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i s 




H. R. 1884 and H. R. 2122 




MARCH 26, 1947 

Printed for the'use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 


19651 WASHINGTON : 1947 


J. PARNELL THOMAS, New Jersey, Chairman 

KARL B. MUNDT, South Dakota JOHN s. WOOD, Georgia 

JOHN McDOWBLL, Pennsylvania John k. kankin. Mississippi 


RICHARD I'.. VAIL, Illinois EERBBRT C. BONNER, North Carolina 

Robert E. Striplino, Chiil Investigator 




House of Representatives, 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. C. 

The committee resumed at 3 : 45 p. m., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas 
(chairman) presiding. 

The following members were present: Hon. Karl E. Mundt, Hon. 
Richard M. Nixon, Hon. Richard B. Vail, Hon. J. Hardin Peterson, 
and Hon. Herbert C. Bonner. 

Staff members present: Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator; 
Louis J. Russell and Donald T. Appell, investigators. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

The Chair wishes to announce that the next witness before the 
committee will be Mr. J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation. Mr. Hoover has been invited to appear 
before the committee to give his views on the subject of communism 
and how it can best be dealt with. The threat presents not only a 
domestic problem, but an international problem. It is to my mind the 
most serious threat facing the world today. The Committee on Un- 
American Activities, therefore, welcomes Mr. Hoover's testimony 
today because we are sure that he can furnish information and sug- 
gestions which will be most helpful to the committee in reporting 
legislation to the House. 

I will now ask Mr. Hoover to take the stand and be sworn. 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 
- The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Hoover. 

Mr. Hoover. May I proceed now, Mr. Chairman? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Hoover. The aims and responsibilities of the House Committee 
on Un-American Activities and the Federal Bureau of Investigation 
are the same — the protection of the internal security of this Nation. 
The methods whereby this goal may be accomplished differ, however. 

I have always felt that the greatest contribution this committee 
could make is the public disclosure of the forces that menace Amer- 
ica — Communist and Fascist. That is why the venom of the American 
Communist and the now defunct German-American Bund has been 
directed at this committee as it has also been directed at the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation. This committee renders a distinct service 
when it publicly reveals the diabolic machinations of sinister figures 

engaged in un-American activities. 


34 UN-AMI RI( \\ Ml IV I I tES 

The role of the FBI: The FBI has greal responsibilities to the 
Nation. In addition to being charged — 

wiiii the duty of Investigating violations <'t" the laws of the United States, col- 
lecting evidence In cases in which the United States i or may be a party in 
Interest and performing other duties Imposed by law — 

the FB] has been charged by Presidential directive, dated September 

6, L939— 

in take charge of Investigative work In matters relating to esploni ibo- 

|;|jr ( . * * * 

In implementing this charge the President called upon all law en- 
forcement officers to promptly — 

turn over in the nearest representative of the Federal Bureau of Investigation 
any information obtained by them relating t<» espionage, counterespionage, 
sabotage, subversive activities * * * 

The FBI is essentially an investigative agency. It is our duty to 
get the facts. We do not establish policies— that is the responsibility 
of higher authority. We do not make decisions as to prosecution — 
that is the responsibility of the Attorney General, his assistants, and 
the various United States attorneys. 

To the end that our responsibilit ies may be discharged it is necessary 
not to lose sight of the fact that our chief responsibility is the duty to 
obtain information and to protecl confidence. Thus, when a citizen 
furnishes information on a confidential basis Ids confidence must be 
respected. In any intelligence operation, security of information ia 
of primary concern. I recall in the prewar years that the FI>I was 
criticized on the ill-founded premise that nothing was being done to 

meet the Nazi-Fascist-Japanism threat to our internal security. The 
real facts are now a matter of record. What was being dune, and 
done successfully, could not then be discussed and publicized. When 
the time came to act the FBI was fully prepared to carry out its 

responsibilities. There was not one successful enemy-directed act of 

sabotage during the war and enemy espionage was kept under 
complete control. 

In one of our espionage cases, a spy ring was kept under close sur- 
veillance for over I s months. The arrests when made broke the hack- 
hone of the Nazi spy system in America. I shudder at what might 
have happened had there been a disclosure of our operation- and our 
sources of informal ion in the initial day- of that investigation. That 
was the very time we were most criticized for inaction. I hope this 
committee will understand our situation and I know you will readily 
agree that there are many quest ions that you might like to raise which 
I would for obvious reasons he unable to answer in a public hearing. 

The Communist Party: My feelings concerning the Communist 
Party of the United Stales are well known. I have not hesitated 
i \ r er the year- to express my concern and apprehension. A- a con- 
sequence its professional smear brigades have conducted a relent i 

uilt against the FBI. You who have been members of this com- 
mittee also know the fury with which the party, its sympathizers and 
fellow travelers can launch an assault. I do not mind such attacks. 
What has been disillusioning is the manner in which they have been 
able to enlist support often from apparently well-meaning but thor- 
oughly duped persons. 


Anyone who opposes the American Communist is at once branded 
as a "disrupter," a "Fascist," a "Red baiter," or a "Hitlerite," and 
becomes the object of a systematic campaign of character assassination. 
This is easily understood because the basic tactics of the Communist 
Party are deceit and trickery. 

The great god of the American Communists, Comrade Lenin — whose 
writings are their Bible — in various speeches and writings urged 
the use of deceit and trickery and his converts live by his injunction: 

The strictest loyalty to the ideas of communism must he combined with the 
ability to" make all necessary practical compromises, to maneuver, to make agree- 
ments, zig-zags, retreats and so on, so as to accelerate the coming to power 
* * * (Left-Wing Communism, An Infantile Disorder, pp. 75-76, V. I. Lenin, 
International Publishers Co., Inc., 1940). 

Lenin's views were incorporated in the Thesis on the Fundamental 
Tasks of the Second Congress of the Communist International and 
the following provision is familiar to all American Communists : 

In all countries, even the freest, "legal and peaceful" in the sense that the class 
struggle is less acute in them, the time has fully matured when it is absolutely 
necessary for every Communist Party systematically to combine legal with 
illegal work, legal with illegal organization. * * It is necessary, immedi- 

ately, for all legal Communist parties to form illegal organizations. * * * 
Illegal work is particularly necessary in the Army, the Navy, and police. * * * 

Continuing, the thesis states : 

The absolute necessity in principle of combining illegal with legal work is deter- 
mined, not only by the sum total of the specific features of the present period, 
the period of the eve of the proletarian dictatorship, but also by the necessity 
of proving to the bourgeoisie that there is not, nor can there be, a sphere or field 
of work that cannot be won by the Communists (Vol. X, Selected Works of 
Lenin, pp. 172-173; International Publishers Company, Inc., 1943). 

The Communist movement in the United States began to manifest 
itself in 1919. Since then it has changed its name and its party 
line whenever expedient and tactical. But always it comes back to 
fundamentals and bills itself as the party of Marxism-Leninism. As 
such, it stands for the destruction of our American form of govern- 
ment ; it stands for the destruction of American democracy ; it stands 
for the destruction of free enterprise; and it stands for the creation 
of a "Soviet of the United States" and ultimate world revolution. 

The historic mission : The preamble of the latest constitution of 
the Communist Party of the United States, filled with Marxian 
"double talk," proclaims that the party "educates the working class, 
in the course of its day-to-day struggles, for its historic mission, the 
establishment of socialism." 

The phrase "historic mission" has a sinister meaning. To the unin- 
formed person it bespeaks tradition, but to the Communist, using his 
own words, it is "achieving the dictatorship of the proletariat"; "to 
throw off the yoke of imperialism and establish the proletarian dic- 
tatorship"; "to raise these revolutionary forces to the surface and 
hurl them like a devastating avalanche upon the united forces of 
bourgeois reaction, frenzied at the presentment of their rapidly ap- 
proaching doom." 

In recent years, the Communists have been very cautious about 
using such phrases as "force and violence"; nevertheless, it is the 
subject of much discussion in their schools and in party caucus where 
they readily admit that the only way in which they can defeat the 
present ruling class is by world revolution. 


The Communist, once he is fully trained and indoctrinated, realizes 
that he can create his order in the United States only by "bloody 
i w olul ion." 

Their chief textbook, The History of the Communist Party of the 
Soviet Union, is used as a basis for planning their revolution. Their 
taci'us require that to be successful they must have: 

1. The will and sympathy of the people. . 

2. Military aid and assistance. 

3. Plenty of guns and ammunition. 

I. A program for extermination of the police as they are the most 
important enemy and are termed "trained Fascists." 

5. Seizure of all communications, busses, railroads, radio -tat ions, 
and other forms of communications and transportation. 

They evade the question of force and violence publicly. They 
hold that when Marxists speak of force and violence they will not he 
responsible — that force and violence will be the responsibility of their 
enemies. They adopt the novel premise that they do not advocate 
force and violence publicly hut that when their class resists to defend 
themselves then they are thus accused of using force and violence. A 
lot of double talk. 

Party found illegal: On May 28, L942, Hon. Francis Biddle, then 
Attorney General, in reviewing t he deportal ion proceedings of Harry 
Bridges, found that the Communist Party from the time of its incep- 
tion in L919 believes in, advises, advocates, and teaches the overthrow 
by force and violence of the Government of the United States. 

Since then, much has happened. In 194 I. the party dissolved and 
became the Communist Political Association. The constitution of 
the new CPA in 1044 omitted reference to "Leninism" and the ''his- 
toric mission." That was the era when Browder was preaching a 
second front and all-out production. But, even then, they secretly 
held to their historic mission, for in an injunction to party members, 
Eugene Dennis, with many aliases, qow general secretary of the party, 
said : 

Irrespective <>f name, we are and shall continue to be .in American working 
class political organization, guided by the science of Marxism Leninism. 

But that era was short-lived. Immediately after Jacques Duclos, 
the French Communist leader, blasted the American Communists as 
deserting the Marxian cause, Browder was repudiated, the CPA was 
relegated to oblivion and the present Communist Party of the United 
Siate- was reborn. A new constitution, adopted in July 1945. as I have 
already indicated, referred to the party as basing itself nipon the 
principles of scientific socialism, Marxism-Leninism" and reincorpo- 
rated the reference to the party's "historic mis-ion." 

In establishing the party'- illegal character in L942, the then Attor- 
oey Genera] Biddle based his findings on the contents of the same Com- 
munisl publications which today are being sold and circulated in party 
circles m the United States. The American Communist, like the 

leopard, cannot change his spol 3. 

The party line : The Communist Party line changes from day today. 
The one cardinal rule that can always be applied to what the party line 
is or will be is found in the fundamental principle of Communist teach- 
ings that the support of Soviet Russia is the duty of Communists of all 


One thing is certain. The American progress which all good citi- 
zens seek, such as old-age security, houses for veterans, child assistance 
and a host of others is being adopted as window dressing by the Com- 
munists to conceal their true aims and entrap gullible followers. 

The record of the American Communists conclusively proves their 
true feelings. In the prewar days, when they were allied with Hitler, 
they marched on Washington protesting Selective Service, Lend -Lease, 
shouting "The Yanks are not coming." The American Peace Mobiliza- 
tion picketed the White House until the day before the Nazis marched 
into Russia and then within less than a. month reconverted it into the 
American People's Mobilization, demanded all-out production, and 
started the chant for the second front. 

We are witnessing the same tactics today. Since Secretary Schwel- 
lenbach advocated outlawing the Communist Party, and President 
Truman called for aid to Greece and Turkey, the Communists have 
been mobilizing, promoting mass meetings, sending telegrams and let- 
ters to exert pressure on Congress. The American Communists fail to 
realize that already they have outlawed themselves in the minds and 
hearts of loyal Americans. 

The mad march of Red fascism is a cause for concern in America. 
But the deceit, the trickery, and the lies of the American Communists 
are catching up with them. Whenever the spotlight of truth is focused 
upon them they cry, "Red baiting." Now that their aims and objec- 
tives are being exposed they are creating a Committee for the Con- 
stitutional Rights of Communists, and are feverishly working to build 
up what they term a quarter-million-dollar defense fund to place ads 
in papers, to publish pamphlets, to buy radio time. They know that 
today it is a fight to the finish and that their backs will soon be to the 

Strength of the party : A few days ago word leaked out that the 
annual Communist convention scheduled to be held in Chicago had 
been shifted from July to September in order that they might carry 
on their campaign of obstruction to American foreign policy and 
increase their membership. They have been conducting an active 
membership campaign as the leadership is concerned over the manner 
in which membership has slipped. 

The numerical strength of the party's enrolled membership is in- 
significant. But it is well known that there are many actual members 
who because of their position are not carried on party rolls. 

New York leads in the number of enrolled party members (30,000), 
followed by California (8,553) ; Illinois (6,500) ; Ohio (3,838) ; Ore- 
gon (3,654) ; Washington (2,752) ; New Jersey (2,487) and Michigan 
(2,135) . The Daily Worker boasts of 74,000 members on the rolls. 

What is important is the claim of the Communists themselves that 
for every party member there are 10 others ready, willing, and able to 
do the partys work. Herein lies the greatest menace of communism. 
For these are the people who infiltrate and corrupt various spheres of 
American life. So rather than the size of the Communist Party the 
way to weigh its true importance is by testing its influence, its ability 
to infiltrate. 

The size of the party is relative^ unimportant because of the en- 
thusiasm and iron-clad discipline under which they operate. In this 
connection, it might be of interest to observe that in 1917 when the 
Communists overthrew the Russian Government there was one Com- 

;|S UN-AMERICAN \< l"l\ nil - 

munis* for every 2,277 persons in Russia. In the United States today 
there is one Communist for every L,81 I persons in the country. 

One who accepts the aim-, principles, and program of the party, 
who attends meetings, who reads the party press and Literature, who 
pay- i\\ws and who is active on behalf of the party "-hall l>e consid- 
ered a member." The open, avowed Commumsl who carries a card 
and pays dues is no differenl from a security standpoint than the per- 
son who does the party's work but pays no dues, carries DO card and 

i- not on the party foils. In fact, the latter is a greater menace because 
of his opportunity to work in stealth. 

Identifying undercover Communists, fellow travelers, and sympa- 
thizers: The burden of proof i< placed upon those who consistently 
follow the ever-changing, twisting parly line. Fellow travelers and 
sympathizers can deny party membership hut they can never escape 
trie undeniable facl that they have played into the Communist hand-. 
thus furthering the Communist cause by playing the role of innocent, 
gullible, or willful allies. 

Propaganda activities: The Communists have developed one of the 
greatest propaganda machines the world has ever known. They have 
Been able to penetrate and infiltrate many respectable and reputable 
public opinion mediums. 

They capitalize upon ill-founded charges associating known honest 
progressive liberals with left-wine causes. I have always entertained 
the view that there are few appellations more degrading than "Com- 
munist" and hence it should be reserved for those justly deserving 
the degradation. 

The Communist propaganda technique is designed to promote emo- 
tional response with the hope t hat t he vdctim will he attracted by what, 
he is told the Communist way of life holds in store for him. The ob- 
ject ive. of course, is to develop discontent and hasten t he day when the 

Communists can gather sufficient support and following to overthrow 
the American way of life. 

Communist 'propaganda is always -hinted in the hope that the 
( lommunist may he alined with liberal progressive causes. The honest 
liberal and progressive should be alert to this, and I believe the Com- 
muni-t-" most effective foes can be the real liberals and progressives 
who understand their devious machinations. 

The deceptiveness of Communisl "double talk'* fulfills the useful 
propaganda technique of confusion. In fact, Lenin referred to then' 
peculiar brand of phraseology as " * * * that cursed A.ssopian 
language * * * which * compelled all revolutionaries to 

have recourse, whenever they took up their pen-- to write a legal work. ' 

Lenin used it for the purpose of avoiding "censorship." Com 

munistS today use it to mislead the public. 

The n-e of the term ■•democracy"' by the Communists, we have 
learned to our sorrow, does not have the meaning to them that it does 
to OS. To them it means communism and totalitarianism and our 
understanding of the term is regarded by them as imperialistic and 

The Daily Worker on Independence Day last year, for example, 
proclaimed : 

ii la .1 dramatic f .• i < - » that <>n July ». 1948, the Independence <>r other countries 
is menaced by the United States In the grip of trusts and tori< a 


Correspondence campaigns: Communists and their followers are 
prolific letter writers and some of the more energetic ones follow the 
practice of directing numerous letters of protest to editors but signing 
a different name to each. 

Members of Congress are well aware of Communists starting their 
pressure campaigns by an avalanche of mail which follows the party 

Radio : The painty has departed from depending upon the printed 
word as its medium of propaganda and has taken to the air. Its 
members and sympathizers have not only infiltrated the airways but 
they are now persistently seeking radio channels. 

Motion pictures: The American Communists launched a furtive 
attack on Hollywood in 1935 by the issuance of a directive calling 
for a concentration in Hollywood. The orders called for action on 
two fronts. (1) An effort to infiltrate the labor unions; (2) infil- 
trate the so-called intellectual and creative fields. 

In movie circles. Communists developed an effective defense a few 
years ago in meeting criticism. They would counter with the ques- 
tion, "After all, what is the matter with communism?" It was effec- 
tive because many persons did not possess adequate knowledge of the 
subject to give an intelligent answer. 

Some producers and studio heads realize the possibility that the 
entire industry faces serious embarrassment because it could become 
a springboard for Communist activities. Communist activity in 
Hollywood is effective and is furthered by Communists and sympa- 
thizers using the prestige of prominent persons to serve, often unwit- 
tingly, the Communist cause. 

The party is content and highly pleased if it is possible to have 
inserted in a picture a line, a scene, a sequence, conveying the Com- 
munist lesson, and more particularly, if they can keep out anti- 
Communist lessons. 

Infiltration : The Communist tactic of infiltrating labor unions 
stems from the earliest teachings of Marx, which have been reiterated 
by party spokesmen down through the years. They resort to all 
means to gain their point and often succeed in penetrating and liter- 
ally taking over labor unions before the rank and file of members are 
aware of what has occurred. 

With few exceptions the following admonitions of Lenin have been 
followed : 

It is necessary to be able to withstand all this, to agree to any and every 
sacrifice, and even — if need be — to resort to all sorts of devices, maneuvers, and 
illegal methods, to evasion and subterfuge, in order to penetrate into the trade- 
unions, to remain in them, and to cai'ry on Communist work in them at all costs 
(p. 38, Left-Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder. V. I. Lenin, 1934, Inter- 
national Publishers Co., Inc.). 

I am convinced that the great masses of union men and women are 
patriotic American citizens interested chiefly in security for their 
families and themselves. They have no use for the American Com- 
munists but in those instances where Communists have taken control 
of unions, it has been because too many union men and women have 
been outwitted, outmaneuvered, and outwaited by Communists. 

The Communists have never relied on numerical strength to domi- 
nate a labor organization. Through infiltration tactics they have in 
too many instances captured positions of authority. Communists 

99651 — 47— pt. 2 2 


have boasted that with 5 percent of the membership the Communists, 
with their military, superior organizational ability and discipline, 
could control the union. 

They regard as political every movement of the working class which 
seeks to gain concessions by exerting pressure from without as a polit- 
ical movement. Thus, as Lenin puts it: 

The economic strike develops Into :i political strike and the latter develops into 
insurrection (p. 12, Left-Wing Cothmunlsm • * • V. 1. Lenin. 1934, Interna- 
tional Publishers ( !o., Inc. i . 

That the Communists feel themselves ordained for a special mission 
in penetrating labor is revealed by the statement made by Eugene 
Dennis, general secretan of the Communist Party of l. S. A., at a 

recent party meeting, "No trade union or people's organization," he 
said, 'mot even the great CIO, could long remain progressive if it were 

to exclude or to attack Communists." 

The Communists have long viewed with envy the A. F. of L. They 
admit they play a very small role with only a handful of Communists 
active in the A. F. of L. locals. Recently there has been agitation in 
the party to reorganize to influence the A. F. of L. 

A few months ago a party functionary said it was imperative that 
3,000 party members be infiltrated into the A. F. of L. without pub- 
licizing this fact. They say this action is necessary because oi the 
danger of a third world war and the need to fulfill the Communist 
plan of creating a third party. 

If more union members took a more active role and asserted them- 
selves it would become increasingly difficult for Communists to gain 
control. Patriotic union members can easily spot sympathizers and 
party members in conventions and union meetings because invariably 
the latter strive to establish the party line instead of serving the best 
interests of the union and the country. 

Foreign language groups: The party for the past 18 months has 
been giving special attention to foreign-language groups and has 
called for a sweeping self-critical examination of its work in this 
field. As long ago as 1945, in urging the importance of penetrating 
these groups, party leaders said, "We need only mention the Polish, 
Italian, Yugoslav, and Greek questions," and in characteristic party 
double talk observed that they occupied an important relationship "to 
the entire democratic camp and to the broader peoples movements." 
In other words, the Communists now seek strength from foreign 
groups who may have relatives in countries which Russia seeks to 

Government: The recent Canadian spy trials revealed the neces- 
sity of alertness in keeping Communists and sympathizers out of Gov- 
ernment services. In fact, the high command of the Communist 
Party regards such assignments of sufficient importance to demand 
that party members uot contact fellow members in the Government 
and if such Government employees are carried on party rolls at all 
they are assigned an alias. Last fall a high-ranking party leader 
instructed that all party membership cards ot Government employ 
be destroy ed and that party organizational meetings in Government 
circles are too obvious to ment ion. 

There has developed, however, ;i- :i result of Communist propa- 
ganda, some fanciful feeling among Communists that no distinction 


should be drawn and that Communists have a right to Government 
jobs. I disagree in that. 

Since July 1, 1941, the I^BI has investigated 6,193 cases under the 
Hatch Act, which forbids membership upon the part of any Govern- 
ment employee in any organization advocating the overthrow of the 
Government of the United States. 

For the purpose of investigation the Attorney General has ruled 
that a number of organizations in addition to the Communist Party 
are subversive under the Hatch Act because of Communist influence. 

One hundred and one Federal employees were discharged as a result 
of our investigation, 21 resigned during the investigation, and in 75 
cases administrative action was taken by the departments. A total of 
1,906 individuals are no longer employed in the Government while 
122 cases are presently pending consideration in the various Govern- 
ment agencies. 

' The FBI does not make recommendations; it merely reports facts, 
and it is up to the interested Government department to make a 
decision. Almost invariably, of course, subjects of investigations deny 
affiliation with subversive groups, often despite strong evidence to the 

The following is a case in point : 

The FBI submitted a 57-page report to the Federal Security Agency 
on March 7, 1942, on Doxey Wilkerson. The investigation recorded 
interviews with persons who stated he was a member of the Com- 
munist Party. Following the submission of the report we were ad- 
vised by the Federal Security Agency that further investigation failed 
to show that Wilkerson was "subversive or disloyal to our Govern- 
ment." Wilkerson subsequently transferred to OPA and resigned on 
June 19, 1943. Within less than 24 hours he announced his new job 
as "a Communist Party organizer." He was subsequently appointed 
a member of the national committee of the Communist Party. To be 
eligible for service in the national committee one "must have been a 
member of the party in continuous good standing for at least 4 years." 

Mass and front organizations : The united-front program of the 
Communist Party was launched at the seventh world congress of the 
Communist International in 1935. The Communist Party in the 
United States immediately took up the program and a systematic 
plan was worked out of infiltrating existing organizations with Com- 

For the most part, front organizations assumed the character of 
either a mass or membership organization or a paper organization. 
Both solicited and used names of prominent persons. Literally 
hundreds of groups and organizations have either been infiltrated or 
organized primarily to accomplish the purposes of promoting the 
interests of the Soviet Union in the United States, the promotion of 
Soviet war and peace aims, the exploitation of Negroes in the United 
States, work among foreign-language groups, and to secure a favor- 
able viewpoint toward the Communists in domestic, political, social, 
and economic issues. 

The first requisite for front organizations is an idealistic sounding 
title. Hundreds of such organizations have come into being and 
have gone out of existence when their true purposes have become 
known or exposed while others with high-sounding names are con- 
tinually springing up. 


I want (o refer to one. 

The American Youth for Democracy: Illustrative of how the Com- 
munists bury one organization and conceive another is the Young 
Communist League. In convention assembled in New York City, the 
Young Communist League was dissolved on October 16, L943, and 
the next day the American Youth for Democracy was horn. 

At first the Communists denied paternity for the AYD, but in April 
of 1946 the party's national hoard indicated that the AYD was the 
successor to the YCL. William Z. Poster, the Communist Party head, 
at the AYD national intercollegiate conference in New York City in 
1945, told the delegates in the concluding session that. ••The atomic 
age is the age of socialism, of communism. This is the greatest lesson 
that the youth of America has to learn." This new front set up youth 
centers ostensibly to combat juvenile delinquency. More properly, 
these center could he termed Communist youth recruiting centers. 

The test of a front organization: 1 feci that this committee could 
renders great service to the Nation through its power of exposure in 
quickly spotlighting existing front organizations and those which 
will he created in the future. 

There are easy tests to establish the real character of such 

1. Does the group espouse the cause of Americanism or the cause of 
Soviet Russia? 

_'. Does the organization feature as speakers at its meetings known 
Communists, sympathizers, or fellow travelers? 

3. Does the organization shift when the party line shifts? 

4. Does the organization sponsor causes, campaigns, literature, 
petitions, or other activities sponsored by the party or other front 

."). Is the organization used a- a sounding hoard by or i- it endorsed 
by Communist -controlled labor unions 1 

6. Does its literature follow the Communist line or is it printed by 
the ( lommunist press 1 

7. Does the organization receive consistent favorable mention in 
( Jommunist publications \ 

B. Does the organization present itself to be nonpartisan yet engage 
in political activities mikI consistently advocate causes favored by the 

'.». Doe- the organization denounce American and British foreign 

policy while always lauding Soviet policy! 

10. Does the organization utilize Communist "double talk*' by 
referring to Soviet-dominated countries a- democracies, complaining 
that the Qnited State- is imperialistic and constantly denouncing 
monopoly-capital \ 

1 1. Have outstanding leaders in public life openly renounced affilia- 
t inn with the organizat ion I 

12. Does the organization, if espousing liberal progressive causes, 
attract well-known honesl patriotic liberals or doc- it denounce well 
known liberals i 

13. Does the organization have a consistent record of supporting the 
American viewpoint over the year- i 

11. Doc- the organization consider matters not directly related t<> 
its avowed purposes and objectives? 


National defense : The Communist Party of the United States is a 
fifth column if there ever was one. It is far better organized than 
were the Nazis in occupied countries prior to their capitulation. 

They are seeking to weaken America just as they did in their era 
of obstruction when they were alined with the Nazis. Their goal is 
the overthrow of our Government. 

There is no doubt as to where a real Communist's loyalty rests. Their 
allegiance is to Russia, not the United States. 

A top functionary of the Communist Party recently said : 

A war by the United States against the U. S. S. R. would be an unjust war, 
which is why it must be fought against, but that if it should come the Com- 
munist Party in the United States would be with Russia, and make no mistake 
about that. 

In another section of the country another Communist leader made 
the following statement : 

I believe that everyone should know that we are for Russia and if need be we 
will die for the cause. I don't mean that war with Russia is coming soon; 
I hope not, so that Russia will be better prepared. 

What to do : What can we do ? And what should be our course of 
action ? The best antidote to communism is vigorous, intelligent, old- 
fashioned Americanism with eternal vigilance. I do not favor any 
course of action which would give the Communists cause to portray 
and pity themselves as martyrs. I do favor unrelenting prosecution 
wherever they are found to be violating our country's laws. 

As Americans, our most effective defense is a workable democracy 
that guarantees and preserves our cherished freedoms. 

I would have no fears if more Americans possessed the zeal, the 
fervor, the persistence, and the industry to learn about this menace 
of Red fascism. I do fear for the liberal and progressive who has 
been hoodwinked and duped into joining hands with the Commu- 
nists. I confess to a real apprehension so long as Communists are 
able to secure ministers of the gospel to promote their evil work and 
espouse a cause that is alien to the religion of Christ and Judaism. 
I do fear so long as school boards and parents tolerate conditions 
whereby Communists and fellow travelers, under the guise of academic 
freedom, can teach our youth a way of life that eventually will destroy 
the sanctity of the home, that undermine faith in God, that causes 
them to scorn respect for constituted authority and sabotage our 
revered Constitution. 

I do fear so long as American labor groups are infiltrated, domi- 
nated or saturated with the virus of communism. I do fear the 
palliation and weasel-worded gestures against communism indulged 
in by some of our labor leaders who should know better but who 
have become pawns in the hands of sinister but astute manipulations 
for the Communist cause. 

I fear for ignorance on the part of all our people who may take the 
poisonous pills of Communist propaganda. 

I am deeply concerned whenever I think of the words of an old-time 
Communist. Disillusioned, disgusted and frightened he came to us 
with his story and concluded : 

God help America or any other country if the Communist Party ever gets 
strong enough to control labor and politics. 
God help us all ! 


The Communists have been, still are, and always will be a menace 
tn freedom, to democratic ideals, to the worship of God and to 
America's way of life. 

J feel that once public opinion is thoroughly aroused as it is today, 
the fight against communism is well on its way. Victory will be 
assured ince Communists are identified and exposed, because the pub- 
lic will take the first step of quarantining them so they can do no 
harm. Communism, in reality, is nol a political party. It is a way 
of life — an evil and malignant way of life. It reveals a condition 
akin to disease that spreads like an epidemic and like an epidemic 
a quarantine is necessary to keep it from infecting the Nation. 

That concludes my statement, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Mr. Hoover, the Chair wishes i<> express tor the 
committee our deep appreciation 1'or your acceptance of our invitation 
to come here today. There is no question bul what the fact that your 
statement was broadcast over a national hook-up aided ns in doing 
the thing that yon say is our chief mission, that is. exposure We 
all hope that this will just he a continuation of an era of cooperation 
between (he Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Un-American 
Activit ies ( lommittee of the House of Represental ives. 

Mr. Hoover. That i-. sincerely, my wish also. Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Now. Mr. Hoover, if it meets with your pleasure, 
the members of the committee would like to ask questions. 

Mr. Hoover. I would be very glad to answer any questions that 
I can. 

The Chairman. Mr. Mundt. 

Mr. Mundt. Let me say first of all, Mr. Hoover, that I have read 
all of your speeches and articles on this subject which yon correctly 
refer to as lied Fascism and I have profited from them all. but I think 
that today you have made the most masterful and conclusive state* 
ment of your career on the subject of this very definite menace. 

Mr. Hoover. I thank yon very much. Thank yon. 

Mr. Mundt. We have had witnesses before this committee during 
the past few days. and. for that matter, during t' 1 '' past few years, 
who have said, in one way or another, thai the Communist Party in 
America, and in all countries, is under the direction of the central 
party headquarters in Moscow. I take it that yon agree thoroughly 
with that point of view \ 

Mr. Hoover. Mr. Mundt. I might say that at least for the last 
several year- the direction of Communist activity has emanated from 
Pali- with a very definite pipe line into Mo-cow. By reason of mat- 
ter- of expediency they have dropped, for the time being at least, 
much of tlii- activity from Pari-, that emanated from there, although 
they have a direcl tie-up to the Communist headquarters in. Moscow. 

Mr. MUNDT. I think yon are absolutely righl when yon say that 
the greatest effective force against communism in this country could 
he thr so-called liberal and pr ve forces, in part be i e that 

mi- to be the territory in which the Communists concentrate their 
etloi t s. 

Mr. Hoover. Ye-. 

Mr. Mundt. I wonder if yon would agree, however, that in order 
for these liberal ami progressive forces to he that effective bulwark 
against communism, it i- necessary for them to take vigorous and 


active steps to expose and defeat the activities of Communists, and 
not simply to damn communism with faint praise, as some have done 
in the past ? 

Mr. Hoover. I feel that the very work which this committee has 
performed, and is performing, serves as a medium of material for 
such groups in the country to carry on a militant campaign of ex- 
posure of these Communist activities. I very strongly feel that the 
sincere liberal is as anxious as anyone else to drive out of the ranks 
of liberal organizations Communists who have infiltrated. Often 
he does not know their identities and often does not know the pur- 
poses with which they are actuated. He can obtain much of that by 
the work this committee has done, and I assume will continue to do, 
in focusing the spotlight on those groups and individuals who are 
traveling under some other label than what they really are represented 
to be in a liberal group. 

Mr. Mundt. Your statement that the activities of Communists in the 
motion-picture industry were directed toward two objectives was ex- 
tremely interesting to me, the one objective being to put into the film 
when they can a line or a sequence which is pro-Communist and an 
equally determined effort to keep out of any film anything which is 

Mr. Hoovee. That is correct. 

Mr. Mundt. I am going to ask you — I am not going to ask you to 
comment on that, but I want to make an observation in that connection 
and say that it is unfortunate, but I think demonstrable and true that 
the Communists have been successful at least in the latter part of their 
goal, in keeping out of the American films anythings that is anti- 
Communist. We have had too many examples of pro-Communist 
films, such as the Mission to Moscow. 

Mr. Hoover. That was a prostitution of. historical fact. 

Mr. Mundt. That is correct. One other statement, Mr. Hoover. 
On page 14, you state the the Attorney General has ruled that a number 
of organizations in addition to the Communist party are subversive. 
I know that is correct and we know the identity of those organizations, 
but I think it would be helpful for the record and in connection with 
the new program under the President's directive of last Saturday if 
you would supply the committee with an official letter in which you 
list those organizations so that they will be incorporated in this part of 
the testimony today. 

Mr. Hoover. I will be very glad to make that request of the Attorney 
General. It will have to come from his office. 

Mr. Mundt. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. Hoover. Thank you, indeed, Mr. Mundt. 

The Chairman. Mr. McDowell. 

Mr. McDowell. Mr. Chairman, I merely want to compliment this 
great American public servant for a very substantial contribution to 
good government. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. Hoover. I thank you very much, indeed, Congressman. 

The Chairman. Mr. Nixon. 

Mr. Nixon. Mr. Hoover, you have named a number. of areas in which 
Communists have infiltrated and are attempting to dominate institu- 
tions in our country. In your opinion is there any one area which 
should deserve the attention of this committee more than other area ? 

46 UN-AMERICAN \<" ?l\ I CIES 

Is there any one area in which the ( !ommunists are more dangerous and 
more deeply entrenched than any other) 

Mr. Hoover. No. 1 would certainly think that this committee 
would approach the inquiry into those held- which mold public opin- 
ion and in which Communists have been successful in effecting iniil- 
t rat ion, such as the radio, t be mot ion pictures. I also feel that any in- 
filtration into the youth movement, such as establishing on campuses 
of our various colleges and universit ies, branches of organizat ions that 
are conceived and born by the Communist Party, should be gone into 
by the committee and the spot light focused on them. 

The reason I -ay that is Last year 1 had occasion to make a speech 
in which 1 referred to a particular group and I received a large number 
of letter- Erom students of variolic universities in the count ry inquiring 

of me as to exactly what it was. They had joined, did not know what 
it was. they were good, fine young men and women, loyal American-. 
but they had been t rapped into it — because one of I he greal weaknesses 
of all Americans, whether adull or youth, is to join something. 

I think for that reason this committee might well focus the spot- 
light on those elements that mold public opinion and those elements 
that deal with youth, because that is where the greatest harm can be 
done. It has already done an excellent job on focusing attention on 
activities of Communists in the Government, and I think probably 
we are well on the way to rid ourselves of that virus in the Govern- 
ment service. 

Mr. Nixox. Speaking of Communists in the Government service, 
a considerable amount of opposition has arisen to the President's 
order from some quarters on the ground that proper safeguards for 
persons who are accused of being disloyal are not sel up in the order. 
Yon. of course, are familiar with the older, because the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation had a great deal to do with furnishing 

the information. One of the criticisms that has been made is that 
the accused does not have the opportunity to be confronted with the 
witnesses against him. that he does not have the righl to a jury trial. 
Will you comment briefly on whether or not yon feel that proper 
safeguards are set up in t he order \ 

Mr. Hoover. I most certainly feel that proper safeguards are set 
up. In the first place, a position with the Government is a privilege 
ind not a right. That must be kept in mind as a fundamental. So 
far a- the order is concerned, it provides for a hearing, appeal-, they 

may be represented by counsel, they imi-i be confronted with the 

evidence, the charges, and those details a- to the disclosure of the 
sources of information. That will be done in every case execept 
where to disclose the source would be a matter affecting the security 
of the country. Obviously we would not for one moment disclose 
the identity of a confidant, however, because it would prevent useful- 
ii" - in the future, and might endanger his life. 

I think some of (lie riiinpu- that ha- 1 n raised, and -oiue of the 

shouting, has been not so much a concern for their so-called consti- 
tutional rights ami privileges, but more to try to force a disci >-ure 
of sources of information by elements that are particularly un- 
American who -till may be in the Government service. I suspect 

those shouts and -'ream- from that source part uadarly. 

Mr. Nixon, in other word-, this argument made that "We want to 

}»■ confronted l>v the witne— e: " 


Mr. Hoover. I think that, very frankly, is an untenable position^ 

Mr. Nixon. Earlier today this committee had before it a man that 
you mentioned in your statement — Eugene Dennis. He refused to 
answer a question which was put to him by the chairman of the com- 
mittee and by our Chief Investigator as to what his real name was. 

Mr. Hoover. Well, he has a number of them. 

Mr. Nixon. He had, apparently had good reason for refusing to 
give his real name. 

Mr. Hoover. That is very true. He is known as Francis Eugene 
Waldron; alias Francis Xavier Waldron, Jr.; alias Eugene Dennis; 
alias F. E. W. Dennis: alias Gene Dennis; alias Paul Eugene Walsh; 
ami alias Milton. 

Those are the names we have discovered up to date about that 

Mr. Bonner. Is he a naturalized citizen? 

Mr. Nixon. I think he is a resident of the State of Wisconsin. 

Mr. Hoover. Born in Seattle on August 10, 1905. Born in this 

Mr. Nixon. Just one last question, Mr. Hoover. You mentioned 
some rather astounding statistics in 3 T our report here, in which you 
have indicated that at the present time in the United States the per- 
centage of Communists compared with the percentage of citizens is 
greater than the percentage of Communists in Russia at the time that 
the Russian people turned to communism. 

Mr. Hoover. That is correct. 

Mr. Nixon. Now, obviously, our form of government in the United 
States is much stronger than the form of government which existed in 
Russia at the time that communism took over there, but nevertheless, 
would you comment on this point : Having in mind the infiltration of 
Communists as we have it in America today, without doing anything 
further about it, to expose them, to drive them out of labor unions, out 
of Government, out of our other institutions, do you see a real present 
danger to this country in the event of a conflict with the followers of 
communism in Europe and in Russia ? 

Mr. Hoover. I most certainly do, Congressman. 

I would like to answer the first part of your statement concerning the 
statistics which I submitted. 

While it is true that the percentage of Communists to citizens in this 
country today is greater than there was in Russia at the time of the 
revolution, I do not for one moment hold to the opinion that any 
revolution could be effected by that group. 

I cited those figures, however, because of the constant deprecation by 
some of these fellow travelers, who are always deprecating the fact 
that the Communist Party is a very small group and therefore we 
shouldn't bother with it. You shouldn't give any attention to it. 
That is adhered to by some individuals who are not Communists in 
any sense of the word, but avIio that I prefer to refer to as so-called 
innocents. They haven't yet learned the facts of life, so far as that 
particular activity is concerned. 

Now, so far as the danger in this country is concerned, in case of any 
conflict with a foreign country, there is no question but that any 
divided loyalty of any kind to any other country is a serious menace 
to the security of this country. 


1 think it was clearly shown in the early days of the war. We hail 
two very serious strikes, one in Los Angeles and one in Wisconsin, 
which were largely instituted by Communist groups. 

As soon as the shift in alliance of great powers came ahont and Hitler 
was separated from the alliance with Stalin, those b1 rikes faded out and 
were discontinued. 

Now, you well know from the investigations thai this committee have 
already made that there are officers in charge of certain great unions in 
this country dealing with transportation, communications, and other 
various phases thai are very vital to our structure, who are Commu- 
nist-, and could therefore bring about a general strike, if they so 
desired. That is the danger. 

As I said in the statement, it is the infiltration and their influence 
that is the real test of the menace, and I think it is a serious menace 

Mr. Nixox. Does the federal Bureau of Investigation have cogniz- 
ance of the Panama ( 'anal Zone? 

Mf. HOOVER. No. we do not. That is not under our jurisdiction. 
That is under the supervision of the Military Intelligence Division of 
the Army. 

Mr. Nixon. And does the Justice Department at the present time 
publish from time to time lists of the currently active Communist- 
front organizations, as you have found them to be? 

Mr. Hoovkr. That I do not believe has been done. 

Mr.NixoN. Don't you feel that it should be done? 

Mr. Hoover. That is a matter of policy, on which I would not prefer 
to pass. That is really a matter of policy, for the Attorney General. 

Mr. Nixon. I see. Thank you. 

The Chairman. Mr. Vail. 

Mr. Vail. Mr. Hoover, you are familiar, no doubt, with the existence 
of the Lenin School at Moscow, with its course of instruction in sab- 
otage, espionage, and propaganda? 

Mr. Hoover. T am. 

Mr. Vail. Has that school its counterpart or counterparts in this 
country ? 

Mr. Hoover. Well, some of the individuals of the Communist Party 
in this country have gone there for training and have returned to this 
count ry, and there have been set up in this count ry schools thai carry 
on comparable instruction in Marxism and communism to be applied 
in the United States. 

Mr. Vail. There has been no effort on the part of the authorities to 
prevent the fund ion in<x of those schools? 

Mr. Hoover. No, there has been no effort to close those schools. It 
would probably have to come under some local ordinance or some local 
State law. 

Mr. Vail. You know that we are considering here certain laws to 
outlaw communism. I don't believe in the course of our discussion to- 
day you have covered whether or not you favor such legislation. 

Mr. Hoover. Well, Mr. Congressman, within the Department of 
Just ice the quest ion as to the desirability or the undesirability of legis- 
lation is strictly a function for the Attorney ( general. 

I will say this, as regards that point: I do think that before any 
such action is taken it ought to be given very, very serious considera- 


tion and study, because I would hate to see a group that does not de- 
serve to be in the category of martyrs have the self-pity that they 
would at once invoke if they were made martyrs, by some restrictive 
legislation that might later be declared unconstitutional. 

I frankly feel that such laws as we have now should be vigorously 
enforced, and maybe some of them strengthened. 

I think the activity of this committee to expose and to bring out into 
the spotlight the activity of these individuals can do far more good, at 
least at the present time, than any very restrictive legislation. 

I wouldn't want to say that I am unalterably opposed to it, but I have 
my grave doubts as to its wisdom. 

Mr. Vail. Thank you very much. 

The Chairman. Mr. Peterson. 

Mr. Peterson. Mr. Hoover, in the course of certain investigations 
you have run into some weaknesses in existing law,, though, haven't 

Mr. Hoover. That is very true. 

Mr. Peterson. I refer particularly to the case in which the Su- 
preme Court turned loose the man who had assisted in making con- 
tact between the German agents. 

Mr. Hoover. That is correct. 

Mr. Peterson. And keeping money for him. 

Mr. Hoover. Yes. 

Mr. Peterson. The Supreme Court said that 

Mr. Hoover. I think that is the Heine case, yes. 

Mr. Peterson (continuing). Did not constitute espionage. 

Mr. Hoover. That is true. 

Mr. Peterson. Because of the strict evidence required in espionage 

Mr. Hoover. Correct. 

Mr. Peterson. They further pointed out, in that particular case, 
that there was a border line or a shadow line in which acts could 
be a violation of the law and might be of a treasonable nature, if 
not actual treason, but as to which Congress had not yet acted. 

Mr. Hoover. That is correct. I very strongly feel that that par- 
ticular hole should be plugged. 

In that particular case, this man did gather information, and 
gathered it for the purpose of sending it to a foreign government 
that was at war with the United States, and yet it was held by the 
Supreme Court that because the information was not classified in- 
formation he had not violated the law. 

I think any foreign agent who gathers any kind of information 
to be sent to a country with which we are at war or has purposes 
that may be detrimental to our own interests ought to be able to 
be prosecuted under our laws. That is not possible as the law now 

Mr. Peterson. The Court pointed out in that case that Congress 
hasn't acted in that field. 

Mr. Hoover. That is correct. It would have to be amended, by 

Mr. Peterson. The crime of treason is of course the highest crime 
and requires the highest degree of proof. 

Mr. Hoover. Very technical proof. 

50 UN-AMERN AN A< TIN 111! 8 

Mr. Peterson. Thank you very much. 

I join with what my colleagues said about the fin. presentation 
you have made. Of course, I have known of your fine work- of 
this kind for a number of years, and we are quite proud <>f tin- work 
you have done. 

Mr. Hoover. '■" ank you. Mr. Peterson. 

The Chaerm ■. -. Mr. Bonner. 

Mr. Bonner. Mr. Hoover, since VE-day and VJ-day, we have had 
some terrible catastropes — railroad wrecks and ;ill sorts of fires — -hip 
(ires mid hotel fires. Could it be Assumed thai they have any connec- 
tion with the communistic movemenl in this country? 

Mi-. Hoover. So far as any information which we have, thai 
sumption could not be reached. 

Of course, our investigations arc usually confined to the railroad 
wrecks, where the Interstate Commerce Aci come- in. We have o 
lain jurisdiction. We do not investigate the fire- in hotels and things 
of that kind. 

But, so far as we have been able to find, either directly or indirectly, 

there is no connection between these catastrophes and any Column ui-t 

activities at the presenl t ime. 

Mr. Bonner. Have there been unusually more during this period 
than the statistics show in. other periods? 

Mr. Hoover. I haven'1 an} statistic;- tafore me hut I would th ; c 
we have had probably more train wrecks, v^\ I think that mighl be 
due to the condition of the equipment and the failure to lie able to 
obtain new equipment and repairs thai are necessary. There is no 
indication that we have been able to find that any individual or groups 
of individuals, either Communist or otherwise, have been responsible 

for some of these catastrophes that you men I ioned. 

Mr. Bonner. Mr. Hoover, T am very proud of your record. 

I admire you personally as a man. and T appreciate the great service 
you have rendered and are rende 'ing tins country. 

Mr. Hoover. Thank you very much, Mr. Congressman. 

The Chairman. Mr. Hoover, we deeply appreciate your coming 

here today, and we certainly hope that it hadn't interfered with your 

Mr. Hoover. Thank you. 

Tlie Chairman. Before you leave. I just want to make one an- 
nouncement, and that is that we have another witness here this after- 
noon, a very good friend of this committee. She Save that she just 
wants to take a little time, and we want very much to hear her. 

Thank you. Mr. Hoover. 

Mr. Hoover. Thank you very much.