr. Brow^der. I coidd add to that considerably. 

Mr. Thomas. I know you can, but I just have this list, and it is 
interesting to note, that at the national convention of each of these 
organizations last year the following governmental officials either 
gave the opening address of welcome, or made the opening address. 
At the International Congress of American Democracies, they were 
greeted at the opening by Secretary Henry A. Wallace. At the 
convention of the National Lawyers' Guild the opening address was 
delivered by Secretary Harold lekes. 

At the convention of the American League for Peace and Democ- 
racy, there were opening greetings in writing from Secretary Ickes, 
who was forced by pressure to cancel a personal appearance. 

At the convention of the American Students' Union, it was opened 
by written greetings from President RooseAelt. 

At the National Negro Congress, the opening address was de- 
livered by Secretary Ickes. 

At tlie opening of tlie World Youth Congress, the opening address 
was delivered by Mrs. Roosevelt. 

At the convention of the Workers' Alliance, it was opened by 
addresses by Mr. Aubrey Williams and ISIr. Robert Bulkley. 

The American Youth Congress was opened by Mrs. Roosevelt. 

The Southern Conference for Human Welfare was opened by 
greetinf»-s from President Roosevelt. 

The Negro Youth Congress was opened by greetings from Secre- 
tary Ickes. 



4484 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Consumers' National Federation convention was oldened by 
an address by Secretary Henry A. Wallace; and at the convention 
of the American Civil Liberties Union, the opening nddress was 
delivered by Secretary Ickes. 

Of course, that maj^ have been just a coincidence, but it seems ta 
me to be more than a coincidence. It seems as though the New 
Deal was hand in glove with the Communist Party. 

The Chairman. Is this a speech or a question? 

Mr. Thomas. No; it is not a speech. I just want to say this now, 
that it seems that the New Deal is working along hand in glove 
with the Communist Party. The New Deal is either for the Com- 
munist Party, or is playing into tlie hands of the Communist Party. 

The Chairman. Let us confine ourselves to the su])ject under con- 
sideration. 

Mr. Dempsey. They could not play along with the Repiiblican 
Party, because it has practically gone out of existence. 

Mr. Thomas. No Republican would want to plaj^ with them. 

Mr. Brodsky. May I suggest that the Ne^' Deal and the Demo- 
cratic Party be examined as to whether they are subversive? 

Mr. Thomas. Not the Democratic Party. 

Tlie Chairman. Let us not have any exchange of personal opinions, 

Mr. Dempsey. I want to make this observation. I think it is highly 
unethical for any member of this committee to say he has been wait- 
ing for an hour to ask a question of the witness who is under sub- 
pena, and then, instead of doing that, make what I think is a cheap 
political speech, where there is no question and no answer at all. 
[Applause.] 

I resent that kind of thing. If any member of the committee 
wants to ask this witness a cjuestion, or any other Avitness, let him 
ask the question and give the witness an opportunity to answer the 
question, and then not at the conclusion of the question say, "I do 
not wish to hear any answer," and make a political speech. 

Mr. Thomas. In answer to that I want to say if you will examine 
the record you will find I did ask a cjuestion of Mr. Browder. 

Mr. Dempsey. He was not permitted to answer. 

Mr. Thomas. He did answer it when I referred to each organi- 
zation. 

Furthermore, I want to say this, through the Chair, to Mr. 
Dempsey. It was no more a cheap political trick than what was 
done here yesterday morning when this Davidson matter was brought 
up, and tliis straw man was referred to. 

Mr. Dempsey. By whom? 

Mr. Thomas. You know by whom ; you were here at the time, 

Mr. Dempsey. Not by me. 

Mr. Thomas. I did not say it was by you, but it was brought up 
to smear the Republican Party. 

There has not been any proof submitted by Mr. Browder to show 
that any such man ever existed. 

Mr. Browder. May I say that so far as my testimony of yesterday 
is concerned 

The Chairman. Everybody has had an opportunity to express 
himself. 

Mr. Browder. I have not had an opportunity to speak about this 
challenge to my testimony at all. I would like to make this brief 



UN-A.MKIUCAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4485 

pbse^'vution. I am certain that if any responsible, competent person, 
with the authorit}' of the Government behind him, wants to get the 
details behind ni}' testimony' of yesterday, he can get it, and I will 
give him my special cooperation. 

Mr. Tiio:mas. I defy you to supply information that can prove this 
charge. It is nothing more than a straw man. 

Mr. Browdek. I am willing to cooperate with anyone who wants 
to get to the bottom of it. 

Mr. Thomas. It is u]) to y»»u to prove your statement, but you can- 
not do it. 

The Chairman. Just one second. May the Chair suggest that it is 
better ])rocedure for every member to ask questions concerning the 
matter under discussion, and let us avoid any discussion among mem- 
bers, or any heated statements, or any personal remarks. 

Mv. ]\Iatthews. ]\Ir. Browder, you are acquainted with the book en- 
titled '"Marx and the Trade Unions," by A. Lozovsky? 

Mr. Browder. I have seen it ; I have not read it. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you know, Mr. Browder, that this book is used 
as a textbook in the Workers School of the Communist Party in New 
York? 

Mr. Bromt)ER. I would not doubt it. I am not familiar' with the 
facts, but I would not question it. 

Mr. Matthews. Is it not true that the Communists have their own 
distinctive trade-union policies? 

Mr. Browder. No; that is not true. 

Mr. Matthews. Do the Communists liaA'e their own distinctive 
tactics with reference to trade unions? 

Mr. Broavt^er. We have our own distinctive tactices with regard to 
our relatiojis between Communists and non-Communists within the 
unions, in connection with the work of our own union. 

Mr. Matthews. Is it true that Marx, and after him Lenin, and 
after him Lozovsky said that the trade unions are the school of com- 
munism? 

Mr. Browder. I think it lias been said. 

Mr. Matthews. As a matter of fact, it is said rather frequently in 
the book which we have before us. 

Lozovsky, on page 137 of the book in question, says : 

It mean.s that the revolntiouary Marxists have their owu strike tactics, differ- 
ing radically from the strike tactics of the anarchists and reformists. 

That would seem to indicate that the revolutionary Marxists have 
their own strike tactics. 

Mr. Browder. But those strike tactics did differ radically from those 
of the anarchists. That does not mean that Ave have our own policies 
to put forward in the trade unions. 

Mr. Matthews. On page 134 of the same book, Lozovsky says : 

We have already seen that Marx and Engels referred to strikes as "social war" 
as "wonomic revolt," "real civil war," "guerilla war," "school of war," "advanced 
guard collisions." 

Mr. Browder. What is the question? 

Mr. Matthews. The question is. Is that the Communist view with 
reference to strikes? 

Mr. Browder. That is the view of one Communist in examining the 
question from one particular angle. 



4486 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Matthews. Who is A. Lozovsky ? 

Mr. Browder. He was formerly general secretary of tlie Red Inter- 
national Labor Union. 

Mr. Matfhews. What is his present position ? 

Mr. Browder. I .do not know. 

Mr. Matthews. He was at one time the liead of the Communist 
revolutionary trade-union movement of the world? 

Mr. Browder. He was the head of the Red International Labor 
Union, including others besides Communists. 

Mr. Matthews. Are you acquainted with Marx' philosophy in 
which he said : 

In this struggle — a veritable civil war — are united and developed all these 
elements necessary for a future battle ; once having reached this point, associa- 
tion takes on a political character. 

Do you subscribe to that as the Communist's view in regard to labor 
union strikes ? 

Mr. Browder. Before answering that I would like to make a general 
statement, that it is impossible to express my views or the views of 
the Connnunist Party in any series of disconnected quotations, and 
further, that you can have no dogma that can be stated in such a 
collection of these short quotations. And the attempt to get me, by 
the accumulation of instance after instance of saying, "I think that 
this is a fair expression," or "This is correct," and so on, to create the 
impression that this gives any sort of idea of the views of the Com- 
munist Party, is not correct. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder, is it not the practice of the Com- 
munist Party to set forth its views in series of disconnected slogans? 

Mr. Browder. Not disconnected. If you want an example of just 
how the Commiuiist Party works 

Mr. Matthews. You just stated that. 

Mr. Browder. No ; I did not. I wanted to, but it was diverted. But 
we had just a national committee meeting in which we put forward 
some 26 slogans expressing the needs of the day, but it is in no way 
comparable to the effort to give our views with such a series of quota- 
tions. I would be very glad to furnish the committee with this list of 
slogans which express the political views rather clearly of the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Chairman, the situation is this, as I under- 
stand it: This book is an official textbook of the Communist Party 
in its Workers School in New York, written by a man who was 
the head of the Communist trade-union movement of the world at 
one time. The book is published by International Publishers, which 
is closely associated in some manner witli the Communist Party. 
This book, read in its entirety, as well as in any series of quotations, 
sets forth beyond any possible doubt that Communists have a purpose 
in trade-union vrork which differs radically from the purposes held 
by the ordinary American trade-unionist, so much so that there is 
nothing in common between the two except the words "trade-union." 
Trade-union, as it is imdevstood by the American people, by the Con- 
gress of the United States, by the American Federation of Labor, 
and by a large number of officials and members of other organizations, 
has absolutely nothing to do with the views of the Comnmnist Party 
as set forth in its own textbook. Now, I believe the document is 
much too large to incorpoi-ate in its entirety in the record, though I 



L"x-A.Mi:i:i*AX I'K(>1'a<;a.\i>a aciivitiks 4487 

tliink that would bo an ini])oi'taiit stt'i) to take if enough people 
Avoiild road the reoord. 

The CiiAiii.MAN. "\>'hy not do this^ I think this Moidd bo fair to 
the witness. Ask him to read the statement ; ask liim if tliat expresses 
the position ot" the Connnunist Party; and if he .camiot answer that 
withont an explanation, afford him an. opportunity to further explain 
wherein that does not fnllv explain the position of the Communist 
Party. 

Mr. I5i{OA\Di:it. That is ri<>:ht. 

Mr. Matthews. On page 135 of Lozovsky's book we read : 

If a strike whioli bas purely ccouomic demaiids as its point of departure is 
from the very beginning consciously directed along tbe line of combining it with 
the political struggle, it yields maxinuim effects. Marx knew that the economic 
strike was an important weapon in the hands of the proletariat against the 
bourgeoisie, since everything that deals a blow to the capitalist system. 

Do you have any comment, Mr. Browder, to make on that as a view 
which diverges from the view of the Communist Partv? 

Mr. Broavdf.r. Yes. That gives a yevj poor idea about the relations 
between the Communist Party and the trade-unions. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you think that those words could be clarified 
and elaborated indefinitely, and would they then mean something dif- 
ferent from what they mean wlien standing apart ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not want to assume any responsibility for the 
writings of any individual except those that I cite as authority in my 
writings. 

The Chairman. Is it true that that book that Mr. Matthews is 
quoting from is used as a textbook in the Communist schools? 

Mr. Browder. I am not sm'e. but I think it was. I cannot deny it. 

The CHAiR:\rAx. According to your ow^n admissions, this man was 
originally secretary of the International Red Labor movement; is 
not that correct ? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct ; but that does not make him ipso facto 
a spokesman on this question. 

The CHAiR:\rAN. That was not what you were asked. 

iSIr. Browder. Yes ; that is exactly what I was asked. I was answer- 
ing a different question entirely. 

Mr. Starves. Mr. BroAvder, that statement is not a true statement 
of the Communist Party with reference to strikes — the purpose of a 
strike ? 

Mr. Browder. That is absolutely not anything like any declaration 
of policy of the Communist Party of the United States, and it is not a 
guiding thought of the Communist Party of the United States. 

Mr. Starxes. I am talking about it from the standpoint of the 
international organization. 

INIr. Browder. Well, I cannot answer questions in such a broad and 
loose sense. I can only answer directly what is the view of the 
Commmiist Party of the United States. 

Mr. Starxes. And you have no connection now — absolutelj' no con- 
nection at all — with the international organization ? 

iMr. Broavder. No. We have connections, but w^e are not responsi- 
ble for every expression of opinion and every discussion in every 
book that is published, and Ave do not alloAv anybody to place us in r. 
position of tying ourseh^es to the word of any particular individual. 

The Chatrmax. I think !Mr. Browder will agree — he has previ- 



4488 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

oiisly stated this thing, and I think that he will agree — that in all 
the movements in which Communists have participated, whether 
political activity, church activity, school activity, or what not, the 
real objective is the eventual and ultimate establishment of com- 
munism. 

Mr. Browder. I have said that many times. 

The Chaikmak. And, while that is the ultimate objective of all 
your activities, as I understand your testimony, you also have an 
immediate objective, aside and apart from the ultimate objective. Is 
that right ? 

Mr. Browder. They are connected. 

The Chairman. They are connected, of course. The immediate 
objective w^ould not be interesting to you unless it also led in the 
direction of the general objective? 

Mr. Browder. And the general objective w^ould not be interesting 
unless it could be connected with the immediate reality. 

The Chairman. You are not here consciously or purposely doing 
anything to make capitalism work, yourself? 

Mr. Browtder. Oh, sometimes we are. It js not a question of 
making it work or not making it work. 

The Chairman. You are not trying to help the capitalists, are 
you ? 

Mr. Browder. We are trying to hel]) the people, and as long as 
capitalism exists, producing goods for the people means to help 
capitalism. You cannot live without helping capitalism to keep on 
functioning. 

The Chairman. That is true in the broad sense. 

Mr. Browtder. So do not accuse us of wanting to stop capitalism 
from w'orking unless you accuse us of wanting to stop the people 
from eating. The people cannot eat except by keeping the industries 
functioning. 

The Chairman. All right. But you have just stated that you have 
an ultimate objective in all of your activity, which is the establish- 
ment of communism in the United States; that is true, is it not? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. That is the real thing you have in view? 

Mr. BroW'Der. To be able to feed and clothe and house the people 
through a social system which would give them more. 

The Chairman. To establish a communistic system in the United 
States; that is right, is it not? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. If that is not your main objective, there would 
not be any reason for your existence. 

Mr. Browder. We proclaim that all the time. 

The Chairman. Then all your tactics and your strategy lead in 
that direction, do they not? 

Mr. Browder. It does not require any long examination to find 
that out. That is proclaimed. 

The Chairman. All right. Then, of course, in the trade-union 
movement your members are looking always to the promotion of 
communism through your trade-union activity? 

Mr. Browder. Wherever they are. 

The Chairman. That is the answer to the proposition. Go ahead. 



rX-A^rERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4489 

Mr. Mattheavs. Mr. Chairman, in view of that answer, I think 
it will be unnecessary at this time to take more of the committee's 
time to read these excerpts. 

The Chairman. There is one thing that I would like to have him 
answer here. You say that there are 50,000 members in the unions? 

Mr. Brdwder. I do not say that that is exact. 

The Chairman. I understand; but that is your best judgment as 
secretai\y of the party ? 

Mr. Brdwder. It is something like that. 

The Chairman. You say that there are approximately thirty- 
three and two-thirds thousand in the C. I. O., and 16,000, approxi- 
mately, in the A. F. of L. ? 

Mr. JBrowder. Yes. 

The Chairman. Of the 50,000 that are working actively in the 
trade-union movement in the United States, you stated, as I under- 
stood it — and if you did not, say so — that as a whole those men, 
by reason of their training, are much better qualified than the average 
run of trade unionists. Is that a fact ? 

Mr. Brdwder. I say that among them you will find a larger portion 
of trained men than in any unselected group. 

The Chairman. That is because of the special training that you 
have given them? 

Mr. Browder. I do not say that they are all trained. 

The Chairman. No. 

Mr. Brdwder. But among them j^ou will find a larger proportion 
of trained men. 

The Chairman. Well, it is a much larger proportion, is it not? 

Mr. Brdwder. Not much larger, but it is larger. 

The Chairman, All right. Now, how many of the thirty-three 
and two-thirds thousand in the C. I. O. are organizers and officials 
in the C. I. O.? 

Mr. Brdwder. I have no accurate statistics on that. 

The Chairman. Is it as many as half ? 

Mr. Brdwder. Oh, no. 

The Chairman. Well, you say you have no statistics. Give us 
what the facts are. 

Mr. Brdwder. I would say it could be numbered in the hundreds. 

The Chairman. Now, is the same thing true in the A. F. of L.? 

Mr. Browder. About the same proportion. 

The Chairman. Is it not a fact that your members have more 
difficulty in joining and staving in the A. F. of L. than in the 
C.l. O.? 

Mr. Brdwder. That is true onl}' of a few unions. Generally it is 
not true. It used to be years ago. 

The Chairman. Now, as to the unions in which they do have 
difficulty in joining and staying in, they conceal their identity? 

Mr, Broavtjer. If they are deprived of their rights. 

The Chairman. It is the general policy to conceal their identity 
if they are deprived of their rights? 

Mr. Brdwder. It is the practice. 

The Chairman. It is the practice of self-preservation? 

Mr. Brdwder. That is right. 

The Chairman. But that onlv applies to a few unions in the 
A. F. ofL.? 



4490 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. That is riglit. 

The Chairman. Therefore, in the great majority of unions, Com- 
munists, both the ones who are just ordinary members and those 
who are organizers and officials, are known, or shoukl be well known 
to the officials and to the other members ; is that a fact? 

Mr. Browder. To the same degree that they inquire about the 
politics of anybody. It does not mean that they are necessarily 
well known. Most of the people in the trade-union movement are 
not known by their politics. There is very little attention paid to 
whether a man is a Republican, a Democrat, a Socialist, or a Com- 
munist, except when political controversy focuses attention upon it. 

The Chairman. There is this difference, however — that if a man 
is a real Communist, in the sense that you define it, he is supposed 
to be active and working at the job all the time, is he not? 

Mr. Browder. That is also supposed to be a little bit true about 
Democrats. [Laughter.] 

The Chairman. I know there are some sympathizers here, but do 
jiot express yourself. 

Mr. Browder. I know there are some sympathizers here. 

The Chairman. Now, Mr. Browder, as a matter of fact, truth- 
fully, the historic position of your party has always been that it 
furnishes the leadership for the working class; is not that true? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. We try to furnish thinking when think- 
ing is absent. We try to give solutions to problems. 

The Chairman. You furnish leadership; is that correct? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. And your party never seeks large numbers, does 
it? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, yes ; we like numbers too ; but not at the expense 
of quality. 

The Chairman. But quality is the prime consideration? 

Mr. Browder. Quality is number one; numbers is number two. 

The Chairman. But quantity is not your objective? 

Mr. Browder. Not if qualit}^ has to be sacrificed. 

The Chairman. Of course, the facts are that in Soviet Russia, with 
165,000.000 people, according to your own statement, you have only 
3I/2 million members now, after about 8 or 9 years of communism. 

Mr. Browder. And in America, after a great many more years, the 
Democratic Party only has a few tens of thousands of actual primary 
members, and it has 27,000,000 voters. But if 3"ou measure it by 
voters, as you measure the Democratic Party here, then the Com- 
munist Party has eight or ninety million. 

The Chairman. I am talking of the party members, the actual 
part}' members. You said there were 3iA million. 

Mr. Browder. Yes; that is the equivalent of the Democratic Party 
men in the United States. 

The Chairman. And they are the line of the vanguard; that was 
the theory of Marx, Lenin, and all of them, was it not? 

Mr. Browder. That is true ; that was the theory. 

The Chairman. And the theory was that those who were well- 
trained would lead the others in the establishment of a dictatorship 
of the working class ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; that is right. 



UN-AMEUICAX I'K()1'A(;AN1>A A( TIVITIKS 4491 

The Chairman. And you now have broadened the working clas^ 
have you not, to inchide practically everybody except tlie niillion- 
aires in the workin*;- class, liave you not? 

Mr. Brovvder. Well, we include the wage workers. 

The Chairman. I mean, you include professional people, lawyers, 
<loctors. and all classes, do you not? 

Mr. linowoKi;. Those who work for wages. 

The Chairman. Elverybody who works for wages. 

Mr. Bkowder. But when we speak of the workers' government, 
we do not mean for the exclusive benefit of the workers. We mean 
uniler the leadership of the workers. 

The Chairman. The workers are to govern the country? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

The Chairman. Through the Conunuiiist Party? 

Mr. Browder. Through the support of the majority of the other 

people also. 

The Chairman. But tln-ough the instrumentality of the Communist 

Party? 

Mr. Browder. Well, every government has a party. 

'J'he Chairman. You do not maintain that communism as preached 
liv all of the early founders has been ap]:>lied in Russia to this day, 
do you ? 

Mr. Browder. I think tlicy have made long strides toward its 
lealization. 

Tlie Chairman. Is it not a fa<'t that Stalin himself and other Com- 
munist leaders have pointed out that it is in a state of suspension? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, no. 

The (^HAiRaiAN. 'I'hat people have to be prepared for the ultimate 
realization of the Comminiist principle? 

Mr. Browder. Xo; that is a misconception to speak of suspension. 
They are not in susj[)ension. They are going forward very rapidly. 
To give you an example of how rapidly they are going -forward, in 
the last 10 years, in \\ hicii the rest of the world has been sliding back- 
ward in the production of wealth, they have nniltiplied the production 
of wealth 10 times. 

The Chairman. That is because tliev had farther to jjo in com- 
parison with the rest of the world. 

Ml". Browder. Well, there is plenty of the rest of the world about 
which you could say the same thing. So it is not a state of suspen- 
sion ; it is the most rapid progress that has ever been conceived. 

The Chairman. Yon think they have a superior form of govern- 
ment? 

Mr. Browdi R. I 1 1 link that they tunc discovered a superior form of 
government. 

Mr. Starnes. Von think it is a better form of government? 

Mr. Browder. That does not express my idea exactly. I tliink the 
]>rincii)le of its system is proving itself snperior by producing wealth 
• III a larger scale than was ever known before in history. 

Mr. Mason. And yet do you contend tliat il has provided a higher 
standard of living than we have? 

Mr. Browder. Not yet: but if the tendencies of develo]unent con- 
tinue 10 more years in the same way that they did in tlie last 10 years, 
then at the end of the next 10 vears their standard of Jivino- Will !». 



4492 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

higher than that of America. That is mathematically demonstrable. 

Mr. Casey. There are some other things that are of more value 
than that. 

Mr. Browder. Oh, yes ; many other things. 

Mr. Casey. For instance, the ordinary freedom of the people, free- 
dom of religion, and many other things. 

Mr. Browder. Oh, yes; many other things; and if I emphasize the 
economic, it is because all the other things depend upon the economic. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Browder, do I understand you to believe that the 
economic conditions in Russia are better than they are here in the 
United States today ? 

Mr. Browder. No ; I did not say that. I said it would take another 
10 years of this progress and another 10 years of American stagnation 
before they would surpass us in standards of living. 

Mr. Thomas. Then you admit that economic conditions in the 
United States are better than they are in Russia ? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, yes. I am not forced to admit it; I say it 
voluntarily. 

Mr. Whitley. INIr. Chairman, I would like to have Mr. Brodsky, 
Mr. Browder's attorney, sworn as a Avitness. 

The Chairman. Very well. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Chairman, we are not excusing Mr. Browder? 
I have a number of questions that I would like to ask him. 

The Chairman. All right. 

TESTIMONY OF JOSEPH R. BRODSKY, ATTORNEY, NEW YORK CITY 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. What is your full name, Mr. Brodsky ? 

Mr. Brodsky. My name is Joseph R. Brodsky. 

Mr. Whitley. What is your residence address? 

Mr. Brodsky. My residence is 45 Wadsworth Terrace, New York 
City. 

Mr. Whitley. And your business address? 

Mr. Brodsky. 100 Fifth Avenue, New York City. 

Mr. Whitley. And what is your business? 

Mr. Brodsky. I am an attorney. 

Mr. Whitley. Did you ever have a business address at 799 Broad- 
way ? 

Mr. Brodsky. Yes; I did. 

Mr. Whitley. That was an office address? 

Mr. Brodsky. That was my office address. 

Mr, Whitley. When did you have that address, Mr. Brodsky? 

Mr. Brodsky. I was in that building twice; once about 18 years 
ago. I stayed there for 5 years, and I came back to the building 
about 6 or 7 years ago. 

Mr. Whitley. How long have you been a member of the Commu- 
nist Party, Mr. Brodsky? 

Mr. Brodsky. I am not a member of the Connnunist Party. 

Mr. Whitley. You are not a member of the Connnunist Party? 

Mr. Brodsky. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Brodsky. did you ever perform any official 
functions for the Communist Party, such as might be perfoi-med by 
a meinber — any duties of any kind? 



UN-AMERICAN PROrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4493 

Mr. Brodsky. No, 

Mr. Whitley. I mean, Avhich would be aside from legal represen- 
tation? 

Mr. Brodsky. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Wliich would be strictly in the category of party 
functions or duties? 

Mr. Brodsky. No. 

Mr. Wiiitlf.y. Yesterday Mr. Bro\\(ler testified that to his knowl- 
edge the Communist Party of the United States had never received 
subsidies or contributions or financial assistance from outside of the 
United States. That is. we had particular reference to the Soviet 
Government, the Comintern, or the parties in other countries. I 
believe you heard that testimony. 

Mr. Brodsky. I did. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Brodsky. have you, on behalf of the Communist 
Party of the United States, ever received aiiy funds from other 
countries ? 

Mr. Brodsky. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Or from other parties? 

Mr. Brodsky. No. 

Mr. Whitley. Or from an}- official organizations or agencies of the 
Soviet Government or tlie Communist Party? 

Mr. Brodsky. No. 

Mr. Whitley. You have not? 

Mr. Brodsky. No. 

jNIr. Whitley. Mr, Chairman, I want to introduce an official docu- 
ment of the British Crown. This document is captioned "Russia No. 
2," and is dated 1927. The title of the document is "Documents Illus- 
trating the Hostile Activities of the Soviet Government and the Third 
International Against Great Britain. Presented to Parliament by 
Command of His Majesty." This document bears the caption "Com- 
mand Paper No. 2874." This was obtained from the Library of Con- 
gress. This document of some 31 pages is an official reproduction of 
documents which were obtained as the result of a police raid that was 
made by the London police on the Soviet House in London in 1927. 

Part 1 of this document is captioned as follow-s : 

Documents found by the police in the course of the search in Soviet House, and 
referred to by the Prime Minister in liis statement on the 24th of May 1927. 

On page 20 of this document there is reproduced a list of addresses 
found in the possession of Anton Miller. Anton Miller being the cipher 
or code expert Avho was arrested at the time of the raid on Soviet House, 
which housed various organizations of the Soviet Government. 

Among those addresses listed which were found on the person of 
Anton Miller is the following: 

For money per banli : Joseph E. Brodsky, 799 Broadway, New York. 

Can you explain that, Mr. Brodsky ? 

Mr, Brodsky. No: I was not able'to explain it at the time that the 
papers announced it and I am not able to explain it now, sir. There 
was a complete investigation of my boolcs at the time by the Bureau of 
Internal Revenue, and they found'that everv dollar had been accounted 
for, 

Mr, Whitley, You had no difficulty? 

Mr, Brodsky. Subsequentl}^ I made a trip to London, and I had no 
difficulty in getting a passport and visa. 



4494 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. Yon were traveling under your own name? 
Mr. Brodsky. I always traveled under my own name. 
Mr. Whitley. In the same list of addresses found on the person of 
Anton Miller there appears the following : 

Moness Chemical Co., Inc., 426 Broome Street, New York. 

Do you know anj^thing about the Moness Chemical Co.? 

Mr. Brodsky. No ; I liave no present recollection of it. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you have any vag-ue recollection that you may 
liave known of such an organization in the past? 

Mr. Brodsky. I don't know. I have known of hundreds of corpora- 
tions in the past years. 

Mr. Whitley. Tlien the following appears : 

Moness private address : Mr. J. Moness, 787 Crotona Park North, Bronx, N. Y. 

You do not know anything about that ? 

Mr. Brodsky. I never lived there in mv life, and do rot know ar.y- 
thnig about it. 

Mr. Whitley. You do not know Mr. J. Moness? 

Mr. Brodsky. No; I don't recall him. 

Mr. Whitley. On that same list appeal's the following : 

Joseph R. Brodsky, room 703, 41 Union ISquare, New York. 

Do you know how he happened to have that address ? 

Mr, Brodsky. Let's see ; that is an office address that I had, I think, 
subsequent to when I moved out of 799, and from which I moved 
back — that is my impression — to 799. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, this may have been a later addre^ss 
that Mr. Miller had for you ? 

Mr. Brodsky. Prior or later ; I don't know. 

Mr. Whitley. And you did occupy an office at room 703, 41 Union 
Square ? 

Mr. Brodsky. Yes ; that was an office address that I had. 

Mr. Whitley. Did the International Labor Defense have offices at 
that same address? 

Mr. Brodsky. No ; not to my knowledge. 

Mr. Whitley. In the same list of addresses and information re- 
moved from the person of Mr. Anton Miller was the following, written 
in German. This particular portion of the list, incidentally, is broken 
up by countries, the addresses listed under the cajjtions "Brazil," 
"Chile," "Uruguay," "Australia," "South Africa," and so forth. 

Under the heading "U. S. A." appears the following; and this is 
in German. I have had it translated. 

Addresses for sending money. 

1. Josepli Brodsky, room 703, 41 Union Sciiiare, New York. 

And under that, written in German : 

For the party and other organizations. 

That is inider the caption "Addresses for sending money." 
Were you ever able to find out anything about that, Mr. Brodsky? 
Mr. Brodsky. This is the first time I ever heard of that in my life. 
Mr. Whitley. You do not doubt the authenticity of this document? 
Mr. Brodsky. I do. I wouldn't put it past the British Govern- 
ment, which at the same time forge<! letters for tlie j)nrpose <*f ousting 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4495 

a labor government by pbony documents of that kind. I am not 
accusino; you of participatino- in it. 

Mr. Whitley. That is all right, Mr. Brodsky. 

Now, under that same caption, "Addresses for sending money," 
we have: 

2. J. Moiiess, 787 Crotona Park North, Bronx, New York. 

Then, in German: 

For trade unions. Only upon special instructions from the Profintern. 

The Profintern being the governing body of the R. I. L. U., as I 
understand it. Is that correct Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. Profintern; yes. It is an abbreviation of the 
Russian 

Mr. Whitley. For the R. I. L. U.; is it synonymous? 

Mr. Browder. It is an abbreviation of the Russian words for 
•'Trade Union International." 

]\Ir. WnrrLEY. And you have never been able to determine why 
your name is listed in here in such a manner, Mr. Brodsky? 

Mr. Brodsky. Xever. 

IVIr. AYhitley. You have attempted to find out, however? 

]Mr. Brodsky. I did at the time. 

Mr. Whitley. You do not know what that statement there, "Ad- 
dresses for the transmission of funds," could possibly refer to? 

Mr. Brodsky. No; I do not. 

The Chairman. Is not Mr. Brodsky attorney for a good many 
organizations ? 

Mr. Whitley. That is very true, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. You are attorney for the International Labor 
Defense ? 

Mr. Brodsky. Not now. I was. I was chief counsel for many 
years. 

The Chairman. Are you counsel for the International Workers 
Order? 

Mr. Brodsky. Yes. 

The Chairman. Counsel for the American League for Peace and 
Democracy ? 

;Mr. Brodsky. No. 

The Chairman. Have you ever been counsel for the American 
League for Peace and Democracy? 

Mr. Brodsky. No. 

The Chairman. Or counsel for the American Civil Liberties 
Union? 

Mr. Brodsky. No. 

]Mr. Whitley. For the International Publishers? 

Mr. Brodsky. Yes. 

The CiiAiRiMAN. For the Workers Alliance ? 

Mr. Brodsky. No. 

]Mr. Whitley. There are several of them that I do not know. 

Mr. Brodsky. Also, attorney for some organizations; also attorney 
for clients in regular business. 

]Mr. Whitley. Have you ever seen this document before? 

Mr. Brodsky. Never in my life. 

Mr. Whitley. Would you like to see it? 

94931— 40— vol. 7—1") 



4496 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Brodsky. I would like to see it. I am not doubting that you 
think it is authentic, but I would like to know who prepared it, in the 
first place. 

Mr. Whitley. It is an official document. 

Mr. Brodsky. An official document. 

Mr. Whitley. Of the British Government. 

Mr. Brodsky. Of the British Government ; yes. But I know there 
was an official document also presented concerning the Czechoslo- 
vakian situation in Parliament, but I don't know who prepared it. 

Mr. Thomas. Have you ever been attorney for the Daily Worker? 

Mr. Brodsky. I was at one time. I was not the attorney in the 
bankruptcy proceedings. I had nothing to do with that. 

Mr. Whitley. That is all I have, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Anything further? 

Mr. Whitley. Just one more question, Mr. Brow.der. Do you know 
Moness ? 

Mr. Browder. I do not. 

Mr. Whitley. You do not? 

Mr. Browder. I never heard of the name. 

Mr. Whitley. That is all. 

The Chairman. All right. Gentlemen, I understand some of you 
wish to ask Mr. Browder some questions. 

Mr. Starnes. I have one or two questions. 

Mr. Brodsky. Mr. Chairman, may I call attention to the fact that 
Congressman Dempsey said that Mr. Browder was here und^r sub- 
pena. As a matter of fact he appears voluntarily; did not require 
any service at all. 

Tlie Chairman. That is true. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Browder, you said that you no longer used the 
term "dictatorship of the proletariat" because it conveyed a mislead- 
ing conception of the work of the party. 

Mr. Browder. I did not say we do not use it except in speaking to 
a mixed crowd. 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. We use it in classrooms where we can see it is given 
the proper understanding. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, in speaking to mixed crowds you use the term 
"central democracy" ? 

Mr. Browder. The usual term in that connection is democratic cen- 
tralism. 

Mr. Starnes. Democratic centralism? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. I believe you have stated the Communist Party has 
its transmission belts or, as I would say, a medium of operationj such 
as the trade-union movement. You use schools and colleges also? 

Mr. Broavder. Everywhere where people come together. 

Mr. Starnes. The answer would be "yes." 

Mr. Browder. Yes. That is an inclusive expression ; but we use any 
place where people come together. 

Mr. Starnes. I understand ; I am asking at this moment with ref- 
erence to schools and colleges. 

Now you first started your movements, initiated your movement 
among the trade-union movement for the propagation of commu- 
nism ? 



UX-AMKKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4497 

]\[r. Browder. I would say that we gave first consideration to them 
as the most important oro-anization of the workers. 

Mr. Stakjses. And the purpose ot: that was to orj^anize ihe workers 
and use that as a medium for furthering the policy and program of 

the party? 

Mr. r>R0wnER. Yes; the first i:)urpose was to improve the condition 

of the workers. 

Mr. Starnes. I understand. And by using them, by controlling 
the labor unions you would be in position to control 

Air. Browder (continuing). We were not attempting to control, 

Mr. Starnes. Not at this time, but you have undertaken it at one 
time? 

Mr. Browder. We found that the whole question of control was 
illusionary. 

Mr. Starnes. That is true; you found that to be true in actual 
practice, but I say at one time that was the method you pursued? 

Mr. Broavder. There was talk by the Communists that they wanted 
to control the luiions, but we quickly learned better. 

Mr. Starnes. You soon leai'ued better? 

Mr. Browder. Long ago. 

Mr. Starnes. And now you find the better and more effective ap- 
proach is through schools and colleges, do 3- ou not ? 

Mr. Browder. Well, I would not say that schools and colleges are 
a substitute for the labor movement. 

Mr. Starnes. Xo; but they are a medium through which you do 
operate, one of the mediums? 

Mr. Browder. We always have to the extent of our ability. It is 
not something new. 

Mr. Starnes. Another might be said to be the United Front, as 
another medium through which you operate? 

Mr. Browder. That is a general term that includes all organizations. 

Mr. Starnes. Right now I am trying to get information; I am not 
familiar with the whole set-up. 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; and I am trying my best to answer, 

Mr. Starnes. You have named for the benefit of the record a num- 
ber of these transmission belts. 

Mr. Broavder. And could name many more. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you luime a few more? 

Mr. Browder. The churches. 

Mr. Starnes. You uoav use the churches? 

Mr. Browder. We give special attention to the churches, because in 
the chuiclies tliere is already a great peace movement which we con- 
sider very important, and we establish contact with them everywhere 
we can. 

Mr. Starnes. What success have you had? 

Mr. Browder. Oh. considerable. I have, for example, a pamphlet 
here of one of my speeches published by the church. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. 

Mr. Broavder. A speech delivered before a congregation, and the 
church itself published it in pamphlet form. 

Mr. Starnes. What church Avas that? 

Ml'. Broavder. This Avas the Community Church in Boston, to which 
I sp(jke on Sunday, ]\Iarch 5, 19;>9, and atldressed Catholics, JeAvs, and 



4498 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Protestants, and it ^Yas printed by the church and distributed through 
its own congregation, 

Mr. Starnes. By the way, have you made any special effort to place 
teachers in schools and colleges who are advocates of communism? 

Mr. Brow^der. No ; we have not. 

Mr. Starnes. But you do have quite a number in different educa- 
tional institutions? 

Mr, Browder. I would not be able to say how many. 

Mr. Starnes. But you have a number; I am not asking you the 
exact number. 

Mr. Browder. I think we have certain influence in the schools. 

Mr. Starnes. And teachers in schools? 

Mr. Browder, Teachers? 

Mr. Starnes. Yes; schools and colleges? 

Mr, Browder. Yes; our influence is much greater than our mem- 
bership. The membership is relatively small. 

Mr. Starnes. I understand. But you do have that influence and 
exert it in every college — — 

Mr. Browder. I would not say it is exerted in every college in 
America. 

Mr. Starnes. You have in Harvard? 

Mr. Browder. I would not want to say any particular one. I 
have seen what happened when I mentioned Harvard once before 
and representatives from the legislature went down there and made 
it very unpleasant, and I do not like to cause trouble to anybody, 

Mr, Starnes. Would you say in Columbia? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Brooklyn? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And in City College? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. The University of Minnesota? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes; I have made special speeches in some 23 col- 
leges and universities of America and I have always had very good 
reception. 

Mr. Starnes. Through what medium or what organization on the 
campus ? 

Mr. Browder. Usually some organization on the campus, a cam- 
pus group, debating, speaking. 

Mr. Starnes. The American Students Union? 

Mr. Browder. A few times; not many. 

Mr. Starnes. What other groups? 

Mr. Browder. Usually some speaking group on the campus, a dis- 
cussion group. 

Mr. Starnes. You have been quite active along the political front, 
have you not? 

Mr. Browder. Well, I have been secretary of the party. 

Mr. Starnes. Well, I want to know. You have used the political 
term in your testimony in such a generic sence that I do not know, 
and I want to have you tell me just what you have been doing. 
You have been quite active? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, quite active, politically. 

Mr. Starnes. All the time? 

Mr, Browder. All of the time. 



UX-AMERirAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4499 

Mr. Starnes. You consider every movement of the party is a 
political movement? 

Mr. Browdei{. Yes. 

Mr. Stakxes. "Whether it is bound up in economics, theology, or 
what not ^ 

]Mr. Browder. Yes. 

]Mr. Starnes. It has a political meaning? 

Mr. Browder. F'or us as Connnunists, as those who deal with the 
political life; others may be dealing with the same question but do 
not give it the same political significance. 

Mr. Stakxes. Have you attempted at any time to create divisions 
witliin the major political parties of America? 

Mr. Browder. We have not. 

]\fr. Starnes. You have sought to have an influence over them? 

Mr. Browder. Yes; we have sought to influence every organization 
in America ; we want to influence the minds of everybody we can. 

]\Ir. Starnes. Have you atempted the formation of a Farmer-Labor 
party in this country? 

Mr. Browder. We have not. 

JNIr. Starnes. Have you encouraged such a movement ? 

Mr. Broavder. We have encouraged it wherever it appears. 

Mr. Starnes. You have encouraged it? 

Mr. Browder. We have encouraged it wherever it has appeared. 

Mr. Starnes. How is the international organization supported, 
flnancially ^ 

Mr. Browder. The international? 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. It is supported by dues from affiliated parties. 

Mr. Starnes. And in America you would say what is equivalent to 
one month's dues, and the dues are paid three times per year to the 
international ? 

Mr. Broavder. Xo ; Ave haA^e never contributed to that support; what 
we have raised is for the purpose of international solidarity, but we 
contribute to no particular party Avork except under special cir- 
cumstances. 

Mr. Starnes. But of course along party lines? 

Mr. Broaa'der. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And in conformity with party lines? 

Ml'. Broavder. Of course. 

Mr. Starnes. And in that respect you haA^e contributed to the sup- 
port of the International ? 

Mr. Broaa-der. In an indirect Avay; it was not direct. 

Mr. Starnes. But you have? 

Mr. Broavder. But verj' indirectly, of course. 

Mr. Starnes. What do you do Avith the 35 percent of the collec- 
tions from your members Avhich is turned over to your national party 
organization ? 

Mr. Broavder. That is kept for office expense. 

Mr. Starnes. At headquarters. Has it eAer been expended in sup- 
port of party lines in other countries? 

Mr. Broaa'der. No ; none of that. 

Mr. Starnes. None of that has been expended outside this country? 

Mr. Broaatjer. None outside of this country. 

Mr. Starnes. None of it? 



4500 • UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Broavder. No. 

Mv. Starnes. None of that 35 percent has been spent outside of 
this country ? 

Mr. Browder. Only in the sense of paying my traveling expenses, 
for example, and so forth. 

Mr. Starnes. By the way, who else has been attending any of the 
meetings of the congress, of the party at Moscow since 1919; any 
other delegates ? Could you give their names ? 

Mr. Bro"wder. I could not. 

Mr. Starnes. Up until 1919? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. How about 1920? 

Mr. Browder. No; I cannot. 

Mr. Starnes. In 1921 ? 

Mr. Browdfjj. No ; I could not. 

Mr. Starnes 1922? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. 1924? 

Mr. Broavder. No ; I could not. 

Mr. Starnes. 1928? 

Mr. Browder. I could not. 

Mr. Starnes. 1935? 

iMr. Browder. 1935 I can name some of the delegates. 

Mr. Starnes. How many delegates could go from this country? 

Mr. Browder. In 1935 we were entitled to 20 delegates, but I do 
not think we sent the whole number. 

Mr. Starnes. Who paid their expenses? 

]Mr. Browder. The Connnunist Party of the United States paid 
their traveling expenses and the congress provided them with a 
livelihood while they were there. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you furnish for tlie record at this point the 
names of the delegates and indentify tliem for us? 

Mr. Browder. I will try to provide that for you. 

Mr. Starnes. When did you first go to Russia? 

Mr. Browder. 1921. 

Mr. Starnes. 1921? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. When did you next go? 

Mr. BRinvDER. 1926. 

Mr. Starnes. What was the purpose of your first visit? 

Mr. Browder. I was a trade-union delegate. 

Mr. Starnes. What was the purpose of the 1926 visit? 

Mr. Browder. Again I Avas a trade- union delegate. 

Mr. Starnes. How long did you remain there in 1921? 

Mr. Browder. Three or four months. 

Mr. Starnes. In 1926, how long did you remain there ? 

Mr. Browder. I was there maybe 9 months, or 10 months. 

Mr. Starnes. Did the convention last that long? 

Mr. Browder. No, no. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you take any special training in Russia at the 
time, attend any university or special training course? 

Mr. BuowDER. No; I considered that I helped myself a good 
deal, but not from attending any school. I was doing office work. 



rX-AISlERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 45OI 

;Mr. Starnes. You occupied yourself clurino- that period, sup- 
ported yourself ? 

Mr. BiJowDER. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. What sort of office -work were you doing? 

Mr. Bkowder. I was working on a newspaper, for America, pro- 
viding information, reports, and so on. 

^Ir. Stakxes. That was the type of work 3'ou were doing at that 
time ? 

Mr. BitowDER. Yes. 

]Mr. Starxes. Were you sending any information from Russia back 
to America I 

Mr. Browder. I was not, I wrote some articles. 

Mr. Starxes. Did you send anything other than what you wrote 
at that time? 

;Mr. Browder. No. 

^Ir. Starxes. From 1926 on wlien was your next visit or trip to 
Russia ? 

^Ir. Brcavder. I had a brief visit in 1927. 

Mr. Starxes. 1927, for a week's visit? 

Mr. Browder. A brief visit. 

^Ir. Starxes. You had a brief visit? 

^Ir, Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starxes. Did you go there at that time as a delegate to repre- 
sent any organization, that is, 1927? 

]Mr. Browder. In 1927 I was in Russia on the way back from 
China. 

Mr. Starxes. Yes. That was when you went to China as a dele- 
gate to a trade-union meeting? 

Mr. Brc»wder. That is right. 

^Ir. Starxes. Now did you bring back any report of an}' sort 
from that meeting in China to any type of meeting in Russia? 

Mr. Browder. I spoke at several meetings in Russia, public meetings. 

Mr. Starxes. Where were you living in 1921, and again in 1926; in 
what city? I do not care about the street address; where did you live, 
what city? 

Mv. Browder. In Moscow. 

Mr. Starxes, Moscow each time? 

]Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr, Starnes. Did you at that time contact the leadership of the 
party of the Soviet Union on either of your visits, 1921 or 1927? 

Mr. Browder. When you say leaders 

Mr. Starxes. Those who were the leaders of the party at that time, 

Mr. Browder. Well, it depends upon what you mean; I met them, 
but I did not talk with them. 

Mr. Starxes. I mean have discussions with them. 

Mr, Browder. Well, I would say at that time I hardly met them at 
all ; I did not have any political discussion with the leaders of the party 
of the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Starxes. In 1927, after that you did? 

]Mr. Broavder. In later periods I did. 

Mr. Starxes. In later periods? 

Mr, Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starxes. So beginning in 1927 and after 1927 when was your 
next visit to Russia? 



4502 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. 1928. 

Mr. Starnes. In 1928 what time of the year was it, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. In the summer. 

Mr. Starnes. In the summer; and that was to attend the congress? 

Mr. Browder. The congress. 

Mr. Starnes. How long did you remain there at this time ? 

Mr. Browder. Several weeks ; I am not sure of the exact time. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you stay in Moscow then? 

Mr. Broavder. In Moscow. 

Mr. Starnes. And after 1928 what was the next year in which you 
visited Russia ? 

Mr. Browder. I passed through in 1929, passed through Moscow on 
the way to Vladivostock — that is on the Pacific coast, where the meet- 
ing took place, the Congress of the Trade Unions, on the Pacific coast. 

Mr. Starnes. How many times did you go in 1928; just the one time 
in the summer? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. In 1929 did you go to or through Russia again after 
you passed through Moscow to Vladivostock to attend the Trade Union 
Congress ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; I went to Vladivostock and came back asiain. 

Mr. Starnes. How much time did you spend in Russia at this time ? 

Mr. Browder. Oh, a few weeks. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you say that was in 1929, when you attended the 
congress ? 

Mr. Browder. The Trade Union Congress ? 

Mr. Starnes. The Trade Union Congress. 

Mr. Browder. At Vladivostock. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, did you take over or did you receive any instruc- 
tions at that time? 

Mr. Browder. Instructions? 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. No. If you mean by instructions, teaching or learn- 
ing — I assume you mean by that something that someone wanted done. 

Mr. Starnes. That is, any specific instructions along certain lines. 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Along certain lines of party activities ? 

Mr. Browder. No ; I did not. 

Mr. Starnes. You did not? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. After 1929 when did you next go back ? 

Mr. Browder. Since that time I believe I have visited the Soviet 
Union once a year, every year, except this year. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. You were there once in 1930? 

]Mr. Browder. Once in 1930, 1 believe. 

Mr. Starnes. You are positive you did not go in the summer of 
1930 and that you were again back there later ? 

Mr. Browder. I am pretty sure it w^as only once. 

Mr. Starnes. How long did you remain there this time ? 

Mr. Broavder. Some Aveeks. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you go there in the summer? 

Mr. Browder (continuing). Three or four weeks. I am not certain 
of the actual time of the year, except when I can identify it by some 
particular event. 



ux-a:\ikkioax propaganda activities 4503 

Mr. Starnes. All right. What event did you attend this year, 1930? 

Mr. Browiier. I don't know whether there was a general meeting 
or whether I just made a visit, one of m.y visits; I am not sure which 
one, whether I Avent entirely on my own initiative. 

Mr. Starxes. You mean by that you paid your own expenses? 

Mr. Browder. "When T went the party paid it, that is, when I was 
attending a meeting of other parties. But I was making a visit of 
my own for the American party. 

Mr, Starxes. For what particular purpose? 

Mr. Broavder. For the ]:»urpose of visiting the Soviet Union and 
seeing how things were going on, the progress of socialism, to con- 
verse with as many people as possible, get their views and in general 
ascertain their approach to the problems. 

Mr. Starnes. And after you returned to America you arrived at 
practically the same conclusion and used the same tactics in this 
country that they used in that country ? 

Mr. Browder. Not the same ; no. 

Mr. Starx^es. Wherever applicable, I mean. 

Mr. Browder. Not the same. 

Mr. Starzstes. I qualified it by "wherever applicable." 

Mr. Browder. We have always been very careful to avoid imitation 
because people who imitate do not get anywhere. 

Mr. Starnes. All right; in 1931 how many times did you go there? 

Mr. Browder. Once, I believe. 

Mr. Starnes. Once only ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. At what time of the year was that, Mr. Browder? 

Mr. Browder. I cannot identify the exact time. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you not know about the particular time ; was it in 
the early part of the year ? 

Mr. Browder, I cannot remember. 

Mr. Starnes. You cannot remember? 

Mr. Bro\\T)Er. No. 

Mr. Starnes. What was the purpose of the 1931 visit ? 

Mr. Browder. In each case it was the same. 

Mr. Starnes. Well, I want to identify it a little more completely; I 
am asking for information ; that is the only reason I am asking these 
questions. It may not seem important to you but I am trying to 
distinguish between the times you went there on your own and the 
times you were there as a representative of some group. Were you 
representing some particular group in 1931 ? 

Mr. Brow^der, Tliere was no special distinction between them when 
I went on my own account and otherwise. 

Mr. Starnes. I wanted to know if there was a meeting over there 
of the so-called "red" labor movement. The "red" labor movement 
was in 1931, was it not? Was it to attend that meeting? 

Mr. Browder. I am not sure; I did not attend the meeting of the 
Red International Labor Union after I became secretary of the party. 

Mr. Starnes. T\niat sort of a meeting did you attend after you 
became secretary? 

Mr. Brow^der. Meetings of the Communist International. 

Mr. Starnes. Communist International? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 



4504 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Staknes, Was there a meeting of the Communist International 
in 1931? 

Mr. Browder. I am not sure whether it was in 1931. 
Mr. Starnes. What about 1932? 

Mr. Browder. There were meetings in Moscow in those 3'ears but I 
would not want to say what particular year without refreshing my 
recollection. 

Mr. Starnes. I understand you would not and I am not insisting 
that you do, but I am trying to get you to refresh your recollections. 

Mr. Browder. I could not be sure without connecting it up with 
something. 

Mr. Starnes. 1932 was the year of the national elections. Does 
that refresh your recollection of any meeting in Kussia that you were 
attending ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. What was that meeting? 

Mr. Browder. There was a gathering of the Executive Committee. 

Mr. Starnes. Of the international organization? 

Mr. Browder. I am pretty sure that it was 1932. 

Mr. Starnes. That was the primary reason, the general election, 
was it not ? 

Mr. Browder. I am not sure whether that was in the spring or the 
fall; I cannot be sure. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you go then again later on in the j-ear? 

Mr. Browder. 1932? 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. Possibly at the end of 1932, but more likely it was 
the beginning of 1933 when I went again. 

Mr. Starnes. You went in 1933. For what purpose did you go 
at that time ? 

Mr. Browder. The same purpose, to attend the meeting. 

Mr. Starnes. How long did you stay there in 1933 ? 

Mr. Browder. Four or five weeks. 

Mr. Starnes. Were you there before or after the first Congress 
was convened under the present administration in 1933 ? 

Mr. Browder. After. 

Mr. Starnes. After? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. How long after the 100 days? 

Mr. Browder. In 1933 — I think the new administration came in 
March. Yes. I think that I went over there in April: that I was 
there about 2 montlis later than that. 

Mr. Starnes. Two months later? 

Mr. Browder. April or May. 

Mr. Starnes. You were there in April or May ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Congress was still in session when you went? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you go later on in the same year, or were you 
there only once that year ? 

Mr. Browder. I believe not ; 1934, early in 1934. 

Mr. Starnes. You went there early in 1934? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4505 

Mr. Starves. That was the year before the Last congress of the 
party Avas held there? 

jNl'r. Browder. The year before. I went there before the Seventh 
Workl Congress. 

Mr. Starnes. How long did you stay at that time ? 

Ml'. Bkoavder. Oh, a few weeks. 

Mr. Stakxes. At what season of the year was that? 

Mr. Browder. In the winter. 

Mr. Starnes. In the winter? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Was it early in tlie whiter of 1934, or late? 

Mr. Browder. Early. 

Mr. Starnes. You went there about the middle of the winter? 

Mr. Browder. IMiddle of the winter. 

Mr. Starxes. Were you there in 1935 ? 

Mr. Broavder. 1935. 

Mr. Starnes. And attended the Seventh World Congress? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starxes. How long did you remain in Kussia at that time? 

Mr. Browder. Several weeks. 

Mr. Starxes. And what time Avas the congress held? 

Mr. Broavder. It Avas held in August. 

Mr. Starxes. In August 1935 ? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you go more than one time in that year? 

Mr. Broavder. I belieA'e not. 

Mr. Starnes. In 1936, the next year, is the time that you ran for 
President; the year that you ran for President did you go to Russia 
that year? 

Mr. Browder. I think I Avent to Moscoav early in 1936, and I think 
I Avas there — let me see — I am not sure Avhether it Avas in the fall of 
that year or in the Avinter, the early months of 1937. 

Mr. Starnes. That Avas before or after the campaign for President ? 

Mr. Broavder. I Avas there both before and after. 

Mr. Starnes. In that year ? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes; I am not sure Avhether it Avas in that year or 
not. 

JSIr. Starnes. Possibly tAvo visits in 1936 ? 

Ml-. Broavder. Either in 1936 or 1937. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. Were you given any instructions to take to 
America in 1936? 

Mr. Broavder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. None whatsoever? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. In 1937; you Avent to Russia in 1937? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Two years ago? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes. 

Mr. Starx'es. What month did you go ? 

Mr. Broavder. It was toAvard the end of the year, and possibly, if 
I was not there tAvice in 1936 I was there twice in 1937. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. That is as near as you can recall at the present 
time ? 



4506 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browdek. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Before the two visits, whatever they were, 1936 or 
1937 — you paid two visits either in the winter or early fall? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Either in the early part of the year or the late months 
of 1936? 

Mr. Bro^vder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. What was the purpose of the 1937 meeting? 

Mr. Broavder. I was makino- the visits for the purpose of getting 
information. 

Mr, Starnes. In carrying out the party's work? 

Mr. Browder. In connection with the party's work and to see what 
the Soviet Union was doing. That was one of my political necessi- 
ties, to see the Soviet Union as often as possible. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. And that was the year that they made certain 
changes in positions in this coinitry, 1937 — — 

Mr. Browder. The biggest change in work came in 1935, following 
the discussions of the seventh vvorld congress. 

Mr. Starnes. In 1935 you began to change the terminology. 

Mr. Browder. This all relates to 1935. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. That is what I am getting at. Now, what 
time in 19^8 did you go? 

Mr. Browder. In 1938 I made a very brief visit in connection with 
a visit I had to make to France. 

Mr. Starnes. In 1938; what time of the year did you make that 
visit? 

Mr. Browder. In October. 

Mr. Starnes. You were there in the month of October? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. You have not been there in 1939? 

Mr. Browder. 1939; no, 

Mr. Starnes. You only had one visit in 1938? 

Mr. Browder. In 1938' I made a very quick flying trip after I had 
made a visit to Paris where we had the conference about Spain and 
at that time discussed with the French party about assistance to 
Spain. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you have a conference there in 1937 with refer- 
ence to the Spanish situation? 

Mr. Browder. Ever since the outbreak of the Spanish situation 
started I never attended a meeting that I did not discuss the Spanish 
situation and how to help the Spanish more; I have said that on 
any occasion I attended a meeting of the Communists of other coun- 
tries ; I have alwavs talked of it. 

Mr. Starnes. What about the Czechoslovakian situation in 1938? 

Mr. Browder. That was not at my visit in 1938, 

Mr. Starnes. What was the purpose of the meeting? 

Mr. Browder. It was to get them interested in every possible way. 

Mr. Starnes. In attending the international meetings of the or- 
ganizations of the trade-unions 

Mr. Browder. Yes ; wherever I was I talked about it. 

Mr. Starnes. I understand; and in attending the international 
meetings you discussed the situation in Spain? 

Mr. Browder. I did not only do it then, but every place where I 
talked with people. 



i;N-A:\rr:Ri("'AN ttvOpaganda activities 4507 

Mr. Starxes. I undeistaiul; that was the policy of the Interna- 
tional and various Communists who attended the International Party 
Coui^ress. 

Mr. Browder. Of the International Communist Party. 

Mr. Starnes. It was the ])olicy to support the so-called Loyalist 
rej(»-ime in Spain and try to interest people in preserving that regime? 

Mr. Browder. Absohitely, unqualifiedly. 

Mr. Starnes. And to interfere to the extent of allotting them 
finances, and to intervene in that struggle to the extent that you 
would send supplies either in men or arms; all that was discussed? 

Mr. Browder. To get them to observe international law, which 
evei*y countr}- was failing to do. 

]Mr. Starnes. But you were willing to go to the extent 

Mr. Browder ( interposino) . To help them in every possible way. 

Mr. Starxes. By furnishing food? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Material and supplies? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

^Ir. Starx'^es. Men and arms? 

Mr. Browder. Arms? No; supplies and food, but not arms. 

Mr. Starxes. AVhat about the Czeehoslovakian situation? Was 
the attitude of the International Party the policy that you dis- 
cussed at the meeting, that England should have stood firm at that 
time. That was discussed at that time? 

]\rr. Browder. The Communists believed that Czechoslovakia had 
to be defended and should be by all progressive democratic countries. 

]Mr. Starxes. And you urged that? 

Mr. BR0^^T>ER. We nrged that. 

Mr. Starnes. And you were willing to supply them with people, 
and if necessary, arms and supplies, and to support them in what- 
ever way you could? 

Mr. Browder. W^e were ready to give them whatever help could 
be given under international law. 

Mr. Starxes. And you have included everything necessary, in- 
cluding the sending of arms and ammunition ? 

^Ir. Browdi:r. I never heard the question raised of sending arms 
to Czechoslovakia. 

Mr. Starxes. But tluit was urged, was it not? 

Mr. Browder. Czechoslovakians in America had raised the ques- 
tion of going back home antl fighting for their foiTner country. 

Mr. Starxes. What sort of action, then, did the party urge that 
should be taken to preserve Czechoslovakia, if it was not to fight? 

Ml'. I>R0WDER. Czechoslovakia could haA'e defended herself if she 
luul not been abandoned by her friends. 

Mi'. Starxes. That abandonment meant, in simple, plain words, 
that the others refused to help her fight to preserve her integrity? 

Mr. Browder. No ; they went farther than that. 

Mr. Starxes. In your judgment, they betrayed her? 

]\lr. Browder. Tliey viohited their pledges, 

Mr. Starxes. That is true. So you feel they should have fought, 
and you urged tiuit action, did y(ni not? 

Mr. Browder. If necessary to preserve the independence of the 
counti'}', I consider it is a necessary tiling. 

Mr. Starnes. And you feel that other nations should be given help 
who are alike menaced; is that light? 



4508 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. If it can be so organized without violating the in- 
terests of the other nations. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, in respect to the cause of Spain, you urged 
everywhere people who believed in what you call "democracy" to go 
there and fight, did you not ? 

Mr. Browder. To pledge themselves to help win the war and pledge 
their automobiles 

Mr. Starnes. You encouraged them to fight, did you not? 

Mr. Browder. To give every political encouragement to help Spain, 
in that form. 

Mr. Starnes. And that is one war you were in, and did you not 
give some monetary support to those people? 

Mr. Browder. We gave some monetary support to the Communist 
Part}' — very small compared to their needs, but as much as we were 
able. 

Mr. Starnes. And through your various mass organizations, help 
was given to them, was it not? 

Mr. Browder. We encouraged every organization to give funds 
to relieve Spain. 

Mr. Starnes. And to furnish not only relief, but supplies : is not 
that true? 

Mr. Browder. I think all the money raised in America was for 
relief. 

Mr. Starnes. And you know of no money being raised in America 
to help send men there who were willing to fight for the preservation 
of democratic ideals and institutions, as you conceive them? 

Mr. Browder. I know men went over from America. How they 
got their money, I do not know. 

Mr. Starnes. They were paid, were they not, and financed to go? 

Mr. Browder. How they raised their funds, I don't know. I know 
they did not go for pay; I know tlie character of those men. 

Mr. Starnes. You say you know the character of those men? 

Mr. Browder. I knew the most of them. 

Mr, Starnes. The most of them were Communists, were they not? 

Mr. Browder. A slight majority were. 

Mr. Starnes. You said, I believe, about 60 percent? 

Mr. Browder. Somewheres around that. 

Mr. Starnes. Who paid their expenses over there? 

Mr. Browder. I don't know. 

Mr. Starnes. Did not the mass organizations pay them? 

Mr. Browder. There were a few cases where mass organizations 
paid them. I have heard of it. 

Mv. Starnes. Did the Communist Party of the United States of 
America contribute any financial support to the movement to send 
those boys over there, to pay their expenses in any shape, form, or 
fashion ? 

Mr. Browder. No; the Communist Part}' did not. 

Mr. Starnes. Directly, or indirectly? 

Mr, Broavder. The Communist Party did not. 

Mr, Starnes. As a party? 

INIr. Browder. It did not. 

JNIr. Starnes. Did the Communist Party, as a l)arty, pay for the 
transportation of any of those men from inland points to the sea- 
ports where they could obtain passage? 



UX-AMERICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4599 

]\rr. Browder. They did not. 

Mr. Starxes. Did they assist in obtaining passports for any of 
those men? 

Mr. Browder. They did not. 

Mr. Starxes. Did they assist the line of communications which 
existed at that time between the United States and the Communist 
Party in France, in assisting those men to get to Spain? 

Mr. Browder. The Comnumist Party had nothing to do with this 
wliole business. 

Mr. Starves. As a party? 

Mr. Browder. As an organization. 

^Ir. Starxes. But individual members, of course, did, you stated? 

Mr. Browder. ^lany individual members went. 

Mr. Starxes. All right, sir. Now, let us ttirn our attention to the 
members of your central committee: That is j'our governing body 
here in America ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Starxes. William Z. Foster: AYhat is his official position in 
reference to the party in America? 

Mr. Browder. He is the national chairman. 

^Ir. Starxes. And what else does he do? Has he ever been identi- 
fied Avitli the trade-union movement i' 

]Mr. Browder. He has, for the most of his life, been a trade-union 
organizer. 

Mr. Starxes. He has been a trade-union organizer in what iniion? 

^Ir. Browder. His first big organizing job that brought him into 
l^ublic prominence was organizing tlie stockyards union in 1918. 

Mr. Starxes. "What was his last job in that respect? 

]Mr. Browder. To direct trade-union organization; his participa- 
tion in the miners' strike of 1934 — was it, Joe? 1934, I think — no; 
1932. 

Mr. Brodsky. 1933. 

Mr. Starxes. With what union is he identified or affiliated at the 
present time ( 

Mr. Browder. I do not know whether he has any union member- 
ship now, because he has been out of the industries for so long. 

^Ir. Starxes. He is a man of some years now? 

]Mr. Browder. He is in his fifties. 

Mr. Starx^es. Has he been, at one time or another, a candidate of 
the party in this country for President? 

^Ir. Buo^\•DER. He was a candidate of the Connmmist Party for 
President in 1924. 1928, and 1932. 

Mr. Starxes. Has he ever been on the international organization 
in any way. or attended world congresses at any time in Moscow? 

]Mr. Browder. Yes; he is a member of tlie executive committee of 
the International. 

Mr. Starxes. And I notice you have yourself listed, and we have 
gone into your history from the party standpoint rather fully. 

Mr. Browder. I think you nnist know me rather well now. 

Mr. Starxes. And Alexander Bittelman — by the way, William Z. 
Foster and Earl Browder are also members of your Political 
Committee ? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Starxes. That controls your political policies? 



4510 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Starves. Alexander Bittehnan; what does he do? 

Mr. Browder. He is a writer and editor. 

Mr. Starnes. Is he a member of any trade union? 

Mr. Browder. I do not know that he is. 

Mr. Starnes. Or any organization affiliated with any trade-union 
movement at all? 

Mr. Browder. I do not think so. He is a journalist, writer, and 
editor. 

Mr. Starnes. He has never affiliated himself with the Writers' 
Guild, or any other organization? 

Mr. Browder. I don't know about that. 

Mr. Starnes. He is also a member of your political committee? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. Roy Hudson: Who is Roy Hudson? 

Mr. Brow^der. He is a former seaman, a worker. 

Mr. Starnes. Where does he live? 

Mr. Browder. New York City. 

Mr. Starnes. He is a member of your political committee, too, is 
he not? 

Mr. Browder. He is. 

Mr. Starnes. At the present time, he is in charge of organization 
work among marine workers, is he not? 

Mr. Browder. No; he is what we call "industrial secretary"; that 
is, he gives attention to the problems generally in industries and 
trade unions. 

Mr. Starves. When did he cease his activities as organizer in any 
respect for the trade-union movement? 

Mr, Browder. It has been several years. 

Mr. Starnes. Two years? 

INIr. Browder. More. I could not give you the exact time when he 
was last organizer of trade unions. 

Mr. Starnes. He is no longer connected at all with the marine 
workers, or plays any part in that? 

Mr. Browder. I am sure he is closely connected with the marine 
workers. He would be a very strange person if he were not. 

Mr. Starnes. I want to know something of what the man does. 
If he is not an organizer, I want to know what he does. That is 
what I mean. 

Mr. Browder. His duties in the party are, in general, the examina- 
tion of industrial and trade union problems. 

Mr. Starnes. To what union does he belong or is he affiliated 
with? 

Mr. Browder. I don't know. I am not sure he is a member of a 
union. 

Mr. Starnes. Was he present in the strike situation on the Pacific 

coast, in the general strike that was called out there in recent years? 

Mr. Browder. I don't think he was. I mj^self made a brief visit 

to California in the period of the general strike in 1934. I don't 

think Hudson was out there then. 

Mr. Starnes. Was Hudson at Detroit at any time during 1937 — 
during that period of industrial unrest? 
Mr. Browder. I don't know. 



UX-AMKKICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4511 

Mr. Starxes. I think you admitted during that time you were in 
Detroit. 

]Mr. BiiowDER. Every year I travel from end to end of the country, 
and you will have to be more specific in your question if you want: 
to get a direct answer. 

Mr. Starnes. You know, of course, about the time and during the 
period of the year when there was industrial unrest in the Detroit 
area. 

Mr. Browder. You mean the automobile strikes? 

Mr. Starnes. The automobile strikes. 

Mr. Browder. I was not in the automobile area during the strike 
period. 

Mr. Starnes. At any time? 

Mr. Browder. No; not during the strike period. 

Mr. Starnes. Not during the strike period? 

Mr. Browder. I often visit Detroit 

Mr. Starnes. Were you there before the strike period of 1937? 

Mr. Browder. Some time before. I had a public meeting there 
in 1936. 

Mr. Starnes. To what union did Roy Hudson belong — the Mari- 
time Union ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. That is affiliated with the C. I. O., is it not? 

Mv. Browder. He belonged to the union that had a different name 
from the present Maritime Union. Tlie present Maritime Union 
is an amalgamation of several unions, including the one Hudson 
belonged to. 

Mr. Starnes. And they are affiliated? 

Mr. Browder. It is an amalgamated union, largely a concentration, 
that is affiliated with tlie C. I. O. 

Mr. Starnes. After Eoy Hudson comes this Jack Stachel. Identify 
him for us. please. 

Mr. Browder. He is executive secretary of the party. 

Mr. Starnes. He is on the central committee? 

Mr. Browder. He is on the central committee. 

Mr. Starnes. And also on the political committee? 

Mr. Browder. And also on the political committee. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, what type of work is he engaged in ? 

Mr. Browder. General executive work in the office. 

Mr. Starnes. Insofar as his background is concerned, has he been 
Identified with trade unions, or trade-union work in any way? 

Mr. Browd?:r. He was at one time secretary of the Trade Union 
Unity League. 

Mr. Starnes. All right; now to wliat particular branch did he 
belong or in what particuhir industry did he work? 

Mr. Browder. I don't think he has specialized in work in any one 
particuhir industry. 

Mr. Starnes. Is he affiliated in any manner Avitli the C. I. O. at 
the present time? 

Mr. Browder. No ; he is not. 

Mr. St.^rnes. Has he ever been used as an organizer 

Mr. Broa\"der. He has not. 

Mr. St.ujnes. By any labor organizations? 

949:U— 40— vol. 7 16 



4512 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Browder. He has never been employed by the unions since 
1934 or 1935. 

Mr. Starnes. Now James W. Ford ? 

Mr. Browder. James W. Ford was the Communist Party candidate 
for Vice President in 1932 and 1936. He is one of the leading Negroes 
of our party. 

Mr. Starnes. He is a member of the Central Committee and also a 
member of your political committee? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. Has he ever been engaged in trade-union activities in 
this countrv ? 

Mr. Browder. I could not say — not in recent years. 

Mr. Starnes. Weil, what was his work; what type of work was he 
engaged in prior to the time he gave so much of his time, we will say, 
to the activities of the party ? 

Mr. Browder. I believe he was a post-office clerk. 

Mr. Starnes. He was a post-office clerk? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Charles Krumbein : He is a member of your Central 
Committee ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And also of your political committee ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And State secretary for the State of New York ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And has he been identified in the trade-union move- 
ment in any way ? 

Mr. Browder. He is an active trade unionist over many years. 

Mr. Starnes. To what union did he belong? 

Mr. Browder. The steamfitters' union. 

Mr. Starnes. The steamfitters' union? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. With what national or international organization are 
they affiliated at the present time ? 

Mr. Browder. They are a member of the A. F. of L. 

Mr. Starnes. They are a member of the A. F. of L. ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Now, is this the man he testified to about being con- 
victed under a false passport? 

Mr. Whitley. That is the man. 

Mr. Starnes. Is this the man who was convicted for using false 
passports ? 

Mr. Browder. That is correct, 

Mr. Starnes. And one of the founders of the party in this country ? 

Mr. Browder. He is. 

Mr. Starnes. Clarence As Hathaway: He is editor of the Daily 
Worker ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And he is a member of the Central Committee and of 
the political committee? 

Mr. Broavder. Of the political committee. 

Mr. Starnes. Of the political committee ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 



rX-A.MKIlICAN rROPAGAXDA ACTIVITIES 45^3 

Mr. Starnes. Was he ever identified in any way with the trade- 
nnion movement ? The reason I am askino- these questions is I want 
to o^et the backoround of the men. I want to know whether they are 
school teachers, preachers, doctors, or what they are. 

]Mr. Browder. He is a trade unionist, active in the Machinists' Union 
over many years. 

]Mr. St.vrxes. With what organization is he affiliated, interna- 
tionally? 

Mr. Browdee. He is not in trade-union work now ; he has been out 
of trade unions for some years. He is an editor. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. 

]\Ir. Browder. His trade-union experience being years ago. 

Mr. Starnes. That is when thev had onlv one large union in the 
country? 

Mr. Browder. He is not now. 

]Mr. Starnes. Israel Amter: He is a member of the Central Com- 
mittee and State organizer for the State of New York? 

]\Ir. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. What is his background with reference to his work ; 
not wliat he is working at now? 

]Mr. Browder. I believe he was originally a musician. 

Mr. Starnes. He was originally a musician? 

]Mr. Browder. Yes, 

Mr. Starnes. You do not know what he belongs to now in the way 
of an organization? 

]Mr. Browder. I only know about his party work. 

Mr. Starnes. What about James W, Ford's party work? Let us 
jumj) back to party work. 

Mr. Browder. He is secretary and the active director of the party 
organization of Harlem, New York City. 

!Mr. Starnes. In other words, he is in charge of your work with 
the Negroes of this country ? 

jNIr. Browder. In Harlem. 

Mr. Starnes. Stachel is in charge of trade-union work; is that 
right ? 

Mr. Browder. No ; he is a general executive. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. Max Bedacht — he is a member of your Central 
Committee? 

^Ir. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. And he is the national secretary of the International 
Workers' Order ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Is that affiliated with any other organization ? 

Mr. Browder. It is not. 

Mr. Starnes. What type of work does he do — just general secre- 
tarial work for the party and for this organization? 

Mr. Broavder. He does no particular work for the party. He has 
concentrated exclusively on his position in his practical work for the 
International Workers' Order: general secretarial work. The office 
has a very strict legal responsibility, which takes all of his time. 

Mr. Starnes. William W. Weinstone — what is his official position 
in the party? 

Mr. Browder. He is an employee of the Central Committee — the 
national committee. 



4514 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Staknes. And also State secretary of the party for the State 
of Michigan, is he not ? 

Mr. Browder. Formerly. He has been out of there for some time 
now. 

Mr. Starnes. Does he belong to any trade union? 

Mr. Browder. I don't know whether he does or not ; not to my 
knowledge. 

Mr. Starnes. You don't knov\' anything about his belonging to a 
union in the automobile workers out there in the Detroit area? 

Mr. Browder. I believe he does not. 

Mr. Starnes. You believe he does not ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. What about Bill Gebert ? 

Mr. Browder. B. K. Gebert? 

Mr. Starkes. Yes; what does he do? 

Mr, Browder. He is an organizer 

Mr. Starnes. He is an organizer, and what other work does he do? 
In other words, is he a preacher, a lawyer 

Mr. Broavder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. A doctor, or an industrial worker ? 

Mr. Browder. Originally he is a miner. 

Mr. Starnes. Originally he is a miner? 

Mr. Browder. He has been worl^ing for the party for many years. 

Mr. Starnes. What about Wyndham Mortimer? He is a member 
of the National Committee ? 

Mr. Browder. He is not. 

Mr. Starnes. He is a member of the party, is he not ? Is he a mem- 
ber of the party ? 

Mr. Browder. I am not sure. He is a very close friend, at least. 

Mr. Matthews. Is not he a member of the party under the name 
of Baker? 

Mr. Browder. No. That is misinformation. I have met him and 
talked with him and never raised the question whether he was a party 
member or not. 

Mr. Starnes. Robert Hall— who is he? 

Mr. Browder. He is secretary of the party in Alabama. 

Mr. Starnes. Where is he located ? 

Mr. Browder. Birmingham. 

Mr. Starnes. Did he have anything to do with the Southern Wel- 
fare Conference down there? 

Mr. Browder. I think he attended it. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you attend it, too? 

Mr. Browder. I did not — I am sorry. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you send a representative to it? 

Mr. Browder. No; I did not. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know of Benjamin — Herbert Benjamin? 

Mr. Browder. I know Herbert Benjamin. 

Mr. Starnes. Is he a Communist ? 

Mr. Broavder. He is. 

Mr. Starnes. Does he hold any official position in the party of any 
kind? 

Mr. Browder. He is a member of the national committee. 

Mr. Starnes. He attended that conference, too, didn't he? 

Mr. Browder. I don't know. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4515 

Mr. Starnes. Don't you know he is listed as one of those delegates 
who attended? 

^^fi'. Browder. I do not deny he was there; I simply say I am not 
familiar with all of those details and I cannot say positively. You 
know more about it than I do ; I see you have studied it ; I have not 
had an ()pi)ortunity. 

]Mr. Staknes. Mr. Benjamin is one of those southerners from New 
York City, is that the idea, that attended the conference? 

Mr. Browder. He is a resident of Washington. 

INIr. Brodsky. I might say. Mr. Congressman, that Mr. Browder is 
a southerner. Way back in 1500 his family settled in Alabama. 

The Chairman. They came over on the Mayflower? 

Mr. Brodsky. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. I thought he told me he came from Xew York. 

Mr. Browder. My family originated in Virginia. They built the 
ISIethodist Church in Virginia. 

The Chairman. As I understand it, the record heretofore gives the 
identity and the history of each and every one of those parties? 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

The Chairman. There is one question I want to ask, if I may, Mr. 
Browder. and the reason I ask it is because of the charge that has 
been made generally over the country, that has had widespread 
credence or, rather, many people apparently have believed it, and it 
seems to be systematically spread over the country, and that is this, 
that "communism" is synonymous with "Jews"; that the Jews are 
predominant in the Communist movement in the United States. 
Constantly that charge is made, that in the parades in New York 
City, in Chicago, and elsewhere the Jews are in the leadership and 
are prominent in the movement, and so on, et cetera. You know that 
is being used by a great many organizations? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. And many of them, in my jiulgment, are purely 
Fascist organizations — if there can be any such thing as a Fascist 
organization. 

Mr. Broavder. Yes: I am familiar with that. 

The Chairman. What I mean is organizations like the Silver Shirts, 
Deatherage, and that group. I want you to tell the committee, so 
that it can be of i-ecord, what are the facts with reference to that in 
the Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. The whole business is utter nonsense. It is merely 
an exhibition of the attempt to direct the sentiment of those who are 
against communism — to direct them against the Jews. This is one 
of the ways in which the anti-Communist slogan is used generally, 
to try to break up the unity of the people, to set one group to fighting 
another, and so on. 

The Chairman. But, getting down, what are the facts? 

Mr. Browder. You mean the facts about Jewish participation in 
the Communist movement? 

The Chairman. Yes: what is the proportion of Jews: of the 100,000, 
how many of the 100,000 are there of the Jewish race? 

Mr. Browder. Well, I cannot give j'ou exact figures, but I would 
say that outside of New York City, where the Jewish population is 
quite larire in the city, and is reflected proportionately in the Com- 
munist Party 



4516 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. I am takiiifr the Communist Party as a ^Yhole. 

Mr. Browder. Outside of New York City there are very few Jews 
in the Communist movement of America, 

The Chairman. Most of them are in New York City? 

Mr. Browdp:r. Most of the Jewish Communists are in New York 
City, with scattering groups in other hrrge centers of popuhition. 

The Chairman. Of the 100.000, how many of the 100,000 are Jews, 
approximately ? 

Mr. Browder. Perliaps 2.000 or 2,500. 

The Chairman. Perhaps 2,500 of the 100,000? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. It woukl be no greater proportion than the total 
Jewish population to the rest of the people of the United States; it 
would be less ? 

Mr, Browder. Well, I don't know the exact relation of the popu- 
lation, but the proportion is so small that it cannot possibly have 
any significance to anyone except those who want to make confusion, 

TheCHAiRMAN. I think tliis thing ought to be clarified, and you are 
the head, the official spokesman of the Communist Party; that is the 
reason I am addressing this question to you direct. 

As a matter of fact, j^oti have people of all nationalities in the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Browder. We have. 

The Chairman. Practically all ? 

Mr. Browder. We have. 

The Chairman. You have Negroes? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. You have whites? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

The Chairman. You have Chinese, Japanese 

Mr. Browder. We have a few. 

The Chairman. You have a few. and you have people of all na- 
tionalities in the United States? 

Mr. Browder. We have a larger proj^ortion of the Chinese popu- 
lation American Comminiists than we have of the Jewish poptilation ; 
that is certain. 

The Chairman. That is certain? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes. 

The Chairman. What about the Negro population? 

Mr. Browder. I would say the proportion would be abotit the same. 

The Chairman. So tliat is it correct to say that practically every 
nationality is represented, or, rather, has representatives, in the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. With direct relation to their proportion to 
the whole population of the country, I would say we are still sorne- 
wdiat weak in the representation in our party of the Anglo-Saxon 
race. 

The Chairman. The Anglo-Saxon race ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. Twenty years ago, when our party was formed, 
the proportion of Anglo-Saxon in the party was very small indeed — 
1 or 2 percent. Today it is about half. 

The Chairman. There are more Anglo-Saxons? 

Mr. Browder. About half — 40 percent to a half. But that still is 
not up to the percentage of the whole population of the country and 



rX-AlMERirAN ruOrAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4517 

Ave are not satisfied in the composition of our party until it corre- 
sponds to the composition of the country as a Avhole. 

The Chatioiax. You say about 97 percent of your members are 
citizens of the United State's, either native-born or naturalized? 

INIr. Broavder. Yes. 

The Ch \ir;:\rAx. Wliat percentaae of that 97 percent is naturalized 
and what ])ercent is native-born? 

Mr. Browder. I believe about 62 percent is native-born. 

The Chairman. And the balance would be 

^Ir. Browder. Naturalized. 

The CiiAiRMAx. The balance of that number would be naturalized 
citizens? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes. 

The Chairman. And of the native-born. Avould you say the ma- 
jority of them are old stock like you are ? 

Mr. Broavder. Not the majority; no, not the majority. 

The Chairman. Well. I belicA'e you have already stated they repre- 
sent practically eA'ery religion and eA'ery walk of life? 

Mr. Broavder. Yes. 

The Chairman. I mean the membership in the party. 

Mr. Broavder. The membership in the party. 

The Chairman. And the same is true of your central committee; 
the nationality is pretty general; you have almost every race repre- 
sented there ? 

Mr. Broavder. That is right. Most of them are natiA'e-born, but the 
stock from Avhich they come represents all the main groups that Avent 
to make up the America that A\'as built by immigration. 

The Chairman. Are there any other questions ? 

Mr. Starnes. Hoav have you directed your activities in the South? 
I mean along AAliat particular lines doAA'ii there? 

Mr. Broavder. I do not understand the question concretely. 

]Mr. Starnes. Well, specifically, in Avhat groups and classes have you 
concentrated your major effort down in the South? 

Mr. Broavder. We have given our major attention to the Avorkers, 
and that means, of course, especially the Negroes, AAdio are a separate 
group requiring special attention; secondarily. Ave have giA'en attention 
to the sharecroppers ; and, thirdly, Ave have given some attention, but 
as yet of a minor character, to extending our contacts among the mid- 
dle classes and professions. This is, of course, a relatiA^ely minor 
phase of our work. We are concerned mainly with workers, with 
some special attention to the Negroes and the sharecrop]:)ers. 

The Chairman. Pardon me, if I inject a question there. But, as 
a matter of fact, yon have made it clear that since 1935 your party has 
made tremendous progress in the United States? Is not that true? 

^Ir. Broavder. Kelativel}^ speaking; relatively speaking. 

The Chairman. You feel that that progress Avill be greater in 
the future? 

Mr. Broavder. I hope so. I Avill do everj'thing possible to make 
that true. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Starnes. Along what line has your chief activity been on the 
Avest coast? 

Mr. Broavder. Again I would say 

Mr. Starnes. Just be specific like you did Avith the South. I 
■want to knoAv in what group and Avhat classes. 



4518 UN-AMEFvICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. BRO^^^)ER. In what groups of population ? 

Mr. Starnes. That is right. 

Mr. Broav^der. Primarily the industrial workers; secondarily in 
the farming communities. 

Mr. Starnes. What particular group out there in the farming 
communities ? 

Mr. Browder. Well, of course, in approaching farmers, we always 
give first attention to the farm workers, to the agricultural wage 
w'orkers. But, besides that, we always find it possible, when we give 
attention to it by consistent work, to establish contacts with the 
poorer strata of the farming population. 

Mr. Starnes. What about your maritime w^orkers out there? 

Mr. Brow^der. The maritime workers, of course, are among the 
first in the industrial workers. 

Mr, Starnes. I see; they are classed as industrial workers? 

Mr. Browder. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. What about those lumber people out there? 

Mr. Browder. The lumber people we try to give a lot of attention 
to, although our work among them is more difficult, because they are 
spread out more. Our particular type of work is facilitated by the 
concentration in large centers of population. 

Mr. Starnes. All right. 

Mr. Browder. As it is spread out, our work becomes more difficult. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. So your chief activities, then, might be said 
to center around Los Angeles, which is the largest metropolitan area 
on the coast, San Francisco, Portland, and the Seattle area? 

Mr. Browder. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. Now. what groups have you been particularly active 
among in and around Los Angeles ? 

Mr. Brow'der. Los Angeles? 

Mr. Starnes. Yes. 

Mr. Browder. I would not be able to name any particular group. 
There is a large working class there, but it is more diversified. 

Mr. Starnes. I see. Now name some of those in which you have 
been particularly active out there in that diversified group. 

Mr. Browder. Well, I could not name any particular ones. 

Mr. Starnes. Has any particular emphasis been placed out there 
on your drive to spread enlightenment and education along party 
lines in the schools and colleges in that area ? 

Mr. Browder. There possibly has been, but I have not been able 
to give personal attention to Los Angeles. 

Mr. Starnes. Who is in charge of the Los Angeles area for you? 

Mr. Brow'der. The Secretary of the Los Angeles County organiza- 
tion is Paul Kline. 

Mr. Starnes. Paul Kline? 

Mr. Browder. Paul Kline. 

Mr. Starnes. Is it in Los Angeles or San Francisco that your 
paper out there, Communist paper, is at work? 

Mr. Browder. The People's World that I mentioned yesterday is 
located at San Francisco. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know Harold Pritchet? 

Mr. Browder. I know who he is; I don't know him personally. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know whether he is a Communist? 



UN-AMKRIOAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4519 

Mr. Browder. He is not. 

Mr. Starnes. He is not? 

Mr. Browder. No. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know whether or not he is an American 
citizen? 

Mr. Browder. I do not ; no. 

Mr. Starnes. Yon do not know v.hether he is a Canadian Com- 
miniist, or not? 

Mr. Browder, I don't know whether he is a Canadian, but I know 
he is not a Communist. 

Mr. Starnes. This fellow Eobert Hall yon spoke of a moment ago, 
down there in Birmingham, Ala., went to Russia at one time to re- 
ceive special instructions, did he not? 

Mr. Browder. I don't think he did. 

Mr. Starnes. Has he ever been to Russia? 

Mr. Browder. I don't think he has. His education was in Columbia 
University. 

Mr. Starnes. You say he was educated at Columbia University? 

Mr. Brow'der. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Did you meet him there? 

Mr. Browder. No, sir; I met him after he left there. 

Mr. Starnes. Where have j-our activities been particularly directed 
in the Chicago area ? 

Mr. Browder. In the Chicago area, which is the general area in- 
cluded in Illinois, I would say we have given major attention to 
miners, steel workers, packing-house workers, and in heavy construc- 
tion industries. 

The Chairman. We will meet tomorrow morning at 10 : 30 instead 
of 10 o'clock. Mr. Browder will be excused. 

Mr. Browder. I would like to ask that the committee permit me, 
in the interest of the objects for which the committee is serving, to 
prepare a statement giving the committee systematic answers to some 
of the more important questions that have been raised here, and which 
I have been able to answer only in the most fragmentary form. 

The Chairman. We will not permit anybody on any side to prepare 
and file statements. Practically every witness requests that, and we 
have heretofore agreed not to have any prepared statements from any- 
one. That is because we have been asked the same privilege from all 
the other groups. 

Mr. Browder. I think you will understand that it is really impossible 
to give a picture of the views of tlie party I represent from the type of 
questioning that has been had. 

The Chairman. When the committee meets we will consider your 
request. 

Mr. Browder. I will appreciate it very much. 

The Chairman. The policy we want to follow is to avoid those 
general statements, because we find that if the requests are granted some 
people will put in hundreds of pages. 

Mr. Browder. I was thinking of 10 or 12 typewritten pages. 

Mr. Starnes. Frequently those hundreds of pages are devoted to 
matters not pertinent to the inquiry. 

yiv. Browder. I was thinking of a brief systematic review. 

The Chairman. You may prepare it and present it to the committee. 



4520 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder, you have the name of W. L. Patterson 
on this list. Is this Patterson "the William L. Patterson who is a 
Negro ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

i\Ir. Matthews. Is he not deceased ? 

jMr. Browder. No, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Browder, tell the committee whether or not you 
receive publications from other countries or other parties in which they 
deal with their activities or the work they are doing and whether or not 
you disseminate that information here for purposes of enlightenment. 

Mr. Browder. Mostly we get information about other countries from 
news articles in our own publications. Besides that we also, in a very 
limited way, circulate some publications from other countries, 

Mr. Starnes. Which are published abroad ? 

Mr. Browder. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Who pays for it ? 

Mr. Browder. Whoever is conducting the business. 

Does the committee have a copy of the brief filed on behalf of the 
Communist Party in the case of Joseph George Strecker ? If it is not 
in the records of* the committee, I will be glad to furnish a copy of it. 
I think it will be of value to you to have it in your record. 

The Chairman. You may leave it with the secretary of the com- 
mittee. 

(Thereupon the committee adjourned until tomorrow, Thursday, 

September 7, 1939, at 10 : 30 a. m.) 

Appendix 

On the Use of "Transmission Belts" In Our Struggle for the INIasses 

(By C. A. Hathaway) 
(Communist, May 1931) 

"What is the reason that in spite of the fairly good response of the unem- 
ployed workers to our slogans, demands, and actions, we do not develop a real 
organized mass movement of the unemployed workers? 

"Because we have no real organized unemployed councils. Our councils are 
too loose. Thousands and thousands of workers join and leave. No member- 
ship meetings are held and, because of this, the councils do not have any elected 
leaders. We have no functioning fractions in the councils. The party's guidance 
in the unemployed councils consists of nothing but one comrade bringing down 
instructions of the Communist Party to the unemployed workers." (From the 
March 26 organization bulletin of the New York district.) 

This extremely sharp indictment of our unemployment work, presented in 
the form of a reply to his own question, was written by a leading New York 
comrade. It was written, please note, just 18 months — a year and one-half — 
after the outbreak of the present severe economic crisis which brought misery, 
hunger, and starvation to millions of American workers. It was written a 
month after International Unemployment Day (February 2o) this year, the 
preparations for which should have marked a decisive change for the better in 
our work among the unemployed. 

Was this comrade mistaken in his indictment? Did he paint too gloomy a 
picture? In the main, I think not. With a few rare exceptions, here and 
there, his statements are correct. We have not yet real, organized unemployed 
councils. Those that we have — again with a few exceptions — function too 
loosely. v\'ithout regular membership meetings, without real leadership, without 
party fractions, and without real party guidance and direction. 

Is this state of affairs confined to the New York district of which this com- 
rade wrote? I think not. Reports from Pittsburgh, Detroit. Philadelphia, 
Cleveland, and elsewhere indicate that this is quite a general situation. They 
indicate that the localities which can boast of well fanctioning councils that 
lead broad mass movements of unemployed workers are still decidedly scarce. 



l-X-AMKRICAX PI{OI'AGAXDA ACTIVITIES 452I 

ANSWER NEEDED FOR WHOLE PARTY 

The question raised by the comrade writing in the New York organization 
bulletin must be quite fully answered, therefore, not only for New York, but 
fur the whole party. 

"What is the reason that in spite of the fairly good response of the unem- 
ployed workers to our slogans, demands, and actions, we do not develop a real 
organized mass movement of the uuemplnyed workers?" 

The comrade, not incorrectly when his purpose is considered, placed the 
emphasis, in replying, on our organizational shortcomings. 

There are. of course, also serious political shortcomings — too general slogans, 
working out of slogans without consultation with the workers, insufficient atten- 
tion to local issues of vital concern to the unemployed, weak and unsystematic 
exposures of the charity organizations and of the demagogy of the bourgeoisie 
and reformists, insufficient continuity and persistence in our work, failure in 
time to see the need for directly undertaking relief in acute cases of suffering, 
bureaucratic tendencies and failure to develop the initiative of the workers 
themselves, many opportunist conceptions of both the "right" and "left" variety 
and so forth. These, together with the organizational shortcomings enumerated 
in the bulletin, are certainly very major reasons for our failure to develop "a 
real organized mass movement of the unemployed workers." 

But there is still a most vital question to be answered ! 

"Why, after a year and one-half of acute luiemployment, during which time 
we have repeatedly pointed out and attempted to correct most of these weak- 
nesses and shortcomings, have we not made greater progress on the road toward 
self-correction? 

Without answering this question, any effort to solve either the organizational 
or political shortcomings entimerated becomes mere patchwork. And the 
answer to this question raises basic problems for the party. It raises prob- 
lems which concern not only the work among the ttnemployed but also every 
other field of work. The same question could be put with regard to our trade- 
union work, our Negro work, and so forth. Everywhere, in every field, we are 
face to face with the problem : Why are we only to a very limited extent suc- 
cessful in the development of broad, organized mass struggles against the brutal 
and viciotis btirgeois offensive? 

SOME PROGRESS JIADE 

By putting the qtiestion so sharply one should not conclude that no progress 
has been made. Such concltisions could only be harmful to the party and 
interfere with the serious job of self-correction now ahead of us. In the three 
major fields of party work, unemployment, trade-itnion, and Negro, definite 
progress has been made, especially since the arrival of the latest Comintern 
directives early in February. In textile (Lawrence) and mining (Pittsburgh, 
anthracite) very marked improvement is to be noted. The character of the 
demands raised, the preparatory organizational work, and the conduct of the 
strike struggles in each of these instances show that the lessons of past experi- 
ences are being learned. 

In a number of cities, notably the smaller industrial towns, unemployed 
councils have been established which are carrying on a persistent and effective 
struggle against unemployment. 

In Negro work only now is the party really beginning to develop the broad 
mass struggle for Negro rights (Scottsboro case. Greenville, district 17, etc.), 
making this a part of the mass struggles against wage cuts and the speed-up 
and for unemployment insurance. 

The most notable achievements, however, are still to be found within the 
party — stabilization of the party membership, increase in dues payments, im- 
Xjrovement of the party composition, beginning of planned work, more serious 
consideration to our defects in mass work. etc. 

These achievements, while still extremely limited, are particularly charac- 
teristic of only the past 3 months, are not yet common to the entire party, 
and do not as yet invalidate the following extremely sharp characterization of 
the party's work contained in the Pravda editorial. In the Footsteps of Lenin, 
of January 21, this year : 



4522 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

"The flay-to-day work of the Communist Party of the United States of Amer- 
ica still bears a purely propaganda character. The party has as yet come out 
before the masses only with general slogans, failing to concentrate attention 
on the immediate, everyday demands of the masses. The trade-unions have, 
in fact, only duplicated the party. The result of all this has been a consider- 
able weakening of the party's contact with the masses, passivity, and lagging 
behind the general mass movement, and a consequent strengthening of oppor- 
tunist tendencies, especially the right danger, in the various sections of the 
party" (April Communist, p. 296). 

TO BUILD MASS PARTY IS PROBLEM 

This statement, "The day-to-day work of the Communist Party of the United 
States of America still bears a purely propaganda character," brings us back 
to our basic problem. We are still a propaganda party; we have not yet 
become a Bolshevik mass party. The achievements which have been made 
have been chiefly of a routine character, i. e., improvements in our work as 
a propaganda party, but not yet the transformation of our party into a mass 
party. 

Already in the Open Letter of the Communist International to our party in 
May 1929 and again in the Communist International address of a few months 
later, the urgent need for rapidly transforming our party from a propaganda 
party to a mass party was strongly emphasized. Since then, in one form or 
another, the burning need for such a transformation has been many times 
repeated. But we are still a propaganda party — and we proceed on the road 
toward becoming a mass party only at a snail's pace. 

The reason — the basic reason — why we have not made greater progress 
during the past 18 months (the crisis period) in overcoming our weaknesses 
and shortcomings and in progressing more rapidly on the road toward becom- 
ing a mass party in the Leninist sense is because we did not fully grasp the 
signilicance of the change v,'hich we had to make. The membership was driven 
harder and harder; more work was done than ever before, but we did see the 
need of changing thoroughly our methods of work from top to bottom. 

We accepted too much as a mere phrase the Comintern's directives without 
really considering in a concrete manner just what these directives meant. We 
proceeded with the best of intentions, but in a vague, groping, unplanned, and 
confused manner. We tried first one method and then another without clearly 
asking ourselves what we wanted or how we were going to get it. Phrases 
too often became a substitute for a thorougli examination of our problems. 

UTILIZE TRANSMISSION BELTS 

What must we do? 

In the first place, we must break definitely with the conception that Communist 
work consists solely in direct efforts to build the Communist Party and in recruit- 
ing new members. We must learn to set up and work through a whole series of 
mass organizations and in this way also develop our party work. Our chief 
error is our failure to iniderstand the role of and to systematically utilize mass 
organizations (T. U. U. L., unemployed councils. I. L. D., W. I. R., L. S. N. R., 
etc.) as transmission belts to the broad masses of nonparty workers. The Com- 
munist Party is necessarily composed of the most conscious and self-sacrificing 
elements among the workers. These mass organizations, on the contrary, with 
a correct political line, can be made to reach many thousands of workers not yet 
prepared for party membership. Through these organizations led by well-func- 
tioning party fractions, the party must necessarily find its best training and 
recruiting ground. Tliey are the medium through which the party, on the one 
hand, guides and directs the workers in their struggles and, on the other hand, 
keeps itself informed on the mood of the masses, the correctness of party 
slogans, etc. 

Comrade Piatnitsky, speaking at the Tenth Plenum of Executive Committee 
of the Comnnniist International on the methods of organizationally consolidating 
the growing political influence of the various parties of the < 'omintern, stated : 

"How can the growing influence of the parties be consolidated? By good work 
on the part of the party organizations, by close contact with the masses. What 
is the best way of establishing this contact? By Communist work in the workers' 



UN-AiMKRlHAX rUOl'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 



4523 



<t>id iicasaiits' 7)iass orfianizntions (factory committees, trade-unions, worlvers' 
cooperatives and .sport organizations, I. R. A., Free Thinkers' organizations, 
W. I. R., provisional organizations, mainly strike committees, anti-lock-out com- 
mittees), hii the woilc of i)arty nuclei in enterprises." [My emphasis.^ — C. A. II.] 

Comrade Knusinon, speaking on the organization report at the SixtJi Plenum 
of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, dealt even more 
fnlly with this method of developing our Communist work. 

"The carrying out of the task of winning over the masses of the proletariat 
for the proletarian revolution," he said, "calls forth a eertain one-sidedness 
among a section of our party membership. According to the view of these com- 
rades. Comnuuiist work consists solely of building up Comnuuiist Party organiza- 
tions and in recruiting new members. This is, of course, one of our fundamental 
tasks. It would, hotvever, be entirely wrong to suppose that it is fluenee of our 
party [not under mechanical leadership)." [Italics supplied. — C. A. H.] 

A SOLAE SYSTEM OF ORGANIZATIONS 

Later on, in the same speech, Comrade Kuusineu says : 

"The first part of our task is to build up, not only Communist oi'ganizations 
but other oi'ganizations as well, above all, mass organizations sympathizing with 
our aims and able to aid us for special purposes. * * * i^e must create a 
whole solar system of organi~atio)is and smaller committees atound the Com- 
munist Party, so to speak, smaller organizations working actually under the 
influence of our party (not under mechanical leadership)." [Mv emphasis. — 
C. A. H.] 

Finally, Comrade Kuusinen energetically opposed as a serious deviation the 
tendency to consider mass work as "not real Communist work." 

"In any case," he declared, "we most energetically oppose that deviation which 
regards work among the masses and the organization of this work as being not 
real Communist work and considers that party wox'k is only to be carried on 
in our own midst, while work among outsiders is of secondary importance. No ; 
for the majority of the members of the party the main sphere of party work is 
the organization of the nonparty, syndicalist, and even social democratic workers." 
[My emphasis. — C. A. H.] 

I have quoted at length to show, in the first place, that (to again use the words 
of Kuusinen) "the chief object of our attention should be the organization of the 
daily revolutionary detail work of every individual comrade among the masses." 
The work of our comrades and units must be conducted in such a way that every- 
where (in the factories, among the unemployed, among the Negroes, etc.) we 
set up Tarious organized groups under our influence and through which our com- 
rades work. These groups, in turn, must be the instruments through which still 
greater masses of workers are organized for revolutionary struggle against the 
bourgeoi-sie. It is this principle of "transmission belts" (organized committees 
and group.s — unemployed councils, T. U. U. L., L. S. N. R., etc. — under party 
influence) which must be firmly established in our party as the means for our 
transformation from a propaganda party to a Bolshevik mass party. 

COMRADE STAUN ON "TRANSMISSION BELTS" 

Comrade Stalin, in his Problems of Leninism, puts this need for "transmission 
belts" and their relationship to the party still more sharply. He says (pp. 29 
and 30) : 

"The proletariat needs these belts, these levers [the mass organizations — C. 
A. H.J, and this guiding force [the party — C. A. H.], because without them it 
would, in its struggle for victory, be like a weaponless army in the face of 
organiz€'d and armed capital. * * * 

"Lastly we come to the party of the proletariat, the proletarian vanguard. Its 
strength lies in the fact that it attracts to its ranks the best elements of all the 
mass organizations of the proletariat. Its function is to unify the work of all the 
mass organizations of the proletariat without exception and to guide their 
activities toward a single end, that of the liberation of the proletariat." 

Comrade Stalin also quotes Comrade Lenin as follows: "The dictatorship (of 
the proletiiriat) cannot be effectively realized without belts to transmit power 
from the vanguard to the mass of the advanced class, and from this to the mass 
of those who labor." 



4524 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

From all this it is clear that the setting up, maintaining, and systematic utili- 
zation of such "transmission belts" are essential prerequisites for the transforma- 
tion of our party from a propaganda party to a Bolshevik party of action. Yet, 
due primarily to a gross underestimation of the need for such organizations and 
to lack of knowledge of how to carry on general party work through such organi- 
zations (mobilization for May Day, the Hcottsboro case, etc.), our revolutionary 
trade unions today are but little larger than the party, the vinemployed councils 
are still extremely feeble, and the L. S. N. R., except in a few cities, is almost 
nonexistent. 

COKKECT THEORY : WRONG PRACTICE 

Many comrades may say that there is nothing new about this. Quite correct ! 
This principle of organization is as old as the Bolshevik movement itself. Every 
leading comrade, at least, understands it in theorj'. 

But what about our practice? 

To again return to our work among the unemployed. Is this principle applied 
in practice? We will take our answer from the New York Org-Bulletin : 

"We have no functioning fractions in the councils," says the comrade. "Tlie 
party's guidance * * * consists of nothing but one comrade bringing down 
instructions of the Commimist Party ro the unemployed workers." 

Comrade Weiner, in his report to the Politburo on party work in the Pittsburgh 
district, also had the following to say on the work of the party there among the 
unemployed : 

"* * * The splendid fight against evictions reduced considerably the great 
number of evictions in that section [Hill district Pittsburgh — C. A. H.]. This 
result, instead of stimulating the activities and the building of unemployed coun- 
cils, had the opposite effect. The groups were not provided with leadership, the 
party did not pay sufficient attention to the work of the unemployed councils and 
they gradually died out." 

These experiences from New York and Pittsburgh are common to the entire 
party. During the past year, in every locality, councils have been built and 
rebuilt. In preparation for March 6, a year ago, councils were set up. They lived 
for only a few weeks. Befoi-e Jxily 4 they were again established only to die out 
again after the Chicago convention. The same was true of September 1, August 1, 
and February 25. We have not learned to establish councils and then conduct both 
their work and that of the party in such a manner as to give continued leadership 
and thereby life to the councils. The same can be said with regard to our work 
in other mass organizations. None of them are systematically used to broaden 
the party's organizational influence and to extend the struggle against the bosses 
with all our forces. 

LACK OF DIRECTION AND LEADERSHIP 

Of course, the political and organizational factors cited at the begiiniing of the 
article are very major reasons for the weaknesses of the unemployed councils, but 
I am convinced that the major reason (which also is a direct cause for most of the 
other weaknesses enumerated) is the last of real party direction and leadership 
through party fractions in the councils. This, in turn, is due largely to the fact 
that our comrades and the lower party units are not trained to make work in 
mass organizations such as the unemployed covmcils a task second only to the 
building of shop nuclei in the largest factories. One could go as far now as to say 
that there is an almost complete lack of contact between the unemployed councils 
and the party, and even between the party members and the unemployed workers. 
Certainly our party work is not plaimed in such a way as to regularly and con- 
tinuously bring our members into association with the unemployed workers. With 
this almost complete lack of contact with, or knowledge of the day-to-day prob- 
lems of the unemployed, party decisions are made and applied in the most 
bureaucratic and mechanical manner. 

Comrade Bedacht, in reporting on the work in the Detroit district, had the 
following to say : 

"The unemployed councils (in Detroit) lack a mass character and are not fi;nc- 
tioning bodies able to generate out of themselves through Communist initiative 
real mass action. There are one or two exceptions to this rule. One is the 
council in Lincoln Park, the other is the council in Port Huron. It is instructive 
to know that hoth of these covncils are functiomng in tnrgin territory and have 
(jr larye percentage of native Amerioa)i irorkers in their ranks. I am tempted to 



ux-ami:ui*;ax rK!)PAGAi\]:)A activities 4525 

say that they function where there is no party to choke them to death. I am 
fuily aware of the sharpness of this formulation, and do not want to have its 
meaning interpreted in a general manner. The fact is that our party has not yet 
learned to fititction in a muss movement. Our comrades are essentially afraid 
of the initiative of the masses. Tliey do not tjjlow an organization to function 
except on the basis of a preconceive'l plan brought down to them in the form of 
an order and usually drawn tip in complete ignorance of local conditions, issues, 
and problems. Instead of invitinf/ discussions and proposals out of the ranks of 
the n-orhcr. they stifle them." [My emphasis — C. A. H.J 

Why is this so? Why do we have so little contact with the unemployed work- 
ers? Why do we have so little knowledge of their problems? Is it because of 
some personal traits in our party members? Certainly not! Why, even our 
unemployed party members are separated from the unemployed workers ! It is 
due to the method of functioning of our party, to endless inner-party meetings, 
to the practice of developing our party activities almost entirely outside of and 
not through these mass organizations. As Comrade Bedacht correctly states, 
"our party has not yet learned to function in (and I would add, through) a mass 
movement." 

TOO MANY MEETINGS 

In fa.ct, by our present methods, our comrades have little or no time for direct 
work among the masses. In New York, for example (and New York is no 
exception), practically every active party member spends all his time in meetings 
where good plans for mass work are made to the exclusion of all possibility of 
carrying out these plans. There are about 3,000 members of the party in New 
York. Of this number, according to the district organization secretary, there 
are 700 direct party functionaries, district, section, and unit, not counting 
auxiliary functionaries which probably number several hundred more. The 
following is their schedule : Monday, unit buro meetings ; Tttgsday, unit meetings ; 
Wednesday, department meetings (Agit-prop, Negro, etc.) ; Thursday, school, 
union meetings, etc. ; Friday, section committee meetings, street meetings ; 
Saturday, free; and Sunday, week-end schools, "Red" Sunday (distribution of 
Daily Woi"ker, and other purely agitational work). The section fimctionaries, 
ustially the ablest comrades (in New York numbering about 80) as well as the 
district leaders, have absolutely no time for mass work. The unit functionaries, 
as can be seen from the above schedule, have not more than 2 nights, assuming 
even that the comrades must give 7 nights a week to party work, which in itself 
is incorrect. So from this it is clear that the entire "active" of the party is now 
almost completely isolated from the masses. Yet it is this "active" which nitist 
direct and carry forward the work of the itnemployed councils, the T. U. U. L., 
L. S. N. R.. and other mass organizations. 

PURELY AGITATIONAL METHODS OF WORK 

And then our methods of work are purely agitational in character. Speeches, 
pamphlets, leaflets, our press all call on the workers, for example, to join the 
unemployed councils. And as a result to quote again the New York Org- 
BuUetin. "thousands and thousands of workers join and leave." Why do they 
leave? Because, as our New York comrade says. "No membership meetings 
(of the cotmcils) are held * * * (they) do not have any elected leaders." 
And as Comrade Weiner from Pittsburgh says, "The groups were not provided 
with leadership!" Comrade Bedacht sharply declares that we "do not allow 
an organization to function * * *." Obviously, then, it is chiefly criminal 
neglect of the most elementary organizational work that causes the workers 
to leave the councils. Or better said, our comrades do not know how to 
work in these organizations in such a way that both the work of these 
organizations and that of the party is carried forward. The result is neglect 
of the mass organizations. 

FAILURE TO USE ALL FORCES 

Our party members see this situation, but they plead a complete lack of 
time for this work, not to speak of energy. It arises, in my opinion, chiefly 
because we do not know how to use these mass organizations as "trans- 
mission belts" in our mass work. They stand in the way of our "party work" — 



4526 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

but only because we have uot shown an understanding of how to develop 
effectively methods of party work, which permits a full utilization of all mass 
organizations and their members to strengthen the party's mass work. For 
example, in preparation for February 25, international unemployment day, all 
efforts were concentrated on work among the unemployed. Unemployed coun- 
cils were for a time made to function. After February 2.5 there was a 
noticeable falling off in unemployed activity and a tendency to neglect unem- 
ployed work in order to concentrate on the factories. Now, in preparation 
for May 1, instead of continued energetic work either among the unemployed 
or at the factories there appears to be a reversion back to simply leaflet 
distribution and general agitational work. Certainly the preparatory work 
does not show increased organizational activity among the unemployed. 

Comrade Johnstone, writing in last month's Communist, cited another case 
of "united front" activity which reflects very clearly our continued failure to 
carry on systematic and continuous work in mass organizations as a means of 
broadening the workers' struggle. He says : 

"In New York City, quite a broad united front conference was formed by 
the T. U. U. L. and the unemployed council in support of the unemployed move- 
ment, but it never really functioned, never was utilized to a fraction of the 
degree that it was for * * *. Again the party, instead of using party 
experience, party knowledge, party organization to broaden the united front, 
proceeded to substitute for it." 

In the same way the party "substitutes for" the T. U. U. L., the unem- 
ployed councils, and other mass organizations, with the result that we tend to 
liquidate these organizations, and thereby seriously weaken ourselves, weaken 
our own organized influence among the workers. 

BEST WORK IN SMALL TOWNS 

Comrade Bedacht's observations on Lincoln Park and Port Huron, the only 
successful councils in Michigan, should be emphasized. He says : "It is inter- 
esting to know that both of these councils are functioning in virgin territory." 

Most of our most successful unemployed work in other parts of the country 
is also in virgin territority. In addition to Lincoln Park and Port Huron, 
one can cite the examples of Chester, Greenville, Ambridge, and Reading. All 
of these places are new territories for party work. 

THE READING EXPERIENCE 

Reading is an excellent example of how "transmission belts" can be used. On 
January 28 the party there had 7 members, almost wholly isolated from the 
masses. There were no unemployed councils, no Y. C. L., and no trade-unions. 
Now, 3 months later by really concentrating on unemployed work, the unem- 
ployed council has 1,000 members with 600 paying dues regiflarly. A large por- 
tion of these are Negroes. Approximately 100 attend meetings every day and 
participate actively in every phase of the struggle for immediate relief, for 
unemployment insurance, and against the socialist party administration of the 
city. They have many successful struggles to their credit. Now, with the 
energetic aid of the unemployed workers who are members of the unemployed 
councils, the party fraction is developing the work among the employed workers 
in the factories. After only 3 weeks' work many contacts have been made and 
2 workers from each of 6 shops have been organized into committees of the 
Metal Workers Industrial League — that is, a beginning has been made, with 12 
members. This shows, how by working through one mass organization utilizing 
the forces there, who have been won for the party line in struggle, it is possible 
to extend the work of building other mass organizations which still further 
broaden the organized influence of the party. A unit of the Y. C. L. has also 
been organized with 4 members. And the party membership has increased from 
7, 3 months ago, to 32 now. (These figures are only up to April 1; the number 
now is probably still greater.) And finally, the party is now entering the 
election campaign there with the endorsement of unemployed councils which are 
energetically aiding in putting forward the party candidates, securing the signa- 
tures, distributing literature, etc. Prom practically nothing 3 months ago, our 
party has become a serious political factor in Reading. 



UX-A-MERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4527 

Could the same results have heen accomplished in Reading if our seven party 
members (the size of the luiit o months ago) had carried on their work in the 
manner of a New York or Pittsburgh unit (leaflets, street meetings, etc.) with- 
out having drawn in the nonparty workers into the unemployed councils and 
secured their help in extending the workV Obviously not! 

WHY THEvSE SUCCESSES? 

Why do we have successes in Reading, Chester, Lincoln Park. Greenville, and 
Ambridge. and much more meager successes in New York, Philadelphia, Pitts- 
burgh, and otlur old established party centers? Chiefly because the party work 
was carried on around and through the unemployed councils and the other mass 
organizations. The comrades there realized (hat party work was not merely 
agitation, but also serious and continuous organization work among the workers. 
The party, in these places, organized the workers in the councils ; it gave con- 
stant attention to the councils ; it drew the workers into the discussion of 
demands and slogans based on local issues (Greenville is an excellent example 
of this!) and into the preparation and carrying through of demonstrations and 
struggles also organized around local issues. These organizations and their 
members in turn were persuaded to directly aid the party, as for example, in 
the Reading and Lincoln Park election campaigns. Through these activities 
workers were organized, trained, and disciplined ; they were tavTght to respect 
the party for its work ; they were drawn into the party as members. And 
members secured in such a manner are better members for the party. They are 
recruited in the struggle, and not merely because they have listened to an agita- 
tional speech or read an agitational leaflet. These are the workers who will 
mo.st likely remain with the party. In the old party centers there has been a 
persistent clinging to the old agitational methods, with no systematic continuous 
organizational work, no building and using of mass organization, such as was 
done here. 

THIS IS ROAD TO MASS PARTY 

From these examples. Comrade Piatnitsky's statement at the Tenth Plenum 
should become clear. His reply to the question, "How can the growing influence 
of the parties be consolidated?" with the answer. "By Communist work in the 
workers' and peasants" mass organizations, by the work of the party nuclei in 
the enterprises I" is proven to be fully correct by the Reading experiences, as well 
as by those in the other cities mentioned. And it is in this way — by building and 
working through the unemployed councils, the T. U. U. L.. the L. S. N. R., etc.. 
by building these organizations in the struggle, by recruiting the best, the most 
reliable workers for our party — that our party is to be really transformed from 
a propaganda party to a Bolshevik mass party. This is the only way that we 
can consolidate organizationally the increased influence which the party un- 
doubtedly now has among the workers. 

But as I stated earl'er, the cases such as Reading are still the very rare 
exception. The weaknesses of our unemployed work are chiefly due to this 
fact. Such cases must now become the rule on a much higher and more ex- 
tensive plane. The question is, how to accomplish this? How are we to quickly 
overcome the inertia of the past and rapidly develop these methods of work 
in order to progress with greater speed on the road toward becoming a Bolshevik 
mass party, capable of organizing and leading the everyday struggles of the 
employed and unemployed workers against the bourgeoisie for their partial 
demands, and utilizing these struggles to prepare and organize the woi-kers for 
the strueirle for power? In short, how are we to overcome our isolation from 
the masses? 

WHAT IS TO BE DONE 

Obviously this cannot be answered with a phrase or a formula. It will 
require much hard and persistent work to reorientate our party in this direc- 
tion. Both the Central Conmiittee and the district committees have the task 
of driving home the necessit.v of abandoning purely propaganda methods of 
work as represented by our almost complete failure to organize the hundreds 
of sympathetic workers around the party and of seriously taking up the rooting 
of our p.nrty in the shops and mines by organizing factory nuclei and groups 
94931 — 40— vol. T 17 



4528 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

and committees of the Trade Union Unity League, and placing in the foreground, 
work in the mass organizations, especially the unemployed councils and the 
Trade Union Unity League. 

USE THE MASS ORGANIZATIONS 

The work of improving the functioning of our party, which certainly must be 
pushed, and the developing of our mass campaigns must be carried through 
with the clear perspective of improving our mass organizational work, especially 
in the factories and among the unemployed, and by utilizing to the maximum 
extent the forces, resources, contacts, and apparatus of the mass organizations 
(T. U. U. L., unemployed councils, I. W. O., other fraternal bodies, I. L. D., 
L. S. N. R., etc., as well as the local unions of the A. F. of L.) as the means of 
extending the party's organizational mass influence. 

DIVISION OF WORK 

A careful check up on all inter-party meetings must be made with the view 
of drastically reducing the number, this to be carried through in conjunction 
with the working out of a careful division of work and the assignment of our 
forces so that the overwhelming majority (at least 90 percent) of our members 
are carrying forward the work of the party tlirough mass organizations. 

REORIENTATE SECTIONS AND NUCT.EI 

The sections and nuclei must be made to realize that they are only successful 
in their woi'k when they build around themselves basic mass organizations, 
much larger than the party, and through which the party fractions can work 
in rallying the masses for the struggle against unemployment, wage cuts, etc., 
and for the broader revolutionary struggles led by the party. 

ESTABLISH WELL-FUNCTIONING FRACTIONS 

Party fractions must be set up in every sucli mass organization and systemati- 
cally guide their work. The tendency for the fractions to become outside bodies, 
giving instructions and orders to mass organizations must be overcome through 
the full participation of the members of the fraction, not only in making 
decisions, but especially in the day-to-day work of these organizations in 
carrying out these decisions. 

SECURE REGtTLAR REPORTS 

Higher party committees must insist upon and secure full reports from the 
districts, sections, units, and fractions on their activities, especially on work 
among the unemployed, the Negroes, and in the factories. And these reports 
must not merely be plans for work, but weekly statements of progress, the 
difficulties, tlie successes, the mistakes, and the experiences gained in carrying 
through the plans. Only by insistence on such regular reports can the leading 
committees really insure the carrying through of a line in practice that will 
insure our transformation to a Bolshevik mass party. The political mistakes of 
the past period, and especially of our failure to correct these mistakes, are due 
primarily to the lack of functioning fractions and of regular reports from these 
fractious and from lower units on our actual experiences in mass work. 

LEADERSHIP CHIEFLY RESPONSIBLE 

And finally it must be understood that the problems presented here are the 
problems primarily of the party leadership in the center and the districts. An 
army cannot effectively fight, regardless of the wilHngness of the soldiers, with- 
out a general staff which furnishes the various sections with a coordinated 
plan of advance. The same is true of our party. It is chiefly the task of the 
leadersliip to plan the systematic and rapid reorientation of the party toward 
real mass work In which the factory work and the work among the unem- 
ployed will be the central link. The leadership must overcome in practice the 
contradiction between party work and mass work by developing the plans for 
party work in such a way that party work will be carried on chiefly through 
the mass organizations of the workers. 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1939 

House of Representatives, 
Special Committee to Investigate un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D. C. 

Tlie committee met at 10 : 30 a. m., in the caucus room, House Office 
Bnildiiia'. Hon. Martin Dies (chairman) presiding. 

Present : Mr. Ehea Whitley, counsel to the committee. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

The Chair suggests that wdth respect to this witness the members 
refi-ain from asking any questions until he concludes his testimony. 
As I understand, the witness wants to develop each point as he goes 
along and does not wish to be interrupted until he completes that 
point. I think he is right about that. 

Mr. Mason. I think that should be the general method followed in 
developing the testimony. 

The Chairman. Suppose that all the members of the committee 
who have questions make a note of them and give witness an oppor- 
tunity to finish his testimony, unless there is some vital matter which 
comes wv). Of course, you cannot lay down a hard and fast rule 
concerning all points. 

TESTIMONY OF BENJAMIN GITLOW, FORMER GENERAL SECRE- 
TARY OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES 

(The witness was sworn by the chairman.) 

Mr. Whitley. What is your full name? 

Mr. Gitlow. Benjamin Gitlow. 

Mr. Whitley. Gitlow? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Where were you born, Mr. Gitlow? 

Mr. Gitlow, Elizabethport, "N. J. 

]Nrr. Whitley. Elizabethport, N, J,? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes. 

Mr. WiHTLEY. Are vou a resident and in business for yourself in 
New York? 

ISlv. Gitt.ow. I am. 

INIr. Whitley. Do you at ]iresent have any connection witli any 
political. group or organization of any kind? 

Mr. Gitlow. I have not. 

Mr. Whitley. ]Mr. Gitlow. are you in favor of trade-union 
orgjinizations? 

4529 



4530 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GiTLOw. I have been in favor of trade nnions all of my life, 
and I started my activities in the labor movement by organizing a 
trade union. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you state for the committee your political 
connections and activities in the past ^ 

Mr. GiTLOw. Well, my political activities began when I was 18 
years old, 1910, when I joined the Socialist Party of the United 
States. 

I became a very active member in the Socialist Party and was 
elected to the NeAv York State Legislature in 1917 and served during 
the year 1918. 

In 1919 I became active in tlie left wing of the Socialist Party, 
which was a revolutionary branch of the Socialist Party and dis- 
agreed with the conservative policies of the leadership at that time 
in control of the Socialist Party. 

I became one of the leaders of the left wing of the Socialist Party 
and the publication which the left wing published, the Revolutionary 
Age, played an important role in its publication, and in the Voice of 
Labor, another organ, I played an important role in that organ also. 

I collaborated with John Reed, the famous author and journalist, 
who died in Moscow in 1920 or 1921—1 think it was 1920. 

The left wing became the organization that organized the Com- 
munist Party in the United States as a result of a split in the Socialist 
Party. The group which I belonged to at that time had a disagree- 
ment with the Russian element in the left wing who had attempted 
to dominate the Communist movement from the very start. As a 
result of that, two Communist parties merged in 1919, in the begin- 
ning of September. One was the Communist Party of Am.erica, 
which was dominated by the expelled Russians of the Socialist Party, 
and the other was the Communist Labor Party, which I, together with 
John Reed, led. 

Right after the conventions in September 1919 the two Communist 
organizations in America rushed representatives to Moscow to get 
official recognition by the Communist International and to get recog- 
nition from the Bolshevik leaders in Moscow. 

John Reed went for the Communist Labor Party and Louis Fraina, 
the other, for the Communist Party of America. 

In Moscow both parties were recognized as Communist parties and 
the Moscow leadership urged the unification of both parties into a 
common political party. 

In 1919, you will recall, in New York State, a committee was organ- 
ized known as the Lusk committee, which was investigating radical 
activities in the State of New York, and the Lusk committee conducted 
a number of raids on Communist Party headquarters and during a 
raid I was arrested and was the first Comnumist in the United States 
tried for being a Communist and sent to prison because I maintained 
my belief in Communist principles. 

After serving my prison term — I was in prison for approximately 
3 years and pardoned by Governor Smith in 1925, I believe, and 1 
had been, a part of that time, out of prison pending appeal — and in 
1922, during my freedom from prison and after I was pardoned, I was 
always active in the Communist movement and always held one of the 
leading positions in that movement. 



UN-AMERH'AN I'Uul'AGANl )A ACTIVITIES 4531 

I was ahvays a member of the Central Executive Committee; was 
a member of the secretariat ; ran for public office for the party, im- 
portant ])iiblic offices. Held important offices in the trade union and 
otlier activities of the organization and was highly publicized by the 
Communist Party press. „ i . nr 

Mv fir^t trip to Moscow was in the year 1927. I was called to Mos- 
cow 'following the death of Rutlienberg, who was general secretary 
of the party, by a cable which was sent to the American party msist- 
iiig that I come to Moscow. i i i ^- 

I was practically the onlv imi)ortant party leatler who nacl not 
been in :Moscow. The cable' which was sent to the American party 
instructed them that under all circumstances I was to proceed to 
Moscow, by Nicholas Bukharin, %vho was chairman of the Commu- 
nist International. . , ^ • . 

From (hat date on I held the highest positions m the Communist 
International organization. I served on its executive committee. I 
was a member of its Presidium, its leading ruling body, and I was 
also a member of the executive committee of tlie Red International 
of the Trade Union, the international trade-union organization of the 
Communist International. 

In other words, I have served the Communist movement as a top 
leader and not as a rank-and-filer from the very first inception of the 
movement. 

I think that briefly states my connection with the movement, unless 
there are some questions you woidd like to ask. 

Mr. Whitley. Just one or two questions, Mr. Gitiov.-. 

]Mr. GiTLow\ Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Did you ever have any collaboration with Ludwig 
Martens, who was the 'first Soviet Ambassador to the United States? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes : and in this respect I vrould like to give a little 
explanation that will help you, I believe, to understand the Commu- 
nist movement. 

The Chaiemax. Before you go into that : As we develop the points, 
will you develop the fact that you were a candidate for Vice Presi- 
dent of the Communist Party? 

Mr. GiTLow. In 1924 and 1928. 

The Chairman. In both years you were candidate of the Commu- 
nist Party for Vice President? 

Mr. GiTLOw. For Vice President. 

The Chairman. I just wanted to develop that pcnnt in this con- 
nection. 

]\Ir. GiTLOW. Yes. 

The Chairman. In connection with the background of your poli- 
tical connections. Very well, continue. 

Mr. Whitley. Is tlie ex})lanation with reference to your contact 
wilh Miirtens pertinent at this time, Mr. Gitlow? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Well, it may come up a little later on. 

Mr. WiiiTT.EY. Suppose we leave it for the moment then. 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. "WHiile you were in prison, Mr. Gitlow, as the first 
Communist tried and convicted in this country for Communist activi- 
ties, were any efforts made on the part of or by the Soviet Govern- 
ment to secure your release from prison? 



4532 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GiTLOW. There were a number of efforts made. One particu- 
lar effort involved the exchange of American prisoners in Moscow 
for my release, and the Soviet Government made inquiries into that 
matter but failed to get any satisfactory results. 

Mr. Whitijey. I see. 

Mr. GiTLOw. That happened in 1920. 

Mr. Whitley. Now, I understand from your statement that you 
were one of the founders of the Communist Party in the United 
States, and that from the very beginning, from the foundation of 
the Communist Party in the United States, you were a member of 
the highest governing body, which was the Central or National 
Committee. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. To be concrete I held the following positions: 
I was a member of the Central Executive Committee of the Com- 
munist Party; of the political committee, that is the ruling com- 
mittee of the Communist Party, which generally has a membership 
of from seven to nine members. 

Then I was a member of the secretariat, consisting of only three 
members, that handled all confidential matters of the party, also 
matters of policy. 

I was also a member of the trade-union committee of the Com- 
munist Party, which handled all trade-union matters. 

I was also general secretary of the Communist Party. I was 
general secretary of the Communist Party in 1929. I also acted 
as secretary for a short period in 1928. 

Mr. Whitley. General secretary: That is the same position that 
Mr. Earl Browder held? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. That is the highest executive position of the Com- 
munist Party in the United States? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And in addition to those positions which you held 
in the Communist Party of the United States you were a member 
of the Executive Committee of the Communist International? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And a member of the smaller ruling group of the 
Communist International, known as the Presidium? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes; that is right. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Chairman, at this time I would like to intro- 
duce into the record a few references that have been made to Mr. 
Gitlow in the official organ of the Communist Party, the Daily 
Worker, just by way of establishing his connection with the party. 

Here is a front-page picture of Mr. Gitlow, in the issue of Octo- 
ber 27, 1928, of the Daily Worker, in connection with his candidacy 
on the Communist ticket for Vice President of the United States. 

Another issue of the Daily Worker of May 1928 headline, Foster- 
Gitlow. That has to do with information of the party for the 
position of President and Vice-President, respectively, on the Com- 
munist ticket. 

Here is a photostat copy of a page from the Daily Worker, dated 
September 29, 1928. It lias an adA-ertisement in here with reference 
to the election campaign subscription drive for new readers for the 
Daily Worker. Mr. Gitlow's picture appears in conjunction with 
that item, apparently for no other purpose than the fact that he 



FOSTER. eiTLOW CHOSEM 



i^^< 



V 




9 



«(»> ttMM 1**-^ *i »»**» * 



^U 










fOtr 




J^mr 













94931—40 (Face p. 4533) 



UN-AMERICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4533 

was a candidate, and his popularity in the party was such that his 
picture appeared in conjunction with the (h-ive as an impetus to 
secure new readers. 

Here is a photostat copy of the Daily Worker, dated June 26, 192S, 
containini; Mr. Gitiow's acceptance speech as a candidate. 

A photostate copy taken from the Daily Worker of August 30, 
1924, containing a photograph of Mr. Gitlow, in connection with his 
Vice President candidacy. 

Another headline from the Daily Worker of August 20, 1928: 
"Gitlow Defies Terror, Speaks at Phoenix, Ariz." 

Another page from the Daily Worker of October 13, 1928, headline, 
"Terror Against Gitlow.'" 

Here is another page from the Daily Worker of October 15, 1928. 

Another photograph of Mr. Gitlow in conjunction with that front 
page Daily Worker of October 16, 1928, headed ''Gitlow Evades 
Kidnapers and AYill Face Arizona Terror. Communist Speaks at 
Houston, Tex., Despite Police Who Raid Meeting Objecting to 
Negroes' Presence." 

In addition to these photographic copies, Mr. Chairman, I have 
exhibited from the Daily Worker, I have here 10 or 12 typewritten 
pages of other headlines which have appeared in the Daily Worker. 

The Chairiman. Let that go in the record in connection with his 
testimony, but not at this immediate point, rather, following his 
testimony so it will not be interrupted. 

Mr. Whitley. Yes. 

The Chaieman. What I have in mind is I do not like to have his 
testimony broken by a lot of document in advance of what he has 
to say further. 

Mr. Whitley. Here are a number of pamphlets in connection with 
Mr. Gitlow's candidacy for Vice President on the Communist ticket; 
a picture of Mr. Gitlow and Mr. Foster. 

Here is another Communist pamphlet, a circular put out to work 
and vote the Communist ticket. 

The Chairman. I think you have amply connected it. 

Mr. Starnes. There is no doubt about the authenticity of these 
exhibits, is there, Mr. Gitlow? 

Mr. Gitlow. No doubt whatever. 

Mr. Starnes. No doubt whatsoever? 

Mr. Gitlow. No. 

Mr. Whitley. "Sir. Gitlow, why do you appear here as a witness 
today? 

Mr. Gitlow. Well, my first real disagreement with the officers of 
the Communist movement, but not with Communism as a philosophy 
and as a political program, began in the years 1928 and 1929 when 
the Russian leaders of the Communist International indicated that 
they wanted to completely dominate the Communist movement of the 
United States and to disregard the will of the membership of the 
Communist Party. 

However, following that break with the Russian bosses of the Com- 
munist International I began to review and to reconsider very seri- 
ously the whole question of communism. 

In 1929 when I was expelled from the Communist International, 
I was also expelled from the Communist Party of the United States — 
I had not yet broken with communism. I believed, at that time, that 



4534 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

the Communist program gave us the answer to the AAay out of the 
bad conditions which resulted from the capitalist system of society. 
However, I sharplj- disagreed with the question of discipline. 

The Communist Party and the Communist International is not 
organized on a democratic basis; it is organized on a military basis. 
The Communist International runs the world Communist movement 
from the top down. In other words, the leaders of the Communist 
International give the orders and the Communist Party all over the 
world must carry out those orders or be expelled from the Communist 
International, and the Communist Party of the United States, as an 
organization in this country continues that organization with its 
subordinate body of members. In other words, the leaders of the 
Connnunist Party make all decisions and these decisions are binding 
upon the members of the party Once a decision is made that decision 
must be carried out explicitly; but before a decision is made some 
discussion may be permitted. But once a leader of the Communist 
Party made a decision that decision became law, became tantamount 
to a military command given by a general and had to be carried out 
or one had to suffer party discipline. 

In breaking with the question of discipline I began to realize that 
in the question of discipline other matters were also involved and 
what was involved was the total lack of democracy in the Communist 
International and in the Communist Party. 

At first I was of the opinion that it might be possible to remecly 
this opposition to democracy by reforming the Comnuuiist Party and 
the Communist International, by bringing about a situation in which 
the Communist Party would permit democracy in all its organi- 
zations. 

I also maintained, for example, that if the Communist movement 
was out to establish socialism that it was possible to reach socialism, 
if that was the goal of the organization, the Communist movement, 
by a number of ways. 

The Communists maintained that the official road toward socialism 
was the correct one, that that was the only road that existed, and for 
that reason they would not permit other parties to exist. 

The Communist Party of the Soviet Union is the only party in the 
Soviet Union. Its decisions are the only true, loj-al decisions for 
socialism. Anybody who opposes those decisions becomes a traitor, 
becomes an enemy, becomes one who is opposed to the interest of the 
working classes which the Communits Party maintains it represents. 

Unable to see the logic of this position I veered more and more 
toward the principles of democracy. 

When Hitler came into power in 1933 I was of the opinion that this 
was an important historical turning point in the world; that if Hitler 
did have his way democracy in the world would be at an end and we 
would not be allowed to express our opinions, would not be allowed 
to stand by our convictions. 

At that time, I did not as yet break with the philosophy of com- 
munism, but maintained that the Communist movement should be- 
come a champion of democracy, that the Communist movement should 
raise the slogan of democracy. I was attacked for holding this posi- 
tion; I was called a cheap democrat, a Menshevik, which is the worst 
charge that can be hurled against a Communist, and all the names 
that are common in the vituperation of the Communist Party. Later, 



IX-AMERICAX PROPx\GANDA ACTIVITIES 4535 

I broke with the Conimimist philosophy completely, because the 
cornerstone of Connnunist ])hilosopliy is the dictatorshij) of the prole- 
tariat, and once you accept the position that the world can be im- 
jn-oved only by the establishment of a rigorous dictatorial regime, 
ruled by a few men on top — from that moment on I felt that all 
freedoni, ail liberty, was a thing of the past, and the very objectives 
that you were after could not be obtained. And so I broke with the 
concept of the proletarian dictatorship and took the position that if 
we are to improve conditions, if we are to improve the economic lot 
of man, if man is to enjoy more political liberties, if there are to take 
place worth-while social changes, those changes must take place under 
conditions which will guarantee to the great mass of the people more 
liberty, not less liberty. 

I reached the conclusion that in order to obtain liberty and freedom 
and the democratic rights we. now enjoy — and there is room for more 
democratic rights — that it took centuries of struggle; that men 
throughout history sacrificed their lives in order to obtain liberty ; that 
liberty was something that was not abstract ; that it was very tangible ; 
«nd that once liberty and democracy were abolished despotism and 
everything that goes with despotism naturally had to follow. 

The Communist membership and the leaders of the Communist 
Party, in my opinion, sincerely believe in their position. They take the 
viewpoint that the most important thing in life is to change the 
economic system, so that the great mass of the people will get economic 
security and will get in abundance the good things of life. And they 
hold that in order to obtain such a change it is necessary to have a 
firm socialist dictatorial regime which will be unscrupulous in obtain- 
ing its objectives. Such a regime we have in the Soviet Union at the 
present time, and the Communists of the United States and in all 
other countries are of the opinion that if the Soviet Union will succeed 
in maintaining its power and in socializing all economic life in Russia, 
that that will mean a victory for communism the world over. And 
everything flows, in the eyes of the Communists, from the Russia 
Revolution. Whatever Russia does, whatever Stalin and his leaders 
do to maintain their power in Russia, they do for the benefit of social- 
ism, for the benefit of a better world. And they accept the leadership 
of Stalin in that light. 

For example. Browder, or Foster, or Hathaway, the rank and filers 
of the Communist Party, are all firmly convinced that unless Russia 
can be aided to a successful conclusion of its experiment, everything 
achieved on the road to socialism is lost. But in recent years we 
have had an opportunity to see how this dictatorship of the proletariat 
works, which was instituted to free the working class and to improve 
the lot of the farmers, the actual workers. In Russia we have a dic- 
tatorial regime that enjoys more power than any other ruling govern- 
ment in the world, because Stalin and the snuiil ruling clique around 
Stalin own and control and direct the economic life of Russia, the 
political life of Russia, the cultural life of Russia. In other words, 
what we have in Russia is a gigantic monopoly on the part of a 
ruling clique of all phases of Russia life. That is the dictatorship of 
the proletariat. In other words, they ]Hiblish the newspapers. Only 
what they want goes into the press; there is no opposition press in 
Russia. They run the theaters ; only what the ruling clique wants to be 
played is played in the theaters. For example, the Soviet Union 



4536 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

produced a number of anti-Nazi films. Now, since the agreement 
with Nazi Germany, an order has been issued that all the Nazi films 
be put in the archives, and they are not shown in Russia at the present 
time. You have this monopoly in Russia. 

We have trusts in the United States — the Standard Oil Co. con- 
trolling the oil, and other utilities, other commodities; but, in Russia^ 
you have one gigantic monopoly controlling everything and every- 
body works for those who run "the monopoly. You have in Russia 
the complete form of monopolistic state capitalism, and the worker 
works for the state. He is responsible to the state, and if he breaks 
an ordinary working rule he breaks a rule of the state and becomes 
a criminal.' In the United States, if a worker is dissatisfied with his 
job, he can take up his hat and coat and leave the job and, if he 
wants, he can find one elsewhere; at least he has that liberty. In the 
Soviet Union, no such liberty exists. 

And has this dictatorship of the proletariat, this Conununist regime 
in Russia, improved the lot of the workers in Russia ? If anything, 
the lot of the workers in Russia is much worse than it was before the 
Czar. Wages, in comparison with living costs, indicate that the 
workers in Russia are exploited worse than in any other capitalist 
country. And, in addition to that, they have no liberties whatsoever. 
And tiie logic of this dictatorial regime finds its expression in the 
coming into power of a one-man leader, the one-man dictator, the 
Red Fuehrer of the Soviet Union in the personality of Joseph Stalin. 
And Joseph Stalin, in order to play the particular game of power 
politics, can do anything under the sun and the Commu.nist Party, 
because of its concepts, because of the way in which it is organized, 
must support whatever position Joseph Stalin takes. 

You have the latest example when the Soviet Union concluded a 
nonaggression pact with Nazi Germany. How can you explain the 
fact that the most important campaign of the Conununist Party in 
I he United States is the campaign to convince the membership of the 
Conmiunist Party and to convince the people of our country the sign- 
ing of the pact was in the interest of peace and to tlie l)est interests 
of the United States? You can take the files of the Daily Worker 
for years back and you will discover that every position taken by 
Stalin is approved automatically and defended by the Communist 
Party of the United States. Undoubtedly there must have been and 
perhaps still is a lot of disagreement prevalent in the Communist 
Party of America against the pact with Nazi Germany; but, as far 
as the Communist Party press is concerned, you will find no mention 
of it. In othei' words, the Communist Party of the United States 
carries on its activities in the same totalitarian way that the Com- 
munist Party of the Soviet Union does and gives evidence of its 
allegiance to the Fuiehrer Stalin in practically the same way that the 
Communist Party of the Soviet Union does. 

And with the'dcA-elopments in Russia, we have seen that Russia 
has proceeded to wipe out everyone suspected of opposition to Stalin, 
Avithout any recourse to the simplest principles of justice. All that 
was necessary was to put the mark on an individual that Stalin was 
opposed to him, and that individual was forthwith done away with. 
So you found a situation in which the oldest leaders and the oldest 
members of the Conununist Party of the Soviet Union were purged 
OA^er a period of 3 years in the most ruthless fashion, and the jails 
of the Soviet Union are filled with Communists. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4537 

Keeping- this in iiiiiul, I had for some time conchided that if we 
are to make progress, if we are to better conditions for our own 
people, if we are to live as free human beings, if we are still to enjoy 
diMuocratie princi})les, it becomes necessary to reject in toto the Com- 
numist program and the Conununist philosophy. 

At first, I was not prepared to do so publicly. I was of the opinion 
that communism and nazi-ism — the one is brov.n and the other is 
black — are of the same cloth, and when the Soviet Government closed 
a nonaggression pact with the German Government, when it could 
collaborate on the most friendly basis with Nazi Germany, maintain- 
ing that the interests of the Russian and the German people would 
be served by such collaboration, when by its very act it hastened 
the outbreak of a "World War, I concluded that as a former Com- 
munist, as one who has been active in public life, it becomes necessary 
emphatically to repudiate commimism and to expose it for what it 
actually is. 

iSIr. iSlATTHEWs. ^lay I ask one question? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Matthews. Yesterday. Mr. Gitlow, we had introduced here a 
copy of the International Press Correspondence which carried a nota- 
tion of your removal from the Presidium of the Executive Committee 
of the Commttnist International. That notation also stated that a 
certain Randolph, from the United States, replaced you on the 
Executive Committee of the Conununist International. The witness 
on the stand stated he had no idea who Randolph was, other than 
that he was Mr. Randolph. Do you know any other name under 
which this Randolph lias gone? 

Mv. Gitlow. I think Randolph ^^"as Robert Minor. 

Mr. Matthews. You were there at the time ? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes ; I was there at the time. 

Mr. Matthews. And you know, of your own knowledge, that 
Randolph was Robert Minor? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes. 

^Ir. Matthews. Was it common knowledge among leaders of the 
Communist Party of the United States that Randolph was Robert 
Minor? 

Mr. Gitlow. I believe it was. 

^Ir. Whitley. Mr. Gitlow, j'ou have never previously testified be- 
fore any committee — ptiblic committee such as this: is that correct? 

^Ir. Gitlow. Just a moment on the other question. I was 
thinking over it. It may have been that the Randolph named had 
something to do A\ith the Randolph that was sent OA-er to the Ameri- 
can party to become a member of its secretariat, and probably 
'"Randolph" did not stand for Minor at that time; but if this Russian 
who was sent to America to become a member of the secretariat and 
to run the American party during the crisis 

^Ir. Matthews. But Robert Minor has been known bv the name 
of "Randolph"? 

Mr. Gitlow. According to my knowledge; I have a slight knowl- 
edge he was known by that name, biit I would not be positive at this 
time. 

Mv. Whitlet. 'Sh: Gitlow, in the history of the Communist Party 
of the United States during the past 20 years do you know of any 
previous occasion when a former top-ranking functionary or olfieial 



4538 UN-AI\IERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

of the Communist Party, and the Communist International, has 
joublicly testified for the purpose of telling the truth concerning the 
objectives, prograni, tactics, and inner workings of communism? 

Mr. GiTLOwrTo my knowledge, in tliis country, no. 

Mr. Whitley. There has never been any previous occasion of that 
kind? 

Mr. GiTLov/. No. 

The Chairman. And I believe he said he never did testify. 

Mr. WniTLBY. You have never testified before any committee before ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Not in reference to the Communist movement ; no. 

Mr. Whitiey. Mr. Chairman, during the past 2 days we have had 
considerable tiestimony with reference lo the finances of the Comnumist 
Party of the United States 

Mr. Detvipsey. Mr. Chairman. I would like to ask this witness one 
question. 

I notice you keep referring to the Communist Party of the United 
States. As I view it, I do not think there is any such thing. It is the 
communistic party of Moscow and this is a branch of that party: is 
not that the situation ? 

Mr. GiTLow. That is correct. 

Mr. Whitley. That is correct. 

Mr. Dempsey. There is no Conmnuust Party of the United States? 

Mr. Whitley. They identify them by the country in which the 
party exists. 

Mr. Dempsey. They do that to show where they are residing? 

Mr. Whitley. That is right. 

Mr. Dempsey. But they are re])orting to Moscow, and it is the Com- 
munist Party of Soviet Russia ; that is what they are members of ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Well, not exactly so. The Connnunist Party of the 
Soviet Union is part of an international Communist organization which 
it dominates, known as the Communist International. 

Mr. Dempsey. Yes. 

Mr. GiTLOw. And the Communist Party of the Soviet Union is a 
section of the Comnmnist International, and the Communist Party of 
the U. S. A. is a section of the Communist International, and the Com- 
munist Party of Germany is a section of the Communist International. 

Mr. Dempsey. All reporting to that one head ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Chairman, we have had considerable testimony 
in the past few days regarding the finances of the Communist Party. 
During that testimony Mr. Earl Browder, general secretary of the 
Communist Party of the United States at the present time, which 
position Mr. Gitlow previously occupied, testified that, to his knowl- 
edge, the Communist Party of the United States had never received 
subsidies, contributions, or financial assistance of any kind from sources 
outside of the United States, specifically naming the Soviet Govern- 
ment, the Connnunist International, and the CWimunist parties in 
other countries. 

In view of the importance of that ]:>articular subject and the impor- 
tance of finances to the Communist Party, I would like at this time to 
ask Mr. Gitlow to describe to the committee the manner in which the 
Communist Party is financed. 

The Chairman. Now, is it your contention that Mr. Browder 
perjured himself yesterday? 



IN-AMKRK'AN ritOI'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 4539 

Mr. AViiiTLEY. I am not dniAvino- any conclusions, but I would like to 
liear Mr. Gitlow's testimony witli reference to tlie same subject. 

The Chairman. All right; proceed. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you describe for the committee, Mr. Gitlow, the 
manner in which the Communist Party was financed at tlie time of its 
foiindinir in this country and the manner in which it v\as financed as it 
developed and spread i 

Mr. GiTLOW. The Communist Party of the United States since its 
inception has always had a very loyal and highly disciplined mem- 
bership; a membership which always responded very generously to 
the demands of the part3\ In other words, I believe that in no other 
organization will you find members who will contribute relatively 
as much as the individual member in the Communist Party contributes 
to the party organization. In other words, they have a large capital 
in this loyal and devoted membership which really believes that the 
Communist Party is out to better the w^orld. At the same time, the 
Communist Party has a very extensive following — I would not say 
very large, but an extensive following — of sympathizers who are not 
party members but who agree with the party and support the party in 
its campaigns, activities, and policies. This membership is also, this 
group of individuals is also, very loyal to the party and contribute 
very generously to all appeals for funds which the Communist Party 
makes. In other words, the Connnunist Party can raise a consider- 
able sum of money in the United States from its own party members 
and from its sympathizers. But its activities are so widesj^read and so 
costly that it is impossible for the Communist Party to maintain itself 
and to keep these activities going on the contributions it receives from 
its own membership and sympathizers. 

The result is that the Communist Party's activities must be sub- 
sidized. After all, it has a small membership. Browder claims he 
has 100,000 members in the Communist Party today. I doubt that 
claim; while we have several hundred thousand sympathizers. But 
it is impossible for the Comnnmist Party to raise from its members 
and sympathizers the money it needs to carry on its varied and exten- 
sive activities. 

These activities have in the past, and, I believe, up to the present 
time, been subsidized to a very large extent by money received from 
Moscow in various forms and by the use of different methods. Even 
before the Communist Party was organized, when we had the left- 
wing organizations 

Mr. Whitley. That is the left-wing organization of the Socialist 
Party? 

Mr. GiTLow. Of the Socialist Party, which later became the Com- 
munist Party, we received support from the unofficial bureau of the 
So^•iet Government in the United States, which was headed by Martens. 

Mr. Whitley. Do 3'ou mean financial support? 

Mr. GiTLow. Financial support. After the two parties w^ere organ- 
iztnl, money was sent to the United States, not in the form of cash, 
because the Soviet Government at that time had no foreign valuta, 
but money was shipped in a different form. In other words, diamonds 
and jewelry were sent to the United States, w^iich were sold in this 
country and thereby converted into cash which was used to support 
the Comnuinist organization in America. 



4540 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. Now, those jewels were shipped in from the Soviet 
Union ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. In 1920 and 1921 every representative of the Com- 
munist Party who went across returned with diamonds or jewehy in 
his possession. 

Mr. Whitley. To be converted into cash for 

Mr. GiTLOw. To be converted into cash for tlie support of the party. 

Mr. Whitley. And you, of course, know that as a resuU of your 
membership on the governing body ? 

Mr. Gitlow. Absolutely; yes, 

Mr. Whitley. Of the Communist Party at that time? 

Mr. GiTLOW. Yes; surely. And, since that time, Moscow, through 
the Communist International, has been supporting the activities of 
the Communist Party. In 1921 a former Lettish member of the 
Communist Party of America returned from Moscow with a very 
large sum of money to accomplish a number of objectives. One was 
to support the newly organized Connnunist Party of the United 
States; two, he had money to try to bring to Moscow a delegation 
of American trade-unionists, who would participate in the first con- 
gress to organize the Ked International of Labor Unions in Moscow; 
he had Russian money to facilitate the flight of William I). Haywood 
from the LTnited States to Moscoav; he had a large sum of money to 
help finance and organize a Communist movemeiit in Latin America 
and in Mexico. That was in 1921 and 1922. Johnson was known 
under the name of Scott, as well. 

Mr, Whitley. That is this Lettish member you are referring to ? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes; that is this Lettish member; and lie became a 
member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and a very 
active agent in foreign countries for the Communist International. 

Later, however, when intercourse with the Soviet Union became 
more or less normal, money was sent to the American party in cash, 
through cables and by couriers, who brought it directly to America. 
For example, in 1922, when I was out of prison on bail pending 
appeal, we had a session of the Central Executive Committee of the 
Communist Party in New York City to consider the action taken by 
Lovestone and his advisers in converting American dollars at Moscow, 
supplied him for the American party, into German marks in order 
to make a profit on the exchange. Lovestone was advised that as a 
result of speculating on the money exchange the party could increase 
the money it received at Moscow by several thousand dollars, but the 
tip he got proved to be false, with the result that the party lost several 
thousand dollars. This was made the basis of the charges in the 
Central Executive Committee in 1922. Those charges were noted, 
but no action was taken against Lovestone for his speculation in marks 
on the money exchange. That incident shows that the party was 
receiving cash from Moscow for paity pur])oses as early as 1922. 

Mr. Whitley. You say it was from Moscow. Did it ostensibly 
come from the Connnunist International ? 

Mr. Gitlow. Ostensibly it came from the Comnumist International. 
The money is voted in the Communist International in tlie following 
way: They have a meeting of the executive committee of the Com- 
numist International at which requests for funds are made by various 
parties. They have a small connnittee that handles it, generally 
headed by Pianitsky, who is head of the organization department. 



UN-AM i:iU(\AX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 454I 

That committee brinii-s in n report to the executive, and the executive 
ai)proves the report. Tlien the money is voted, and it is transmitted 
to tlie various parties. 

JMr. Whitley. You will show later on in your testimony where the 
International gets the funds that it transmits to the various parties? 

jNIr. GiTLOwr I can show tlie measures or liow they can get them; 
but since the money must l)e transmitted in valuta — how that is ob- 
tained, I do not know. 

Mr. Whitley. I had reference to the relationship betw^een the 
Connnunist Party here and the Comintern or International. 

Mr. Thojmas. Will you develop the amount of money they have 
transmitted since 1922? 

Mr. Whitley. Yes, sir; he will cover that. 

Mr. GiTLow. The Communist Party in 1922 obtained its largest 
subsidy indirectly from Moscow out of money which should haye 
gone for specific relief purposes. You will recall the great famine in 
Eussia in 1922. when the Hoover Commission was sent to Russia to . 
relieve distress in the famine region. At that time, the American 
Connnunist Party, through a subsidiary organization known as the 
Friends of Soviet liussia, launched a relief campaign to raise funds 
for the fanune-stricken victims in Russia. A large amount of money 
was raised. Over $1,000,000 was raised through that campaign. This 
money was transmitted to the central bureau in France, in Paris, and 
this central bureau at Paris obtained receipts from the Soviet Govern- 
ment that it received the money for relief purposes; but the money 
never went to the Soviet Union. That money was kept there and 
was divided among the Communist Parties in the capitalist countries. 
As a result, a large amount of the money was transmitted to the 
American party. 

Money collected for relief purposes through the Friends of Soviet 
Russia w^as retransmitted back to the American party to support its 
activities in this country. At the same time, the Communist Party 
used the relief organization set-up to finance its organizers and its 
activities in the United States. If the party found itself pinched for 
a few thousand dollars, we would call to the meeting of the political 
committee Rose Karsner, secretary of the Friends of Soviet Russia, to 
make a loan, and she would turn over to the party a few thousand 
dollars, or whatever the amount of money voted was, and would enter 
the necessary bookkeeping entries that would show that the money 
was spent for a legitimate purpose. At the same time we put a num- 
ber of the members of the political j^arty — I think Max Bedacht and 
some others — on the pay roll of the Friends of Soviet Russia. They 
received their weekly pay as organizers or propagandists, or some 
other activities of the Friends of Soviet Russia. They were not do- 
ing that work, but they were doing party work. If we had to send 
an organizer into the field, to raise his railroad fare and pay his 
wages while engaged in organizing work, we at the same time desig- 
nated him as an organizer for the Friends of Soviet Russia. So out 
of relief money, he would be paid for work as a)i organizer. 

Mr. Whitley. Would you say that the Friends of Soviet Russia, 
the organization you have just referred to and described, was one of 
the earliest or the first front organization of the Communist Party in 
the United States^ 



4542 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GiTLow. No, sir ; it was one of the early organizations, but not 
tlie onlj' one. We had a defense organization of the Communist 
Party, and we had a Workers Party. That was at first the only 
front organization of the Communist Party. At the time that these 
relations existed between rhe party and the Friends of Soviet Russia, 
the party was denying and concealing the fact that it had anything; 
to do with the Friends of Soviet Russia. At that time they maintained 
that the Friends of Soviet Russia was a nonparty organization. 
jNIr. Whitley. Entirely independent? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes, sir; entirely independent of the Communist 
Party; but the entire leadership of the Friends of Soviet Russia, or 
the important leaders, were all members of the Communist Party, 
and they all took orders from the Communist Party, and every step 
in the campaign for relief was directed by a political committee of the 
Communist Party. The Communist Party at that time was an under- 
gro und organi zat ion . 

Mr. Whitley. You were a member of both bodies? 
Mr. GiTLow. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. We will go into the several front organizations 
later. You will continue, Mr. Gitlow. 

Mr. GiTLOw. The manner in which the Friends of the Soviet Union 
was utilized in obtaining financial assistance for the party indicates 
the general procedure which we followed toward all the organizations 
that we controlled or which we organized as front organizations. If 
there was a possibility through such control or thiough the front 
organizations to obtain finances for the party directly, we did so. You 
must realize that in the eyes of the Communists the party comes first. 
The highest conception of a Communist is the Connnunist Party. 
Everything is subsidiary to the Connnunist Party. The Conmnmist 
Party in the eyes of a Communist can connnit no kind of. crime. It 
will be justified if it will benefit the party or the objective for which 
the party stands. 

A big source of income for the party, or an indirect source of income 
connected with the Soviet Government, was the Amtorg, the Russian 
trading front in the United States. Those sent by Soviet Russia to 
open the Amtorg office consulted the party as to the personnel it should 
employ for the Amtorg, such as the typists, bookkeepers, salesmen, and 
so forth, because they wanted to make sure that in the Amtorg only 
such people would be employed as would be thoroughly reliable and 
100 percent loyal to the Soviet Government. 

As a result' of the establishment of the Amtorg the party was able 
to place in the Amtorg organization several hundred party members. 
The jobs they obtainecl were good jobs, because the Amtorg paid very 
high salaries, and they were earning more money than they had ever 
earned before. The party members employed by the Amtorg were 
organized into an Amtorg group. That group was not a public group, 
but vras a group which maintained contact with the national office of 
the party and with the district office in New York. The people em- 
ployed by the Amtorg were instructed by the party to cease open public 
activities in the Communist Party. In other words, they were divorced 
from Communist activities in order not to involve the Amtorg v/ith the 
Conmnmist Party. At the same time this group was taxed by the 
party. They had to "kick in" with a part of their salaries to the 
treasury of the Communist Party. From time to time we would 



rX-AMKKK'A.X rK()I'A<JAXDA ACTIVITIES 4543 

iDipose a tax upon the ^roup, and usually they Avould pay the tax. If 
rliey did not pay the tax inii)osed on them tliey mig'ht lose their posi- 
tions in the Anitorg. Tliat Anitor*i" grou}) was a source of great 
revenue for the party. The Anitorg was a Russian organization. 

Wlien the Conmiunists gained control of a trade-union, or if it con- 
trolled the officers of a trade-iniioiu its executive board or treasurer, 
we would act tov.ard the trade-iuiion in precisely the same way as they 
did toward members of the Conmuuiist Party working for the Amtorg. 
Wherever it was possible to get any finances for the party directly out 
or tlie union's treasury, oi- through officials, or anyone who received a 
high salary in the union, it was done. 

The Chairmax. Was that often done^ 

Mr. Grri-ow. Wherever we had control and could do it. 

The Chairman. You mean that funds of the trade-union were 
diverted to the Conmiunist Part}'? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Later on he Avill cover the details as to the trade- 
unions. 

Mr. Starnes. Were all of the employees of the Amtorg, that he 
referred to, connected with the Communist Party in some capacity ? 

Mr. Whitley. Were all the employees of the Amtorg members 
l^laced there by the Communist Party? 

Mr. GiTLow. No, sir; all the employees of the Amtorg were not 
party members, but those nonparty members who obtained positions 
in the Amtorg had to be vouched for by the party as being reliable. 

Mr, Starnes. Is that correct at the present time ? 

Mr. GiTLOM'. I would not be acquainted with the situation at the 
present time. 

Mr. Starnes. That w-as up to what period ? 

Mr. GITL0W^ Up to 1929. 

Mr. Whitley. Of course, your knowledge of the situations and 
of the operations you have just described comes from the fact that 
you were a member of the political committee which was maneuvering 
the carrying out of the policies of the party ? 

Mr. Gitlow. I was a member of the secretariat w^hich handled 
those confidential matters. 

Mr. Whitley, You were one of that smaller group that handled 
those matters? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes, sir. 

The Chair]man. Is the witness able to estimate the approximate 
amount of mon.ey, during the time he was in the party, that was 
transferred from Russia to the United States? 

Mr. Gitlow. I will deal with that more concretely later on, dealing 
with tlie definite sums that were contributed, and so forth. 

Mr. WiiiTLEV. You Mill continue, Mr. Gitlow\ 

Mr. GiTLOAv. Another source of income, or indirect source of income, 
to the party comes out of its control of certain cooperative organi- 
zations. I refer particularly to the United Coo]>orative enterprises. 
The United Cooperative enterprises were engaged in miming summer 
camps for workers, in building two blocks of apartment houses in 
the Bronx, and in running two stores in the Bronx to supply the 
cooperative houses; also, in running a restaurant for the tenants at 
T'nion Square, and in running a loan society. 

^U\ WfTiTLEY. What was the history oi those enterprises? 

04f):'.1 — JO— vol. 7 IS 



4544 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GiTLOw. The cooperative restaurant in Union Scjuare gives a 
good example of how reckless the Comnumist Party was in the affairs 
of any organizations that it controlled. The cooperative restaurant 
in New York was a restaurant that was open all day, and was always 
crowded, because all the sympatliizers who congregated around the 
Communist headquarters bought their meals at the cooperative res- 
taurant. Yet the cooperative restaurant was wrecked a)Kl thrown 
into bankrutcy, and the directors and wholesalers who supplied it 
with material were never paid, because the party's practices wrecked 
that particular cooperative enterprise. One of the olHcials of the 
cooperative was a man named Obermeier, who is today a prominent 
official of one of the A. F. of L. unions, and one w^as Pollack, who 
was the manager of the cooperative. The party, whenever it needed 
readj' cash, went to the cooperative restaurant, whicli, because of the 
nature of the business, had a ready-cash intake. The result was that 
when we wanted several hundred dollars or several thousand dollars, 
a note was written out with a letter from the secretariat, ordering 
Pollack to turn over the several hundred or several thousand dollars, 
whatever it was, to be repaid at some future date. Those loans were 
never repaid. Whatever the party took out of the cooperative res- 
taurant was out of the profits of the cooperative restaurant, and it 
went out of business. The cooperative houses, with which I will deal 
later, will show how the party engaged in raising funds by which the 
workers lost, I would say, close to a quarter of a million dollars. 

Another source of income for the party is connected directly with 
the Soviet Union. This indirect source of income has to do with the 
tourist agencies which solicit tours for the Soviet Union. I have in 
mind World Tourists, which was organized by the party as an Amer- 
ican organization, but owned and controlled by the party. Whatever 
profits were made by World Tourists out of their business found its 
way in a large measure into the treasury of the Communist Party. 
They had friendly relations with the Intourist. The Intourist is a 
Soviet Government enterprise, and certain of those funds were di- 
verted to the party, let alone the money that the party members paid 
to secure good jobs or positions in connection with it. 

Up to this last year they have had a cooperative stationery business 
known as the Gensup Co., and if you would investigate that you would 
probably discover the hold the party has on that. The profits there 
are used wherever possible for party purposes. In other words, the 
Communist Party is so organized that it can enter into any kind of 
activity for the purpose of raising fimds. It is not merely a political 
party, but its central committee can become a board of cli rectors for 
a business enterprise and can direct a business enterprise for the rais- 
ing of money. Everything is within the scope of the party and the 
party can use everything for the interest of the party, whether it is 
purely political or not. 

Are there any other questions on this phase of it ? 

Mr. Whitley. I do not have any specific questions in mind. 

Mr. Thomas. You are to develop later the specific sums that have 
been transferred from Russia to this country ? 

Mr. Whitley. Do you plan to go into that now ? 

The Chairman. It is just a few minutes to 12 o'clock and we might 
take a recess at this time. 



UN-AMERIOAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4545 

Mr. Matthews. Do you recall the dele«>ation that went from the 
United States in 1927, known as the trade-union delegation, that 
had an interview with Stalin? 

]\lr. GrrLow. Yes, sir. 

Mr. INIati'iiews, Are you familiar with this pamphlet entitled 
"Questions and Answers of the American Trade Unions" and Stalin's 
interview ? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. One of the questions which this delegation asked 
is found on page 44 of this pamphlet, as follows : 

Is any money now being sent to America to aid either tlie American Communist 
Party or the American Communist paper, the Daily WorlcerV If not, how niucli 
do the American Communists remit to the Third International in annual dues? 

The reply is lengthy, and I will give only the pertinent portion of 
the answer to the question made by Stalin himself. He said this: 

Tlie Comintern, being the central body of the international Communist move- 
ment, has assumed and renders assistance to- the Communist Party of America 
whenever it thinlvS necessary. 

Do you think that Stalin would recklessly make a statement like 
that? ' 

J\Ir. GiTLow. Not Stalin. He is not in the habit of making reckless 
statements. 

Mr. Matthews. Again he says in the answer : 

Indeed, what would be the worth of the Communist Party, a party wliich is in 
power, if it refused to do what it could to aid the Communist Party of another 
country laboring under the rule of capitalism? I woidd say that such a Com- 
munist Party would not be worth a cent. 

From your experience, do you think that is in keeping with the 
party policy? ] 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes, sir. I might add a few words about that : First 
of all, the delegation which you referred to was financed, on this 
trip to Moscow, and this report or publication, or the publication of 
that pamphlet, by Russia. It was all financed by Russian money. 
It was financed by the Comintern. The Comintern is a big organiza- 
tion, and sections of the Comintern are supposed to participate in the 
expenses of the Comintern. There is not a single section of the 
Comintern outside of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union 
which contriVjutes a cent to the Communist International treasury. 
The United States Communist Party has never transmitted one cent 
to Moscow. The Connnunist International sends to America hun- 
dreds of thousands of dollars to finance the activities of the Com- 
munist Party in America, and it has sent millions of dollars to the 
Conmiunist Party in Germany to finance the ramified activities in 
Germany. It sends money to the ("!ommunist Party in France, 
England, and other countries. In other words, all of the money to 
finance the activities of the Communist International itself and Com- 
munist activities throughout the world comes from that source. 
Russia is the source. 

Mr. Matthews. The Russian treasury? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. Are you personally acquainted with Joseph Stalin? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. That was during the period you were active in the 
Communist International ? 



4546 UN-AMElilCAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GiTLOAV. Yes, sir. 

(Thereupon the committee took a recess until 1: 15 p. mi.) 

AFTER RECESS 

The committee reassembled, pursu.ant to the taking of recess at 
1: 15 p. m., Hon. Martin Dies (chairman) presiding. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. Mr. "\\niitley, 
you may proceed. 

TESTIMONY OF BENJAMIN GITLOW— Resumed 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Gitlow, in your testimony this morning — and 
this is by way of summation and recapitulation — you testified that 
the principal sources of income to the Communist Party are, first, 
from its members and sympathizers ; second, from the Front Organi- 
zations and trade unions which it controls and dominates ; third, from 
the Soviet Government organizations, such as the Amtorg, and others : 
and then directly from Russia, directly from the Comintern, which 
are subsidies. 

Have you ever personally, Mr. Gitlow, participated in the trans- 
mission of funds from Russia to the United States for Communist 
Party purposes? 

Mr. Gitlow. I have. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you relate the circumstances to the conunittee, 
if you please? 

Mr. Gitlow. In 1928 I was chairman of the delegation to^ the 
Profintern, which is the Red International Labor Union, from 
America. 

After the Congress sessions were over I received a cable from 
Lovestone directing that I come home immediately to be in time to 
attend the nominating convention of the Communist Party, which 
was to be held in New York City, and at the same time I should not 
forget to bring the consignment to the American party for the cam- 
paign with me. 

Iwanted to spend a little time in Soviet Russia in 1928; I wanted 
to see Leningrad and other places, but this cable from Lovestone made 
that impossible. 

I was called in by the Org department and given my passports, 
plus a letter to take to the organization department of the Com- 
munist Party of Germany, and I was given instructions to make my 
trip as quickly as possible and to be very careful with the consign- 
ment which I was to take to the United States. 

I knew that I was going to bring the consignmeil^: of money back 
with me, and had bought before I left for Europe a money belt, ancl I 
took a letter to the Org department of the German Communist 
Party when I arrived in Berlin to the department, and was imme- 
diately introduced to two Communists, who took me by circuitous 
routes to various parts of Berlin, and finally, at a given place I was 
handed in cash $3,500 as the first part of a consignment of $35,000 
for the 1928 presidential campaign. 

I brought that m.oney with me— it was given to me in small bills at 
the time — to the United States. 

Mr. Whitley. It was given to vou in United States currency ? 



IX-AiMERICAN PKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4547 

Mr. GiTLOw. It was o-iven to me in United States currency. 

Mr. AYiiiTLKY. And you bronolit that back and turned it over? 

Mr. GiTLOw. I turned it over to Lovestone, who was secretary of the 
party at that time. 

Mr. WiriTiF.Y. You mentioned the department that you received 
your letter from, Mr. Gitlow. AVhat department was that? 

Mr. Gitlow. The Oro^ department. That is the organization 
department of the Communist Internationah They had a special de- 
jiartment there whicli supplied the comrade? with their passports when 
they were given permission to return to the various countries, gave 
them some money and whatever other instructions they wanted to give 
them. 

Mr. Whiti.ey. This $3,500 you obtained from the party in Ger- 
many, upon a letter? 

Mr. Gitlow. Xo; I did not obtain it from the party in Germany; 
the party in Germany only acted as a go-between. In other words, 
they were agents of the Communist International in Germany, but 
they had access to funds of the Communist International in Germany, 
and their movements w^ere kept strictly secret and confidential, and 
the only way you could get contact with them was through the German 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Whitley. That was the fii-st installment of a fund of $35,000 
which had been allotted by the Comintern for the 1928 campaign? 

Mr. GITL0w^ The presidential campaign of the party, yes. 

Mr. Whitley. That was one of the campaigns in which you were 
the vice presidential candidate? 

Mr. Gitlow. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. Were there any other instances, Mr. Gitlow. in which 
you liave personally participated in the transmission of fimds? 

Mr. Gitlow. Well. I would like to say before I go into the other, 
that I have a number of records of the transactions, and I want to 
glA^e some documentary proofs of some of the statements which I 
made here today, and how other countries make, indirectly, their 
contact with Soviet Russia. 

Mr. Whitlt.y. Explain that, if you will, and it will be jnit in the 
record. 

Mr. Gitlow. Then I will explain the documents. One of the 
nvenues through which the party realizes money is by Soviet movie 
films, and I have here a letter of December 31, 1926, addressed to me 
by Rutlienberg. who was then general secretary of the party. He 
writes as follows: 

I have j^our wire in reference to tlie loan anci movies. I understood from 
Comrade Ballnm that he was going to make the copies while he had the picture 
in New York. Why was this not done? Plx?ase pass this letter along to 
Comrade Bnllam when he gets hack and let him give a full report in regard 
to the .S").000 proposition through which he got the pictr.re from us. 

Mr. Whiti.ey. Will you explain the connection of that letter with 
the transaction? 

Mr. Gitlow. In other words, these pictures were assigned to the 
party. The party has title to these movies, and Ballam was to make 
arrangements whereby title v.-ould go to the ]xarty with this $5,000. 

^fr. W111TI.EY. In other words, that was the intricate arrangement 
whereby the Comintern was to furnish these films to the party in the 
TTnited States, and every dollar taken l)y the assignment of the bills 
went into the iiarty treasury? 



4548 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GiTLOw. The receipts Avent to a certain film firm, the fihn to 
be sold outrio:ht and $5,000 to go into the party treasury. 

Mr. Whitley. What is the name of that film company? 

Mr. GiTLOAV. I do not recall, it was so far back. I have a letter on 
that item. 

Mr. Stabiles. Do you have any record or any data that might re- 
fresh your recollection, so you can supply- us with the names of the 
films? 

Mr. GiTLOw. No; I could not do that at this time. All I know 
is that the films were to go into the party treasury to be utilized for 
raising funds. 

Mr. Starnes. If at any time during the course of your statement 
3'OU recall the names of these films, we will be glad to have those 
names as part of your statement. 

Mr. GiTLOw. I will see whether I can do that. 

I have here — this is a document which was sent out by Ruthenberg 
and w^as to be kept in the strictest confidence. It says, "These in- 
structions are strictly confidential and should be treated as such." 
It was sent to me as the party representative in the anthracite district 
during an anthracite coal strike in 1926, at the time it was claimed 
there was a closed agreement with the anthracite operators. 

Involved in the instructions was what we were to do with the 
relief fund collected for the anthracite miners. It was independent 
of the union, and they had a relief committee, which was succeeded 
by the present relief organization, collecting funds throughout the 
country. 

At the time they had some money in the treasury and the question 
came up in the political committee what to do with the relief com- 
mittee, what to do in liquidating these activities. 

Instruction 11, which has to do with all of the other phases of this 
problem, states as follows: 

In case of a strike bpiwg settled, local miners relief committees to make 
public announcement tliat they are ready to return funds to donors upon request, 
(b) That tliey are ready to suggest that relief money collected should be used 
for the relief of Passaic strikers. 

We ran the Passaic strike and controlled the relief committee in 
that Passaic strike. 

Mr. Thomas. Wliat do you mean by the Passaic strike ? 

Mr. GiTLOAV. There was a textile strike in Passaic in 1926, which 
was initiated by the Communist Party directly. 

Mr. Thomas. Passaic, N. J.? 

Mr. Grn>ow. Passaic, N. J. ; yes. The instruction goes on to say — 

or to turn over the use of the funds for the defense of the convicted Zeigler 
miners or any other working-class activities or agencies specified by the donor. 

In other words, when we decided what agencies it would be turned 
over to we would give the Communist Party members a chance to be 
donors and make suggestions as to the use of the money. 

Mr. Whitlet. That is another illustration of the manner in which 
the Communist Party took advantage of the situation to set up front 
organizations to collect funds, ostensibly for humanitarian purposes, 
then use those funds so collected for party-organization purposes? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. I have here the minutes of the secretariat on 
Julv 2. 1925, in reference to the Purcell tour in the United States. 



UN-AMKRI(^\N PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4549 

Purcell was one of the leaders of the British «reneral strike in 1925, 
and the Communist International supported that strike fully and 
donated millions of dollars to the strike by taxing the members of 
their own trade union to supply these funds for the British general 
strike, and the coal miners strike which followed that. 

Purcell, one of the leaders, toured the country. Arrangements 
were made by the Comintern to get Purcell to make this tour. All 
of his traveling expenses, all of the expenses of the tour were not paid 
for by the party or by the trade-union department, but the funds for 
the tour expenses were paid by subsidies which they received from 
the Communist International. 

Mr. Whitley. That was a tour of the United States, a lecture 
tour ? 

Mr. GiTLOW. That was a tour of the United States, suppo.=;edly a 
lecture tour, but it had as one of its objectives working for the recog- 
nition of Soviet Russia by the United States Government. 

Here are the minutes, and they are very enlightening, on this tour, 
and give an insight as to how the Communist Party can engage in 
extensive activities. 

The Purcell tours w'ere a failure, not a single lecture turned out 
to be profitable, and the attendance was very small. 

Here are the minutes on that tour : 

Comrade Foster submitted the following plau for organization of rlie tour of 
Purcell in the United States: 

"l. That we accept the proposition as received from Comrade George Hardy, 
who was the English representative of the party in Moscow, relative to the 
tour of Purcell in this country. 

••2. That we make applications for meetings by Purcell in all the principal 
cities of the country, at least 16 in number. 

"3. That we propose the tour to be handled by a routing manager who is a 
close sympathizer of the party and who shall be appointed formally by Purcell 
to handle his tour." 

In other words, the party would actually make tJie appointment, 
but formally it will be made by Purcell, and it w-ill be a close sym- 
pathizer of the party who will parade as a nonparty member, but 
who will take instructions and orders from the party committee. 

I will continue reading from the minutes: 

"4. Trade-union committees shall be established in all cities to organize the 
Purcell meetings. These committees shall be organized by the routing manager, 
who .shall first send out circular letters to all the trade unions in a given city 
inviting them to send delegates to organize for the meeting. Arrangements 
shall be made so that our comrades fully control such committees. 

"."). These committees shall be utilized eventually to build a left-wing move- 
ment in the trade unions. Just before the meeting is held in each city, the 
organizing committe shall be made permanent and given a left-wing program, 
important points of which shall be to fight for international unity" — 

In other words, that the A. F. of L. .shall combine with the Red 
International trade union, joining the two internationals — 

"recognition of Soviet Russia, funalgamation, a labor party and other left-wing 
demands. 

"G. Arrangements -shall be made to have party and T. U. U. L. speakers at 
the Purcell meetings and to circulate our literature. In addition to the regu- 
lar pamphlets, shall be printed a condensed version of the report of the 
British trade unions on Russia. 

"7. We should propose that Purcell make at least four meetings per week 
and offer him terms of $50 per meeting and railroad expenses." 

_ In other words. Purcell got from the Communist Party, in addi- 
tion to paying all of his expenses for his trip, the aniotmt of $200 



4550 UN-AJ»IERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

per week plus railroad expenses. Tlien the minutes say, "Approved 
and carried unanimously." 

Mr. Whitley. That is a <2opy of the official minutes of the secre- 
tariat ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. That is a copy of the official miiuites of the secre- 
tariat of July 2, 1925. 

Now, I told you in this morning's session how the Communist 
Party has control of the cooperatives to obtain funds. 

Here I have a letter which was sent to the Central Executive Com- 
mittee of the party bj^ David Siegel, one of the leaders of the coop- 
erative movement in New York. I have this letter because I was put 
in charge of the cooperative de}5artment of the party by the Central 
Executive Committee of the party, and in this letter is the following, 
after he refers first to the situation in the cooperatives: 

Financially the Unity Cooperative is still in a precarious state. This is due to 
the fact that during the past year this organization has done building (in camp) 
to the extent of $100,000 without having the necessary funds for same. This 
undermined the sound foundation of the organization and caused a condition 2 
weeks ago, when the entire undertaking was on the verge of collapse. It was only 
through what almost amounted to a miracle that I was able to avert it. 

Then he concludes by saying : 

That the party cannot figure on drawing material assistance direct from the 
organization and must definitely disapprove all attempts of various organizations 
for such help — 

which is an admission on his part that the party made demands for 
money on cooperative organizations to the detriment of the cooperative 
organizations. 

Mr. Whitley. He has just pointed out that, at least for the time 
being, due to the financial condition of that cooperative, it would be 
fatal to draw on it any further? 

Mr. GiTLow. That is right. 

Now, I also have here the minutes of the secretariat of October 8, 
1927. There were present at that meeting, Lovestone, Foster, and 
Gitlow, and the only reference I want to make to these minutes is the 
fact that the secretariat of the Communist Party voted on October 8 
that the Passaic strikers relief committee should turn over from its 
relief fund $150 to the organizer of the International Workers Kelief 
Committee — in other words, to divert the funds of another organiza- 
tion, which it was doing on its own authority, and had no authority to 
do it, and which the Communists, when they control an organization 
do through their officials in the party. 

Mr. Whitley. This is a case of the highest governing body of the 
Communist Party in the United States ordering what is supposed to 
be an entirely independent relief group to turn over their funds to 
another Communist group? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. In other words, the Communist Party is organ- 
ized on a military basis, and the general staff is the executive com- 
mittee of the party and the commanders are in the political committee, 
and the ruling generals in chief are in the secretariat. If they make a 
decision, that is law, binding on every member of the party. If you 
happen to be an official in charge of a trade union and it has funds, 
and you are a Communist, you can dispense these funds; if the Com- 
nnmist Part}- makes a decision that you should turn over $1,000 from 
the trade-union fund to the Conununist Party, you must do it. But 



UN-A.M1:RI('AN PUOrAOANOA ACTIVITIES 455I 

yoii must find n way to make it look le^al and plausible in the 
organization. 

Mr. Whiti.ky. That is up to tl>o individual havino- the money to 
tui-n over? 

Mr, GiTLow. Yes. 

Mr. Starxes. That could account for the manner and the method in 
Avhich local-union funds were diverted in the Detroit automobile area in 
1937, as testified to by Mr. Martin, the former head of the Automobile 
"Workers of America ? 

jSIr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

Mr. JM.VTTJif^ws. Mr. Gifelow. is tlie organization of international 
relief for workers known by the initials W. I. R.? 

Mr. GiTi.cw. That is right. 

Xow. I have the minutes of the textile committee, the C. E. C. 
textile connnittee of March 11, 1926. I was chairman of that com- 
mittee. In other words, I took charge of all textile matters, and it 
was the Central Executive Connnittee of the party, and here we have 
a series of motions in reference to the strike and the relief organiza- 
tion of the Passaic textile workers' strike in which they joined their 
relief committee to the workers' international relief, and our relief 
organization, the C. E. C. textile connnittee, made recommendations, 
and they ])roceeded and formed a joint committee of both, but the 
expenses were borne, not by the international but by the Passaic 
textile strike relief committee. In other words, the organization of 
the W. I. R.. and the expenses involved in the work of the joint com- 
mittee, were paid for by the joint strike committee. The international 
relief controlled the funds to be raised and at the same time had 
authority over the funds which the Passaic textile strike committee 
raised for the relief of strikers in that strike. But the general relief 
committee of the Passaic textile strikers had no jurisdiction over the 
W. I. R. funds, but the W. I. R. liad jurisdiction over their fimds. 

These minutes deal wnth the intricate mechanism and work, which 
gave them authority to divert some of the funds to other purposes. 

C. E. C. Textile Committee. 

March 11, 1926. 

Present : Weinstone, Gitlovv, Zaok, Knimbein, W;igenknecht, Bieclenkapp. 
Took np the question of tlie I. W. A. and the Passaic strike relief. 
The following motions were adopted. 

(1) That the general relief committee for the Passaic textile strikers in the 
future continue its functions as in the past. 

(2) That the I. W. A., jointly with the general relief committee of the Passaic 
Textile Strikers start a National campaign, 

(5) That the I. W. A., together with the relief committee of the Strikers, form 
a joint comni;ft(>e. That new relief stations he opened in Passaic under the aus- 
pices of the joint committee of the I. W. A., and general relief committee of the 
Passaic textile strikers. That the joint committee shall consist of throe members 
of the strikers' relief committee and two of the I. W. A. That this committee 
shall function on the scene. The Relief stations that will he opened in Passaic 
under the Joint auspices shall be managed by the New York section of the 
I. W. A. 

(4) That the joint committee that has been announced between the New York 
section of the I. W. A. and the general relief committee of Passaic textile strikers 
shall be organized at once. 

(T)) That the expenditures for maintaining and conducting the relief stations 
Ihat will be run under the joint auspices shall be through the general relief 
committee of the Passaic textile strikers. 

(6) That all other organizations that desire to carry on i-elief activities for the 
strike shall, like the I. W. A., function tlirough the General Relief for the Passaic 
textile strikers. 



4552 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

(7) That we recommend to the C. E. C. that the campaign for the relief of 
the Passaic textile strikers be the means for organizing sections of the I. W. A. 
all over the country. 

Benj. Gitlow, 
Chairman, C. E. C. Textile Committee. 

(8) All the New York sections of the I. W. A. and all other sections that may- 
collect funds independently of the national office of the I. W. A. shall expend 
the sum and shall transmit to the national office of the I. W. A. duplicate copies 
of all other financial transactions. — B. G. 

Mr. Whitley. That is anotlier typical example of the machinery 
and the strategy through which the Communist Party handles situ- 
ations of that kind ? 

Mr. GiTLow. That is right. 

Now, the Communist Party, when it was first organized was very 
sympathetic to the Industrial Workers of the World and was antago- 
nistic to the American Federation of Labor. Lenin disapproved that 
policy and wrote a pamphlet called The Left Sickness, or Infantile 
Sickness of the Labor Movement, in which he fought against what he 
termed the policy of the formation of the revolutionary trade union 
organizations, purely revolutionary organizations. 

As a result of the shift in trade-union policy steps were taken through 
Moscow to build up a left wing group in the trade unions, particularly 
in the American Federation of Labor, which were organized to bore 
within the American Federation of Labor, to capture the A. F. of L. 

Foster, who fought that policy, was approached by the representative 
of Moscow trade unions sent to the United States and induced to take 
a trip to Russia. Browder was collaborating with Foster at that time, 
but was not a member of the Communist Party then. Foster main- 
tained a small ineffectual organization known as the Trade Union 
Educational League, and he consented to Scott's proposal to make a 
trip to Moscow, and at that time he learned from Moscow Communists 
that they had changed their line of trade unions. They were opposed 
to dual unionism and they gave full support to the Trade Union 
Educational League. 

The first conference they held was with the Trade Union Educational 
League, and its financial report shows that Moscow supplied Foster 
with a fund of $25,000 to start the T. U. E. L., the Trade Union Educa- 
tional League in the United States. 

I will read from this report and you will see just how the financial 
status of his organization jumped upon his return from Moscow in 
1921. 

In October 1920 the receipts of Foster's organization were $100 and 
the expenditures nothing. 

In November 1920 the receipts were $10 and the expenses $9.90. In 
December it was $114.30 receipts and expenditures $2.80. 

In January 1921, that is when Scott saw him and arranged this trip 
to Moscow, the receipts jumped to $556 and the expenditures were $61. 

Mr. Whitley. Those are traveling expenses? 

Mr. GiTLOW. Yes. In February the receipts were $132 and the 
expenditures $80. In March he was on his way across, and the 
receipts were $10, and the expenditures for ocean travel, and so forth 
were $725.95. 

Then he was in Moscow in April, May, June, July, August, and 
September, and the financial statement shows nothing paid. That is 
all printed in the official organ of the Trade Union Educational 
League. 



UN-AMERIOAX I'ltOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 



4553 



Eeturned in October. The receipts jumped; receipts, $840, ex- 
penditures, $192.75. 

November, $183 receipts; $633 expenses. 

December, $738 receipts ; $2,600 expenses. 

January 1922, $1,700 receipts; expenses, $1,171. 

Then it goes on with about $1,500 average receipts and about, 
ahnost the same — a little less — expenditures, leaving a cash on hand 
of $1,022.96; total expenditures, $13,000. 

In other words, an organization that averaged less than $100 
income before Moscow supplied it with funds s\iddenly jumped to 
over $1,000 a month income. x\nd there was no income from any 
rank and file in tliose days, because I was connected with the Trade 
Union Educational League; it was in the process of education, and 
no moneys at all were received from the rank and file. That indi- 
cates merely that all the money was supplied by Moscow to start 
this left-wing organization which at first claimed that it had nothing 
to do with the Communists whatsoever. 

Now. I want 

Mr. AVhitley. Excuse me for interrupting, Mr. Gitlow, but in 
order to clarify and identify the T. U. E. L., the Trade Union Edu- 
cational League, that, as I understand, was the forerunner of the 
T. U. U. L., which was the R. I. L. U. independent labor union? 

Mr. Gitlow. The T. U. E. L. was connected with the R. I. L. U. 
It was part of it, too. 

Mr. Whi.tley. It was part of the T. U. U. L., too, was it not? 

Mr. Gitlow. It changed its name from one to the other. 

Mr. AVhitlet. The T. U. U. L. unions are the unions that Mr. 
Browder during his testimony stated had no connection with the 
Communist Party, although the Communists were sympathetic to 
them while they were operating in this country. 

Mr. Gitlow. The T. U. U. L. were completelv Communist unions, 
and in 1928 and following— particularly 1929 and 1930— the T. U. 
U. L. unions all split away, the groups, and formed unions of their 
own. and called themselves revolutionary unions. There was a Na- 
tional Textile Workers Union: a National Miners' Union; a Needle- 
Trades "Workers Industrial Union. They all split away from the 
American Federation of Labor, these left groups, and tried to cap- 
ture the masses of the American trade-unionists, for unions wliich 
were dominated 100 percent by the Communist Party. 

Financial report from October 1920 to August 26, 1922 



October 1920 

November 

December 

January 1921 

February. 

March 

April, May, June, July. Au 

Rust. and Septcm.ber, noth 

in? doing. 

October 

November 



Receipts 



$100.00 

10.00 

114.30 

556. 00 

132.00 

10.00 



840.32 
183. 40 



Expend- 
itures 



$9.90 

2.80 

61. 3n 

80.80 

725. 95 



192. 75 
633. 35 



December... 
January 1922 

February 

March 

Ai)ril- 

May 

June 

July 

August 

Total.. 



Receipts ^^f 



$738. 08 
1, 700. 45 
588. 51 
1, 473. 40 
1, 696. 41 
1, 296. 26 
1, 288. 72 
1. 516. 97 
1, 208. 55 



13, 453. 37 



$26. s."; 
1, 171. 23 
1, 560. 59 
1.182.69 
1, 043. 37 
1, 594. 17 
1. 234. 99 

1, 066. 25 

2. 240. 63 



12, 430. 41 



Cash on hand Au?. 26, $1,022.96. 



4554 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIYliIP:S 

EKPOET OF FINANCE COMMITTEE 

The finance committee has gone over the receipts and expenditures of the 
Trade Union Educational League, from October 1920', to August 26, 1922, and 
find a balance on hand of $1,022.96, less a small item of bank exchange for 
August 1922. 

Owing to the fact that the league ledger is now in the hands of the police, 
your committee is unable to make a complete and thorough auditing of the books, 
and recommends that a local league auditing committee of three be selected to 
make a complete and thorough audit as soon as the ledger can be procured 
from the police, or a new ledger constructed, which latter will probalUy take 

a month's work. 

H. E. Keas, 
Chas. Blome, 
S. T. Hammersmark. 
Finmwial Committee. 

Mr. Whitley. You miW develop that further when yon get into 
the trade-union subject? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. 

The Chairman. You are going to continue on this subject of con- 
tributions and funds and finances? 

Mr. Whitley. That is right. 

Mr. GiTLow. Now^ on the question of funds which the party re- 
ceived from Moscow, when I took the first trip to Moscow in 1927^ 
on the way over, we got a report that the Arcos was raided by the 
British Government, and certain documents were obtained. We read 
the names that were given out and were surprised to find that the 
British Government had obtained all our connections for the receipt 
of confidential material and money from Moscow. 

In Moscow we further talked over this question with the organiza- 
tion department of the Communist International and with Piatnit- 
sky. On our way back we were instructed to stop over at the Russian 
Embassy to see one of the G.-P.-U. men there — a short fellow, I 
cannot remember his name — who had an office in the Unter-den- 
Linden, in the Russian Embassy. 

Mr. Whitley. Tliat is the Russian Embassy in Berlin? 

Mr. GiTLOW. That is the Russian Embassy in Berlin; to take up 
with him the question of forwarding new confidential addresses since 
the ones disclosed by the British Government were no good any more, 
and to make other arrangements for the forwarding of confidential 
matter from abroad to our party. On our return to the United 
States, the first one we saw on this matter was Joseph Brodsky.who 
handled these confidential matters for us, and we asked him whether 
he had destroyed all the material he had in his office on the forward- 
ing of documents to and from, addresses, an so forth, and he in- 
formed us that he had, and we made other arrangements with him 
at that particular time. 

Mr. WiiiiLEY. Mr. Gitlow, yesterday Mr. Brodsky testified under 
oath before this committee that he had never been, and is not now, 
and had never been, a member of the Communist Party. 

jVIr. GiTLOw. Well, Mr. Brodsky was a membei' of the Communist 
Party holding a position of the highest confidence. He was not only 
the party's main legal adviser, but he was a party member who han- 
dled confidential matters and money matters for us continuously. In 
fact, his advice was sought even on party policy. But he represent> 
a group of party members whose membership is known only to the 



I'X-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4555 

Central Executivo Committee of the party, and perliaps only to the 
political committee, and in some instances only to the secretariat. 

Mr. "Whitley. In other words, the party makes every possible effort 
to protect Mr. Brodsky from any outward identification with the 
])arty? 

Mr. (iiTi.ow. Yes. In other words, Brodsky does not attend a unit 
meetin<i' where members of the party attend. In other words, the rank 
and file would never know Brodsky as a party member. But we had 
meerin<is of our political committee in Brodsky's office on Broadway 
and Union Square. I forget the number; it was Seventeenth Street, 
corner of BroadAvay. That was the building. We had many meetings 
of our i>olitical committee in his office, and Brodsky was very often 
j)resent at the most important and confidential meetings of the party. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, just a fevr of the highest officials, a 
few of the inner circle that he met with or had any contact with as a 
Communist. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Well, he was known as a lawyer throughout the party, 
but on important party matters he was only with the highest and lead- 
ing committees of the party. 

The Chairmax. Did I understand you to say that there were a group 
of members who were not known generally to the rank and file ? 

Mr. GiTLow. That is right. 

The Chairman. What type of peo])le were they? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Generally, the type of people who would be useful in 
fields if they were not known as Communists. For example, if we 
had a research worker wdio had a reputation for impartial research 
and was connected with an outstanding research bureau, w^e would not 
pronounce to the world that he was a party member, because we could 
use him as an impartial research Avorker who could present commu- 
nistic facts and figures as impartial facts and figures. 

Mr. Thomas. What was Mr. Brodsky's party name? 

Mr. GiTL0W\ He did not have a party name. He was known as 
Joseph Brodsky and was not known as a party member to the rank 
and filo. but cooperated and worked with the officials of the party as 
an important party figure. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you recall, Mr. Gitlow, whether the address of 
Mr. Brodsky's office, at which you said some of the meetings of the 
committee were held, was 799 Broadway? 

Mr. GiTixiw. I could not be positive at this time. 

Mr. Whitley. But it was on Broadway ? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And you think about Seventeenth Street. There 
were two addresses 

Mr. GiTLow. I do not think 799 was Brodsky's office, because 799 was 
the party address at the time. 

Mr. Whitley. There were two addresses at the time of the raid on 
Arcos. the Russian trade organization in London. The list of ad- 
dresses taken from the possession of Anton Miller, who was the cipher 
man at those headquarters, had two addresses for Brodsky, one, the 
notation on his list said, for money, per bank, Joseph R. Brodsky, 
799 Broadway, New York, and the other address, on the same list' 
Joseph R. Brodsky, room 703, 41 Union Square. New York. 

^Ir. Gitlow. That would be the right address. That was Brodskv's 
address. 



4556 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. Then there is another notation on the same list, ob- 
tained from Anton Miller, under the headino- "Address for the sending 
of funds," one, Joseph Brodsky. room 703, 41 Union Square, New 
York; and then, written in German under that, for the party and 
other organizations. 

Now, while testifying under oath yesterday before the committee, 
these notations were read to Mr. Brodsky. They are contained in an 
official document of the English Government. He stated that he had 
never been able to understand why his name appeared on such a list, 
that he had endeavored to ascertain why his name would be on the 
list, and he stated emphatically that he had never at any time had 
anything to do with the transmission of funds for the Communist 
Party. 

Can you furnish anv information along that line to the committee, 
Mr. Gitlow? 

Mr. GiTLOw. The only thing I know is that his address was used 
and that he was used on confidential matters, and he had the whole 
record of all our connections for the transmission of all this con- 
fidential matter; arid I and Lovestone were in his office wdien we re- 
turned and spoke with him about that matter, and the Arcos raids 

Mr. Whitley. You do not know of your own personal knowledge 
whether he ever actually received funds through such a source? 

Mr. Gitlow. That I could not tell you. 

Mr. Starnes. But he was designated for that purpose? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes; he was designated for that purpose, according to 
the report of the British Government. All that I know is that he 
had charge of all our confidential connections for this purpose and 
kept the list in his own safe, in his office, and upon our return to the 
United States he informed us that he had destroyed it. 

The Chairman. How about these funds? Are we going to develop 
that a little further before we leave this subject? There are certain 
things that I think ought to be clarified. First, if he is in a position 
to say, approximately how much was sent here from Moscow and for 
what purposes was it to be used? Was it used solely for the Com- 
munist Party or other activities in front organizations, or political 
purposes, or what ? Where did this money go ; how was it used ? 

Mr. Whitley. Will you cover that? 

Mr. GiTLow. I will cover that now. These funds were donated 
directly to the party; to the party press; to some of the front organi- 
zations; to our trade-union campaigns, and assistance for relief pur- 
poses, and so forth. They varied. If a certain campaign v,^oidd be 
of particular importance, we would get assistance in running that 
campaign. 

The Chairman. What kind of a campaign? 

]Mr. GiTLOw. Let me give you this, for example. One time the 
Communist Party was very much interested in launching a national 
labor party in this country. That was from 1923 on. We held a 
national convention in Chicago and then one in St. Paul, Minn. We 
had conferences all over the country. We made contact with Farmer- 
Laborites all over the United States and paid their expenses to these 
conferences and to these conventions. This money was supplied, a 
large portion of it, to us by tlie Comintern. 

At another time we were ^-ery much interested in capturin^r the 



UN-AxMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4557 

United ISIino AVorkers of America and destroyino; the leadership over 
the Uniletl Mine Workers of America, of John L. Lewis. At that 
time John L. Lewis was an outspoken antagonist of Soviet Rnssia. 
His journal carried articles about the deplorable conditions of miners 
in Soviet Russia and showed how iheir standard of livino; was far 
below the standard of livinc; of American miners. He was the spear- 
head of a campaign in the trade-unions ao:ainst Soviet Russia. 

^Ir. Starnes. That was when he was a member of the American 
Federation of Labor i' 

^Ir. GiTLOw. Yes ; that was when he was a member of the American 
Federation of Labor. The Communist Party at that time and Russia 
in particular was interested that this important and powerful trade- 
imion should take a position in favor of Russia and not against 
Russia. The}' said that it was all very nice and good for the Com- 
munist Party to have an influential following in needle-trades unions, 
but we must get a following in a basic industry like the coal-mining 
industry, and among the coal miners. So we started a campaign 
against John L. Lewis. We were supported very handsomely by 
Moscow in this campaign. I know personally of two installments of 
funds for this campaign in which we got at one time $50,000 and 
at another time $50,000, making a total of $100,000. 

The Chairman. Was that the time Mr. Lewis charged, as I think 
he did about 1924, that Moscow had sent money to the United States 
to oppose him? 

Mr. GiTLOAv. Yes: around that time. 

The Chairman. He also charged that some of the money was sent 
to John Brophy. Were you familiar with that ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes; I was familiar with that. I would like to deal 
with that on the trade-union question more in detail and just deal 
with the financial question at this time. 

j\Ir. Whitley. Did all of the funds that were sent over by the 
Comintern — were they all earmarked or designated for a particular 
purpose ? 

Mr. GiTL0w\ Generally they were earmarked. 

Mr. Whitley. In other w'ords, they did not send over a lump sum 
to be used as the party sought fit in this country ? 

Mr. GiTLOw\ No. As a rule they were earmarked, but sometimes 
funds designated for one purpose were, parts of it, used for some- 
thing else. The party had control over it, and it could do it. But 
as a rule these funds were all earmarked. 

Mr. W^HiTLEY. For a specific purpose? 

Mr. GiTL0w\ Yes; now, some of the donations of the Comintern 
and the Profintern to the American Party — when we started the Daily 
Worker, in Chicago, we received an initial fund of $35,000 from 
Moscow to start the Daily Worker. Before that time we had a 
Weekly Worker. 

ISTr. Whitley. Was Moscow particularly interested that the party 
in this country set up a daily paper? 

Mr. GiTL0w\ Moscow^ was particularly interested in the party of 
this country setting up a daily paper. Wliile it did not supply all 
the funds required for publishing the paper, it nevertheless gave an 
initial donation at the time of $35,000. 

Mr. Whitley. What year was that? 

Mr. GiTLOw. I think the paper was started in 1924, 1 believe. 



4558 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Matthews. Do yon recall, Mr. Gitlow, that Zinoviev sent a 
cablegram to the party instructing the party to launch the Daily 
Worker, and that cablegram was carried on the first page of the 
Daily Worker itself? 

Mr. GiTLOw. I recall that. 

Mr. Whitley. And who was Zinoviev? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Chairman of the Communist International at the 
time. 

Mr. Whitley. And he sent a cablegram instiucting the humching 
of the Daily Worker in this country? 

Mr. GiTLOw. And welcoming it, and so forth. 

Mr. WnrrLEY. Subsequently it was supported financially to the 
extent of $35,000? 

Mr. GiTLow. Before it appeared we got an initial donation of 
$35,000, and there was a drive for $100,000 to make its publication 
possible as a daily. 

Now, we have another interesting phase of Communist activity 
which involved the expenditure of a lot of mone}-, which is repre- 
sented by Moscow's subsidies, and that is the publishing field. We 
have in the United States a publishing company known as Inter- 
national Publishers. International Publishers has published the 
works of Lenin and of all the Bolshevik leaders. It publishes now 
the books of Slalin and all the works that the Communist Interna- 
tional is interested in distributing in the United States. 

This company was formed first as a stock company, in which 51 
percent of the stock was owned by party members in this country ; 
one who is not an open party member, but a secret party member, 
who happens to have money of his own, a fellow by the name of 
A. H. Heller, and Trachtenberg. Heller owned 51 percent of the 
stock, and the Connnunist International owned 49 percent of the 
stock. When I was in Moscow in 1928 the literature department of 
the Communist International took up with me the question of the 
International Publishers and told me of the arrangements they had 
with Heller, and asked my opinion of it. I told them that in the 
United States if somebody has a majority of 1 percent of the stock 
he owns the corporation and can do with it whatever he sees fit. 
Therefore, I advised them to get at least 51 percent of the stock for 
the Communist International. They supplied all the manuscripts, 
they supplied many of the printed pages for the books that are sent 
here in order to avoid paying excessive duties, and other subsidies 
which are in the value of thousands and thousands of dollars are 
supplied to the International Publishers. They do not have to pay 
authors' royalties, and so forth, on the books which they publish and 
sell in the United States, and which are supplied to them by the 
Communist International. So that change was made, so that today 
the Communist International owns the International Publishers, 
which operates in the United States as an out-and-out capitalist 
concern. 

Mr. Whitley. Operates as a privately owned corporation. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes; a publishing house. 

Mr. Whitley. And the two original incorporators,^ organizers of 
the corporation, were Mr. Heller and Mr. Alexander Trachtenberg? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Tliat is right. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4559 

Mr. Whitley. Do yoii knoAV %Yliethor they are still connected with 
the International Publishers? 

Mr. GiTLow. I do not know if Heller is, but Trachtenberg still is. 

Mr. Whitley. You say they are both party members ? 

Mr. GiTLOAv. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. And the company was set up by the Communists as 
its own publishing- house? 

Mv. G1TU1W. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. But under the guise of a private publishing concern. 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. 

Mr. Thomas. Will you get the address of that concern ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. I think it is 381 Fourth Avenue, New York City. 

The Chairman. Will you pursue the question of contributions 
further ? 

Mr. GiTLOW. In the 1924 election campaign, the Communist Inter- 
national donated $50,000 to help the party run this campaign. 

]Mr. Whitley. And you helped as a member of the secretariat, the 
ruling body of the party helped to handle those funds and budgeted 
them for the campaign. 

Mr. Gitlow. For the campaign ; yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Of course, you were also a candidate, a vice-presi- 
dential candidate during that campaign ? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes; now, I told you before about a fund of $50,000 
which was given to the party to run the miners' campaign in 1927 and 
1928. This fund of $50,000 was in the hands of William Z. Foster, 
who was in cliarge of the miners' campaign for the party. 

The initial funds received for the miners' campaign Foster handled 
himself, and the secretariat never checked up on his expenditures, 
but on the last installment we made a motion in the secretariat that 
all of these funds must be spent upon the decision of the secretariat 
and an accounting must be given to the secretariat for the exiDcnditure 
of these funds. 

In 1928 Foster and Lovestone, who were members of the secretariat, 
went as delegates to the Sixth World Congress of the Communist 
International. So the secretariat made a decision that the funds 
should be turned over to me, and I should expend them for the miners' 
campaign. 

I received from Morris Nemser, wlio was the custodian of the rec- 
ords, the archives of the Communist Party, and also received the bulk 
of this money — I received from him at various times a total in cash, of 
money received from Moscow, of $23,450. This money was turned 
over to me on the following dates: June 18, $500; June 20, $1,000; 
June 24, $2,000; making a total of $3,500; July 10, $3,500; July 16, 
$800; July 21, $2,000; July 30, $2,000; August 1, $1,500; August 7, 
$1,000; August 8, $1,000; August 14, $1,000; August 22, $20,000; Au- 
gust 30, $1,500; and from Lovestone — which he turned over to Love- 
stone — $1,000. leaving a balance in his hands of $2,150. 

Mr. Whitley. Those figures that you read out — were they the 
dates? 

]\Ir. Gitlow. Tliose were the dates. 
^Nfr. Whitiey. What rear? 
Mr. Gitlow. 1928. 
Mr. Whitley. 1928 ? 

94931— 40— VOL 7 19 



4560 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. What was the first date ? 

Mr. GiTLOW. June 18 ; from the sixth mouth to the eighth month — 
approximately 2i/o months. 

Mr. AVhitlet. And those were the funds which you were to expend 
in connection with tliis campaign to win over the miners ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. That is right. 

Mr. Whitley. All of which came from Moscoav? 

The Chairman. Did you use those funds for the purpose for Avhic]i 
they were intended? 

Mr. GiTLow. I will explain this. It will make a very interesting 
story to see how we manipulated 

The Chairman. Later on? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Right now, because it flows right from this. These 
funds were turned over to me in cash and I had to deposit these funds 
in the party treasury. All the funds had to be received in the party 
treasury. But you could not receipt them as funds coming from 
Moscow, so fictitious names were put on the receipts. For example, 
I have here a receipt of July 9, 1928, received from Jacob Rand, 
donation, $1,000. There is no Jacob Rand. You can look from today 
to tomorrow and you will not find a Jacob Rand. 

Then I have, July 30, received from Samuel Phillips, $1,000 
donation. 

July 20, received from James Franklin, donation, $400. 

July 21, Robert Brown, $500. All of these are fictitious names. 
I have all the receipts here. I could read many of them to cover this 
amount. 

Someone may ask me why I kept these receipts at the time. Well, 
when you belong to a political organization like the Communist Party, 
you begin to realize that you have got to be very careful on money 
matters, because if you come into opposition with the policies of the 
partj'. they may try to involve you in some money scandal in order 
to discredit you. So I have kept all these receipts and all the ac- 
countings in my possession, if any such eventuality arose. 

Mr. Whitley. Those are all yoiu' original records made at the 
time ? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes; those are my original records made at the time. 

Now, I have here a receipt in Russian ; this is in the Russian hand- 
Avriting, I also turned over $1,000 to a man named Marcus. Marcus 
was sent here as a representative of the Profintern to the American 
Party and of the Comintern. I turned over to him $1,000 to defray 
his expenses in this country, and I got a receipt for that $1,000. 

At that time Juliet Stuart Poyntz had to leave for Moscow to be 
the women's representative of the party in Moscow, and she needed 
funds to go over. I took out of these funds $100 which I turned over 
to her, and I have a receipt of $100 in her handwriting, of the money 
turned over out of these funds to defray those expenses. "Received 
of Comrade Gitlow for expenses of European trip, Juliet Stuart 
Poyntz." 

Mr. Whitley. Was Juliet Stuart Povntz an active member of the 
party, Mr. Gitlow ? 

Mr. Gitlow. Juliet Stuart Poyntz was a very active member of the 
party, a candidate for the party in election campaigns, and was head 
of the party's women's work, and was sent to Moscow by the pnrtv 



ux-A.Mi:ra<"AN propaganda activities 4561 

ill 1928 to represent the party in the women's department of the 
Comnuini^t International. 

Mr. Whitley. She was not only active, but prominent? 

]Mr. GiTLow. ActiA^e and prominent, and had a good following 
among the members of the Communist Party. 

Mr. "Whitlky. And the leaders and those closely associated with 
them ? 

Mr. Gi'rLOw. Surely. She was a member of the New York com- 
mittee, the largest committee of the party. 

Mr. Whitley. Do yon know what happened to Juliet Stuart 
Poyntz ? 

Mr, Gttlow. All I knew was what appeared in the newspapers — 
Ihar she mysteriously disappeared from her apartment and never 
returned. 

Mr. Whitley. That was, of course, after you had ceased your 
activity ? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes, sir. 

]Mr. jSIatthews. Mr. Gitlow, do you know whether Marcus was also 
known under the name of Jenks? 

Mr. Gitlow. He was also known as Jenks, and wrote a pamphlet on 
the organization work of the party. 

Mr. Matthews. Was that a matter of common knowledge among 
the leaders of the party? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes, sir. 

Mr. ]\fATTHEws. It was testified to here yesterday that Jenks was 
not known to the witness. Mr. Browder, by any other name. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Gitlow, referring to these receipts tliat you have 
introduced, in entering up the receipts, instead of saying that the 
money came from the Comintern, you entered them simply as volun- 
tarj- contributions? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes ; as voluntary contributions or loans. 

Another point you must keep in mind. This money was deposited 
by the national office of the party in the bank. Then we had to 
turn this money over to the miners' committee at that time for 
organizing the National Miners' Convention. The party did not mail 
a check to this committee, because that would disclose the relation- 
ship between the party and the so-called union organization. What 
was done, the money was drawn in cash and generally cabled or 
telegraphed to the miners' organizution. 

Mr. Wihtley. That miners' committee was supposed to be an 
entirely independent group, with no affiliations? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Just one other question, Mr. Gitlow, before we con- 
tinue. Do you know whether Marcus, alias Jenks, was known to 
Mr. Brcjwder wliile he was in this country? 

Mr. Gitlow. Of course he Avas. 

]\Ir. Whitley. In other words, Mr. Browder knew who Marcus 
Avas ? 

Mr. Gitlow. Not only kncAv Marcus in this country, but he kncAV 
Marcus in Moscow, \A^hen he was a representative of the party at 
the Profintern at Moscoav. 

Mr. Whitley. And he also kneAv that Marcus used the name 
"Jenks" t. 

Mr. Gitlow. Of course. 



4562 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Whitley. And if he testified otlierwise under oath, he was 
misiepresenting ? 

Mr. GiTLOw, I think so. 

The Chairman. Before we leave this, you say the money that came 
from Moscow was in turn transmitted to the miners' committee? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. To be spent to finance tlie strike in the coal mines? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Not at that time. This time we wanted to call to- 
gether a miners' convention and organize a new miners' union. 

The Chairman. I see. 

Mr. GiTLOw. And it was for that purpose. 

The Chairman. That money also was to be used to oppose John 
L. Lewis at that time? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes; surely. 

The Chairman. And was it used for that purpose? 

Mr. GiTLOw. The bulk of the money was used for that purpose; 

The Chairman. Was it given to men within the organization? I 
mean how was it used for that purpose? 

My. Gitlow. Well, I have here — I will show you how it was used. 

The Chairman. While we have that fund in mind, unless you have 
something else to develop, Mr. Whitley, it might be well for him to 
give us that information. 

Mr. Gitlow. Here it is. 

August 15, 1928. Received from B. Gitlow, -$500 for miners' campaign. 
Signed, A. Jakira. 

Jakira was the district organizer of district 5, which took in the 
Pittsburgh area of the soft-coal mining region. 

The Chairman. District organizer of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes; of the Communist Party. He was never a 
miner. He was one of the officials, the district official of the Com- 
munist Party. 

Tlie Chairman. He had no connection with the United Mine 
Workers ? 

Mr. Gitlow. No, no; never. He could not lift up a pick if he 
wanted to. 

Then I have here — I will read you how the expenses were met : 

Swabeck received on June 22 — I gave him $180 in cash. Swabeck 
was the Central Executive Committee representative of the Com- 
munist Party in this miners' campaign. In other words, he saw to 
it that decisions made by the Communist Party for the miners' cam- 
paign were carried out by the miners, and he was a special party 
organizer in that campaign, and he received out of this mone}^ for his 
expenses, $180. 

Swabeck, on July 11 that was to pay other organizers — $136. 

Gardos, another organizer who was in the field, $13.50. 

Meyerscough, who was a legitimate miner in the Communist Party, 
and a leader of our Communist forces, $39.49. 

The Chairman. Was he also a member of the United Mine 
Workers ? 

Mr. Gitlow. He was an expelled member of the United Mine 
Workers. 

The Chairman. Was he expelled on account of his activities? 



UN-A.MKRI''AX I'llOr'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 45^3 

yiv. GiTLow. He was expelled on account of his opposition to John 
L. Lewis. 

Then, on July 14, to the national convention connnittee — that is, 
the national miiiers' convention committee, with headquarters at 119 
Federal Street, room 411 — on July 14 I transmitted to them $500. 

For example, Stachel, who is today the secretary of the national 
connnittee of the Communist Party, and in my opinion the real power 
in the American Communist Party, outside of the Russians— 
Browder being only the figurehead — Stachel received $40 for certain 
miners' expenses. 

Then we have an item here of July 20 : Ravitch, who was business 
manager of the Daily Worker, received $72,60. 

And I could go on all along here and read you party people who 
got ditferent sums out of this money for their activities in connection 
with the miners, who were not miners. 

]Mr. Whitley. That is your original book of accounts, showing 
how the funds which were in your hands were expended ? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. sir. 

The Chairman. For the sake of tlie record, none of that money 
went to any official or member of the United Mine Workers? 

Mr. GiTLow. No, no. 

The Chairbian. It went to party members? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Party members. 

Tlie Chairman. To be used for the purpose of opposing John L. 
Lewis ? 

Mr. GiTLoW' . And smashing the miners' union. 

The Chairman. In reference to the charge that Lewis made that 
Brophy received money, do you know anything about that? 

Mr. "Gitlow. That was in reference to the first campaign, where 
we had to save the union campaign, and we had an election slate 
opposing John L. Lewis, and heading that slate was John Brophy, 
and Powers Hapgood was involved in that activity. At that time 
John Brophy collaborated with the Communist Party. All the ex- 
penses involved in his campaign to be elected president of tlie LTnited 
Mine AYorkers of America were paid — Brophy's expenses were paid 
by the Communist Party. 

The Chairman. That was the reason that Lewis charged that 
Brophy had received money from Moscow? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. 

The Chairman. Is that what led up to the charge and the expul- 
sion of Brophy? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. And that charge was true? 

Mr. GiTLOW. Absolutely true. 

Mr. Starnes. Was Brophy a Communist? 

Mr. GiTi.ow. Brophy was not a member of the Communist Party, 
but he was a member of the opposition element in the LTnited Mine 
Workers who were trying to oust Lewis, and was willing to accept 
whatever financial assistance the party gave him. 

The CFTAiR:\rAN. Later the attitude of the Communists toward the 
United Mine Workers and the C. I. O. changed, did it not? 

Mr. GiTi.ow. Yes. That came much later. 

The Chairman. That is only of recent origin? 

Mr. GiTEOw. That is of recent origin ; yes. 



4564 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

The Chairman. And there ceased to be opposition between the 
Communists and the C. I. O. officials ; is that true ? 

Mr. GiTLow. Lewis is the greatest trade-union figure in the eyes of 
the Communist Party today. 

The Chairman. You are not contending that he is a member? 

Mr. GiTLow. No ; I don't think so. 

Mr. Thomas. Will you repeat that last answer, if you please? I 
did not get it. 

Mr. GiTLOAV. I say Lewis, today, in the eyes of the Communist 
Party, is the outstanding trade-union leader in America. 

The Chairman, Of course, that does not necessarily mean that 
Lewis approves of it ? 

Mr. GiTLOW. No ; I do not say that. 

The Chairman. You do not say that Lewis is sympathetic with 
everything that the Communist Party stands for ? 

Mr. GiTLow, No ; I do not. 

The Chairman. But tlie result is that at this time the Communists, 
instead of opposing John L. Lewis' leadership, are now supporting it ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. That is right. 

Mr. VooRHis. Would it not be more accurate to say, instead of 
supporting certain organizations, they are now attacking all of them? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Their attitude has changed. For example, in 1919 
they opposed the A. F. of L. In 1921 and 1922 they decided on the 
policy of working inside the A. F. of L. to revolutionize the organi- 
zation, but not to break it up. In other words, tliey w^ere working 
against the officialdom of the A. F. of L. as reactionaries, and wanted 
them to adopt a left-wing revolutionary policy for the A. F. of L. 
Then, later on, in the latter part of 1927, 1928, 1929, and 1930, they 
abandoned their polic}^ of boring within the trade-unions and organ- 
ized unions of their own, which they called revolutionary unions, 
affiliated through the Red International of Trade Unions, for the 
purpose of coming directly to grips with the A. F. of L. for the win- 
ning of the trade-union masses in America; and this change in policy 
was dictated, not by American considerations but by Russian con- 
siderations, which we will go into at a later period. 

Then they changed again. They changed from that position and 
went back to the original position of working again inside of the 
American Federation of Labor, and when the C. I. O. was formed 
they threw all their resources behind the C. I. O. drive, but in those 
A. F. of L. unions where they maintain some control and cannot 
bring the unions into the C. I. O. they still maintain them as A. F. 
of L. unions and still work for the C. I. O. and the A. F. of L. 

Mr. VooRHis. But the real basic attitude of the members of the 
Communist Party toward the American labor movement has never 
changed, has it? I mean, the objectives that they were trying to 
reach and the things that they really thought about the American 
labor movement, have been substantially the same, in spite of the 
fact that these attacks have been made? 

Mr. GiTLOW. Well, the basic reason for their working in the trade- 
unions still remains the same. They believe that tln-ough the trade 
unions they have an opportunity of building up a mass base, as they 
call it, for the Comnnmist movement. In other words, they can get 
millions of supporters for the Communist Party if they can gain 
sufficient control of the trade-union masses. 



LX-AMEiaOA.\ I'UUi'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 4555 

The Chairman. Hme Ave finished the evidence about these con- 
tributions? 

Mr. Whitley. Xo; I tliink Mr. Gitlow has some more cla'ta with 
reference to funds received from Moscow and the purpose for which 
they were used. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Whitley. To summarize the testimony that you have just 
given, Mr. Gitlow, here we have a typical example of Moscow money 
being furnished through the Communist Party of the United States 
to smash a trade union in the United States so that the Communists 
can get control of it. Is that not the picture? Is not that what they 
were trying to do there? 

]Mr. Gitlow. A.t one time they were trying to get control of it by 
working inside of the union, and at another time they were trying to 
gain control of the miners as such by building a union of their own 
which would attract all the miners to their own particular union. 

Mr. W^hitley. When the working inside failed, then they went out 
to build a competitive union, a union of their own, and in order to clo 
that, of course, they would naturally want to disrupt the existing 
union in every way possible? 

ISIr. Gitlow. The reason for it was not that ; not because the one 
policy failed and another one would be successful. The reason for it 
Avas that certain political considerations in Russia demanded that 
they change this policy. You must keep in mind that the Communist 
Party is more interested in Russian affairs, and when it plays poli- 
tics in the United States it plays politics in the United States with an 
eye to their effect upon Moscow interests, and if a policy in the 
United States should be excellent for the mass of the American people 
and, in their opinion, detrimental to the interests of Soviet Russia, 
they would oppose that policy, because the interests of Soviet Russia 
would come first and American interests second. 

Mr. VooRHis. In other words, you mean that the Communist Party 
in America would sacrifice the basic economic or other interests of the 
rank and file of the American people if they felt that by so doing 
they could benefit the Soviet Union? 

Mr. Gitlow. Of course. 

Mr. Starnes. That would account in some degree for the defense 
which the witness Browder made on yesterdaj^ of the nonaggression 
pact between Soviet Russia and Germany? 

Mr. Gitlow. Of course. For example, today he says that the non- 
aggression pact between Soviet Russia and Nazi Germany broke the 
axis, but we know, according to newspaper reports, that conferences 
are going on between the Soviet Union and Japan, and if they should 
conclude a nonaggression pact with Japan, then Japan no longer 
becomes an axis power. But this is a pact for peace, and you can bet 
your boots that Browder would not insist that the United States 
Government declare an embargo on Japanese products in such an 
event. 

Mr. Whitlet. Although he is insisting that that be done now ? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Mr. Gitlow, you mentioned Powers Hapgood a moment 
ago. Do you know whether or not he was ever a Communist? 

Mr. Gitlow. Well, we have a varied record of Powers Hapgood. At 
one time he was considered a member of our party, and at another 



4566 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

time we were opposed to his activities. He broke with the party. 
What his position is today I do not know. 

Mr. Starnes. This morning you mentioned the employees of the 
Amtorg, and you said that the employees in this country were passed 
upon by the party before they were placed on the pay rolls of the 
company. 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you know a man by the name of Philip Davis, who 
has been employed by the Amtorg ? 

Mr. GiTLOW. No ; I do not know him. The personnel of the Amtorg 
has been changed since my time, and I would not be in a position to 
know many of them. 

Mr. Matthews. I have one question arising immediately out of the 
statement that Mr. Gitlow just made with respect to the interests of the 
American Communists in the internal affairs of the Communist Party 
of the Soviet Union. 

Do you recall that Stalin himself at one time arrived at a point of 
what might be called disgust at the manner in which all the American 
Communists were concerned about the affairs of the Communist Party 
of the Soviet Union ? 

Mr. Gitlow. Well, for the information of the committee, the Com- 
munist Party of the United States got out a pamphlet — I think I 
may have a copy of it here. Here it is : Stalin's Speeches on the 
American Communist Party. That was published by the party itself. 

Mr. Whitley. In the United States? 

Mr. Gitlow. In the United States ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Matthews. Does this pamphlet contain a statement by Stalin 
himself upbraiding the entire American party for its excessive inter- 
est in the party of the Soviet Union ? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes, sir ; I recall something to that effect. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Chairman, there is such a page in this pam- 
phlet. I ask your permission, if it is agreeable, to incorporate that 
in the record at this point. 

The Chairman. Very well. 

(The matter referred to follows: 

Staun's Speeches on the American Communist Party 

Pages 12-13. 

"You know that both groups of the American Commnnist Party, competing 
with each other and chasing after each other lilie horses in a race, are fever- 
islily speculating on existing and non-existing differences witliin tlie C. P. S. U. 
Why do they do that? Do the interests of the Communist Party of America 
demand it? No; of course not. They do it in order to gain some advantage 
for their own particular faction and to cause injury to the other faction. Foster 
and Bittleman see nothing reprehensible in declaring themselves "Stalinites" 
and thereby demonstrating their loyalty to the C. P. S. U. But, my dear com- 
rades, that is disgraceful. Do you not know that there are no "Stalinites," 
that there must be no "Stalinites"? Why does the minority act in this un- 
seemly fashion? In order to entrap the majority group, the group of Comrade 
Lovestone, and to prove that the Lovestone group is opposed to the C. P. S. U. 
and, hence, to the basic nucleus in the Comintern." (C. P. S. U.=Oommunist 
Party of the Soviet Union.) 

Mr. Gitlow. In other words, I hope to have the opportunity of 
reporting to the committee my personal experiences with Stalin, 
which cover a period of 3 years. 



UN-A^IERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4567 

Mr. Thot^ias. Mr. Matthews, it is not clear to me why you bring 
that point np. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Gitlow said, in answer to a question, that 
American Communists were primarily interested in the Communist 
Party of the Soviet Union, or more interested than they were in 
the American party in the strict sense of the word. Stalin himself 
charged the American party with just that matter. In fact, it had 
grown to such extremes that you will find that the language of Stalin 
is very sarcastic on that point. 

Mr.' GiTLOAV. But this nmst be kept in mind, and I will discuss that 
under the question of Stalin— that Stalin himself is guilty of this 
attitude, because Stalin has always interfered in the affairs of the 
American party when the affairs" of the American party seemed to 
jeopardize his interests in Russia. 

The Chairman. Well, let us finish the contributions. 

Mr. GiTLOw. I think I have finished the contributions, unless you 
would like to have 

The Chairman (interposing). The contributions are confusing to 
me. I wonder if you cannot in some way give us a list of the ones 
you know about in some chronological order, for the sake of the 
record, so that we will know just what the information is. 

Mr. W111TI.EY. He has named the different channels which, of his 
own knowledge as a ranking official of the party, he knows that the 
funds came through, and the maner in which they came through, and 
the sources they came from, and how they were used. 

Mr. Starnes. Let him put in a tabulation or a summary of that 
information. 

Mr. VooRHis. Mr. Chairman, is not this necessarily confused? Is 
not that the very way it was done, to make it confusing? 

The Chairman. Yes: that is it. But suppose you recapitulate, to 
see if we understand, the various methods through which it came. 

Mr. Whitley. I believe Mr. Gitlow, in testifying concerning the 
sources of income of the Communist Party of the United States, has 
named first dues and contributions from members and sympathizers. 
Then he mentioned the manner in which funds are obtained from trade 
unions which are Communist-controlled — in other words, which 
amounts to just a raid on the treasury by Communist orders. He has 
described and given illustrations of the manner in which the party 
obtains funds from the front organizations which it controls, and he 
gave as an example of that the Friends of Soviet Russia, and the funds 
which he said were over a million dollars, taken up in contributions 
for the relief of the Russian sufferers during the early twenties, a large 
portion of which funds came back into the treasury. 

The Chairman. Yes; but I am speaking of funds from Moscow. 

Mr. Whitley. Yes; I thought I gave the whole thing — all the 
sources. He has mentioned the manner in which the party indirectly 
receives subsidies through Amtorg, World Tourists, and Intourist. all 
of which are Soviet organizations in this country, supposedly legiti- 
mate business organizations; and he has mentioned the manner in 
which funds have come in from Russia, from Moscow, direct. 

The Chairman. What would be the approximate total of the funds 
that he knows about? 

Mr. Whitley. What would be your approximation, if you can make 
one, Mr. Gitlow, of the total amount of money received from Moscow? 



4568 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GiTLOw. Well, that would vary. For example, in one year ^Ye 
received $35,000 directly from Moscow for the Daily "Worker, 

The Chairman, What year was that? 

Mr. GiTLow. That was in 1924. We received approximately $50,000 
for trade-union work 

The Chairman. In the same year ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. That same year. I would say offhand that it fluctuated 
between $100,000 and $150,000 for various activities and enterprises 
a year. 

The Chairman. From what year to what year ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Well, the years I was connected with it ; I would sav 
from 1922 on until 1929, 

Mr. Whitley. It fluctuated between approximately $100,000 and 
$150,000 a year received directh- ? 

Mr, GiTLow. Yes. 

The Chairman. That does not include the indirect subsidies? 

Mr. Whitley. That did not include the subsidies received fi"om the 
Amtorg, the World Tourists, the Intourist, and those organizations. 

The Chairman. There is no way of estimating what those would 
amount to? 

Mr, GiTLOAV, That would be very difficult to determine, 

Mr. Thomas. Do you estimate that the amount would be larger from 
the indirect sources than from the direct sources ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. At one time we took that up in the secretariat of the 
party, what the combined expenses of the party were in all its activi- 
ties, because the national office expense at the time I was there approxi- 
mated $100,000. Browder reports that the expenses of the national 
office today approximate about $200,000, and that would be an increase 
of about 50 percent. But when ^^'e take the party organization as a 
whole, with all its ramifications, trade-union expenditures, press, prop- 
aganda, publicity, and so forth, we estimated at that time that our 
expenditure amounted for the year — we had a special meeting of the 
secretariat and we were discussing that — to one million and a quarter 
a year, 

Mr. Whitley. That was for every type of activity ? 

Mr. GiTLow, Yes, sir. 

Mr, Thomas. Mr. Gitlow, I am wondering if you could tell the com- 
mittee whether the revenues from the indirect sources which Mr. 
Whitley referred to, and which you listed, would be greater each year 
than the revenues from the direct sources which were enumerated? 

Mr. GiTLow. Well, that would be very difficult for me to determine 
offhand. I could not do that. 

]SIr. Thomas. Would you say they were about the same ? 

Mr. GiTLow. I just could not tell you without going into a research 
on that proposition. 

Mr. Casey. Mr. Gitlow, who succeeded you in j^our position as 
secretary ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. I was succeeded by Max Bedacht. 

Mr. Casey. How long did he occupy that position ? 

Mr. GiTLOw\ For a short period of time ; I don't recall exactly ; and 
then he was followed by Earl Browder. 

Mr. Casey. Where does Bedacht live? 

Mr, GiTLOw, I don't know. At one time, when I was in the party, he 
lived in Chicago ; then the national office moved to Xew York, and he 



UN-A.MERICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 45^9 

Avas an organizer in Chicaii-o, and lator lie moved to Nbav York; but 
^vhat liis present address is I do not know. 

Mr. Casey. Do you know whetlier or not these Russian contributions 
have continued since 19*29, when yon ceased to be secretary ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. I have no personal intimate knowledge, but what I 
have attempted to show here is that the party is organized on such a 
basis that unless it gets such c(mtributions it cannot support its many 
activities. 

Mr. Casey. Do you state that the party has not become self-sus- 
taining? 

Mr. GiTLOW. It is not by any means. 

Mr. Casey. But it is necessary for it to get sources of revenue from 
outside of America? 

Mr. GiTLOw. It is necessary for it to continue to get sources of 
revenue when you take into consideration its activities and its mem- 
bership. 

]N[r. WHrrLP:Y. Mr. Casey, pardon me just a minute. There will 
be later witnesses who will take this same line of testimony l)eyond 
the vears that Mr. Gitlow is covering. 

^ir. Casey. All right. 

Mr. GiTi.ow. What T have attempted to show here is that from the 
time I became secretary until tlie time I left the party, the party 
ahvays lived on subsidies from Moscow. 

The Chairman. The most astounding thing to me, that you have 
testified to today, is that here are the members of the Communist 
Party in the United States who, according to what you have said 
and other testimony, are in effect citizens of another country; that 
is, they owe allegiance to a foreign country. Noav, what would hap- 
pen if we went to war with that country? It would be a rather 
strange situation if they carried out the real teachings of the party. 

Mr. GiTLOw. That question came up in 1927 at the enlarged plenum 
of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, which 
I attended. At that time it was reported to the plenum that a war 
was imminent. They expected the war to break out much sooner 
than it did. and they believed at the time that the main opponent 
of Soviet Russia would be Great Britain, on account of the August 
raids and certain otlier incidents which happened. So there was the 
question of determining what the policy of the Communist parties 
in all other countries should be in the event of a war. At that 
plenum the slogan was ado]>ted that the workers of the world have 
only one fatherland, and that fatherland is the Soviet Union, and it 
is their duty to defend their fatherland in all cotmtries. 

The Chairman. If that be true, as you and other Avitnesses say it 
is, then Avould we not have this situation? Here are Russia and 
Germany, now allies. Suppose Russia goes to war on the side of 
Germany, and we are drawn into the war. Russia becomes our 
enemy. Here you have approximately a hundred thousand people in 
the United States who owe allegiance to Russia, and who could form 
a very effective spy and sabotage system in this country; and if they 
cari-ied out their duties as Communists, that is what they would do, 
would they not ? 

'Sir. GiTLOw. Precisely; and a i)olicy was worked out for such in- 
cidents which I will tell you riglit now, since you have raised the 
question. 



4570 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

What is the policy it was to follow? In the event of a war ao-ainst 
the Soviet Union, and the Soviet Union is allied with Germany, let 
us say, with Nazi Germany, or supposed to have a military alliance, 
and there is to be a war with Great Britain and France, you have 
Conmiunists in Germany, and the Communist in Germany, regard- 
less of the fact that they are opposed to Hitler, would have to support 
the German Government. 

The Chairmak. Let us carry that illustration a little further. 

Mr. GiTLOAV. Yes. 

The Chairman. Let us assume that we are at war. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

The Chairman. That Russia and Germany are on one side, for 
instance, and the United States drawn into the war. 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. 

The Chairman. We enter. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

The Chairman. We find this complication : We have 5,000 branches 
in the United States, according to ]3rowder's testimony. 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. 

The Chairman. With approximately 100,000 people. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Members. 

The Chairman. That owe allegiance to a foreign government. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Precisely. 

The Chairman. Would they not be in a very good position to carry 
out espionage or sabotage througliout the United States in behalf of 
Russia; and then if the Nazi group is with them, groups like the bund 
and the allied groups that we have been considering here for 3 or 4 
weeks we would simply have a whole network of spies. 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. 

The Chairman. Throughout this country. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

The Chairman. And if the Communists are consistent with what 
they have done with reference to their defense of nazi-ism, then they 
have got to work together in this organization, into a national organi- 
zation in the LTnited States, with Russians and Germans working to 
that end. 

Mr. GiTLOw. And this could all be financed by having them organ- 
ize their 

The Chairman (continuing). What woidd keep Kuhn and Brow- 
der and all these other organizations from working and collaborating 
together so we would have thousands of these units in the United 
States that could be turned into espionage and sabotage activities? 

Mr. GiTLOW. I think so, and if Stalin and Molotov can work with 
Hitler and Goering, I see no reason why Browder could not work 
with Kuhn. 

The Chairman. And the unique position of the Communist Party 
"would be this : That in the event of war and an alliance between Ger- 
many and Russia, then the Communist Party, having men in key 
positions, having some of them in the trade-unions, some in this union 
and some officials, and some organizers, it would seem to me that 
with their ability they would be able to do great damage to the L'nited 
States during times of war. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Precisely. It was Stalin him.self who told us that he 
would rather get 1 official of a trade-union into the Communist Party 
than 10.000 rank-and-file members. 



UN-A:\Ii:iiI<JAN rUUTAGANDA ACTIVITIES Abll 

Tlie Ch.\ir:\iax. In other Avords, wlien we inquire into this labor- 
nnion (piestion, I tliink it on<>ht to be made clear, and I think the com- 
mittee lias made it clear, tha( it is not, because there are Conununists 
masquerading- in the unions, the C. I. O., or the A. F. of L. that the 
the unions themselves arc favorable to communism or that any large 
perceiu of their members are Conununists. The very reverse is true. 
And because the unions may have a number of Cormnunists in them is 
by no means an implication that the labor leaders in the United States 
are sympathetic with communism. 

Mr. Starnj:s. Of course, the connnittee is not implying that. 

The Chairman. No. 

!Mr. Starnes. The committee is not implying anything one way or 
the other. The labor leaders can speak for themselves, and certainly 
it is not for us to defend their position. I think it is a question for 
them to speak for themselves on 

The Chairman. I merely mean, when we make these inquiries, they 
are not to carry that implication, 

jSIr. Starnes. We are siiuply here to learn the facts and not to try 
to defend an}' man. 

Mr. VooRHis. I think the point the chairman has in mind is that 
because we have had testimony concerning dictation by the Com- 
nuniist Party, and evidence that various organizations may be at- 
tenrpting to work upon the leaders in the labor movements, is not 
to be implied that the leaders themselves are Communists. 

Mr. Starnes. The American Federation of Labor last year sent 
one of its officials before this committee who supplied a great deal 
of testimony on this movement and expressed the position of the 
unions: and I do not think the committee needs to take a stand on 
the question one way or the other as they have a lot of people in the 
unions who can speak for themselves. 

Mr. Mason. Yes. 

The Chairman. There is no question about that, but I just thought 
that the statement should be made, and I think it should be clear that 
what we are trying to get are facts with reference to these activities. 

Mr. Casey. Because the questions are asked does not indicate the 
C. I. O. or A. F. of L. are communistic. 

Mr. Starnes. Certainly not. I do not see any reason why we 
should be squeamish about it; I am in favor of getting the facts and 
letting the chips fall where they may. 

Mr. Casey. May I ask one further question? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Casey. I am very much interested in your statement that 
Russia is the fatherland of all Communists. 

Does that mean that the Communists in America, according to your 
testimony, oAve a higher allegiance to Russia than the,y do to this 
country ? 

Mr. Gitlow. Of course. 

Mr. Casey. And might that not ex])lain the attitude of the Com- 
munist Party, as expressed by Mr. Browder and the Daily Worker, 
in noAv favoring Russia and not being outraged at the pact with 
Germany ? 

Mr. Gitlow. You will find they favor everything in Russia. You 
will never find an American Communist opposing anything Russia 
does, but at the same time they will criticize certain acts of the 
Government of the United States 



4572 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Casey. So tliat some of the things we hear from Mr. Browder, 
in liis backing of Stalin as not being antagonistic to the pact with 
Hitler 

Mr. GiTLOw (interposing). I think that you will find he has not 
criticized Russia, but at the same time feels free to criticize his own 
country. But that certainly applies to the attitude of the Soviet 
Union, because everything the Soviet Union does is angelic, good, and 
the thing that should be done, 

Mr. VooRHis. I just want to ask you as to the opposing lines of ar- 
gument under which they attempt to defend and justify the pact be- 
tween Germany and Russia. As one who is familiar with Communist 
circles, how do they arrive at that; how was that determined upon? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Well, that may be determined in two ways : Lack of 
information on the line to pursue, the line of policy to pursue from 
Russia. The party itself may adopt a certain line of policy and only 
that line of policy will be advocated by the party leaders. 

Each party leader may be pursuing a certain line of policy and 
he may, under certain circumstances, express his opinion in the com- 
mittee of which he is a member, but he cannot express his opposition 
to the party to which he belongs, unless he is willing to pay the pen- 
alty of being expelled from the party. 

Mr. VoORHis. In other words, this line of defense is something pre- 
determined ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

Mr. VooRHis. At a meeting of the leaders, and is afterward put out 
by eA^erybody ? 

Mr. GiTLOW. And generally is predetermined in the meeting after 
the leaders get certain advice by cable fi'om Moscow. 

Mr. VooRHis. One other question. Was this requirement that has 
been brought out. concerning disloyalty under certain circumstances, 
resulting from party discipline, one of the principal reasons for your 
withdrawal from the party? 

Mr. GiTLow. That was not the principal reason. At the time, the 
principal reason for my withdrawal, of my break with the Communists, 
was my conviction that the fundamental policies of communism, based 
upon dictation, abolition of liberty and democracy, would not improve 
economic conditions but would result in the contrary. 

Mr. VooRHis. Just as has happened? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

Mr. VooRHis. Was the turn of events in Europe and evident inten- 
tion of the Soviet Union to ])ursue an entirely Machiavellian policy in 
this matter one of the main things that caused you to appear before 
this committee ? 

Mr. GiTLow. That was one of the main things, the principal reason, 
for coming before the committee, although I had long expected Russia 
to come to some agreement with Hitler, with the Nazis in Germany. 
In fact, about a year ago I thought the logical move for Stalin would 
lead to an alliance with Nazi Germany, and his actions at that time 
indicated that while he was charging the opposition with being 
Gestapos, at the same time he was doing that in order to be free to 
deal with Hitler. 

Mr. VooRHis. It is evident that this agreement had not been a 
matter of sudden decision aft<^r the break-down of negotiations with 
France and Britain but must have been a matter of negotiations for 
a considerable period of time. 



UN-AMKllirAX I'UOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4573 

Mr. GiTLOAV. I am of the opinion that it Avas a matter of negotia- 
tion covering a considerable period of time; that the discussions were 
going on between Nazi Germany and Stalin for a long period of time 
before thev were consummated ; and at that time, the very start of the 
neirotiatio'ns with Great Britain^ Molotov was of the opinion that 
tlu'v were soing to have to negotiate with Germany also. Evidently 
the" plan for an agreement had also been decided upon some time 

previouslv. 

Mr. VooRHis. Now, I would like to ask you this question : You have 
sriven evidence here of very large sums of money having been sup- 
plied the United States froin the Comintern; presumable, similar sums 
of money were supplied to other nations. 

;Mr. GiTLow. Yes. 

Mr. VooRHis. What was the source of those funds; what was the 
principle source of those funds? Assessments made against mem- 
bers of trade-unions, for example, of the Soviet Union ? 

Mr. GiTLGW. Well, the Comintern funds and the Profintern funds 
to a large extent represent special assessments made against the mem- 
bers of t^lie Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the members in 
Russia have to pay those assessments. 

Mr. VooRHis. That is what I was asking about. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

Mr. VooRHis. How much do the members of the trades-unions have 
to pay? Assume they are not Communists, how much would they 
have to pay, and about how many assessments are they required to 

pav? 

Mr. GiTLOAv. It is a regular check-off system, taken from the pay 
envelope ; so much is deducted for trade-union assessments for inter- 
national purposes. 

Mr. VooRHis. As a matter of general truth, in attempting to im- 
press the members that it is an economic movement to improve con- 
ditions of people throughout the world, it is just as you have indi- 
cated, based upon setting up a force, which would be the end, pos- 
sibly, of the real progressive economic movement. 

Mr. GiTLOw. That has been the basis of my break with communism. 

The Chairman. Mr. Browder testified very clearly that whereas 
they had an agreement, he used the word "agreement" ; you refer to 
discipline, and it all amounts to about the same thing. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

The Chairman. He admitted that the Comintern issues the orders. 
Decisions are made and they must agree with them; the Communist 
in every country has to go along or either get out of the Comintern, 
and. of course, he admitted that he had himself ultimately agreed, 
which is another way of admitting, so far as concerned, that he obeys 
the dictations of the Comintern. 

Mr. GiTLOW. Yes. 

The Chairman. And if that would be true in Russia and in Ger- 
many, should there be a military alliance and with Stalin and Hitler. 
it is logical to assume that in the event a situation arose and the 
United States was dragged into war that thev would be favorable to 
Germany or to Russia : m the event we got into a war and they got 
orders for spies, espionage, or sabotage, would not the obligation be 
upon the members of the Communist Party in the United States to 
work with the Nazi groups, along with the other parties, to take 
orders from the Comintern? 



4574 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GiTLOW. Absolutely. 

The Chairman. Since the Comintern controls the Communist 
Party. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

The Chairman. And the Communist Party is, in turn, controlled 
by Stalin. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

The Chairman. So that an agreement made between Hitler and 
Stalin with reference to the present war would impress those in the 
Comintern which, in turn, would be the policy of the Soviet Union. 

Now, would it be any more difficult for the Communists in the 
United States to turn about face and begin to work with the Nazi 
group here, or be any more inconsistent than this turn about face in 
Russia in joining with the Nazi movement? 

Mr. GiTL0w\ I think they could make the turn-about, but it would 
not be as convincing. 

The Chairman. It would not involve any more radical change of 
principle or fun'damental policy than what took place, of course. 

Mr. GiTLOW. You have the statement of Mussolini recently that the 
Soviet Government and the Italian Government have a lot of things 
in common; both are opposed to international finance capital, and 
Hitler can come out with Stalin 

The Chairman (interposing). So it becomes a matter of great con- 
cern to this country to ascertain how far they are going to go in this 
country when they are bound in their allegiance to a foreign govern- 
ment. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Particularly when they masquerade behind liberal 
slogans to defend democracy. 

Mr. Starnes. I tliink that is the real thing, tying up and mas- 
querading under liberal slogans. 

The Chairman. Before you conclude your testimony I think you 
would render great service if you would distinguish between liberal- 
ism and communism. 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. 

The Chairman. Because it is a fact, is it not, that many people, 
for instance, well-intentioned people, have been deceived by the Com- 
munist slogans and have been drawn into the Communist movement 
under the guise that the}' are a move toward liberty. 

Mr. GiTi.OAv. Yes. 

Mr. Casey. I am very mucli interested in your statement that you 
felt that Russia was going into the pact with Germanj^ 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

Mr. Casey. Did you make any public utterance of that feeling? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Well I can tell you this : I wrote a book of my ex- 
perience in the Communist, and wrote that a year ago; it is to be 
published soon, in a few weeks, in which I pointed out the sim- 
ilarities between the Nazi government and the Soviet government 
and predicted the pact long before the pact was entered into. 

Mr. Casey. You expected that there would be? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. And that will be published soon. 

Mr. AVhiteey. Mr. Gitlow, you have given us a number of in- 
stances of individual subsidies for specific purposes that were sent 
over by the Comintern. 

Mr. GiTEOw. Yes. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4575 

^Ir. "WiiiTi.EY. Have you in mind any other subsidies; in other 
Mords, any activities of ])arties that reguhiriy, ever}^ year, receive a 
certain amount in the form of subsidies? 

Mr. GiTLow. No. 

Mr. "Whitlky. I had in mind the sort of publications as the Daily 
Worker, for iuijtance. 

Mr. GiTLOw. No; each one is decided upon and the amount of the 
subsidy. 

.Mr. Whitley. In addition to the original subsidy of $35,000 vrhich 
was sent over to help establish and start the publication of the Daily 
Worker. Do you know of any other publications, or whether the 
Daily Worker subsequently receives subsidy from the Comintern? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Every year a])proximately aroun.d that sum. 

Mr. Whitley. It has received each year approximately that sum? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. It is continuous? 

ISIr. GiTLOAv. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. To keep it in operation? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes. For example, the British Communist Press 
is supported entirely by the Communist International for the reason 
that the British Communist Part}' is a very weak organization. 

Mr. Whitley. I see. 

Mr. GiTLOAV. And therefore, to have a daily newspaper the ex- 
pense of the newspaper is paid out of the Communist funds. 

The Chairman. Could Russia spend money more effectively than 
to maintain a group within the United States of, say, a hundred 
thousand people who are working 24 hours a day for the interest of 
Russia? Where could it make a wiser expenditure than to support 
a group here, subsidize a party working in the interest of Russia; 
what could it do. over a long period of time, that would be in the 
better interest of the Soviet Union? 

Mr. GiTLOAw It could not do it in Russia. Communism is a one- 
party movement. 

The Chairman. Exactly, so that from the standpoint of strategy 
and money well spent, it is money well spent for Russia to keep 
a party going in the United States, to build a party in the interest 
of the Russian Government. 

Mr. GiTLow. No other government would try to finance such a 
movement; any other government undertaking to finance a hundred 
thousand men would have to pay an enormous amount of money; 
it would be far more — exceed by far the amount of money the 
Soviet Government spends in the United States to support ' com- 
munism here. 

]Mr. Dempsey. What would happen to those individuals? 

Mr. GiTLOAv. Anywhere? 

Mr. Dempsey. For instance, the representatives who were advo- 
cating or promoting the American system of government in Russia ? 

Mr. GiTLOAV. They Avould be lined up against the wall and shot. 

Mr. Dempsey. In other Avords, their toes Avould be cut off close up 
to their ears. 

Mr. GiTLOAV. Yes. 

04901—40 — vol. 7 20 



4578 UX-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. VooRHis. Just one further question. You liave said that the 
Communist movement in Great Britain was not particularly strong. 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. 

Mr. VooRHis. Would you say that is largely due to the attitude 
of the British trade-unions or the fact that the labor unions are 
strong tliere ? 

Mr. GiTLow. I think it would be due to the fact that the British 
trade-ujiions are much stronger, relatively speaking, than the same 
trade-union moA^ements are in the United States. 

The Chairman. Any further questions, gentlemen, before we 
adjourn'^ 

Mr. Thomas. One question relative to your statement concerning 
finances. How was that financing done in the United States? 

Mr. GiTLOW. Well, the mone}' Avas drawn in cash and then turned 
over to the party in cash, and the party deposited it in its own 
account in cash. 

Mr. Thomas. Do you recall what banks were used at that time? 

Mr. GiTLOw. As a matter of fact, we had deposits in a number of 
banks in Chicago, and I could not tell joii offhand wdiich they were. 
But that could be ascertained. 

Mr. Thomas. Any banks in New York City at that time? 

Mr. GiTLOw. I think we Avere depositing in the Corn Exchange 
Bank; the Corn Exchange Bank, at One Hundred and Twenty-fifth 
Street and Park AA'enue. 

Mr. Thomas. Were the accounts kept in the name of the Com- 
munist Party in the name of the officers? 

Mr. GiTLOAV. When they vrere banked they were banked in the 
name of the party. 

Mr. Thomas. All accounts Avere kept in that Avay? 

Mr. GiTLOW. When the deposit of cash was made; yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Did you maintain a cash vault, a savings deposit 
vault for cash, at headquarters or elscAvhere? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Well, Ave never kept a vault; we did maintain a vault 
at one time. 

Mr. Whitley. In other Avords, some of the cash did not go to the 
bank ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes; sometimes it was held in the A^ault. 

The Chairman. The committee will stand adjourned until 10 
o'clock tomorrow morning. 

(At 3:10 p. m. an adjournment Avas taken until 10 a. m. of the 
following day, Friday, September 8, 1939.) 



INVESTIGATION OF UN-AMEKIOAN PEOPAGANDA 
ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES 



FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1939 

House of Representatives, 
Special Co:mmittee to Ix^■ESTIGATE 

Ux-American Activities, 

Washington^ D. G. 

The comniittee met at 10 a. lu., Hon. Martin Dies (chairman) 
presiding. 

Present : Representatives Starnes, Casey. Mason, Voorhis, Tliomas; 
also Mr. Rhea Whitley, counsel to the committee, and J. B, Matthews, 
Director of Research. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

Mr. Starnes. jSIr. Chairman, in view of the fact that at one time 
]Mr. Lewis, John L. Lewis, charged that Mr. Brophy was an agent 
of Moscow, or of the Soviet Government, seeking to control or to 
destroy the United jNIine Workers, and in view of the sworn testi- 
mony before this committee to the effect that Mr. Brophy had at 
one time acted as an agent for the Moscow or Soviet Russian Gov- 
ernment, in that connection I think Mr. Brophy should be invited 
to make a statement or that he should be given an opportunity, if 
he so desires, to appear before this committee and make any slate- 
ment in denial or explanation. I so move. 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Starnes, will you tell the committee, for the 
sake of the record, what Mr, Brophy's present position is? 

Mr. St^vjjnes. Frankl}-, I do not know. 

The Chairman. Well, he is general director of the C. I. O., is 
my understanding — the national general director of the C. I. O. 
Last year, under oath, the same charge was made. Mr. Lewis, of 
course, made it in 1924; this witness makes reference to it under 
oath. 

In view of the very prominent position Mr. Brophy holds, a key 
position in the labor movement, it becomes. I think, a very important 
matter, if the committee thinks he ought to be invited to appear here 
and answer these charges and one for all clear them up. 

T may say, tlie last time that the charges were made, I addressed 
a letter to the Nonpartisan League and accorded them an opportunity 
to appear before the committee and answer these charges with 
reference to commiuiism. 

Is that agreeable to the committee, that the Chair extend him an 
opportunity to appear? 

Mr. Casey. I think that is eminently fair. Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. And to have Mr. Brophy appear as soon as 
possible ? 

Mr. Casey. Yes. 

4577 



4578 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Starnes. Or at his convenience, and the convenience of the 
committee. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Mr. Chairman, I would like to give some additional 
information on Brophy, in view of the statements that appeared in 
one of the Washington papers, in which Brophy denied having any 
contact with the Communists whatsoever. 

The Chairman. Before you do that, I just Avant to ask: Is that 
agreeable to the committee, that I do that ? 

Mr. Casey. It is perfectly agreeable. 

The Chairman. All in favor say "aye." 

(The motion was unanimously carried.) 

The Chairman. Go ahead. 

TESTIMONY OF BENJAMIN GITLOW— Resumed 

Mr. GiTLOw. I have the minutes with me of the political committee 
of November 25, 1927, in which the question of the party's campaign 
in the mining fields was discussed and Comrade Foster, who was in 
charge of the campaign, reported to the committee as follows — I am 
reading from the minutes of the political committee, of the central 
executive committee, of the Communist Party of the United States : 

Comrade Foster reported on the proposed conference to be held on Saturday, 
especially in regard to Ho and Br. 

"Ho" stands for "Alexander Howat" and "Br" stands for "Brophy." 

Motions by Foster : 

1. That the conference be postponed and taken up with Br wlien he coraes 
here and then set the date. 

That means taken up with Brophy. 

2. That we send telegrams at once to Br telling him that the matter will be 
postponed and we will speak to him on Sunday. 

3. Telegram to Howat, instructing him to wait for further instructions. 

Then we have some more motions by Foster : 

1. That Comrade Hapgood 

Hapgood at that time was a member of the Communist Party. 
Mr. Casey. What was his first name ? 
Mr. GiTLOw. Powers — Powers Hapgood. 

1. That Comrade Hapgood be called before this polcom and made to explain 
what happened in connection with the liquidation of the publication of the paper 
and what he had to do with it at the first opportunity tlie polcom can reach him. 

"Polcom" is the political committee, [Reading :] 

Motions by Foster : 

1. To set a new date for the conference and make a determined effort to get 
leading progressives to attend the conference 

And every time we made a motion to get leading progressives to 
attend the conference, we paid their railroad expenses and all otlier 
expenses. 

Mr. Starnes. May I interrupt you there, Mr. Gitlow ? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. By "leading progressives" you meant men of pro- 
gressive thought and action in political and economic circles who were 
not members of the party ? 



UN-AMEKICAX I'llOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4579 

Mr. GiTix)W. Yes. 

Mr. Starnes. Is that what yoii mean by "progressives"? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes — in the trade-union movement, particularly. 

Mr. Starnes. All right. 

^Ir. GiTLOw (reading) : 

* * * and if we can get a substantial section of the progressives, that we issue 
a call for a general open conference. 

2. That if the progressives that we were in contact with do not agree with 
this line of policy, that we propose to launch a paper immediately with Br as 
the editor and Ho as the field man — 

''Br"' is "Brophy"' and ''Ho" is Howat." 

* * * and our own comrades connected in strategic positions and through 
this paper carry on a sharp agitation calculated to bring things to a crisis and 
to force an open conflict with the Lewis machine in the shape of an open con- 
ference to be called by the party in as few weeks as possible after the launching 
of the paper. 

Mr. Starnes. Therefore, Mr. Lewis, when he made his statement in 
the twenties — I do not recall whether it was 1924 or 1926 — with refer- 
ence to Mr. Brophy and Howat being Communists, was eminently 
correct ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. He was correct as far as Powers Hapgood was con- 
cerned, not as far as Brophy w as concerned. Brophy was not a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party, but worked with the Communist Party 
and received funds from the Communist Party, and his activities later 
in opposition of the miners' union were financed by the Communist 
Party. 

]Mr. Starnes. I see. 

The Chairman. After Brophy was expelled, what happened that 
caused Lewis and Brophy to get together, and Lewis to take back these 
expelled members ? 

Mr. GiTLow. Well, Lewis was victorious in the fight against Brophy; 
then Brophy pledged loyalty to the United Mine Workers again, and 
the C. L O. organization created an entirely new situation, because the 
Communist Party supports the C. I. O. 100 percent. 

The Chairman. Today? 

Mr. GiTLOW. Today ; yes. 

The Chairman. Then the Communist Party has changed its atti- 
tude toward the C. I. O.? 

Mr. GiTLOAv. Xo. 

The Chairman. I mean toward the United Mine Workers? 

Mr. GiTLOW. Toward Lewis, yes; it has changed its attitude. 

Mr. Casey. As I understand it, Mr. Gitlow, you say that Mr. Brophy 
was not a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Brophy. No. 

Mr. Mason. But he was the direct agent of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. GiTLOW. That is right. 

Mr. Starnes. Handling funds for them in this campaign? 

Mr. GiTLOV/. Brophy did not handle funds, but his expenses were 
paid, and his expenses involved leading the Brophy movement against 
Jolm L. Lewis when Brophy was running for President against 
John L. Lewis; all those moneys came out of the treasury of the Com- 
munist Party. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether or not Lewis and the Com- 
munists settled their differences? 



4580 UN-AMERICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GiTLOw. They have settled their differences as far as the pres- 
ent situation is concerned, of course; otherwise you would not have 
the support that the Communist Party gives John L. Lewis today. 
And all you have to do is to folloM' the pages of the Daily Worker and 
you will see that every speech that Lewis makes is featured by the 
Communist Party. For example, take the Labor Day speeches: The 
Labor Day speech of William Green was not featured by the Daily 
Worker, but the Daily Worker featured the Labor Day speech of 
John L. Lewis. A page and a half was given to the Labor Day speech 
of John L. Lewis in the Daily Worker, and a two-column picture of 
him appeared, also. 

The Chairman. Of course. Lewis cannot help that. 

Mr. GiTLOw. No. 

The Chairman. That might occur to anybody ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

The Chairman. That is no evidence that Lewis is favorable to or 
sympathetic with the Communists, is it ? 

Mr. GiTLow. No ; that you Avould have to get from what Lewis does. 
But. of course, it is strange that Lewis is not attacking the Communists 
at the present time. 

The Chairman. Do Communists hold key positions in his organiza- 
tion ? 

Mr. GiTLow. That I could not tell you at present; I am not in a 
position to tell you that now. 

Mr. Casey. As I understand jou now, all you say Mr. Brophy did 
was to accept money from the Communists to finance a campaign he 
had against Mr. Lewis, and to accept their comfort and their aid. Init 
he was not a Communist himself? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Not only did he accept money and aid. but the Com- 
munist Party, in its political committee, outlined all the policies in 
the campaign, transmitted them to Brophy, and Brophy accepted 
those policies and carried them out. That is an important feature in 
the campaign to remember. 

Mr. Casey. The policies were questions of strategy in the campaign, 
were they not? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes, sir ; and all of the strategy and all of the policies 
were worked out by the Connnunist Party, by the political committee 
of the Communist Party. We would spend hours working out all 
of the strategy, all of the moves in the campaign, and then we had a 
special miners' committee, consisting of the following leaders of the 
party: C. E. Kuthenberg, general secretary of the party; William Z. 
Foster, head of the trade-union department; and J. Lovestone, and 
these three conferred continually with Brophy. Hapgood, and other 
progressives, and, with Brophy as leader, the}' transmitted to him 
the policies of the Communist Party in running the campaign and, 
to my knowledge, Brophy accepted these policies and carried them 
out. 

Mr. Starnes. Who were some of those other progressives you con- 
ferred with at that time, Mr. Gitlow, please? 

Mr. GiTLOw. I cannot ofl'liand think of them ; I would have to look 
up the records, it is so far back. But I can supply the names. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you be kind enough to refresh your recollection 
from the records and insert them in the testimony ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes; when I deal with the trade-union matter, I will 
do that. 



UX-A-MERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 45gl 

Mr. Thomas. Mr. Gitlow, in these meetiiiirs tliat Bropliy had witli 
these various people you mention, inchKling; Lovestone, did Brophy 
know at the time he was meeting with those men they were members 
of the Communist Party ? 

]\Ir. GiTLOAV. Of course Brophy knew ; Bro]:)hy knew that very welL 
Thei'e were no secrets about it. And he knew where tlie mone}' was 
cominn; from, too; he knew it did not come from tlie miners: he knew 
it came from the Communist Party. 

Mr. Masox. I would like to ask whether Sidney Hillman was one 
of those progressives who was iyi on this conference committee? 

Mr. GiTLow. Sidney Hillman at that time had nothing to do with 
the miners' situation. 

Mr. VooRHis. As I understand, you are going to come back to the 
trade-union situation ? 

Mr. GITL0w^ Oh. yes. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Chairman, in view of the fact that Mr. Earl 
Browder during his testimony gave considerable testimony with refer- 
ence to the relationship between the Comintern in Moscow and the 
Communist Party in the United States. I would like at this time for 
Mr. Gitlow to go into that phase of the subject and clear up for the 
committee just what that relationship is. the extent of it. and the 
nature of it. 

The Chairman. All right. 

]Mr. Gitlow. Well, I am surprised to hear that Browder denies any 
connection, definite connection with and control by the Communist 
International of the Communist Party during his regime in the Com- 
munist Party. 

The Chairman. I don't think he did deny that. His testimony, as 
I understood it. was to the effect he used the word "agreement" for 
"discipline." He put it on the basis that while the Communist Party 
of the United States had always followed right along with the Comin- 
tern, that was the result of a voluntary agreement. 

]\Ir. GiTLOAv. Yes. 

The Chairman. He does not put it in the language of "discipline" 
or "coercion," but the effect of it is the same, because he said if they did 
not agree the}" would have to get out of the partj\ 

Mr. Gitlow. Well, that is a strange way in w'hich to put the ii'on- 
clad control of the Communist Party today, and wdien Browder makes 
such a statement and can make it straight faced, that surprises me, 
because Browder is the last man that should make such a statement, 
because Browder was put into the position he now holds in the Com- 
munist Party by none other than Joseph Stalin himself. Stalin put 
Browder in his present position and supports him in that present 
position, and upon one oc<jasion, when Browder was to be removed 
after he was general secretary of the Communist Party of the United 
States, Joseph Stalin himself stepped in and saved Browder and kept 
him in the position he now holds. So when Browder can say there 
is no control of the Communist Party, that surprises me : I think it is 
really funny, if anything. 

Mr. Whitley. In other w^ords, ]Mr. Gitlow. Joseph Stalin placed 
BroAA'der in the position as head of the Communist Partj^ of the United 
States ? 

Mr. Gitlow. Xo one else did. BroAvder himself 

Mr. Whitley. And he has kept him in that position ? 



4582 UN-AMEillCAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. Browder has been placed as the general secretary 
of the Communist Party by Joseph Stalin, and Browder is Stalin's 
pet boy in the United States, and Browder w411 do everything that 
Stalin wants him to do. If there is anybody that is subservient to 
Stalin in the United States, it is Earl Browder. 

Mr. Casey. What are the mechanics by Avhich Stalin placed Browder 
in his present position ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Well, I will deal with that later. 

Mr. Casey. I beg your pardon, if yon are going to deal with that. 

Mr. GiTLOw. I have a special topic on that — on Stalin, Molotov, and 
the American party — and I will explain the whole operation. 

The Chairman. Yon may proceed, then, in your own way, 

Mr. GiTLow. I. think it is necessary for the committee to have some 
miderstanding of how the Communist Party is organized and how it is 
controlled by the Communist International and the role that the Com- 
munist Party of the Soviet Union — that is, Stalin's party — plays in 
dominating the Communist International, because once you have an 
understanding, then you cannot fail to realize how completely Stalin 
controls the world Communist movement, and particularly the Com- 
munist Party of the United States. 

I told you yesterday that the Communist Party is organized as a 
political organization and that its members receive orders on top, and 
once an order is given, they must carry out those orders explicitly. 

In the Communist Party of the United States no referendum, no 
initiation of motions develops in the rank and file of the organization. 
Everything that happens in the Communist Party of the United 
States happens first in the political committee, or the central executive 
committee, or the secretariat of the Connnunist Party of the United 
States. They review all matters and make decisions, and these de- 
cisions are handed down as law to the districts and to the units and 
to the rank-and-file members of the party. At the same time you 
must keep in mind that the American Communist Party is a section 
of the Communist International, with headquarters in Moscow. 

The Connnunist International was organized in 1920, and the man 
who played the decisive role in bringing about the organization of 
the Communist International was Lenin. Lenin and the other Bol- 
shevik leaders in 1920 were of the opinion that the levolution which 
started in Russia, and in which they were the general staff, would not 
be confined to the borders of Russia itself, but would spread into 
Germany, France, and other countries, and would soon engulf the 
entii-e world in a world revolution. And they organized the Com- 
munist International as an international organization to handle the 
affairs of the world revolution — first, to prepare for it; and, second, 
when it developed, to guide it and to control it. 

The parties which joined the Commimist International had to 
accept certain provisions which made those parties sections of the 
Communist International that pledged themselves to carry out every 
order and every decision of tlie Communist International. In otlier 
words, the parties who joined the Communist International accepted 
the idea that the leadei'ship of the Communist International was not 
only the leadership of the Conninniist International but also the 
leadership of all the parties which joined the Communist Inter- 
national, and that included the American Party as well. 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 45^3 

But in orgiiiiizin^ the Cnnimnnist Tnteriiational a different provi- 
sion was made for the Connnunist Party of the Soviet Union. In 
oth.er Avords. the Russian Bolslioi'iks took for tliemselves a certain 
]n-ivileaod ])osition as far as their party is concerned. Whereas the 
American party and tlie German party and the French ]>arty had to 
carry out decisions of the Comnuniist International ex]:>licitly. the 
Russian ])arty Avas o-iven a ])rivileiied position. Tlie Russian party 
was pej-mitted not only to review all decisions of the Communist 
International, but, if necessary, to take it np in its political committee 
and to chanoe tliose decisions. Let us say, for example, that the 
Communist International made a certain decision which all the other 
Conununist parties acce])ted, and then the Russian party, for some 
reason or other, decided that that decision was a wrong one: They 
could take it up in the political committee of the Russian Communist 
Party, make a different decision, and that decision becomes binding 
upon the parties of the Communist International. 

Another important fact to bear in mind is that in organizina: the 
Communist International, the rides governincr the Communist Inter- 
national provide that whenever a party sends representatives to the 
Communist International, or delegates to the congresses of the Com- 
munist International, those delegates cannot be instructed. In other 
words, the American party, M'hen it sends delegates to a Communist 
International congress, or representatives to the Communist Inter- 
national, under the rules governing the Communist International, can- 
not instruct those delegates on what are the wishes of the American 
party or its membershi]-), but they must 2:0 to the Communist Inter- 
national uninstructed. The only party that has tlie right to instruct 
its delegates to the Communist Interiiational and to make those in- 
structions binding on the delegates is the Russian Communist Party. 
That is the only party that can issue instructions, and the instructions 
Avhich the Russian party gives to its delegates in turn are binding in- 
structions, and become the rules of the Comintern. In other words, 
they have built the Commu7iist International organization in such a 
way that the Russians under no circumstances can lose control of the 
Communist International. From the very start they made sure that 
the Communist International organization Avould not present difficul- 
ties to the Russian party, and that it would be an organization on an 
international scale, servirig the interests, first, of the Soviet Union in- 
ternally, and, second, serving- their interests externally wherever such 
interests had to be served. That you must keep in mind in any matter 
concerning the relationship between the Communist Party and 
Moscow. 

I know that it is very difficult for the average American to really 
understand the mass organizational structure which we find in the 
Communist Party. I would say that the Communist Party of the 
United States is like gigantic machine with gears and wheels within 
gears. There are a variety of organizational forms that are puzzling 
to the average man ; but it is through these organizational forms that 
the party is able to operate in i^ractically every field of American life, 
and in places where you would least suspect them to be active, you 
will find the partv active in those fields. 

Mr. VooRHis. What that really means is that not only is the Ameri- 
can Communist Party controlled by the Communist International, 



4584 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVIiiES 

but that it is actually controlled by the Communist Party of the Soviet 
Union. 

Mr. GiTLOW. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Which means that it is controlled by Joseph Stalin ; 
so that the Communist Party in the United States is really controlled 
by Stalin. 

Mr. GiTLow. I would say that the control of the party's affairs by 
Stalin in Russia is as absolute as the control of Hitler over the affairs 
of his German party in Germany. I believe that the direction and 
control of Stalin over the affairs of the party in Russia is more monopo- 
listic than the control of the Fuehrer Hitler over the affairs of his 
party in Germany, as I think history will soon show. 

Mr. Whitley. When you say that it is Joseph Stalin who directs 
and controls the Communist Party in Russia, it is synonymous to 
saying- that Joseph Stalin is the head and controls the Communist 
Party here. 

Mr. GiTLOW^ Joseph Stalin is the boss of the Communist Party 
there and is the "boss Murphy" of the Communist Party here in the 
United States. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you proceed now and tell us how this organiza- 
tion works — giving instances of how it works ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. When an American citizen or any person joins the 
Communist Party, he throws himself under the discipline of the party 
and he must do wdia,tever the party directs him to do. As I said, it is 
like joining the marines. Those who join the marines are soldiers, 
and whatever commands their superior officers give the marines or 
soldiers must carry it out. Membership in the Communist Part}'' is 
diA'ided according to the organizations to which they belong, the 
particular fields in which they are active, and the work which they are 
best able to do. In other words, when you become a member of the 
Communist Party, you become a member of a unit or subsection of 
the party organization, and then the government of your whole life 
and work is done by the party. Then you are assigned to a certain 
part}- organization where you will fit in best, according to the leaders 
of the party. The membership after that is then divided into the 
unions in which they work, and the kind of enterprises they \^'ork for, 
and the kind of service they can render to the party. This form of 
organization is called the fraction form of organization, although I 
believe Mr. Browder stated that the fraction form of organization no 
longer exists in the Connnunist Party. While they have overcome 
the name "fraction," or, if they object to organizing their members 
the way they formerl}^ approved in fractions, they have a number of 
branches for the particular activities in which they are organized. 

Mr. Starves. In otlier words, they have substituted the word 
"bi'anch" for "fraction" ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes, sir; let me give an example of liow this works: 
Let us sav that in the Pittsburgh district we have 50 members of the 
Communist Party who are member of the United Mine Workers of 
America. Those 50 members are constituted into a fraction to take 
up the mining problems, or the problems of the union to which they 
belong, which the party w^ants to carry out, and they are to obey the 
decisions relative to the mining industry in reference to the activities 
of the union to which they belong. The party makes the decisions 
and the comrades cany them out. In addition to that, all members 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIF:S 4585 



of llie Communist Party are assioned to front organizations, and in 
those front organizations they constitute a Communist nucleus or a 
Communist fraction whicli directs the affairs of the organization. 

Another point is the fact that Communist Party members work in 
industries which are of vital importance for military purposes, or 
industries Avhich use important industrial secrets. Those members 
are brought to the attention of the secretariat of the party, and when- 
ever it is advisable to obtain information from them in reference to 
military secrets or industrial secrets that is done. The party mem- 
l)ers are also organized into special groups. 

The Chair:man. Right there, I do not want to interrupt you, but I 
think this is timely : Do you mean to state that where a fraction or 
branch is in a munitions factorv or in a navv varcl, it would be their 
duty, if the Communist leadership directed them to do so. to bring 
them certain secrets or disclose certain secrets and information within 
the Na^^ or Army, or wherever they were working ? Do I understand 
that it woidd be their primary duty to comply with that direction? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Absolutely, and those things have been done. 

Mr. St^u?nes. In that connection, when, they obtain military secrets 
or industrial secrets relative to the plans for machines, plants, and so 
forth, are they transmitted to Moscow ? 

Mr. Thomas. In other words, does this top organization, when one 
of these Communists is employed in some munitions works or in an 
industrial plant, l^ecome practically a spy for the Soviet Union? 

Mr. GiTLOW. If he is designated for that purpose ; yes. They have 
selected people for that, and wherever they want to use them, they do. 

Mr. Thomas. They are in key positions in the industry ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Staexes. Would that apply to the Government service, also ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. A Communist member has only one loyalty, and that is 
to the party, and that applies to every service in which they are en- 
gaged. 

Mr. Starxes. Would yott say that where a Communist member was 
placed in a Government position, in a responsible Government posi- 
tion, the same rule would apply to him as would apply if he were em- 
ployed in a private industry ? 

]\Ir. GiTLOw. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. Has there been any effort made along that line in 
Government employment? 

Mr. GiTLOw. During my period there was a slight effort along the 
Tine of industrial and military secrets. I do not know how far they 
have developed it up to this date. 

The Chairmax. During your time, they did not make any effort 
to place members in the Government service ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Xot at that time. 

Mr. Whitley. Would that same ])olicy a])ply with reference to 
sabotage activities? If a Communist were working in a munitions 
plant or industry and received instructions to commit sabotage in the 
place, he would carry out those instructions. Is that true? 

Mr. G1TT.0W. Yes, sir; for example, if it became necessary, according 
to the policy laid down by the Communist International, or if the 
United States, we will say, were at war with the Soviet Union, or if 
the United States were to enter into a war in which the Soviet Union 
was allied to Xazi Germany, it would be the first duty of the Com- 



4586 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

munists working in such a factory, if sabotage played an important 
role, and he would not hesitate to enter into any acts of sabotage. 

Mr. AVhitley. Does the parly in America particularly want to 
get its members into certain industries, as, for instance, the munitions 
industry, or into communication organizations, Army, shipyards, and 
so forth? Does it pay particular attention to certain industries of 
that type that might have military importance ? 

Mr. GiTLow. The industries in which the party was particularly 
interested in gaining a foothold, because of their strategic position 
in international developments, were the folowing: One was the ma- 
rine industry. In the marine industry the Communist International 
has been very active in establishing bureaus and organizations in 
all the important ports throughout the world. 

Mr. Thomas. Right at that point, I hate to interrupt, but I ^vould 
like to ask this: Do you not think that in the case of those liners, 
the Communists are taking a hand in the strikes in and around New 
York, which are delaying the sailing of those vessels? 

Mr. GiTLow. I would not speak of matters that I am not ac- 
quainted with. I do not know. In the marine industry, they have 
established port bureaus in New York, port bureaus at New Orleans, 
port bureaus at San Francisco, port bureaus in the Latin American 
countries, Brazil, Argentina, and Montevideo, and other places. Or- 
ganizations to gain influence over the marine workers were established 
in the important ports in Europe and Asia. In other words, the 
Communist International made a very serious effort to gain control 
of the workers in the marine iiidustry, because those workers, as you 
can readily realize, in a war situation hold a key position. 

Another industry in which they attempted to get worlcers placed 
and to make serious contact with was the chemical industry. That 
was started during the period when I held a leading position in the 
party. In Moscow the importance of chemicals in the field of war- 
fare was seriously considered, and Moscow was very anxious to get 
whatever information it could on the development of chemical war- 
fare. Our party here in the United States tried to contact the 
chemical industry, but we had very few workers employed in the 
chemical plants of the country at that particular time. Whether 
they have been able to make such contact now, I do not know. 
Those basic industries have played an important role, not only for 
gaining organized support for the Communist Party, but for other 
considerations as well, and the Comintern admonished the American 
party continuously to gain a foothold in the basic industries of the 
country, notably, coal, automobiles, coal mines, and the steel indus- 
try. We had met with success in the needle trades, textiles, and 
so forth, but had met with no real success in the basic industries, 
and the Communist International criticized us and continually de- 
manded that we gain a foothold in the basic industries in this 
country. 

Mr. Whitley. What is meant by colonizing the members in basic 
strategic industries ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. By colonizing, let us say, for example, we wanted 
members in the chemical industry of the United States : We would 
canvas the membership of the party, and we would send secret in- 
structions down to the D. O., or the district organizers, asking them 
whether they had members qualified to obtain positions in chemical 



UN-AMKRICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 45§7 

plants. If they had such niombers, we would direct that they pro- 
ceed to do that'. Coloniz'mu- wa.s also done with the youth or<raniza- 
tions in the military training camps during the sunnner, set up by 
the National Guard. We directed the youth organization to send 
a number of Communist Party members into those camps to gain 
mib^tary knowledge or military instruction. That was done during 
my time. 

Mr. Starnes. Does that apply to the C. M. T. C. ? 

JMr. GiTLow. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Starnes. That is what you have reference to particularly? 

Mr. (iiTLOW. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Whitley. Suppose j^ou continue with your discussion of the 
relations. 

Mr. WiiiixEY. In addition to what I have said, contact of the Com- 
munist International is maintained by a system of ambassadors, as 
we call them, from the Communist International to the United States. 
And. also, of American party members to the Communist Interna- 
tional. In other words, we have ambassadors from the Communist 
International in America to look after the affairs of the American 
party, and we send representatives to the Communist International 
who will live in Moscow, and attend meetings of the Communist Inter- 
national, and get instructions regarding policies, tactics, and orders 
of the Communist International. 

As to the American representatives to the Communist International, 
I will mention a few of them. When I speak of the Communist Inter- 
national I also speak of the Red International Trade Unions — the Red 
International of Trade Unions, which is a subsidiary of the Commu- 
nist International. In other words, a small committee of the Inter- 
national runs the work of the Red International Labor Union. 

Mr. Whitley. If Mr. Browder, when he testified, said that this 
exchange of ambassadors, as you call them, does not exist, that would 
be incorrect? 

]Mr. GiTLOw. Absolutely incorrect, and I will give you the names 
of the American representatives and the names of the Comintern rep- 
resentatives. 

Air. Whitley. Also, if Mr. Browder said that there was no direct 
relationship between the Red International Labor Union and the 
Comintern, would that be an accurate statement? 

Air, Gitlow. Well, I think that would be some of the intellectual 
gymnastics of Browder, but would have no basis in fact. 

This is only a partial list, and I have a complete list of the repre- 
sentatives of the Communist International to the LTnitecl States over 
a period of years, but this is only a partial list, but it will give you an 
idea of how this is done. 

Petersen was a Scandinavian comrade sent by the Communist Inter- 
national. 

Mr. Matthews. Do you recall the approximate year? 

Mr. Gitlow. The approximate year was 1926, I believe — 1925 or 
1926. 

A very important representative of the Communist International 
was one Gussev, who went under the names of Green and Gray in the 
American party. 

Then we have another Communist International who went under 
the name of Brown, so we have Brown, Green, and Gray. 



4588 UN-AMERICAN PflOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Giissev was a very important representative. He was sent here at 
the instance of Joseph Stalin at the time Joseph Stalin was preparing 
action against Trotsky, and his special mission in the United States 
was to line up the American party for the elimination of Trotsky 
from the International and the Russian Communist movement. 

Gussev, when he came to the United States, was a member of the 
very powerful control commission of the Russian Communist Party. 
The control committee is the body which has the power to discipline 
the ruling clique of Russia, and he was a member of that committee. 
Gussev, in addition, was a member of the Russian Military Academy, 
and one of Russia's military experts, and he was sent to this country, 
to the American Communist Party, as a representative of the Com- 
munist International. 

Mr. Mason. What year was that, if you please? 

Mr. GiTLOW. 1925. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Browder testified he did not know that Gussev 
was a Comintern representative to the United States. 

Mr. GiTLOW. Well, I think Browder hesitates too much, I think, 
about things he likes to forget. That is my opinion. 

Another gentleman that was sent here was a Finnish Communist 
organizer by the name of Sirola, and who operated in this cotmtry 
under the name of Miller. He was here in 1925 and 1926. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know what Sirola's first name was? 

Mr. GiTLOw. No. 

Mr. Whitley. You just knew him by the one name of Sirola? 

Mr. GiTLOW. I knew the man Aery well, and I liked him. He was 
an intelligent man, but he has been purged in the purges that took 
place. 

Mr. Thomas. Wliat do you mean by purged? 

Mr. GiTLOW. When they purge somebody he ceases to exist, like 
that which occurred in the June 1930 purge of Hitler. We know all 
about the purges of Stalin in Russia against the old Bolsheviks. 

Mr. Starnes. That is where they disagreed with him? 

Mr. GiTLOW. Wliere they disagree with the head of the party, or 
wdiere the head of the party wants to eliminate them. But we have 
no purges here. 

Mr. Thomas. We did have some attempts at purges here, but the 
purges here would not be the same as over there; the purge here 
would be by the ballot. 

Mr. GiTLOw. The ballot is not a purge. 

Mr. Thomas. Except that it has been so referred to lately. 

Mr. GiTLOW. Another representative sent here was Marcus, who 
also went under the name of Jenks. The representative sent here by 
the Communist International to deal with our youth organization 
was an English Communist bv the name of Rust. He was sent here 
in 1927. 

In 1928 and 1929 the Communist International sent two representa- 
tives to the American party. At that time — and I will speak later 
in reference to their activities — one was Harry Pollit, the leader of 
the British Communist Party, and the other was one Dengel, one of 
the leaders of the Communist Part}' of Germany. 

In 1927 the Communist International sent us a German Communist, 
a member of the central executive committee of the German party, by 
the name of Ewart, who. in the Communist International went under 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4589 

the name of Brami. and who operated in the United States under the 
name of Brown. 

In 1921-22 the Communist International sent us a representative 
who came also with plenty of cash, under the name of Scott. That 
was his pseudonym : his real name was Johnson. He originally went 
to Russia from the United States in 1919 and became a member of the 
Russian Connuunist Party. 

In 1922 tlie Connuunist International sent three representatives to 
the xVmerican Communist Party. One of them was Boris Rhinestein, 
who, after he arrived in the United States for a long time, was a resi- 
dent of Buffalo, X. Y., and was a member of the Socialist Labor Party. 
When the revolution broke out he went to Moscow and became a Soviet 
citizen and a member of the Conmiunist Party of the Soviet Union, 
and an important figiu-e in the International Labor Union. 

They also sent us John Pepper, whose real name is Jolm Pogany. 

John Pogany. or Pepper, as we knew him in this country, was com- 
mander in chief of the Red Army of Soviet Hungary in 1920 or 1921 — 
I am not sure of the date — and when the Soviet Government of Hun- 
gar}', of which Bela Kun w^as the head, was overthrown, he escaped 
with his wife and family and he was sent to the United States as a 
representative of the party in 1922. 

These were the three representatives sent to the party in 1922. 

The chief representative of the three was a mathematician, a pro- 
fessor from Poland, who lived in Russia and was a member of the 
Russian Conmiunist Party, and whose name was Valetzky, and 
Valetzky has, by the way, been purged. 

In other words, this olcl-time Communist has been purged by Joseph 
Stalin. 

Xow. you see, over an extended period of time the party was never 
without representatives of the Communist International to see to it 
that the American party carried out the orders of tlie Communist 
International. 

jNIr. Whitley. Did you know all these representatives over this 
period of time personally ? 

I\Ir. GiTLow. I knew all of them personally. 

Mr. Whitley. You carried on business with them ? 

Mr. GiTLow. I carried on business with all of them and knew all of 
them very well. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know whether ]\Ir. Earl Browder Imew at 
least some of tliese representatives personally? 

Mr. GITL0W^ Earl Browder knew all of these representatives 
personally. 

JNIr. Whitley. He knew who they were and who they represented ? 

Mr. Gitlow. According to my knowledge, he met with all of them, 
and that is positive knowledge; that he met with all of these repre- 
sentatives. 

Mr. Whitley. If I recall correctly, Mr. Browder. when he was testi- 
fying under oath in the early part of this week, said that he onl}- knew 
of one instance in which a representative of the Comintern had been 
sent to this country. I believe he stated that Harry Pollit was the only 
such representative he had ever known to be acting in that capacity. 

Mr. Gitlow. I think Browder must be in his second childhood. He 
ought to have his brain examined to see what is the matter with his 
memory. 



4590 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Mr. Matthews. Did any of the Comintern representatives in the 
United States serve on the central executive conmiittee of the Com- 
munist Party in the United States? 

Mr. GiTLOW. I am coming to that. 

Mr. Whitley. Will you also tell us how they came in, whether they 
did come in openly on regular passports? 

Mr. GiTLOW. Every one of these representatives came in on ficti- 
tious passports and by circuitous routes, and arrangements for bring- 
ing them into the country were taken up with the party in the United 
States so there would be no slip up in the arrangements worked out. 

Mr. Whitley. Entirely secret and underground procedure? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes; absolutely. 

Now, I am going to give you some of the names of representatives 
of the American party to the Communist International. 

In 1919 we sent to the Communist International John Reed and 
Louis Fraina, and Nicholas Hourwich. 

Then there were representatives of the American party, Israel 
Amter and Max Beclacht, to the Comintern; Robert Minor, Louis 
Engdahl, Earl Browder, Harrison George, H. M. Wicks, William 
W. Weinstone, Juliet Stuart Poyntz, and then I will deal with some 
others, and that is just a brief list, with some other phases of the 
Communist International organization later on, and what people we 
sent there. 

Here is an interesting characteristic of the powers and the special 
privileges which representatives of the Communist International en- 
joyed in the United States, not only in their activities in America, 
but also as to the special powers which they enjoyed. 

A representative of the Communist International to the United 
States during his stay in the United States was the boss of the party. 
In other words, he could step into the central committee of the party 
and say, "I, as a representative of the Communist International, 
using my mandate, order the American party to do this thing and 
that thing and something else," and that had to be carried out. 

In other words, he was commander in chief of the party while in 
the United States. He automatically became a member of all the 
leading committees of the party in the United States and participated 
in its deliberations and enjoyed a vote on matters that were voted 
upon, and if he happened to be in the minority in the 'vote, when he 
wanted the minority to be the majority, all he had to do was to im- 
pose his power and mandate as a C. I. representative, and then his 
view would prevail. Generally, American Communists never would 
take a position in opposition to the representative of the Communist 
International ; they knew his special powers in the country. 

So you can see how closely knit and tied up the American party was 
to the Communist International, and it is inconceivable to believe that 
the Bolshevik leaders of the Communist International and particu- 
larly a political boss of the character of Stalin would forego that 
control at this stage of the game, particularly when it is needed so 
much, in view of the critical situation. 

They might camouflage the control and they might declare it does 
not exist, but practically and intrinsically it does exist, and that con- 
trol has never been given up, because if that control had been given 
up then you see, as Browder has testified, that never, on any occasion, 
has the Communist Party of the United States during his period as 



rX-AMEllICAN PKOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 459I 

oeiieral secretary of tlie party been in opposition on any matter of 
authority with the Eussian Communist Party, the Communist Inter- 
nationaL 

Mv. Dempset. What is the pur])ose of the American Connnunist 
Party; is it to chang-e our form of government to that which now 
exists in Russia ? 

Air. GiTLOw. Precisely. 

!Mr. Dempsey. And the members of the Connnunist Party who are 
citizens of this country owe their first allegiance to the Government 
of Moscow? 

Mr. GiTLow\ Yes. 

Mr. Dempsey. Then, as a matter of fact, to say the best of them, 
they are just undesirable citizens of this country. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Under the present situation, I would declare so, 

Mr. Starnes. The same practice, I presume, obtained with refer- 
ence to obtaining passports for experts who have come to this country 
as for those going to Russia ? 

Mr. GiTLow. I will deal with the passport question later. That 
will form a special phase of the question. 

Mr. Starxes. All right. 

Mr. GiTLOw. In addition to having representatives of the American 
party to the Communist International, American party members 
served on very important missions for the Communist International 
in all parts of the world. In other words, if the Communist Inter- 
national wanted to do a specific job in China and reached the conclu- 
sion that that specific job could be done best by an American Com- 
munist, the American Communist was selected to do the job, and he 
was supplied Avitli the funds and the authority, and sent on a special 
mission to China, and the result was that American Communists have 
traveled to all four corners of the earth as special missionaries of the 
Communist International. 

Browder himself had charge of very important missions of the 
Communist International. He was sent to China and he established 
a paper in China. He had charge of a bureau in China. 

Wicks was sent to Germany and to Latin America and to other 
parts of the world. 

William Dmme was sent to France and to Germany and to other 
parts of the world. 

Zack — I forget his first name — also was sent on missions to various 
countries, notably to Latin America. 

Krumbein was sent on a special mission to Great Britain and to 
other countries. 

Jack Johnstone was sent on all kinds of missions, but the most 
important one was to India. 

Harrison Georjre went on missions that took him to manv countries. 

Let me see if I can think of a few more offhand. 

Philip Aronberg was sent on missions to China and other countries. 

Then we had in the Communist Party a taximan. a sailor, as we 
knew him. He never was in the marine industry, but he was assiirned 
to it, and there was also a fellow by the name of George Mink. 
George Mink visited on official business for the Comintern, practi- 
cally every country of the world. 

So you see that is how the American party was utilized by the 
Communist International. 
94931 — 40 — vol. 7 21 



4592 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

In other words, it is a part of the whole structure, and used 
wherever it is best to use the party. 

Mr. Whitley. I beg your pardon for interrupting you at this 
point, but I believe, if my memory serves me right, when Mr. Browder 
testified in the early part of the week he stated that he knew a George 
Mink, but he was verj^ indefinite whether he knew him, and I do not 
believe he even admitted that he knew him personally ; at least, if he 
did, he indicated a very passing acquaintance with him and knew 
nothing about him. 

Do you know whether Mr. Browder has ever had any association 
with George Mink? 

Mr. GiTLOw. George Mink and Mr. Browder were the closest 
friends in the Communist Party. 

Mr. Whitley. Personal and party friends? 

Mr. GiTLOW. Very close personal friends and at the same time 
very close party friends. They were leaders in the same party fac- 
tion and they continuously palled together. 

At the same time, as an agent of the Profintern Mink was closely 
associated with Browder on many committee activities, so if there 
is any person in the American party that Earl Browder knows well, 
very well, that is George Mink. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you recall whether a party named Kwite per- 
formed any special missions for the Comintern, and also whether 
Kwite was know as Sparks? 

Mr. Gitlow. I think Kwite served on s]iecial missions to the 
Comintern. He was not a seaman, but was assigned to our activities 
among the seamen and served on many important missions. In the 
party he was known under the name of Sparks. 

Mr. WiiittjEY. I ask that question because, if my recollection is 
correct, Mr. Browder testified that Kwite was not known in the party 
or known to him as Sparks. 

Mr. G1TI.0W. You would have to find out from Browder why he 
does not remember. 

Mr. Whitley. He does know Kwite ? 

Mr. GiTLow. According to my knowledge he should know him and 
know him very well. 

Mr. Starnes. Is that the same Sparks Avho is now a secretary in 
Wisconsin? 

Mr. GiTLOw. I could not tell you. 

Mr. Matthews. Mr. Gitlow, do you know whether Mink is a 
relative of Losovky? 

Mr. GiTLow. Mink claims to be a relative of Losovky. formerly 
head of the Red International Labor Union, and who is today assis- 
tant commisar of foreign affairs, first assistant to MolotoA'. 

Mr. WiiiTLEY. Mr. Browder was not familiar with the fact when 
he was examined the other day, according to his testimony. 

Mr. Gttt.ow. The work in the Comnumist International organiza- 
tion is also divided into departments. One of the important depart- 
ments of the Communist International is the information depart- 
ment of the Communist International, and all Communist parties 
have representatives in Moscow who are known as the official repre- 
sentatives to the information department. 

The duties of a representative to the information department are 
to keep close watch on the activities of the party, and they send a 



U.N-AMKKICAX l'U( )PA(;ANDA ACTIVITIES 4593 

report on those activities to tlie Executive Committee of the Commu- 
nist International; in other words, to keep them su])plied with thor- 
onoh and complete reports of the activities of the Comnninist Party 
which sent him. If he is sent by the Communist Party of the 
United States, he must i-eport on' the activities of the American 
Communists. 

In addition to that, he nuist follo\\ in detail the political and other 
deA-elopments in the country from which he comes and report on 
those developments to the Executive Committee of the Communist 
International, and whatever other information they may desire to 
o-et from the other countries he o-ets. In other words, he is a source 
of intimate information to the Executive Committee of the Commu- 
nist International. 

Mr. Whiti^y. That is the representative from the party to the 
International !" 

Mr. GiTLOw. To tlie information department of the Communist 
International. 

Mr. Whitley. That is one of the fttnctions that those party repre- 
sentatives perform while they are assigned at the Comintern? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. The representatiA'e to the information depart- 
ment is a very important repi-esentative because he is the source of 
great information. 

Then we also have representatives to the cooperative department 
in the Communist International. We have a cooperative department 
which looks over the Avorld coo]jerative movement, and we have a 
representative who is acquainted with the American cooperatives in 
ihe cooperative department. 

Then there is a Avomen's department, and we have representatives in 
the women's department, and we also have an agitation and a propa- 
ganda de]nirfment, and we have a representative in the agitation and 
propaganda department. 

i\Ir. WniTiiEY. Mr. Gitlow, a]5proximately how many representa- 
tives of a party in a particular country are assigned to the Comin- 
tern at all times? You mentioned a number of departments to 
which they are assigned. 

Mr. Gitlow. At one time you may liave more in Moscow and an- 
other time less. At one time we may have in Moscow as many as 50 
members engaged in various activities for the Communist Interna- 
tional and at another time there maj^ be considerably less, depending 
upon the particular situation. There is no definite number, but I 
Avould say when we have had official people in Moscow at no time is 
the numbei- less than a dozen people in Moscoav. 

In addition to that, the Communist International has established a 
number of colleges for the purpose of training professional revolu- 
tionists. In other words, the Communist International is very much 
interested in developing professional revolutionists, people who 
would devote all their time to the Communist cause and to the Com- 
munist organization, and for that purpose they created in Moscow a 
number of schools and tmiversities and to these schools and uni- 
versities we sent students. The American party sends these students 
over to MoscoAv. to the highest schools, and thescliools to which only 
the most promising members of the party Avere sent, and the school 
to Avhich even leaders of the party Avere sent is knoAvn as the Lenin 
Institute, and the allotment to tlie Lenin Institute in recent years^ 



4594 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

when I was the top leader of the party we sent around 20 students 
to the Lenin Institute, and they took up a 3-year course in the Lenin 
Institute on all matters of Communist strategy and policy and every- 
thing required of a Communist leader. 

For instance, Hathaway, now the editor of the Daily Worker, is a 
graduate of the Lenin Institute. 

Then they had a Far Eastern University. The Far Eastern Uni- 
versity was the university of which Joseph Stalin was particularly 
proud, and to that university the Communist Parties were supposed 
to send those members who were interested in becoming active in the 
Far East and among the colonial peoples of the woi'kl, and we sent 
about 30 to the Far Eastern University, and among them was a large 
percentage, I M'ould say more than half. Negroes, members of the 
party. So we could train them or they could be trained to be active 
in the colonial uprisings if they would take place in Africa and in 
other places. 

Mr. Starves. Is that for the Southeastern section of the United 
States also? 

Mr. GiTLOAV. And also to take care of the Negro problems in 
America. 

Mr. Starnes. Particularly in the Soutli. ^vhere tliere are large 
numbers of them. 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. In addition to the usual studies, which I presume 
were taught at the Lenin Institute, such as economics and politics and 
political strategy, were there any special courses not usustt in an edu- 
cational institution ? 

Mr. GrrLOw. Well, I will submit, in connection with the import- 
ance of the Lenin Institute, that the students of the Lenin Institute 
were all assigned to very important committees of the Profintern 
and the Communist International. So they got first-hand knowledge 
of Communist International policy in important situations and in 
han^dling important situations, and became not only well-versed on 
theoretical education, but they got a practical education in leadership, 
policy, and strategy. 

Mr. Whitley. I i3elieve that in the past the statement or the allega- 
tion has been made that they taught such courses as street fighting, 
and how to stir up political strife and disorders, and also gave the 
students at the institute military training under the official trainers 
of the Ked Army. Do you know whether that is correct or not ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. They got a course in military training. They formed 
a special section of the military in Moscow. They paraded during 
May day, carrying the rifles that they practiced with ; that is true. 

iSIr. Wliitley. Just one other interruption, Mr. Gitlow. Do you 
know whether a party by the name of Bosse was at any time a repre- 
sentative in the information department of the Comintern, and what 
his duties were ? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. Bosse was one of our repr-esentatives to the 
information department of the Communist International from 1927, 
I believe, to 1929. 

Mr. Whitley. He was the American party representative to the 
information department. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

Mr. Mattheavs. Mr. Gitlow, do you know whether this Bosse has 
ever worked for Amtorg under the name of Shipman? 



UX-AMEKICAX PltOI'AGANDA ACTIVITIES 4595 

Mr. GiTi.OAV. That I am not in a position to tell you, because I do 
not know. Maybe later on he did, but in my time he did not work 
for the xVmtorg. 

]Mr. Matthews. Do you know whether his real name, or one of his 
aliases, is Brooks? 

Mr. GiTLow. Tliat I do not know, because he was known at that 
time in tlie j)arty under the name of Bosse, and he served as informa- 
tion man of the American party in Moscow under the name of Bosse. 

Mr. Starnes. Do you recall the names of some of the students who 
were sent to the School of Leninism? 

Mr. (titlow. Yes; I can recall them. 

Mr. Starnes. Will you recall some of those names for us, just for 
the purpose of the record? 

Mr. GiTLow. Krumbein. 

^Ir. Whitley. That is Charles Krumbein? 

Mr. (jriTLOw. Yes ; who is now secretary of the largest district of the 
Connnunist Party, the New York district. 

Hathaway, who is now editor of the Daily Worker. Margaret 
Undjus; I do not know what position she holcls now. Barney Her- 
man. Joseph Zack. Those are some, but there were many more. 

Mr. Starxes. Do you Imow Eichard Wright? 

Mr. GiTLow", No. 

]Mr. Starnes. You do not know Richard Wright? 

Mr. GiTLOw. No ; I do not know him. 

Mr. Whitley. Do you know whether the Lenin Institute is still in 
operation? Of course, the last date of your own knowledge that you 
know of students being sent there would be in 1929, is that correct? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. So you could not testify from your own knowledge 
that students are being sent there now. 

Mr. Gitlow. Well, I am of the opinion that these institutes have 
been abolished in Russia at the present time because of the peculiar 
internal situation in Russia ; the changes and shifts in policy which 
have taken place in Russia, and the general fear of foreigners inside 
of the Soviet Union. In my opinion, they have cut down the infiltra- 
tion of such foreigners that would make up student bodies, and so 
forth, to a mininuun. Whether they have done that entirely. I do 
not know. 

Mr. Whitley. You cjualify that by expressing it just as an opinion 
and not as a fact. 

Mr. Gitlow. That is correct. 

"Mr. Matthews. Mr. Gitlow, do you recall that a girl by the name 
of Helen Kay, who was the editor of the Young Pioneer for a period, 
was one of the students of the Lenin Institute ? 

Mr. Gitlow. Helen Kay was one of the students of the Lenin Insti- 
tute, and she was also active in the food-workers' industry. 

Mr. Maithews. And she was the first secretary of the Leagiie of 
Women Slu)]:)i)ers in this country; do you know that ? 

Mr. Gitlo%v. That I do not know. But I Imow vrjio Helen Kay is. 

Mr. vStarnes. Do you knovv Ro'oert Hall? 

Mr. Gitlow. I know Robert Hall ; yes. He was a Lenin student. 
He is a Negro comrade. 

Mr. Starnes. And he went to this Lenui Institute? 

Mr. Gitlow. Yes. 



4596 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIP^S 

Mr. Whitley. Will you continue, Mr. Gitlow ? 

Mr. GiTLOW. Now, I have a voluminous amount of records here 
which I think it would be important for the committee to become 
acquainted with, which prove without the question of a doubt the inti- 
mate relationship of the party with the Communist International and 
Tiow completely the Communist International controlled the Amer- 
ican party. 

The Chairman. I think it would be important to get each and every 
one of the documents in the record, because that is one of the main 
issues involved. 

Mr. Whitley. I ^\()uld suggest that you identify the document for 
us and then read the pertinent portions of it. 

Mr. Gitlow. Just the important parts. 

The Chairman. Do you not think that the whole of the docu- 
ments ought to go into the record? 

Mr. Whitley. Then we will put the whole document in the record. 

Mr. Starnes. You can offer it as an exhibit. 

Mr. Whitley. And have it published as part of the official record. 

The Chairman. You can retain your originals, but I think all of 
these documentary records should be made a part of our record, 
verbatim, just as they are. 

Mr. Starnes. I would like, if Mr. Gitlow has access to the records 
and knows of his own knowledge the names of the students who went 
to this school of Leninism through the period of years that he has 
referred to — I would like him to set those out in the record, indicat- 
ing who they are and identifying them with party activities. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Gitlow, in identifying those, was referring only 
to the ones that were sent over there while he was one of the top func- 
tionaries of the party in this country. He knows of his own knowl- 
edge that they were sent and the purposes for which they were sent. 

Mr. Starnes. I understand that. But he has testified from memory. 
I want him to refresh his recollection and put all the names in that 
he can get. 

Mr. Whitley. Yes. 

Mr, Gitloav. We had a standing joke in the Communist Party which 
ran as follows: Why is the Communist Party like the Brooklyn 
Bridge? And the answer was because it is suspended on cables. In 
other words, it was suspended on cables fi-om Moscow and to Moscow. 

I have here only a minimum record of some of these cables, which 
crossed the wires, which hummed across the wires, from the United 
States to Moscow and from Moscow to the United States. The cost 
of these cables riui into thousands of dollars, because some of these 
cables are very lengthy cables. 

Just to give you an example of some of them. Here I have a cable 
which was sent by the Communist International to the American 
Party, October 13, 1926, for the Presidium of tlie executive committee 
of the Communist International, and was signed by the secretary of 
the Communist International. 

It sa3's : 

Poi.coM, October 13, 1926. 

CABLEGRAM FROM £. C. C. I. 

Because of the differences that exist in the party on the question whether the 
Central Conmuttee of the party is to be removed fi-om Chicago to New York, the 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4597 

Presidium of tlio E. C. C. I.. althonKh recognizing the weiglitiness of the argu- 
ments that have been brought forward by the majority of the political committee, 
is of the opinion that such a decision should he made unanimously. If unanimity 
in this question cannot be reached, then the decision in this question should be 
left to the next iiarty convention. 

Concerning the r(>nioval of the daily organ before the convention to New York, 
the Presidium leaves the decision of this question to the political committee. 

For Presidium of E. C. C. I. 

KUTJSINEN. 

Jtr<H] mid (Icstritu. Please note decision of Poleolm relative to the cable. 

You can see from this cable how sucli a minor question, which should 
be witliin the province of the party itself, the question of removing 
the national headquarters from Chicago to New York and of remov- 
ing the Daily Worker from Chicago to New York had to be consid- 
ered by the executive committee of the Communist International, 
and the executive committee of the Communist International had to 
make a decision in the matter before the party could take steps m this 
direction. And this cable that I have read was the cable that was sent 
on that momentous question, 

Mr. Whitley. After the receipt of that cable, did the executive com- 
mittee of the party in this country decide unanimously on the question 
as suggested in the cable, or do you recall ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Well, we moved. I do not remember the date, but I 
know that tlie national office of the party was moved to New York. 
The Daily AYorker was moved to New York. The Trade Union Edu- 
cational League was moved to New York. The I. L. D., the Interna- 
tional Labor Defense, was moved to New York. All the important 
party organizations which had their national headquarters in Chicago 
at the time moved to New York. 

Mr. Whitley. But before that could be done it had to be passed on 
in Moscow. 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes: surely. Moscow pays the bills and Moscow 
controls the party. 

Now, we have here another cable. I am just reading them at 
random, to give you some idea of these matters. This was sent from 
Moscow and was signed by Cannon. Foster, and William Weinstone. 
They happened to be in Moscow at this time discussing American 
affairs with the Communist International. This was sent on July 30, 
1927. The cable is a long one, and do not forget that charges from 
Moscow to the United States are expensive. 

(Mr. Gitlow interpolated during the reading of the above cable- 
gram, as follows :) 

Moscow, Jiihj 30, 1927. 

Two days' delay, resolution not basically changed. Four points one danger our 
position. Criticizes Corker editorials, British meetings correct. Two, bourgeoisi- 
fication ours? Complete. Menacing movement. Study. Combat. Several pages 
analysis. Ideological corruption far wider than material. Pepper attempted 
change policy of reorganizing labor banks into cooperatives defeated. Three, 
union work T. U. E. L. convplete. Criticize Batt, head on Zack dualism. Dunne 
struggle underestimate role T. U. E. L. Four, Intein Al. Polcom responsible 
factionalism. Parity commission six m-embers, two candidates. Jay Bill secre- 
taries, also deputy chairmen, parity commission. Convention middle August. 

( Signed ) Jim Bill Will. 

Foster at that time maintained that the workers in the United 
States were becoming bourgeois and that was the reason communism 
was not making headway. So he said the Conmiunist International 
accepted that position. 



4598 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Foster had the illusion that ^ve Communists in the United Srates 
conld change the labor banks into purely cooperative entei'prises. 

Zack was charged with being in favor of dual unionism. 

I want to read these cables. Here are four cables sent in 1927 by 
the Communist International to the American party. 

The Chairman. We want those to go into the record in full and 
then they will be returned to you. 

FIRST C. I. CABLE 

'"Declaration of the Communist International on the factional situation in the 
Workers (Communist) Party." The Comintern is categorically against the 
sharpening of the factional struggle and under no circumstances supports the 
statement of "The National Committee of the Opposition Bloc." The Comintern 
recognizes that in many political questions the Ruthenberg group followed a 
more correct line in the past than the Foster group. On the other hand, the 
executive is of the opinion that the Ruthenberg group had not understood how to 
estimate sufficiently the full significance of the trade-union forces in the party 
and that Foster at that time was more correct on m-any trade-union questions. 
The line of the Comintern has been, on the whole, for the political support of the 
Ruthenberg group and for bringing Foster nearer to the political line of the 
Ruthenberg group, at the same time, however, following the course toward the 
correction of the trade-union tactics of the Ruthenberg group on the line of 
Foster through cooperation in the party leadership. Now the previous political 
and trade-union differences have almost disappeared. The Comintern condemns 
most categorically every attempt toward the sharpening of the situation in the 
party, especially in the present objective situation as exemplified by the forma- 
tion of a national committee of the opposition bloc. The Comintern considers 
factionalism without political differences as the worst offense against the party. 
Signed Presidium of the Executive Connu'ittee of the Communist International. 

SECOND C. I. CABLE 

You must publish imniediately the following: "Our cable of July 7 did not aim 
at all to support the hegemony of one group in the Workers Party but the 
merging of all groups. We criticized the factional action of the national com- 
mittee of the opposition bloc ; we criticized also the narrow inner party line of the 
other side. Between the representatives of the three groups an agreement has 
been reached here to facilitate the bringing nearer and to accelerate the merging 
of these groups. Every action standing in contradiction to this agreement, no 
matter which side it should come from, is condemned and categorically rejected 
by us in the interests of party unity. According to the agreement, the opposi- 
tion shall also have the right to express and defend in a noufactional, comradely 
way its opinions in all meetings of the party units. 

Presidium E. C. C. I. 

THIRD C. I. CABLE 

E. C. C. I. considers such methods struggle as opposition group uses in state- 
ment impermissible factional, such expressions styling majority of Polcom "petty 
bourgeois intellectuals" as "clique leadership" are opposed resolution of 
E. C. C. I. and agreement of American comrades serving only to poison party life. 
E. C. C. I. most decisively opposes these faction methods. On other hand, 
E. C. C. I. declares against any disciplinary measures against opposition. 

(Signed) Presidium E. C. C. I. 

FOURTH O. I. CABLE 

Presidium E. C. C. I. considers that in view of the urgent necessity for party 
to conduct as great a fight as possible against intervention and counterrevolu- 
tionary war of American imperialists in China and Nicaragua, and also difficult 
position of the party arising out of the attacks of the Government and the trade- 
union bureaucracy, the Presidium cannot accept proposal for delegates to come 
to Moscow. We invite all groups to formulate in writing their reasons for views 
expressed in telegrams received. We categorically insist there be no changes in 
the Political Bureau or other leading positions in the party until the party 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4599 

convention and, on the other hand, we are against organizational measures 
against the uiinoiity. Dispute re party convention will be decided upon receipt 
of respective written statt'inents. A\'e insist upon the laying aside of factional 
fighting. 

Here is a cable by Lovestone, from Moscow, dealing with the deci- 
sions taken by the Communist International on the American party : 

Dear Comkade: The following cablegram in regard to the attitude of the 
leaders of the Comintern toward our party and its leadership has been received 
f I'om Comrade Lovestone : 

"Very important joint meeting, our delegation with Russian delegation, highly 
satisfactory. Bittehnan demanded letter sharply criticizing our party on 
T. U. E. L. and dozen other points, demanding organization changes in Jewish 
;ind south Slavic section's, and dictating modification of inner line. Losovsky 
supported Bittelman and attacked our T. U. E. L. and textile policy, but was 
completely isolated. All other ignored Bittelman's 14 points and upheld present 
policies of party. Piatnitsky very mildly critical of T. U. E. L. delay, but highly 
praised organizational improvements and big achievements past year. Bucha- 
riu and Stalin pointed out our inner line leading to consolidation is sound and 
our leadership must not be disturbed. Both argued our present inner and outer 
line correct and that our party is on right road and must be allowed to continue 
without interference. Bittelman's motion for letter unanimously rejected on 
motion of Stalin. 

"LO\^STONE." 

^^r. GiTLow. Here we have cables from the C. I. and the minutes 
of the secretariat in reference t(. the trade-union delegation that is to 
visit the Soviet Union. 

Here we have four cables from the Communist International and 
from party members in Moscow on i\.merican matters that were 
liandled by the Communist International. 

Here are also other cables on all the minutes of the political com- 
mittee and the secretariat: practically every one of them contains 
cables dealing with intimate American party matters and decisions 
of the Communist International in reference to them. 

[Copy] 

Moscow, October 3, 1926. 

RXTTHEXBEKG. 

Secretary. W. 0. P. A. T., Chicof/o, III: 
Because of the differences that exist in the party on the question whether 
the Central Committee of the party is to be removed from Chicago to New 
York, the Presidium of the E. C. C. I., although recognizing the weightiness of 
the arguments that have been brought forward by the majority of the political 
committee, is of the opinion that such a decision should be made unanimously. 
If unanimity in this question cannot be reached, then the decision in this 
question should be left to the next party convention. Paragraph concerning 
the Presidium leaves the decision of tliis question to the political committee. 

KUUSINEN, 

For Presidium of E. C. C. J. 

Moscow, October 3, 1926. 
Last clause of contract must be acted on inunediately. Seeming separation 
of two businesses is only to accomplish purpose without too much mechanics 
from distance. Contract makers say both businesses must go New York and 
they expect you to act immediately on last clause, after which other business 
can be accomplished amicably without stockholders' meet. Only fear is you 
may not understand thi<^ phase of contract and might fail to act promptly, In 
which case your best partners here say you would deserve to lose business. 
Cood letter from signers of contract promised wliich will explain weightiness 
too clearly to permit disagreement. But you cannot await letter, whicli comes 
mtich later. Complete cable us immediately what you doing. 

Kbuse. 



4600 ' UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Moscow, October -J, 1936. 
Decision provides full possibilities if energetically bandied. Transfer paper 
at once witb tbree prominent editors. First steps necessary immediately and 
will lead to accomplish transfer to New York. Cable information quick. 

HUNKY. 

Moscow, October 11, 1926. 

Tour failure to answer on moving causes serious embarrassment. If you fail 
to act promptly it can be due only to misunderstanding of attitude here. Uni- 
versal opinion here for New York with arguments even stranger than yours. 
Any immediate transfer of paper and stuff can lead to further steps. 

HuNKY. 

Mr. GiTLOW. For example, you must keep in niiucl that if the Com- 
munist Party of the United States wants to hold a national conven- 
tion — and that is one of the rules of the Commmiist International — 
such a national convention cannot be held until the Commmiist Inter- 
national gives permission to the party to hold a national convention. 
In other words, the party is not free to decide itself to hold a con- 
vention. It is bound by strict rides and must get permission from 
the Communist International first before it can hold a convention. 

Here I have a cable that was sent by Lovestone from Moscow 
indicating that Stalin supports his general views on the American 
party. 

The following cablegram has been received from Comrade Lovestone giA'ing 
the final results of the conference in M. : 

"Opposition last attack made in organization department. They met com- 
plete defeat. "Our reorganization work and results fully endorsed. Favorable 
resolution accepted directed against slogan 'reorganize the reorganization.' 
Fiatnitsky declared Browder has basically wrong conception of Communist 
Party. Rejects opposition charge too big apparatus even proposing extension. 
Summing up Lovestone's interview with Stalin resulted in complete re.iection 
of opposition viewpoint. There will be no American commission in the 
Presidium." 

******* 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Gitlow, in all of your meetings of the political 
party and the small governing and ruling committees of the party, did 
you always have to take into consideration the attitude and the sug- 
gestions, if we may call them that, of the International, before you 
could arrive at a decision as to what should be done with reference to 
the American party ? 

Mr. GiTLow. Well, all communistic leaders are in a very difficult 
position. Their bodies are in the United States but their minds are in 
Russia, and unless they know how the winds blow in Russia, their 
security as leaders is very, very shaky. That is why in the Communist 
Party we have one person assigned to the special task of reading the 
Russian press, and he reads it with a microscope. Every word is 
analyzed in order to find out just how the Russian leaders think about 
things. So that they make no mistakes in being up to the line in 
support of the Russian policies; and the one who is assigned, in the 
American party, and who still holds that position in the American 
party of reading the Russia press, is Alexander Bittelman, who is 
today a member of the political committee of the American Communist 
Party. 

Mr. Whitley. In other words, Mr. Gitlow, if the American party 
should make some decision, even on a minor problem, that was not 
entirely in accord with the Moscow ideas on that subject, their official 
positions would be jeopardized very seriously. 



U\-A.MKU1('AX ['KorAC.ANDA ACTIVITIES 4601 

Mr. GiTuiw. Oh, ves; surely. Tliey could not hold their official 
positions. Once you make a mistake and misjudge the Russian lead- 
ers, that is just too bad for you. Of course, they cannot purge you in 
liie United States, but they can do a number of things. And I will 
deal with those later on — which are quite serious. 

I want to mention another cable. I went to Moscow in 1927. That 
was my first trip to Moscow. lii fact, of the important Communist 
leaders, I was the oJie who went to Moscow the latest, because all the 
others had been there on many occasions before. Responsible for that 
was the fact that I went into prison, stayed there for about 3 years, 
then went out on ap])eal, went back again, lost the appeal, and was 
pardoned. That took u)) a number of j'ears, and I could not go to 
IMoscow. But I went to Moscow and was ordered to come to Moscow 
by cable Avhich Avas sent to the American party. Foster objected to my 
going to Moscow. He said my activities in the trade-union field were 
of such great importance, that if I left for Moscow it would disrupt all 
those activities. 

Nevertheless, a categoric cable came from Moscow signed by Buk- 
harin, who was chairman of the Communist International at the time, 
saying that in the circumstances, and nothing to the contrary, Ben 
Gitlow nnist forthwith come to Moscow and appear before the Execu- 
tive Connnittee of the Communist International. xVnd when that 
cable was received I went to Moscow. 

Now, I want to deal with this control of the Communist Interna- 
tional, not on hearsay, but on very definite proof. For example, while 
we are at it, I have here a membership card of the Workers Communist 
Party of America, American section of the Communist International. 

Mr. Whitley. That is your own card or someone else's ? 

Mr. GiTLow^. That ha])pens to be my wife's card, when she was for a 
time a member of the Communist Party. I have my own card here 
somewhere and will check up on it later. 

June 21, 1029, when I sharply disagreed Avith Stalin's methods in the 
American ])art3% I received the following letter from Robert Minor. 
And this is the beginning of the period that brings Browder into con- 
trol of the American Communist Party. Pie writes as follows : 

Telephone: Harlem 1278-9 Official organ: Daily Worker 

Communist Party of the United States of America 

section of the communist international 

Workers of the World Unite ! 

National (Office, 
liS East 125th St., New York City, June 21. 1929. 
De.\ii Comrade Giti.ow : By action of the political committee of .Tune 19. 
1929, you are herewith instructed immediately to make a wi'itten statement 
to the political committee of the party through the secretariat before the 
question of your future work in the party is settled. In This statement you 
must make clear the following points : 

1. To declare that you accept without reserve and rec(»gnize the complete 
correctness of the Comuitern address and the other Comintern decisions ou 
the American question. 

2. To declare that you will carry out the address and the decisions, and 
defend the political correctness of the address and the decisions before the 
party. 

3. To declare that you will support and defend the present leadership of 
the Communist Party of the United States of America in its work of carrying 
out the Comintern line and in its fight against all forms of open or concealed 



4602 UN-AMEKICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

opposition to the Communist International and to the leadership of the Ameri- 
can party. 

4. To declare that you denounce and emphatically condemn the anti- 
Comintern conduct of the majority of the delegation of the Communist Party 
of the United States of America in Moscow in reference to the position there 
taken toward the Comintern address, the nonsubmission to the Communist 
International decisions, and attempts to organize anti-Comintern opposition 
in the Commimist Party of the United States of America. 

The political committee at the above-mentioned meeting of June 19 decided 
to instruct you to make a WT."itten statement as above described within 48 
hours after receipt of these instructions, to be delivered into the hands of 
ihe secretariat by the end of the 48-hour period. 
Fraternally yours. 

Secret AKiAT. 
By (Signed) Robert Minok, 

RM-MB. For Executive Department. 

This letter, Avliich was dated on June 21, and to which I had to 
have an answer in the office of the party on June 23, I received on 
June 25, and I was expelled without even having been given an 
opportunity to reply to the letter. 

But this letter is a very important document, in my opinion, and 
gives you an insight into the message of the Communist movement 
and gives you some understanding of the methods which Joseph 
Stalin uses. 

The executive committee of the American Communist Party 
wanted me to sign a document, which if I signed, was a confession 
that I was against the Comintern, against the American Communist 
Party, and that I was guilty of the crimes which were charged 
tigainst me by the Comintern, by direction of the Conmiunist Inter- 
national, and by the unlimited campaign which they conducted 
against me after I disagreed with Stalin, and that is precisely what 
you have in Russia at the present time. 

A Russian party member who comes into some disagreement, who 
speaks or comes into some disagreement Avitli the poAver of Stalin is 
forced, upon pain of Communist Party discipline, to sign letters of 
this kind charging even worse crimes, and this is the basis of the 
whole confession method which is used against the members of the 
party themselves, and forms the basis for the whole frame-up of the 
International Communist Party. 

The Chairmak. Do you want to have all of these original docu- 
ments returned to you? 

Mr. GiTLow. I would like to have them. 

The Chairman. I think these important documents, Mr. Whitley, 
ought to be photostated, if future action is taken against the Com- 
munist Party, as I am of the opinion ought to be done, and the Gov- 
ernment would need these documents in presenting its case, so I 
would suggest that as a matter of precaution you have the Library 
of Congress make photostat copies of these important dociunents 
showing the control by the Comintern of the Connnunist Party. 

Mr. Whitley. Mr. Chairman, I expect to do that, and also to have 
reproductions placed in the printed report of these hearings, which 
will appear in the back of the hearings as an appendix. 

The Chairman. And in like manner the agents of the Department 
of Justice, as we have already given them some information, should 
have copies. 

Mr. Whitley. I will do that, too. 



UX-AMERICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4G03 

The Chairmax. It is iioav after 12, and we will take a recess until 
1:15. 

(At 12:03 p. m. a recess Avas taken until 1:15 p. m. of the same 
day.) 

AFTERXOON SESSION 

The coniniittee met. ])ursuant to lakin;"- of a recess, at 1 : 15 p. m. 
The CiiAiiarAx. Tlie conmiittee will come to order, please. 

TESTIMONY OF BENJAMIN GITLOW— Resumed 

Mr. Gitlow, may I ask you a question? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

The Chairmax. In investioatin^- the Nazi ^roup and organizations 
in tlie United States and in listening- to their testimony and reading^ 
the pamphlets and literature it is very apparent that one of the chief 
argmnents they use to gain force in the United States is communism 
and Judaism are synonymous: that the Jews in the United States are 
the Communists, and they have circulated it so extensively all over 
the United States that many people — I will not say many — ^but too 
many people, I will sa3% have come to believe that is absolutely true. 
It is only because of that fact that I am going to ask you this question, 
as I asked it of Mr. Browder, and the question is this : You have been 
in the movement for many years. You are a Jew, are you not? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

The Chair:viax. You are here rendering a great service in exposing 
conunuiiism fur whatever it is to the people who have been charging 
that Jews are responsible for communism, and the furthej' question I 
Avant to ask ^-ou is tliis : "VVliat proportion of the membership of the 
Communist Party, as you have knoMii it. was Jewish, and what propor- 
tion was non- Jewish? In otlier words, may I put it this way. Is the 
proportion of Jews in the Communist Party any greater than the 
proportion of Jews to the entire po])ulation of the country? 

Ml'. GiTi.ow. "Well, I think it might run about the same, but I don't 
think it ever exceeded about 15 or 20 percent of the party membership; 
and the Communist Party was divided into national groups; the for- 
eign national grouj) who happen to live in the United States — some 
were citizens and some were not. 

The leading influence in the Communist Party was in the hands, the 
leaders liere of the American members of the Communist Party, the 
outstanding leaders of the Communist Party. Men who were born in 
this country, like Amter, nwself, "William Z. Foster, Clarence Hatha- 
way; all of them are American citizens and were born in the United 
States, and the majority of them are not Jews. 

Tlie Chairmax. The majoritj^ of the leaders are not Jews? 

^Ir. GiTEOAV. No; and then if you will examine the complexion of 
the Coimnunist Party of the Soviet Union, which controls the Inter- 
national 

The Chairmax. "Will you speak loud enough for all of us to hear? 

]\Ir. (iiTLOw. Yes. If you will examine the complexion of the mem- 
bers of tlie Communist Party of the Soviet Union you will see that the 
Jewish members of the Communist Party of the Soviet I'nion make 
up a fraction only of the entire membership, and the leadership of the 
l)arty is in the hands of non-Jews. 



4604 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Joseph Stalin is not a Jew, Lenin was not a Jew, and the chiefs of 
the country are not Jews. The Jews p\a.y a minor role in the higher 
positions ; some Jews are in high positions, but in the main the leader- 
ship is dominated — leading positions are held — ^by Gentile members 
of tlie Communist Party of the Soviet Union. 

The charge that has been hurled against the Jews of the Unitedi 
States in order to develop a movement of intolerance in this country 
has absolutely no basis in fact ; in fact, it is one of the fake fights in 
this situation. 

On the one hand we have the fake figlit of the Communists in favor 
of democracy, led by Earl Browder, which he does not believe. 

On the other hand, we have the fake fight against comnnniism led 
by Fritz Kuhn, William Pelle3% and tlie other grouj>s in the cf)untiy. 

However, the activities of these groups in their fake fight against 
-communism, Fritz Kuhn, Pelley, and the rest of them, give annnuni- 
tion to Earl Browder to come out as a defender of democracy, for 
tolerance and liberal institutions. 

But that becomes a difficult job on his part, because Stalin is now 
taking in Hitler as one of his bosom fi-iends; it is quite difiicult for 
him to make his fight as a man who is fighting with the Communist 
Party when Stalin has taken in the Nazis. 

And I think w^e will be rendering the people of the United States 
and the country as a whole a great service if we can show, through the 
activities of this committee, that the Jews as a whole in tliis country 
are first of all a loyal body of American citizens who beiieve in the 
institutions of this country and certainly in the democratic liberties 
which we all enjoy, and if we can put the Fritz Kuhns, the Earl 
Browders, the Pelleys, and the Camp})ells wliere they belong, then 
we can kill for all time this attempt to bring into the TTnited States a 
situation where intolerance will prevail and where the Bill of Rights 
would be a scrap of paper instead of the genuine article that it is 
today. 

For that reason I believe everything must ))e done to clear up the 
situation so that ^ye can meet on the basis of man to man and not on 
the basis of prejudice. 

The Chairman. In other words, it would be coriect to say that the 
C'onnnunists are masquerading under the name of libei-alism. 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes. 

The Chairman. And identifjdng themselves with tlie liberal forces, 
such as democratic groups. 

On the other hand, the Nazi groups are masquerading under the 
name of patriotism. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

The Chairman. Seeking to convince other people that they are 
patriotic. 

Mr. GiTLOw. I think that is correct, and we can go even further. 
The Communists have been parading as defenders of liberty in 
America, while the philosophy is the very antithesis of liberty, because 
if the Communist philosophy should prevail, liberalism in the United 
States would be a thing of the past. 

And the Nazis have been parading as patriots of the United States, 
but what the American flag stands for and what the Constitution 
stands for, and the Declaration of Independence stands for, would 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4^05 

mean absolutely iiothino; if the Nazis, the Fritz Kuhns, or the Pelleys 
themselves gained power in America; they would give the Nazis the 
leadership. 

It is interesting to note that when the Bund holds a meeting they 
parade with the American flag in the interest of the Nazi Government 
of Germany. 

The Connnunists also parade with the American flag as the cham- 
pions of tlie Soviet Government of Russia. 

In this tliey liave c^ne thing in connnon, to masquerade as patriots 
of rhe United States, when their main objective, both of them, is to 
undermine the very institutions which make for American democracy. 

The Chairman. I think that is a very excellent statement, one which 
if it could get out in the country, will result in these organizations 
and individuals recognizing communism for what it is, and result in 
having people wlio joined those movements in recognizing it for what 
it is. 

If that could be brought out then America would have an end of 
this thing provided these organizations, the Nazis, the Comnmnists, 
and the rest of them are prosecuted under the law as they ought to 
be without further delay. 

Mr. WiiiTLKY. Mr. Gitlow. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

Mr. Whitley. You were discussing the relationship between the 
Communist International and the Communist Partj^ in the United 
States and tlie other countries of the world. 

Mr. GrrLOw. Yes. 

Mr. "Whitley. Will you continue your discussion along that line? 

Mr. GiTLow. Well. I was presenting some material and some docu- 
ments and minutes to prove that contention. 

Mr. Whitley. Yes. Will you continue? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes: I ])ropose to continue along that line. 

I stated tlial the Communists look upon the Soviet Union as the 
fatherland. In other words, that the world is divided by the simple 
demarcation, that on the one side, you have the bourgeoisie, the cap- 
italists; and on the other hand you have the w^orking classes, and the 
poor farmers, as such. 

They take the position that this simple demarcation in the world's 
population is the natural boundary line to consider. That on the 
other hand, you have these enemies for what they stand for; and on 
the otlier hand you have the section where you have to organize for 
the friends. 

They have reached the conclusion that the Soviet Union, in their 
opinion, is the government of the working classes, of the farmers and 
the peasants, and the fatherland of the workers and the farmers; 
and all on the other side are enemies of that fatherland and patriot- 
ism is to be measured by that demarcation that ignores all national 
boundaries. 

So. they have adopted, in 1927, when I was in Moscow, because 
thev expected in a few years that the Soviet Union would be in- 
volved in a war. the slogan of the workers fatherland; and T have 
here a communicaticm which was sent out to all shop committees, 
trade unions, and other labor organizations and to all the workers of 
Devroit. bv the committee in Detroit of the unemployed council, 



4606 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

which at that time was affiliated with the Trade Union Unit League, 
and the Auto Workers Union and with headquarters at 3782 Wood- 
ward Avenue, Detroit, Mich. 

And, this communication was signed ]")y George E. Powers, secre- 
tary of the T. U. U. L., who is a member of the Communist Party : 
and Philip A. Raymond, secretary of auto workers union, also a 
member of the Communist Party. 

Provisional Committee of 

Detroit Unemployed Council. 
Affiliated With Trade Union Unity 

League and Auto Workers Union, 

Detroit, Mich., Decemher I4, 1929. 

To All Shop Committees, Trude-JJnions, and Other Labor Organizations: 
To All Workers of Detroit: 

Today we are faced in this city with the most serious unemployment situation, 
which already has brought misery and starvation to tens of thousands of fami- 
lies. This is not only a local problem. Unemployment is reaching into millions 
throughout the country. Capitalism produces unemphjymeut and crisis, and 
the mad speed-up that the workers were subjected to in the recent period has 
only aggravated this situation. The workers were called up to produce ever- 
larger quantities of goods in a shorter period of time and at lower wages. 
Unemployment is not due to the workers not being in need of food, clothing, 
shelter, and other necessities. On the contrary, the workers were never in need 
more than now. But the capitalists are not interested in the need of the workers. 
All they are interested in is increased profits. 

The remedy that the bosses have for the present unemployment and econoinic 
crisis is a further campaign of wage cutting, an intensification of the speed-up. 
This is the program worked out by big business at the Ploover conference, en- 
dorsed by President Green of the American Federation of Labor. This is the 
program that May(U' Lodge and Martel of the Detroit Federation of Labor are 
proposing. The Ford fake "wage raise" is part of this campaign to lower the 
living standards of the workers. 

Every act of resistance on the part of the workers is being met by the most 
brutal attack against them. This we saw in Gastonia, New Orleans, Marion, and 
we see it in the present strike of the Illinois miners \inder the leadership of the 
National Miners Union. 

The capitalists are driving toward a new world imperialist war, for the re- 
division of the world markets. But all the capitalist countries under the 
leadership of the United States are preparing to artack the Soviet Union in 
order to convert the rich territory of Russia into a colony for their plunders. 
They fear that the Soviet Union, where tlie workers having abolished capitalism 
are enjoying an ever-increasing standard of living, are abolishing forever unem- 
ployment, is becoming the inspiration of the workers of this country. 

We must not be fooled by the bosses' promises, by their fake plans of public 
works. We can expect nothing from the capitalists, their community fund, and 
their other agencies. Only the organization of the unemployed into a powerful 
organization united in common struggle with these employed can force the capi- 
talists to consider the needs of the workers. This struggle must unite all 
workers organized and unorganized, employed and unemployed, white and Negro, 
young workers, and women workers. 

We must organize and fight for — 

1. Work or wages. Unemployed relief to be paid for by the employers and 
their Government, and administrated by the workers' organizations. No pay- 
ment or rent while unemployed. 

2. Fight against speed-up, wage cuts, and for the 7-hour day. 

3. Organize the unorganized. Form shop committees in the factories. 

4. Organize. Unite all workers in the militant trade unions of the Trade 
Union Unity League. 

5. Fight against the A. F. of L. which is the agent of the bosses. 

6. Fight against imperialist war and war preparation. 

7. Defend the Soviet Union — the workers' fatherland. 

On the basis of the above program, we call upon all workers in the trade- 
unions, shop committees in the plants, and all other labor organizations to send 
three (3) delegates to the conference for the organization of an unemployed 



UN-AMERICAN PUOPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4607 

couucil, to 1)0 held on Friday, January 17, at 7 : 30 p. m. at the Trade Union 
Center, 37S2 Woodware Avenue, near Seldon. 
Fraternally yours, 

(Signed) George E. Powers, 

Secretary of T. Z7. U. L. 
(Signed) Phiup T. Raymond, 

Seeretary of Auto Workers Union. 
(Signed) Alfred E. Goetz, 
Secretary of Provisimial Committee. 

The Ci! AIRMAN. Well, Raymond is still active, or was recently with 
the automobile workers? 

We had a man by that name before us. 

]Mr. GiTLOw. That probably is the same Raymond. This is Philip 
Raymond. 

The Chairman. There were two of them, were there not, two 
brothel's ? 

Mr. GiTLOAv. I only know of one, Philip A. Raymond. 

The Chairman. Very well, proceed. 

Mr. GiTLOAV. And in this communication they use this slojian, and 
the slogan is to defend the Soviet Union, the workers' fatherland. 

Now. I have here also 

The Chairman. While you are on that point, if it does not interrupt 
your chain of thought, I would like to have you explain, and I think 
it would be of great interest — at least it would be to me — why these 
people, liberal-minded, at least, who call themselves liberal-minded 
and probably are sincere and who have a certain philosophy about 
government, have allowed themselves to be duped by Comnuuiist 
agents. 

By what process has that been accomplished ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. Well, I think, in the liberal field you have the same 
situation that preA'ails in the usual reactionary field. In other words, 
nothing succeeds like success. 

So when Hitler took over power in Germany with his proletariat 
ideas, his race ideas, and his ideas of anti-Semitism, and was able to 
recall great victories for the Xazi Government, victories against such 
powerful governments like Englarid and France and the rest of the 
world, that Avas a soiu'ce of great inspiration to the extreme prole- 
tariat and reactionaries in the United States and to certain others 
who called themselves liberals. They were greatly impressed by the 
so-called successes also of Stalin in his 5-year plan, and they were 
greatly impressed by the weight of the propaganda which was made 
for the success of the Soviet Union and for the liberal achievements 
of the Soviet Union. 

In other words, keep in mind that the Bolsheviks have been great 
believers in tlie importance of propaganda. In fact Hitler himself 
has learned a great deal about the effectiveness and importance of 
propaganda from the Bolsheviks, and the Soviet Union has been 
untiring in spreading its propaganda in the United States, propa- 
ganda Avliich portrays the Soviet Union as a paradise compared with 
the rest of the world. 

At the time when the rest of the world was facing a crash, an eco- 
nomic crisis, Avith a great many unemployed, it told of the Soviet 
Union being built up until they were acliieving the 5-year plan in -I 
years : that they got rid of their unemployed ; that they were increas- 

94931 — 40— vol. 7 22 



4608 UN-AMEKICAi\ PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

ing wages, reducing hours, privileges which the workers did not 
enjoy in other countries; all of this propaganda was being given 
out and it made a great and lasting impression upon the liberals. And 
they thought that if capitalism has failed that at least they could see 
that socialism was being successfully prosecuted in Russia and per- 
haps pointed the way out of the present dilemma brought about by 
the economic crisis. 

At the same time the Soviet Union was not slow in attaching to 
itself the propaganda, largely of the liberals who were impressed, 
and in taking up the fight for liberal ideas they forgot about the 
proletariat, to distinguish betw^een championing the ideas of liberty, 
like representative government against fascism, and they also forgot 
at the same time the outstanding totalitarian regime in the world was 
the Soviet Union. 

They even forgot to say that if, as liberals they had a disagreement 
Avith the Soviet Union or with tlie Bolshevik leaders, they ^votild be 
subjected to such attacks as had been made on the Jews by such organ- 
izations as the bund, the Fritz Kuhns, and the Pelleys, through the 
method of personal vituperation. 

On the other hand, this mass of propaganda and this threat of per- 
sonal destruction had a lot to do in placing liberals in the position in 
wliich they now find themselves. And I think the greatest service 
that can be rendered to American liberty is to divorce themselves 
both from this movement and from the propaganda which does not 
give the real facts on the Soviet Union at all. and from the threat 
of communism which does not mean liberty in America at all. 

Mr. Mason. Do you not feel that one of the greatest pieces of 
propaganda, and the most successful, perliaps, of the Soviet Govern- 
ment's propaganda in the United States during the last oO or 50 years 
is the exhibit at the World's Fair? 

Mr. GiTLow. I have not seen the World's Fair. 

Mr. Mason. The exhibit of the Soviet Government. 

The Chairman. Here is a statement that is most elucidating show- 
ing to what extent the efforts and investigations of communism was 
resented throughout the United States. It has always been to me a 
matter of confusion, at least, and I have never had it explained to me 
why it was that our efforts to expose the philosophy of communism, 
with its far-reaching consequences, was resented. 

I am glad you have made the explanation to show to what extent 
they have gone. And now, in that connection, is it not true that that 
is one of the tactics, the routes followed is by ridicide ? For instance, 
when Dr. Matthews testified in the beginning that certain people 
were being duped, were being taken in, with their positions shown on 
letterheads, I know people right in this room who laughed at him and 
thought it was a big joke, and it was hailed and ridiculed by a great 
many people. 

As a matter of fact, that is one of the chief tactics which they use, 
is it not ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. It is one of their main tactics. 

The Chaieman. They have learned to use the power of ridicule. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes ; and they have also learned that if you repeat a 
lie long enough it may be accepted as the truth. 

Mr. Thomas. Right along that same line, as you probablv know, 
there have been three congressional committees such as tins. The first 



r.X-AAIKUlCAX rHOl'A(!ANDA ACTIVITIES 4609 

committee Avas ridicnled fi'om one end of the land to the other as 
being a "red" baiter. 

Is that not one of the pet phrases of the Communists which they 
use against such committees? 

Mr. GiTLow. Yes; it is one of their phrases, "red baiter," or anti- 
labor, even before you get started. 

]Mr. Thomas. I couhl not help but think about it while you were 
testifying and I am amazed to think that you would feel free to come 
to a conunittee like this and talk as freely as you have. I am just 
wondei"ing if. as a result of these discussions you have not received 
threats upon yourself within the last few days. 

Mr. GiTLow. No; I have not. 

The Chairman. Let us proceed. 

Mr. Starxes. You say that is undoubtedly one of the reasons why 
a lot of genuine, sincere people, who list themselves as progressives 
in this country were so bitter in the denunciation of this country was 
they considered dominance of the Communist Party was in the hand 
of the Jewish leaders. 

Mr. GrrLOw. I think so; to a very large extent that is a fact. 
Although some members in my judgment have genuine convictions. 

Mr. Staristes. I understand. 

Mr. GrrLOW. In my judgment they have. 

Mr. Starnes. But that has been the method used to kill the effec- 
tiveness of this committee and is to absolutely make it take a run-out. 

Mr. GiTLOw. Yes. 

The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. "VA^iitley. 

Mr. Whitlet. Will you proceed with your documentary intro- 
duction ? 

Mr. GiTLOw. I jnst want to cover very quickly, if I may, all these 
documents because I think they are instructive. 

I have here the Party Oi-ganizer. This is the magazine which the 
party published in 1927 and which went only to party members; it 
had no outside sale. 

In this we find in the issue of December 1927, we have a letter 
from the organization department of the executives of the Com- 
munist International instructing the American party as to publishing 
factorv papers in the various plants and factories in the United 
States^ 

To the Central Committee of the Worker.^ Partii of America, Organization 
Drpartment, Neiv York. 

Deiae Cojcuades : We were Aery interested in the factory newspapers you sent 
lis recently. Tlie articles in the Daily Worker dealing with this question have 
also come to our notice, but we are rather disturbed at the statement in Com- 
rade Lovestone's report that at present fewer factory newspapers are being 
l)ui>iished. W<^ are alarmed because factory ne\vspapers in American conditions 
are essentially important. P'actory newspapers can only be effective when their 
development is systematically supported by the party. 

We are not in possession <»f the instructions issuefl by the Central Committee 
on this question recently, but insofar the articles in the press are conceiTaed, 
we must say that they have not been concrete enough. Experiences and exam- 
ples, whicli you must have had in your possession, have not been utilized in a 
sufficiently instructive manner to illustrate the situation. 

The task before the American party today not only consists in enlarging the 
netw'irk of factory newspapers (which is extremely important) but in the 
maintenance of the existing newspaper^ ami theii improvement. In reference 
til tliis last point, we must point out that factory newspapers which we received 
recently err on the side of lack of initiative, their approach to the masses is 



4610 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

inadequate, and they do not react to their wishes and discontent by proposing 
definite demands. Tlie Harvester Worlier of tlie McCormick factoi'y should 
serve as an example of what other factory newspapers ought to be. 

Despite the large percentage of foreign worl^ers, the nuclei of the Workers 
Party of America seem disinclined to issue notices in the language of the for- 
eigners who are working in the given factory. We should like to point out here 
that the Communist Party of Argentine puiilishes notices and short articles in 
Italian, Hungarian, and Czech languages, etc., in the factory newspapers. This 
custom has given very good results and should serve as an example for the 
Workers Party of America. 

Factory newspapers should inform the workers in simple language about the 
activities of American imperialism in Latin America and ('hina. Some of the 
newspapers have already begim to do so. It is important, however, that the 
party committees everywhere sliould draw attention to this question and point 
nut its importance. The party should also control in how far factory news- 
papers deviate from Communist ideology, a danger which is especially possible 
in newly created factory newspapers. 

In conclusion, we ask you to keep us infcn'med continuously about the number 
of factory newspapers, their circulation, and how often they are publishe<l. 

With Communist greetings, 

(Signature) , 

(pp.) Chief of the Organization Department of the Executive Committee of 
the Communist International. 

I have here a document that was issued on the reorganization of 
the Workers Party. This Avas in June 1925. The Communist Inter- 
national as early as then stated to all Communist parties that they 
must bolshevize themselves, must be a Bolshevik party, and they 
called upon them to campaign to bolshevize all the Communist parties 
of the Communist International. 

This [indicating] was a letter sent to the partj^ organizers and units 
and leaders. 

A letter to the Central Executive Committee from the Communist 
International on the reorganiz.ition of tlie party ho that it sliould 
become really a Bolshevik party. 

Letter From CocvfMUNisT International to the Central Executive Committee 
OF THE Workers (Communist) Party of America 

Dear Comrades : During the visit of the representatives of your party to Moscow 
we held with them a consultation on the immediate tasks of the Workers Party in 
the sphere of organization and the methods of carrying out the decision of the 
plenum as expressed in the theses of Comrade Zinoviev on bolshevization in the 
section dealing with the duties of the Workers Party, the second point of which 
(the decision) states that it is necessary "to fuse the national sections of the 
party into a real united party." The conclusion arrived at in our consultations 
on this question was unanimously agreed to by all present. 

We observe with great satisfaction that the Workers Party has recently been 
achieving undoubted successes in its political activities. Nevertheless, it may be 
safely said that these successes would have been greater if the Workers Party 
possessed a proper organizational structure. Every member of the Workers Party 
is aware that there is no party or j)olitical organization in the United States, apart 
from the Workers Party, which really stands for and endeavors to defend the 
interests of all toilers. Nevertheless, every member of the Workers Party will 
admit that this party — the only party of the workers and farmers — is still far 
from having received from the majority of the workers, the interests of whom it 
is out to defend, that recognition which the party should and can win. It is 
obvious to every comrade how nmch stronger would be the position of the Amer- 
ican workers and farmers if they followed the Workers Party and if the influence 
of the latter were the dominating factor in the movement of the masses. There- 
fore, every member of the Workers Party should ask himself the question. What 
in reality is preventing his party from gaining that influence? 

Provided the policy of the party is a correct one it may be safely said that one 
of the cliief reasons for such a state of affairs lies in the defects of the organiza- 



UX-AMEKICAX I'lIurAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4611 

tioii;iI slruoture of the Workers Party, which are greater thau in any other party 
aud therefore affect it to a greater exteut thau other parties. It cannot be denied 
that it will be extremely dillicult for the party to consolidate its successes, and 
that the extension and interpretation of its political influence will be hampered 
very considerably both in respect of embracing by our agitation the wide sections 
of the workers and farmers who are still outside our influence and by winning 
over those workers from other mass organizations which our enemies still hold 
llrmly in their grasp, as well as in the protection of our movement from possible 
(lestnution by the bourgeoisie, if our party does not possess a well-constructed 
organizaticm. This consideration, in our opinion, places before the Workers 
Party witii greater insistence than ever before the question of a correct organi- 
zational structure. 

For a party of the working class a proper structure is first and foremost a 
guaranty that its decision will be carried into effect by all its organs aud 
members. 

What importance can a party have, what part can it play in the political life 
of the country, if its decisions remain only on paper, are not carried into effect, 
aud assert no hiflueuce on real afl'airsv The party must know how to act, 
counting upon the whole of its membership and the help of its organs. For 
that purpose its organization must be a united and centralized one. If its 
organs and members act in an isolated way, each after its own fashion, it is 
hopeless to expect useful and desirable results. Moreover, the party must be 
able to bring the masses into the movement, which demands that its structure 
should be such that its organs can penetrate deeply into the nonparty mass of 
the workers, exert influence over them, organize them for the struggle, guide 
their organizations, and also introduce the decisions and slogans of the parly 
into those organizations. 

The present organizational structure of the Workers Party is not adapted to 
these requirements. Those advantages which centralized activity bring a work- 
ing-class party are absent in the Workers Party. It does not even possess a 
real single guiding party center capable of directing the activities of the party 
as a whole, nor does unity prevail in its ranks. A party of the working class 
can, if it has a centralized party organization, simultaneously lay duties upon 
the whole party and direct the whole of its forces toward putting them into 
effect. The result is a situation in which the party is able to carry out its 
policy firmly, uniformly, and without distortion in all parts of the country and 
in all organizations in which the party has its members, and, in fact, every- 
where where the members of the party come into contact with the nonparty 
workers and peasants. The Federal structtire of the Workers Party stands iu 
the way of such a successful conduct of its work. Each of its 17 national sec- 
tions represents almost a separate and independent jtarty within the Workers 
Party, enjoying a large portion of independence in relation to the leading organ, 
the central ccimmittee. The national sections have their oven district, town. 
and national bureatis : they summon tlieir own conferences and collect their 
own membership coatribtxtions. The fundamental organizational requirement 
of a party defending the interests of the whole working class, namely, that the 
decisions of the leading party organs should be carried out by all the party 
organizations, is to a large extent dependent in the Workers Party on whether 
the national organizations are willing or not to carry out the corresponding 
decisions of the superior party bodies. Therefore, unlike a centralized party, 
the Workers Party, as it is at present constituted, is not a party of united 
action. The party members of the various national sections are not fused 
togeth«-r into one whole, but divided among themselves. They do not discuss 
que.stlons interesting all the workers and the whole party. They live the 
exclusive life of their own national minority, or of its working-class section, 
so isolated from the American workers that they even do not sufficiently know 
the direct interests of the whole working class of the United States. As a 
result, instead of unity of action, instead of general decisions which would 
unite and consolidate the party, disorganization and dillerences inevitably 
arise in the cotirse of its work. 

Of course, we do not for a moment believe that this state of alTairs exists 
because the variotis national sections desire it, or that it is not in any way due 
to objective causes and the past development of the party. It is also clear that 
the absolutely essential reorganization of the Workers Party, with a view to 
centralization, cannot be at once accomiilished upon the mere orders of the 
central committee. It is quite natural that in so nationally diversified a party 
as the American party centralization cannot be as easily achieved as in some 



4612 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

other working-class parties. But the ahnormality of the present ^'ituation iiiist 
be made clear to every member of the Workers Party whatever national section 
he belongs to. It is necessary that every member of the Workers Party fully 
realize the al)So]iite necessity for centralization, the actual harmfulness of the 
present divisions in the ranks of the party, and realize the part which national 
sections ought to play in such a party like the American party. If that is 
achieved, then whatever the difficulty which the task of the reorganization may 
encounter, their solution will be possible. 

The beginnings of the reorganization above referred to are already to be 
found in the successes achieved in the work of the existing factory nuclei in 
the Workers Party. It is essential that the formation of these nuclei should be 
vigorously proceded with, a task which according to the Daily Worker has 
already been well begun. The factory nucleus is the best organizational method 
of uniting comrades belonging to different nationalities and bringing them into 
contact with the working-class masses. Therefore, the work of properly organ- 
izing the party will be best accomplished by the organization of factory nuclei. 
The party should also make it its duty to form street nuclei. In these nuclei 
the national factor will no longer count, too. We will not dwell here on the 
question as to how the factory and street nuclei should be formed, since that 
question is dealt with in special instnictions and resolutions, from which you 
may obtain all necessary information. We would only refer to one fact which 
we learned from the reports in the Daily Worker on the work of the factory 
nuclei. 1)1 these i-eports the names of active comrades are openly mentioned, and 
facts are cited which may assist the employers in taking repressive measures 
against the members of the nuclei. We desire to draw your attention to the 
fact that a nucleus, without isolathig itself from the nonparty workers and 
clerical employees ought so to conduct its work as not to i)ermit the employer 
or his agents to see how the nucleus is working or to ascertain who its members 
are. The activities of a nucleus must be concealed from the eyes of the enemy 
and yet keep close to the working class masses. (See our letters of December 
6, 1923, No. 1313, and January 10, 1925, No. 490 on this subject.) 

Another essential step in the reorganization of the party should be the crea- 
tion of united party committees in all towns and urban districts, which would 
unite under their leadership all the members of the party residing in the given 
town or town district, independent of nationality. The town and town district 
committees which according to your delegation, exist in New York and its dis- 
tricts, cannot meet the demands of a centialized party, since they, in fact, do 
not gui^de the party work: the work is not carried out in the various national 
gniups according to the instructions of the New York town or district commit- 
tees. But the situation is still worse in other towns where there are not town 
district committees, and where there is no sign of united party work, since if the 
national groups receive its instructions at all regarding party work, it is only 
from the bureau of their own national section. 

While devoting every possible attention to the creation of nuclei, the party 
must al.so make it its aim to set up district and town party committees. In the 
town district — into which the large town must be divided, if that has not already 
been dom; — meetings niust be summoned of all the members of the nuclei already 
formed and from all the national groups still existing in the given town dis- 
trict. If the number of members in such a district is too large to make it 
feasible to summon a general meeting, a town district conference may be sum- 
moned instead consisting of delegates from all the nuclei and the still existing 
national and other groups of the given district. At the district meeting, or con- 
ference, a single town district committee for all the national groups or nuclei 
should be elected to carry out all the work of the district. Town committees 
should be elected in a similar way in small towns, where it is not advisable to 
mark off town district. In very large towns, such as New York, Boston, Chicago, 
etc., the town committee should be elected at the conference of town district 
delegates elected at the district meetings or conference. 

Some remark should be made concerning the election of town district <'om- 
mittees and the town committees in small towns. 

We must make one very important observation regarding the composition 
of town district and tov/n committees. They must not be Federal bodies, or. so 
to speak, coordinating elements under the control of one member who regards 
himself as the representative of "his" national group and believes ins tasks to 
be to defend the interests of "his own" national organization. Therefore, dur- 
ing the preparations for summoning and conducting the electoral meeting (or 
conference) it must be clearly emphasized that at the meeting the participants 
must regard themselves as members of a united party and not as representatives 



UX-A:\IKUirAN PKOl'AGAXDA ACTIVITIES 4013 

of national sections, and that questions, even those \A-hic-h concern their sections, 
can onlv. and will only, be considered from the point of view of the whole 
paity. "Similarly, the lists of candidates for the district and town committees 
must not l)e drawn up on the principle of proportional national representation. 
In the election to the conunittee. one nuist consider the capacity of the com- 
rades elected to guide the party oifrani/.ation. and the candidates must there- 
fore be put forward only on individual c<msiderations. Nevertheless, the 
candidates fshould be selected from all the large national sections, so that the 
future committee should be ,suarant(>ed coiitact with them. Tliis remark applies 
also to the elections to the Central Conunittee. 

It is equally important for the rule to be adopted that where factory nuclei 
already exist their representatives should luiconditionally be elected to the 
party committees, and in numbers guaranteeing the influence of the factory 
nuclei in the affairs and work of the given party organization. If the factory 
midei are already sufficiently numerous, their representativt^s nuist l>e given the 
majority of the party committees. 

LANGUAGE FRACTIONS 

Thirdly, it is equally important to liear in mind the necessity of arranging 
the general meetings of the nuclei, the party meetings, the conferences and 
the meetings of the party organs (committees, etc.) in such a way that the 
comrades belonging to the various national groups should be able to take part 
in the meetings, themselves speaking and understanding everything that is 
said— in a word that they should feel no inconvenience from the fact that they 
know no language but their own. To that end it is essential that at all meet- 
ings wliere comrades from different national groups attend there should be 
translators, they should be so organized as to hamper the proceedings of the 
meeting as little as possible. 

One more remark regarding the size of the town districts. In certain towns 
the town districts are inordinately large, both as regards territory and the 
number of inhabitants. For instance, in New York, Brooklyn, which has a 
population of 2.000.000, is regarded as a single town district. Of course, it is 
impossible to cover and be of service to Br<ioklyn without dividing it up. In 
determining the size of districts the possibilities of helping them must be borne 
in mind. It should also be borne in mind that the town districts must coincide 
with the municipality, or unite within their territory several mnnicipaii^ies 
wards, without breaking them up. 

When the Workers Party in the towns adopts the system of town district 
and town party committees common to all nationalities it will already be 
possible to some extent to carry into effect the decisions of the leading party 
centers throughout the whole organization, from top to bottom and to carry 
them into the factories, workshops, and other undertakings. The question of 
district committees and organizations will then be solved with less difficulty. 

The election of town district and town committees — which can be preceded 
with even before nuclei have been formed in the majority of the factories — is, 
after the formation of nticlei, the second radical step toward the reformation 
of tlH» Federal-national organization of the Workers I'arty. With the growth 
of the nuclei the national organizations will cease to be the ftmdamental part of 
party structure, and will begin to play a different role. 

One has to grasp the new role of national sections in order to understand that a 
correct reorganization of the party will only help to strengthen the work among 
the proletariat of each individual nationality. Even before now, the national 
sections of the Workers Party have to a certain extent exercised some influence 
upon the public opinion of the workers of their nationality, since it was they 
chiefly who were the active workers, in all the, sometimes fairly numerous, 
educational, social, and other working-class institutions in their language (such 
as, for instance, the People's Houses of the Finns). Moreover, the national 
sections actually control their point of view of general party interests. For 
instance, a party policy was not always purstied, since the national sections, 
owing to the fact that they are separated from general party life and the inade- 
quate (and sometimes distorted) inulerstanding of general party duties which 
re.stilted coidd not always be fully acquainted with the forms of agitation and 
propaganda corresponding with the aims of the party in each given period. More- 
over, this work coidd not be sufficiently intensive, since its nature was dictated 
by local interests and did not embrace the interests and aims of the struggle of 
the whole working class of the United States. Only by bringing the national 



4614 UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

sections together and fusing tliem will it be possible to extend and intensify their 
activity. 

The existing national sections, or federations must not lose their mass character. 
On the contrary, they must attract all the workers and clerical employees of their 
nationality who accept the view of the class struggle. 

The existing national federations by their agitation and propaganda worlc in 
the working class bodies, and organizations of their particular nationality 
must win the workers belonging to the national minorities of America away 
from the influence of the social democrats, the nationalists, the clericals, and 
other bourgeois tendencies. The national federations must be a reservoir drawing 
the best elements into the Workers Party and the workers and clerical employees 
of their particular nationality into the American trade-unions. The national 
federations must not isolate themselves from one another, but on the contrary, 
set up closer contact, not only among themselves, but also with the American 
workers belonging to their trade-iuiions, and interest themselves generally more 
than hitherto in American life. 

It will, of course, be understood that the national sections in the form above 
indicated cannot enter the Workers Party as a whole. The party members 
belonging to the present national sections must join the party nuclei of the 
factories where they work, or, if they do not work in enterprises, the nuclei of the 
streets in which they reside. 

It is there that they must pay their party dues. Thus the national sections 
will not form parts of the Workers Party. The members of the present national 
sections will enter the party through the nuclei. 

All members of the Workers Party, Finns, Germans. Russians, etc., must set 
up party fractions within their wide national sections, which will elect their 
town district, town regional, State, and National leading organs (bureaus). 
Put — * * * The national fraction bureaus must abondon I heir isolation and 
become bodies for adapting the party members of their nationalities to general 
party life. Hence in the work of reorganization the duty arises of bringing the 
national fraction bureaus close to the general guiding organs of the party, 
identifying them with the general party machine, thus enabling them to 
strengthen and improve the quality of their work. 

That is why such a structure must be created for the agitational and propa- 
ganda party committees. In order to guide the work in the agitational and 
propaganda departments of the party committees the national fraction bureaus 
should be included in full force, or where this is not required, in part, so that 
they may be able to conduct the work among their nationals in their own lan- 
guage. The leadership, responsibility, and control of their activities lie with the 
Agitprop department and the correspondent party committee as a whole. 

It will therefore be seen that the national bureau fractions will be by no 
means limited to the extent of their activities, but, on the other hand, they will 
be included in the system of a united party machine and their functions will be 
different from what they have been hitherto. While the national bureaus 
hitherto were independent leading party bodies representing tJie national sec- 
tions in the party, and had the right of directing the whole wm'k of the national 
section without exception and to collect membership dues, they will now lose 
those functions but, on the other hand, will become a part of the general party 
apparatus, working under its control and direction and according to its direc- 
tions and performing tiie whole of the agitational and propaganda work among 
their own nationalities. 

The Central Committee should see that statutes be drawn up regulating the 
work of the fraction bureaus of the national sections in their new form. These 
statutes should provide for the ratification by the Agitprop departments of the 
party committees of the decisions of the national fraction bureaus, the summon- 
ing of national conferences with the agreement of the competent party com- 
mittee, etc. 

Within a town district the comrades belonging to one nationality and using 
one language avail themselves of the Agitprop department of the town district 
committee (that is, the competent national bureau) for agitational and propa- 
ganda work among the workers of their nationality within the town district, 
within the working class organizations, etc. The most capable conn-ades should 
be entrusted with i-esponsible work — reports, lectures, and other forms of prop- 
aganda and agitational work among the workers of their nationality in their 
native tongue. C'omrades speaking the same language may and should be as- 
sembled within the limits of a town district, in order to listen to reports and to 
take part in theoretical discussions, in order to raise the level of party education 



UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4615 

Miul to (lett'iiniuo the motliods of agitationnl, propagaudii, party e<lncatio)ial. and 
fliih work. Tlii'so iuoetiiij;s liave no right to adopt decisions on party ques- 
tions — questions of policy or internal party (piestions, etc. Tliis riglit belongs 
to the factory nuclei, the street nuclei, and the locals (where they still exist), 
the general meeting of the party members or the party conference which are to 
be the party organizations of the urban district or town, since for the party 
there can be no difference of interests denuiiiding discussion or decision by a 
national section alone. The work of the xVgitpro]) departments of the town 
district committees, as all the activities of the latter are directed by the town 
committee, which also has its Agitprop department, w'hich in its turn includes 
the national fraction bureaus, whose finiction it is to control the agitational 
propaganda work among tlieir own nationaiities. Similar bureaus must be 
formed in the superior party committee (Regional and Central Committee). 

Within the nonparty working-class organizatitais and instances of the vari- 
ous nationalities — Finns, Poles, Jews, etc. — such as cooperatives, people's houses, 
mutual-aid societies, etc., the duty of the party members of the corresponding 
nationality is that of a party fraction with the same functions as the party 
fractious within the trade unions have or should have (see our iu.structions 
of February 1924, on fractional work and the corresponding section of the thesis 
on party structure adopted by the organizational conference). In these national 
nonparty organizations — such as cooperatives, mutual-aid societies, clubs. 
people's houses, or printing, publishing, newspaper, and similar limited-liability 
companies — the conu-ades come into direct contact with wide sections of work- 
ers, clerks, or farmers of their own nationality and speaking in their own 
tongue. Consequently, the influence of the party will, to a large extent, be 
exercised through the national fractious in the above-mentioned organizations. 
and the work and policy which the national sections of the Workers Party are 
carrying on at present, as well as the agitational and propaganda work among 
the working-class masses of their owai nationality, will be carried on inside of 
the national fractions in close contact with the corresponding party committees. 
While the agitational and propaganda work will be conducred by the ref(u-med 
national bureaus, included in the apparatus of the Agitprop departments, the 
work of the fractions in the cooperatives, publishiiig liouses, banks, etc., will 
be directed by other corresponding departments of the party committees, trade- 
union, organizational, etc. It is, therefnre. necessary to organize such nalioaa! 
Communist fractions in all nonparty organizations, Latvian, Lithuanian, Jewish, 
Polish, etc., both town district, town, regional district, and national. The na- 
tional fractions in all the above-mentioned organization.s — workers' clubs, work- 
ers' insurance societies, sport societies, etc. — will carry out the pclicy of the 
Communist Party, raise qtiestions for discussion and bring forward pn-piisals 
corresponding with the general tactics of the party, or upon the special decision 
of party bodies, will carry on agitation on the instructions of* the Workers 
Party, explain the activities of the fraction among the nonparty working-class 
members of the organizations, etc. 

At the head of the national Communist fractions of the local, district, and 
central national bodies of the (U-ganizations there should be bureaus for guiding 
the fractional work. Their activities as we have said, will be guided and con- 
trolled by the competent party committees — town district, town, etc. 

It should also be provided that the bureaus of all fraclons of similar institu- 
tions of one nationality, for instance fra''tion bureaus of Finnish workers' 
cooperatives, may have a single central bureau uniting the activities of all 
the local and regional bureaus. Those bureaus in their turn should maintain 
with the local, regional, and central committees of the party through the corre- 
sponding departments of these committees. The latter may . also unite the 
fraction bureaus (cooperatives for instance), of all nationalities, in order to ex- 
change experiences, co-ordinate activities, and even for united action. A.s in 
the ca.se of the nuclei, we shall not here give theses regarding the fractions, 
but would refer you to the instructions which were adopted bv the presidif.m 
in February 1924 and by the organizational conference in March 192;". 

The alteration of the functions of a national organization within thf> 
organizational structure of tiie party, raises (he question of party dues. It 
will, of course, bo understood that after reorganization party dues will not 
go to the national organizations, but to the town committee (through the town 
district committees), which should retain a certain percentage for its own 
needs and tran.sfer the remainder to the superior party committee. The 
question will arise, as to what mean.s the national organizations will con- 
duct their work (agitation, propaganda, education, etc.) The onlv answer 



4616 UN-AMEKICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

can be that this work will be financed by the party committees which vdU 
assign tlie necessary fnncls for this purpose. 

The very first steps toward the reorganization of the national sections 
will come up against the question of the party press. The situation which 
at present exists in the Workers Party with regard to the party press is 
entirely abnormal. As a matter of fact, the party and the central commit- 
tee have no control whatever over the party papers issued by the various 
national sections in their own languages. The papers of the national .sec- 
tions can write what they like without even following the general policy 
of the Central Committee and the party. This "freedom" of the press from 
party control is in full accord with the general independence of the national 
sections of the party center. This situation must also be changed especially 
after the election of party committees commtm for all nationalities. TTie 
Central Committee miist place the party press in all languages imder its con- 
trol. The Central Committee or some other competent party committee must 
be in a position to give direct instructions on policy to the editors of all papers 
which are recognized, or desire to be recognized, by the party as party pai^ers. 
The ptirty should transmit its instructions on policy to the press through the 
competent national fju-tions, i. e., through those party members who are share- 
holders in a national paper, or are on its directing bodies, editorial boards, etc. 
In this way the Central Committee may, through the corresponding factions, 
exercise a controlling influence over a paper wliich is not officially a party 
paper, introduce desirable comrades on to the editorial boards or have them 
appointed as editors, etc. Of course, with regard to the papers which belong 
to the party, the Central Committee must have the unconditional right of directly 
ratifying the appointment of the editors. 

In conclusion, we desire to draw your attention to two important points. 
First, it is quite clear, as we stated above, that it is no easy matter to reform 
the old structure of the party immediately. The old organization has become 
deep rooted, a fact which must not be underestimated. Therefore, great caution 
must be observed in the reconstruction of national sections. First of all, an 
extensive ideological campaign must be initiated for the reorganization of the 
Workers Party_, for transforming it into a centralized party and for breaking 
down the federalist principle of party structure as absolutely failing to comply 
with the requirements of an active proletarian party. This ideological cam- 
paign must be pursued simultaneously and parallel with a determined agita- 
tion for the constniction of the party on the basis of factory and workshop 
nuclei explaining this measure. A number of instructive reports for agitators, 
editors, and active workers must be devoted to questions concerning the reor- 
ganization of the Workers Party, and these comrades must be clearly given to 
understand the need for this measure and be made active advocates of reor- 
ganization. The Central Committee and the other competent party committees 
must direct this campaign in the press. It will thereby become possible still 
further and still more extensively to acquaint the members of the party with 
the proposed reconstruction rind its absolute necessity and usefulness. The com- 
rades belonging to the national sections must understand that their organiza- 
tion is not a n.ieasure directed against the national sections, but that it ex- 
clusively pursues the general aims of the party and is in the interests of the 
whole party, including the national sections themselves. The aim of reorgani- 
zation is not, by clumsiness and carelessness to destroy the organizations 
and work created by the national sections, but to strengthen the organizational 
influence of the Workers Party over the proletarians of all nationalities In 
the United States. By making use of all the available material, by demonstrat- 
ing the advantages of the new forms of organization over the old by treating 
the qiiestion seriously and in a business-like fashion, and insistently quoting the 
arguments in favor of the reorganization of the Workers Party, insistently 
repeating them if necessary in. the press, at party meatings, conferences, etc., 
the leading organs of the party may achiCive success, all the more since the first 
practical steps and the success which accompanies them will si)eak eloquently 
in favor of the course adopted. 

The second jioint is this : Perhaps in addition to the inevitable conservatives 
and skeptics there will be foimd comrades who underestimate the difficulties and 
who will want to break up the national sections before the new form of organi- 
zations — the nuclei — will be sufficiently numerous and strong in a particular 
town district, town, or region and sufficiently adapted to life, to serve as a 
foundation fqr the new form of party organization. We issue a warning against 
such a step. Only when the town district and town committees, as the result 



UN-AMEIUCAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVlTIb^S 4617 

of the organization of factory and street nuclei, establish close contact with these 
nuclei, will it be possible finally to reorganize the old organization, the national 
sections and the given town district or town. To break, however, one organi- 
zation without creating something in its place, would be extremely disastrous. 
The tirst thing is to organize factory and street nuclei, to set up ward, town 
district, town, and regional committees, which are to be elected at the meetings 
or conferences of all the members of the party of all the nationalities in the 
ward, town district, town, or region (we repeat that the organization of certain 
ward, town district, town, etc., committees may be proceeded with even before 
there are nuclei in all factories and streets). At the town or town district 
conferences the delegates to the party congress are to be elected. The Central 
(^ommittee, elected at the congress, after carefully examining all the pros and 
cons and after careful preparation, will through the regional, town, or town- 
district committees, proceed to the reorganization of one or several of the exist- 
ing 17 national sections, which are sufficiently prepared for su«'h reorganization 
<m the basis of the fraction as al)ove set forth. Only when the reorganization 
of the national section has given good results, of which we do not doulit, it will 
be possible gradually to proceed to the reorganization of the remainder. 

The rate at which reorganization is undertaken, you must determine for your- 
selves. We shall help you in every ^^ay we can. But for that punwse you 
must send us mformation as to the progress of the work. 

I liave here — I will not read it — the minutes of the committee of the 
C E. C. of the Central Executive Committee — inclndingj all the in- 
stniction.s from the R. I. L. U, to the tracle-imion committee of the 
Communist Party. 

I have here material from the central office of the Communist Party 
of America, dated April 13, 1930; Browder was subse(iuently general 
secretary of the Communist Party of the United States, and it has the 
followinjj: It shows that Browder's tutelage in the Communist Party 
of Amei-ica still was greatly tied up with the Communist Inter- 
national. 

A cablegram from Rutherberg, Engdahl, Lovestone, Bedacht, 
dealing with the thesis. 

Communist PARTi' of United States of America. 

Central Office, 

April 13, 1930. 
Dear Comrades: Enclosed are Polbnro ininutes Nos. 25, 20, 27, and 28. The 
last number yoxi received was No. 19. The intervening meetings of the Polburo 
were tjiken up with discussion of the thesis. For this reason no minutes are 
sent out of these meetings. 

Please return these minutes immediately you have read them. As before, no 
minutes of the following month will be sent unless the previous ones are re- 
turned. Relow we are giving the number of minutes j'ou still owe. 
You have received the confidential address to which to return the minutes. 
Fraternally yours, 



(For the Secretariat). 
Thi' minutes you owe to the central office are Nos. . 

NO. 2r,A MINUTES OF political UITRIAU MEETING MARCH I!), lil.'.O 

Present: Campbell, Foster. Williams, Briggs, Hoffbauer, Puro, Engdahl, Har- 
vey, Hathaway, Schmiess, H. George, Ford, Trachtenberg, Amter, Hall. Also: 
Piatt, Williamson, Demcm, Alpi, .T. W. Johnstone. 

Draft resolution recruiting drive. — -Extensive discussion and suggestions took 
place. 

Motion : To accept the resolution as a basis and to elect a committee of 
rhree to edit it in the .spirit of the discussion. 

Motion carried unanimously. Comrades William.son, Hathaway, Alpi 
elected as the committee. 

Paul Siro statement. — Comrade Campbell read for t!ie information of the 
Polburo, statement of Paul Siro, dissociating himself from Lovestone renegades. 



4618 IIN-AxAIERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 

Trade Union Unity League recruit in ff drive. — Cablegram was received ou the 
launching of a Trade Union Unity League recruiting drive. 

Motion: That the drive for 50,000 members to the Trade Union Unity 
League be instituted and that a document be drawn up on this drive for 
the next meeting of the Polburo, to give concrete plans for the drive. 

Motion carried unanimously. 

Comrade Johnstone and Schmiess reported on the preparations for the recruit- 
ing drive. 

Motion : That an ideological campaign shall begin immediately in the 
party on the importance of this drive and of building the Trade Union 
Unity League. 

That the Communist be opened for discussion on trade-union questions 
in connection with the coming Congress of the Red International of Labor 
Unions and the drive; that the campaign be conducted also in the Daily 
Worker. 

That the Daily Worker management be instructed categorically to free 
Comrade Hoeuig completely from his work on the Daily Worker so that 
he can take over the work of labor unity. 

Motion carried unaniniou.sly. 

March 6, etc., etc. 

Chicago report. — Comrade Hatha v.ay gave extensive report of the situatioa 
in Chicago upon his arrival, general work of the district, preparations for 

Motion : That a political letter on the Chicago district be drawn up by 
the secretariat together with Comrades Hathaway, Williams, and Ford^ 
That this letter to be sent to all Polburo members and if no inaceeptable 
amendments are made, to be sent out to Chicago. 

Motion unanimously accepted. 

May Day. — Outline of Central Committee instructions for May Day. 

Motion : That the secretariat shall draw up an additional document giving 
more complete political direction for May Day activity. 
Motion carried unanimously. 

Plenum agenda.- — Secretariat proposes the following plenum agenda ; on March 
30 ar.d 31 : 

( 1 ) Discussion of thesis, with supplementary report on the March 6 demonstra- 
tions and i larch 2r) unemployment conference. 

(2) Discussion on Chicago district, in connection with the lessons that are to 
be d)-awn therefrom for the party in general, and all the districts. 

(3) Our work in the South. 

Trade-union conference of enlarged plenum on April 1. 
Organization conference on April 2. 

Proposals unanimously accepted. 

Cable from Communist Party of Great Britain upon the arrest of the unem- 
ployed demonstration committee. 
Meeting adjourned 11 : 45 p. m. 
Fraternally submitted. 

Campbeix, 
(For the Polburo.) 



NO. 2(;A — MINUTES OF POLITICAL BUREAU MEETING — MARCH 26, 1930 

Present : Campbell, Foster, Minor, Briggs, Engdahl, Hathaway, Dtmne, Wil- 
liams, Schmies, H. George. Trachteuberg, Tallentire, Amter, Hall, also Piatt, 
Williamson, Damon, Alpi, Rijak, Moreau, Primoflf, Vivo, Pat Deviue. 

Congressional election program. — Draft of plan of work for congressional 
elections presented (attached). 

Motion. That we immediately make arrangements to send three party 
organizers into the Dakotas, northern Minnesota, and Kansas in connection 
with the work for the election campaign : 

That the Polburo elect a committee of live to be in charge of the work for 
the fall elections — congressional, senatorial, and State — to be known as the 
national congressional campaign committee, with a comrade in charge as 
chairman of the committee; 

That the draft be accepted, the Org Department to bring in recommenda- 
tions for the committee. 



UN-AMEKICAX PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES 4619 

Motions carried unanimously. 

Draft thesis and plenum. — Cablegram from Max and Will dealing with thesis 
read. 

Motion. That a small committee be elected to bring in a rewritten draft 
of the thesis within the next 2 days on the basis of the original document 
and the cahlogram that this be presented to a meeting of the Polburo before 
The plenum: this committee also to take charge of all other definite pro- 
posals in I'l'gard to tlie plenum opening, etc. 

Motion unanimously carried. Conu-ades Campbell, Foster, Minor, Wil- 
liams, and Hathaway selcvted as committee. 

May Day rci<oIiiiiou. — Discussion took place on the draft resolution. 

Motion. That the resolution shall include reference to the statement of 
the SP that they will organize demonstrations on May Day; 

That innuediate arrangements be made to prepare a May Day manifesto 
to be issued quite some time In advance of May Day ; 

Instead of "brutal form of capitalist rationalization" we shall state: 
"capitalist rationalization" ; 

That the ])ortion demanding release of political prisoners shall state first, 
•especially the Gastonia defendants" ; 

Last part of first paragraph, page 3, shall read "revolutionary iinions and 
unemployed councils." 

Resolution and all amendments proposed accepted. 

Sale of n-orJxcrs center. — 

Motion. That we accept the offer to sell the center for $450,000 and lease 
for 1 year ; that the sum to be realized on this sale shall be set aside for the 
purpose of securing a much lower-valued headquarters for our printing 
plants and the party, in the same general neighborhood of the city. 

Motion. That the building be not sold but that funds be raised through 
(1) an appeal to the masses, and (2) a levy on nonproletarian members of 
the party in order to hold the building. 

Motion. That the Polcom create a special commission to investigate all 
political and financial advantages and disadvantages of this proposal as well 
as prepare drastic measures to help radically change the financial situation 
of the party. 

Last motion only carried, unanimously. Comrades Minor, Dunne, and 
Amter elected as the commission. 

Meeting adjourned 12 : 30 a. m. 
Fraternally submitted, 

Campbell 
(For the Polburo). 

Ill other words, a draft of a thesis on the matter of the Communist 
International was sent to the American party, and representatives 
happened to be in Moscow and it was considered by the policy com- 
mittee of the party and a motion was made to form a committee, that 
a committee be elected to bring in a rewritten draft of this within the 
next 2 days on the basis of the original document and cablegram, and 
this was presen