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Full text of "Investigation of un-American propaganda activities in the United States. Hearings before a Special Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Seventy-fifth Congress, third session-Seventy-eighth Congress, second session, on H. Res. 282, to investigate (l) the extent, character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, (2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propaganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation"

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Stat. Hall. 





FN 9 7 8: 4.23,40 : 300 









H. Res. 282 ^ 





Printed for the use of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities 









H. Res. 282 




Printed for the use of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities 

279895 WASHINGTON : 1941 

fcA. «j 



MAR 2 7 1944 


MARTIN DIES, Texas, Chairman 
JOHN J. DEMPSEY, New Mexico NOAH M. MASON, Illinois 


JERRY VOORHIS, California 
JOSEPH E. CASEY, Massachusetts 

Robert E. Stripling, Secretary 
J. B. Matthews, Director of Research 


• • • w • 


I. Tons of Propaganda 

Totalitarian propaganda by the ton is pouring into the United 
States. The printing presses of Germany, Russia, Italy, and Japan 
are making a steady assault upon public opinion in this country. 

A high official in the United States Customs Service has made 
the following observation within the past 10 days : 

All of the propaganda comes from Germany via Russia and Japan, and 
has been increasing in quantity steadily since the war began. A Japanese 
boat which arrived yesterday discharged nearly 400 sacks of this propaganda 
literature, weighing nearly five tons. * * * Even greater quantities are 
being received at Seattle and San Francisco. 

The foregoing paragraph referred only to the propaganda which 
is emanating from Germany, and, as the context clearly shows, did 
not mean to imply that large quantities of propaganda are not being 
mailed to the United States from the other totalitarian countries. 

Five tons of propaganda arriving on a single boat is typical of 
what has been happening during the past year. 

According to the same official of the United States Custcms 
Service, this propaganda is "addressed to thousands of individuals, 
schools, colleges, institutions, business houses, etc. * * *" 

It is not possible to state exactly how many tons of such propa- 
ganda are pouring into the United States annually. Up to the 
present time, at least, the Post Office has not kept statistics on 
such entries of mail from the totalitarian countries. In a letter 
to the committee the Postmaster General says: 

"However, definite figures are not available inasmuch as statistics of this 
kind have never been assembled by the Department, there being no indication 
at the time that they would ever serve a useful purpose or justify the expense 
that would have been involved." 

However, here are some figures available, and these have been 
transmitted by the Postmaster General to the committee. They are 
admittedly not complete. The committee itself is in possession of 
samples of Nazi propaganda which are not covered by the figures 
submitted by the Postmaster General. 




The following tabulation shows at least a part of the propaganda 
mail which has arrived in this country from a single source, namely, 
from H. R. Hoffman : 

Date of 


Mailed by— 



Sept. 5 

Tokai Maru. 


H. R. Hoffman (Munich)... 













News from Germany. 


Azuma Maru 


Foreign News. 





Kyusyu Maru 
Brazil Maru 


News from Germany. 



News from Germany and Ameri- 
can views. 

Oct. 2 

Tosan Maru 

Sakura Maru 

.... do 



News from Germany. 


Asama Maru 




Heijo Maru 



Nankai Maru 
Nitta Maru 

News from Germany. 

Nov. 1 


Sanuki Maru 



Kinai Maru 

Tatuta Maru 







Seia Maru . . 

News from Germany and Ameri- 
can Views. 
News From Germany and Eco- 


Hokkai Maru 



i Estimated. 

The foregoing tabulation shows that approximately 9y 2 tons of 
Mr. Hoffman's propaganda have been coming into the United States 
during a period of 12 weeks. Even at this rate, a total of 40 tons of 
propaganda have arrived from this single source during the past 
year. But, it must be repeated, the foregoing tabulation does not 
include all of Mr. Hoffman's shipments during the September- 
November period. 

Exhibit No. 1 is a photograph of some of the envelopes containing 
Hoffman's propaganda, which have been forwarded to the com- 
mittee by the addressees. 

Exhibit No. 2 is a photograph of some of the enclosures which 
have arrived from various sources in Germany, including some of 
those which are sent from Munich by H. R. Hoffman. In the 
photograph, those which emanate from the propaganda office of Mr. 
Hoffman are American views, British news and views, news from 
Germany, and economics. 

On the basis of the partial statistics which are available, as well as 
the propaganda samples which are in the committee's possession but 
which are not covered by any statistics, it is possible to state that 
thousands of tons of totalitarian propaganda reach the United States 
by mail annually. The largest shipments are those from Germany. 
Next in order of volume come those which are sent from the Soviet 
Union. (This is not, however, a measure of the comparative extent 
of German and Russian propaganda in the United States, inasmuch 
as the overwhelming bulk of Stalin's American-aimed propaganda 
literature is printed in the United States and mailed here.) After 
the Soviet Union come Japan and Italy in the order of their quantity 
shipments of propaganda matter to this country. 


II. Propaganda : The First Phase of a Totalitarian Attack 

In the case of every country, in Europe and elsewhere, which has 
been attacked by the armies of the totalitarian powers, a vast propa- 
ganda barrage has preceded the military assault. While it cannot be 
said that the totalitarian powers invented propaganda, it can be said 
that they have become specialists in its use. The dictators have worked 
out the closest integration between the use of their printing presses 
and the movement of their armies. The totalitarian government's 
propaganda office works in the closest harmony with its war office. 

Down to the present time at least, it has been true that every 
totalitarian war move has had as its first phase a propaganda attack. 

III. The Aims of Totalitarian Propaganda in the United States 

The major objectives of the totalitarian propaganda which reaches 
the United States may be described, as follows : 

(1) Much if not most of this printed propaganda material is devoted 
to extolling the advantages of life under totalitarian rule. A wholly 
false picture is drawn of the material and cultural benefits bestowed 
by the dictators upon their own peoples. 

(2) Millions of printed pages are filled with justification of totali- 
tarian- conquests. The conquering dictators are pictured as unselfish 
benefactors of the countries which they have overrun with their 
military machines. 

(3) Nontotalitarian countries which have already been subjugated 
under the rule of the dictators or which have incurred the special 
wrath of the totalitarian regimes are painted as uncivilized villains 
guilty of extreme cultural backwardness in their domestic life and 
criminal misconduct in their international relations. 

(4) The whole of this totalitarian propaganda is calculated to arouse 
our hatred toward certain nontotalitarian governments and peoples 
with whom we are on friendly terms. 

(5) One of the gravest aspects of this totalitarian propaganda is the 
inculcation of religious, racial, and class hatred between groups of 
citizens in the United States. Such hatred has been the keystone in 
the arch of totalitarian power in the dictators' own countries, and 
their propaganda naturally aims to accomplish in the United States 
results similar to their own, and to accomplish them by the same 

(6) This totalitarian propaganda drive is calculated to create na- 
tional disunity in the United States on all of the most important 
questions of our international relations. This includes an attempt to 
fashion American foreign policy on the basis of the interests of the 
Axis-Soviet foreign offices. The main item in this propaganda effort 
is to oppose American preparedness for national defense. 

(7) Throughout the dictators' propaganda in the United States is 
a direct and indirect attack upon the American form of government 
and the American way of life. 

Such propaganda is bad enough in itself. But on no principle of 
freedom or constitutional right whatever may it be argued that the 
American people should be required to aid in the dissemination of 
such propaganda by providing any portion of the financial costs of 
distribution. A government subsidy, derived ultimately from the 


taxpayers of America, is not a constitutional right which even the 
friends of American democracy may claim. It is certainly not a 
constitutional right which the totalitarian enemies of our democracy 
may demand. 

This brings us to the very heart of the question, which is the cost 
of distribution of these thousands of tons of totalitarian propaganda 
whose aims are wholly un-American. 

IV. American Taxpayers Foot the Bill for Totalitarian 


From the time a sack of propaganda matter is discharged from a 
Japanese boat until its contents are distributed throughout the United 
States to individuals, schools, colleges, institutions, business houses, 
etc., it must be handled again and again by American citizens who are 
in the employ of the United States Government. The means of trans- 
portation which are utilized in the distribution of mail must be sup- 
plied or paid for by the United States Government. It is impossible 
to make any kind of an estimate of the costs of all these services. But 
two things are obvious: (1) The cost of distribution from the time 
such propaganda is taken off the boat until it reaches the addressee 
is borne by the taxpayers of the United States; and (2) such cost, 
however large or small, is a wholly unjustifiable item in the American 
taxpayers' bill. 

V. The Universal Postal Union 

All of the postage which goes on the propaganda mail which comes 
into the United States is paid in the country of origin. Countries 
which are members of the Universal Postal Union retain all the 
postage which they collect, and, in turn, distribute at their own ex- 
pense all mail which comes from other countries. 

Germany and the United States are both members of the Universal 
Postal Union, as are Russia, Italy, and Japan. Unlike the four total- 
itarian governments, the United States has no "Department of Propa- 
ganda" which aims to influence the internal policies of Germany, 
Russia, Italy, and Japan. The United States Government does not, 
therefore, use the mails for directing propaganda against these four 
governments. Consequently, the United States receives no reciprocal 
benefits under the workings of the Universal Postal Union. Neither 
do the citizens of the United States receive any such benefits in their 
private capacity, for even if American citizens wished to use the 
mails for sending propaganda into Germany, Russia, Italy, and 
Japan, there is not the slightest probability that such propaganda 
would ever be permitted by the totalitarian governments to reach 
their subjects. 

Inasmuch as the United States Customs Service and the United 
States Post Office Department are now permitting the influx of totali- 
tarian propaganda under the arrangements of the Universal Postal 
Union, it may be proper at this point to introduce a brief history 
of that institution for the purpose of making clear that it was never 
intended to fit a world in which totalitarian powers make the use of 
mails the first phase of their wars upon free peoples. 


Prior to the founding of the Universal Postal Union, the international mail 
service was in a state of veritable chaos. There was no uniformity in the postal 
relations among the different countries of the world ; the regulations governing 
such international intercourse were fixed by special conventions. The result of 
that multiplicity of laws and regulations was intolerable confusion in the execution 
of the foreign postal service. The postage rates and weight units varied, not only 
between one country and another, but also in each individual country, according to 
the route employed and the zones in which the dispatching and receiving post 
offices were situated, so that it was an exceedingly difficult task for senders to 
determine the most advantageous way to dispatch their mail. The proceeds of the 
postage collections were shared by the postal administrations concerned, in propor- 
tion to the value of the services supposed to have been rendered in each country. 
The need for dividing the postage on every mail article into unequal parts gave 
rise to a very elaborate system of accounting as part of the daily routine at post 
offices. Transit rates were very high, and were as variable as the initial or terminal 

Beginning with the second half of the nineteenth century, there was a marked 
tendency to simplify the postal relations among the different nations. In most 
countries, a uniform and (for letters) lower rate was substituted for the old 
schedules of rates in proportion to the distances. A new principle began to gain 
ground — that of allowing each country to retain the whole of the postage which 
it collects. 

The first truly international postal conference, composed of the representatives 
of fifteen nations, met at Paris in 1863, at the suggestion of Mr. Montgomery Blair, 
then Postmaster General of the United States of America. Its object was not yet to 
discuss the clauses of a general convention, but to exchange ideas, to examine facts, 
and to infer from them certain principles to serve as the basis for future interna- 
tional postal agreements. The idea of a Postal Union was in the air, and Paris was 
its cradle. 

In fact, the idea was not long in materializing. In 1874, the first Postal 
Congress convened at Berne, pursuant to the suggestion of Mr. Stephan, then 
Director General of Posts of the North German Confederation. The United 
States of America, Egypt, and all the countries of Europe were represented. 
Twenty-four days of deliberation sufficed to reach an agreement on all points 
and to draw up the constitutive treaty of the General Postal Union. That 
treaty brought about a happy revolution in international postal relations. Uni- 
formity took the place of multiplicity and confusion of rates and regulations, 
postage was considerably reduced, and barriers were broken down by the stipu- 
lation that the contracting countries should form a single postal territory. 

Subsequently, Universal Postal Congresses have been held at Paris in 18*78, at 
Lisbon in 1885, at Vienna in 1891, at Washington in 1897, at Rome in 1906, at 
Madrid in 1920, at Stockholm in 1924, at London in 1929, at Cairo in 1934, and at 
Buenos Aires in 1939. The next Congress is scheduled to take place at Paris 
in 1944. In the intervals between certain of the Congresses, special adminis- 
trative Postal Conferences have convened at Berne in 1876, at Paris in 1880, 
at Brussels in 1890, and at The Hague in 1927. Special Postal Committees as- 
sembled at Zermatt (Switzerland) in 1921, at Cortina d'Ampezzo (Italy) in 
1925, at Paris (France) in 1928, and at Ottawa (Canada) in 1933. Two 
jubilees have been held at Berne— the first in 1900, to celebrate the 25th 
anniversary of the Universal Postal Union ; and the second in 1909, to unveil 
a monument commemorating the Union. A jubilee was also held at Stock- 
holm in 1924, coincident with the Stockholm Congress, to celebrate the Union's 
50th birthday. 

The salient features of the work accomplished by the various postal re- 
unions are as follows : 

The Conference of Paris (1863) provided for the classification of mail 
articles as letters, commercial papers, samples, and prints; for the optional 
prepayment of letters (with a surcharge in the event of shortpayment) and 
the obligatory prepayment of other articles; for a uniform weight unit for all 
relations, based on the metric system; for the registry and insurance sys- 
tems, fixing the responsibility of the contracting parties in the event of loss 
or rifling; for uniform postage rates wherever possible; for the limitation of 
transit charges to half the domestic postage of the transit country; for the 
simplification of postal accounts; for the forwarding and return of unde- 
liverable correspondence; for the franking privilege for official mail matter; 
and for the special-delivery service. 


The Congress of Berne (1874) made provisions for the right of transit 
of mails thruout the Union at certain rates within maximum limits; estab- 
lished a uniform classification of articles transmissible in the international 
mails, and fixed uniform postage rates and conditions within maximum limits 
therefor. It greatly simplified the detailed and complicated postage accounts 
by providing that each country should keep all the postage which it collected, 
and should settle with other countries for their intermediary services within 
the Union on the basis of weights, instead of on the basis of rates. It made 
obligatory the forwarding of unprepaid letters and of shortpaid articles of 
other classes, and granted the franking privilege to official correspondence 
exchanged between postal administrations. It provided that undeliverable 
mail articles should be forwarded thruout the Union without additional charge 
for such forwarding. It recognized the principle of responsibility for the 
safety of registered articles, and recommended a limited indemnity (50 francs 
or $9.65) for loss or damage suffered by them in transit. It provided for 
a Congress to convene once every three years to revise the Treaty, in which 
every country should have one vote; and it established an international 
Bureau at Berne, under the supervision of the Swiss Administration, charged 
with collecting and distributing postal statistics and information, giving its 
opinion on disputed questions, and in general serving as an organ of liaison 
between postal administrations, and considering questions of interest to the 
Postal Union ; the expenses of the Bureau to be borne jointly by the con- 
tracting countries in proportion to the importance of their postal business. 
It also provided for arbitration in case of disagreement between two or more 
Administrations as to the interpretation to be made of any of the provisions 
of the Treaty. Moreover, arrangements were made for the publication of a 
magazine entitled "L'Union Postale" in English, French, and German, the 
first number of which appeared on October 1, 1875. The Treaty of Berne 
went into operation on July 1, 1875, over a territory comprising 375,000,000 

The Conference of Berne (1876) admitted British India and the French 
Colonies to the Union, and fixed uniform transit charges for these countries 
in accordance with the Treaty of Berne. 

The Congress of Paris (1878) made certain changes in the former Treaty which 
were deemed necessary, and changed its name to "Universal Postal Convention." 
The General Postal Union has since that time been known as the "Universal 
Postal Union." This Congress also drew up additional Agreements for the 
exchange of insured letters and money orders, to which the United States did 
not adhere because this country had no letter insurance service in the first case, 
and because the Post Office Department could not see its way clear to sanction 
the use of card money orders in the second case. 

The Conference of Paris (1880) met to examine proposals for an Agreement 
concerning the introduction of a parcel-post service in the Universal Postal Union, 
and its deliberations resulted in the conclusion of the Universal Parcel Post Con- 
vention, which was not signed by the United States because there was no domestic 
parcel-post service in this country at the time. It has not been adhered to 
subsequently on account of the difficulties in accounting and other inconveniences 
which it would cause for this service. 

The Congress of Lisbon (1885) amended the Paris Convention and concluded 
additional Agreements concerning postal identification booklets and the collection 
of bills and drafts thru the post office. The United States did not participate in 
those two Supplementary Agreements, due to the nonexistence of the services in 
question in its internal regime. 

The Conference of Brussels (1890) prepared the draft of an additional Agree- 
ment concerning subscriptions to newspapers and periodicals thru the medium of 
the post office, to be submitted to the Vienna Congress. 

The Congress of Vienna (1891) introduced the collect-on-delivery service (in 
which the United States did not take part because no domestic c. o. d. service 
existed in this country at that time) ; and constituted the International Bureau 
as a central accounting office for those Administrations which desired to make 
use of its services for that purpose. (For many years the United States has not 
seen fit to avail itself of that option.) The Vienna Congress also charged the 
Interational Bureau with publishing an alphabetical list of all post offices in the 
world, and approved the additional Agreement concerning subscriptions, to which 
the United States did not become a party because it had no domestic subscription- 
by-mail service. All the provisions which today govern international postal 
relations were from that time on codified. 


The Congress of Washington (1897), being the first which did not have to take 
up the question of inaugurating any new services under additional Agreements, 
devoted most of its time to the discussion of transit charges. It was at this Con- 
gress that the question of gratuitous land and sea transit was seriously discussed for 
the first time, following propositions tending to establish such gratuity submitted 
by the countries of South America. The proposed innovation was bitterly con- 
tested by certain European nations and finally rejected, but the question has subse- 
quently gathered momentum and has been given more and more careful considera- 
tion at every succeeding Congress. It is of interest to note that our 1$ and 50 stamps 
have their present-day colors because of the decision of the Washington Congress 
that the stamp representing the postage on a single-rate print should be green ; and, 
on a single-rate letter, dark blue. 

The Congress of Rome (1906) made several modifications in the Washington 
Convention, perhaps the most important of which was the creation of the interna- 
tional reply coupon, by means of which the sender can furnish the addressee postage 
to prepay his reply. Likewise, transit charges were readjusted, postage rates were 
reduced on letters (in the United States, from 50 per half -ounce to 50 for the first 
ounce and 30 for each additional ounce), provision was made for the mailing of 
picture post cards under the same conditions as ordinary post cards, and the 
franking privilege was extended to prisoners of war. 

The Congress of Madrid was to have convened in 1913, but was postponed by the 
Spanish Government, for domestic reasons, until 1914, in which year the European 
War (which afterwards became world-wide) broke out, seriously interfering with 
postal communications thruout the world, hampering the operation of the Universal 
Postal Union, and causing the Congress to be postponed until 1920. Due to the long 
interval which had elapsed since the Rome Congress, an enormous number of propo- 
sitions confronted the Madrid Congress, so that its deliberations lasted 61 days. 
Its work was largely one of reconstruction. In view of the great financial instability 
following the war, the gold franc was adopted as the monetary standard of the 
Union and a flexible scale of postage rates with maximum and minimum limits was 
fixed. Provision was made for the first time for air-mail service. It was decided 
that the magazine "L'Union Postale" should from that time on be published in 
Spanish, in addition to English, French, and German. The identity-booklet Agree- 
ment was dropped, and provision was made in the Principal Convention for the 
optional issuance of identity cards (which the United States did not undertake, 
for the same reason that it did not adhere to the identity-booklet Agreement in the 
first place) ; and a new Agreement for postal checks was drawn up, but not signed 
by the United States because this country had no domestic postal-check service. 

Early during the sessions of the Madrid Congress, the interests of the United 
States, Spain, and the Latin-American countries began to be cemented together 
to form a Hispano-American bloc in the heart of the Congress, which led to the 
conclusion of the Spanish-American Postal Convention among the countries 
mentioned. The main provisions of that Convention were for free and gratuitous 
transit and for the application of domestic postage rates in the international 
service. Other Pan-American ideals were the adoption of English and Spanish as 
official languages of the Universal Postal Union and the elimination of the votes 
of Colonies, Protectorates, and Dependencies in the Universal Postal Congresses. 
While none of these aims could be completely realized, postage and transit rates 
were to a certain extent held down, Spanish was adopted as one of the languages 
of the journal "L'Union Postale," and the voice of the western world had begun 
to make itself heard in the Universal Postal Congress. 

A special committee, known as the Research Committee, constituted by the 
Madrid Congress, met at Zermatt, Switzerland, in 1921, to recodify the Conven- 
tions and Agreements of the Union in accordance with the logical sequence of 
their subject-matter, and to recommend to the Stockholm Congress any changes 
deemed necessary. Among other things, the Committee suggested that the name 
of the Parcel Post Convention be changed to "Parcel Post Agreement," reserving 
the term "Convention" exclusively for the Principal Convention. The recom- 
mendations of the Committee were all approved by the ensuing Congress. 

The Congress of Stockholm (1924) reduced the maximum and minimum post- 
age rates, lowered the transit rates, and made provision for the transmission of 
dutiable articles in the letter mails to those countries which would agree to 
accept such shipments. This Congress was the scene of further hated debates 
on the subject of free transit and the suppression of the votes of the Colonies, 
between the Pan-American countries on one hand and the European nations 
on the other, which, however, did not result in settling the questions. The 
Stockholm Congress was in session for 55 days. 
279895 — 41 — app. pt. ni 2 


The Research Committee met again at Cortina d'Ampezzo, Italy, in 1925, to 
devise ways and means for simplifying and speeding up the work of future 
Congresses, and also to reorganize the magazine "L'Union Postale." It was 
decided that a preparatory committee should meet at least six months prior 
to the opening of each Congress, examine the propositions submitted by the 
various Administrations, and make the necessary recommendations to the Con- 
gress. Provision was also made for enlarging the scope of the Postal Union 

The Conference of The Hague (1927) met to discuss the ever increasing air- 
mail service, and drew up two sets of regulations to govern it — one for regular 
mails and one for parcel post. The United is a party only to the farmer, as there 
was no provision for the transportation of parcels by air in its domestic service 
at that time. 

The Preparatory Committee for the London Congress met at Paris in 192S, 
pursuant to the recommendation of the Research Committee of Courtina 
d'Ampezzo which had been approved by the Administrations of the Union. 

The Congress of London (1929) decided that checks or drafts for payments 
made by one country to another shall be in the money of a country in which the 
central of other official bank of issue buys and sells gold or its equivalent in 
exchange for national coinage at rates fixed by law or under an agreement with 
the Government. A new model of reply coupon with minimum sale price of 37^ 
centimes was adopted. The basic postage rates were unchanged. The weight 
limit for raised prints for the blind was increased to 5 kilograms. Provision 
was made for a new class of correspondence known as "small packets" with the 
same dimensions and other conditions as for samples. The name of the sender 
must be written on the outside. The Administrations were authorized to charge 
a special fee for the delivery of such packets, which may contain dutiable articles 
and be subjected to customs examination ; and were required to accept complaints 
and inquiries regarding articles mailed in other countries. Methods for taking 
statistics and settling transit charges were simplified. The sliding scale of 
maximum and minimum postage rates was made less flexible. Only the name 
and address of the recipient shall be visible thru the panel of window envelopes 
and the contents must be so folded that the address cannot be obscured. The 
address must be legibly written in ink, by hand or typewritten, and not in ordinary 
or indelible pencil. A serial or register number relating exclusively to printed 
packets was added to the notices that may be written on them. The manner of 
payment, names of author and publisher, catalog number, and the words 
"stitched," "stiff boards," or "bound" may be inscribed on order or subscription 
blanks for books, etc. A very short explanatory note may be added to photo- 
graphs. Senders may print a questionnaire on the back of reply post cards, to 
be filled in by the addressees. 

As for the air-mail service, it was decided that the Provisions of The Hague 
concerning the transportation of regular mails by air should be appended to the 
Universal Postal Convention and considered as forming an integral part of that 
Convention and its Regulations. As an exception to the general provisions of the 
Convention, however, a modification of those provisions may be undertaken by 
a Conference composed of the representatives of the Administrations directly 
interested in the matter. Samples and small packets were added to the articles 
that can be included in air mails. Air-mail matter sent to persons who have 
meanwhile changed their addresses will be redispatched to the new address by 
the ordinary means, unless the addressee has expressly asked to have it forwarded 
by air and has prepaid the air surcharge for the new transportation at the 
redispatching office. Freedom of transit is guaranteed to air-mail correspondence 
thruout the Union territory, whether the intermediate Administrations take 
part in the onward dispatch of the correspondence or not. 

The Preparatory Committtee for the Cairo Congress met at Ottawa (Canada) 
in 1933. 

The Congress of Cairo (1934) provided as follows: Uniform dimensions for 
letters, commercial papers, printed matter, samples of merchandise, and small 
packets. Articles, the faces of which are divided for the inscription of successive 
addresses are prohibited. Copies of old letters and post cards as well as the 
originals thereof, even though bearing the original canceled postage stamps, 
may be classified as commercial papers. Unsealed envelopes containing prints 
must, if necessary, be provided with fasteners, or tied with string, which can 
be easily removed. Postage stamps or postage-paid impressions must appear 
only on the front of single post cards or prints sent in the form of cards, 


preferably on the right-hand side or as far as possible on the right half, respec- 
tively, of such cards. All impressions or reproductions on material assimilable 
to paper as well as on paper, are considered as prints, but motion-picture films 
or phonograph records are not. Photographs may bear summary information 
as well as explanatory legends. A card, envelope or wrapper with address of 
the sender and prepaid for reply by postage stamps of the country of destination 
may be enclosed with printed matter. Except such cards, envelopes, or wrappers, 
and canceled postage stamps on old letters or post cards, no postage stamps or 
forms of prepayment or paper representing a mine may be included in commer- 
cial papers, prints, samples, or small packets. Vaccines may be sent as samples 
of merchandise. Small packets are subject to the preparation and packing 
requirements for samples. After delivery has been unsuccessfully attempted, 
the special-delivery indication on special-delivery articles must be stricken out. 
Registered articles and unregistered letters and post cards with prepayment 
indicated by impressions of stamping machines need not be postmarked if the 
impressions show place and date of mailing. Nor need unregistered printed 
matter, samples, commercial papers, and small packets be postmarked if the 
place of origin is indicated on such articles. Only the deficiency in case of 
short-paid registered articles will be collected from the addresses. Articles 
addressed to persons who have submitted change of address will be forwarded, 
unless the wrapper bears instructions to the contrary in the language of the 
country of destination. Administrations are not responsible for articles seized 
by the customs for false declaration of contents. Notations requesting return 
receipts must appear on the front of the registered articles. The transmission 
of books as prints is no longer restricted to stitched or bound books. When 
impressions to indicate prepayment are made by printing press or other methods 
on packages of printed matter, the indication that the postage has been paid 
may be shown in abbreviated form. Transparent panels need no longer form 
an integral part of the envelopes of registered letters. Requests for withdrawal 
or change of address of a number of articles mailed simultaneously by the 
same sender to the same addressee are subject to the charge applicable only 
to a single-rate registered letter to the country concerned. It is recommended 
that envelopes containing Postal Union articles should be not less than 4 inches 
in length and 2% inches in width and that all articles sent at reduced rates 
be endorsed to indicate the classification, i. e., "commercial papers," "printed 
matter," etc. "Cut-out patterns" are added to the articles admissible as "prints." 
The number of the copies of works offered or ordered and the price thereof may 
be shown on printed matter. Transit charges on closed-mail correspondence 
were reduced 20%, and those on open-mail correspondence were abolished. 

The Congress of Buenos Aires (1939) extended the special concessions as 
to reduced rates and increased maximum limits, hitherto applicable only to 
"raised print for the blind," to include plates for printing such raised char- 
acters, Braille letters, and sound-reproduction records sent by recognized in- 
stitutions for the blind or addressed to such institutions. Due to a deprecia- 
tion in the currencies of many signatory countries in their relation to the gold 
franc, a 20% reduction was made in the basic postage rates and certain 
other charges. This reduction does not apply to transit charges, which are 
scheduled to be considered separately by a special commission. Optional 
provision was made for the admission, on a reciprocal basis, of articles 
known as "phonopost" articles, which consist of phonographic disks com- 
posed of light material of sufficient strength to withstand transportation 
and handling, on the surface of which the sender may record the text of 
actual and personal correspondence, a discourse, a song, etc., which when 
received by the addressee can be reproduced on an ordinary phonograph. 
These articles are in general subject to the rates and conditions applicable 
to letters. However, this system has not yet been made effective in this 
service. A specific provision was inserted in the Convention authorizing the 
transmission in the international mails of parasites and predators of injurious 
insects intended for the control of such insects, when exchanged between 
officially recognized agencies. Provision was also made for the exchange 
of correspondence at the reduced rate between students in schools, if sent 
thru the intermediary of the heads of the schools concerned. Another new 
provision relates to forms used in connection with loans from libraries, winch 
are admitted at the rate for prints. It was formerly provided that missent 
mail should be struck with the impression of the postmark of the office where 
it is received thru error, but this no longer applies to unregistered articles 
sent at the reduced rate. It is also stated that such impressions shall be 


placed on the back of letters and on the front of post cards. Also in the 
case of reforwarded articles the Convention provides that the date stamp 
of the redispatching office shall be applied to the back of all articles except 
those in the form of a card. In regard to air-mail articles, specific provision 
was made that, if no practical difficulties result therefrom, the sender may 
request that his correspondence be dispatched by air over only a part of the 
route. Moreover, it was provided that while the weight of the return receipt 
form is not to be considered in calculating the postage on an article intended 
for surface transportation, the weight of such receipt form is included in the 
calculation of the aerial surcharge. 

The effective date of the Buenos Aires Convention was fixed at July 1, 1940. 

It will be seen that the Universal Postal Union has been a true "league of na- 
tions." It has brought the peoples closer together by facilitating their intercourse. 
It was the first to organize arbitration as a means of settling international dis- 
putes. The founders of the Union were, therefore, the pioneers in the great work 
being done to make and maintain international peace and good will. 

Like everything human, the Universal Postal Union is capable of endless im- 
provement, but as it now stands, it is, in comparison with the previous state of 
affairs, an immense progress. Little by little it has introduced facilities of all sorts 
into international communications. 

The creation of a uniform basis and the lowering of the postage rates are in the 
first ranks of the progress obtained. But there is another. The Universal Postal 
Union was, we may well say, the first to lay down the principle of the solidarity of 
nations. This principle now dominates all international postal relations. It is this 
which has made harmony succeed dissension, and financial unselfishness supplant 
fiscal greed ; it is this which has broken down ancient barriers, and thrown open to 
the free circulation of ideas those frontiers formerly half closed by well-nigh pro- 
hibitive postage rates. By virtue of the principle of liberty of transit proclaimed 
by all postal congresses, every country is obliged to let foreign mail matter circu- 
late within its territory as freely as its own, and, for a just and reasonable com- 
pensation, to forward it to destination by the most rapid means available. What 
progress this is, as compared to the ancient antagonism; 

The Postal Union has also provided a peaceful means for the settlement of dis- 
putes and conflicts arising between its members. In case of disagreement, the 
Administrations concerned can ask the International Bureau for its opinion on the 
disputed questions. They can also have recourse to arbitration, each party choos- 
ing as arbiter a Union member not interested in the matter. The decision of the 
board of arbiters is made on an absolute majority of votes, and is binding on all 
parties concerned. In the event of a tie vote, the arbitrators choose another Admin- 
istration which likewise has no interest in the dispute to case the deciding vote. 

Each country is represented at the Congresses (which now meet once every 
five years ) by one or more plenipotentiary delegates, provided with the necessary 
credentials by their Governments. It may, if necessary, be represented by the 
delegation of another country. However, it is understood that a delegation may 
not be charged with representing more than two countries, including the one by 
which it was first accredited. The delegates from the United States are appointed 
by the Postmaster General, and are authorized to sign the Convention drawn up 
by the Congress, subject to subsequent approval by the Postmaster General and 
ratification by the President. 

Each Congress decides where the following Congress is to be held. 

In the deliberations, each country has but one vote. At the Buenos Aires 
Congress 72 votes were cast. Sixteen countries either did not sign or were 
not represented at this Congress, but the Final Protocol was left open for their 
subsequent adhesion. The following colonies or possessions are considered as 
separate countries for postal purposes : The Belgian Congo ; the whole of the 
Possessions of the United States of America other than the Commonwealth of 
the Philippines (including Hawaii, Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Virgin Islands) ; 
the Commonwealth of the Philippines; the whole of the Spanish Colonies; 
Algeria ; French Indochina ; the whole of the other French Colonies ; the whole 
of the Italian Colonies ; Chosen ; the whole of the other Japanese Dependencies : 
the Netherlands Indies ; Curacao and Surinam ; the Portuguese Colonies in West 
Africa ; the Portuguese Colonies in East Africa, Asia, and Oceania. Needless to 
say, the French Regency of Tunis, the autonomous British Dominions of the 
Union of South Africa, the Commonwealth of Australia, Canada, British India, 
Ireland (Eire), and New Zealand are counted as separate countries as far as the 
Universal Postal Union is concerned. 


The Universal Postal Union now comprises practically all the countries of the 
world, with approximately 265,000 post offices. The following countries are not 
at present members of the Union : The Loccadive and the Maldive Islands. These 
countries will, however, be permitted to enter the Union at any time. Notice of 
their adherence must be given, thru diplomatic channels, to the Government of 
Switzerland, and by the latter to the Governments of all the other countries 
in the Union. 

As has been previously mentioned, the United States does not execute the 
international parcel-post, money-order, c. o. d. and insurance services on the basis 
of the Union Agreements ; but prefers, for various reasons of a domestic nature, 
to make individual arrangements with each country concerned. If, however, the 
said Agreements are modified in the future in such a way as to become acceptable 
to this country from a domestic standpoint, it will no doubt immediately adhere 
thereto, in the interests of uniformity and international solidarity. 

One paragraph of the foregoing sketch of the Universal Postal 
Union stands out particularly as a reminder that the Union was 
conceived as an agency to serve the needs of a wholly different kind 
of world from that which has developed since the rise of the totalitarian 
dictators. That particular paragraph reads, in part, as follows: 
"It will be seen that the Universal Postal Union has been a true 
'league of nations.' It has brought the peoples closer together by 
facilitating their intercourse." As a matter of cold realism, the 
Universal Postal Union is today facilitating the totalitarian propa- 
ganda attack upon the United States in particular and upon all the 
free peoples in general. 

VI. The Polish Atrocity Book Mailed From Germany 

Several months ago, all addresses on the master mailing list of 
German-Americans received through the mails a 316-page book 
entitled: "Die Polnischen Greueltaten an den Volksdeutschen in 
Polen." The volume contains hundreds of gruesome pictures which 
are alleged to show the atrocities committed against Germans in 
Poland prior to the Nazi occupation of a part of that country. 

Exhibit No. 3 is a reproduction of one of the milder photographic 
double-page spreads from this atrocity book. 

The volume weighed 2 pounds and 4 ounces. It was mailed from 
Germany, and franked with a stamping machine by the German 
government. The total shipment of these books weighed about 50 

For the distribution of this book in the United States, the entire 
costs were borne by American taxpayers. 

VII. Other Mail Shipments From Germany 

Exhibit No. 4 is a photographic reproduction of an envelope carrying 
Nazi propaganda to the United States from Munich. The cancelation 
reads: "Munchen Hauptstadt der Bewegung." The English transla- 
tion is, "Munich the Capital of National Socialism." This envelope is 
marked, "U. S. Customs FKEE, Baltimore, Md." 

Exhibit No. 5 is a photographic reproduction of an envelope franked 
in Frankfurt am Main, Germany. The envelope contained printed 
propaganda material, and is marked "via Sibiria." 

Exhibit No. 6 is another photographic reproduction of a wrapper 
which brought Nazi propaganda to the United States. The word 
"Eilt," stamped on the wrapper means "Rush." This material was 
mailed from Berlin. 


Exhibit No. 7 is a photographic reproduction of an envelope which 
contained several cards for remailing after delivery to an addressee in 
the United States. Special attention is called to the stamp, "via 
Sibirien- Japan." 

Exhibit No. 8 is a photographic reproduction of one of the cards 
enclosed in the envelope which is marked "Exhibit No. 7." This card 
is one illustration of Hitler's recent poses as the enemy of "the ruling 
class" and the friend of the "proletariat." 

Exhibit No. 9 is a photographic reproduction of one of the many 
propaganda pamphlets which are sent through the mails from Germany 
to this country. 

IX. German Library or Information 

The German Library of Information has been the principal propa- 
ganda medium of Nazi Germany located in the United States. 

The library has built up a mailing list of 70,000 names. ( See Exhibit 
No. 10.) 

The library publishes a weekly bulletin known as Facts in Review. 
This bulletin contains nothing but Nazi propaganda. It goes to clergy- 
men, editors, school teachers, and other persons of influence. 

Facts in Review is mailed out under a third-class permit. This is a 
class of mail on which the Post Office Department (meaning the tax- 
payers of the United States) incurs an annual deficit. 

Exhibit No. 11 is a photographic reproduction of a number of copies 
of Facts in Review. 

In addition to the publication and distribution of Facts in Review, 
the German Library of Information brings out large editions of ex- 
pensively printed books and booklets. (See Exhibit No. 12.) 

The library is financed entirely from Germany. 

X. German Railroads Information Office 

On the surface, it might appear that the German Railroads In- 
formation is strictly a travel agency. The organization does, in 
fact, distribute elaborately printed folders and booklets depicting 
the scenic beauties of Germany. But, for the present, at least, there 
is no tourist travel to Germany; and despite this fact the German 
Railroads Information Office still operates with an annual budget 
of more than $100,000. All of the expenses of the office are derived 
from Germany. 

The German Railroads Information Office puts out a weekly news 
letter called News Flashes from Germany. This periodical is 
nothing more nor less than Nazi propaganda. 

Exhibit No. 13 is a photographic reproduction of some of the 
travel folders (all of which are printed in Germany) and copies 
of News Flashes from Germany which are put out by the German 
Railroads Information Office. 

Exhibit No. 14 is a photographic reproduction of the mailing list 
of the German Railroads Information Office. 

Ernst Schmitz, the manager of the German Railroads Informa- 
tion Office, wrote a letter to Manfred Zepp inviting him to a meet- 
ing of the Intelligence Service of the Rome-Berlin axis. 


XI. Other Exhibits 

Exhibit No. 15 is a photographic reproduction of a slip which 
has been enclosed with some of the propaganda literature mailed 
from Germany. The slip invites the recipient of the Nazi propa- 
ganda to supply the League for Cultivating Personal Friendships 
Abroad (Berlin) with name and addresses to be added to the 
master mailing list in Germany. The principal technique employed 
by the Nazis in all of their propaganda work discussed in this 
report up to this point is known as direct mailing. Direct mail- 
ing is one of the most effective forms of modern advertising. The 
evidence before the committee shows that the various propaganda 
agencies in Germany are utilizing this technique to the limit. 

Exhibit No. 16 is a photographic reproduction of a number of 
copies of the Deutscher Weckruf, the official publication of the 
German-American Bund. This, too, enjoys the privileges of second- 
class mail, which is a form of Government subsidy. The Deutscher 
Weckruf is strictly a propaganda organ for National Socialism. 

Exhibit No. 17 is a photographic reproduction of Japanese pam- 
phlets and publications, all of which are sent through the mails 
of the United States, and all of which are printed in Japan. 

Exhibit No. 18 is a photographic reproduction of books and 
pamphlets which are printed in Italy and which are sent through the 
mails to residents of the United States. 

Exhibit No. 19 is a photographic reproduction of more books and 
booklets printed in Italy, and also of the publications of the Italian 
Library of Information which corresponds to the German Library of 
Information in its propaganda activities on behalf of Mussolini's 
regime in Italy. 

XII. The Daily Worker 

The committee is in possession of a copy of a cablegram in which 
Clarence Hathaway, editor of the Daily Worker, asked Moscow for 
the correct "line" on the Soviet invasion of Finland. For 17 years 
the Daily Worker has been Moscow's chief journalistic mouthpiece in 
the United States. The paper is registered with the Department of 
State as an agent of a foreign principal. 

Exhibit No. 20 is a photograph of the bound volumes of the Daily 
Worker from its inception 17 years ago. The photograph was taken 
in the offices of the committee. 

Thousands of citations from the Daily Worker could be given to 
show its complete subservience to Moscow and its disloyalty to the 
United States. A single citation must suffice for the present report : 

In an article by Earl Browder, which appeared in the Daily Worker 
of January 14, i933, the defeat of the United States is advocated in 
the event of this country's involvement in war. "In the midst of im- 
perialist war," writes Browder, "the revolutionary working class must 
put forward the slogan, 'Defeat of our own imperialism.' " More than 
6 years later, Browder declared his continuing adherence to that same 
principle, in his testimony before the committee. 

The Communist Party employs a special technique in the promotion 
of the Daily Worker's circulation. That technique is the use of shop 
and neighborhood papers. 


The major objectives of the shop and neighborhood papers of the 
Communist Party are (1) to propagandize directly for the Soviet 
Union, and (2) to promote the circulation of the Daily Worker. 

The shop nucleus or the local neighborhood unit of the party is 
charged with the responsibility of issuing the shop or neighbor- 
hood paper. The Central Committee of the Communist Party has 
issued a pamphlet entitled "Shop Paper Manual," which was written 
by Gertrude Haessler. 

In this Shop Paper Manual Miss Haessler has set forth in de- 
tail the mechanics of publishing a shop paper and the political ob- 
jectives which it is expected to attain. One of the ways in which 
the shop paper is expected to propagandize for the totalitarian regime 
in Russia is described by Miss Haessler in the following words : 

Comparisons between local conditions and Russian conditions, given tersely 
and without flourishes, are very effective sprinkled through columns of this 

The shop and neighborhood papers are expected to acquaint their 
readers with other papers and organizations of the Communist 
Party. "Every appeal to read the Daily Worker," writes Miss Haess- 
ler, "should have the D. W. address." In further comment on this 
point, the author of the Shop Paper Manual says, "It is un- 
necessary to explain the importance of pushing the Daily Worker, 
and practically no shop papers have sinned in this respect." 

In Exhibits Nos. 21 and 22, the mastheads of the following shop 
and neighborhood papers appear: 

Red Chart: Issued Monthly by the Communist Party Unit in Mount Sinai 

Postal Worker: Published by Postal Telegraph Branch of the Communist 

We the People : Published by the Communist Party— Branches of Sunnyside and 

Thompson Hill 
Columbia Spark: Issued by the Columbia (University) Nucleus of the Com- 
munist Party and Young Communist League 
Close-up: Issued by Communist Party Branches in Film Industry 
Red Pen : Issued by the Communist Party Unit of the W. P. A. Federal Writers' 

City College Teacher Worker: Issued Monthly by the Communist Party Unit 

of City College (New York) 
Bergen Beacon: Published by the Communist Party of Bergen County (New 

The Class Mark : Published by the Communist Party Branch of the New York 

Public Library 
Medical Center Worker : Issued by Communist Party Branch in Medical Center 

(New York) 
The Good Neighbor: Issued by the Bob Minor Branch, Communist Party 
The Yard Voice: Issued by Communist Party Navy Yard Unit (Brooklyn, New 

The Vanguard Scholar: Published by the Graduate Schools and T. C. Student 

Branches, Communist Party (Columbia University, New York) 
Columbia Graduate Scholar: Issued by Graduate School Unit, Communist 

Party (Columbia University) 
East Side Power Worker : Issued by the Communists of the East River Station, 

New York, N. Y. 
Counsel : Issued by Communist Party Members of the Adult Guidance Service 
Active File : Issued by the Communist Party Members in the Division of Place- 
ment and Unemployment Insurance, N. Y. C. 
The Probe : Issued by the Communist Party Unit in Morrisania Hospital (New 

York, N. Y.) 
Red Tape: Issued by the Communist Party Branch of 902 Broadway (New 

York, N. Y.) 


The 74th Street Power Worker: Issued by Communist Party Members in the 
Power House 

Red Paint : Issued by the Communist Party Unit of the Federal Art Project 

G. P. O. Worker : Issued by the Government Printing Office Branch of the Com- 
munist Party (Washington, D. C.) 

The Red Write-up: Issued by the General Post Office Nucleus of the Commu- 
nist Party (New York, N. Y.) 

Harlem Lesson Plan: Issued Monthly by the Communist Teachers of Harlem 
(New York. N. Y.) 

The Germantown Progressive: Published Monthly by the 22nd Ward Branch 
of the Communist Party (Philadelphia). 

The Staff: Issued Monthly by the Brooklyn College Unit of the Communist 
Party of America. 

Peoples News: Issued by the Thirty-Second District, Communist Party (Seattle, 

The Write-Up : Issued by the Communist Party Nucleus of Grand Central Post 
Office (New York). 

Boro Hall News : Issued by Boro Hall Branch Communist Party, 1st A. D., 
Kings County, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Vanguard: Published by the 49th Ward Branch of the Communist Party (Phila- 

Port-Light: Official Organ Communist Party, U. S. A., New York Seamen and 
Harbor Workers Branch. 

The Streamliner : Issued by the South Side Railroad Workers Branch of the 
Communist Party, Chicago, Illinois. 

Tube City News : Published by the Communist Party of McKeesport, Pa. 

The Independent Vermonter: Published Monthly by the Communist Party of 

Valley Voice: Issued by the Communist Party of Turtle Creek Valley, Turtle 
Creek, Pa. 

As We See It: Issued by the Executive Committee, Summit County Communist 
Party (Akron, Ohio). 

Stamford Worker: Issued by the Industrial Unit of the Communist Party, Stam- 
ford, Connecticut. 

The 33rd Ward Beaoon : Published by the 33rd Ward Branch, Communist Party 

Armory News : Issued by Groups of Guardsmen, 33rd Division, Illinois National 

It will be seen from the foregoing list of shop and neighborhood 
papers that the Communist Party is conducting its pro-Soviet propa- 
ganda in hospitals, colleges and universities, power plants, telegraph 
companies, the film industry, Government bureaus and agencies, trans- 
portation and shipping industries, and the armed forces. 

In order to make clear the whole technique of the Communist Party 
in its work of publishing shop and neighborhood papers, the party's 
Shop Paper Manual is reprinted at this point. The cover of the 
pamphlet is an exact photographic reproduction. 

279895 — 11 — app. pt. in- 


Shop Paper ▲Waiiiial 

A Handbook for Comrades 
Active in Shop Paper Work 


Issued by 

Central Committee Communist Party, U.S.A. 

P. O. Box Station D, N. Y. 



A Handbook for Comrades Active in Shop Paper Work 

The Role of the Shop Paper in the Class Struggle 

In view of the strenuous efforts being made to orientate the Party work 
to the shop and to root the Party firmly in the shop, the development of 
activity in the field of shop papers becomes more and more essential in Party 
work. The shop paper is the sharpest weapon in mass agitation in the arsenal 
of the active Communist. The shop paper is the Communist organ in the 
shop, reaching the proletariat as no other organ of the Party can. 

Shop paper work is extremely exacting work, demanding a patience and 
accuracy which few other fields of Communist activity require. At the same 
time it is a field of work in which our comrades have the least experience, 
due almost entirely to an under-estimation and lack of appreciation of the 
importance of this effective weapon for capturing the "fortresses of the working 
class," as Lenin calls the factories. 

In getting out a shop paper, its fundamental function — that of being the 
Communist organ in the shop — must never be lost sight of. The shop paper 
naturally treats of shop problems and the every day life of the worker of the 
shop, but it must also interpret to the shop worker all events which affect his 
life, even in the most indirect way. This requires a political orientation 
which every Communist organ naturally has. To awaken the class-conscious- 
ness of the worker, to defend his interests in all spheres, to widen his horizon 
of outlook to include the entire working class and all current events, to draw 
political and organizational conclusions from his problems and from the prob- 
lems of the entire working class, to develop his feelings of class solidarity, 
to intensify his fighting spirit, to draw him closer to the Party — these are the by 
no means insignificant tasks of the shop paper. 

And as the time draws nearer for the illegality which will face our Party, 
the shop paper must do its share first in fighting stubbornly for the Party's 
right to legality, and should the Party be driven underground or the general 
Party organs suppressed it becomes of enormous importance in replacing to 
some extent the general Party organs which are prohibited. In its very nature 
and from its very inception, the shop paper has a semi-illegal character. It is 
the best weapon, therefore, to take up and carry on our agitational and propa- 
ganda work when the "Daily Worker" and other general Party organs face 
all the tremendous difficulties of illegality. It is then that the shop papers 
become the basis for our entire mass agitation. 

In our German Party, not only every shop nucleus, but every street nucleus 
issues a small Party paper. The policy of the German Party, which is being 
put into effect, is that every Party unit owns its own duplicating machine and 
puts out its own paper. In Hamburg this was realized to the extent of creating 
almost 500 shop and neighborhood papers in the various units of the Party. 

Early in 1930 the Party organ, the Hamburger Volkszeitung, with a circula- 
tion of about 30,000, was suppressed for a period of ten days. During this 
period our shop papers and neighborhood papers came out daily with an average 
circulation of 1,000, which meant that the 30,000 copies of the Hamburger 
Volkszeitung were replaced by 500,000 copies of shop papers and neighborhood 
papers during the period of this suppression. 

Our American Party has not yet reached this stage of development, but we 
must foresee such situations and prepare ourselves for them. We must de- 
velop our shop papers and train ourselves in this work. 

Thus a handbook to guide the comrades who participate in this sphere of 
Communist activity, a handbook which treats of all the aspects of the work 
exhaustively, is absolutely essential at this time, especially in view of the 
backwardness of our Party in this work. 

The following is the first pamphlet on the subject of shop papers to be printed 
in this country. It necessarily has all the defects and omissions which arise 
from the Party's inexperience in this field of activity. The section dealing with 


the difficulties of distribution especially is inadequate. This is one of the most 
important and most difficult problems in connection with getting out a shop 
paper. But in view of our lack of experience it was necessary merely to 
throw up the various problems which have to be met in various places, without 
in many cases suggesting concrete solutions. 

It would be wise to issue a special small pamphlet in the near future devoted 
purely to the subject of distribution, compiled from the experiences gained by 
our comrades, the difficulties met, and the methods used to overcome them. 
Until that is issued, the present section on distribution will have to suffice. 

Gertrude Haessler. 
December, 1930. 

Part I. The Political Aspects of Shop Paper Work 

If we keep in mind our definition of the shop paper, that it is the Communist 
organ in the shop, we realize that this implies two things — one, that the paper 
must express the political interpretations of the Party, and not become merely 
a shop newspaper with a purely trade union orientation organizationally, 
and on the other hand, must guard against becoming too abstract politically, 
divorced from shop conditions. 

Politically the paper must treat of working-class problems as a whole, 
linking up the material with shop conditions on the one hand and with the 
Party campaigns on the other. It must interpret working-class problems 
locally (for instance, the lapse of the rent acts in New York City), nationally 
(the "Hoover-Green-no-strike" agreement), and internationally (unemploy- 
ment, war danger, Soviet Union, etc.). It must deepen the political under- 
standing of the workers in the shop — it must explain clearly and simply 
how, for instance, the machinist at the automatic lathe is affected by the 
disarmament conference — a think which seems so remote to the average 

If the paper deals too exclusively with political questions it becomes simply 
a bad substitute for a political leaflet, and if it deals too exclusively with 
shop problems it fails to raise the political level of the workers in the shop. 

The greatest difficulty and also our greatest task in dealing with political 
problems is to link them up with shop conditions, to show the workers how 1 
every current event in the world affects his working and living conditions, 
and those of his whole class. On the basis of shop conditions, the paper must 
make it clear to the masses how the maneuvres of trust capital, the intrigues 
of the fascist A. F. of L. and its social-fascist "left wing," the concentration 
of capital and rationalization, the nature of the bourgeois state, class collabora- 
tion, imperialist armament races, the preparations for war against the Soviet 
Union — how all these affect the every-day life and working conditions of 
the masses, resulting in more intensive exploitation, growing misery, increas- 
ing political oppression, and in more brutal methods to stifle all efforts of 
the workers to change these conditions. 

How to make such things as these clear to an unclass-conscious needle trades 
worker in a New York sweatshop, or to a mountaineer textile mill hand 
in North Carolina, or to a Negro farmer from the South who has just taken 
a job in the Ford factory in Detroit, or to a Mexican agricultural laborer 
in the Imperial Valley — that is the task of the shop paper — a difficult task, 
but one which must be dealt with if the shop paper is to be a genuine 
Communist organ. 

Stereotyped editorials must therefore be avoided. We can no longer hand 
out the monthly political editorial to the various shop nuclei from the District 
Center, printing the self-same article in every paper in the District. The 
same subject, of course, and the same fundamental line for all — but linked 
up with the special shop conditions and made intelligible and interesting to 
the workers of that particular shop and industry. 

On the opposite page are examples of what is meant by linking up a political 
article with actual immediate shop conditions. These were articles which 
actually appeared in two different shop papers during the Party's election 
campaign. The one on the left shows a splendid approach to the subject on 
the basis of shop conditions, developing from that premise the analysis of 
what the various parties stand for, and ending with good slogans well placed. 

The one on the right is an example of how 1 not to approach the workers 
on a political issue. Politically undeveloped workers don't give a hang what 



the Communists in Germany happen to be doing. They are interested in 
fighting their own wretched conditions right here in the shop, and don't get 
the same thrill out of the successes of our German comrades that our Party 
members do. This must be kept carefully in mind in approaching these unde- 
veloped workers. In this article shop conditions seem to be dragged in bv 
the tail, in the middle of the article, without any connection with the German 
elections, and the analysis of what the other three parties are doing doesn't 
make it clear to the shop worker that these Parties not only do not help 
them, but are actually their enemies. And the analysis of the Party position 
is simply one of struggling to get a bill passed through Congress, with the 
slogans at the end crowded, and again too remote from the shop conditions. 



Five hundred men laid off — the rest work- 
ing three days a week — and more thrown out 
every day. That is the way things are in 
Ford's now. Five hundred men locked out 
of the shop, thrown into the streets, in- 
creasing the number of the millions of un- 

The rest of us making wages for three 
days a week. With the army of pushers on 
our backs, taking advantage of the situa- 
tion to abuse us more than humans can 
stand. Anything is considered a good 
enough excuse to throw a worker out of a 

Winter coming, with no relief in sight. 
The A. F. of L. says unemployment insur- 
ance is not necessary because prosperity is 
"just around the corner." 

The Democrats say the Republicans are 
to blame, but they don't tell us how they 
will change it. Talk a lot about unem- 
ployment, but don't do anything. 

The Republicans say it is too bad, but 
they can't help it, and anyway it is good 
for the country, as now business can get 
back on a "sound" basis — more speed-up, 
more lay-offs. 

The Socialists say unemployment is ter- 
rible — we must "study" it. In the mean- 
time, the A. F. of L. is "wise" not to call 
any strikes in a period of depression. Let 
the bosses cut wages, increase speed-up 
but the workers must "cooperate" in help- 
ing to bring the country back to normal — 
if they don't starve first. 

Only the Communist Party tells the work- 
ers to do something — to fight for unem- 
ployment insurance, to fight against evic- 
tions of workers from their homes, to de- 
mand work or wages, to refuse to starve. 

Workers ! Vote against starvation, speed- 
up and lay-offs. 

Vote communist ! 


The Communist Party of Germany in the 
recent election campaign has just demon- 
strated in a striking manner that it is a 
mass party with a following of more than 
4% millions of workers and poor farmers. 

The Communist Party is the leading 
party in Berlin. It has received three- 
quarters of a million votes in Berlin thus 
making it the foremost party. The Ger- 
man workers showed the way to the Ameri- 
can workers what must be done in the 
coming elections. 

Our conditions are becoming worse every 
day. We are forced to work 9^ hours a 
day at the rate of 60 units per hour. If 
the company catches a worker talking or 
smiling he is fired immediately. The speed- 
up is great and as a result hundreds of 
workers are laid off and many accidents 

The capitalist parties — Democrats, Re- 
publicans, and Socialists do not present any 
program for the abolition of the speed-up 
or shortening of the working day and re- 
lief for the unemployed. Their main plank 
is wet or dry. Is this the main issue today? 
Isn't unemployment a much more important 
issue for every worker? 

The Communist Party, however, proposes 
the Workers Social Insurance Bill, and pledges 
itself to carry on a determined struggle 
for its passage. The only way this can be 
accomplished is by the workers, both em- 
ployed and unemployed to organize together 
under the leadership of the Communist 

Workers! Fight for the Workers' Social 
Insurance Bill — Vote Communist. 

The above are articles which appeared in shop papers, the one on the left showing a 
splendid approach to the subject, on the basis of shop conditions, the one on the right 
giving an approach without interest to politically undeveloped workers, with the shop 
approach hidden in the body of the article and not properly linked up with the subject. 

Part II. Shop Conditions and Trade-Union Work 

Again keeping in mind that the shop paper is the organ of the Communist Party 
in the shop, we must, in dealing with shop abuses, champion the worker in his 
day-to-day struggle in the shop and propose immediate solutions where they exist. 
Pushing trade-union organization becomes, therefore, one of the paramount tasks 
of the shop paper. We must, at the same time, guard against allowing the paper 
to become simply a trade-union organizer, and must never allow our political 
work and our ultimate goal— the overthrow of the capitalist system — to be pushed 
into the background by these immediate aims and solutions. 

In handling the shop conditions, the tendency must be guarded against of 
simply pointing out abuses and allowing the workers to draw their own conclu- 
sions as to the proper remedy. Our Party work is orientated toward reaching 
the great masses of unorganized, and in getting out our shop paper, which is the 
best avenue we have to reach these unorganized workers, we must be very specific 


in our organizational recommendations. It is not enough, either, to say that 
joining :t union will remedy certain abuses. Tell which union, tell something 
about it, give its address, explain its form of organization on the basis of shop 
committees, warn against the fakery of A. F. of L. officials and Muste-ite reform- 
ists — all in simple language. For do not forget that it is precisely the unorgan- 
ized worker who has no tradition of organization, who has no knowledge of the 
benefits to be derived from a union, who does not realize the role of union 
organization in the class struggle — in fact, who must be taught from the very 
beginning the simplest fundamentals of worker solidarity. 

Our aim has always been the establishment of real functioning shop commit- 
tees as a basis for a strong union organization. In many cases a transitional 
organization leading ultimately to the formation of the shop committee will be 
necessary, which can take the form of a grievance committee for organizing 
the workers for struggle on the basis of grievances in the shop and for the 
partial demands arising from them. The grievance committees will rally the 
workers to fight against rationalization and oppression in the factories, and 
should be used as a means of establishing the unions openly in the shop, strug- 
gling at the same time for the freedom of the workers to assemble, speak and 
agitate in the factories, which demand must be raised in all strike struggles. 

One of the principal tasks of a shop paper must be to initiate actions on the 
part of the workers in the shop even if it is on a small scale, for we cannot expect 
to have an immediate movement for strike action, without some preparation in 
struggle. One small instance, which is not of much importance in itself, but 
which illustrates how the shop paper can gain prestige among the workers for 
the Party, is the case where the paper roused the workers to give expression ro 
their resentment against the cutting off of the Christmas bonus which they were 
accustomed to getting. When the notice of the boss was posted, the shop paper 
initiated a movement demanding that the bonus be paid to the workers, asking 
them through the shop paper to chalk up the entire shop with the word "bonus" 
and indicate their demands for the payment of this bonus. This was done 
throughout the entire shop. The effect was splendid not only on the workers, but 
upon the Party. The workers had an outlet for expressing their discontent, and 
in following the suggestion in the shop paper, they recognized the leadership of 
the shop paper in their struggles, even though these struggles weren't sharp. 
Such small matters, as they gradually accumulate, build up a strike movement 
when a big issue conies, and the shop paper becomes the accepted spokesman of 
the workers in their larger struggles. 

In starting the shop paper, have the trade-union policy of the Party which 
applies to that shop clearly in mind. Then follow a conscious, definite policy of 
unfolding an organizational plan in the shop, developing it with each new num- 
ber of the paper in accordance with developing conditions in the shop and the 
response of the workers. Only a consistently carried out policy will bring the 
organizational results. 

At the same time the District Industrial Department and the union must be 
ready to do concrete organizational work in the shop. We can hammer away at 
the necessity of organizing for months and months, stir up a great deal of interest 
in union organization among the workers, and if we are not organizationally 
ready to receive them, all that work is lost. 

Everything that happens in the shop — whether insignificant or important, 
must be taken advantage of to draw the proper organizational conclusions — 
hammering away at the necessity of the union, but also drawing the ultimate 
conclusions of the necessity of abolishing the capitalist system. If there is an 
accident in the shop, if there is a wage reduction, if a worker is arbitrarily 
fired, if a foreman is unusually hard-boiled — any of these can be used as a basis 
of pointing out the necessity of mass solidarity and the futility and danger of 
individual protest. 

Stress solidarity with other unions and foster the feeling of working class 
solidarity not only on a national scale but on an international scale as well. This 
can be done by carrying news of workers' struggle outside the shops, appeals 
for strikers in other places in the same industry, or in other industries. In this 
respect, conditions in Soviet Russia must always be featured, with the proper 
conclusion of how to get them for ourselves. 

A conscious policy must also be followed in popularizing Labor Unity among 
the shop workers. It is very necessary that this be conscientiously done not 
only for the development of the workers themselves, but also to give Labor 
Unity the mass base it needs. 


Fight the company unions, whatever their guise — industrial conference, ath- 
letic clubs, mutual aid organizations, etc. — either capture them and make them 
serve the workers, which is difficult — but it has been done — or smash them by 
exposing them. 

But don't create illusions as to what the union can give the workers. Never 
fail to stress that it is only the overthrow of the capitalist system that can do 
away with the abuses from which the working class is suffering today. 

Part III. Special Subjects 

"Divide and rule" is the slogan of the boss when he takes advantage of the 
special problems created by certain divisions of the working class. To 
meet this well known device of the bosses, the shop paper must make every 
effort to deal with the special interests of those workers who, in addition to 
the general exploitation from which all workers suffer, are the constant target 
of special discrimination and exploitation. 

As far as the women are concerned, not only must the shop workers be 
given special attention, but also the wives of the men workers, for a clear 
understanding of the class struggle on their part will do much to raise the 
morale of their husbands. Every effort must be made to involve these 
housewives in any class struggle activity within the shops. 

The increasing role which the young workers are playing in industry and 
their strategic position in the class struggle when war breaks out, makes 
careful attention to their problems absolutely imperative. 

The clannishness of the various foreign-born and their prejudices against 
each other, which are deliberately fostered by the bourgeoisie, are very strong 
and require constant combatting. This is particularly true of the colored 
foreign-born, such as the Chinese, Japanese, Filipinos, Hindus, Mexicans, etc. 

But there is one section of the working class in America which occupies a 
unique position, and that is the Negro. His problem, in addition to that of 
being a doubly exploited member of the working class, and of suffering from 
race discrimination, is that of being a member of an oppressed national 
minority within the country, struggling for national expression and national 
self-determination. This must be taken carefully into account in any dealing 
with the problems of the Negro, creating a special situation even compared 
to the other doubly exploited sections of the American working class. 

Where any such section of workers comprises a large part of the employees, 
special pages or special columns should be devoted in the shop paper to their 
problems. If the situation warrants it, a special youth paper should be issued, 
or perhaps the Party and League can issue a joint paper. Where large sec- 
tions of workers speak a foreign language, a page devoted to material of 
special interest to them, and written in their language should be set aside. 
This invites the confidence of those workers, who, due to language handicaps, 
have great difficulty in taking their place in the general class struggle in this 
country. These workers should be encouraged to contribute so that they 
feel that these special sections belong to them. 

The main object in running these special sections is to increase the feeling 
of solidarity of the workers of the entire plant, irrespective of the lines drawn 
by sex, color, age, and nationality, and thus to create more solid fighting 
ranks when the inevitable clashes against the employer occur. To foster this 
feeling of solidarity in a systematic and tactful manner is one of the chief 
duties of the shop paper in any factory where these divisions in the ranks of 
the workers exist. 

Not only to win over these doubly exploited sections, not only to explain t<> 
them the role which the employers force them to play, but also to make ii 
clear to the other workers (who are in a relatively better position), how the 
employer is keeping them divided, is the duty of every shop paper. 

In a clear and sympathetic handling of such situations we can win over 
this doubly exploited type of worker and also do away with the prejudices 
against him on the part of other workers which the employer so consciously 

Pabt IV. Organizational Aspects of Shop Paper Work 

In the practical matter of getting out a shop paper, two things must be kept in 
mind — the aim must be to have the paper issued regularly, and the greatest care 
must be taken that everything written is absolutely accurate. 


Regularity instills confidence in the paper and in the Party on the part of the 
workers, and allows a more consistent organizational policy to be carried out. 
Accuracy is absolutely essential, for if we print news which is false, based merely 
on rumor, then instead of becoming the leaders of the workers, we simply become 
the laughing stock of the shop. 


All this requires that the members of the nucleus itself assume the main respon- 
sibility for gathering and getting the material ready for issuing. The habit which 
some of the districts have, of merely inquiring from the workers what the condi- 
tions are in the shop, and writing the paper from above, is absolutely a wrong basis 
for issuing a shop paper. It is easy to make mistakes that way, and it is impera- 
tive that the nucleus members see every word of the paper when it is ready to be 

The main reason, however, for making the nuclei members do their own gathering 
and getting out of material, is to make it really a paper for the shop, an organ of 
the Communist nucleus with the complete responsibility in the hands of the nu- 
cleus. This does not mean that the workers must not get all necessary help from 
the District — political guidance, technical apparatus, etc. Also, if no member of 
the nucleus has a sufficient command of English, the District must attach one or 
two comrades who can write — but always in close cooperation with the workers 
themselves. Thus we train our own comrades to watch their shop events and to in- 
terpret them for their fellow workers. Thus we give the paper a real base in the 
shop and avoid the sad experiences where five or six shop papers would collapse at 
one time when the District Organizer, who has personally written all the papers 
himself, would be transferred elsewhere. 

The best method yet found in getting out a well-rounded, politically correct and 
accurate shop paper, especially in nuclei where it is necessary to attach outside 
comrades to do the actual writing, is to have a meeting of the shop paper commit- 
tee of the nucleus, or where the nucleus is small, and all members are responsible 
for the shop paper, of the entire nucleus (including the attached members) about a 
week before the paper is due to be issued. Here the events in the shop are dis- 
cussed, the proper conclusions drawn, the method agreed upon of linking the cur- 
rent political article (dependent on the current Party campaigns) with the shop 
conditions, and the material apportioned out among those who will write it. 

The interpretations and conclusions must, however, be suggested by the members 
working in the shop, which does not always mean that they will be correct. But 
every member must be encouraged to help in the interpretive tasks of the work and 
even to write the articles, no matter how bad the English, leaving for the attached 
comrades merely the task of improving style and clarity. Only thus will we train 
our members and push the work forward. The spirit of the workers in the shop, 
their own instinctive feelings about events in the shop, can be caught only by our 
own comrades who share in the daily work and the daily exploitation in that shop, 
and to catch this atmosphere is infinitely more important that correct style and 
pleasing language. 

Five days should be enough for the comrades to write up their material. 
Then another meeting is held to go over the finished material. Here the mem- 
bers in the shop again play the main role, for whether they have written the 
material themselves or merely given the information for others to write — it is 
absolutely necessary for them to see every word before it is printed to make 
sure that the material they gave was not misunderstood or misinterpreted by those 
not working in the shop. This requires a great deal of patience, but it must be done. 
When everything has been verified, the material should be ready for distribution to 
the workers within two days. Somewhere in the process the District or Section 
must see the material to insure its political correctness. That is a detail which can 
be determined best by local conditions. 

There is no excuse for taking longer than a week to get out the paper complete, 
and there is every reason for rushing it as fast as circumstances permit. It has 
frequently happened that the getting out of the paper has taken so long that the 
news was old by the time it got into the hands of the workers. Sometimes the 
paper contained announcements of events that had taken place in the meantime. 
This is inexcusable and creates a bad impression among the workers. 

In the technical work of the paper it is again best if the members in the shop 
do as much of the work as the technical knowledge required permits. This 
again with the object of fostering in the members the spirit that the work of 
the shop paper is their work, it is their organ, to bring their Communist views 
before their fellow workers. 


But the nucleus must never forget, even where it is small, and where the entire 
nucleus is drawn into activity in connection with the shop paper, that this is not 
their only function in the shop. Responsibility and concentrated activity in get- 
ting out a shop paper does not absolve the nucleus members from the general 
activity within the shop. 


When it comes to distribution, no set rule can be followed, since local condi- 
tions will determine the most feasible plan. Every effort should be made to 
distribute the paper inside the mill. This is extremely difficult, for every precau- 
tion must be taken not to expose the comrades working within the factory, not 
only to protect them against losing their jobs, but mainly to keep our base in 
that factory. Careful plans must be made beforehand each month to determine 
the strategy of distribution within the factory, in order to accomplish the dis- 
tribution without interference and to insure that each worker gets his copy. 
Those workers who are not attached to a certain place within the factory, but 
who have freedom of movement within the building — such as carpenters, elec- 
trical workers, painters, repairmen, cleaning women, messenger boys, etc. — 
should be used as much as possible if they can do this work without detection. 

Advantage must be taken of any connections with any sympathetic worker 
within the factory who might facilitate this work. Sympathetic foremen, who 
are willing to close their eyes to these proceedings (at least till it gets hot for 
them personally), can sometimes be found. A successful scheme was carried 
out in New York where a comrade not working in the shop after careful instruc- 
tions from the nucleus, boldly walked into the shop during the noon hour (the 
workers ate their lunch in the shop), and brazenly distributed the paper with 
a hostile foreman looking on. Such schemes work once or twice and should be 
used, but of course they cannot be depended upon. 

But there are hundreds of other ways of distributing within the shop. The 
papers can be distributed on the various raw materials which the workers are 
handling, on the conveyors, on the benches, in the clothes closets, in the toilets, 
elevators, stairs. Small supplies can be left here and there and word passed 
around that they are available. These supplies should be replenished as soon as 
they are exhausted, but large amounts simply invite confiscation. 

Inside secret distribution must take place one or two days before outside 
distribution. Inside distribution never reaches every worker, and those who 
didn't receive a copy will be on the look-out to get one at the gates a day or 
two later. If, however, outside distribution takes place first, the boss and stool 
pigeons will be on the lookout and inside distribution becomes very dangerous. 

Where it is found to be absolutely impossible to distribute the paper within 
the factory, then comrades who do not belong to the nucleus must undertake 
the distribution outside the factory gates. This involves the same caution and 
the same risks as any leaflet distribution except that the employer is much 
more apt to be more aggressive in combating this distribution, since it hits him 
more directly than a general political leaflet or call to a general mass meeting. 
In some towns this is extremely difficult — company towns, for instance, or small 
towns with one large factory where all inhabitants know one another. These 
difficulties peculiar to local conditions must be solved according to the situation 
which exists. For instance, where the workers get into the streetcars or busses 
within the factory gates, ingenuity is necessary to get the paper to them. It has 
even been found necessary to make a general distribution at streetcar transfer cor- 
ners as the workers get off the cars, or in the districts where many of them live. 
As a last resort, if a list can be obtained, the papers can be sent by mail to the 
workers in their homes, but this is not only an arduous task but is undesirable 
in other ways. It has sometimes been found feasible to leave a small supply 
with some friendly shopkeeper near the factory, and word passed around the 
factory that the paper is available there. The supply must be replenished as 
quickly as it is exhausted to insure that workers who want them can get them, 
but large amounts should not be left for fear of confiscation. 

With the Party concentrating more on detailed work, and the building up of 
contacts through patient personal work, it is imperative that the shop paper also 
be used in such activity. For instance, the comrades inside the factory may 
notice that a certain worker is sympathetic, or perhaps the worker at the next 
machine looks like a good subject for propaganda. By taking the number of the 
worker's badge, and finding out from his time card (which bears the same 
number) what his name and address is, the shop paper can either be sent to him 


direct by mail, or delivered to him by some comrade not working near him. A 
gradual building up of such a mailing list or such personal contacts is invaluable 
for the other activities of the nucleus within the shop. 

In connection with the building up of a mailing list, the experience of the Ford 
Worker in Detroit might be taken as an example. Three or four hundred work- 
ers in the factory subscribed to the paper, and this mailing list constantly grew, 
extending beyond Detroit. Workers in Ford shops throughout the country and 
even some in Europe put themselves on the mailing list, paying the subscription 
price. Such a mailing list must be strictly adhered to.* 


The question of whether to sell the paper or hand it out is not only a prob- 
lem of distribution, but also one of the general problems of financing the paper. 
The ideal to be aimed at is to make the paper self-sustaining. If the paper gains 
the prestige it should have as a live Communist organ, it will gradually come 
to be financed by the workers in the factory, but a financial start must be given 
to it, just as to any new paper launched by the Party. One of the biggest mis- 
takes in the past has been to have the District finance the entire paper, without 
the nuclei making any effort whatever to raise the funds in some way. The claims 
of the nuclei numbers, that it is impossible to raise any money, have been proven 
false. There are various ways of raising the money. The paper has been sold 
successfully in many instances. The draw-backs here are first of all the difficul- 
ties already pointed out in distribution, but also that the workers are afraid 
to be seen buying the paper, whereas they are perfectly willing to accept it when 
it is thrust into their hands. Also the hurry of distribution makes making 
change, etc., difficult. The German Party has found it feasible to pass out small 
handbills some days before distribution, telling something about the paper, 
appealing for funds, giving the price, the date when it will be distributed, and 
asking the workers to have the correct change ready. This is not always advis- 
able, since it will bring down the watchfulness of the employer upon the 

The objective situation at present, however, makes it more and more possible 
to sell the paper. Perhaps the first time the paper is issued, and even the 
second issue, can be distributed free, after which we must insist, however, that 
the paper be sold. The first few times that it is sold, it may happen that hun- 
dreds of copies are left on our hands, and hundreds of workers go without the 
paper, but this should not discourage the comrades, for as the paper gains in 
popularity, more and more papers will be sold each time. Especially if the 
paper has had an effective distribution within the factory before selling it at 
the gate, the fact that all the workers were not reached, should not be used 
as an excuse to return to free distribution. 

In Detroit, where many shop papers are issued in large factories, a comrade 
was put on full time to sell them, and the papers were so issued that he was 
kept busy throughout the month, actually making his living out of the sales, 
besides paying for the printing of the papers. 

But money must be raised among the workers in other ways. If the paper 
cannot begin to build itself up on the spirit of cooperation and self-sacrifice of 
the workers during this period of revolutionary upsurge, then there is something 
wrong with the paper in not being able to awaken this spirit among the workers. 
The paper must be based on the workers. If it is not, then we stand in danger 
of being isolated from the broad masses in all our activity because of the financial 
weakness of the Party in general. It is possible to circulate collection lists if 
this is carefully done. It is also possible to sell special shop paper stamps to 
workers who have shown interest in the paper. Workers sympathetic to the 
movement but not members of the Party can easily be used for this work, if they 
are made to understand its financial necessity and agitational value. Above all, 

*This section is necessarily inadequate, due to lack of experience in meeting the various 
difficulties that arise in various places. It would be abvisable to issue a small pamphlet 
dealing exclusively with this subject in all its details, written by a group of comrades who 
have had varied experiences in this connection. Until this is done, this secton, whch 
merely raises the problems without atempting to solve them in all cases, must suffice, and 
the comrades must use all their initiative and originality in overcoming whatever difficul- 
ties are placed in their way. 


the workers in the factory must not get the idea that the C. P. has untold funds 
at its disposal — they must be made to understand that the nucleus members are 
struggling to get the paper out and that it is imperative for them to help if they 
wish it to continue. 

Appeals for support must also be made through the columns of the paper. It 
lias happened in some instances that workers in the factory, in response to such 
appeals, took it upon themselves to make collections among their friends, and 
personally brought the sum to the Party office. It may also be possible to gei 
a friendly shop-keeper in the neighborhood to allow a collection box for the 
paper to be put on his counter, and collections made by lists on his premises. 
In very large factories, it is possible to solicit advertising from neighboring shops. 
All this, just as in determining the method of distribution, is so dependent on 
local conditions, that the nucleus members must themselves exercise the greatest 
ingenuity to bring abrut the desired result. 


How large must a factory be before it is worth while launching a shop paper? 
In deciding this, keep in mind that to get out an issue of a shop paper requires 
a great deal of time, patience, energy, and care. The prospects for good results 
must justify the investment of the efforts required. This means that more 
factors should enter into consideration than mere numbers of workers in the 
factory. Is it a small shop in a decisive war industry or a large shop manu- 
facturing, let us say, buttons? If it comes to a choice, then the former by all 
means should be chosen. A big factor is our sources of information from within 
the factory. Is our nucleus small or large? Have we a following of sympa- 
thizers from whom we can get information? Will they be dependable when the 
terror against the suspected workers begins? Can we keep up the paper month 
after month? Are our workers inside spread over various departments or all 
concentrated in one department, which would make our material one-sided, and 
focus attention of the spies upon that department? Judgment must be used, 
with all these factors in mind, but a shop with less than 100 workers under any 
circumstances, is most likely not worth the investment of Party energy that 
goes into a good shop paper. There is one other consideration. If the only 
opportunity for starting a shop paper in a District is one in which all the above 
considerations are adverse, it might still be worth while making the effort for 
the sake of the training the Party itself gets in this important work, the very 
fact that experience is being gained and a start made. Then, when better 
opportunities come later, we will be experienced and ready for them. 


The point on which we have so far been weakest in our shop paper work is 
reaping the harvest of the intense work that goes into issuing a regular shop 
paper. The reason for this is that the entire Party is backward in shop paper 
work, which is only in its beginning stages, and while still trying to put the work 
itself on its feet, we haven't yet learned to capitalize the effects organizationally. 
If the nucleus doesn't grow, if the union doesn't develop, if the Daily Worker and 
Labor Unity don't get a foothold among the workers— then we are neglecting 
the concrete organizational work for which the basis should have been laid by 
the agitation and propaganda of the shop paper. If we have not gained the 
confidence of the workers sufficiently to encourage them to get into contact with 
us, either by correspondence or otherwise, if we have not succeeded in enlisting 
their support financially, then something is wrong with the appeal the paper is 
trying to make. 

Sometimes the cause is the fact that our nucleus is too small to be effective 
In the effort to keep our base in the shop, in order to maintain our sources of 
information, the comrades are over-cautious in their shop activity, to the detri- 
ment of the organizational activities. This is the great drawback in starting a 
paper where we have too few forces. 

Organizational work has to be done carefully and cautiously, but it can be 
done under even the most difficult circumstances. It is part of shop paper work 
and must not be neglected. 


Part V. Miscellaneous Details 

There are quite a number of details in connection with getting out a shop paper, 
some of which are extremely important. 


The name of the paper must mean something. It should be one which the 
workers take to easily. It must express our program, our fighting spirit, or the 
relation of the paper to the shop in question. Wherever the workers themselves 
have developed a nickname for the factory, it can be incorporated into the name 
of the paper. It should express a driving force of some kind. In the Johnson 
and Johnson "Red Cross" factory the paper is named the "Red Star." The 
White Motor Company's paper is the "Red Motor." In the American Safety 
Razor Company the paper is called the "Workers' Blade." "Spark Plug" for auto, 
"Headlight" for railroad yards, "Blast" for a mine — all these express something. 
If it is impossible to find a good name, then the ordinary name of "So-and-so 
Worker" will do. The name must never limit the scope of the paper, such as 
"The So-and-so Organizer" or "The So-and-so Shop News." 


In our shop papers the face of the Party must never be hidden. Some comrades 
hesitate to issue the paper in the name of the nucleus for fear the workers will 
be prejudiced against the paper, due to the prejudices which have been instilled 
into the workers against anything savoring of Communism. But is it conceiv- 
able that a paper can be issued without revealing the fact that Communists are 
publishing it, when it puts forth Communist views and gives Communist inter- 
pretations to all events? Then why the objections to issuing the paper in the 
name of the Party? The Party is trying to get its roots in the shop. Any prestige 
that comes from the paper, from rallying the workers to struggle, from any suc- 
cesses, small or large, which were gained under the leadership of the paper, 
should go to the Party. 

Some comrades who favor the issuing of the shop paper in the name of the 
shop committee or of the union think only of the immediate gains to be made 
thereby, fearing the name of the Party will interfere with successful union 
organization within the shop. These comrades must not forget that the Party 
must have its roots in the shop, and that it is the Party which is the political 
spokesman of the working class. The union can issue leaflets, can hold factory 
gate meetings, but the regular monthly periodical in the shop — the spokesman for 
all the workers interpreting their problems in the light of the class struggle — is a 
Party publication. 

Therefore we can say in general that the shop papers should be published by 
the Party nucleus as the spokesman for all the workers in the shop. If, in 
special circumstances, it seems advisable to issue the paper under other auspices, 
this should only be done after decision by a responsible Party committee. 

No opportunity must be lost to urge the workers to join the Party. This is 
too often neglected. In political articles, in slogans, in articles on shop condi- 
tions — always encouragement to join and the assurance of protection and cavition. 


Some papers have developed a patronizing tone which is absolutely impermissi- 
ble, for the workers must be made to feel that the shop paper is their paper, 
their champion, expressing their feelings and solving their problems. The Com- 
munist Party is not issuing the paper from the outside "for the workers" ; the 
members of the Communist Party within the shop are issuing the paper, and do 
so with the cooperation of the workers in the shop, so that the paper becomes 
the spokesman of all the workers within the shop. 

Thus the term "you workers" must be avoided. The friendly and comradely 
tone must be struck which one would expect from any Communist trying to 
explain to workers and to lead them. The style of writing must be the vigorous, 
clear, and rugged language which workers speak, and not the finished style of 
the college graduate. It must be orientated toward the simple and direct way 
in which proletarians think, and as much as possible foreign words and involved 
terms must be avoided. However, certain phrases which have come to be 
internationally used by the working class in all languages — such as "prole- 
tariat," for instance, should be popularized. 

APPENDIX — part in 1409 


Slogans play an important part in shop papers, not only politically and in pop- 
ularizing our Party campaigns and slogans, but also technically, in breaking 
up the paper, giving it an attractive appearance. Care should be taken, however, 
that the slogans are connected up with the contents of the paper and not stuck 
in just to fill up space, entirely divorced from anything the paper contains. 


Each paper should have a set of demands which it prints in each issue. They 
should be simple, concrete demands, understandable to and capable of rallying 
the widest masses, linking up the fight for partial demands with the fight for 
the general class demands of the proletariat and final demands of the Party. 
In the preparation of these demands as wide a mass of workers in the factories 
should be consulted as is possible. 

The workers become familiar with these demands, know what the paper and 
what the Party stands for, and in case of a strike, the most natural thing will be 
for them to try to adopt these demands and possibly even fight for them in face 
of A. F. of L. official resistance. 

workers' correspondence 

Workers' Correspondence has become sufficiently a feature of our Party press 
to make any explanation of its value unnecessary here. It should be fostered in 
every way possible. Hostile letters should be printed and answered in an edi- 
tor's note in a tactful manner. The papers should encourage the workers to 
write, assuring caution and protection, pointing out that grammar and style are 
not essential, encouraging letters in foreign languages. If the workers are shy 
or afraid to write, it is advisable to print a few letters for a time written by 
outside comrades, but here care must be taken that they sound like real workers' 
letters and reveal actual conditions in the shop. 

The appeal to the workers to write articles on their experiences and grievances 
should be very prominently displayed. This is so important that a boxed space 
on the front page should be devoted to it. Especially in towns where the spy 
system and terror is very great we must state definitely that the workers need 
not sign their names or addresses if they do not wish to. 

The correspondence which comes in from workers must serve as the basis or 
the entire shop news of the paper. For this reason it is advisable not to print 
the letters in a special correspondence column, but to print them as articles, part 
and parcel of the general contents of the paper. Any conclusions which must be 
drawn from these articles, either politically or organizationally can either be 
done in a separate article, referring to the worker's article as a basis, or the 
editor can add a short Editor's Note to the article itself. 

Letters written by workers should not be tampered with before being printed. 
In case they are extremely long, they can be cut here and there and an editorial 
note added, telling the worker the letter had to be cut and asking him, when he 
writes again, to be a little briefer. But the method of expression should not be 
improved, formulations should not be changed, for the workers resent having 
their work tampered with. 


The address of the paper should be conspicuously printed, and as often in each 
issue as necessary. When an appeal is made to join the Party, the address should 
be printed with it. And it is advisable that each issue contain a little box in one 
corner of the paper giving address, price, editor (Communist nucleus), etc., just 
as any newspaper does. The address should be easily found by the worker for 
sometimes we can catch him "to obey that impulse" if we make it easy for him. 
Printing the address in the middle or end of a long article is inadvisable, for 
every worker does not read every article in the paper. 

Every appeal to read the "Daily Worker" should have the D. W. address. 
Every appeal to send funds for some purpose or other must not fail to have the 
address, no matter how often it appears pJsewhere in the paper. 



Putting the date on the paper and the number of the issue seems like an unim- 
portant matter, but why not try to be as much like a newspaper as possible? How 
much easier is it to refer to previous issues, or to certain issues of brother shop 
papers elsewhere when occasion arises, to say nothing of making easier the task 
of the Party reviewer at the Center? 


To make the subject matter as interesting as possible, especially in treating 
of subjects usually considered "dry" by the workers, is of paramount importance. 
Marxian economics can be easily and simply explained by means of imaginary 
conversations between workers in the shop, one of them class-conscious and the 
other who doesn't understand much but is eager to learn and asks questions. In 
this way also the imperceptible wage-cutting tricks of the boss can be explained, 
also how races are played against one another, etc. 

A "tour" through a department in the factory each month written in a lively 
sarcastic style has been used with great success, rousing interest and amusement, 
and showing up various abuses in a style free from all monotony. 


It is unnecessary to explain the importance of pushing the Daily Worker and 
practically no shop papers have sinned in this respect. Our language press must 
also be pushed in those factories where large sections of one nationality are 

"there are no issues" 

Some comrades working in shops resist the launching of a shop paper there by 
claiming that conditions there are so much better than in other shops that there 
are no issues to write about. This is nonsense. There is no shop under capitalism 
where exploitation does not take place and where consequent abuses do not 
Inevitably follow. 

Sometimes the comrades, along with all the other workers in the shop, don't 
even realize the number of abuses in the shop, because they are so accustomed to 
them. So when any worker says "there are no issues," a little questioning on 
very simple matters will bring out hundreds of little abuses which the workers 
don't look upon as issues — for instance, the matter of strictness of discipline 
which the workers instinctively resent, where a worker is docked a half-hour 
for being a minute late. An item on such an issue is appreciated by the workers 
and they quickly react to it. Where the factory doesn't furnish waste or other 
materials for the workers to wipe the grease and dirt from their hands, dirty 
toilets, bullying foremen, wage cuts, speed-up, various forms of discrimination, 
stool pigeons, accidents, all these things are real issues around which workers 
can be mobilized for struggle. 


Special editions of the bulletin, besides the regular monthly edition, should 
be issued whenever an event of more than ordinary interest happens in the 
factory, and these special editions, even though they may have to be limited 
just to one page, must be ready promptly, immediately after the event, when 
the interest of the workers is at its highest. Such occasions would be the 
posting of a wage cut, a bad accident, the firing of a worker for union or shop 
paper activity, etc., etc. Any such event must be taken advantage of not only 
to call for the proper action, but also to make the proper Communist analysis 
organizationally and politically. These special editions must not be confused 
with the special numbers devoted to Party campaigns such as Unemployment 
Day, Anti-War Day, etc. 


A paper without humor and other light touches will be a monotonous affair, 
.loke columns called by some appropriate name and run in each issue, containing 
humorous happenings from the shop as well as jokes, should be featured in all 
papers. Striking observations on the class struggle and current events should 


be included. But the jokes should not be silly futile things, divorced from the 
class struggle. It is a good idea to make collections of jokes which can be 
used in future, and to get those from other shop papers and adapt them if neces- 
sary. Comparisons between local conditions and Russian conditions, given 
tersely and without flourishes, are very effective sprinkled through columns of 
this sort. 


Quotations from Communist writers can be sprinkled throughout the paper, 
as the Daily Worker does it, but they should not be disconnected from the 
rest of the contents of the paper, and should not be involved. We must again 
keep in mind that we are directing our paper to the broad masses of workers, and 
putting an involved quotation from Marx into the paper just to fill up a small 
space, is incomprehensible to them. If it follows an article with which there 
is some connection, that is a different story. Such quotations can also be 
collected and kept for use at appropriate times. 


Poems, if not too long, add to the attraction of a paper, but too much space 
must not be allotted to them. If sent in by workers in the factory, they should 
be printed if at all suitable. 


There are two evils which have developed in connection with the non-Party 
mass organizations under Party guidance. One is that enough space is not 
given to them, to explanations of what they are doing, and to recruiting for 
them. Sometimes appeals for funds are published for one or the other, without 
explanation of their value to the working class struggle. The other evil is the 
opposite extreme. Sometimes one can find appeals to workers to join five or 
six different organizations all in one issue. This only confuses the worker 
unfamiliar with any of them Choose the proper occasion — if there is an article 
on the Atlanta Cases, for instance, then run an International Labor Defense 
appeal somewhere near it, but separately from it, with a brief explanation of 
the activities of the organization. If the article is on some large strike, push 
the role of the Workers International Relief. If it is the anti-Soviet campaign 
and the conspiracy, play up the Friends of the Soviet Union — and so on. 


If the habit of the Party to call organizations by their initials has become 
confusing to even the Party members, how much more confusing it must be to 
the average workers reading in the shop papers about such mysterious things 
as I. L. D., F. S. U., W. I. R., I. W. O., T. U. U. L., L. S. N. R., Comintern, 
Profitern, Krestintern, Ecci, Polcom, etc. Abbreviations should be avoided. 


In advertising meetings to which we want the workers to come, it is advisable, in 
addition to giving a brief description of the purpose of the meeting, to print a form 
like a ticket which will entitle bearer to free admission into the meeting. This 
not only draws the workers to the meetings, but gives us a means of checking up 
to some extent how the influence of the shop paper is growing among the workers. 


As a general rule, the papers the boss puts out are feeble and weak affairs, but 
sometimes they are very clever and vicious. In either case they must not be over- 
looked or ignored. The first kind must be ridiculed and the second seriously 
combatted ideologically, with all its tricks exposed. 

Part VI. Technical Make-up 

There are three main methods of technically getting out a shop paper — printing, 
mimeographing, and multigraphing. Mauy comrades take for granted that printing 
is the best method. It has its advantages, but also great disadvantages. 



Neatness in appearance is one of the great advantages of printing. The shop 
papers look more like the miniature newspaper they are supposed to be. But two 
great drawbacks counterbalance these considerations — the expense and the 
superior advantage the mimeographed paper has for profuse illustrations and 
original work. 

It may be found that it is easier to sell a printed paper than a mimeographed one, 
which deserves great consideration, especially if the amounts realized from the sales 
will practically cover the difference in price between mimeographed and printed 


Multigraphing has the same disadvantages as printing in the matter of expense 
and even more restriction in the use of illustrations, so that unless the nucleus 
happens to be in a position to operate a multigraph without cost, there is no 


There are two arguments against mimeographed papers — one is that the worker 
is used to high-grade paper and printing in the company organs and will look with 
contempt on the "home-made" variety. This argument will not stand examination. 
In any case we can't compete with the very expensive company organs and capitalist 
periodicals, and the amateurishness of the mimeographed paper, if well executed, 
will make the worker feel more that it is his own because every bit of it is done 
by his fellow workers in the shop. 

The other argument is that for very large shops, with thousands of workers, 
mimeographing is out of the question, not only because the stencil does not 
produce good results after a thousand copies, but also because the entire work 
involved of assembling and clipping, etc., is so tremendous. This is perfectly 
true. Taking all arguments pro and con, the mimeographed paper, except in 
the case of a factory of more than a thousand workers, is far superior. 

But that means that the technical work on the mimeographed bulletin must 
be done with exactly the same care and skill as the writing. Very attractive 
results can be obtained, even more attractive than in the printed papers. This 
is no easy task and requires the work of a typist who is not only skillful in 
general, but one who is experienced in this particular kind of work, and who 
can use judgment in the arrangement of the material as the stencil is being 

To get the best results it is advisable to assign a typist to each paper, which 
means intensive work for her once a month to get out her particular paper. She 
becomes familiar with the paper, with the conditions in the shop, with the man- 
ner in which the nucleus works, and can use not only technical but also political 
judgment in arranging the material which is given to her — insertion of slogans 
or announcements at strategic places, splitting up articles too long for one 
page without interfering with others, etc. 

The great advantage in mimeographing, besides the low expense, is the ease 
with which cartoons and illustrations can be inserted. Any kind of picture can 
be traced onto the stencil by the most inexperienced hand. It is wise to make 
collections of pictures from newspapers, "Daily Worker" cartoons, etc., to be 
used at appropriate times. In the case of printing, cuts always have to be made 
of every picture, which increases the expense and consequently decreases the 
number of illustrations. 

Another advantage of mimeographing is the fact that the nucleus can do the 
work and thus does away with the ever-present evil in shop-paper work — that 
of the District or Section taking all the burden of the work of getting out the 
paper and absolving the nucleus from all responsibility. 


The first consideration in the technical work is that the material must be 
readable. The prejudice against the mimeographed papers arises largely from 
the fact that they are executed badly and the result is an unreadable mess. A 
well executed mimeographed paper is more attractive than a printed paper. 

The commonest fault is the attempt to crowd too much material on each page, 
at the expense of the appearance of the paper. This is carried to such an 
extreme that sometimes the two columns run together in an indistinguishable 
manner, and the margins on the stencils are so narrow that the paper won't take 


the print properly and the material is absolutely unreadable. Sufficient care is 
not taken in running them off the mimeograph, resulting in the smearing of pages 
against each other. This is sometimes due to using the wrong quality of paper. 
In some cases the paper is too thin to take both sides, resulting in a blurred 
effect, from the print on each side showing through on the other. 

Some papers don't separate their articles clearly enough, subheads being run 
exactly as titles of fresh articles. This creates confusion. When an article 
breaks off at the foot of the column, quite frequently there is no indication where 
it is continued. A really skillful typist will arrange her material so that as 
few articles as possible need to run over onto other pages. In some cases articles 
have been "continued on three or four different additional pages, just wherever 
there happened to be space for a few lines. This can easily be avoided by a 
little forethought in planning the arrangement of the paper. 

Where the material is run in a solid mass, instead of in two columns, it is 
not tempting to the average worker to read. Dividing lines between columns 
improve the appearance. 


Too few mimeographed papers take advantage of the ease with which illus- 
trations can be inserted (either by original drawing or tracings from elsewhere) 
to liven up the page. Perhaps the comrades begrudge the space, for when there 
is important material on hand and a cartoon takes up half a page of already 
limited space, one hesitates. But a cartoon can say as much and more than a 
half-page article in many cases. Many papers have also found attractive effects 
by putting in a very small but pointed illustration with the titles of articles. 
They need not have any particular political significance — a humorous or satirical 
illustration is sometimes even better, leaving the political ideas to the larger 


In mimeographing, the page can easily be broken up by the insertion of 
slogans, short announcements, etc. This breaks the heavy solid appearance and 
avoids monotony. 


The name of the paper should never be printed in ordinary type and should 
always be accompanied by some suitable illustration or design. This should be 
the same month after month in order that the workers become familiar with it 
and recognize it instantly as their shop paper. It should have some connection 
with the shop. The German Party has found it feasible to have cuts made of 
the mastheads of some of their papers and a large supply printed, to be used 
each month as the first page of the mimeographed paper. 

In general, technique is a matter of experience, and it is impossible to write 
of every small detail. The basic considerations are that the paper is easily 
readable and attractive in appearance. 


Much of the material treated in this pamphlet is A B C to the comrades ex- 
perienced in shop paper work, and they may wonder why so many simple details 
are given space here. When one realizes the inexperience and ignorance in 
general of how to get out a shop paper among many comrades, we will realize 
how necessary so elementary a treatment of the problem is. It still occurs that 
Agitprop Directors who have never had anything to do with shop paper work, 
haven't the least conception of how complicated a job it is. Not only Unit 
Agitprop Directors, but also Section and even Districts Agitprop Directors still 
think it sufficient to hand out to some comrade who knows how to write, a few 
facts about a shop and ask him to have a finished shop paper the next day ready 
for distribution. A perusal of this pamphlet will make them realize what enor- 
mous and painstaking care is involved in getting out a real Communist shop 

This document has treated only of shop papers in the strict sense of the word. 
Those organs of the Party closely related to the shop paper, such as neighborhood 
papers, tenement papers, papers for a factory building containing many shops, 
papers for unemployed districts, etc., have not been taken up since this is only the 
first step in getting out instructions for this work and cannot possibly treat of 
all its ramifications. 

279895 — 41 — app. pt. ill 4 


There has been so little exchange of experiences in the field of shop paper work, 
that it becomes of great importance for comrades who have had to face problems 
in this work to write in to the National Agitprop Department, describing the 
difficulties met with, and how they were overcome, thus giving other comrades 
the benefits of their experiences. 

As we turn our attention more to the industries and try to build up our influence 
among the industrial proletariat, we will learn to appreciate this weapon more 
and more. The Resolution on Factory Newspapers endorsed by the Org Bureau 
of the ECCI says : 

"This importance (the organizational as well as agitational significance of the 
factory papers) increases considerably in times of economic crisis and unemploy- 
ment because the factory papers are one of the best means of most 'intensively 
influencing the broad non-Communist masses, without thereby (given proper pub- 
lication and distribution) subjecting the nuclei to the employers' terror." 

The Conference of the Agitprop Departments of seven European Communist 
Parties held in 1930, passed a resolution "On the Immediate Tasks of the Agit- 
prop Work of the Mid-European Sections of the Comintern," which includes the 
following : 

"Factory newspapers are an important means of strengthening Party work in 
(he factories and are of exceptional importance for winning over the decisive 
sections of the working class, for mobilizing them around our slogans and our 
economic and political activities, and for recruiting new supporters to the revo- 
lutionary trade union movement and new members of the Party and Y. C. L." 

And Lenin said : "Throughout the year the workers, first in one place and then 
in another, continuously present a variety of partial demands to their employers 
and fight for these demands. In assisting the workers in this fight Communists 
must always explain the connection it has with the proletarian struggle for 
emancipation in all countries." 

How better can we reach the factory worker to accomplish this task than 
through the Communist shop paper? 

XIV. Other Communist Exhibits 

Exhibits Nos. 23-31, inclusive, are self-explanatory. 

The Communist Party, which the committee has found to be a for- 
eign conspiracy masked as a political party, puts out hundreds of tons 
of printed propaganda in the United States annually. The exhibits 
presented in this report represent only a small fraction of this printed 

All of the front organizations of the Nazis and the Communists put 
out their own bulletins, pamphlets, books, circulars, etc. It is impos- 
sible to make an estimate of the grand aggregate of this printed 
propaganda. Suffice it to say that it is a tremendous quantity. All of 
it enjoys freedom to circulate in the United States today. The chief 
problem which this report presents is that of the use of the mails for 
the distribution of this totalitarian propaganda when it is done at the 
expense of the American taxpayers. 

XV. Conclusion 

The committee is of the opinion that added legislation is necessary 
at this time to place restrictions on the distribution of totalitarian 
propaganda when that distribution involves any cost to the American 
taxpayers, and when such propaganda emanates from a foreign 

It is therefore respectfully recommended to the standing Com- 
mittees of both Houses of Congress on "Post Office and Post Koads," 
that the evidence contained in this report be carefully examined 
with a view to proposing legislation that will exclude from the 
benefits of the Universal Postal Union Agreement, propaganda that 
is directed against the United States. 



Exhibit No. 1 

Envelopes containing Nazi propaganda mailed to addressees in the United States. 



Exhibit No. 2 

Samples of Nazi propaganda mailed to the United States from Germany. 



Exhibit No. 3 

A double-page reproduction from The Polish Atrocities Against Germans in Poland. 



Exhibit No. 4 

An envelope mailed from Germany. 

Exhibit No. 5 

Via Star! 

ISenn <H*e»fcSb*r, «b 

Afesemter fflwitk: 


SI it detttateSr* «*! 
fesosw*, jsrtter d* ft- 
tosreer i Ptarp&Btetr: 

in ewe of atw-detimy : 
piewt rsJaro to tender 


ff?fini&tc Stasten 

Chi IT 

An envelope mailed from Germany. 



Exhibit No. 6 




A wrapper from a piece of Nazi propaganda. 

Exhibit No. 7 

ft~<^<£^#sCf-, W ■ , - 


via Sibmen -Japan 

An envelope which contained Nazi propaganda cards for re-mailing in the United States. 



Exhibit No. 8 


Chamberioin i "Ho odmftttmai I All *»ot$ re«»rvecS for >h# 
ruling dost end their friends" 

One of the anti-British propaganda cards contained in the envelope marked "Exhibit No. 7.' 


Exhibit No. 9 







Dt$<h.-Ur»terr.i.Ausl K4 S. 69-92 MOnchcn, Jull/August 1940 



KxmruT No. 1(1 

The mailing lists of the German Library of Information. 



Exhibit No. 11 

J-adtA. in. &Rvi&w \ J-airlA, in tHMohm J-aciA, in, <jRm>isuv 


.J^adA. in. dlfwi&iv jf-aciA. in. Hswi&w ^aciA.. bt. $£visw 

J-acU.. in.. Mmkui JozIa, in,. M&pmw JudA, i/t Mmkm 

Jt-aclA- in. Mjzvism} JaciA. in, iRwi&w 3ojcI&, in, tikwisuv 

JadtA, in, ■J&cfa f^- &£&<&*# 3m±A, in, M&vima 

3' m± t„ *& jf^^ ew ^^, £& $&Dwm Joc&l in, ikjoisw 

3**^Mkti*ri*i* 3wd&, in, dhmkm JadU. m. Jboiaw 

JactL bv fiwhw Jacta in. fkvkw 

JmM.'-itt Mwhw 

The weekly bulletin of the German Library of Information. 



Exhibit No. 12 

Propaganda books and booklets of the German Library of Information. 



Exhibit No. 13 

Printed matter of the German Railroads Information Office. 



Exhibit No. 14 

The mailing list of the German Railroads Information Office. 



Exhibit No. 15 

IL/tln K^omphmenis and besi ^fL/tshe 
hoping ia he favored wtln more i/~iddre.> 
from (tJr tends of oZfi 




ot»a$t«» jar K^uliivalmQ C/«r»onal 

C/nenasmps iHioroaa 
C/OevUn 'ft/ IS' c/a*an«nslra*>* $0 

An enclosure received with Nazi propaganda mailed in Germany. 

Exhibit No. 16 

i)«*fefi& ~tysdk 

j0»d>£»» ttNuul. 



Ztii Bfc I 







* Un^mii" ft W 



t$ii $ ; 


i*E : :X 


[Records I 

Copies of the official publication of the German-American Bund. 



Exhibit No. 17 

Printed propaganda matter received from Japan. 



Exhibit No. 18 

Books and pamphlets printed in Italy and mailed to the United States. 



Exhibit No. 19 

More Italian propaganda, including the publications of the Italian Library of Information. 


Exhibit No. 20 




Bound volumes of the Daily Worker in the committee's offices. 



Exhibit No. 21 


+* ffff*tw«/< 

rjwT^rr3«ir- w i« * •^ ' 




)l t> ? t a m r t > 


** r { e fi't&l 



M c M 



\j& POWER l 

^r ^^■•-■'•••-"•^t; , \" , ^S^rs :: ^v'V'"' : -"" 


s dm 


Samples of shop and neighborhood papers published by the Communist Party. 



Exhibit No. 22 

Lesson plaN 




czac-trrr.— .ri--^. ~ssasB«> .. ■„-.:„„, ,«me;3K^.: 




(OCM «*«« G*< fHt MOW 


'om«n©« Sense IS 
teapaa **»■* > f? *k t p — ijmv .*«?> <*>.* *•>**(* 


P£#L£3 (XWSH^i 




heartier Worker 

*• 3wo U4fte 

Samples of shop and neighborhood papers published by the Communist Party. 



Exhibit No. 23 

Books and pamphlets of the Communist Tarty showing the Party's aim to create a Soviet 




Exhibit No. 24 

Propaganda material printed in the Soviet Union and mailed to the United States. 




Exhibit No. 25 

Copies of the Communist International circulated in the United States. 



Exhibit No. 26 

Copies of The Communist, official publication of the Communist Party. 



Exhibit No. 27 

Copies of Soviet Russia Today, one of the principal propaganda media of the Communist 




Exhibit No. 28 

Hooks and pamphlets printed in the Soviet Union and sent through the United States 




Exhibit No. 29 

Copies of the Young Communist Review, official organ of the Young Communist League 

in the United States. 



Exhibit No. 30 

A part of the committee's library of subversive literature. 



Exhibit No. 31 


A part of the committee's files containing many thousands of pieces of propaganda 
literature of the Communists and Nazis in the United States. 



3 9999 05445 2469