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Full text of "Investigaton of un-American propaganda activities in the United States. Hearings before the committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Eightieth Congress, first session, on H.R. 1884 and H.R. 2122 bills to curb or outlaw the communist party of the United States, Washington, D. C., March 24-28 1947"

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H. R. 1884 and H. R. 2122 



MARCH 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 1947 

Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 

99651 WASHINGTON : 1947 





J. PARNELL THOMAS, New Jersey, Chairman 

KARL E. MUNDT, South Dakota JOHN S. WOOD, Georgia 

JOHN Mcdowell, Pennsylvania JOHN E. RANKIN, Mississippi 


RICHARD B. VAIL, Illinois HERBERT C. BONNER, North Carolina 

Robert E. Steipling, Chief Investigator 

Note. — Testimony of Hon. William C. Bullitt (Part 1) and J. Edgar Hoover, 
Director, Federal Bureau of Investigation (Part 2), will be found in the BACK 
of this volume. 



MONDAY, MARCH 24, 1947 

House of Representatives, 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D. C. 

The committee met at 10 a. m., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas (chairman) 

The following members were present: Hon. John McDowell, Hon. 
Richard ]\I. Nixon, Hon. Richard B. Vail, Hon. John S. Wood, Hon. 
John P]. Rankin, and Hon. Herbert C. Bonner. 

StafiF members present: Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator; 
Louis J Russell, and Donald T. Appell, investigators, and Benjamin 
Mandel, Director of Research. 

The Chairman. The meeting will come to order. 

The Chair wishes to announce that in the executive session this morn- 
ing the committee unanimously accepted the report of the Nixon sub- 
committee concerning Leon Josephson. The committee in executive 
session this morning unanimously cited Leon Josephson for contempt. 

The committee is opening hearings today on two bills, H. R. 1884 
and H. R. 2122, which seek to curb or outlaw the Communist Party 
of the United States. The committee has scheduled witnesses for the 
entire week. All of these hearings will be open and it is possible that 
the hearings will extend into next week. The Chair would like to 
emphasize, however, that in calling the hearings on these two proposed 
measures, that the committee does not endorse or reject the legislation 
currently under consideration. The committee intends to hear both 
sides of this question thoroughly. It is the opinion of the committee 
that the question of communism in the United States deserves the im- 
mediate attention of the Congress. 

Mr. Rankin. Mr. Chairman 

The Chairman. Just a minute, please. 

Just l.ow this question should be dealt with is the question before this 

The Chairman. Mr. Rankin. 

Mr. Rankin. In the first place^ I ask unanimous consent that these 
two bills, H. R. 1884 and H. R. 2122, be inserted in the record at this 

The Chairman. Without objection so ordered. 

(H. R. 1884 and H. R. 2122 are as follows :) 

[H. R. 1884, 80th Cong.. 1st sess.] 
A BILL To prohibit certain un-American activities 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled, 




Section 1. The Congress hereby finds and declares that — 

(1) attempts by Communist sympathizers to secure election to public 
office in the United States ; 

(2) the teaching of Communist views in public or private schools, colleges, 
(ir imiversities in the United States ; and * 

S3) the sending of Comnumist literature through the United States mails, 
are un-American activities which constitute a dangerous tlu'eat to our Govern- 
ment, to our democratic institutions, and to the freedom and security of the 
people of the United States ; and the enactment of this Act is a necessary exercise 
of legislative power to protect and maintain our form of government and the 
American way of life. 


Sec. 2. As used in this Act — 

(1) The term "Communist Party" means the political party now known as the 
Communist Party of the United States of America, whether or not any change 
is hereafter made in such name. 

(2) The term 'publication" means any letter, writing, circular, post card, 
newspaper, periodical, pamphlet, book, or other publication. 


Sec. 3. (a) It shall be unlawful for an individual to file as a candidate for, or 
otherwise to attempt to secure election to, any Federal or State elective ofiice (1) 
as the candidate of the Communist Party, or (2) if such individual is a member 
of the Communist Party. 

(b) It shall be unlawful, in any course of instruction or teaching in any public 
or private school, college, or university, to advocate, or to express or convey the 
impression of sympathy with or approval of, communism of Communist ideology. 

(c) It shall be unlawful to send or attempt to send through the United States 
mails any publication the whole or any part of which advocates, or the whole or 
any part of which expresses or conveys the impression of sympathy with or 
approval of, communism or Communist ideology. 


Sec. 4. Whoever violates any provision of section 3 (a), or willfully violates 
any provision of section 3 (b) or (c), of this Act, shall uijou conviction thereof 
be punished by a fine of not more than $10,000 or by imprisonment for not more 
than ten years, or by both such fine and imprisonment. 

[H. R. 2122, 80th Cong., 1st sess.] 
A BILL Prohibiting membership in subversive organizations 

Be it enacted ty the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled. That upon the basis of facts dis- 
closed by the reports of the Committee To Investigate Un-American Activities 
and otherwise disclosed and ascertained, it is hereby declared that the Commu- 
nist Party, or any party, person or persons who advocate the overthrow of the 
Government of the United States by force and violence or in their political 
activities in the United States are subject to the control of a foreign government 
or of a political party in a foreign country, and consequently that the continued 
existence of such organizations or other organizations having similar objectives 
or subject to similar control is detrimental to the peace, safety, and well-being 
of the United States. 

Sbo. 2. It shall be unlawful for any individual to be a member of the Com- 
mun-ist Party, or of any organization known by him to be — 

(a) an organization the purix)se or aim of which, or one of the purposes 
or aims of which, is the establishment, control, conduct, seizure, or over- 
throw of Government in the United States, or in any State or political 'sub- 
division thereof, by the of force or violence; or 

(b) an organization engaging in political activity in the United States 
which is aflSliated directly or indirectly with, or the policies of which in re- 


lation to such political nctivity aro determined by or are subject to the 
direction or control of, a foreign government or a political party in a foreign 
country, or wliith receives tinancial assistance or support of any kind from 
a foreign government or frouu a ijolitical party in a foreign country. 
Sec. 3. Whoever violates any of the provisions of section 2 shall upon con- 
viction thereof be subject to imprisonment for live years or to a fine of $10,000, 
or to both such tine and imprisonment, and in addition thereto shall forfeit all 
rights of citizenship or to become a citizen and shall be ineligible to hold any 
office of trust or protit under the United States. 

Seo. 4. As used in this Act the term "United States," whenever such term is 
used in a geographical sense, shall include the Territories and possessions and 
the Canal Zone. 

Mr. Kankin. I wish to say that the President's Executive order goes 
a lon«r way toward meeting the situation, or tlie provisions, I will say, 
at least, of the bill which I introduced, H. R. 1884, but at the same 
time, realizing that we are now in a death grapple between oriental 
communism and western civilization, I think we should proceed with 
the hearings and get the reaction of the patriotic organizations of the 
country on this most dangerous movement. As far as I am concerned, 
I congratulate the President on the step he has taken. I hope we can 
take one or two additional steps which will make the picture complete. 

The Chairmax. The Chair would like to inform the gentleman 
from Mississippi — although I don't think the gentleman from Mis- 
sissippi needs any information on the subject — that before the Presi- 
dent made his recommendation — and I am not seeking to take any 
credit away from the President — this committee unanimously endorsed 
the drawing up of a bill which would bring about a loyalty com- 
mission in the Government and that the contents of this bill are 
almost identical with the President's recommendations. 

Mr, Raxkix. Let me say that one of those I had reference to is the 
dangerous and pernicious organization in America known as the Anti- 
Defamation League. 

The Chairmax, Well, you are taking up another question. We 
have witnesses here in regard to these bills. 

Mr. Raxkix. I just want to say that if the President will go one 
step further and put a stop to their pernicious activities, he will render 
one of the greatest services ever rendered by a President of the United 

The Chairmax. We call our first witness, Col. John Thomas Taylor, 
legislative counsel for the American Legion. 

Colonel Taylor, do you have any objection to being sworn? 

Colonel Taylor. I wish to be sworn, Mr. Chairman. 

(The witness was duly sworn by the Chairman.) 


The Chairmax. Colonel Taylor, will you state for the record your 
fidl name and your associations? 

Colonel Taylor. John Thomas Taylor, director, national legisla- 
tive committee, American Legion. 

Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, first let me express 
to you our appreciation for this opportunity of appearing before you, 
and I think, John, you sounded the keynote, that we have finally 
reached the point where this is a grapple to the finish, so far as com- 
munism in this country is concerned. But, Mr. Chairman, it is like 


carrying coals to Newcastle for even the American Legion to come 
before this committee. My goodness, there is no group in the whole 
country that has given the effort and the work to this problem as this 
very committee has done. It has been just ceaseless with you, and 
finall}^ the country itself has come to a realization and, I think, an 
appreciation of this very matter. 

Yet we have, I think, some information that will be at least of some 
advantage, so far as patriotic organizations are concerned, because 
we began with this question of communism back in 1919, right after 
we came home from "World War I. A good many of the youngsters 
then, as there are youngsters now coming back from World War II, 
were pretty much impressed with llie knowledge that when Russia 
quit under the aegis of the bolshevi:^m which had started in Russia, 
through the very canny procedure of Germany at that time, by bring- 
ing over Lenin and Trotsky and slipping them into Russia and stirring 
up difficulty and trouble Avith the people themselves in Russia, and 
that relieved the Germans, relieved the Germans of the necessity of 
meeting a large force of Russians on the far eastern front, and so 
they were able, the Germans themselves, to come over on to the western 
front and delay and carry on the war, so far as the Allies were con- 

And coming back from World War I — and some of the members 
of this committee were in that war and remember those circumstances — 
it was a matter which was very alive, so far as the creation of this 
new organization, its coming into being, the American Legion, at 
that time, was concerned. We had a caucus in St. Louis, called the 
St. Louis Caucus, before our national convention in Minneapolis, 
which took place on November 10, 11, and 12, of 1919, and even there, 
at that St. Louis caucus, we were very definite about our attitude to- 
ward the Trotsky-Lenin outfit, which was then getting a start in 

Then at our Minneapolis convention on November 11, Armistice 
Day itself, while the convention was in progress, we were pretty well 
stunned when a message came to us about the murder of four mem- 
bers of the American Legion marching in a parade down the streets 
of Centralia, Wash., shot down by the IWW, which, as we all know 
in the beginning, so far as this country was concerned was laying 
the ground work for the Communist Party. 

I will say this about those murders and that parade, that if it hadn't 
been for the American Legion itself there probably would have been 
lynching there in Centralia, but the American Legion took hold of 
the situation and controlled the uprising of the people, and even these 
IWW fellows were given a trial and, of course, convicted and punished. 

So there it was, the very thing, the IWW, the beginning of the 
Communists, and the effect that the folding up of the Russians 
under the Communist-Bolshevist aegis in 1918 had caused. We real- 
ized then the effect that they were having even here in this country 
and in 1919, at the convention, resolutions were adopted that we have 
carried out right on through, and I will have Jim O'Neil talk about 
them. There has been a constant attempt to arouse the American 
people, right down to the very grass roots, right back to the very 
pulse throughout the country, as to the threat that this new ideology 
was having — the effect that it was having throughout the world. 


It is a wonder wliy it has taken 30 years for the country, the people, 
finally to become aware of and aroused to this situation. Of course, 
the '*why'' is answered by your connnittee. In spite of all efforts to 
cut down your committee, both in its activities and its purpose — and 
first, of course, the committee being just a special one — and the efforts 
being made to prevent it carrying on its work by the doing away with 
the appropriations, and by the Communist press itself spreading 
around a feeling and an attitude of not only criticism, but I think I 
can safely say, ridicule, of the original committee — we all remember 
what they did to the Fish committee. 

Th.en we ourselves at our 1937 convention adopted a resolution 
calling for the establishment, the definite establishment, of a Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities, and as the result of that House 
Kesolution '2S-2 — if my memory serves me correctly — was passed in 
1938, and the committee was created, and Martin Dies, of Texas, made 
the chairman. And I pay a high compliment to the courage of Martin 
Dies for the manner in which he fought and fought and fought to 
bring this whole thing to the attention of the public, in spite of the 
criticism — j'es, criticism, coming from high places, and you and I 
know it — in an attempt to thwart what that Dies committee was try- 
ing to do for the American people and our country. 

Mr. Raxktx. At that point, I think the country ought to know 
that the life not only of Mr. Dies was threatened, but the life of every 
member of his family was threatened, time and time again. 

Colonel Taylor. They went the limit so far as attempting to inter- 
fere with this committee. 

Then, with the opening of the last Congress this committee was made 
a permanent committee, which means that it will have sufficient appro- 
priations to carry on the magnificent job that you have already 

So we are on the highway, I think. We see the light ahead of us. 

As I get to thinking here today, people think that this communism 
is something that sprang out of this war, or last week, or some other 
time right close to us. They don't know that they closed their eyes 
to the fact that this thing has been going on here steadily and con- 
stantly for the past 20 years. 

Mr. Raxkin. The greatest bulwark against that progress during 
the twenties and the early thirties was the American Legion — I wdll 
say that — and I Imow whereof I speak. 

Colonel Tatlor. Yes, John, we fought everlastingly and with tooth 
and toenail. Now. another war, the Great World War II came along. 
AVe didn't know, did we, where Russia stood for a long time? Even 
durinir the war period, I think it is common knowledge that they 
had their agents — when they became Allies, they had their agents 
working in every Allied army that was trying to win the war. 

I don't think there is any way to separate communism from Russia 
or Russia from communism. I don't think we need to deceive either 
ourselves or the public on that point. Communism is Russia ; Russia 
is communism. Their ideologies as announced by Marx and Stalin 
are there, that the free democratic system can't exist side by side with 
the communistic system. That is something we have got to face. 
We are facing it now. 

]Mr. Raxkix. Would you say that Stalin is the Genghis Khan of 
the twentieth century ? 


Colonel Taylor. Yes, he is the Genghis Khan of the twentieth 
century ; no doubt about it. They have spent, of course, a tremendous 
amount of money. They are spending a tremendous amount of money. 
They are putting forth now the greatest effort possible to spread com- 
munism throughout the world. They are doing that while they are 
sitting at the ]:)eace table deciding upon treaties that are to be entered 
into with our defeated enemies. 

They are doing it in this country and in every other country. 1 
think myself that perhaps today connnunism is making bigger strides 
in this country than it has ever made before. They have somethin.o; 
to stir up, the animosity and the hatred — race hatred and religious 
hatred, and everything else that they lacked up until this war pro- 
duced the kind of results which it has produced. 

Mr. Rankin. Isn't it a fact 

The Chairman. The Cliair wants to be very considerate and fair 
with the gentleman from Mississippi, but not one other member of 
the committee has asked a single question up to now, and I would 
suggest that we let the witness go ahead and make his statemeut. and 
when he finishes that statement then all the members will be siveu 
an opportunity to ask questions. 

Mr. Rankin. That will suit me. 

The Chairman. Go ahead. Colonel Taylor. 

Colonel Taylor. Thank you very much. 

In 1921, there was the first really big effort, so far as alien organiza- 
tions in this country were concerned, starting to stir u]) the people, 
and at that time in Madison Square Garden the Germans in this coun- 
try organized a gigantic meeting. That was the beginning of Avhat 
afterward became nazism. The American Legion was very much 
incensed at it. 

At that time Gailbraith, of Ohio, wa.5 the commander. The Legion- 
naires in New York City organized to do something and Gailbraith 
himself had to go over there in order to see that no violence was com- 

After they had the big pro-German meeting in INIadison Square 
Garden, the Legion organized a gigantic meeting, at which General 
Pershing was the principal speaker. There then came into the pic- 
ture the Nazis and the Fascists, along with the Communists, in order 
to stir up difficulty and hatred in this country. 

We have this ideological organization, the Communists, who are 
working every minute of every day here trying to spread the violence 
that they spew in the cellars abroad. I say to you in all sincerity. 
and I am speaking for 3,850,000 members of the American Legion. 
'we not only welcome, but we congratulate this committee upon the 
splendid job that it is doing, and we offer to you, and we hope that 
you will take advantage of it, the work of every single solitary one 
of the 16,000 posts throughout the country. If there is a job that 
you want done that they can do, we say to you, "Give it to us'' — we 
are so definitely concerned about the matter, and so confident of the 
job that you are going to do to bring this to the attention of every- 
body in these United States. 

Now, I have here with me today Jim O'Neil 

Mr. Rankin. Mr. Chairman, before Mr. Taylor leaves the stand, 
*we may want to ask some questions. I may say I am the only mem- 


ber that Avas here when this was going on. That is the reason I was 
asking those questions. 

The CiiAiKMAx. Everyone will be given opportunity to ask ques- 
tions. Have you finished with your statement, Colonel ? 

Colonel Taylor. Yes, I have finished. I am up to really putting the 
exjMM't witnesses on for you. 

The Cii AIRMAN. Mr. McDowell. 

i\Ir. JSIcDowKLL. No questions. 

The CiTAiRiMAx. Mr. Nixtm. 

Mr. Xtxox. I have one question. You are quite familiar with vet- 
erans' organizations generally^ 

Colonel Tayi^^r. Oh, yes; I am. 

^fr. Xixox. HoAv long have you been in the work? 

Colonel Taylor. Since March 15, 1019, except for the 4i/2 years I 
was back in the service during World War II. 

]\Ir. Nixox. Do you know of an organization called the Communist 
War Veterans? 

Colonel Taylor. I don't know them. 

jMr. Nixox. Never heard of that organization? 

Colonel Taylor. I have read that title in the press, but didn't pay 
any particular attention to it. 

]Mr. Nixon. That organization has requested this committee for an 
opportunity to appear before it. I was interested in knowing whether 
it had a large membership in the United States. You probably would 
know about it if the membership were considerable ? 

Colonel Taylor. Yes, we would ; very definitely, if it had any size 

Mr. Nixon. That is all. 

The Chairman. Mr. Vail. 

Mr. Vail. Do you have, Mr. Taylor, an official in the American 
Legion oro-anization called the Americanism officer ? 

Colonel Taylor. We have the Americanism commission and the 
chairman of the Americanism commission, who I have here with me 
this morning: 3'es, sir. 

JMr. Vail. What is the function of that committee — or commission ? 

Colonel Taylor. I wonder if I could permit the chairman of that 
commission to read the resolution having to do with it, because I 
took care to have him bring it with him. 

Mr. Vail. Yes. That is all. 

The Chairman. Mr. Wood. 

Mr. Wood. No questions. 

The Chairman. Mr. Rankin. 

Mr. Rax'kix'. Colonel Taylor, the reason I asked you those questions 
was because I was here at the time. I remember the gallant fight the 
American Legion made to check the spread of communism in this 
country 20 years ago and longer. I want to ask you if the American 
Legion is willing to join other patriotic organizations of America, in- 
cluding this committee, in driving every Communist from the Federal 
pay roll and from the State pay rolls, off the radio, out of the movi^ig 
pictures, and out of the educational institutions of America ? 

Colonel Taylor. We will follow you to the utmost — this commit- 
tee — on that, and we will join with every other patriotic organization ; 
and I think that the last thing that you mentioned, about the educa- 


tional institutions, is one which hasn't been mentioned heretofore, and 
I think that that is one of the most significant and one of the most 
importat things to be done, because that is where communism is taught. 

Mr. Rankin. You are aware of the fact that even the history books 
of this country are being distorted — and evidence is being distorted — 
in order to mislead the rising generation and to prejudice them against 
our form of government and the American way of life ? 

Colonel Taylor. To such an extent that the American Legion itself 
has printed a history book pointing out those very things. 

Mr. Rankin. You spoke awhile ago and said that you regarded 
Stalin as the Genghis Khan of the twentieth century and that we are 
now in a conflict between oriental communism and western civiliza- 
tion — between sadistic atheism and Christianity, you might say. How 
far should we go in challenging the spread of this nefarious doctrine 
throughout the world? 

Colonel Taylor. Well, we are certainly supporting to the utmost 
President Truman's request. I think it is very much our concern. 
The President in his message to the Congress has, I suppose, in a sense 
stepped outside the }3urview of the Monroe Doctrine. We are in thor- 
ough accord with what the President has done in this instance and we 
are in thorough accord with our country being of assistance at this 
time to stop the spread of communism throughout the world; yes. 
The answer is "Yes." 

Mr. Rankin. Well, when they undertake to spread communism 
throughout the United States, aren't they violating the Monroe 
Doctrine ? 

Colonel Taylor. Of course they are. 

Mr. Rankin. That is all. 

The Chairman. Mr. Bonner. 

Mr. Bonner. Mr. Taylor, has the Legion made any first-hand or 
ground study of communism in Russia? 

Colonel Taylor. In Russia? No, sir; just in America. • 

Mr. Bonner. In studying the subject, that is. 

Colonel Taylor. No, sir. 

Mr. Bonner. I asked that to see if you had made, the Legion had 
made, a real study of the situation in Russia. 

Colonel Taylor. No, sir. 

Mr. Bonner. And you wouldn't be in a position to give an opinion 
of the percentage of people who are ardent supporters of the Com- 
munist Government in Russia and those who may be opposed to it? 

Colonel Taylor. I couldn't, except what I have read in the stories 
about communism in Russia ; no, 

Mr. Bonner. From reliable information, what would you think 
would be the break-down ? 

Colonel Taylor. Well, I read in one critique of the political situation 
in Russia that there were only 3,000,000, and then I read the story 
by Joe Davies' chauffeur, who said there were 10,000,000 members 
of the Communist Party in Russia. I don't know. 

Mr. Bonner. That is all. 

Mr. Rankin. You realize that communism and Christianity can 
never live in the same atmosphere? 

Colonel Taylor. Positively. I might say the church. That in- 
cludes all churches. 

Mr. Rankin. That is right. 


The Chairman. Colonel Taylor, I have one question. When you 
mentioned the fact that we had 1G,000 American Legion posts, it re- 
called to my mind one of the things that this committee is striving to 
do and will continue to do in a larger way, and that is to educate the 
American people against the dangers of un-American activities. Now, 
I think that the American Legion and other organizations like the 
American Legion would give some thought as to just how we can aid 
one another in spreading the gospel throughout the United States, 
reaching down into the grass roots, to educate the people in order that 
they will not join these front organizations. 

As you know, the great danger is the front organizations. A lot 
of well-meaning people join them because they liave a high-sound- 
ing name. I wish that the Legion would give consideration to that, 
and maybe later on we will have a conference of prominent Legion- 
aires and prominent members of other veteran organizations and 
patriotic organizations, sit down informally and discuss how we can 
put this education over. Will you do that? 

Colonel Taylor. Positively, Mr. Chairman. 

I want to congratulate you upon the way this committee is being 
run and upon the new impetus, and we are in thorough accord with 
you and your idea to coordinate the efforts and activities of every 
veteran organization and patriotic organization, and I assure you. 
Mr. Chairman, that we, and the chairman of the Americanism com- 
mission, who is here, and who can answer better for the work that we 
are doing and how they are doing it, we will cooperate with you. 
We stand with you 100 percent on that ; yes, sir. 

1'he Chairman. Mr. Bonner. 

Mr. Bonner. Mr. Taylor, it has been generally noted that the Com- 
munist effort has endeavored to worm its way into all organizations. 
Have you found any instances where they have endeavored to be 
active within the American Legion, and if you have, what did you do? 

Colonel Taylor. They have, in the beginnig of this year, very defi- 
nitely set out with a pronouncement that it was the purpose to infil- 
trate into the American Legion, and they instructed them to get into 
the posts of the American Legion. Now, you ask what have we done. 

Mr. Bonner. That is a fact, that you did find that? 

Colonel Taylor, Yes; very definitely. 

Mr. Bonner. It became obvious? 

Colonel Taylor. Yes. 

Now, we have a suit on in New York City, where a Communist has 
been put out of the Legion and he has brought a suit in the Supreme 
Court in New York State demanding that the court pass upon his 
rights, and the rights of other Communists, to belong to the American 
Legion. I think the whole thing was planned, myself. That is one 
of the best ways they can get publicity, by a thing of this sort, if they 
can rig up a good case. 

This man, by the way, is a very outstanding World War II fellow, 
and they will get a lot of publicity about it. Yes; they are deter- 
mined to infiltrate into the Legion. Very definitely. They are de- 
termined to infiltrate into the Legion, and we don't know how strong 
they are in the Legion, but they are in there. 

Mr. Bonner. Now, the other part of the question : Wliat have you 

Colonel Taylor. Mr. O'Neil will answer that. 


Mr. Bonner, Then I will wait until lie takes the stand. 

Colonel Taylor. Yes. 

Mr. Rankin. I have one other question. ^ 

The Chairman. Mr. Rankin. 

Mr, Rankin. Mr. Tavlor, vou realize that thev are working- throuo;h 
various Communist-front organizations? 

Colonel Taylor, We know that very well. 

Mr, Rankin, Is the Legion in every State in the Union ferreting 
out those front organizations? 

Colonel Taylor. Positively, We have the biggest file on commu- 
nism in existence. Positively, We will follow up, Mr, Chairman, 
every front organization, absolutely. Positively. 

The Chairman, Any other questi: ns? Mr. Nixon, 

Mr, Nixon, Mr, Taylor, you reco niize, however, that it is impor- 
tant to define communism and fellow travelers clearly so that in this 
work that the Legion is conducting we will not condemn any innocent 
people along with the others; is that not the policy of the Legion in 
that respect? 

Colonel Taylor. Well, you have asked 'two questions there, Mr. 
Congressman. One as to defining communism — which question, I 
think, has come up in the courts. I think it has. That Streicher 
case was one of the worst things that ever happened, so far as com- 
munism is concerned, because the Supreme Court held that any Com- 
munist could save himself from deportation by saying, "I am no 
longer a Communist," Then there have been several cases since, I 
think that we in America know what communism is. It is an effort to 
destroy our method of life and substitute for it the Communist ideol- 
ogy which places the state ahead of the human being, I think we all 
know that, I think there need be no argument on that. I think, per- 
sonall}', that our laws recognize that fact. Of course, nobody, when 
the Constitution was framed, ever dreamed about the Communist 
Party, I suppose, 

I think we must all know definitely what communism is, and I think 
that, generally speaking, our country, the people know what commu- 
nism is. 

The second part of the question, as to innocent people : It is a very 
strange thing to me always, as to these innocent people, that they 
don't belong to one front organization which is exposed as a Com- 
munist organization, but they belong to 10 or 20 of them, and after 
one of them is exposed to the public the same name crops up again, 
of this individual, this innocent person, belonging to another front 

I don't think. Congressman, that there is as much innocence in exist- 
ence, so far as the membership of these front organizations is con- 
cerned, as the front organizations would lead us to believe. I agree 
with you that none of us want to see innocent people fraudulently 
induced to engage in activities of that kind, what shall I say, punished. 
Yes, I will say punished; we don't want them to suffer because of it; 
but it is very strange to us, the way in which they seem to flit from 
one front organization to the other. Something should be done about 
it. And certainly, so far as the Communists themselves are concerned, 
every alien who is a Communist should be deported from this country 
and some method should be devised so that those who are already 
citizens of this country might be thrown in the hoosegow. 


Mr. Xixox. You do boliovo (hiil this comniittoe must exercise judg- 
ment and oare in determinino-, Urst, what a Connnunist is, and, second, 
what the front organizations are, so that we will know wdio the people 
are who are disloyal, as distinguished from those who may not be 
disloyal, but who niay have a different political viewpoint from, say, 
the members of this conunittee. 

Colonel Taylor. That is Americanism, and we have, and the coun- 
try has, full confidence in you on this committee to conduct the affairs 
in just that manner. 

Mr. Rankin. Will (he gentleman yield? 

Mr. Nixon. Yes. 

The Chairman. I don't think Colonel Taylor had finished. 

Colonel Taylor. This is a great committee and the country has 
full confidence in this committee now. 

The Chairman. Mr. Rankin. 

Mv. Rankin. The gentleman talked about this committee using care 
and judgment. I think he should also add "courage." We have got 
to have the courage. We are up against the greatest enemy our civil- 
ization has ever known, and it will take courage on the part of the 
country, the Congress, the American Legion, and every other patriotic 
organization, to stand up to it. 

Colonel Taylor. To save the time of the committee, Mr. Chairman, 
may I have permission to insert my further remarks into the record? 

The Chairman. It is so ordered. 

(Colonel Taylor's prepared remarks are as follows :) 


The negative side of teaching Americanism was to oppose any un-American 
doctrine. While 90 percent of the Americanism effort of the American Legion 
was educational enterprises in teaching the history of the Republic, the elements 
of its Constitution and government, and adherence to its best traditions and 
highest purposes, the 10-percent effort devoted to combating un-American activity 
attracted about 90 percent of the debate, clamor and newspaper publicity. Any 
American is free to advocate any theory, sciieme or program of government or 
social order so long as he does not advocate the overthrow of government by 
force and violence, and every conceivable notion in the realm of political economy 
or social order has found its advocates at one time or another in this land of the 

Some of the strangest concoctions offered to the American public have been 
brewed in European cellars, but our native ingenuity has cooked up many a 
slimy broth. The chief imports after 1019 were communism, nazism and fascism, 
while we home-brewed the Ku Klux Klan, technocracy, townsendism and Cough- 
linlsm. The great American sucker paid tribute in turn to all of them, but 
communism alone remained, after a quarter-century, alive, virile, and probably 
growing. It had the nourishment of "the Communist triumph in Russia, a certain 
amount of financial suppoit from tiiat country, and an endless propaganda 
support. The American people did not laugh it oft' with the same rugged and 
healthy reaction which in time had washed out almost all trace of numerous 
other freak and foolish "isms." Communism proved to be no joke. It was made 
of sterner stuff. The Second World War, with Russia on the winning side, 
helped to spread its doctrines over much of Europe and increase its following in 
the United States. 

The first large example of alien propaganda to arouse the Legion was a mass 
meeting at Madison Square Garden, New York, on February 28, 1921, promoted, 
not by Communists, but by pro-Germans. Edmund Von Mach, a German-American 
agitator had the effontery to ask National Commander Galbraith to speak at 
the meeting, which he repi-esented as an effort to reunite all elements of Ameri- 
cans and wipe out the discordant memories of war. Following a technique later 
widely practiced by other groups, the German-Americans and some Irish-Ameri- 
cans whose dislike for Britain exceeded their love of America, formed a com- 


mittee to exploit a cause. The name was "American committee to protest against 
horrors on the Rhine." The horrors were alleged lawlessness of African Negro 
troops from French colonies stationed v.ith the Army of Occupation. 

Galbraith exposed tiie fallacy of the whole scheme, learned that only 5.000 
colored troops were on the Rhine instead of 40,000 alleged by Von Mach, and that 
their conduct and discipline had been excellent. New York Legionnaires were so 
arous '] by the whole German scheme tliat Galbraith himself attended the 
meetin-- with a picked group of Legion members, and later addressed an outdoor 
group of Legion marchers, making certain that the Legion took no part in any 
illegal effort to break up the Von Mac-h meeting. On Marcli 18 the Legion 
joined with 50 other patriotic and civic bodies to hold a much greater mass 
meeting where the precise truth should be told. Galbraith presided and General 
Pershing spoke. The whole campaign to revive German-Americanism frittered 
away and was not effectively renewed for years. 

Grover C. Bergdoll, son of a wealthy Philadelphia brewer of German ancestry, 
became the synjbol of draft dodging and was suliject to many American Legion 
resolutions. Imprisoned at Governor's Island, N. Y., the young Bergdoll in 1920 
secured permission to proceed, under military guard, to a spot in Maryland where 
he claimed to have buried a large sum in gold coin. He eluded the guards during 
a stop-over at his home, tied to Canada and then to Germany, and stayed there for 
20 years. Various efforts were made to deal with United States authorities on 
.some basis for lessening his penalties if he came back. Finally his wife and 
children, born in Germany, came to the United States to offer plans for leniency. 
The Legion opposed any reduction of his jail sentence, holding the case to be a 
needed public example which should not be softened by the passage of time. 
Bergdoll finally returned and went to prison. 

The veterans disliked the whole idea of the Boshevik revolution in Russia be- 
cause in 1918 it took Russia out of the war as our ally and released a million or 
more German troops from the eastern front, to shoot at American soldiers on 
the west. They disliked socialism, the forerunner of communism in America, 
because its followers had opposed the national sacrifice. It disliked the IWW 
( Industrial Workers of the World ) , a communistic type of movement, for similar 
reasons, and bitterly detested it after the four unarmed American Legionnaires 
were shot to death at Centralia. The majority of Legion members regarded the 
doctrines of radicalism as destructive to the American v.-ay of life in theory and 
likely to be very dangerous in practice. 

At its organizing caucus in St. Louis in May 1919 the new Legion denounced 
radicalism in genei'al and the IWW in particular. It repeated its opinions at 
the first national convention at Minneapolis. Thereafter, it reiterated those 
views in various forms for 27 years. 

In due season the Legion declared an equal opposition to the Fascist theory 
exploited by Mussolini in Italy and the Nazi theory adopted by Hitler in Germany, 
and fought the inroads of each into the United States. Next to those three doc- 
trines the strongest Legion attack on un-Americanism was against the pacifists 
who sought to disarm the Nation. Communism and pacifism interlocked in both 
personnel and doctrine at various times. The Legion published a pamphlet called 
Isms which described various doctrines and told how it thought best to combat 

These questions merged and blended into questions of immigration and the 
deportation of undesirable aliens, the barring of radicals from public offices, the 
treatment of slackers and conscientious objectors in both wars, and the infiltra- 
tion of radicals into labor movements. These ramifications complicated the prob- 
lem of combating subversive elements, because the Legion was neutral in labor 
disputes and nonpartisan in politics. The radicals were neither. It was not 
merely difficult, but actually impossible, to draw a precise line at which combating 
un-Americanism would stop when it got into the borderland of labor relations or 

Many steps in the contest were taken by Legion posts throughout the land. A 
few originated or found expression in national convention action or the work of 
national oflicers. At the outset the national convention demanded the deportation 
of alien radicals, and of alien slackers. The first individual of prominence In- 
curring the Legion's displeasure was Louis F. Post, Assistant Secretary of Labor 
in charge of immigration, whose removal, as has been previously mentioned, was 
demanded by the second national convention because the Legion said he had 
failed to enforce the laws for deporting alien radicals. The next was Eugene V. 
Debs. Socialist leader convicted of sedition, whose pardon the Legion em- 
phatically opposed. Post was not lemoved, and Debs was pardoned by President 


Ihuding in 1021!. In a miinbi>r of citios tlio,'i(in posts;ul(>cl public authori- 
ties to refuse Dehs permission to uinlie public 5ipp<'arnii(es after his release. 

The etTorts of Anierifan Legion posts to prevent public siK'akinj; b.v radical 
orators \v»'re spontaneous. Many of tliem were ill-advised and siM'ved oidy to 
advertise the speakers and support tlH>ir c-lainis to martyi'doin and tiieir cry that 
freedom of speech was interfen-d with. Wlien Dan Sowers of Kentucky became 
Americanism director of the Iv srion in 1027, he advised the whole organization to 
quit trying to prevent public speaking. He said that some radical organizations 
actually published the itineraries of tlieir speakers so that Legion posts would 
Ix^ needled into advertising the events by trying to prevent them. Sowers pro- 
posed that tlie Ix'gion post.s confine themselves, if they suspected that treason, 
sedition or other criminal offense might be committed, to asking the public 
authorities to make a stenographic record of what the speakers said, and to act 
by lejal process if th<' law was violated. This advice was quite generally ac- 
cejited throughout the Legion. 

During its first 3 or 4 years the Legion gave considerable attention to radicalism, 
and thereafter found only a minuscule of such activity to consider until the 
economic panic after 1030 left in its train a problem of poverty and unemploy- 
ment which oi>ened a new and fertile field for social agitation. The most elo- 
quent of the earlier Legion orators was Alvin INIansfiold Owsle.v, of Texas, who 
became Americanism director in 1921 succeeding Sailor Ryan. In the fall of 
1022 he was elected tiational commander. Owsley probably made a thousand 
pubMc address<>s in those days and vigorously denounced communism and kindred 
doctrines, while preaching the principles of 100 percent Americanism. In 1924 
he was supnorted by some southern (iele':;>tes for the Democratic nomination for 
Vice President. In 1944, after his diplomatic service abroad, he became chair- 
man of a Legion committee which planned an endowment fund for use in expand- 
ing the program of teaching Americanism. A graduate of Virginia Military 
Institute, the "West Point of the South." which had trained many a great soldier 
from Stonewall Jackson to George Marshall. Owsley had a fine war record 
culminating as adjutant of the Thirty-sixth Division. This brief summary of 
the career of one Legion leader is stated here because of a single illuminating 

In 1922 Mussolini had .lust taken control of Italy witli his Fascist Black Shirts, 
after overcoming a Communist uprising which was close to being a revolution. 
Iln one public address Owsley used a figure of speech which suggested that if 
the Communists undertook an uprising in the United States, the American Legion 
would take a leading part in slapping them down, as the Fascisti had done in 
Italy. That remark, variously quoted and misquoted many years later, remained 
a koynote in the claim of American Communists that the American Legion was 
a Fascist body. In the uncertain realm of economic argument, a single phrase, 
inadvertent in concept or inept in phraseology, may outlive a thousand truths. 
From about 1!»23 until the big df^pression Americans were more interested 5n 
beating the stock market than abolishing it, and private ownership of property 
.seemed a good idea. When America went broke, tl'e sins of jiroperty became a 
more appealing text. Private enterprise was less appealing wben it paid fewer 
dividends. During the pro.sperous 1920's the Legion took occasional flings at 
communism. It warned the Nation that some appeals for feeding Russian 
babies actually were money-raising schemes for Communist agitators, and when 
I/enin died and a movement was started to plant memorial trees for him in 
American cities, the Legion scotched it in many places. In Washington, D. C, 
the L'^ninites attempted to plant such trees on the same aveime where memorial 
trees for the American dead of 1017-18 were growing. They did not micceed. 
Recognition of Soviet Russia by the United States of America was proposed 
by Senator Smith Brookhart, who made a pilgrimage to L'scow in 1922, and 
later by Senator William E. Borah, and the Legion resolved firmly against 
both efforts. When the same proposal came forward in 1933, Commander Louis 
Johnson called a mass meeting in Washington to record a vigorous ob.iection. 
Father Walsh, of Georgetown I^niversity. and William Green, of the American 
Federation of Labor, were speakers. The Legion protest was futile, and the 
Union of Socialist Soviet Republics was recognized by the United States of 

The resumption of diplomatic relations with Russia was not an approval of 
communism by the United States. In the same years it occurred, Hitlerism 
took control of Germany. Tho United States of America did not break dijilo- 
matic relations with that nation. It had early recognized the Mussolini i;ov- 
ernment in Italy. At the time of the debate over Russia recognition, however. 


neither Italy nor Germany was carrying on any extensive world propaganda 
for their social order, while ICussia was the center of a world Comiunnist move- 
ment. There was then, and long thereafter, a question of segregating the national 
sovereignty of Russia and the internationalism of tlie Communist doctrine. The 
dividing line was not always clear to Americans. 

The recognition of the Soviet Government tended to stimulate a variety of 
radical and quasi-radical movements in America, committees, societies, welfare, 
and charitable groups whose leanings toward Communist ideals were also difli- 
cult to segregate from other purposes. All of this had no exact relationship 
to diplomatic recognition, as such. Much of it was confused under broad ap- 
plications of the term ''democracy," a word whose meaning in relationship to 
American constitutionalism became exceptionally elastic. 

Hitler took control of Germany in 1933, and presently the German-American 
Bund and other pro-Nazi movements appeared in America. Hitlerism included 
persecution of Jews, and a series of small but inherently vicious anti-Semitic 
organizations cropped up in the United States. Italian fascism had produced 
rather minor repercussions here, but the Italian war on Ethiopia revealed at 
degree of world menace in what had been a domestic scheme of dictatorship in 
Italy. The League of Nations was collapsing in Europe. It had not been able 
or willing to stop Japanese agtjression in Manchuria, nor Italian attack on 
Ethiopia. Germany, Italy, and Japan were forming the Axis, ostensibly to com- 
bat communism. Americans did not like the Axis any better than the Com- 
munists. The American Legion doctrine of Americanism opposed them all. 

In dealing with subversive doctrines the Legion was under several handicaps. 
It had not means of assembling all the facts. It had neither the money nor the 
wish to hire investigators. Being itself a devotee of constitutional rights and 
law and order, it was at some disadvantage in the game of cops and robbers. 
Any radical who avoided overt acts of lawlessness and refrained from publicity 
advocating overthrow of the Government usually could thumb his nose at the 
Legionnaires who denounced his opinions. The left-v.nng position was stated in 
definite terms by Roger Baldwin, director of the Civil Liberties Union, when he- 
testified before a congressional committee that he thought it entirely lawful for 
a man to advocate anything he pleased, so long as he did not incite to the com- 
mission of an unlawful act. 

The administration of the deportation law became notably lax after President 
Roosevelt made Mrs. Frances Perkins the Secretary of Labor. Experience with 
the Harry Bridges case, recounted in another chapter, taught the Legion that 
fact, and the Supreme Court in the Strecker case increased the difliculty of 
holding that even an alien who had been an avowed Connnunist with a professed 
belief in forceful overthrow of government, could purge himself of dejiortation 
guilt by declaring that he had changed his mind. Eleventh-hour apostatizing 
would thus free almost any alien agitator from removal out of the United States. 

The situation thus presented prompted the Legion to turn to Congress for ac- 
tion. A fact-finding committee, able to seize documents and compel the testimony 
of witnesses, could gather the evidence of conspiracy, connivance, and I'evolu- 
tionary purpose which the Legion could merely suspect existed. With the facts 
in hand, laws could be enacted within the safeguards of the constitutional rights 
of individuals to protect the Nation from movements that were aimed to destroy 
it. American Legion influence was elfective in securing the creation by the House 
of Representatives, on May 26, 1938. of a special committee of seven to investigate- 
"(1) the extent, character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in 
the United States; (2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and 
un-American propaganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a do- 
mestic origin and attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed 
by our CV nstitution ; and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would 
aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation." 

Thus was born the Dies committee, named for Martin Dies of Texas, its 
chairman. There had been an earlier congressional inquiry into communism 
(1931) headed by Hamilton Fish who had been in Congress from New York for 
a decade. The Legion never liad accepted the Fish committee finding in toto. 
Ham Fish had been a vigorous young progressive of the Theodore Roo-'cvelt 
school in 1919, when he helped write the preamble to the constitution of The 
American Legion. Years of jiartisan political life and a bitter opposition to. 
Franklin D. Roosevelt, whose Hyde Park home was in the congressional district 
represented by Fish, had altered the outlook of the New York Itepresentative. 
He undoubtedly detested communism, but there wei-e indications rhat he tend(Ml 
to consider any of his political opponents as "un-American."^ The Legion be-- 


liovod :i new iiivostiuntion of nil uii-Ainori<'aiiisms, including Nazi aiuT Fascist 
as well as Cuniniunisl propaganda, would give more accurate results. The Demo- 
cratic Party now was in power and leaders of the Dies committee belonged to 
that party. 

There was opposition to the creating of the Dies committee, in and out of 
Congress, hut at the outset it could be answered with the simple statement that 
anybody afraid of an investigation of un-Americanism nuist be guilty of un- 
Americanism. Un-Ainericanism was not a crime unless it led into original 
fields of activity. The Aminican Legion bad published a good deal of material 
about subversive propaganda and the groups sponsoring it. It had u literature 
on communism and bow to combat it by education. It knew a good deal more on 
the subject than the public had ever beard. All of this it could lay before Con- 
gress and gain public attention tiirougli the bright light of publicity that flames 
in Washington. 

Homer Chaillaux. of Californi:i, had become director of Americanism for the 
national Legion organization in 19:^5. Able, aggressive, and fearless, he bad 
watched foreign doctrines reached both openly and under cover, and was ready 
to tight against them. Stephen F. Chadwidv, a Seattle attorn(>y. had become 
chairman of the national Americanism commission, and in 1938 was elected 
natii>nal commander. Chadwick and Chaillaux, with stout Legion backing, led 
the tight to create the Dies committee and thereafter helped to make its work 
effective. They supplied its investigators with leads which had been accumulat- 
ing from sources throughout the Legion. They were among its early witnesses. 

The Legion had early warnxl the Nation about the "Communist front" organi- 
zations, ^stalilished ostensibly for worthy purposes, but controlled by Com- 
munists and used to spread the propaganda of unrest and hate. The Dies com- 
mittee unveiled a long list of such groups, and longer lists of "fellow traveler's," 
a term used to describe individuals not actual Communist Party members but 
devoted to advancing Communist principles through movements bearing the 
name of liberalism. The intricacies of activities were amazing. The Con- 
gress Against War had become the American League Against War and Fascism, 
and in turn the American League for Peace and Democracy. The Workers Alli- 
ance had been promoted among workers on Federal relief pro.iects, and bad car- 
ried out demonstrations which included a form of sit-down seizure of the legis- 
lative chambers of New Jersey and other States. It claimed 800,000 members. 
The American Student I'nion was claimed by the Young Communist League as 
one of its "fronts." There were "fronts" among Negroes, among youth organi- 
zations, and among intellectual groups of liberals. 

The congressional hearings contained hundreds of pages about the infiltration 
of Communists in labor organizations. Years of failure to gain much advance- 
ment in the American Federation of Labor caused a change of attack to the 
newer unions of the Congress of Industrial Organizations. Many defeats were 
met there also, but .some successes. 

The early accomplishments of the Dies committee met with set-backs through 
the inevitable injection of partisanship into its proceedings. I\Ir. Dies him- 
self made the mistake of hastily publi-shing reports of his investigators before 
securing committee approval. The published lists of alleged "fellow travelers"^ 
often included the names ,^of persons who had joined organizations whose pur- 
pose apparently was charity, or liberal progress, with no though of Communist 
affiliation. While the committee revealed such quaint characters as a former 
devotee of nudism who was serving as economic specialist for the Foreign 
Economic Administration headed by Vice President Wallace, and a leftist youth 
leader who had been entertained by Mrs. Roosevelt at the White House, it 
also attacked the reputation of numerous educators, preachers, and politicians 
who could not well be convicted of anything but political liberalism. The enmity 
of Mr. Wallace and Mrs. Roosevelt and other liberals did the Dies committee 
no good. 

Wtien the committee mentioned that a number of Hollywood performers had 
congratulated, through their press agents, a French newspaper with Commu- 
nist leanings (which nevertheless may have afforded free publicity to motion 
pictures) it included the child actress, Shirley Temple, am<uig the testimonial 
writers. Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes and Secretary ,of Labor Frances 
Perkins were among the liberal politicians who made a holiday of this state- 
ment, asking whether Mr. Dies saw a Conununist plot hatching among the dolls, 
in Shirley's nursery. 

99651—47 2 


The operations of the Dies committee became more and more political in their 
implications. When it named persons holding appointive Federal oflBces as 
among the '"fellow travelers" of the communistic fronts, the appointive powers, 
namely the President and iiis department chiefs, were almost obliged to defend 
their appointees and to seek to discredit Mr. Dies and his aides. A strong anti- 
Dies propaganda developed from the left of center. 

At the same time anti-Semitism was dragged into the already confusing pic- 
ture. A number of organizations using the names "Christian" and "American" 
sprang up, attacking Jews with declarations worthy oidy of a Hitler, and 
seeking to confust the terms "Jev/," "JRussian," and "Communist." By the 
time America was into the second war the reckless statements of these pro- 
moters got about 20 of them indicted for sediti.on. A long trial in Washington 
ended without a verdict when the presiding judge died. There was no court 
decision, but the anti-Jewish preachers of racial hate so often used the term 
"100 percent Americanism" as sometimes to Cfist discredit on the more reason- 
able efforts to combat un-American activities. The American Legion had no 
part in this, but the very term Americanism was discredited by the 
cheap traders on prejudice, shielded by the protection of free speech and a 
free press. 

In 1944 the Dies committee ended. Martin Dies retired from Congress, and 
Joe Starnes, of Alabama, its vice chairman, was defeated in his home district. 
Opponents of the committee's work claimed that the public had discredited it. 
The Congress created a new committee the next year to jnirsue studies of sub- 
versive and un-American activities, hoping the personnel would be more skillful 
and the results more unbiased, fair, and usefully informative. 

Meanwhile the Legion had developed a less controversial means of teaching 
patriotism. It sponsored the National Coordinating Committee, a joint effort 
with other large and rei)resentative groups designed to preach, constructively, 
the gospel of Americanism. Joining the Legion in tliis movement were the 
American Federation of Labor, the National Grange, the General Federation 
of Women's Clubs, the National Association of Manufacturers, the Knights of 
Coliunbus, the B'nai R'rith, and tiie Elks. Represented in this group were mil- 
lions of Americans, veterans, farmers, labor, manuiactiirers, women, faterna! 
orders, Catholics, Jews. It was designed to be an ail-American team. The 
purpose was to hold public meetings, give radio programs, celebrate national 
holidays, and demonstrate to the whole Nation the unity of devotion of all kinds 
of Americans to the Constitution and laws and traditions of a free people. 

Frank Lowe, of Maine, a former Legion department commander was the 
first chairman. He was followed by L'luis J. Canepa, of Los Angeles, with 
William J. Conniff, of Port Angeles, Wash., as secretaiy. The peak of accom 
plishment in the committee's career was reached on July 4, 1942, when a Nation- 
wide broadcast from Soldiers Field, Chicago, was accompanied by a radio story 
of the original formation of tlie various societies making \ip the committee, 
and their basic commitment in service in America. The committee was a pon- 
derous alTaii' in operation, without separate funds of its own, and chiefly sup- 
ported in its cooperative efforts by Legion money and personnel. After its 
outstanding enterprises in 1942, developed by Edward McGrail, publicity di- 
rector of the Legion, who then went into the Army, its subsequent efforts were 
somewhat fi'ustrated by the exigencies of war. It remained in nominal existence, 
with possibilities of postwar revival. 

The opposition of war veterans to the extreme doctrines of pacifism has been 
a very general reaction after all wars. The Legion i-egarded pacifism as a form 
of un-Americanism. It was careful to draw a line between the advocacy of 
peace and the doctrines of ])acitisni, including in the latter oidy such movements 
as involved a refusal to bear arms in defense of the Republic, or corollary 

Immediately after the first war an example of religious pacifism was supplied 
by the Meimonite sect, a group domiciled in Canada, which had refused nulitary 
service. Tlicy sought to migrate to the United States, and the L 'gion pas.sed 
resolutions opposing tlieii- admission. After much discussion in and out of 
Congress, a body of the sect moved to Mexico. 

The Women's Peace Union, a domestic group, sought pledges from young men 
in schools and colleges never to bear arms in of the United States, or 
even I'ender aid to a wounded soldier. The Legion in lii2;^ pronounced this move- 
ment "anarchy, pure and siiiiiile." and declared it chielly was an effort to cap- 
italize pacilist sentiment by promoters seeking to create paying jobs for them- 
selves. Scores of small pacilist organizations sprang ui*. appealing especially to 


woimni. Tbe Women's Conference on National Defense, held annually in Wash- 
In.iXton under American Lei^ion Auxiliary auspices, in whicli many public-spirited 
liroups of women joined, was an answer to Die wH)men, some well meai\inK and 
some liisguising alien and subversive motives, who sang "I Did Not Raise My 
Bov to Be a Soldier." 

An Americanism Commission pamphlet, Preparedness versus I'acifism, pub- 
lished lirst in 1027, summed up tiie Legion case aj^ainst the peace lovers who 
carritd their doctrine to tlie point of supine submission ratlier than armed de- 
fense. Tlie lessons of World War II so utterly refuted the whole doctrine of 
pacifism as to make it appear ridiculous. 

The Lejiion w^as watciifid of patriotic observance in the public scliools. It 
advocated a requirement that toacliers take an oath of office sniular to that sub- 
scribed by tbe President of the United States, tlie Governors of States, and other 
I)ublic oliicials, an oath to upliold and defend the Constitution of tlw: United 
Stales. Several States enacted laws requiring such a pledge. The Legion said 
that teachers were public officers administering a sacred public trust and should 
be persons of unquestioned loyalty. Violent objection to the teachers' oatli was 
i-egistered in some scholastic circles. 

Tiie cry of academic freedom of conscience was raised. It was suggested that 
teachers would be prevented, by such an obligation, from teaching the facts about 
economic doctrines. A battle of words took place in many State legislatures and 
other forums. 

The refusal of members of Jehovah's Witnesses to allow their children to salute 
the Hag of the United States became an issue in court when the Board of Educa- 
tion of West Virginia required the flag salute by all public school children. The 
Legion, tlirough Ralph Gregg, its national judge advocate, intervened in the 
action as amicus curias when it went to the Supreme Court of the United States. 
The religious cultists asserted that God told them to salute no worldly authority, 
and that a required flag salute infringed the right of freedom of religion guaran- 
teed by Constitution. The Supreme Court reversed an earlier decision and up- 
held Jehovah's Witnesses. It later sustained them in a right to distribute litera- 
ture when certain municipalities had barred such action. 

Every step in the contest against un-Auiericanism was resisted. Many were 
first fought out within the Legion wlien iwsts. State and national conventions 
debated them. All met with counterattacks from the groups affected. A few of 
the thousands of incidents transpiring in a quarter century may help to picture 
what went forward throughout the land. 

A Legion post in New York was formed by veterans" with left-wing political 
leanings, and named for Willard Straiglit, who was the first officer in charge of 
the War Risk Insurance Section of the Army in France, and who had died in 

He was a millionaire who had supported the New Republic, a leading leftist 
weekly. The Straight Post was a consistent dissenter from the orthodox Legion 
views on 100 percent Americanism and publicly expressed its disapproval of 
many Legion policies and pronouncements. Finally the New York department 
undertook to withdraw the post's charter for its refusal to submit to majority 
decisions. Willard Straight Post went to court and retained its charter, demon- 
strating that its membership had paid dues and complied with legal require- 
ments. Its intransigence had been open, public and directed at various National 
or State resolutions of policy or belief. The Legion as a voluntary member- 
ship organization might ask, but could not compel, conformity to its convention 
decisions. A minority was legally free to dissent publicly from the majority 

In 1922 the Civil Liberties Union was quoted in the Churchman, a religious 
magazine, as authority for statistics on acts of violence of the past year. The 
quotation recorded that 51 persons had been tarred and feathered, including 
"eight by the Ku Klux Klan and two by the American Legion." Regarding 
floggings the same statement concluded : "The American Legion is credited with 
only one flogging." Challenged by National Adjutant Lemuel Bolles to produce 
evidence of any such acts by the Legion, the Civil Liberties Union never re- 

Homer Chaillaux served longer as Americanism director than any predecessor 
(1934-45) and made more speeches to public and Legion gatherings. He was 
a principal in more controversies than any Legionnaire. A Communist spokes- 
man once called him that party's "Enemy No. 1." He revelled in dialectics. 
As department commander of the Legion in California for 1938-84 he wit- 
nessed and participated in events of the general strike at San Francisco led 


by Harry Bridges, whom lie believed to be a Commi;nist, and that experience 
made Chaillaux a crusading opponent of all that he regarded as subversive 

His attacks on various "isms" and the counterattacks on the Legion and 
on Chaillaux in person overshadowed in public liKht the many other phases 
of his work. He enj-jj^ed a good debate, and probaldy overstated his case em- 
phatically on numerous occasions, a fault generously shared by his opponents. 
Anonymous enemies threatened to shoot him. To Chaillaux the Legion's oppo- 
sition to alien ideologies was no academic subject, but a living battle, and his 
oratory was pitched to that key. 

From dozens of pamphlets, thousands of letters, many speeches and many 
pages of testimony emanating from Chaillaux's desk or voice various lively 
incidents arose. He once wrote a casual letter to Rev. Gerald B. Winrod, 
of Kansas, a promoter of what was called The Defenders, in which he referred 
to articles in the Communist Daily Worker of New York and said, "of course 
the Communist definition for fascism applies to anyone who strictly opposes 

Winrod laid this letter before a committee of the Massachusetts legisla- 
ture, where Winrod was accused of receiving pay from Nazi or Fascist sources. 
Immediately a storm of protest arose, and National Connnander Daniel J. Do- 
herty, of the Legion, ordered an inquiry. After determining that Winrod's 
preachments included doctrines of racial or religious intolerance, Chaillaux 
wrote a public statement repudiating the idea that the Legion was in any way 
supportin-^' the Winrod propaganda. 

All of this was in 1937. In 1938 Winrod ran for the senatorial nomination in 
Kansas, and the Chaillaux letter and statement were spread all over the State. 
The Anti-Defamation League, affiliated with B'nai B'rith and devoted to refuting 
anti-Semitic utterances, had invefetigated the matter and gave emphasis to the 
Legion repudiation of the Winrod doctrines. The Reverend Winrod made little 
showing in Kansas politics when the votes were counted. A few years later he 
was a defendant in the long-drawn-out sedition trial in Washington. Neverthe- 
less radical publicists would continue to quote Chaillaux's single sentence about 
communism and fascism. 

Homer Chaillaux died in 1945. Elmer W. Sherwood, of Indiana, succeeded 
him as director of Americanism. 

The lawsuit heard in Louisville, Ky., in May 1937, when Ellis Freeman, a 
professor at the University of Louisville, sued Henry J. Stites and other persons 
for violation of his right to privacy, culminated a somewhat enlightened episode 
in one of many localized Legion battles against un-Americanism. 

In 1935 the Jefferson Post at Louisville had named Stites as chairman of a 
committee to examine into un-American activities and teachings at the local 
university. While this inquiry was in progress a youth conference met in Louis- 
ville, promoted by a conservative wing of some earlier youth conference which 
had split between radicals and conservatives. United States Attorney General 
Homer Cummings, Homer Chaillaux, of the Americanism Commission, and Dr. 
Thomas M. Healy, of Georgetown University, then chairman of the national 
defense committee of the American Legion, were speakers. It later developed that 
Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt and J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation, had been invited, but declined. All of the invited speakers re- 
ceived letters from Professor Freeman urging them not to appear. 

At the youth conference a group from the local university either walked out or 
were ejected, a result attributed to the activities of Freeman and some other 
faculty members who were said to have encouraged pacifist and radical talk 
among stuilents. 

The result was a jolly row. Legion committees met with University of 
Louisville authorities and two members of tlie faculty presented were dropped, 
but Freeman stayed on. During the same period theLegion committee learned 
that Freeman had cashed a check for $172 at a Louisville bank, said check being 
from the Soviet government of Russia. This fact Stites and othiM's made public. 
Partly on the basis of the radicalism Inquiry, and partly on the basis of this 
check. Freeman sued for $100 000 damages for infringement of his privacy, 
naming Stites, the bank and others as defendants. 

At the trial in 1987 Freeman explained that his check was for interest on Soviet 
bonds which he had bought. He asserted damage to his reputation and a threat 
to his employment by reason of the Legion inquiry and accompanying publicity. 
The court never heard the defense testimony, but threw Freeman's plea out of 
court. The judge held that the university, supported by public funds, was sub- 


jcct to inquiry by taxpnyors, mid that the chnrnctor of its faculty monibors and 
of thoir tfachings could probably bo invivstij;atod. Since it was such investiga- 
tion by the Letjiou which Freeman said violated liis privacy, the court found no 
basis for his plea for daniajies. Shortly thereafter Professor Freeman resigned 
from the Louisville faculty. This trial was- one of the few instances where a 
prolonged discussion of the alleged un-Americanism of teachers or public ollicials 
i-enclieil a settlement in court. 

The Legion took no national position about the pardon of Tom Mooney, who 
served more than 20 years in prison on conviction of placing a bomb in a Prepared- 
ness Parade in l'.)K> in San Francisco. In 193!) National Commander Ciiadwick 
stated in a newspaper interview that the Legion had not opposed the pardon. 
Asked of the Legion's opinion ahout JMooney's guilt or innocence, Ciiadwick re- 
marked that the Governor of California had not held him innocent, but merely 
had let him out after 20 years in .iail. This failure of Chadwick to subscribe 
to the view that Mooney was innocent stirred up a volume of protests and reso- 
]uti(Uis from left-wing groups. 

Tlie Legion was responsible for offering bills in many SUite legislatures to 
bar the Communist Party from a place on the ballot. Its position on this question 
was fortified by Attorney General Biddle's opinion that the party advocated 
forceful overthrow of the Government of the United States. Opinion within 
and without the Legion differed on the wisdom of the move, some opponents of 
communism believing it would be wiser to have the members of the party duly 
registered and permitted to operate in the open, under their own banner. A 
number of States passed laws closing their ballots to the Reds. 

The pardon of Earl Browder, secretary of the American Communist Party 
convicted of falsifying his United States passport, was heartily disapproved by 
the Legion. President Roosevelt freed Browder while the Second Great War 
was still raging. 

An examination of the correspondence files, the reports, clippings, articles, 
pauiiihlets, resolutions, and speeches which make up the whole record of Ameri- 
can Legion opposition to un-American doctrines does not afford any method of 
adding up the scoi'es. The total of effort is adequate evidence that the I,,egion 
was honestly trying to sustain its belief in the United States Constitution and 
the social order under which America throve in liberty under the law. Before 
the weight of evidence from thousands of Legion posts, the counter-claim of 
radical organs that the Legion was subsidized by big business or motivated by 
Fascist principles tumbles in obscurity. The Legion was honest in fighting com- 
munism, uazism, fascism, pacifism, and intolerance. Was it wise, and was it 

Any answer to that question would be vigorously debated. There is no legal 
definition of "Americanism" or of "un-Americanism," nor any generally accepted 
definition. Great numbers of Americans, after a lapse of just a few years, be- 
lieved the Dies committee did more harm than good. It would I'equire a Solomon 
to designate the dividing line between radicalism and liberalism, and the founders 
of the American union could have been described as well by one term as the 
other. Conceding a full patriotic intent it is hard to read the record withimt 
concluding that on average, the Legion was as likely to be wrong as right in 
attacking un-American doctrines. If wrong and right are too strong terms, 
it was likely to be in a minority as in a majority when public opinion finished 
with the subject. 

The very word "radical" has many shades of meaning. Any advocacy of 
progress or change may be radical as opposed to reactionary, and the world 
does not stand still. The Legion might ask any critic of 100 percent Americanism 
•whether he favored some lesser percentage and wanted patriotism to be desig- 
nated after a decimal point. Did Americans offer their lives in battle for a 
fractional loyalty? Critics of the Red-baiting campaigns of the Legion might 
inquire if the veterans would have favored hanging Patrick Henry for his 
speech at Richmond, or impeaching Abraham Lincoln for his unconstitutional 
denial of habeas corpus at Baltimore. Argument on these topics might, and 
probably will, go on forever. 

The most certain conclusion is that in the large portion of its Americanism 
program which was made up of educational activity it achieved vastly more than 
by the smaller portion of argument, accusation and debate against things and 
persons that it called un-American. In a land of free speech the controversial 
fields of politics, economics, internationalism, labor oiganlzatlon, and even re- 
ligion impinge ui)on the strict limits of what is and what is not American, or 
un-American. Free .speech itself, even by the friends of foreign ideologies or 
by domestic rabble rou.sers, is an Americanism of sorts. 


Possibly the most effective result of the un-Americanism right was the im- 
ponderable value of the American Legion as a watchdog. How much dangerous, 
damaging, or merely silly following of unhealthy schemes and isms was pre- 
vented because there was a watchful group of veterans ready and anxious to 
expose and publicize both harmful and nonsensical demagoguery cannot be 

In its frontal attack on un-Americanlsm the I^egion scored many hits and 
many misses. For 27 years it was always in there swinging. 

Colonel Tatlor. Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee, it 
is a great pleasure for me to at this time present to the committee 
James F. O'Neil, who has been a member of the Americanism Com- 
mission for 13 years and for 3 years its chairman, who, during World 
War I was in the Army and during this last war was affiliated as 
special assistant in the office of the Assistant Secretary of the Navy 
for Air. Incidentally, he is chief of police of the city of Manchester, 

Thank you. 

The Chairman. Thank you. Colonel Taylor. 


(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Mr. O'Neil, will jou state for the record your full 
name and your associations? 

Be seated, Mr. O'Neil. 

Mr. O'Neil. Thank you. 

Mr. Chairman, honorable gentlemen of the committee : My name is 
James F. O'Neil. I am yice chairman of the National Americanism 
Commission. I am a resident citizen of Manchester, N. H. 

First of all, I belieye Congressman Vail raised the question about 
the Americanism Commission and its purposes and its aims. At the 
risk of boredom, I will read the resolution which was adopted at the 
first national convention of the American Legion at Minneapolis in 
1919. The resolution was a resolution creating a commission of the 
American Legion to foster and perpetuate 100 percent Americanism. 
The resolution follows : 

We recommend the establishment of a National Americanism Commission of 
the American Legion wliose duty shall be the endeavor to realize in the United 
States the basic ideal of this Legion of 100 percent Americanism through the 
planning, establishment, and conduct of a continuous, constructive educational 
system designed to (1) combat all anti-American tendencies, activities, and 
propaganda; (2) worlj for the education of immigrants, prospective American 
citizens and alien residents in the principles of Americanism; (3) inculcate the 
ideals of Americanism in tlie citizen population, particularly the basic American 
principle that the interests of all the people are above those of any special 
interest or any so-called class or section of the people; (4) spread throughout 
the people of the Nation information as to the real nature and principles of 
American Government; (5) foster the teaching of Americanism in all schools. 

In the interest of saving time, Mr. Chairman, I will omit some of 
these clarifying phrases, but will ask your permission to instert the 
resolution for the record. 

The Chairman. So ordered. 

Mr. O'Neh.. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Rankin. Mr. Chairman, I would like for the witness to expati- 
ate on the spread of communism in the schools. 

Mr. O'Neil. I will do that, Mr. Congressman. 

Mr. Rankin. Thank you. 


^Fr. O'Neil. T will covrr that as we proceed, if T may. 
Mr. Rankin. That is all ri,<>hl. 
Mr. O'Nkil ((.'()iitiniiin<z). 

That, as the pivliminary organization niul plauiiing of the commission will 
take time 

Please realize that this was in 1919, in our formative days. 

That nieaiiwhih^ the hn'al posts of the American Lesion he nrged to organize 
immediatf'ly for the purpose of meeting the ii\si(lious propaganda of bolshevism, 
IWW-ism, radicalism, and all other anti-Americanisms by taking up the problems 

(1) Detecting anti-American activities everywhere and seizing every oppor- 
tunity everywliere to speak plainly and openly for 100 percent Americanism and 
lor nothing h'ss. 

(•J) Makimr direct appi'als to legal authority to take such lawful steps as may 
be necessary to correct local cctnditions everywhere. 

(The full text of the resolution above referred to is as follows:) 

1919 (First) National Convention, Minneapolis, Minn. 

A resolution forming a commission of the American Legion to foster and per- 
petuate a 100-percent Americanism. 

V\'e i-econunend the estahlisliment of a National Americanism Commission of 
the American Legion duty shall be the endeavor to realize in the United 
States the basic ideal of this Legion of 100 percent Americanism through the 
planning, establishment and conduct of a continuous, constructive educational 
system designed to (1) combat all Anti-American tendencies, activities and 
propaganda; (2) work for the education of immigrants, prospective American 
citizens and a'ien residents in the principles of Americanism; (3) inculcate the 
ideals of Americanism in the citizen population, particularly the basic American 
principle that the interests of all the people are above those of any special inter- 
est or any so-calle<l class or section of the people; (4) spread throughout the 
people of the Nation information as to the real nature and principles of American 
Government ; (5) foster the teaching of Americanism in all schools. 

For the purpose stated the commission shall submit to the national executive 
committee a plan, and from time to time supplementary plans, which may include 
a national advertising campaign, the publication of literature, the organization 
Of lecture courses, cooperation with schools and other agencies, and such other 
means of carrying out the purpose outlined as may be appropriate. 

Upon approval by the national executive committee the commission shall pro- 
ceed upon the approved activities. 

But no funds shall be used for this purpose except those specifically appro- 
priated by the Legion or its properly constituted authorities for the appropriation 
of funds, or which shall be raise,d with the approval of the national executive 
committee from members of the Legion only. 

The commission may recommend a system of coojjerating committees or officers 
in State branches or posts. 

The commission shall be elected by the national executive committee immedi- 
ately after this convention and shall consist of not over 1.5 members who shall 
hold office for 1 year, or until the next national convention. It may be authorized 
by the national executive committee to employ such officers or staff as shall be 
approved by that committee. 

That, as the preliminary organization and planning of the commission will 
take time, tha,t meanwhile the local posts of the American Legion be urged to 
organize immediately for the purpose of meeting the insidious propaganda of 
bolshevism, IWW-ism, radicalism, and all other anti-Americanisms by taking up 
the problems of : 

(1) Detecting anti-American activities everywhere and seizing every oppor- 
tunity everywhere to speak plainly and openly for 100 percent Americanism and 
for nothing less. 

(2) Making direct appeals to legal authority to take such lawful steps as may 
be necessary to correct local conditions everywhere. 

(.3) Making every member of each local post a constructive force for the up- 
building of a vital knowledge of the principles of the Constitution of the United 
States and of the processes of law and order obtaining under that Constitution. 


(4) Showing to every person contaminated by im-American prejudice that the 
welfare of all the people is really the best interest of any class and that Govern- 
ment nmst be conceived in terms of all the people and not for the benefit of rela- 
tively small classes. 

Whereas one of the primary purposes of the American Legion is to disseminate 
the principles of true Americanism and to that end to advise and encourage 
everything that will tend to secure a positive nationalism and a love and respect 
of flag and country : Be it 

Re.solved, That it is the sense of this organization now assembled in convention 
and legislation to that effect is recommended, that every public and private 
school in the United States be required to devote at least 10 minutes of each 
school day to patriotic exercises and that the American flag be kept raised over 
every such school during every school day, weather permitting, and that the 
American flag be displayed at all political meetings and public gatherings. 

Renolved, That we, the American Legion, in convention assembled, demand 
that the Government of the United States pi'oceed forthwith and immediately to 
deport all aliens who have already been tried, convicted, or interned as enemies 
of our Government, and that" all other aliens who are advocating the overthrow 
of our Government by force and violence, be tried and. if possible, convicted and 
deported ; that in the event the present laws of the United States are not suffi- 
cient to cover this situation, that Congress pass such laws as will enable our 
law-enforcing officials to rid our country of this scum who hate our God, our 
country, our Hag, and who prate of their privileges and refuse to perform their 
duties ; be it further 

Resolved, That Congress pass such laws which will effectually punish Amer- 
icans who lul^■e become so lost to common decency and patriotism that tliey are 
actually assisting aliens to bring about disorder and revolution in our country, and 
if such Americans be naturalized citizens that their citizenship be revoked and 
they be deported ; be it further 

Resolved, That we recommend a course in citizenship constitute a part of the 
curriculum of every school in this country, and that all of our schools be thrown 
open to aliens for night courses, and all other persons who are to take advantage 
of same. 

The spirit of this resolution is the Americanization of America, and we feel if 
the above demands and recommendations are followed, the next generation will 
see this country rid of the undesirable element now present in its citizenship, 
foreign colonies a thing of the past, the spirit of true Americanism prevailing 
throughout the length and breadth of our country, and our ideals of government 

Mr. O'Neil. On behalf of the entire organization of the American 
Legion, composing, as Mr. Taylor has already told you, 3,850,000 
JLegionnaires, I wish to take this opportimity to commend the Presi- 
dent of the United States for his Executive order. We in the Ameri- 
can Legion recognize that it is consistent with onr principles and onr 
aims and all of oiir mandates, dating back to the 1919 convention. We 
of the Legion believe that our constitutional government is inherently 
empowered with not only the authority, but the obligation to secure 
itself against destruction from within. 

The President's action is a substantial first step toward achieving 
that security. 

Obviously, this is not just a "witch hunt." The President acted 
following receipt by him of a report of the Inter-Departmental Com- 
mittee on Loyalty which has investigated the issues thoroughly. We 
assume this committee looked long and well into the smoke of deceit 
and hypocrisy which was hiding Communists in this country all these 
years. The American Legion has been cognizant of the fire beneath 
that smoke for a quarter of a century. We also take pride in the fact 
that we have the foresight to urge the creation of a House Committee 
on Un-American Activities and to fight the opposition of guided and 
misguided persons and organizations toAvard its continuation and 
present prominent status. 


We coinpliineiit you for your conduct to date and say, keep up the 
good work. We ask you to" implement the Executive order by pushing 

legislation to : 

(1) Outlaw the Communist Party; , 

(2) Ban the use of the mails to Communist publications ; 

(3) Provide universal fingerprinting and identification; 

(4) Continue the registration of all alients and check (heir move- 
ments and activities: 

(5) Discontinue Federal aid to institutions of learninj^ which 
refuse to purge their faculties of Communists and fellow-travelers; 

((0 To depoj-t all aliens advocating the overthrow of the Govern- 
meiU bv force and violence ; and 

(7) fc)eny admission to the United States of all nationals from any 
country refusing to accejit those ordered deported. 

The issue is one of Americanism versus conniiunism. It is reduced 
to those simple terms. If being anti-Communist is anti-Russian, I 
must be classed as just that. 

This is not a question of war, a shooting war, but, admittedly, it is 
a war of ideologies. When the American people became aroused, they 
successfully prosecuted the war of bullets and armament. I am satis- 
fied that they are being awakened to this new threat to home and 
happiness and will emerge victorious in this new type of conflict. 

We can expect, and you may expect, to see individuals and groups 
besiege you with claims that the issues are phony, but that doesn't 
disturb us because you are well aware of the acuteness of the situation. 

This is the time to prepare the knock-out blow and expel the Com- 
munists from the American scene, as a danger to the Nation's security. 

We, in the American Legion, have found it necessary to alert our- 
selves against their tactics of infiltration. At the present time, as has 
already been explained, we are confronted with the case of a member 
of a Xew York post who is seeking the aid of the courts to prevent his 
expulsion from the rolls. He admits he is a Communist, but challenges 
the Legion's right to oust him on that ground. 

We assume that no man can be a Communist and take the oath of 
the American Legion, which is to uphold and defend the Constitution 
of the United States. ^ 

Other organizations, including war veteran groups, have felt the 
impact of the "Commie" movement, and apparently in a more serious 

We know they were ordered to invade the American Legion, but 
we can report that the invasion is being repelled. But, we must be 
constantly on our guard. 

The American Legion was the first organization to sound warning 
as to the operations of the Nazi and Fascist agents in this country. I 
think it is important to cite at this particular time, we aided the 
Federal Bureau of Investigation in successfully meeting that threat 
in the period prior to and during the war. 

Right now the iimiiediate problem is communism, w^hich has had a 
running start. Let us expose the party's aims and its agents and 
comforters, driving them into the open, by naming names, with the 
substantiation of our claims. Many of the facts are available. We 
propose to engage in the field of research, and we make available to 
you the services of our organization, in this great American movement. 


In the opinion of the American Legion, the Communist Party is 
not a political party and does not subscribe to the principles of de- 
mocracy as we have known and defined them in this country and is not 
willing to abide by the decision of the majority, but is an agency under 
foreign influence set up for the purpose of destroying our democratic 
form of government. 

To sustain this allegation, we wish to call your attention to a state- 
ment by Louis Francis Budenz, a former Communist, by acknowledg- 
ment, tind one-time managing editor of the official Communist Party 
of the United States publication, the Daily Worker. 

While appearing on a radio program entitled "In Our Opinion," 
on October 13, 1946, Budenz made the following statement relative to 
the communistic movement within the United States : 

As to the communistic movement, I left it one year ag 
quoting Budenz — 

because of what I discovered and uncovered as a leading Communist in this 

As a member of the national committee for 6 years and as managing editor 
of the Communist official organ, the Daily Worker, I learned, at first very re- 
luctantly, but I did learn, that Soviet Russia aims to destroy the United States. 

To further sustain the Legion's allegation that the Communist 
Party is inimical to our American way of life and should not be en- 
titled to the protections inherent in the fourteenth amendment to 
the Constitution, I wish to call your attention to a decision rendered by 
the United States Supreme Court, entitled, ^''Meyer v. Nebraska^ 262 
U. S. 390, 399," where the Court declared that the liberty mentioned in 
the fourteenth amendment denotes — 

not merely freedom from bodily restraint, but also the right of the individual to 
contract to engage in any of the common occupations of life, to acquire useful 
knowledge, to marry, establish a home and bring up children, to worship God 
according to the dictates of his own conscience, and generally to enjoy those 
privileges long recognized at common law as essential to the orderly pursuit of 
happiness by free men. 

The Communist Party of the United States, in our opinion, would 
abolish these above rights. 

Now, consider the findings of the McCormick committee with ref- 
erence to the objectives of the Communist Party in the United States, 
as set forth on page 13 of Report 13, Seventh-fourth Congress, first 
session, committed by the special committee to investigate Nazi and 
other alien propaganda to the committee of the Whole House, Febru- 
ary 15, 1935, and made part of this report. 

The objectives of the Communist Party, U. S. A., above referred to, 
are quoted here from Report 153 : 

1. The overthrow by force and violence of the republican form of government 
guaranteed by article IV, secti,on 4, of tlie Federal ('onstitution ; 

2. The substitution of a Soviet form of government based on class domina- 
tion to be achieved by abolition of elected representatives, both to the legislative 
and executive branches, as provided by article I. by the several sections of 
article 11 of the same Constitution, and by the fourteenth amendment; 

3. Tl)(' confiscation of private property l)y governmental decree without the due 
process of law and compensation guaranteed by the fifth amendment; 

4. Restriction of the rights of religious freedom of speech and of the press 
as guaranteed by the first amendment. 

Evidence of the control of the Communist Party by Soviet Russia 
is found in the permanent files of your honorable committee. You 


have reported to the Congress and to the Nation that testimony estab- 
lished the fact that the Connnunist Party of the United States can 
make no more than a snperdcial and intentionally misleadin<x claim 
that it is a political party in the sense in which the American people 
understand those words. 

It is, on the contrary, a constituent member of the Communist Inter- 
national, and is its agent in the United States. 

The Communist International in turn is completely dominated by 
the Communist Party of Soviet Russia. 

There are many tacts w'hich justify the assertion that the Com- 
mnnist Party of the United States is a subversive international con- 
spiracy, masking as a domestic political party. 

It has not changed its party line or platform over the years. To 
substantiate this conclusion, I ask that you consider another state- 
ment of former Connnunist official Louis Francis Budenz, as made in 
the above-mentioned radio script : 

I charge today, as a result of uiy experience, that the Community Party 
is a lifth-colurau agent of the Soviet Government, reflecting only what the 
dictatorship in the Kremlin wants done and doing only what Moscow directly 
desires. The record is clear in that respect. Practically all the leading Com- 
munist officials have been prepared to act as fifth columnists, for they are 
almost all, to a man, graduates or attendants at least of the special Marx- 
Lenin Institute in Moscow. This was a training school for work in foreign coun- 
tries, such as Hitler conducted also in certain parts of Germany for Nazi foreign 

Now, to return to the suggestion of our implementations to the 
Executive order by the President : 

1. To outlaw the Communist Party — I might say that the American 
Legion, by convention action as early as 1922, at New Orleans, called 
attention to the activities of the Communist Party. I ask permission 
to insert the resolution in the record, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. It is so ordered. 

(The resolution is as follows:) 

Whereas the Communist Party of America and allied and similar organizations 
have repeatedly shown and openly avowed that they aim at and are striving to 
accomplish the destruction of the constitutional government of the United States 
of America by propaganda, agitation, force, and violent revolution : Therefore 
be it 

Resolved, That the American Legion calls for the immediate vigorous prosecu- 
tion of these avowed enemies of our Government ; that we stand ready to assist, 
either morally or otherwise, the duly constituted representatives of the law 
in any move toward elimination of these enemies of our institutions and our 

Mr. O'Neil. As a follow-up to that, through our various State de- 
partments, action was taken in the various State legislatures in this 
country to attempt to achieve this result. 

As a result of a telegraphic poll of the department commanders 
and adjutants in the various sections of the country, I can report 
that some positive action has been taken. 

In Arkansas. Communists are bai-red from the ticket by Act No. 33 
of 1935, and this action was upheld by the State supreme court. 

In Arizona, there is no measure eliminating Communists from the 
ballot; however, the American Legion w^as successful in requiring 
county recorders to examine, by legislation, and verify all petitions 
for new parties. This will prevent the Communists from forging 
signatures on party-inclusion petitions. And I might say, from per- 


sonal experience, that I know that is one of their methods of operation. 

In Ne^Y Hampshire, some 8 years ago, the American Legion set out 
to have the Conmiunists removed fi'om the ballot. By petition, they 
had obtained a place on the ballot. The petitions required the sig- 
natures of 1,000 persons. When the names were published, many 
people contacted the American Legion and stated that their signatures 
were obtained through fraud and deceit. Resultant contact with the 
individuals substantiated this, and a sufficient number of them ap- 
peared before the ballot-law commission to state, under oath, that their 
names had been obtained in that manner. The number was reduced 
beneath the 1,000 figure, and the Communists were then removed, 
that is, the candidates were then removed from the ballot. 

In California, the party has not been qualified since the passage of 
a law in 1943 making it necessary to have more than one-tenth of 1 
percent of registered voters. This law, I might say, was supported by 
the American Legion. In Delaware, Communists were removed from 
the ballot several years ago. 

In Maryland, legislation has been introduced, and passed March 18, 
which prohibits persons who are members of organizations advocat- 
ing the overthrow of the United States, or Maryland governments 
from holding any elective or appointive office in the State. 

In Michigan, a bill now in the legislature, which has passed the 
House, eliminates Communists from the ballot. 

In Minnesota, a bill has just been introduced into the legislature to 
outlaw Communists from appearing on the ballot. 

In North Carolina, the Communist Party has never been on the 
ballot, but a bill has been introduced in the State senate requiring that 
all groups seeking to influence public opinion in any manner must 
report activities to the secretary of state. It is felt that this will have 
an effect upon eliminating the Communists from the ballot in that 

In Ohio, legislation introduced in the general assembly barring un- 
American groups from the ballot was passed in 1941. 

In Oklahoma, no Communist can file for office, because the law 
requires statements to the effect that the candidate is not a Communist. 
This law has been in effect for several years. 

In West Virginia, a legislative act, enacted in 1941, and sponsored 
by the Legion, after an injunction suit in 1940, removed the Com- 
munists from the ballot. It does not name political parties by name, 
but the publicity and restrictions required effectively will bar a party 
such as Communist. 

In Wyoming, Communists are banished from the ballot in the State 
of Wyoming by section 31-1404, Wyoming Compiled Statutes of 

I merely bring that to the attention of the committee, Mr. Chairman, 
and honorable members of the committee, to show you that the Legion 
is working and has been working in this particular field. 

In regard to point No. 2, banning the use of the mails to Communist 
publications, I might suggest to your honorable committee that some 
exploration be made of our postal regulations to ascertain if some 
immediate action cannot be taken in regard to this. I point out that 
there is a precedent for it. During the war the mails were denied, at 
periods, to the Trotskyites, for libel or seditious utterances. I respect- 


lully submit tli:i( tliis ini«iht bo an avenue to bring about a desired 
result imnuHliatoly. 

The CiiAiKMAN. You mean durino; tliis last war? 

Mr. O'Neil. That is correct ; World War 11. 

The CiiAiuMAx. There was effort made to ban the mails to the 

Mr. O'Neil. That is right, sir. 

]Mr. Rankin. Also. German-language papers weio banned, were 
they not ? 

Mr. O'Nkil. That is correct, Mr. Congressman. 

The Chairman. Do you happen to know why they were just trying 
to ban the mails to the Trotsky ites. and not to the Communists? 

Mr. O'Xeil. I cannot answer that. Mr. Cliairman. because I haven't 
made the exploration, and we haven't. It has recently come to our 
attention. Certainly, we intend to follow it up. 

Mr. Nixon. It became elfective probably after June 22 — — 

Mr. Rankin. The Trotskyites 

The Chairman. Mr. Nixon. 

Mr. Nixon. The provisions as to the Trotskvites probablv became 
effective after June 22, 1941. 

The Chair^ian. I guess there was another reason for it, in addition. 

All right, Mr. Rankin, I believe you had something"!' 

Mr. Rankin. I was going to say, Mr. Chairman, that the Trotsky- 
ites were Communists. The only difference between a Trotskyite and 
a Stalinite was that one of them was high poppalorum and the other 
one was low poppahirum. They were all driving at the same thing. 

The Chairman. All right, Mr. Witness, you better go ahead. 

Mr. O'Neil. As to point No. 3, providing universal fingerprinting 
and identification, we recognize that millions of people were submitted 
to fingerprinting during the war — those working in war plants, those 
in the armed forces, and the like. We feel that this should extend 
to evervbodv and could be well utilized bv our Government in this 
and other respects. 

As to point No. 4, the registration of all aliens and checking their 
activities and movements, of course this was a requirement through 
the war period. It should be continued. 

There are, I might say, thousands of aliens in this country whose 
movements we know nothing about. This is the practice, and has been 
the practice, in most countries in the world. I think we should do it 

As to point No. 5, the discontinuance of Federal aid to institutions 
which to purge their faculties of Communists and fellow 
travelers, as has already been stated, there isn't any field in wdiich the 
Communists have done more harm than in the field of education. We 
have been aware of it for a long time. The Americanism commission 
of the American Legion, and through its various departments and 
posts, have successfully eliminated questionable textbooks from the 

It is interesting to note that in some places we were supported by 
studies made by independent groups, in regard to this particular 

Mr. Bonner. Mr. Chairman 

The Chairman. Mr. Bonner. 


Mr. BoxNER. Would you give some examples of the removal of these 
textbooks? Can you cite some instances? 

Mr. O'Neil. Well, Mr. Congressman, I speak specifically of the 
Rugg textbooks. The Rugg textbooks have been removed from the 
educational systems in many States. 

Probably the outstanding instance was in San Francisco, where the 
Legion urged the removal of these textbooks from the schools because 
of their un-American teachings and doctrine, and as a result a board 
was created by the San Francisco Board of Education — an independ- 
ant group. I don't recall the exact membership, but I believe there 
was a representative of either the President or somebody in the field 
of social sciences, from the University of Southern California, the 
University of California, and a third representative from some other 
institution. They concurred with the American Legion in the removal 
and the elimination of these textbooks from the schools. 

Mr. Bonner. Don't most all States have a board or commission to 
select textbooks for the public institutions ? 

Mr. O'Neil. That is correct, sir, but in some instances it is not fol- 
lowed up in that manner. The local school board handles the situa- 
tion, and sometimes just the superintendent. 

Mr. Bonner. Just tell me a little something about these Rugg text- 
books. What did they comprise — just shortly, if you will, 

Mr. O'Neil. It is quite involved, sir. We have a complete report. 
I am sorry I haven't it here. But, briefly, it was for a science of gov- 
ernriient that was totally different from the American system of gov- 
ernment — an undemocratic system of government — in the social 

Mr. Bonner. You say you made a study of it and you have a concise 
report ? 

Mr. O'Neil. We have a complete report on it, Mr. Congressman. I 
would be glad to have it submitted. 

Mr. Bonner. The Legion's report on this. 

The Chairman. Yes. Will you supply our chief investigator with 
the report? 

Mr. O'Neil. I will, sir. It is in four volumes, but we can obtain 
them for you very quickly. 

The Chairman. Then we better take a look at it, before we insert it.. 

Mr. Rankin. I would like to ask a question or two of this witness^ 

In the first place, you speak of these aliens who are here unlawfully. 
Our duty should be to run them down, locate them, and deport them. 
Is that your view ? 

Mr. ONeil. That is our view, sir. 

Mr. Rankin. That is mine. 

Now, then, you spoke of withdrawing aid from these educational 
institutions that have on their faculties men who teach subversive 

Mr. O'Neii^. Yes, sir, Mr. Congressman. 

Mr. Rankin. That one proposition will do more to clean them out 
than anything else, because we have untold thousands of servicemen 
in every college in America, and in large numbers of them these sub- 
versive professors have slipped in to poison their minds. 

Now, let me ask you this : Suppose a college professor gets up and 
makes a speech and says we must get rid of the United States. Would 
you consider that a subversive doctrine ? 


j\Ir. O'Neil. I oortainly would, sir. 

Mr. Kankin. All ri<iht. There are tAvo professors that I know of, 
in the Chicaoo University, running around over the country making 
that very slatenient, and there are others in other educational institu- 
tions saying that we must get rid of the United States — in other words, 
we nnist abolish our (Jovei'nment. 

Now, you would withhold funds from any college or any educational 
institution that has such a jirofessor on its pay roll? 

Mr. O'Xkil. We would advocate that, sir; yes, sir. 

Mr, Raxkix. 1 mean, if you had your way, you would stop it? 

Mr. O'Neil. Absolutely. 

Mr. Rankin. I want to congratulate the Legion on that stand, be- 
cause it is one of the greatest dangers that we have, so far as checking 
this spread of subversive doctrine in this country. 

If you want to know the names of those professors, I will give them 
to you. One of them is named Adler. 

The Chairman. Go ahead, Mr. Witness. 

Mr. O'Xeil. Insofar as point No. 6 is concerned : To deport all aliens 
advocating" the overthrow of the Government by force and violence, 
that has been pretty well covered. That doesn't need any elaboration. 

Point No. 7 is to deny admission to the United States of all nationals 
from any country refusing to accept those ordered deported. Now, 
there are countries where they refuse to accept the individuals ordered 
deported, and they remain here, either on parole or in an institution, 
at Government expense. We are, therefore, forced to carry them. 
Certainly, if they refuse to accept them, we should refuse to accept 
any of their nationals into this country. 

Mr. Rank'N, Don't you think that wh.ere a 

The Chairman. Just a minute, Mr. Rankin. 

Mr. Rankin. All right, go ahead. 

The Chairman. Let the witness finish, and then we will ask 

Mr. Rankin. I thought he finished his statement. 

The Chairman. No ; he has a long way to go. 

Go ahead, Mr. AVitness. 

Mr. O'Neil. We have had some experience in this respect over the 
years and during and since the war we have found ourselves blocked. 
There are hundreds of these men still in the United States who cannot 
be deported. Some have no countries to be deported to, but there are 
some wdio could be deported if their respective countries would accept 

That is all, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Rankin. Now, Mr. Chairman, may I ask him a question ? 

The Chairjian. Mr. Rankin, just a minute. I would suggest that 
we let these witnesses finish. 

Mr. Rankin. I thought he said he finished his statement. 

The Chairman. You have asked a great many questions. We will 
be here all day if we don't let these witnesses 

]\Ir. Rankin. If he hasn't finished, I beg your pardon. I thought 
he said he had finished. 

Mr. O'Neil. In that particular field, I had. 

The Chairman. But j^ou hadn't finished your whole statement? 

Mr. O'Neil. No, sir. 


Mr. Rankin. I just wanted to ask liim some questions on that par- 
■ ticular phase. 

The Chairman. Well, you can jot them down and then when he is 

Mr. Rankin. I have a long-distance telephone call to answer, and 
then the House meets in 20 minutes — so I will ask the chairman what 
time we are going to meet this afternoon. 

The Chairman. We are going to meet at 3 : 30 this afternoon, to 
hear Mr. William C. Bullitt, former Ambassador to Russia. 

Mr. Rankin. Are the representatives of the Legion going to be here 
this afternoon ? 

The Chairman. We are going to try to finish with them this 


Mr. O'Neil. In view of that statement, Mr. Chairman, I think it 
would be better for me to submit to any questions that your honorable 
connnittee would like to ask me, and then we would like to have Mr. 
Green, who will explain the transition from World War I to World 
War II, as he is a World War Legionnaire, carry on. 

The Chairman. You have finished your general statement, then? 

Mr. O'Neil. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman, Mr. Wood, any questions? 

Mr. Wood. One question. Insofar as it relates to and conflicts with 
the philosophy of democracy as exemplified by the framework of 
the American Government, what are the essential differences between 
communism and fascism? 

Mr. O'Neil. I don't think there are too many essenti ah differences. 
I would say there aren't any. 

The Chairman. Any more questions ? 

Mr. Wood. That is all. 

The Chairman. Mr. Rankin, 

Mr. Rankin, Let me ask you this: When a Communist, who has 
sworn to overthrow this Government, makes application and is ad- 
mitted to citizenship, he secures that citizenship through fraud, 
doesn't he ? 

Mr. O'Neil. Absolutel3\ He has a mental reservation and his citi- 
zenship should later be denied. 

Mr. Rankin. When that is found out, don't you think that citizen- 
ship should be canceled and that individual deported? 

Mr. O'Neil, Absolutely rescinded and he be deported. 

Mr. Rankin. I think that is all. Thank you. 

Mr, Thomas. Mr. Bonner. 

Mr. Bonner. Mr. O'Neil, in the light of Mr. Taylor's statement, the 
Legion has for 25 years or more studied and conducted investigations 
on communistic activities in the United States and has the largest 
files and lecords on this subject. What is the number of active whole- 
time C(^mmunist workers in the United States and the number of com- 
munistic front organizations in the United States, from these records 
that you have compiled ? 

Mr. O'Neil. Well, I would say, from our records, as to the number 
of active Communist workers 

Mr. Bonner, You understand what I mean b}' active whole-time 
Communist workers? 

The Chairman, Dues-paying members. 


Mr. Bonner. I am not talking about tlie traveler or the associate, 
but the active employee giving all his time to the Communist move- 

Mr. O'Neil. I wouldn't be able to answer that 

Mr. Bonner. Approximately. 

Mr. O'Neil. Other than by iin estimate, and I would say 10,000. 

Mr. Bonner. Ten thousand whole-time active Connnunist workers? 

Mr. O'Neil. That would be my best estimate, sir. 

The Chairman. Just a minute, there. Will you yield to me? 

Mr. Bonner. Yes. 

The Chairman. The Conununists themselves admit 74,000. 

Mr. O'Neil. Yes, but he is talking about full time. 

Mr. Bonner. I am talking about the ones that you are convinced, 
from your records, are full-time active workers. 

Mr^ O'Neil. He means, Mr. Chairman, I believe, those that are 
devoting all of their time. 

Mr. Bonner. All their time. 

Mr. O'Neil. Exclusively. 

Mr. Bonner. That is it. 

Mr. O'Neil. They do nothing else but. 

Mr. Bonner. That is it. 

^Iv. O'Neil. And I preface that or explain it by saying that is an 
estimate, sir, based upon our records. 

Mr. Bonner. And you have records which convince you that certain 
organizations are froiit organizations for the communistic movement; 
you have a record of those, too; haven't you? 

Mr. O'Neil. We have, sir. 

Mr. Bonner. And approximately how many there are. You have 
the names of them, also ; don't you ? 

^Ir. O'Neil. We have the names of a lot of them. There isn't any 
question about that. 

Mr. Bonner. I wonder if we could get for the record the names 
that you have, and insert it here. 

Mr. O'Neil. Certainly ; I will be very happy to do that, sir. 

Mr. Bonner. Well, approximately how many are there? 

Mr. O'Neil, OfFliand, I couldn't answer that, but I will obtain all 
the information that is in our files and make it available to your 
honorable committee. 

The Chairman. On that particular point, then, will you submit that 
information, in response to Mr. Bonner's question, to Mr. Stripling, 
the chief investigator of the committee? 

Mr. O'Neil. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Rankin. Mr. Chairman, let me understand what that is. This 
is a list of the Communist-front organizations in America ? 

Mr. O'Neil. That is correct, sir. 

]Mr. Rankin. All right. 

The Chairman. Mv. Bonner. 

Mr. Bonner. That is all. 

The Chairman. Mr. McDowell. 

Mr. McDowell. I am anxious to find out if it is your opinion that 
a law to bar Communists or communism and from belonging to the 
party in America, would be effective, that isj would do any good ? 

99651—47 3 • 


Mr. O'Neil. I would say "Yes." 

Of course, as somebody lias stated, it is probably comparable to an 
iceberg. That is, seven-eighths of them are probably underground any- 
way. It is one-eighth of it above the water. I feel that we ought 
to take every step to drive them out. 

Mr. McDowell. You feel that is one step, then? 

Mr. O'Neil. I do. 

Mr. McDowell. In my county, Allegheny Count}' in western 
Pennsylvania, there are about 1,650,000 people. AVe have no law, in 
Pennsylvania, barring Counnunists. I believe, if my memory serves 
me right, there are six registered Communists in the city of Pittsburgli 
and the surrounding environs. Would it be your opinion that there 
are more than six Comnnniists in Pittsburgh, the Avorkshop of the 
world ? 

Mr. O'Neil. There isn't any question that there is. I would say, 
maybe my example of seven-eighths underground and one-eighth 
above is not a correct proportion. I would say that there are cer- 
tainly more Communists than that. But those that we do know, I 
say let us expose them and in that manner we may expose their friends, 
their associations, and we might extend it to some of their organiza- 
tions and find that they are engaged in this particular subversive 
activity, which is certainly 

Mr. IMcDowell. Mr. O'Neil. I had one more question, regarding 
your statements that some countries won't accept their natives that 
we have deported, for some reason or another. 

Mr. O'Neil. That is right. 

Mr. AIcDoAVELL. What countries are the}? 

Mr. O'Neil. Well, there are many countries. 

Mr. McDowell. Would Russia be one of them ^ 

Mr, O'Neil. Russia would be one; yes, sir. 

Mr. McDowell. I have rio more questions. 

Mr. O'Neil. Russia is one. 

The Chairman. Mr. Nixon. 

Mr. Nixon. Speaking of getting at this problem by laws, does the 
Legion constitution have a specific provision that no Communist may 
be a member of the Legion ? 

Mr. O'Neil. We do not have such a provision. 

Mr. Nixon. What provision do you have, in the constitution of the 
Legion, which gives you the right to deny membership to a Comnm- 
nist, in the first instance? 

Mr. O'Neil. Well, in the first instance, a post is the judge of its 
own members. A man must take an oath to uphold and defend the 
Constitution of the United States of America. If he is a Commu- 
nist, he certainly has a mental reservation when he takes such an 

Mr. Nixon. And in youi' opinion, a general provision of that type, 
in which a prospective member of the Legion asserts his loyalty 
to the foi'in of government of the United States, is sufficient, without 
having an actual provision saying that no Communists may be a mem- 
ber of tlie Legion ^ 

Mr. O'Neil. We may find that it is necessary for us to do that, 
too, sir. 

Mr. Nixon. Yes. 


Now, ill tlio case of this Coinnmnist in the city of New York, who at 
the present time is brinjiiiiii- a suit niiainst the Le<2:ion because of Imving 
been a])parently (hMiied nieinbership, liow did you find out he was a 
Coininunist i " 

Mr. ONeil. He aihnitted that he was. He made the statement 
openly tliat he was a Coinnmnist. 

My'. Nixox. After he became a member of the Legion? 

Mr. O'Neil. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. Nixox. And, apparently, he wanted to make an issue of tliis 

Mr. 0"Nkil. We are satisfied, as Director Taylor has already stated, 
that he was a "plant." 

Mr. NlxoN. He wasn't apparently trying to infiltrate so much as 
he was attempting to show a struggle between a Communist veteran 
on the one side and the Legion on the other side? 

Mr. O'Nkil. Well, I am satisfied that in the initial instance he was 
trying to infiltrate, but when the membership became aware as to his 
activities, he decided to take this other course in order to bring about 
wliat lie thought was a better result. 

Mr. Nixon. That is the point that I think the committee is particu- 
larly interested in. What activities did he indulge in which indicated 
to the membership some question as to his loyalty? 

Mr. 0'Nf:iL. Now. Mr. Congressman, I would have to get the com- 
])lete file on that case from the post in New York, that is, the General 
DutTy Post. , As 3^et they have not asked the national organization to 
intercede in that case, so that I haven't the complete file and anything 
that I might say in regard to that would be hearsay. I would rather 
not do that. But I will get that for you, Mr. Nixon, so that you may 
have it. 

Mr. Nixox. You feel that there is a problem, however, as to the 
infiltration or the attempted infiltration of Communists into veterans' 
organizations ? 

Mr. O'Neil. Oh, absolutely. There isn't any question about it. They 
have been ordered to do it. And their first target was the American 
Legion. When they didn't meet Avith complete success there, they 
changed to other organizations. 

Mr. Nixox. In view of that fact, wouldn't it probably be wise for 
the Legion to do what you are advising this committee to do, and that 
is to have a specific provision against the Communists? 

Mr. O'Neil. I think that is being considered, sir. 

Mr. Nixox'. Now, j^ou have talked considerably about aliens. Has 
your experience through the years indicated to you that alien Com- 
munists are more active, more dangerous, than the homegrown variety? 

Mr. O'Neil. Initially, they were. There isn't any question about 
that. Initially they were the agitators. They were the developers 
of the scheme and the program. I am satisfied thej' came here with 
instructions to do that very thing. 

Mr. Nixox. We are more likely to find a higher percentage of Com- 
munists among aliens than among citizens of the United States, then? 
That is your experience ? 

Mr. O'Neil. I would say that is true. 

Mr. Nixox. Have you, in 5'our activities, had any reports on Com- 
munist activities in the motion picture industry? 


Mr. O'Neil. Yes, we have, sir. 

Mr. Nixon. Do you feel that that is a problem which this committee 
should consider? 

Mr. O'Neil. Definitely, definitely — not only that, but also insofar 
as writings are concerned. There is a sort of a — welJ, we call it hidden 

Mr, Nixon. Then, you have noted in motion pictures and in litera- 
ture, definite Communist influence, which this committee should take 
cognizance of in any action it is contemplating legislative-wise? 

Mr. O'Neil. Absolutely, sir. 

Mr. Nixon. Now, speaking of doing something by law, could you 
comment as to whether or not the legislation in these various States 
that you have presented to this committee today has been effective in 
-curbing communism? 

Let me add one other question to that: Do you find that in these 
rarious States where you have laws doin^ something about the situa- 
j>ion, that you have less Communist activity than you do in States 
♦vhere you don't have laws ? 

Mr. O'Neil. I would say that that is true in the States that have 

been enumerated as having the legislation in force. In some States 

it is only in the inijj^al stages of having been introduced into the legis- 

- lature, so that we have no guide there, but in those States where they 

are outlawed we know that there is a minimum number of communists. 

Mr. NixoN. Tlie reason I asked that — I happen to be from the State 
of California and, as you pointed out, we haven't had a Communist on 
the ballot, because of a provision there, I think for 10 years, and yet 
statements have been made that communism is probably as strong, 
particularly in Southern California and around the waterfronts of 
San Francisco, as in any State in the Union. That is why I was inter- 
ested in your comments on that point. 

Mr. O'Neil. That only deals with a method of getting on to the 
ballot. They still are in a position to get on it, but it is only one step 
in the whole project, sir. 

Mr. NixoN. In other words, you are pointing out that California 
does not have a provision barring Communists from the ballot as such. 

Mr. O'Neil. Or from holding office. 

Mr. Nixon. That is right. 

One last question. What do you consider to be the most dangerous 
activities of the Communists at the present time in the United States? 
In the field of education or with regard to infiltration into Govern- 
ment positions, labor unions, and any other activity that you have 
considered during the investigations? 

Mr. O'Neil. I would say that the most immediate danger at the 
present time is the infiltration into organizations, but the long-range 
danger, over-all, is in the field of education. The most immediate 

The Chairman. You mean labor organizations ? 

Mr. O'Neil. Well, labor and other organizations, such as the vet- 
erans organizations. There can be anj'^ number of organizations they 
have attempted infiltration into. 

Mr. Nixon. That is all. 

The Chairman. Mr. Vail. 

Mr. Vail. Mr. O'Neil, I have been a member of the American Legion 
for over a quarter of a century and I would like to establish for the 


record the organizational structure of the Legion, to evidence its ef- 
fectiveness as machinery for the purpose of combating communism 
and subversive activity as an unoflicial arm of this committee, as well 
as a purely patriotic American organization. 

It is my understanding the base unit is the post. 

Mr. O'Nkil. That is correct. 

]SIr. Vail. Then the district. 

Mr. 0"Neil. The district. 

Mr. Vail. The county. 

Mr. O'Neil. Yes. 

Mr. Vail. The State. 

Mr. O'Xeil. Yes. 

Mr. Vail. x\nd the national. 

Mr. O'Neil. Tliat is correct. n . . 

Mr. Vail. Now, in the post, you have an individual who is called the 
Americanism Officer, is that right ? 

Mr. O'Neil. The Americanism Officer, in the post. 

Mr. Vail. He acts as an individual. 

Mr. O'Neil. That is correct. 

Mr. Vail. And he reports to the district ? 

Mv. O'Neil. He reports to his post, carrying on the Americanism 
activities within his post. 

Mr. Vail. Then it is reported to the district, by the representatives 
to the district? 

Uv. O'Neil That is right 

]Mr. Vail. And then to the county and the State ? , 

Mr. O'Neil. That is right. 

Mr. Vail. It goes through all the routine, before it reaches the 
national, is that correct? 

Mr. O'Neil. That is correct. I would say this, that the policy of 
the American Legion comes up from the post. The administration 
stems down from national headquarters. 

Mr. Vail. Now, in my district I have received communications 
recently from a number of organizations, one that has specifically de- 
scribed itself as the "(^ommunist Party of the Tenth Ward." Would 
I assume that my Americanism officer in my post, or another local 
post, maintains some degree of surveillance over that type of organi- 
zation ? 

Mr. O'Neil. He should, sir. 

Mr. Vail. Because of the increasing activity of Communists over 
recent months and years, has there been any effort made to increase 
the vigilance of your Americanism officer? 

Mr. O'Neil. In response to that direct question, Mr. Congressman, 
I would make this confession, that we were lax during the war period 
because we were concentrated upon the war effort, but we are now 
taking the steps to make up for lost time and to renew our activity, 
wliich was started many years ago, in this particular field because of 
its news and imminent danger to the country. 

Mr. Vail. Then I can assume there is an effort on foot now to alert 
your Americanism officer. And along that line, it occurs to me to 
venture the thought that it might be an excellent idea, in order that 
members of each post might be completely aware of the nature of 
organizations within their districts, that the posts carry a listing in 


their organization headquarters of such organizations so that they 
can get the benefit of whatever contact may be made by other members 
of the post with those organizations. 

Mr. O'Neil. That is a fine suggestion, and I know that it will be 
carried out, sir. 

Mr. Vail. Thank you, sir. That is all. 

The Chairman. Mr. Bonner? 

Mr. Bonner. Mr. O'Neil, I recall a New Orleans resolution, but I 
don't remember the follow-up. What did the Legion do in any way 
to secure Federal action or law, as a result of that resolution ? 

Mr. O'Neil. As a result of the resolution 

Mr, Bonner. What year was that? 

Mr. O'Neil. 1922. 

Mr. Bonner. 1922, yes. 

Mr. O'Neil. Well, we have constantly brought this matter 

Mr. Bonner. I mean, at that particular time. 

Mr. O'Neil. I would say 

Mr. Bonner. I am talking about that particular time. 

Mr. O'Neil. Yes. 

Mr. Bonner. After the passage of that resolution, what effort was 
made for Federal action or law in respect to communistic movement, 
action, and party? 

Mr. O'Neil. I would say this, that that resolution, in the mechanics 
of the American Legion, would go to the legislative committee, a reso- 
lution dealing with an attempt to have such a law introduced into 
the Congress of the United States. Mr. Taylor would be more ac- 
quainted, as the legislative director, with the processes that evolved 
out of that particular resolution. 

Mr. Bonner. I^et him answer that question, then. 

Mr. Taylor. I would like to look up the bills that we had intro- 
duced to carry that into effect. 

Mr. Bonner. I wish you would, at this point. 

Mr. Taylor. Yes. 

Mr. Bonner. The point I make is whether it was just a resolution 

Mr. Taylor. No, no. 

Mr. Bonner. I remember the time very well. 

Mr. Taylor. I prepared bills on every single one of these resolu- 
tions and had them introduced. Also, I attempted to have committee 
hearings, just as we are having today, and follow right straight 
through on it. We have been before the Congress. 

Mr. Bonner. Of course, at that time you didn't have this com- 
mittee, or a similar committee. 

Mr. Taylor. That is perfectly correct. 

Mr. Bonner. So I want to know where you went with it. 

Mr. Taylor. I can't answer it, but I imagine it was the House and 
Senate Judiciary Committees. 

But we have every single resoluticm dealing with tliis subject. I 
prepared bills on it, and had them introduced and urged action. 

I will say this: Finally, Mr. Chairman, you have taken the thing 
by the jaw and started to shake it loose. 

The Chairman. And, Mr. O'Neil, I would like to mention to you 
that this committee has under preparation now some 15 or 20 dif- 
ferent bills. 


Mr. O'Nktl. Yes, sir. 

The CuAUorAX. We have already had two of those bills introduced. 

Mr. O'Nkil. Yes, sir. 

The CiiAiuMAX. One to set up a loyalty commission in the Govern- 
ment and the other one to increase the penalty for contempt viola- 
tions. AVe have maybe 15 oi- 20 left, many of those bills covering 
the very j^oints thaf you mention, and I would suggest — you will 
probably do it anyway— that as the bills are introduced you get copies 
of those bills and look them over. You may want to take some action 
on them yourself. 

Mr. O'Xeh.. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Any other questions? 

Mr. Nixon. I have one. 

Mr. McDowell. Yes, Mr. Chairman. 

The CiiATRMAx. Mr. McDowell. 

Mr. McDowell. I have one more question, the $64 question, Mr. 

If it is agreed, as it appears to be, that communism and Communists 
are attenij)ting to destroy our country and what we have here and 
that all genuiiie Couununists are actually agents of communism and 
its officers 

Mr. O'Neil. Yes, sir. 

Ml'. McDowell. You said a while ago that a law to ban these people 
and ban their belonging to it would be a step? 

Mr. O'Xeil. Yes, sir. 

Mr. McDowell. Wouldn't it be a long step, in the opinion of the 
American Legion, that the Congress should pass a law that all people 
who are aliens and are Connnunists, and are in our country be sent 
back to whatever country they came from, and that all people who 
were born in another country and have been granted the high privilege 
of citizenship here in America — and it is proven that they are Com- 
munists b}^ some responsibe agenc}' — that that citizenship be removed 
from them and that they further be deported back to the country that 
they came from. 

Mr, O'Neil. Yes, sir. 

Mr. McDowell. Would the Legion, in your opinion, approve of such 
a measure as that? 

Mr. O'Neil. We would support that 100 percent. That is certainly 
in keeping with all of the mandates of the conventions of the Ameri- 
can Legion and the Americanism Division of the Legion, which acts 
under those mandates. 

Mr. McDoAVELL. Thank you. 

The Chairman. Any more questions? 

Mr. Nixon. One more. 

The Chairmax. Mr, Nixon. 

Mr. Nixox. There was a time, Mr. O'Neil, when the Americanism 
program of the Legion was not too popular. As Mr. Taylor has sug- 
gested, there may have been times when it was ridiculed. Have you 
noted a change in the attitude of the public in that regard, during the 
past few months, in the acceptance of your program of Americanism? 

Mr. O'Neil. Very definitely, sir. 

In addition to these programs, of course we have a very definite 
positive program which we find is meeting with the greatest success 


in the history of the American Legion. I am talking about the youth 
activity programs. So. I would definitely say that that is true. 

This committee also underwent the same ridicule, probably, that 
we did. 

Mr. Nixon. And you would say that the people now recognize 
the danger and they want action? 

Mr. O'Neil. Absolutely want action. 

Mr. Nixon. That is all. 

The Chairman. Any more questions of Mr. O'Neil ? 

(No response.) 

The Chaii:man. Thank you, Mr. O'Neil, very much. It was very 
helpful and if you will just supply that material that we asked for, 
to Mr. Stripling, our chief investigator. 

Mr. O'Neil. I will be very glad to do that. Thank you. 

The Chairman. Mr. Taylor. 

Mr. Taylor. I know the bell has rung and the members are anxious 
to get over to the floor, but I do want to present to you James F. Green, 
who is now the chairman of the Americanism Commission. He was a 
combat officer in the Army, serving in the Pacific. He is an attorney, 
a resident of Omaha, Nebr., and he will give you the ideas of the 
younger members. 

The Chairman. Mr. Green. 

Mr. Taylor. I want to say this, Mr. Chairman, too, that Paul 
Griffith, the national commander, who wanted to be here, had to make 
a speech today to the legislature of the State of Texas. He is talking 
on this very same subject. So, I am pinch hitting for the national 

The Chairman. That reminds me to suggest this, that you have Mr. 
Griffith at a later date. 

Mr. Taylor. He wants to appear before the committee, but he just 
happens to be in Texas now. 

The Chairman. We will get in touch with him and make a dat« 
for his appearance. 

Mr. Taylor. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Will you be sworn? 

Mr. Green. I certainly shall. 


(Having been duly sworn by the chairman.) 

Mr. Green. In consideration of your kindness in hearing me, even 
thougli your hours have gone, I amgoing to try to show my apprecia- 
tion by being as brief as I can, and I tirank you for the courtesy you 
have extended. 

The Chairman. Do you want to state for the record your full 

Ml-. Green. I am James F. Green, of Omaha, Nebr. I am an attor- 
ney, though that issue is still in doubt. 

Mr, Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, I am sure there 
is not too nnich for me to say, following Mr. O'Neil's vivid statement 
defining the position of the American Legion in constant loyal opposi- 
tion to comnnmisni in Ameiica. 


The staiul taken at the 1919 convention in Minneapolis, Minn., is 
tlie stand ttxhiy. The Le*;ion has not c'han«re(l its position. The 
Le<j:ion avIII not. The Connnunist Part}' is a conspirative organization, 
subservient to a foreign power. Its abuse of American freedom can 
no loniror bo endured. 

Today the urgent necessity for a positive offensive program against 
persons and organizations Connnunist is starkly projected on the 
screen of grim present reality. Throughout the work! the philosophies 
of democracy and communism stand face to face opposing one another. 
And tlie United States of America is today tlie final bulwark of 
democracy against the spreading nuilignant poison of communism. 
Whether we like it or not, history has placed us at the very heart and 
hub of democracy and democratic hopes in the world. We are com- 
pelled to recognize the fact. Wo are obliged to make a fateful de- 
cision. Realization of the inescapable truth has prompted the Presi- 
dent of the United States to propose that we abandon the traditional 
policy of the Monroe Doctrine, lay aside the advice of our first Presi- 
dent, and embark upon a program of anti-Connnunist aid to Greece 
and Turkey. God alone knows where our course will lead, but we can 
retreat no longer. We cannot abandon helpless nations to be gobbled 
into the cavernous bowels of the Soviet Empire. With faith in God, 
we must take our stand. 

I believe that the people and the Congress will support the Presi- 
dent. I know that the Legion will. Its delegates assembled at San 
Francisco resolved, in 1946 — and I am quoting : 

* * * the United States, as one of the great doniocracies, recognizes the 
right of the people of every nation to determine fairly their own form of govern- 
ment within their own boimdaries. Nonetheless, we must resist at home and 
abroad, outside such boundaries, the spreading of tyrannical and totalitarian 
ideologies — and we deplore and condemn such intervention in the affairs of na- 
tions as has already made some nations, once proud and independent, the puppets 
of a conmiunistic power. 

And the Legion's commander, pursuant to this resolution and the 
continuing faith of the American Legion in it, announced his support 
of the President's proposal. 

While we recognize the threat of communism abroad, can we, in 
conscience, disregard the danger at home? Can we tolerate it when, 
by the smallest estimate. Communists in the United States — exclusive 
of sympathizers and phoney liberal allies — number at least 100,000? 
Here are cadre for 10 foreign divisions already on American soil, 
ready to do anything to bring about the downfall of our Government 
and with it our I^ation. To them, this country is but a field of opera- 
tions — the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics their motherland. 
This would sound incredible, appear to be alarmist talk, were it not 
for the proof contained in the reports of the Canadian espionage trials, 
which have been studied, I understand, by this committee. 

As a prelude to the proposed legislation being studied by your com- 
mittee, it is necessary at the outset to determine whether Communists 
in our land are loyal Americans or willing subversive agents of an 
alien power. 

The answer to the question is known. It can be found in the state- 
ments of acknowledged Communist leaders before this very committee. 


Your records will disclose that in answer to a question as to whether 
Communists in this country' look upon the Soviet flag as their own, 
William Z. Foster, chairman and chief Communist spokesman in 
America, said : 

The woi'kers of this country and the workers of every country have only one 
flag, and that is the Red flag. 

Call to mind the fact that the Third World Congress of the Com- 
munist International in 1921, resolved : 

The unconditional support of Soviet Russia is still the main duty of the Com- 
munists of all countries. 

To this daj' and this moment that stand has never been repudiated 
by the Communist Party in America. 

We are not compelled to rely on Communists' words alone. Com- 
munists' deeds furnish even more convincing proof. K'emember their 
fantastic effort, through peace fronts, to keep the United States out of 
the imperialistic war; their persistent interference with production 
for preparedness. 

Contrast this attitude to the overnight change, when the Russo- 
German treaty was violated and Russia invaded, on Jime 21, 1941. 
Then we couldn't do enough soon enough. Produce supplies. Send 
men. Open a second front, whether ready or not. Demand followed 
demand. All to help Russia. Never a question then of what was best 
for America. Just what is good for Russia. Victory didn't change 
these parasites. Then it was : Get out of China ; get out of Europe ; 
bring the boys home. They didn't miss a single turn in the devious 
party line. These are the people who will protest their patriotism 
before your committee in opposition to your considered legislation, if 
permitted to do so. Patriotic Americans? Just as much so as Joseph 
Stalin himself. 

Communists or their equally treacherous supporters will appear 
before you to condemn the proposed legislation in the name of the 
fundamental American principle of freedom of speech. What a sin 
against the holy name of free speech. No American, and certainly 
no American Legionnaire, would tolerate any act wliich would abridge 
the right of freedom of speech. But would any American contend 
that freedom of speech can be prostituted to become the tool of advo- 
cates of the overthrow of our constitutional form of government, 
which is, after all, the only guarantee of free speech, by force and 
violence? Certainly not. Such use of a privilege is criminal license, 
not freedom. 

Tlie Red Fascist will deny it, but the fact is that communism is based 
upon a principle of revolution. Class revolution is a Marxian princi- 
])le. More than that, it was a mandate of the Sixth World Congress 
of the Comnuinist International. And though the Comnnmists now 
protest their innocence, they have not, up to and including this mo- 
ment, repudiated or disavowed the nuindate. 

It seems an inescapable conclusion that the Connnunist Party in 
America is the willing instrument of a foreign power bent upon the 
destruction of American Democratic Government by any possible 
treacherous means, including violent uprising. As such, it cannot be 
tolerated or endured. 

We cannot, we must not. pei-iuit sneaking Communist treachery to 
tear down and bring into derision those things which we as a people 


venerate. Pnidence, at tliis juncture in our history, denuuuls that 
Connnunists ho deprived of tlie ri<rlit to seek or to hold puhlic office, 
the Connnunist Party outhiweil and its right to use Ihe mails itself, or 
through a front, proscrihed. 

We younger Legionnaires are joined firndy with the older in a 
solid pai'tnership to fight commnnisni and everything for which it 
stands. "We are determined that these traitors shall not be permitted 
to use the protection of our flag as cover from which to attack us. You 
may be assured of our loyal support. I promise you now^, in behalf 
of all Legionnaires and of the younger Legionnaires, our earnest and 
continued support. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Mv. Green, have you read these two bills that we 
have before us? 

Mr. Green. I have, sir. 

Tlie Chairihan. What is the opinion of the Legion, or what is your 
opinion, if you Avant to \n\t it that w^ay, on this particular legislation? 

^Ir. Grekn. May 1 look at the bills a moment, sir, so that I know to 
which T am referring? 

The Chairman. These are the tw^o bills to outlaw the Communist 
Party: H. R. 2122, introduced by Mr. Sheppard of California; and 
the other is H. R. 1884, introduced by Mr. Rankin of Mississippi. 
[Handing documents to the witness.] 

Mr. Green. Sir, we have .studied both of these bills. 

With -reference to House bill 2122, w^e can certainly support that 

Now, concerning House Resolution 1884, it conforms to our policy 
and we certainh' support this bill. 

There was one other bill which we studied — and I imagine it has 
not yet been presented — and that was the bill creating the commission. 
I noted 

The Chairman. The loyalty commission. 

Mr. Bonner. I wanted to ask you some questions about that. 

Mr. Green. I noted one thing, on that bill. I am not setting my- 
self up as any authority on it, but it seemed to me the bill provided 
for investigation, of everybody, except the commission to be appointed 
by the President and approved by the Congress, which was responsible 
for the ver}' investigation that the bill set up. I would consider 
that a major weakness of that particular legislation, but I am assum- 
ing that this committee, after due and full and com.plete hearing, 
will discover anvthinc of that nature much better than I can recom- 
mend. HoAvever. I do think it folly to set up a bill which provides 
in its text that the people exempted from it are officers a])pointed by 
the President and approved by the Congress, and then set up a com- 
mission which calls for appointment by the President and approval 
of the Congress, so you have a committee or commission enforcing 
your law which is not even bound by the law in the first instance. 

The Chairman. I might say, Mr. Green, that that bill is now back 
m this committee. 

Mr. Green. Fine, sir. 

The Chairman. And we will undoubtedly consider it at a later date. 
We, right now, are just considering these two bills here and are having 
hearings confined to those two bills. 


Mr. Grken. We advocate, sir, House bill 1884 and House bill 2122. 

Mr. Bonner. Mr. Chairman, you are going to have Mr. Green 
and these gentlemen from the Legion back here when you bring out 
this commission bill ? 

The Chairman. Yes ; we can do that. 

Any other questions, Mr. Bonner? 

Mr. Bonner. No. 

The Chairman. Mr. McDowell? 

Mr. McDowell. No. 

The Chairman. Mr. Nixon? 

Mr. Nixon. During your service in the armed forces, did you note, 
Mr. Green, any attempts by Communists to infiltrate into the armed 
forces, in any respect? 

Mr. Green. Well, they were present, Mr. Nixon. As a matter of 
fact, at one time I was working in that particular field, in the early 
stages of the war, in what later became the WAC camp at Des Moines. 
At that time we had voluminous records in the United States and 
as soon as their names were known an. appropriate operative was 
assigned to them. We had those people followed and placed under 
cognizance. We accumulated full records, but perhaps due to our 
unfortunate alliance at the time there was no positive action following 
those investigations. 

Mr. NixoN. You believe that every step should be taken, I assume, 
to avoid infiltration into the armed forces in the future? 

Mr. Green. Absolutelv, sir. 

I would like to volunteer a statement, in answer to a question of 
yours earlier. You asked a very fine question, in the early part of 
this proceeding, concerning whether or not we didn't feel it necessary 
to secure protection for those persons who were innocent of Communist 
affiliation, those who might be called actual liberals, and I would like 
to offer my answer to that question now. 

Mr. Nixon. Yes. 

Mr. Green. First of all, we certainly subscribe to the fundamental 
principle of American law that it would be better for 99 guilty men 
to go free than for 1 innocent man to be condemned, and since this 
thing is in the nature of criminal accusation it would have to be proved 
beyond a reasonable doubt, as under other law, by a jury of the man's 
peers. If this legislation is to be at all effective, we must avoid in- 
cluding innocent people, or in starting a program of wild Red baiting 
and hunting, which would actually give them the best cover for their 
operations they could ever have. I mean, we would thus cover them 
better than they could cover themselves. 

Mr. NixoN. As a lawyer, you recognize, in the hierarchy of crimes, 
the worst crime of all is treason ? 

Mr. Green. Absolutely. 

Mr. Nixon. And what is involved in loyalty investigations, in dis- 
charging employees for disloyalty, is in effect a type of treason. 

Mr. Green. Absolutely. 

Mr, Nixon. For that reason, care and judgment must be exercised. 

Mr. Green. The gi-eatest care and judgment, sir. 

Mr. Nixon. Now, one final question, just to clear up something that 
you said in your statement. You indicated here tiiat it was your 
opinion that the Legion would support the President's proposal to 
go into Greece. 


Mr. (tueen. Sir, the commander has so dechired himself. 

Mr. Nixox. As far as tlie memhersliij) of the Legion is concerned, 
it is your opinion that the great majority of the membersliip is for 
that proposal? 

Mr. Green. Well, sir, I think you understand, sir— Mr. Vail cer- 
tainly (I(H^s— first of all, the national convention is the legislative body 
of the Legion. ' 

Mr. Nixox. Yes. 

Mr. Green. It is what the Congress of the United States is to the 
Governinont of the United States. The delegates are selected by the 
posts to the department conventions and, by election freely made, del- 
egates are selected to the national convention. At that national con- 
vention, by anticipation, if you please, an exact resolution was adopted 
by a viva voce of the whole crowd out there, in advance, approving 
just that thing; that is. recognizing the fact that we have got to resist 
communism where we find it. 

We must draw a line. We have got to say they can't pass. Every 
time we retreat from a country, every time we withdraw, they step 
in. They follow in, as though they were tied to our tails. 

Mr. McDowell. Are you advocating that we do this all over the 

Mr. Green. Sir, I am. As I understand, you representatives to the 
Govenunent are recognizing the fact tliat if we start in Greec3, it is 
going to be a tough proposition to draw the line. This program means 
we throw out Washington's second inaugural address, to stay out of 
foreign entanglements. It means w^e -have thrown out the Monroe 
Doctrine, We are definitely in. whether we like it or not. 

]Mr. Bonner. Let me ask j^ou one question 

The Chairman. I don't know whether Mr. Nixon has finished. Are 
you through ? 

Mr. Nixon. That is the Legion's position, then ? 

Mr. Green. Wait a minute. The Legion's position is that we shall 
resist it where we find it ; that is, we will resist their efforts — call them 
b}' name, Russian efforts — to go into independent countries and by 
force establish their tlominion over those countries. That is the reso- 

Mr. Nixon. All right. 

The Chairman. Are you finished, Mr. Nixon? 

Mr, NixoN. Yes. 

The Chairman. Mr. McDowell, have you finished on this point? 

Mv. McDowell. Yes. 

Mr, Chairman, I am in no sense trying to put the witness on the 
spot, to answer for the whole Legion, I want to point out that this 
act of going into Greece has not yet occurred, 

Mr. Green. Right, sir. You need not point that out, for I will 
recognize the fact. 

The Chalrman, Mr. Bonner, you had a question ? 

Mr. Bonner. I was interested in what you said about General Wash- 
ington's statement. I would just like to have your interpretation of 
that. Did he mean, while the Govei-nment was yoiuig and growing 
and trying to get its strength, to stay out of foreign entanglements, 
or did he mean that that should be the policy of the country forever? 
Which one did he mean ? 


Mr, Green. Actually, Mr. Bonner, I could say he meant either and 
I would have as good a chance of being right as the next fellow. That 
thing has been subjected to the test of time. 

I would say it was in its infancy, because it was a known fact at that 
time that the Government of the United States first of all was doddling, 
it was in its diapers, it was just getting itself established, and it didn't 
have the funds or the forces to participate. 

By the same token, that is just one man's opinion. I could say 
the other, and I think have an equal opportunity of being right. 

Mr. Bonner. Well, after studying his whole life, the make-up of 
the man, his great patriotism, you wouldn't think he would make that 
statement today, would you ? 

Mr. Green. I definitely do not. 

First of all. Congressman, if I can digress into a little philosophy — 
and the Legion has nothing to do with "this — we have got to recognize 
the fact that man is fundamentally selfish and if something were going 
to happen clear across the world that was in no manner going to 
affect me, I would do just what we did in the past. I would say, "My, 
isn't that too bad." Therefore, it is based upon the principle that 
this thing affects us, or otherwise we wouldn't be poking our nose in. 
So, if George Washington was the brilliant man and the gallant 
leader we have always credited him with being, I would say he would 
be in the lead today. 

Mr. Bonner. To substantiate what you say about your group, I may 
say that for the first time since I have been a Member of Congress I 
have written 25 letters to young men, who T thought were thinking 
young men, of this war, asking their opinion on the President's speech, 
what the person thought himself. Everyone is in thorough accord 
with the President's program. All of these men served overseas, either 
with the Navy or the Army, They are young men, from 20 to 80, 
all now either in the Veterans of Foreign Wars or the Legion. 

Mr. Green. I am sure that that trulv reflects the thinking of the 
country, Mr. Congressman. 

Mr. Bonner. I really surprised at the strong letters, supporting 
the program, that I received, in return to a very short letter that I 

The Chairman. Mr. Vail. 

Mr. Vail,. No questions. 

The Chairman. Any other questions of this witness? 

Mr. McDowell. I would like to put in one statement, and this is 
not a question, in addition to what the gentleman from North Carolina 
has said. A great American, who probably knows as much about 
world conditions as any other figure, told me last week that if America 
wants to do something about communism, there are two places that 
America can do something about connnunism. This striking at the 
fingers of communism in the various places that they occur may never 
accomplish what we are trying to do. One is in America, and the 
other one is in Moscow. That is all. 

Mr. Green. I would say, if I might, Mr. Congressman, I think there 
are three places: One is within the man, which is perhaps our greatest 
diiiicult}^ today. It is the reestablishing of the moral fiber of the man, 
and it takes numbers of those men in these causes before the causes 
become threats. We definitely have that thing today. 


The CiiAimrAN. The Chair wants to announce that tlie committee 
is very appreciative of the i-epi-esentatives from the American Legion 
comint;; here tothiy. You gave us a good start ;uul I want to thank 
you. We don't know just wliere this hearing is going to go, but we got 
a good start. 

The Chair also wants to announce tliat we will meet again this 
afteru(H)n at :5 : oO, at which time Hon. William C. Bullitt, former 
Ambassadoi- to Russia, will be the witness. 

Tomorrow, we will meet at 10 : 80, at which time Mr. William Green, 
president of the American Federation of Labor, will be with us. 

The meeting stands adjourned. 

(Whereupon, at 12:40 p. m., a recess was taken to 3:30 p. m. of 
the same day.) 

(Testimony of Hon. William C. Bullitt will be found in the back of 
this volunme as Part I.) 


TUESDAY. MARCH 25, 1947 

House of Representati\tes, 


Washington^ D. G. 

The coniniitteo met at 10 a. m., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas (chairman) 

The foUowino- members were present : Hon. John McDowell, Hon. 
Kichard M. Nixon. Hon. Ricliard B. Vail, Hon. John S. Wood, Hon. 
John E. Rankin. Hon. J. Hardin Peterson, and Hon. Herbert C. 

Staff members present: Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator; 
Louis J. Rnssell and Donald T. Appell, investigators; and Benjamin 
JNIandeb Director of Research. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. Our first in- 
vited guest today is Mr. William Green, president of the American 
Federation of Laboi'. 

Mr. Green, if you will be sworn, please. 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The CuAiiniAX. ^Nfr. Green, this committee has under consideration 
two bills. H. R. 1884 and H. R. '1\2± Copies of these bills, I believe, 
have been sent to you. 

Mr. (jREEx. Yes, sir. 

The Chairmax. The digest of them is to outlaw the Communist 
Party in the United Slates. The committee itself has taken no action 
on these bills. We have, however, decided to hold public hearings. 
These hearings were started yesterday and are continued today. We 
are very pleased that 3^ou have accepted our invitation to come here 
and give a statement and we would be pleased to have you make what- 
ever statement you wish in relation to these bills, or of any other 
matter that may hinge on this whole subject. Do you have a statement, 
Mr. Green ? 

Mr. Green. Yes, sir; I have a prepared statement which I would 
like to read, and after I have submitted the statement I would be 
pleased to answer any questions members of the committee may wish 
to ask. 

The Chairman. That is perfectly agreeable. 



90651—47 4 




Mr. Green. Communisiii is totalitarian in its methods and purpose. 
Like nazism and other forms of fascism, communism is predicated 
upon autocratic dictatorship and the rule of force In its nature, its 
objectives, and its methods, communism is inimical to democracy and 
the republican form of government based on the consent of the gov- 
erned. Connnunists and Communist sympathizers have consistently 
pursued, in their open and covert activities, the aims and purposes 
directly opposed to the beliefs and institutions fundamental to the 
American way of life and the American system of government. 

An outstanding characteristic of Communist activity is that much 
of it is never direct or open, but always covert, disguised, and secret. 
Communists are the past masters of the fifth column. Treachery has 
been their favorite weapon. It is quite common for them to use aliases 
and party names, which they change from time to time. 

The Communist Party of the United States has generally constituted 
but a small proportion of Communist activity in this country. The 
standard Communist technique is the technique of indirection and 
infiltration. Many organizations, sponsored by well-meaning but 
ill-informed men and women prominent in the community, the 
academic world, and even in church life, have been created for the 
sole purpose of providing a respectable front for furthering Com- 
munist aims and purposes. Other organizations, completely non- 
Communist in origin, have been captured by Communists who, by 
infiltration, rigid discipline, and tireless persistence, would succeed 
in placing their candidates in key positions and eventually gain 

These devious techniques and covert tactics make it plain that the 
task of combating communism is by no means simple. Communists 
are aware of the fact that the tenets of communism are repugnant 
to the vast majority of Americans. Hence their reliance on indirec- 
tion and concealment and their constant endeavor to confuse and 
mislead. By changing their policy or "party line" at will, they have 
not hesitated to shift and even completely reverse their objectives 
overnight if that would gain them a temporary strategic advantage. 
If we are to reach to the roots of Comnumist penetration into the 
Ameiican conununity we must be ready to recognize the complex and 
intricate nature of the problem with which we are confronted. 

The uncompromising stand of the American Federation of Labor 
against Communists and against communism has been firm and un- 
equivocal. Few, if any, groups have been as alert as the American 
Federation of Labor in recognizing conununism's repulsive aims and 
objectives, and the manner in which they constitute a grave potential 
menace to American institutions. 

The American Federation of Labor has unswervingly and vigorously 
devoted much of its energies and resources to the task of resisting the 
infiltration of Connnunists and their ideology into the ranks of organ- 
ized labor, and has, we believe, achieved unusually high success in 
that endeavor. In tlie light of our record, it goes without saying 
that we are keenly aware of the need for the Government of the United 
States to recognize its full duty to guard vigilantly against Com- 
munist activities which have been subversive, seditious, and some- 


times even treasonable in (.liaracter. We are sympatlietic with the 
motives which have prompted the authors of H. 11. 1884 and H. R. 
21^2. Nevertheless, upon careful consideration of Ihe problems in- 
\olved, the American Federation of Labor is compelled to enter itii 
opposition to these proposals as inconsistent with the American Con- 
stitution and as likeJy to defeat the very purpose they seek to accom- 

Let me point out one thing. First of all, the American Federation 
of Labor years a<;o became conscious of the fact that connuunism and 
the Communist philosophy were contradictory to the American way 
of life. The American Federation of Labor, built upon freedom, 
liberty, and democracy, united in opposition to the infiltrati(m of 
Communists and the Communist philosophy into the ranks of labor. 

Mr. Rankix. Mr. Chairnuiii, I have to go to the House. I want to 
suggest to i\Ir. Green that these bills are subject to amendment. 

Mr. Grken. Yes. 

Mr. Rankin. They are merely frameworks for such legislation as 
may be necessary. 

JNIr. Green. Yes; I understand that, Congressman. 

May I make this reference to some historic developments: Way 
back in the course of the 1020's, most A. F. of L. affiliates took official 
action to bar Communists and Communist sympathizers from mem- 
bership. So you see we were way out in advance. In 1935 the consti- 
tution of the A. F. of L. was amended to bar from its affiliated central 
labor unions and State federations of labor organizations officered and 
controlled by Communists. Also in 1935, as president of the American 
Federation of Labor, I prepared and submitted to the President of 
the United States, through the State Department, a detailed and 
documented report on Communist propaganda in America. 

In 1939 the American Federaticm of Labor, by official convention 
action, instructed its affiliated national and international unions to 
deny membership to Communists. In 194(5 the A. F. of L. convention 
adopted a strong report, entitled "The American Federation of Labor 
Versus Connnunism." This militant statement of ideology of free- 
dom-loving American trade unions in opposition to communism has 
been given wide distribution among workers of the A. F. of L. 

And I should like to submit a copy of this for the record, a state- 
ment unanimously adopted by the delegates in attendance at the 
sixty-fifth annual convention of the American Federation of Labor. 

The Chairman. We will ])lace that statement in the record at this 

(The statement above referred to is as follows:) 


Action of the Sixty-fhth Amhbican Fedeeation of Labor Convention at 

Chicago, III., October 16, 1046 

special report on communism, by the committee on resolutions, adopted by 
unanimous action of g50 delegates representing more than 7,000,000 
workers at the sixty-fifth conventon of the american federation of 
labor, october 16, 1946, chicago, ill. 

Your committee believes that this convention should adopt a statement rela- 
tive to its attitude toward communism which will inform American trade- 
unionists, the public, and all public oflScials of the i)osition of the American 
Federation of iLabor. 


In presenting the subject your committee will submit no examination of the 
various forms of collectivism or communism which have been applied for a 
number of centuries by groups with strong religious convictions. Neither will 
it dwell upon the basic theories of modern communism, or the adherence to 
the substance of communism by Lenin and Stalin, and the interpretations and 
the modilications which they have made and applied. 

It is our purpose to present a definition of communism in the sense in which 
we use that term in this report, so that when trade-unionists use it there will 
be no mistake, no misunderstanding of what is being referred to, for no term 
is being more loosely applied in conversations, in the press, and in public life. 

Assuredly communism is an extreme of radicalism, or reactlonism, but the 
great majority of those in our country who have advanced liberal or radical 
views are not Communists; generally they are vigorous antl-(Jommunists in 
the proper use of that term. In the definition of communism submitted, your 
committee believe it is fully justified in definitely applying it to the Coranninist 
dictatorship which has been established in Russia and the activities of that 
dictatorship as it is applied In international relations. 

It is not the Communist theory, or deviation from it, by those now controlling 
the Russian people which concern us. Whatever may be the effect of the 
Communist dictatorship upon the people of Russia and tlieir opportunities to 
expand free institutions, and advance their own standards of living, is their 
problem and not ours. 

What does concern us, and concern us vitally, is the efforts of Moscow ^o 
actively and systematically Interfere in the internal affairs of Americans ; their 
form of government, and their institutions of human freedom, and internationally 
to use the Communist dictator's influence ■'to prevent the development and 
expansion of free institutions in other countries whose people desire to be free 
and self-governing under a constitution approved by them, and under a govern- 
ment of laws enacted by freely elected by the peojile to represent them. 

Our fully justified opposition to Russian communism is its active and per- 
sistent determination to make rse of American institutions, freedom of speech, 
and of the press, to spread within our borders the poisonous and subversive 
doctrine that our institutions and our freedom are a delusion and a snare. 
That under them we are helpless to solve our internal social and economic 
problems. That the only way by which Americans can save themselves is 
to accept the so-called dictatorship of the proletariat, which in Russia is supine 
submission to the edicts of a Communist dictator, implemented by nation-wide 
blood and other purges, and the suppression of all free institutions. 

It is not the theories of collectivism or totalitarianism upon which we are 
reporting, but Russian communism in action. 

Realizing that the progress of Russian communism in other nations would 
depend upon winning labor's support, the Kremlin policy, from the beginning, 
was to have its agents and their followers infiltrate into the trade-union move- 
ment of every country, and secure a controlling position in the formulation of 
trade-union policy, and trade-union education. 

From the day the Communist Party in the United States was establishe<l 
mucli of its energies were devoted to organizing so-called "cells" in local trade- 
unions, other groups, and in manufacturing plants. Their methods were to 
spread dissatisfaction and suspicion in the workers' minds toward the structure 
of their organization, and the loyalty and integrity of their officers, and to 
create the belief that every employer, for that very reason, was an enemy of 
the workers. Furthermore, their purpose was to foster the treasonable belief 
that government by law imder free institutions enslaved in.stead of freed the 

Their efforts to infiltrate into the ranks of the American Federation of Labor 
were largely futile. They gained no sound foothold. Their opportunity came 
when the CIO was organized in 1935. The Communist Party in the United States 
inmiediately gave its public and official endorsement to the CIO. It gave that 
organization so much assistance from the first, that it secured a patronage which, 
by lt)38, had led to the employment of over 283 active Communists as salaried 
CIO organizers, and a 'number of others as part-time workers. Many of these 
members of the Communist Party became officers in national unions affiliated 
with the CIO. At present this condition is causing bitter division in the ranks 
of that dual organization, and already has greatly weakened its effectiveness. 
Unquestionably the majority of the membership of the CIO is composed of loyal 
and patriotic Americans who are now dismayed as they understand the use which 
Moscow is making of their organization. 


The Couiiiiunist Party in this country, early in its activities, establlslied so- 
oallod scliools. in which the zealous and pliant members wore tausht the tactics 
of rioting, destruction of property, ;.nd seizure of plants in connection with strikes, 
and in addition taught how to stir up workers so that they woidd strike. Some 
of the results of this were indicated during that period when to assist the treaty 
of friendship existing between the Nazi dictatorsliip and Russia, widespread 
strikes were engineered in American plants mainifacturing munitions for na- 
tional di'fense. It was not until IlitliT attacked Russia that the Couununists 
changed their party line on this sidiversive activity. 

For reasons which it is difficult to understand, the Communist Party in the 
United States was able to place dependable members of the party in many of 
the Fetli'ral Departments, including, the Department of State. The entire story 
of the intiitration has not yet been told, but it is known that members of the 
Communist Party, employed in (lovernnu'nt departments, purloined secret state 
and tither papers, many of which were vital to national defense, which were 
photostated before being returned to their files, and the photostats forwarded to 
Moscow. Some of tlie documents were reproduced in Communist publications 
in this conntry. The daily press has kept the American public informed of some 
of ihe steps being taken by the autiiorities to eliniiiiale known Comnumists from 
ptisitions in the Government, and to provide that in the future no one could be on 
the Federal pay roll who was engaged in subversive activities. 

As American trade-unionists we are carrying aloft the torch of human liberty 
which tlie Couununists now seem determine to extinguish, so that conceptions 
of human libi'rty. conceived by our European ancestors in rebellion against 
tyrannical government, and upon which we have built our Nation, with its free 
institutions, can be elimiiuited from the world and a godless arbitrary dictator- 
ship established in its place. 

The issue presented by Russian conununism, which the Kremlin is endeavoring 
to force upon the world, is the most vital one which our people have faced since 
they won the revolution, and shook off the control over them which bad been 
imjio.sed by Great Britain's King and Parliament, in which our colonial ancestors 
had neither voice nor vote. 

Russian communism, by every means at its command, is endeavoring to estab- 
lish in our country the same ccmditions which now exist in Russia under the 
domination of a dictator, where any opposition to him or the form of govern- 
ment which he controls becomes treason to the state to be punished as such. 

The American Federation of Labor, without exception, has vigorously opposed 
any economic or political theory whit-h subordinated the riahts of the individual 
to the domination of the State. From our colonial period Americans have de- 
fended the proposition that the State exists solely for the peeple who live in it, 
in c(mtradiction to the former European conception that monarchs and rulers 
were vested with a divine right to exploit rhe people and keep them under arbi- 
trary control. In the United States, Americans have been the rulers and the 
State made responsive to the will of the ma.iorit.v. 

Throughout the history of the American Federation of Labor it has opposed 
every effort by the State to encroach upon labor's constitutional rights ; its right 
to voluntary association : its right to formulate policies for its welfare 
which were of its own choosing. If we are to have free enterprise there must 
be free labor, and there cannot be either imless as Americans we maintain our 
free institutions. Whenever the State has interfered with labor's basic rights 
labor has arou.sed its membership, won public support, and through this secured 
not only necessary remedial legislation, but legislation which more clearly de- 
fined labor's right, including the declaration that labor couUl not be looked upon 
by the State or by employers as a commodity or an article of commerce. 

There can be no loyalty by any citizen to our Nation's form of government and 
its institutions of freedom, if they give their first alleciance to the Communist 
dictatorship and the policies emanating from the Kremlin. 

Americans, through the application of free institutions under a written Con- 
stitution and government by law through the people's chosen repre^-entatives, 
have advanced socially, educationally, and materially to a greater extent than 
any modern nation. Wage earners through their trade-unions have won the right 
to discuss every problem with their employers, and work out mutually acceptable 

While there remains much to be done in the interest of American wage earners, 
while they have not achieved the full standard of living to which they are en- 
titled, the fact remains that in no country in the world at the present time is 
labor better situated than in the United States, and nowhere else does labor 
enjoy the same degree of industrial democracy. 


Comniunism at present is the most dynamic, reactionary force in our country. 
If connnnnism should control, then every social, economic, and political right 
which Americans have won since the Revolutionary War would be destroyed. 

American workers will not surrender the advantages they have gained, or the 
opportunities in the future, for a government under wliich the workers must 
listen first for their master's voice before they dare to speak. 

Your cnnunittee recommends that this convention of the American Federation 
of Labor reatlirm its vigorous and unyielding opposition to the establishment in 
our counti-y of any form of dictatorship either of the right or the left and that 
it further carry on a (-(mstant and wide-spread educaticni, so that the machina- 
tions, the methods, and the puii)oses of Connnunists in carrying on subversive 
activities will be exposed and defeated. 

Mr. Gkeen. I should like to state in positive terms that the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor is uncompromisingly opposed to commu- 
nism and the Communist philosophy. We have constantly fouj^ht 
against the infiltration of Communists and the Comnuniist philoso- 
phies into tlie ranks of labor. It is fundamental with the American 
Federation of Labor, and I can tell you truthfully that it represents 
the opinion of the 7i/2 million members of the American Federation of 
Labor, and no force, church, fraternal, political, or other organization 
in America has fought commimism so effectively as this great army of 
organized labor. 

The American Federation of Labor believes that the objectives 
sought in these bills cannot be achieved by this type of legislation. It 
is altogether alien to the spirit and letter of our Constitution to outlaw 
ideas. The Constitution of the LTnited States holds inviolate the in- 
alienable right of every American to believe what he Avill. to speak 
freely what he believes. Beliefs, be they political or religious or, as 
in the case of conununism, a combination of both, may not be out- 
lawed. Freedom of speech or of the press likewise may not be 
abridged by Congress. The very strength of democracj' lies in its un- 
swerving ^idherence to the rights of free speech, free inquiry, and free 
interchange of ideas. Democracy in America is ready to meet and to 
best any alien doctrine without fear and without cowering. Tlie very 
weakness of connnnnism or any other dictatorshi]i in that it cannot 
survive the practice of these basic freedoms, that it must rely on the 
rule of force and the rule of fear to cow the peojile it dominates into 
submission. To surrender an iota of our basic constitutional freedom 
is to detract from the very strength that makes democracy unassail- 
able and to confess of a weakness in the democratic order which does 
not in reality exist. Totalitarian methods have no ]ilace in a democ- 
racy. Americans must reject theii- use, no matter how laudable the 
ends to which such methods may be put. 

Without minimizing the danger or odium of comnnmism, we think 
it accurate to say that it has not i-eached the point in tliis country — 
and never will — in terms of the luunber of its adherents or of the ex- 
tent of its influence, where we are forced to adopt laws which consti- 
tute so sharp and di-astic a departure from our traditional constitu- 
tional conce])ts. Even assuming for the moment that such a law is 
subject to effective enforcement from a ])ractica] jioint of view, its 
mere enactment would contain a suggestion of defeatism. Such a law 
"would imply what is not ti'ue ; namely, that connnnnism has become so 
extensive in this country as to re(|uire us to adopt a tactic which savors 
more of Communist Russia and Nazi Germany tlian of democratic 
America. Indeed, should we adopt such a tactic, we should unwit- 
tingly l>e stimulating the .spread of communism, for we should in ef- 


feet be a(lniittin<i: to the world that we tleeni its methods and tactics 
both effective and acceptabh\ 

Connnnnisni thi'ives on snlTtMinu'. privation, and poverty. Tn help- 
lessness and ilesi)eration and niuK'r tlueat of force, millions of people 
of eastern Enrope and Asia are beinjj: bronjjfht nnder the yoke of Com- 
nnniist domination. How can we consistently challenc;e the Russians' 
denial of the riiiht to free elections to the Poles, once we ourselves be- 
jrin to ileny free elections to our own people here in America? How 
can America's spokesmen in the Council of Ministers and in the coun- 
cils of the United Nations insist that without the freedom of speech, 
freedom of the ]iress, and fi-eedom of relio;ion. there can be no <renuine 
democracy, once we ourselves abi'idoe those very freedoms here at 
home ? 

It is an historical truth that laws have never succeeded in curbing 
zealots. On the contrary, zealots always thrive on repression. They 
exploit repressive laws to popularize themselves and gain sympathy 
as self-sacrificino- martyrs. While those caught in the net of repres- 
sive prosecution or self-appointed to the role of public martyrdom 
gain wide public attention, others quickly develop techniques to ob- 
scure their identities and activities, thus making it more difficult to 
ferret them out and meet their challenge in an open, effective man- 
ner. Outlawing Comnnniists would only drive them underground. 
The spread of comnnniism would be helped, not hindered by the en- 
actment of laws making connnunism illegal. 

Historically, repressive laws have served to foster communism in- 
stead of destroying it. In the Russia of the czars during World War I, 
any Communist activity w^as illegal and a far-fiung net of secret police 
operated to prevent its spread. Yet evidence is conclusive that the 
organization of the ca]iture of the Russian Government by the Com- 
munists had been perfected under such repressive Avartime measures, 
long before the end of the czarist regime. 

Nor would it be accurate to say that communism or similar totali- 
tarian movements have progressed anywhere in the world because of 
the absence of repressive laws. Their progress does not depend on 
laws but on the economic distress of a given i)opulation at a given time. 
Communism has failed to make substantial progress in this country 
not because it has been outlawed but because the great mass of Ameri- 
cans clearly and accurately realize that their material and spiritual 
welfare can in no way be improved, but will be destroyed by commu- 
nism. So long as we continue to maintain a AvUiolesome economy and 
a free society, communism will never gain any substantial foothold 
here. If, on the other hand, we yield to the easy temptation of repres- 
sive laws, we are in danger of shifting our reliance from our true bul- 
warks of resistance, namely, a prosperous economy and a free society, 
to the delusive and dubious protection of unenforceable law. 

Bills before this committee would outlaw the Communist Party or 
make unlawful membership in the Communist Party. In 1940, Can- 
ada outlowed Communistis, Fascists, and 14 other political parties. 
The Comnumists promptly changed their name and formed a Labor 
Pi'ogi'essive Party. This party has been able to elect only one 
member of the Dominion Parliament. However, there is overwhelm- 
ing evidence that the strength and organization of this new party is 
far greater than had ever been mustered by the Communist Party be- 
fore it was outlawed. 


We cannot overlook and minimize the danger of establishing a prec- 
edent that is capable of immeasurable mischief and abuse, if the pro- 
posed bills are enacted into law. There are manv who would readily 
seize upon laws of this kind as a happy means whereby to crush any 
opposition to their political, social, or economic views. We are not 
without those who today conveniently label as communism anything 
they find disagreeable to them. It is safe to say that, should we pass 
laws outlawing communism, these people would strive with all their 
power to persecute and prosecute liberal groups in our country. 

The provisions of the Rankin bill, H. R. 1884. illustrates how readily 
such persecution can be effectuated. Under section -2 tlie term "Com- 
munist Party" is defined as — 

the political party now known as the Communist Party of tht^ United States of 
America, v/hetlier or not any cliange is hereafter made in. sucli name. 

Let us recall that the Communist Party of the United States of 
America was formed in 1919. In January 1920 it was declared illegal 
by the Federal Government. Until December 1921 it functioned 
illegally and, at that time, changed its name to Workers' Party. 
The name was again changed to Workers' (Communist) Party and in 
April 1928 back to Communist Party. As recently as 1943 the Com- 
munist Party provided a voluntary demonstration of going through 
the motions of dissolving itself, then reconstituting it membership in 
the form of an "educational" Communist Political Association, and 
finally reemerging as the Communist Party in the following year. In 
view of this, it is difficult to see how this definition or, in fact, any 
definition can effectively follow through the various chameleonic 
change of Communist organization. 

In any event, section 2 attempts to enact against a specific organiza- 
tion, no matter how ineffective that attempt may be. In contrast, 
secions 3 (b) and 3 (c) deal not with the Communist Party but with 
"communism or Communist ideology." No definition of "commu- 
nism" or "Communist ideology" is presented. Although neither of 
these terms is defined, it is a crime punishable by a fine of not more 
than $10,000 or by imprisonment for not more than 10 years, or by both, 
for anyone to "express or convey the impression of sympathy with, or 
approval of, connnunism or Communist ideology" in any course of 
instruction or teaching in any school or in the whole or any part of any 
publication distributed through the mails. This constitutes a most 
dangerous thrust as academic freedom and freedom of the press in 
clear violation of the Constitution. 

Even worse, perhaps, is the possible witch hunt by which many in- 
nocents can be victimized. A remark by a teacher need merely "con- 
vey the impression of sympathy" with something as vague and unde- 
fined as "Communist ideology," and that teacher is subject to drastic 
criminal punishment. Similarly, anyone who mails a letter, circular, 
postcard, newspaper, pamphlet, book or other publication — 

any part of which * * * conveys the impression of sympathy witli, or 
approval of, communism or Communist ideolojiy — 

is subject to the same severe punishment. 

Are we in America afraid of the Communist doctrine? Have we 
come to consider it so irresistible as to expect the minds of our adults 
and of our young to succumb irretrievably to its blandishments? Do 
we hold the achievements of American history and of American 


leadership in such contempt, and value our American heritage of free- 
dom and opportunity so cheaply, as to have no faith in their ability 
to compete succegsfully and overwhelm the teachings of communistic 
dictatorship? Enactment of H. R. 1884 would be tantamount to a 
declaration of voluntary bankruptcy of the ideas and ideals of Ameri- 
can democracy. This legislative proposal rests upon a proposition 
lacking in natioiuil self-respect and wanting in patriotic faith, a 
pro])osition which every thoughtful American must flatly reject. 

May I make this observation here? First of all, if we enact a law 
it is my opinion tliat it will merely drive the Commimists to assume 
changed positions. Thej^ will resort to other methods and perhaps, 
as I have said here, change the name of the party, so that they cannot 
be charged with having a Communist Party. 

Now, secondly, it is better for us to know who they are, how many 
of them theie are. where they are located, and we can find that all out 
by letting them vote if they wish in support of the Communist ticket. 
Information is valuable and w'e can use that information in combating 
communism. Whereas, if they are driven underground, or driven 
to the point where tliey must change, merely change the name of the 
party, so that it cannot be longer classified as the Communist Party, 
we will be unable to determine how many Communists vote the Com- 
munist ticket. 

Now, thirdly, we can unite, as we have been doing all the years, in 
opposition to communism. We can handle them and control them in 
that way. They can be exposed. We can find out other methods 
by which we can deal with them, and in that way very, very success- 
fully prevent the growth of communism in America. 

Now, lastly, if we pass a law outlawing the Communist Party, as 
provided for in one of these bills, will that not require the creation of an 
unusually large secret force of police in order to enforce the law ? I 
don't think we want to resort to that. These are some of the objec- 
tions that we see in the enactment of legislation such as here proposed. 

While on the face of it not quite so extreme as H. E. 1884, the 
Sheppard bill, H. R. 2122, is equally unsound and subject to all of 
the objections advanced against the Eankin bill. This proposal would 
make it unlawful, subject to the same punishment, for any person 
to be a member of the Communist Party or of any organization known 
by him to be one which has a purpose or aim to establish, control, 
conduct, seize, or overthrow government in the United States or in 
any State or political subdivision thereof by use of force or violence. 
It is also made unlawful to be a member of an organization engaging 
in political activity — 

which is aflBliated directly or indirectly with, or the policies of which in relation 
to such political activity are determined by or subject to the directon or 
control of, a foregn government or a political party in a foreign country, or 
which receives financial assistance or support of any kind from a foreign 
government or from a political party in a foreign country. 

It should be noted that the prohibition in this proposed enactment 
is directly solely against the membership in the Communist Party 
or an organization which engages in political activity and maintains 
such affiliations. Yet if outlawed and driven underground, an 
organization of this kind would most certainly refrain from main- 
taining any identifiable membership of record among its operatives, 
followers, and supporters. Once the operations of such an organiza- 


tion because secret iiiider<rroiind operations, a law of this sort becomes 
unenforceable. This kind of legislative prohibition, whose objective 
is not specifically and clearly defined, can also lead to injustice and 
abuse. When is an activity "affiliated indirectly" with any political 
movement abroad? What constitutes the evidence of such "indirect*' 
affiliation? Would the advocacy of old-age pensions in a foreign 
country be used as prima facie evidence that an organization support- 
ing old-age pensions in America is subject to foi-eign direction? 

The American Federation of Labor believes that Communist ac- 
tivities in America can and must be effectively dealt with, but by 
means far different from the proposed legislation. 

First of all, we nuist recognize that neither communism nor fascism 
is indigenous to America ; the infectious sources of their poison lie 
outside our borders. The channels feeding totalitarian penetration 
into our land have been poorly guarded, even during the war. There 
has been shocking laxity on the ])art of Government agencies dealing 
with international trade and international relations in affording fifth- 
column penetration into the American community from abroad. 
Proper safeguards must be firmly established to put a stop to both 
the legalized and illicit traffic in funds, men, and propaganda across 
our borders, destined for use in subversive activity in the United States. 

The recent Executive order of the President will help guard against 
infiltration of those disloyal to our (xovernment into the executive 
branch. Similar action should be tak^n to establish standards of 
loyalty and to weed out the undesirables employed in the legislative 
and the judiciary branches. Most important of all, we must devise 
especially effective means of making sure that undesii'ables do not 
gain access to the positions of influence in the American staff' of the 
various agencies of the United States, the World Bank, and the Inter- 
national Monetary Fund. 

Secondly, we must take considered and effective steps to prevent 
direct collaboration between private organizations in the United States 
and the various open and covert agencies of the Connnunist Inter- 
national abroad. With the official aid of our Department of State, 
the World Federation of Trade Unions has been accorded status and 
recognition in the structure of the United Xati(ms. 

That is a Connnunist organization we believe. The Communist- 
dominated W. F. T. U. is a tool of the Communist International. 
There is no warrant for the Govermnent of the United States to pro- 
vide this ready means for furthering world revolution \^ ith its official 
aid and approval. 

Before we believe it is a Comnnmist agency dominated by com- 
nuinism, dominated by Soviet Rus.sia, the American Federation of 
Labor will have nothing wliatever to do with the World Federation 
of Trade Unions. 

Thirdly, we nnist clearly recognize that connnunism is an inter- 
national force. There are dozens of jirivate agencies operating in our 
midst as secret battalions of this jjowerful international organization. 
In this tlie Comnnmist Party itself is of minor imi)ortance. There 
are a num])er of political action, educational, and other groups in 
which the meinbershii) has no effective voice in policy forming, that 
mirroi" faithfully the Connnunist interests and policies, showing evi- 
dence of deep penetration and control. It is in the workings of these 
organizations, through which thousands of well-meaning citizens are 


dujH'd into furtheriiio- (he aims they would never knowin<rly support, 
that lies the real menace of Comnninist and Fascist penetiation. 

Tt has hocome incivasincfly cloai- that domocracy must develoj) now 
teclmiques of combatinir the menace of totalitarian infection, whether 
Comnumist or Fascist. These nnist be developed as the result of 
careful study of all the ramiticatiojis of forces which threaten demo- 
cratic society from within and fi-om Avithont. I reconnnend that a 
national connnission be cre;rted. with bipartisan rei)resenlation from 
Conirress. and with proper representation from the Executive and the 
Judiciary, which would include direct representation from manafje- 
ment. labor, and ao;riculture. and to recommend a comprehensive 
program consistent with the riahts and liberties ouaranteed by the 

In addition to this recommendation. T would like to indicate some 
major areas in which Americans should exercise inunediate responsi- 
bility toward the preservation of democracy against the threat of 
alien political influences. 

By far the most effective weapon against Communist penetration 
and infiltration is exposui-e. Merciless public exposition of the men 
and methods utilized by Connnunists to gain inflnence and control 
over political, civic, social, and other organized activities in a com- 
munity will accomplish mf)re than a thousand criminal penalties 
directed solely against their formal political activities. The force of 
the Communist-inspired persuasion withers when brought out into 
the open. Our unswerving adherence to the freedom speech and of 
the i^ress, our ability to expose the true nature of communism in open 
discussion and debate will greatly strengthen the ability of Americans 
to purge themselves of the false prophets of a phony utopia in their 

Next in importance as a remedy is the requirement of public dis- 
closure of the sources of funds received or spent in any political 
activitv whether bv an organization or an individual. Bring the 
sources of funds supplied for a political purpose into the open and the 
sources of subversive and seditious political acitivity will promptly 
dry up. Instead of penalizing the membership in any political 
activity which wittingly oi- unwittingly may relate itself to foreign 
political influence. Congress should prohibit the use of any foreign 
funds for any political activity in the United States. 

In addition, connnunism can be combated with equal force through 
a campaign of education. The American press, churches, schools, 
organized labor, citizen groups, all share in the responsibility to bring 
home forcefully to the average American the advantages and the 
benefits of our private enterprise system of our free institutions. 

Wliile there remains much to be done to advance the real income 
and the standard of living of Americans, while they have not achieved 
the full standard of living to which the}' are entitled, the fact remains 
that in no country in the world has the American standard been 
matched and in no country of the world do workers enjoy the same 
degree of industrial democracy as in America. The attainment by the 
l)e()iile of the United States of the highest standard of living in the 
world and their enjoyment of greater freedoms than are afforded in 
any other nation are not an historical accident. They are the product 
of voluntarism and of the democratic way of life. Fuller knowledge 


and better understanding of our ways and our institutions are a 
powerful safeguard against the inroads of a foreign ideology. 

Finally, our defense against the insidious aggression of commu- 
nism among us rests largely upon the broad purposes of the public 
policy and of its economic, social, and political objectives laid down 
by the Congress of the United States. The -fires of communism and 
every other totalitarian ideology are fed by poverty, privation, injus- 
tice, and strife. Human misery is the combustible fuel of subversive 
activity. The enactment of progressive legislation, designed to serve 
broad public welfare and responsive to the needs of the great mass 
of the people, is a vital safeguard against Communist inroads. Since 
the American people won the victory over the Fascist iiile, their 
Congress has remained unresponsive to the pressing needs of Ameri- 
ca's own postwar reconstruction. The urgent, often desperate, need 
of the people for housing, for greater social security and improved 
health services, for minimum wage protection and other standards 
essential to maintain a high level of employment, production, and 
prosperity in the years to come have not been enacted. 

These are the antidotes against communism. 

Congress cannot shirk the duty or escape the challenge thrust upon 
it as the guardian of the American standard of living in a world 
in which democracy is meeting its historic test. By accepting this 
challenge and fulfilling this duty, the Congress of the United States 
can point the waj' not only for America, but for the world toward 
the lasting victory over povert}^, insecurity, and fear by a free people, 
devoted to a truly democratic process. 

jSTow, I am prepared to answer any questions that you may wish 
to ask. 

The Chairman. Mr. Green, I am sorry that I have to leave the 
committee room. A very important matter has come up. Mr. Mc- 
Dowell will act as chairman. 

Mr. Green. Yes, sir. 

Mr. McDowell. Thank you, Mr. Green, for a verv clear and verv 
fine statement on this situation 

Mr. Green. I have a summary of certain actions taken by our con- 
vention against communism and the infiltration of Communists into 
labor's ranks over a number of years, by conventions of the American 
Federation of Labor, and by the executive council of the American 
Federation of Labor, and if you will permit me I should like to 
present it for inclusion in the record. 

Mr. McDowell. Without objection it will be included. 

(The statement above referred to is as follows:) 


TiON OF Labor on i"he American Fedi ration of Lab<ib Attitude Toward Com- 
munism. Sttrmitted to the House Committee on Un-American Activities, 
March 25, 194G. 

The following summary of the oflBcial actions and policies (if the American 
Federation of Labor with respect to coniiunnisiii and Cdmninnist activities shows 
the A. F. of L.'s nnyielding and active opixjsition to conimuuisni since 191t). 

In the course of 1920's, most A. F. of L. affiliates took official action to bar 
Comnninists and Communist sympathizers from membership. 

In 1085 the constitution of the A. F. of L. was amended to bar from its 
affiliated central ]^d)()r unions and State federations of labor organizations 
officered and controlled by Communists. 


Also in 1935, as president of the American Federation of Lalmr I prepared 
and submitted to the I'resident of the United States, tlirouf?ii the State Depart- 
ment, a detailed and documented report on Conmiunist propaj^^anda in America. 

In 11)39, tile American Fedenition nf Labor, by ollicial convention action, 
instructed its atliliatwl national and international unions to deny membership 
to Communists. 

In 19-4(!. the A. F. of L. convention adopted a strong' report, entitled "The 
American Federation of Labor versus Communism." This militant statement 
of ideoloijy of freedom-loving American trade-iuiions in opposition to communism 
has been given wide distribution among workers of the A. F. of L. 


A XV )n HI an/ of the record 

1020: Against assistance to, or approva] of, Soviet Government. — A. F. of L. 
convention held in Montreal in June adopted resolution to the effect that assist- 
ance to or approval of the Soviet Government of Russia is not justified, "as 
long as that Government is based upon authority which has not been vested 
in it by a popular representative national a.ssemblage of the Russian people; 
or as long as it endeavors to create revolutions in the well-established, civilized 
nations of the \M>rld or so long as it advocates and applies the militarization of 
labor and prevents the organizing and functioning of trade-unions and the 
maintenance of a free press and free public assemblage" (Proceedings, p. 268). 

1921: Report on America and the Soviets. — Executive council of the A. F. of L. 
prepared a detailed report entitled "America and the Soviets" examining the 
nature and activities of the Communist Party organization in Russia and in 
relation to trade-unions outside Russia. The report points out that the Com- 
munist Party of the United States of America defines the duties of the Communist 
members of trade-unions as follows : "A Communist who belongs to the A. F.'of L. 
should seize every opportunity to voice his hostility to this organization, not 
to reform it but to destroy it. The IWW must be upheld as against A. F. of L." 
After considering the report which presented an array of authentic facts and 
figures on the situation as it exLsts in Russia, and its relation to her own as well 
as other countries, the Denver convention of A. F. of L. expressed sincere friend- 
ship toward the Russian people and expressed "earnest hope that the situation 
in Russia may so change that freedom, justice, democracy, and humanitarianism 
may be the guiding principles of everyday life" (Proceedings, pp. 90-102, 443). 

1922: Russian Communists deem the A. F. of L. to he their enemy. — A. F. of 
L. convention, held in Cincinnati, adopted resolution including the finding that ; 
"The Russian Soviet authority, called a government, is a most vigorous, tyran- 
nical autocracy in the absolute control of Communists of whom there are among 
all of the millions of Russians less than 400,000, with no freedom of speech, no 
freedom of press, no freedom of assemblage, no secret ballot." President 
Gompers stated that "it is the official purpose, decided by the Soviet Govern- 
ment, to destroy the American Federation of Labor" (Proceedings, pp. 420 and 
ff., especially 424-^25, 4,32). 

1923: A. F. of L. refused to support recofjnition of Russia. — A. F. of L. con- 
vention, held in Portland, Oreg., resolved "if the people of Russia are given 
the opportunity to vote, to elect, to, or to repudiate this system, this 
tyranny, this overlordship, and so decide their fate and destiny, the American 
Federation of Labor shall offer no objection to whatever may be their choice." 

1923: A. F. of L. conx>€ntion unseated a Communist delegate. — Delegate Wil- 
liam F. Dunne of the Silver Bow Trades and Labor Council was shown to be 
a member of the Workers' Party, affiliated with the Third International at 
Moscow. Delegate William Green, United INline Workers, stated : "An out- 
spoken advocate of communism properly has no place in the federation con- 
vention." Delegate Dunne was unseated from the A. F. of L convention by a 
vote of 27,837 to 108 (Proceedings, pp. 2.56-^.59). 

7.925; A. F. of L. issues "warning against Communist activities." — The Atlantic 
City convention of the A. F. of L. approved the issuance of a statement listing 
the activities of .specific organizations allied with the Communist cause, such 
as International Labor Defense Council, the American Necrro Consrress, the 
International Workers' Aid, etc.. and listing publications promoting communism. 
The report stated in part: "Trade-unionists should also be on their guard 
against not only the propasanda of Communist and pseudo labor oi-ganizations, 
but also against their efforts to collect money avowedly for purposes beneficial 


to labor but actually for the beiiftit of individuals and purposes subversive to 
the trade union movement itself (Proceedings, pp. 90, 300). 

1925: Communists expeUcd by A. F. of L. affiliates. — International Brother- 
hood of Painters, A. F. of L., reports that by action of its Montreal convention, 
the brotlierhood acted to expel from its membership every member of the Com- 
munist Party. Bookkeepers, Stenographers and Accountants Union in New 
York reports expulsion of 40 Communist members and reorganization of the 
union (Proceedings, p. 301). 

1,925: A. F. of L- rejects cooperation irith Trade Union International. — In 
his response to the address of the British Fraternal Delegate Purcell, President 
Green said, in* part: "The Trade Union Educational League here in America, 
which is the creature of the Communist Party * * * frankly announces that 
its policy is to bore within the labor movement, to destroy it and substitute for 
our philosophy the philosophy of Communism. * * * The American labor 
movement will not affiliate with an organization that preaches that doctrine or 
stands for that philosophy" (Proceedings, p. 152). 

192tG: A. F. of L. exposes Communist interference in orf/anizing. — In its report 
on organizing progress to the Detroit convention, the A. F. of L. executive coun- 
cil exposes Communist intervention in the Passaic strike "where Conununists 
took advantage of real grievances to lead workers on strike and to exploit their 
necessities for the purpose of raising money which is expended under Conununist 
control." Convention warned against contributions to imauthorized agencies 
(Proceedings, pp. 40, 305). 

1927: A. F. of L. purf/es unions of Communist penetration. — Executive Council 
of A. F. of L. reports to Los Angeles convention : "We have been successful during 
the past year in defeating plans of Communists to get control of trade-unions. 
We believe there can be no compromise with Conununists because their purpose 
is the destruction of trade-unions and the inculcation of class war. * * * 
The outstanding efforts of Communists to get foothold in the American lab;ir 
movement were among the textile workers of Passaic, the women's garment in- 
dustry, and the fur workers' industry. In the first instance, the United Textile 
Workers got control of the situation; in the second instance, the Internatidual 
Liidies' Garment Workers' Union was able to deal with its own problem: and in 
the third, at the request of the fur w(u-kers' organization, the American Federa- 
tion of Labor made an investigation and upon its findings reorganized the 
local unions of New York, arranged for a convention of the workers, and thus 
bnmght about the purging of the union fi-om Conununist control" (Proceedings, 
pp. 38-39, 310). 

J928: Com)nuuists must he expelled. — Fnmi the executive council's report to 
the New Orleans convention of A. F. of L. : "The Communists have been especially 
active in the needle trades, textile industries, building trades, and the mining 
industry. They have sought to form rival organizations in these trades. They 
have fomented friction and trouble and then placed obstacles in the way of in- 
dustrial agreements. The organizations affiliated with the American Federation 
of Labor and the American Federation of Lab«n- itself have taken a determined 
stand to expel every Communist from the ranks of the organized labor move- 
ment. * * * We again desire to warn the organizations of labor, their officers 
and members against giving, countenance, aid. supi)ort. or encouragement to 
connnunistic activities whatever guise thev mav assume" (Proceedings, pp. IIS. 

1929: Fur and dress unions eliminate Communists. — A. F. of L. convention 
receives report on successful elimination of Communist ccntrol in the Fur 
Workers' and Ladies' Garment Workers' Unions (Proceedings, pp. 1(52. 214). 

1932: A. F. of L. refuses to give comfort to anii Communist 'if/enci/. — The Cin- 
cinnati convention adopted resolution providing "that we counsel oiu- membership 
to be zealous in refusal of all aid or comfort to any Comnuuiist organization, or 
to any camjiaign conducted by any Conmuuiist organization or by organiza- 
tions which are allied with ami sympathetic to coinnuuiism through intei-locking 
directorat(>s oi- other devices or subterfuges" (Pi-oceedings, p. 407). 

]9S'i: Opposition to commu)iis)n in anil form vhaterer. — President Green 
stated at the opening of the San Francisco convention : "We are opposed to coin- 
nuuiism in any form whatever. We are equally oppn.sed to fascism in any 
form. We are for the rule of the people, for democracy. The great heart of 
the people is sound, and as long as it remains sound, coumuinisni will never 
gain a foothold in America" (Proceedings, p. 10). 

19.i5: A. F. of L. constitution amended to bar Communists in central labor 
unions and Fifate federations. — The Atlantic City convention of A. F. of L. re- 

UN-AMKH1(A.\ ACTlViriEti 61 

ceived a ch'tailod report of the executive council on (•oiuiiiunisin and adopted 
an anit-ndiiHMit to article IV. section 5 of its constitution, reading as follows: 
"No oruaiii/.ation ollic(>red or controlled by (V)niinunists. or any person espousing 
i-oiiinuuiisni or advocating the violent overt jirow of onr institutions shall be al- 
lowed representation or recognition in any central body ov State federation of 
labor" (Proceedings, pp. ltU-108; 77(>-7S5, esix>cially 77<S; K'A). 

Ii>3!): A. F. of I., iiistnicts itx affiliatrs to dciiii nictnhcrsliii) to Coinnniiiistn. — 
'riu> A. F. of L. convention, held in Cincinnati. unaniiiii>usly adopted n>soIution 
calling for (iisniiss;d of Coninuinists from ;idniiiiistrative posts in Natioiuii and 
State governments and to instruct .-dtiliated national and international unions 
to deny membership to Oonununists. The last resolve of this resolution reads: 
"/?r.\o/Vcrf. That we instruct the various national and international unions to 
refrain from taking into inend>ership any known member of the Conuuunist 
i'arty, or active sympathizer" ( ri'oceedings, j). no.l). 

nt.ii): A. F. of L. cinlor.svs JIoiixc Conniiiltec on Uii-Amcricdn Actkntics. — 
The A. F. of L. convention endorsed the work of the Senate Conunittee on Civil 
Liberties, headed by SiMuitor La Follette and the House Coniniittee on Un- 
American Activities, headed by Congressman Dies. It noted the revelation made 
by the Dies conunittee that CIO has hundreds oT Conumniists on the pay roll. 
It stated: "The A. F. of L. from the origin of Communist activity in this 
country regi.><tered its stern <lisapproval and applied itself to prevent Comnnnii.sts 
frcim .securing any fo(»thold in the great America ii trade-union movement" (Pro- 
ceedings. pp.'l82.'4(>JU411). 

JIV/O: Oppoxitioii to fOii'Diiin'nnn. — The convention stated: "The oppnsiti(nT of 
our feder.ation to connnunism and all forms of totalitarianism meets with public 
approval and support. Every effort we may make to keep <mr organization 
clean and self -disciplined will meet with the same public suppm-t" (Proceedings, 
p. 4(>.".L 

Wil: Eliiiiiiiotion of Co))iniii)ii><fs from Federation of Teacliers. — The execu- 
tive cinnicil repoi'ts to the Seattle convention "that the Amerii-an Federation of 
Teachers has dealt vigorously and delinitely with Comunmists who had estab- 
lished themselves in local American Federation of Teachers unions in New 
York City and in Philadelphia, Pa. The charters of the American Federation 
(>f Teachers local unioiis in the two cities named were J'evoked by a referendum 
vote of the menibpr.ship u))on recommendations made by the executive council 
of the American Federation of Teachers." A special A. F. of L. committee 
had conducted an effective investigation of activities in these local 
unions, leading to the purge of these organizations of Connuunists (Proceedings, 
pp. 71. 400-401). 

1941: Elimination of fifth coliinuiists in public schools. — Action of convention: 
"That full support be given to agencies of government in eliminating actual fifth 
columnism in the public schools, but that every effort be made to protect the finan- 
( ial support of tlse scliools and to defend the civil rights of loyal teachei-s and 
the freedom.-^ which are es.sential to education in a democracy" (Proceedings, p. 

1942: A. F. of L. rejects the proposed Anfilo-Russiun-American Trade-Union 
Committee. — A. F. of L. convention, on recommendation of the executive cnuncil, 
rejected the invitation extended by Sii* Walter Citrine on behalf of the British 
Trade-Union Congress to join with Soviet trade-unions in a joint commission to 
promote good will between the three countries and to facilitate military effort 
(Proceedings, pp. 230. 62S). 

19.'j3: Report on the rejection of the Anglo-Russian- American Trade-Union 
Conference. — Detailed report was rendered to the convention on the nu>eting of 
the Anglo-American Trade-Union Committee and the rejection by the A. F. of L. 
i»f participation in the proposed conference with Soviet trade-unions (Proceedings, 
pp. 148, 568-.-69). 

19.'f/f: A. F. of L. refusal to participate in World Trade-Union- Conference. — 
The executive council reported and the convention approved the A. F. of L.'.s re- 
fusal to participate in the World Tr.'ide-Union Conference called in London by 
Sir Walter Citrine, secretary of the British Trades-Union Congress. The con- 
ference was subsequently cancelled (Proceedings, pp. 278-79, 632). 

194(i: Vif/orous anti-Connnunist polifii adopted. — -The convention approved hold- 
ing educational meetings to disst'minate understanding among wt)rkei-s of Com- 
munist methods and purjioses and of otliei- methods for the elimination of com- 
munism in unions (Proceedings, p. r)04). Adopted resolution calling for elimina- 
tion of Communists from goverinnent service (ibid., p. f)95). Adf»pted strong 


Statement reaffirming A. F. of L.'s vigorous and unyielding opposition to com- 
munism and its subversive activities (ibid., p. 553) . 

Mr. ISIcDowELL. Mr. Nixon. 

Mr. Nixon. Mr. Green, I take it your position in this matter is that 
you oppose the Communist doctrine, you believe that it is dangerous, 
but you do not agree with the methods that these two bills are using 
to combat that doctrine ? 

Mr. Green. That is right. 

Mr. Nixon. In fact, you think there is a good chance that if we 
proceed in this way, by outlawing the Communist Party, we might 
help the cause of communism rather than crush it, by doing that ? 

Mr. Green. Yes ; I fear very much that would be the result. 

Mr. Nixon. By making martyrs of the Communists and by driving 
them underground ? 

Mr. Green. Yes. 

Mr. Nixon. And consequently you feel that opposition to these 
measures is justified on the ground that you oppose communism in 

Mr. Green. Human nature must be taken into account in consider- 
ing important legislation. Human nature responds sympathetically 
to one who claims to be persecuted and who is made a martyr. Now, 
that may be the outcome of legislation outlawing the Communist 

Mr. Nixon. I see. 

Now, referring to the infiltration of Conununists into the labor 
movement, do I understand you to say that as early as the 1920's the 
American Federation of Labor recognized the danger in that field? 

Mr. Green. Yes, sir; and made a declaration in opposition to it. 

Mr. Nixon. Could you comment generally as to whether or not 
Communists have succeded, shall we say, to any substantial extent in 
their attempt to infiltrate labor unions in the country at the present 
time ? 

Mr. Green. I can speak for the American Federation of Labor. 
They have not succeeded in their attempt to infiltrate into the ranks 
of the Federation of Labor. That is due to the fact that we have been 
on guard, watching them carefully. There are sections in the con- 
stitutions of our directly affiliated Federal labor unions which prohibit 
Communists from being officers of the Federal unions; and our consti- 
tution provides that they cannot be delegates to the central bodies 
and State federations of labor; they cannot be delegates to the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor or convention, if we know that they are 

Mr. Nixon. In that respect you, I gather, would not favor provi- 
sions within your own organization which would deny the right of 
membership in a union to a Communist? 

iMr. Green. No; if they want to be members they can be members, 
but they can't serve as delegates in our American Federation of Labor 
unions, nor can they attend conventions as delegates. 

Mr. Nixon. In other words, you do not want to deny the Communist 
the right to a job? 

Mr. Green. No. 

Mr. Nixon. But on the other hand you feel that the danger is in 
allowing them to get positions of power in your unions? 

Mr. Gkekn. That is it. 


Mr. Nixon. Do you have any example that you nii<;ht give this 
committee as to how the Comnumists have i)r()c'ee(leil in attempting 
to gain power or gain office in a key union and how you have dealt 
with them? 

Mr. Green. Well, a long time ago, I can't recall the year, but per- 
haps one of my assistants could give me the year, a noted Communist 
attempted to serve as a delegate at a historic convention of the 
American Federation of Labor which was held at Portland, Oreg, It 
was back in li)-Jo. The delegate was a notorious Comnumist known 
generally throughout the country. His name was William Dunne, 
active in the affairs of the Comnnmist Party. His right to sit as a 
delegate in the convention was challenged and after the case had been 
thoi'oughly discussed and he had been accorded the widest privilege 
to make his defense, the delegates to that historic convention unani- 
mously denied him a seat in the convention. That is one instance. 

Mr. Xixox. Then you do not agree with that method which is, ap- 
])arently, used by some representatives of union hibor, of allowing 
Connnunists to come into the organization for the purpose of expand- 
ing the organization because Conmiunists, as we know, work hard, 
they are good organizers and will do anything for the "cause," you 
believe that the immediate gains that might result for an increased 
membership and increased influence by using Communist organizers 
and Communist workers are over-balanced by the harm that would 
be suffered by allowing them to get their foot in the door at all? 

Mr, Green. Yes. We place principle above all other considerations, 
and we cannot tolerate the Communist ideology or Communist philos- 
ophy. It is destructive to those basic rights — freedom, liberty, and 
democracy. Now. we place them above all other considerations be- 
cause, naturally, free trade-unions and the right to function as free 
trade-unions, are brought about because of the freedoms and rights 
that we enjoy. There is nothing that would influence us to tolerate 
Comniunists or communism in the ranks of the American Federation 
of Labor. 

Mr. Nixon. That is the reason that you have adopted provisions, 
legislative provisions, within your own organization to keep them out? 

Mr. Green. That is right • 

Mr. Nixon. To keep them out of positions of power. 
Mr. Green. That is right. 

Mr. Nixon, And you haven't felt that by adopting those provisions 
that you are denying communists the very rights that you have dis- 
cussed here that we might deny them by passing legislation on a na- 
tional scale ? 

Mr, Green, That is right. We don't deny them the right to work 
and earn a living because that would be contrary to our basic position : 
Defense of freedom, liberty, and equal opportunity. 

Mr, Nixon. I noticed your comment here, "with the official aid of 
our Department of State, the World Federation of Trade-Unions 
has been accorded status and recognition in the structure of the United 
Nations." Do you believe that the people in the Department of State 
who accorded that aid to the WFTU didn't know that it was a Com- 
munist-dominated organization ? 

Mr. Green. Well. I am rather inclined to believe that they weren't 
acquainted with the real facts of the situation. 

99651 — 47 5 


Mr. Nixon. Did you inform those officials of your position, as to what 
you felt about that organization? 

Mr. Green. Well, those things happen before we know anything 
about it many times. For instance, recently a committee from the 
World Federation of Trade-Unions made application to our Govern- 
ment for the right to visit Japan, to meet with the representatives of 
labor in Japan. Now, on that committee was a known Communist 
from France, and an active Communist from Russia. Our information 
was that General MacArthur objected to the committee coming to 
Japan and denied them the right to come, because of their Communist 
make-up. The situation is bad enough in Japan without sending 
Communists from Russia and France to talk to labor in Japan. To 
our surprise, within a few days, or a few weeks, it was publicly 
announced that the War Department had accorded this committee the 
right to visit Japan. We protested it after it was done, but it then 
seeemed to be too late. Now, there is a case that is outstanding, and 
why they should do that is beyond my understanding. God knows the 
situation in Japan is bad enough as it is. 

Mr. Nixon. You stated that the recent Executive order of the Presi- 
dent will help guard against infiltration of those disloyal to our 
Government into the executive branch and also tlie legislative and 
judiciary branches. Don't 3'ou think that probably it would be well 
for some investigation to be made of the officials responsible for en- 
couraging the activity of this organization which you have indicated 
is a tool of the Communist International ^ 

Mr. Green. I think a public service would be rendered by Congress 
making an inquiry into it. 

Mr. Nixon. In other words, it does not seem probable that that or- 
ganization could have received the blessing of the State Department 
unless some officials in the State Department had sympathies in that 

Mr. Green. Well, I am making no charges because I haven't the 
facts ; I don't know. I can't understand how it happened. 

Mr. Nixon. But you do make the charge, at least, that the State 
Department has aided the organization and that the organization is, 
in your opinion, a tool of the Communist International? 

Mr. Green. Well, to the extent I have made it in this statement. 

Mr. Nixon. That is all. 

Mr. McDowell. Mr. Vail. • 

Mr. Vail. Mr. Green, considering the case of an alien qualifying for 
citizenship through declaring allegiance to this Government and sub- 
sequently embraces communism, would it be your opinion that such an 
individual has sacrificed his right to citizenship? 

Mr. Green. By publishing statements in the press? 

Mr. Vail. No. He is espousing the cause of communism and it is 
so proven. 

Mr. Green. An individual employed in some Government depart- 
ment ? 

Mr. Vail. No, not necessarily. Any individual, any alien who be- 
comes a citizen, and then embraces communism, after having declared 
his allegiance to this Government, to this form of government, do you 
think that that individual has sacrificed his right of citizenship ? 

Mr. Green. Well, there is involved in that, Congressman, then the 
question of free speech and free press, and it is pretty difficult to im- 


pose penalties even on an alien who become-; a citizen becanse he exer- 
cises his light of free speech or free press. You see, that is a very, 
verv fundamental right, free speech and free press. 

Mr. Vail. You believe, it becomes inalienable immediately alter he 
takes the oath of citizensliip. notwithstanding the fact that it might be 
l)roven that he entertain the same ideas prior to his taking the oath of 

Mr. Gkkf.n. Tt all depends, in my judgment, on what he says and 
,vhat he advocates. If he advocates directly the overthrow of our 
Government by force, then I should think he would subject himself 
to revocation of his citizenship rights. 

Mr. Vail. As a Communist, doesn't he do that ? 

Mr. ( The probabilities are that he would deny that and \i 
Avoiild be hard to prove that lie was advocating the overthrow of our 
Government by force. 

Mr. Vail. In the event of his admission, would j-ou feel that that 
would be cause for cancellation of his citizenship and deportation? 

Mr. Gkeex. If it could be proven that he was advocating the over- 
throw of our Government by force, I think that would be a basis for 
revocation of citizenship. 

^Ir. Vail. That is implied in the membership in the Communist 
Party, is it not ? 

Mr. Greex. Well, they deny it. 

Mr. ^"ail. You have stated "communism can be combatted with 
equal force through a campaign of education. The American press, 
cliurches, schools, organized labor, citizen groups, all share in the 
responsibility to bring home forcefully to the average American the 
advantages and the benefits of our private enterprise system of our 
free institutions."' 

Don't you recognize the fact that those today are vehicles that are 
being used for the spread of communism ? 

Mr. Green. Unfortunately, that is true in some cases, but it is 
because many of them are deceived. Communist-front organizations 
work their way into the good graces of churches and church organiza- 
tions and fraternal organizations, and other organizations. 

Mr. \'ail. Take our schools, for example, Mr. Green. I don't 
believe that our college professors are easily fooled. Yet we find 
them, in many instances, advocating communism and teaching it in 
their classes. 

Mr. Greex. Well, you don't mean to say they advocate communism 
openly, but they do support and favor Communist philosophy and 
ideology ? 

Mr. Vail. That is right. I don't believe that they teach commu- 
nism openly. 

Mr. Greex. No, I don't think so. 

Mr. Vail. But they use a technicpie that establishes in the mind of 
the pupil a fertile field. 

Mr. Greex. Yes. 

Mr. Vail. For further progress along the road to communism. 

Mr. Greex. Well, that is what I mean by education, that we ought 
to develop a systematic plan of education designed to offset that, 
Now, that can be done through activities in the community, and in the 
cities and in the States and by the Federal Government. Just what 
the details of that plan are I am unable to go into just now, but we 


endeavor to do it througli our local organizations in order to offset 
attempts made by those who seek to deceive and impose the Commu- 
nist philosophy upon our members unwittingly and unthinlcingly. 

Mr. Vail. What action do you think should be taken with respect 
to preventing such insidious propaganda? 

Mr. Green. Well, I am speaking of the educational matter. 

Mr. Vail. Particularly education. 

Mr. Green. I think, for instance, the work of education in the 
different cities, I think the boards of education ought to be alive to 
that, and it ought to be a part of their work to offset it, by presenta- 
tion of facts, by education. The cities ought to engage in that, the 
States, and then the Federal Government as well, through our educa- 
tional agencies. 

Mr. Vail. The privileges of free speech and freedom of the press 
are traditional in this country and they should be preserved, but we 
have seen certain of our traditions discarded one by one. For exam- 
ple, foreign entanglements, Presidential tenure. And it is your feel- 
ing, I assume, that from here in we should cling to the basic traditional 
American principles ? 

Mr. Green. Oh, yes, I think we should never sacrifice that, even to 
the least degree. That reminds me of a statement made by a great 
philosopher, "I don't believe what you say, but I will defend with my 
life your right to say it." That puts it in about the way that I have 
in mind. That puts it the best way I can think of. 

Mr. Vail. That is all, thank you. 

Mr. McDowell. Mr. Wood. 

Mr. Wood. I take it, Mr. Green, from your past record and experi- 
ence and learning, that you have no doubt in your own mind as to the 
ultimate purpose and aims of the Communist movement in America to 
at some time or other change this form of government, by civil proc- 
esses, perhaps, if possible, but in any event to change it ? 

Mr. Green. Yes. 

Mr. AVooD. By violence, if necessary. 

Mr. Green. That is my opinion of the aim and purpose of the 
Communist Pai'ty. 

Mr. Wood. The Communist movement in America? 

Mr. Green. Yes; ultimately. 

Mr. Wood. Then, doesn't the person who subscribes to that doctrine 
and to those aims become a conspirator to do just exactly that thing 
and shouldn't he be made amenable to the same laws, same character 
of laws that say that a man who conspires with the murderer, or the 
rapist, or the robber, or the thief, to perpetrate a cancer upon the 
decent citizen, should receive punishment as does the actual per- 
petrator of the offense that he conspires with? 

Mr. Green. Well, Congressman, if I follow my feelings. I would 
go one way, but if I follow my judgment I find myself going another 

Mr. Wood. You agree with me, I am sure, that we cannot have a 
free society controlled by law anywhere in the world unless we 
penalize those things that become cancerous against that .society? 

Mr. Green. Yes, I realize that, but we must punish criminals, and 
we must have statutes by which we can do it, but the trouble is how 
can you prove your case? They deny it. 


Mr. WcK)n. I am not so much concerned about tliat. We will <ret 
to that latei'. 

Mr. Ghkkx. Oh. 

Mr. Wood. But I am tryino; to establish the tlieory of it in my own 
mind, and iret your icaction to it. What <iroater ci-imc can be com- 
niitted a<iainst a free government than an advocacy to overthrow it by 
violence, if necessary? 

Mr. (Jreen. I don't know: of course, that is a cai)ital ci-iiue in my 
judirment. as I think it is in yours, to attemi)t to overthrow the 

Mr. Wood. Don't you a<i;ree that any person who conspires to do 
that thinof — and we have just now aareed, I take it, that people who 
join into a cons})iracy to overthrow the Government are conspirators? 

Mr. Greex. Yes. Of course, it is a matter of method, as to how to 
deal with such people. It is a question of ways and means. 

Mr Wood. As I understand it, you are suggesting as an alternative 
to the legislation proposed here that that result be accomplished by 
taking them into our confidence and tr^ang to show^ them the error 
of their ways and making good citizens out of them, democratic citi- 
zens that believe in the democratic precepts of government? 

]Mr. Greex. No ; it is my judgment that we ought to, those that are 
opjDosed to conmiunism, unite solidly in opposition to it, to mobilize 
their full political and moral strength in opposition to communism 
anywhere or any place, and no mater how it shows itself. Now, the 
question, however, of punishing people, by law, by statute 

Mr. Wood. That is the only way you can punish them in America, 
isn't it, by statute? 

Mr. Greex. But here the Communist Party in America denies, ab- 
solutely denies, and all associated with the Communist Party, that 
they are engaged in an attempt to overthrow the Government. 

]Mr. Wood. I understand, but you and I have agreed that that isn't 

Mr. Greex. No. I say that their objective, their final objective is 
that, but the realization of that^ objective is a long way in the future. 

Mr. Wood. It makes no difference whether it is next year or next 
century. This Government has existed for more than '150 years and 
it has cost the blood of countless thousands of patriotic citizens to 
bring it up to its present high state among the leadership of the world. 
I am hoping a.nd praying that it is a perpetual organization. I for 
one am not willing to sit calmly by and see any organization come 
into its midst with the avowed purpose, whether it is next year or next 
century, of overthrowing it, and I can conceive of no higher crime 
against that government of ours than that which is now being taught 
and advocated by this totalitarian system of government that is 
amongst us. I gather from your statement that you feel that we 
would be enhancing the value of their activities by undertaking to 
penalize them in this way and accordingly that we would be weaken- 
ing our own democratic concepts and institutions by doing just that 

Mr. Greex. Yes. 

Mr. Wood. Yet we penalize the murderer and all those who con- 
spire with him; we penalize every man who commits a crime against 
another citizen or who advocates a cancerous growth against the law, 


and all those who conspire \Yith him. What I want to find out from 
you is just what is the difference. 

Mr. Green. I think there is a difference, and as evidence of their 
claim that they are not seeking to destroy our Government by force, 
although we believe they are, but as evidence of the claim that they are 
not doing that, is the fact that they are in politics, and they are seeking, 
as they claim, to change our economic policies by winning in the elec- 
tions. ' Well, of course, we have conflicting parties. Those who be- 
lieve in one sort of political philosophy belong to one party, and those 
who believe with another one are in another party. Now. their claim 
is that it must be done through peaceful means and peaceful procedure. 

Mr. Wood. I understand that, Mr. Green. 

]\Jr. Grken. How are you going to punish them? 

Mr. Wood. You and I agree that that isn't so. The polecat might 
deny that he had an offensive odor, but denial doesn't make it true. 

Mr. Green. It may not be so, Mr. Congressman; it may not. 

Mr. Wood. I dare say you have never heard of a murderer going to 
trial that didn't deny that he intended to commit the crime of murder, 
but that doesn't make it so. As I see it, we are dealing here with a 

Mr. Green. Well, you still believe that a man charged with the 
commission of a crime must be given a fair trial before a court of 

Mr. Wood. Certainly. 

Mr. Green. How are you going to convict him unless you have the 
evidence ? 

Mr. Wood. That is a matter for the process of the courts. We 
have first got to have a law before we can have enforcement of it. 

Mr. Green. Well, I am trying to deal with it in a realistic way. 

Mr. Wood. That is all, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. IMoDowELL. Mr. Peterson. 

Mr. Peterson. Mr. Green, referring back to the question asked 
by Mr. Vail a few minutes ago with I'eference to aliens who come 
into this country and who shortly after they come into this country 
become members of the Communist Party or other parties that might 
advocate the overthrow of the Government by violence, do you have 
any solution of that? For instance, a man comes in and swears that 
he is not a member of any organization advocating the overthrow 
of the Government by violence, becomes a citizen, and within a rea- 
sonably short time he does become active in an association that is 
advocating the overthrow of the Government. Do you think we 
should pass a law to cover such a situation ? 

Mr. Green. You mean deal with his citizenship? 

Mr. Peterson. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Green. Well, I am not sure you could do that. Congressman. 
I would have to give that more thought. 

Mr. Peterson. Don't you think we ought to have a probational 
period of citizenship? In other words, haven't we been too lenient 
in taking people and making them citizens, and shouldn't we just 
select the best of those who are to be citizens of this country? 

Mr. Green. That means a change in our immigration statutes. 

Mr. Peterson. That is right. In other words, have a probational 
period. You stayed here 21 years before you voted, and I stayed 
here 21 years before I voted. Don't you think they should have a 


period in which the citizenship can be canceled if the man doesn't 
stand out ? 

Mr. Gri-:ex. Well 

Mr. Peterson. Does things that are suspicious and it looks like he 
is trying to run with the wrong crowd? 

Mr. Greex. There might be some room there for amendments to 
our innnigration statutes which would deal with that question in a 
more etfective wav. 

Mr, Peterson. One other thing. Don't you think probably that 
we could amend the law with reference to treason? The Supreme 
Court, 3'ou will recall, turned loose one man, who came into this 
country and persons helped him contact friends here and even kept 
his money, the Supreme Court holding that that did not come within 
the purview of the treason statutes — which requires of course two 
witnesses or confession in open court — and pointed out that there is 
a borderline of treasonable action against the government wherein we 
liave not taken legislative action. Don't you think we could reach 
some of these things, with reference to the broadening of what would 
actually be treason, without getting as far as we did in the old Alien 
Sedition laws? 

Mr. Green. I am not sure about that. I don't believe that is the 
-purpose of the two bills under consideration here, Mr. Congressman. 

Mr. Peterson. I understand, but I say that can be taken care of by 
amendment. The bills can be amended. 

Mr. Green. Yes. 

Mr. Peitsrson. Now, delegates to the convention cannot be members 
of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Green. No. 

Mr. Peterson. They cannot hold office in the locals ? 

Mr. Green. No. 

Mr. Peterson. That is my understanding, but I wanted to clear 
that up for the record. 

The policy of the American Federation of Labor for a long period 
of time has been to zealously keep Communists from infiltrating and 
dominating 3'our organization; isn't that right? 

Mr. Green. Yes, sir. We led in that. 

Mr. Peterson. Even as far back as the days of Samuel Gompers. 

Mr. Green. We led in that, yes. 

Mr. Peterson. He sounded, in one of his great Labor Day speeches, 
a warning, without specifically mentioning the party. 

Mr. Green. Yes. 

Mr. Peterson. A warning against those who would try to come in 
and infiltrate into the ranks of labor and who had no interest in the 
benefits of the workers but were doing it for their own selfish ends? 

Mr. Green. That is right. 

Mr. Peterson. I believe he sounded that call years ago. 

Mr. Green. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Peterson. I thank j'ou very much. 

Mr. McDowell. Mr. Bonner 

Mr. Peterson. One other question, developing the situation with 
reference to communistic activity. 

I believe ]\Ir. Foster, in the evidence here, showed rather strongly 
that he had almost gone to the point of admitting that t\\ej advocated 


violence in some instances ; and then there has been testimony that in 
the Communist schools they taught them how to create mass hysteria, 
how to make road blocks, how to do all those sort of things, and how 
to take charge of plants, and that sort of thing. 

In that particular instance, would you see anything wrong in 
amending this bill so as to definitely make it illegal to belong to 
organizations which advocate the actual overthrow of the government, 
other than by constitutional means ? 

Mr. Greex. Well, I don't think anj'one could object to a general 
provision which would make it illegal to advocate the overthrow of the 
government by violence or in any other wa}^ except through constitu- 
tional means. 

Mr. Petersox. I see. That was the point I was trying to develop. 

Of course, you realize in many instances in crime we have to prove 
by circumstances, rather than by direct evidence, too, don't you i 

Mr. Green. Yes. 

Mr. Peterson. All right. 

Mr. Bonner. Mr. Green, I was interested, on page 4 — World Fed- 
eration of Trade Unions — your emphatic stand in opposition to that 
group ; that is correct, isn't it ? 

INJr. Green. World Federation of Trade Unions, yes. 

Mr. Bonner. Is there any connection between the World Federa- 
tion of Trade Unions and the philosophy of the World Federation of 
Nations ? 

Mr. Green. None that I know of. I don't think there is any. I 
have no information that there is any relationship between those two, 
but in the World Federation of Trade Unions the entire membership 
of the trade unions, which in Russia are controlled by the Soviet 
Government, is affiliated with the World Federation of Trade Unions, 
and of course you know that membership is regimented. It is dom- 
inated by the Government. We know that, instead of the repie- 
sentatives of these 15 or 20 million regimented members of wliat 
they call organized labor in Russia being free to speak for them- 
selves, being classified as free democratic trade-unions, they are 
nothing more than a part of the Russian Government and they speak 
for the Russian Government. They get their instructions from the 
Russian Government. They must not violate those instructions. They 
must carry them out. 

Now, with 20,000,000 in that organization, it is a tremendous force. 
We know that no 20,000.000 Russians were ever organized freely into 
a free trade-union, on a democratic basis. 

Now, one of their representatives is on this committee, to go to 
Japan. Then, j^ou know of the growth of communism in France, don't 
you, since the war ? 

Mr. Bonner. Yes. 

Mr. Green. A representative of the so-called labor movement in 
France is on that committee, and he is a known Communist. 

There is another one or two, we think are Communists, tliat are on 
the committee. They are over in Japan now, and they are there be- 
cause the Government of the United States gave them a visa to go 

Mr. Bonner. I heard you say all that before, but the ultimate aim 
and end of the World Federation of Trade Unions is a one world ti ade- 
union, isn't it ; a one world labor group, isn't it? 


Mr. Green. AVell, I think that is it. Of course, I am not 

Mr. BoxxER. Isn't that the fact? 

Mr. Greex. I am not so familiar 

Mr. BoNXKH. Have one <2:reat trade-union that covers the world, 
isn't that their ultimate aim? 

Mr. Greex. I think that is a part of their economic philosophy. I 
am not sure. 

^Ir. BoxxER. All right. 

The World Federation of Nations is all the nations? 

Mr. Greex. You mean Avhat they call "one world"? 

Mr. BoxxER. Well, it is known and advocated by certain people, 
leaders and speakers, as a world federation of nations. 

Mr. Greex. Yes. 

Mr. BitxxER. Xow. isn't their idea and philosophy and ultimate aim 
identical witli the AVorld Federation of Trade Unions? 

Mr. Greex. Well, I should think so. That is what this is for. That 
is for the purpose of blending into this World Federation of Trade 
Unions all the organized labor units in the different countries. 

Mr. BoxxER. Then, your answer is that there is a connection be- 
tween the World Federation of Trade Unions and the World Federa- 
tion of Nations, both having the same ultimate end? 

Mr. Greex*. Of course, I couldn't say, because I haven't the infor- 
mation. Congressman. I don't know. 

Mr. Boxxer. What is your opinion ? 

Mr. Greex. But— 

Mr. Boxxer. What is your opinion on that ? 

Mr. Greex. The form of organization is similar: The one, the 
World Federation of Nations; and the other, the World Federation 
of Trade Unions. There is a similarity. 

Mr. Boxxer. Well, if v\-e went into a World Federation of Nations, 
Avouldn't the same policy of a Comnumist in the World Federation of 
Nations be similar and identical, and working to the same end that 
it would be and is, in the World Federation of Trade Unions? 

Mr. Greex. Well, they would attempt, I imagine, to bring about 
the acceptance of the Communist philosophy in the nations of the 

- Mr. Box'X'ER. If we went into them as a nation, you say the ultimate 
end then would be to bring about the communistic philosophy? Is 
that what you said ? 

Mr. Greex. I said, I suppose there would be a fight on the part 
of the Communists and their sympathizers to bring about the accept- 
ance of the Communist philosophy b}^ the nations of the world. 


Mr. Box'X'ER. In the world Federation of Nations, the ultimate 'end, 
then, of the great Russian nation and this Nation, which are the two 
nations of the world today — the prevailing influence of the Russian 
nation would be to bring about communism, to have communism pre- 
dominate, in the World Federation of Nations? 

Mr. (treex'. I think that is the aim and purpose of Russia and her 

Mr.. Boxxer. That is the only way that Russia would go into a 
World Federation of Nations, isn't it ? 

Mr. Greex. Well. I couldn't answer that. 


Mr. Bonner. Well, what is your opinion? I know you can't 

Mr. Green. My opinion is that she would be moved by that con- 
sideration : that i am <roing in here for the purpose of trying to bring 
about the acceptance of my philosophy by all the nations of the world. 

That is the clash that is going on now, at every meeting of the rep- 
resentatives of the Allies and Russia. 

Mr. Bonner. Then 

Mr. Green. That is evident. 

Mr. Bonner. What would be your advice, pro or con, with respect 
to a World Federation of Nations? 

Mr. Green. Well, do you mean a World Federation of Nations, sepa- 
rate from the United Nations? 

Mr. Bonner. Nations, governments — one government, one world. 

Mr. Green. Separated from the United Nations? 

Mr. Bonner. That is the philosophy that you have heard preached. 

Mr. Green. We are for the United Nations. We want you to know 

Mr. Bonner. I am not questioning that. 

Mr. Green. I don't want you to get mixed upon that. We are 
for the United Nations. 

Mr. Bonner. I understand that. 

Mr. Green. Yes. 

Mr. Bonner. I understand where you stand, but I want your opinion 
as to tlie connection between the World Federation of Nations and the 
World Federation of Trade Unions. 

Mr. Green. I don't know. 

Mr. Bonner. What is your opinion ? 

Mr. Green, I can't answer that. I don't know what the connection 
is. I don't think there is any at the present time. 

Mr. Bonner. All right, you just said it. 

Mr. Green. That is my opinion. 

Mr. Bonner. Now, would you advocate a world federation of 

Mr. Green. I don't want my answer to be misunderstood here. 
We favor the United Nations, as set up. 

Mr. Bonner. I do, too. 

Mr. Green. Do you ? 

Mr. Bonner. Yes. 

Mr. Green. Then we are in accord. 

Mr. Bonner. Then we are in accord, yes, but this other movement 
that is advocated 

Mr. Green. The United Nations? 

Mr. Bonner. Tlie United Nations is entirely different from this. 

Mr. Green. Well, where is this United Nations Organization 

Mr. Bonner. The World Federation of Nations, you mean? 

Mr. Green. Yes. 

Mr. Bonner. You heard it written about. 

Mr. Green. It hasn't been created, has it? 

Mr. Bonner. What ? 

Mr. Green. It hasn't been created, has it ? 

Mr. Bonner. No; it hasn't been created, but it is advocated. 

Mr. Green. Someone advocated it ? 


Mr. BoNXER. Yes. 

Mr. Green. I have noticed or<2;anizations that were formed for the 
purpose of creating what they call one world. 

Mr. BoNXER. AVell, it is the same thing. 

Mr. Green. Is that it? 

Mr. Bonner. That is it. 

Mr. Green. We would refuse to have anx^thing to do with that. 

Mr. Bonner. The answer is that you would refuse to have anything 
to do with it ? 

Mr. Green. So far as I know at the present time, yes. 

Mr. Bonner. Which is the same thing as the World Federation 
of Trade Unions? 

Mr. Green. Oh. there is a little difference there, I think. Ijecause 

Mr. Bonner. Well, if you came into a World Federation, then you 
would have one World Federation of Trade Unions, would you not? 

Mr. Green. We arrived at the conclusion, after studying the set-up 
of the World Federation of Trade Unions, that the American Federa- 
tion of Labor would have nothing whatsoever to do with it. We have 
been asked and invited to become a part of it, but we have positively 
refused because we will not subject our membership to the domination 
of the Communist philosophy and ideology. 

Mr. Bonner. Then, as a representative of the American Federation 
of Labor, you would have nothing whatever to do with this World 
Federation of Nations, is that it ? 

Mr. Green. I have never 

Mr. Bonner. Your answer would be yes or no? 

Mr. Green. I know nothing about that. I don't understand it. 

Mr. Bonner. Well, didn't you know that certain State legislatures 
throughout the United States had passed resolutions adopting and 
advocating this program? 

Mr. Green. The International Federation of Nations? 

Mr. Bonn-er. Nations, yes. 

Mr. Green. Well, I have followed these declarations by those who 
were supporting one world, and by other organizations. 

Mr. Bonner. Well, it is all the same thing. 

Mr. Green. But we have never been invited to have anything to do 
with them and we will not have anything to do with them. You can 
accept that as an answer to your question, if you wish. 

Mr. Bonner. All right, that is all I want. 

Now, is this World Federation of Trade Unions growing in 
America ? 

Mr. Green. Is it what ? 

Mr. Bonner. Is it making any headway in America, this World 
Federation of Trade Unions ? Is it making any headway in America ? 

ISIr. Green. Well, there is an organization here that is affiliated 
with it. 

Mr. Bonner. Do they have — -I am not as familiar with tl^e labor 
set-up as some other people, I am sympathetic to labor organizations — 
any, what you call, locals, and then from the locals go into United 
States organization? 

Mr. Green. There is a group, one national organization here in the 
Ignited States, that is affiliated with the World Federation of Trade 
L^nions, but the American Federation of Labor is not. 


Mr. Bonner. What I am trying to get j'our answer on is — we have 
the A. F. of L., and the CIO. Now, is this group trying to grow so as 
to be a competitive organization to yours or the other, here in the 
United States? 

Mr. Green. No, not that I know of. 

Mr. Bonner. Their membership, then, either comes into the CIO 
or the A. F. of L.? 

Mr. Green. The CIO is affiliated with the World Federation of 
Trade Unions. 

Mr. Bonner. And you are not, are you ? 

Mr. Green. We are not. 

Mr. Bonner. What trade union is predominant in Panama, that is, 
the Government area — call it the Panama Canal Zone ? 

Mr. Green. In the World Federation of Trade Unions ? 

Mr. Bonner. No. What trade union is predominant in the Panama 
Canal Zone ? Is it the A. F. of L. or the- CIO ? 

Mr. Green. Well, I am not sure. We are there, though, and have 
been there for years. 

Mr. Bonner. And the CIO is there ? 

Mr. Green. Our organization has been functioning in the Canal 
Zone, oh, ever since the Canal was built. 

Mr. Bonner. Now, is this World Federation of Trade Unions try- 
ing to organize employees in the Canal Zone ? 

]Mr. Green. No. 

Mr. Bonner. No ? 

Mr. Green. No. It doesn't engage in local organization, or na- 
tional organization. 

Mr. Bonner. Is any other trade union trying to organize the em- 
ployees in the Canal Zone? 

Mr. Green. It is a federation of trade unions, already established 
in different countries. 

Mr. Bonner. Yes, but is there any other union, besides yours and 
the CIO, trying to organize the employees in the Canal Zone ? 

Mr. Green. Yes. 

Mr. Bonner. What is it? What is the name of it? 

]Mr. Green. The CIO is engaged in organizing there. I don't 
know of anyone else. 

Mr. Bonner. I asked 3'ou the question if there were am^ other? 

Mr. Green. I know of no other organizations. 

Mr. Bonner. Any labor movement in the Canal Zone, other than 
the A. F. of L. or the CIO? 

Mr. Green. I don't know of any. There may be some independent 

Mr. Bonner. Well, you would know, if they were ? 

Mr. Green. Yes. 

Mr. Peterson. Some of the railroad brotherhoods have their locals 

Mr. Bonner. I am not talking about that. I am talking about any 
trade union or labor organiz;ition that would be affiliated or inmilar 
to this World Federation of Trade Unions. You say there isn't? 

Mr. Green. You were asking me about 

Mr. Bonner. You said there was not. 

Mr. Green. In the Canal Zone? 


Mr. Bonner. Yes. 

]Mi-. (iREEX. I don't know of any orpin izat ion there, except the A. F. 
of L., the CIO, and maybe an independent one. 

Mr. Bonner. What would be the independent one? 

Mr. Green. Just an organization formed of the local workers 

Mr. Bonner. The local group? 

Mr. Green. A local independent group. 

Mr. Bonner. And they are not led, influenced, or directed by any 
over-all organization off somewhere else? 

Mr. Green. Xo, not at all. 

Mr. Bonner. That is all. 

Mr. McDowell. Mr. Green, you said a w^hile ago that the American 
working people had reached the highest standard of living in the world. 
1 am very sure the committee agrees with the Chair in his stating that 
you and your organization have made a great contribution to that 
very happy status. 

To further ISIr. Bonner's question, there are some 17,000 members 
of the CIO in the Panama Cana Zone. Two men known to be affili- 
ated with various Communist front organizations are highly influ- 
ential in that union. AVould it be your opinion, Mr. Green, in the 
event of military difficulties between Russia and America, that that 
would constitute a highly dangerous situation for America? 

Mr. Green. Well, it might. 

Mr. IVIcDoavell. Are there any further questions? 

Mr. Nixon. No. 

Mr. Vail. Yes. 

Mr. Vail. I think we are agreed that today w^e are in a critical 
stage in world affairs. Just yesterday Ambassador Bullitt testified 
to the effect that if Russia were in possession of the atomic bomb, it 
would already have been dropped on an important sector of the United 
States. That being the situation, don't you feel that it is well to have 
our house in order, from the standpoint of loyalties? Don't you 
believe that this investigation is timely? 

Mr. Green. Well, I believe the investigation is, yes. I think it is 
well to go into it. 

Mr. Vail. And, in j^our opinion, do you feel, from your knowledge 
of the labor situation, that connnunism has sufficiently impregnated 
any labor organizations to an extent that would effectively impede 
production, in the event of war? 

Mr. Green. No; I don't think so. It is my opinion, in the event 
of war, that production in America would reach the same high stand- 
ard that it reached during the last World War. That is my opinion. 

Mr. Vail. That is all. Thank you. 

Mr. McDowell. Mr. Green, on behalf of the Un-American Activi- 
ties Committee, I wish to thank you for your very scholarly and 
thorough analysis of the problem before the committee. 

Thank you, sir, for coming here. 

Mr. Green. Thank you, and members of the committee, for your 

Mr. McDowell. The Chair desires to announce and read into the 
record at this point a telegram from Cecil B. De Mille, of California. 


(The telegram referred to is as follows:) 

I regret that my schedule here prevents my appearing before the Committee 
on Un-American Activities this week, but wish to state for the record my endorse- 
ment of the principles of President Truman's Executive Order of March 22 
setting up standards of loyalty for Federal employees. I hope that your com- 
mittee and the Congress will implement this order with appropriate legislation 
extending its provisions to the other branches of government. The standards 
set up by the President could well be applied by the governments of the several 
States, by schools, labor unions, civic organizations, and by employers in nation- 
ally vital industry, especially industries that mold public thought. Urge full 
political freedom for all citizens, including their right to advocate peaceful con- 
stitutional governmental change, but our laws should be strengthened to make it 
impossible for any foreign or native group to plot the overthrow of our Govern- 
ment under the cloak of lawful political activity. I definitely believe the Com- 
munist Party is organized in this country for that purpose. In the past few 
years we have seen Communists burrow in and weaken country after country 
to the point of collapse. We look to this Congress to protect America from this 
or any other insidious termite attack from within. 

Cecil B. De Mille. 

The Chair also wishes to announce that at 2 :30 this afternoon, Ray , 
Sawyer, the national commander of the AMVETS of World War II, 
will testify. 

Testimony tomorrow : At 10 : 30 o'clock, Dr. Emerson Schmidt, of 
the United States Chamber of Commerce ; 

At 11 : 30. Mr. Eugene Dennis, the general secretary of the Com- 
munist Party of America ; 

At 2 : 30, Senator Jack B. Tenney, of Sacramento, Calif. ; and at 
3 : 30, Mrs. Julius Y. Talmadge, president general of the DAR. 

The committee will rise until 2 : 30. 


The committee resumed at 2 : 30 p. m., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas 
(chairman) presiding. 

The following members were present: Hon. John McDowell and 
Hon. Jolni E. Rankin. 

Staff members present: Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator; 
Louis J. Russell and Donald T. Appell, investigators; and Benjamin 
!Mandel. Director of Research. 

The Chairman. The meeting will come to order. 

The record will show that this is a continuation of the morning 
session, and present now are Mr. McDowell, Mr. Rankin, and Mr. 

The Chair wishes to announce that at the hearing tomorrow we 
will adhere to the following schedule : 

At 10 : 30 a. m.. Dr. Emerson Schmidt, of the United States Chamber 
of Commerce ; 

11 : 30 a. m., Eugene Dennis, general secreary of the Communist 

At 2 : 30 p. m., State Senator Jack B. Tenney, of California; and 

At 3 : 30 p. m.. Mrs. Julius Talmadge, president of the DAR. 

This afternoon we will have a statement from Mr. Allen P. Solada, 
Avho is now executive director of the American Veterans of World 
War 11. 

Mr. Ray Sawyer, the national commander, will not be with us be- 
cause of a previous engagement. 


The Chairman. Mr. Solada will you be sworn, please. 
(The witness was duly sworn by "the chairman.) 
The Chairman. Now, Mr. Solada, have you a statement ? 
Mr. Solada. Yes ; I have a statment. 

The Chairman. Do you want to read that statement before we ask 
you questions? 
Mr. Solada. Yes. 


Mr. Solada. My name is Allen P. Solada. I am national executive 
director of the AMVETS. 

The AMVETS is the infant organization of the veterans groups. 
We have 1,U2 posts, located in the 48 States and the District of 


Mr. Rankin. Before you start reading your statement, AMVETS 
is the American Veterans of World War II? 

Mr. Solada. AMVETS is the American Veterans of World War 
II : yes, sir. 

^iv. Rankin. And you don't take in anyone except veterans? 

Mr. Solada. No one but honorably discharged veterans who have 
served in active duty. 

Mr. Rankin. I see. That is all. 

Mr. SoLAJ>A. "Eternal vigilance" is a watchword of A^IVETS. At 
its first national convention, in October of 1945. at Chicago, the organi- 
zation adopted a code of principles, one of the most important of which 
is the following : 

We shall resist by whatever means are reasonably necessary any attempts by 
enemies from within or without to undermine or destroy the democratic principles 
upon which this Nation is founded. These principles must be maintained in- 
violate. Only by eternal vigilance on the part of all Americans can this, our 
heritage. l»e preserved four ourselves and posterity. 

Freedom of thought and political action are the foundation of our 
Government, and orderly processes for which we have a great deal of 
respect were established to implement them. We believe that if im- 
portant changes need be made in that Government they should be 
made by the great majority of the people, and not by a minor dissident 
element strenuously clamoring to sound like a majority. 

For what we consider very good reasons. Communists or Communist 
sympathizers are not admitted to membership in AMVETS. 

Article IV of the national constitution of AMVETS provides, in 

jDart : 

No person who is a member of, or who advocates the principles of, any 
organization believing in, or working for, the overthrow of the United States 
Government by f(n-ce, and no person who refuses to uphold and defend the 
Constitution of the United States, shall be privileged to become, or continue to 
be. a member of this organization. 

Furthermore, article V of the national bylaws provides: 

Hereafter all AMVETS .shall, prior to their acceptance as members, pledge 
allegiance to the United States of America and its Constitution, and certify 
rhat they have read or have had read to them the AMVETS declaration of 
principles, and that they accept and subscribe to the same, and they shall not 
advocate or belong to any group or organization advocating the overthrow 
of the United .States Government by force. 


Kesolutions were adopted at our recent convention "urging the 
Congress to continue the fight against all un-American groups and 
organizations to the end that freemen may live in a free nation in 
peace" and "denouncing any and all acts, by whomever done, that tend 
to weaken loyalty, to incite treason or sedition, or in any mamier 
to impair the stability and permanency of free institutions," 

Living in a community of comparative ease and affluence, we are 
prone to disregard the insidious dangers that surround us. 

We ask Americans and their Government to be realistic and face 
the truth. We demand who could unbiasedly, with any knowledge 
of the Communist movement in the world, doubt that the Communist 
Party in the United States is a fifth column of an alien nation, de- 
signed to overthrow our Government. 

Constitutional government is established to define specified rights 
and privileges within the States. If our Government needs any 
change, let it be done by properly constituted means, not by subversion 
and deceit. The question becomes whether we shall abide l)y the 
rich wisdom of our fathers. Shall we be ruled by law, and by the 
considerate judgment of our citizens, or will it be at the caprice of 
some individual or group, who may use any vicious means to acquire 
power and maintain it ? 

The legality of the Communist Party in the United States is ques- 
tioned because it is notoriously the cardinal principle of Russian 
communism to operate by deceit and subterfuge. We attack the 
Communist Party as constituting a conspiracy against the American 
way of life and the United States Government. There are many 
honest-thinking Americans far removed from the side of communism 
who will oppose outlawing of the Communist Party. They will op- 
pose this unprecedented step from the viewpoint that it is undemo- 
cratic, that it is unworthy of the hard-won American way of life. 

But today we cannot debate democracy. We must defend democ- 
racy. Inasmuch as one of the avowed purposes of the Communist 
Party is to overthrow the American Government, and, thereby, dem- 
ocracy, we believe the Communist Party should' be outlawed in the 
United States. 

That is the end of the statement. 

The Chairmax. Mr. Solada, that is a very good statement. Now. 
if you don't mind, the connnittee members will ask whatever questions 
they may have. Mr. Rankin, do you have any questions? 

Mr. Raxkix. Mr. Solada, is your organization willing to join the 
other patriotic organizations in this country in their efforts to drive 
subversive elements from the Federal pay roll, from the State pay rolls, 
and from the radio and the moving-picture industries? 

Mr. Solada. Yes. 

Mr. Raxkix. And also from our educational institutions? 

Mr. Solada. Yes, sir; we are. 

Mr. Raxkix. This last proposition is very important, for the reason 
that in Connnunist countries they are short of brains and therefore 
they try to get hold of all the scientists they can and put them up on the 
pedestal by making them, we will say, commissars. We have a few 
peoi)le in this country who are overeducated and undertrained ; that is, 
educated beyond their capacities, probably. They have organized 
them into a Conniuniist-front organization jind made them think that 


in ii Comnmnist count iv they would be ooniniissars; in other words, 
that they wouhl luive a jSreferred status; and they are ruiniinji around 
over the' country usin<: this kind of ar<ruinent, tliat we nuist <j:et rid of 
the United States. Tjiat is the exact hinpiajre of their statements. 

Now, wouhl youi- or<ranization be willing to join in a movement to 
ferret out those individuals? 

Mr. SoLADA. We would, sir. 

Mr. Raxkix. And pet them out of the educational institutions of 

Mr. SoLADA. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Rankin. We have a large number of servicemen, untold thou- 
sands of them, now attendin*; college. These individuals, although 
they may be sent there to teach astronomy or mathematics or history, 
manage to go beyond their scope of authority and deliver lectures 
berating and belittling the Government of the United States. 

A suggestion was made, I believe by the American Legion yesterday, 
that the Federal Government withhold these funds from all institu- 
tions having such subversive professors on their pay roll. Would you 
go along with that ? 

Mr. SoLADA. Emphasizing the subversive parts. 

Mr. Rankin. Yes. 

Mr. Solada. In other words, if it is subversive, do away with it 

Mr. iR,ANKiN. In other words, if a professor is advocating openly to 
abolish the United States Government 

Mr. Solada. Yes. 

Mr. Rankin. Or advocating any other subversive activity, then your 
organization would go along and help purge our educational institu- 

Mr. Solada. That is correct. 

Mr. Rankin. You veterans' organizations — I was chairman as you 
know, probably, of the Veterans' Committee for 16 years and I have 
taken more punishment for my support of veterans' legislation than 
probabh' any other Member of Congress who ever served in the 
Congress of the United States. I think today this element w^e are 
talking about are doing our servicemen more harm than any other 
influence that I know of. Your organization which, as you say here, 
is purely an American organization, admits nobody who is even tinged 
with communism? 

Mr. Solada. That is right. 

Mr. Rankin. Or with -nazism or with fascism or any other un- 

Mr. Solada. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Rankin. Your organization, and the other veterans' organiza- 
tions, such as the DAV's and the Veterans of Foreign Wars and the 
American Legion, and also the Daughters of the American Revolution, 
can do more to help save this country from that kind of propaganda 
and that kind of evil influence than even the Congress of the United 
States can do, and I am delighted to know* that your organization 
assumes that position. 

Mr. Solada. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Rankin. That attitude. 

99651 — 47 6 


Mr. SoLADA. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Eankin. Because we are coming to a show-down. 

Mr. SoLADA. Naturally, I don't want to inject my own personal 
opinions, so when I speak I am speaking of the intent of our resolu- 
tions and the mandates of our convention. 

Mr. Rankin. Yes. 

Mr. SoLADA. Which I think have been very clear in that respect. 

Mr. Rankin. I think so ; yes. 

Now, 3^ou have heard about outlawing the Communist Party. What 
we are trying to do is to destroy the influence of communism on our 
American way of life, because it is dedicated to the overthrow of this 
Government and to the destruction of the American way of life. They 
get out and talk about the capitalist system. You and I would think, 
if we hadn't been informed on it, that they were talking about multi- 
millionaires, but what they are talking about is the right to own 
property, to own your land, your home, your factory, your farm, your 
store, your filling station; in other words, to make every individual 
a slave of the state. That means a slave of a bunch of commissars, as 
there are in all Communist countries today. 

In other words, we have come to a definite show-down, it seems to 
me, between oriental communism and western civilization, and it is 
going to require the patriotic efforts of all American organizations 
and all American individuals to turn back this tide of fanaticism that 
is creeping in and attempting to undermine and destroy not only our 
Government but our American way of life, and at the same time 
destroy the religious beliefs, the faith of our children and our chil- 
dren's children. 

I know your statement is short, but it tells a great story, and I, for 
one, am delighted to know that you take that position. 

Mr. SoLADA. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. Rankin. I congratulate you. 

The Chairman. Mr. McDowell. 

Mr. McDowell. The gentleman from Mississippi forgot the 
Daughters of the Confederacy. 

Mr. Rankin. Yes. I will take the Daughters of the Confederacy, 
and I will take the Daughters of the Grand Army of the Republic. 

Mr. McDowell. Mr. Solada, your organization takes no Com- 
munists. I assume you know of no Communists in the AMVETS? 

Mr. SoLADA. We know of no Communists, and if we would know it, 
we would immediately ask for their dismissal. 

Mr. McDowell. Would you know, or would you care to make an 
observation, of any orgainzation that does accept Communists in 
an amount sufficient that they may influence the organization? 

Mr. Solada. To my own knowledge, I know of no organization that 
does accept Communists. There is one organization that has the 
reputation for accepting Communists. That is an organization that 
has a name very similar to ours. 

Mr. McDowell. What is the name? 

Mr. SoLADA. The American Veterans Committee, an organization 
that, because of the similarity of names, has created a great deal of 
trouble for us. We, every day, must deny the fact that we are not 


a Communist organization. But, as I say, I would have no personal 
evidence that there are Communists in the AVC. 

Mr. McDowell. Thank you. That is all. 

The Chairman. Mr. Solada, how many members do you have? 

Mr. SoLADA. We have approximately 113,000. 

The Chairman. And they are veterans oiP World War II? 

Mr. Solada. World War II exclusively; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Veterans who have seen service at the fighting 
fronts, as well as at home? 

Mr. SoLADA. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. How many posts do you have, all told? 

Mr. SoLu\DA. We have 1,142 posts. 

The Chairman. I just want to make this observation : I can recall 
back 25 years ago when I was a veteran, when I was joining the Ameri- 
can Legion. I can recall now my two sons, one of whom was in the 
Air Corps out in the Pacific, and one in the parachute troops in Europe. 
As a result of those associations, I naturally have come in contact with 
many veterans, both of World War I and World War II, and I have 
come to this conclusion, that the largest task of veterans' organizations 
and of individual veterans today and in the future will be to protect this 
country from within as well as from without. 

You have two jobs, two important jobs, aside from aiding one 
another. The first is to be ever vigilant, and the second, to carry 
on a program of education. You know what you fought for, but you 
must know what you are going to fight for in the future, and you can 
preserve this country more than any other group of people can because 
you know the seriousness of it more than we old-timers do. I hope 
that your organization will grow and that the veterans of World War 
II will carry on in such a manner that we will never have to have these 
kind of hearings. There will be no necessity for them. I hope you 
will protect the country so that we w^on't have to have expose of un- 
American termites, and that sort of thing. 

I, as chairman of this committee, just want to leave that little mes- 
sage with you and through you to all the veterans of World War 11. 

Are there any other questions? 

Mr. Rankin. Let me say this to you : It has always been the veterans 
of this country that have protected it in times of crisis. After the 
War Between the States, it was the Civil War veterans of the Northern 
States and the Civil War veterans of the Southern States that kept 
down lawlessness. A thing like this couldn't- have crept in, in those 
days. You couldn't have gotten a Communist foothold in any State 
in the Union 10 years after the War Between the States. And after the 
last war, it was the veterans' organizations — the American Legion, the 
Veterans of Foreign Wars, and the DAV — that turned their efforts, 
successful efforts, toward stamping out communism in this country. 

The veterans of this war, with their assitance and their weight, can 
save this country from the threats that now hang over us. 

Now, were you here yesterday and did you hear the testimony of 
Mr. Bullitt ? 

Mr. Solada. Xo, I wasn't here yesterday. 


Mr. Rankin. I hope you will read the testimony of Mr. Bullitt, be- 
cause it was alarming. 
Mr-SoLADA. I will, sir. 
Mr. Rankin. Do you have any other statement to make ? 

Mr. SOLADA. No. 

Mr. Rankin. If so, we will be glad to hear you. 
I hope you get your charter right away. 
Mr. Solada. Thank you very much. 
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Solada. 
I want to make one more announcement before we adjourn, and 
that is that J. Edgar Hoover will be here tomorrow and testify at 3 : 45. 
The committee stands adjourned. 



House of Representatives, 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D. C. 

The committee met at 10: 30 a. m., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas (chair- 
man) presiding. 

The following membei-s were present : Hon. John McDowell, Hon. 
Richard M. Nixon. Hon. Richard B. Vail, and Hon. J. Hardin Peter- 

Staff members present : Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator ; 
Louis J. Russell and Donald T. Appell, investigators; and Benjamin 
Mandel, Director of Research. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

The Chair would also like to make this statement : This is going 
to be a very busy day for this committee. We have five witnesses. 
The quarters here seem to be a little cramped so I suggest that every- 
body be as careful as possible to make as little noise as possible so that 
we can hear each witness ; and I also suggest to the committee members 
that we not ask too many questions of any one witness in order that we 
may conclude the testimony of all the witnesses scheduled for today. 

The first witness is Dr. Schmidt, of the Chamber of Commerce of 
the United States. Dr. Schmidt, be sworn, please. 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, do you have any questions? 


Mr. Stripling. Dr. Schmidt, will you state your full name for the 
record, please ? 

Dr. Schmidt. Emerson P. Schmidt. 

Mr. Stripling. You are here as a representative of the Chamber of 
Commerce ? 

Dr. Schmidt. That is right. 

Mr. Stripling. Do you have a prepared statement. Dr. Schmidt? 

Dr. Schmidt. Yes, sir. I think it is on the desks of the members 
of the committee, 

Mr. Stripling. I suggest, Mr. Chairman, that he read his statement 
at this time, with questions to follow. 

The Chairman. So ordered. 



Dr. Schmidt. An anti-Communist program : 

The opportunity to present our views on the problems of Communist 
infiltration and activities is appreciated. 

The Chamber has watched closely the work of the Committee on 
Un-American Activities and we have to commend the chairman and 
the members of this committee for their statesmanlike approach to 
this problem. We are especially glad to note that the committee is 
building up an intelligent staff of competent people. We hope that 
you will have sufficient personnel to do the job which confronts you 
and your country. 

This work should be closely coordinated with the work of several 
other committees since we are not confronted merely with a domestic 
problem but also with intricate problems of high international policy. 

The Chamber of Commerce started an investigation of the problem 
in 1945 and we have now published three reports : 

1. Communist Infiltration in the United States, 40 pages. 

2. Communists Within the Government, 60 pages. 

3. Communists Within the Labor Movement, 55 pages. 

These reports were released at intervals in the past 5 months; yet 
they have attained a combined circulation of over three-quarters of 
a million copies and, Mr. Chairman, we shall be glad to have these 
three reports made part of the record of these hearings, if in your 
judgment any useful purpose will be served thereby. 

The Chairman. Without objection the reports referred to will be 
inserted at this point. 




Its Nature and How To Combat It 

IN THE MODERN WORLD, unsettled by the greatest 
wars and depressions in history, new groups come into 
power, unproven economic and poHtical systems come into 
being, and traditional standards and customs often give way 
to chaos and ferment. 

The first World War produced its brood of problems, not the 
least of which was the advent of Communism, Fascism and 
Nazism. The conflicts within and among these power systems 
in turn plunged us into another world war. The world writhed 
in agony, because men made political and economic mistakes. 

After the fighting officially ceased in Europe and Asia in 
1945, political ferment once again became the order of the day. 
Instead of the iron Statism of Germany and Italy during the 
thirties we now have two types of collectivism competing for 
favor in disturbed lands. The Soviet Union is evangelizing its 
creed of Communism in the nations which it controls. It is 
spending huge sums in propaganda eflForts throughout the 
world. Many of our citizens are its agents and sponsors, wit- 
tingly, and some unwittingly. 

On the other hand, many nations outside the Soviet sphere 
are embracing the Socialist variety of collectivism which may 
be just as dangerous as Communism for freedom, religion and 
economic progress. England and France are in the vanguard 
in this movement, but undoubtedly they will have followers. 

Even if the American citizen thinks that he is not yet directly 
affected by these movements, he can not afford to be indifferent 



toward them. Men do not think in a vacuum. Consciously or 
unconsciously they are influenced by their environment. 
Accordingly, it behooves us to make a fair examination of the 
new collectivism. Only in this way can we intelligently choose 
our own political and economic future. 

This brochure makes an accurate and dispassionate appraisal 
of the new world trends, including the infiltration here among 
us. It endeavors to study their implications for the United 
States. With clear understanding, the way will be paved for 
enlightened action. 

The Worship of the State 

Tn the agony and chaos of recent years, we detect two re- 
Jl- current themes. The first is the worship of the State. The 
second, and correlative theme, is the denial of the rights of the 
individual. As the State takes over, the individual must give 
way. The absolute State reached its malign perfection under 
Fascism, Nazism, and Communism. Under these regimes the 
State was all, the individual nothing. On the other hand, 
denial of the basic rights of man has existed, even where the 
evil tree of Statism has not taken root. Thus, in our own land 
we have movements of organized private power, intolerance 
and hatred. The Ku Klux Klan, the persecution of racial, re- 
ligious, and national minorities, and even outright anti-demo- 
cratic movements have had at least limited sway at different 
times in parts of the United States. Our democracy is great, 
but it is not perfect. 

In analyzing these trends from the viewpoint of American 
policy, a student finds that their impact and importance vary 
considerably. Thus, Socialism is not a strongly organized move- 
ment here, although step by step we too may become victims 
of this form of collectivism. Its importance in some parts of 
Europe is great. Fascism and Nazism lost their effectiveness 


with the defeat of the Axis in the Second World War although 
the idea may not be dead. 

Only in one of the cases portrayed above do we find a thor- 
oughly organized and zealous campaign to introduce total 
tyranny in America. The Communist Party with its supporters 
alone is achieving real success in forcing upon us a program 
contrarv to the ideals of our Nation. It is for this reason that 
the present study concentrates exclusively upon the Commu- 
nist brand of State-worship and denial of the rights of man. 

The Communist Creed 

UNDER Communism, the State is the supreme master 
over the lives of its citizens. In its economic aspect, it 
is characterized by complete State ownership and control of 
productive property. 

In the political field. Communism makes no pretense of 
granting freedom. The Soviet Union and the nations it controls 
are rigid dictatorships. Freedom of speech and assembly are 
denied. Dissent from government is considered treason, and is 
punished by all-powerful political police systems. Elections are 
merely formal, since no choice of candidates is offered. At 
times religion is openly persecuted, but under any circum- 
stances tremendous obstacles are placed in its path. 

There is no likelihood that Communism will ever tolerate 
freedom. Some of its adherents argue that the present stage 
(of nearly 30 years) is merely transitional. But there is no evi- 
dence that a reversal of policy is possible so long as Communism 
persists. On the contrary, controls are being tightened and 
extended as an inexorable result of its political and economic 
system. Certainly if freedom were to come, it would be a gift 
from those in power, and not a demand from those under sub- 
jection. Yet, history gives few examples of rulers who volun- 
tarily relinquished absolute power. 


Communism in Practice 

EVEN A casual knowledge of life under Communism 
shows how language is debased when this system is 
classed as "peace-loving" and "democratic." In Russia it has 
manifested itself by consistent expansionist policies and vio- 
lations of treaties, as well portrayed by William C. Bullitt,* 
And the all-pervasive tyranny practiced upon its subjects 
would hardly 'merit the name "democracy." 

Americans take certain freedoms for granted. We find it 
hard to realize that today, after the overthrow of the Axis, 
hundreds of millions still live in virtual slavery. With some, it 
is actual slavery. The existence of Soviet slave camps for 
political prisoners, those who for one reason or another fell out 
of favor with the government, is not denied. It is more difficult 
to say with certainty the number of these hapless victims. 
The consensus of authorities holds that it is a minimum of ten 
million, and may range as high as thirty million.** 

In America, labor is free, apparently free even to abuse its 
power to the detriment of the national welfare. But under 
Communism, the trade unions are agents of the State, used 
to discipline the workers in order to achieve higher production 
and political ends of the State. They are helpless to protect 
labor against cruel exploitation. Instances are cited in the 
Soviet press where workers were not paid for months. Yet, their 
unions dare not raise a voice against the autocracy of Com- 
munist factory managers. Only when the Party itself decides 
upon a purge are these conditions exposed and corrected. 

This tyranny carries over into every phase of life. There is 
no freedom of expression in press, radio, or schools. Propaganda 
indoctrination is complete and total. Courts exist, not to defend 
rights, but only to prosecute criminal and political offenses, 

* The Great Globe Itself: New York, Scribner. See especially the appendix. 
** Not commonly recognized is the fact that this slavery is also a device for securing 
virtually costless labor. 


Religion is grudgingly tolerated today, so long as it remains 
a creature of the State, but it is not free in the sense that 
we conceive freedom. Worship is permitted to a limited degree, 
but no churchman would dare raise his voice against violations 
of the moral law. A Faulhaber or a Niemoller would be 
promptly liquidated by the ubiquitous secret police. 

This absolute regimentation is apparently for export. It 
has been applied systematically in the nations occupied by the 
Soviet authorities. Only the blind can fail to see the gross 
reality of Communism in action. Even if it were to bring 
economic benefits to its subjects, it would be at an intolerable 
price, the sacrifice of the basic rights of man. And, in fact, it 
has only changed the form of exploitation. Instead of the Tsar 
and the nobility living upon the toil of the workers, it is now 
the Commissar, the Party members and a few favorites who 
prosper while millions slave.* 

Communism an Organised Movement 

COMMUNISM is an organized and even fanatical world 
movement. Its ideology holds that the opposition 
between it and private capitalism is complete and unalter- 
able.** As a result, it holds that capitalism must die in the 
throes of bloody revolution. Such a movement cannot be 
appeased by improvements in the standard of living of the 
people in capitalist nations. It is dangerous to make any con- 
trary assumption. Marx said that capitalism is essentially 
exploitive, that it must oppress the workers, and hence that 
it must be overthrown by force. Communists believe this with 
blind fanaticism and privately preach violent revolution. The 

* For a calm portrayal of the Soviet system, see: "Communism in Action." House 
Document 754, 79th Congress, 2nd Session. This can be obtained from your Congress- 
man or Senator, or from the Superintendent of Documents at twenty-five cents a copy. 
** The U. S. S. R. operates under state capitalism, in contrast to our voluntary 
private competitive capitalism. 


successful working of free enterprise may make it difficult for 
Communism to gain recruits, but it will not dampen the faith 
of the confirmed Coihmunist. Nor would it prevent the triumph 
of Communism here through conquest by a foreign power, 
aided by our domestic Fifth Column, namely, the infiltration of 
Communists and their sympathizers in government, the armed 
forces, labor, and other important spheres of American life. 

This dogma of essential conflict must be understood in order 
properly to evaluate Soviet policy. Thus, when Stalin, in 
February, 1946, announced a vast military program to counter 
foreign "encirclement," and in September, 1946, derided the 
idea of encirclement as a myth, the average reader was con- 
fused. Actually, the first proclamation was in harmony with 
the basic principles of Communism. The subsequent retraction 
was but another temporary tactical retreat, similar to many 
others which Stalin describes in his own writings. Significantly, 
there was no let-up in military preparations or stay in aggres- 
sive Soviet actions to prove the sincerity of Stalin's "peace 


The Comintern 

As THE INSTRUMENT of the crusade to crush private 
JL ^^ capitalism, the Communist International has been 
organized. The aims of this world movement, called the 
Comintern, are to organize and stimulate Communist move- 
ments in all the nations of the world. Its openly professed 
objectives are to foster revolution in all capitalist lands. While 
technically distinct from the Soviet Government, it is in fact 
an agency of that State. Its headquarters are in Moscow and 
its leaders are the most powerful men in the Communist 

The Comintern was ostensibly dissolved in 1943 as a gesture 
of cooperation between the Soviet Union and its allies. A 


detailed study of the Report of the Royal Commission, issued 
in June, 1946, in connection with the Canadian espionage trials, 
casts grave doubt upon the reality of the dissolution. On the 
contrary, there is documented and irrefutable evidence that 
the Comintern organized major espionage rings among its 
allies throughout the war. 

Furthermore, the scope of coordinated propaganda activi- 
ties of the Comintern since war's end is almost unbelievable 
both in extent and intensity. Such widely diverse regions 
as the Arab world, the colonial countries of Asia and the newly 
independent Philippines, and practically all Latin American 
countries are being thoroughly cultivated. Comintern agents 
were the guiding forces behind the 1946 elections in Chile, 
where Communists showed astonishing strength. In the small 
island of Cuba, they have a powerful radio station and a sub- 
sidized news service, both used to spread propaganda through 
other Latin American countries. Their staff in Mexico is large 
and skillfully organized. 

Little information has been released in regard to Comintern 
activities in the United States. Nevertheless, the Canadian 
Report shows that the several groups there worked closely 
with similar and more extensive rings in the United States. 
It also reveals that the Tass News Agency in New York sends 
lengthy reports to the Soviet Union, of which only an infini- 
tesimal fraction is used for the Soviet press. Purchasing com- 
missions and other economic groups transmit most minute 
details of commercial and industrial activity, sending abroad 
tons of blueprints and elaborate reports. In the fields of mili- 
tary and diplomatic secrets, according to the Canadian Com- 
mission, the Comintern seeks and usually obtains detailed 
and circumstantial accounts. 

The Canadian Report indicates that the present head- 
quarters of the Comintern are still in Moscow. Nevertheless, 
there are indications that some of its functions have been 
transferred to Paris. At least, this latter city is the headquar- 


ters for the various international Communist groups of labor, 
youth, and women. Other groups still to be formed, such as a 
world federation of scientists, will undoubtedly center there. 
This transfer permits such groups to pose as democratic or- 
ganizations. Furthermore, Paris is a better communication 
center for the purpose of reaching Western Europe and the 

The spirit of this movement was expressed by Comrade 
Yudin, one of the chief molders of the USSR policy, as quoted 
by Victor Kravchenko in / Chose Freedom: "There are two 
worlds . . . The two worlds of capitalism and Communism can- 
not forever exist side by side. As long as we exist in a capitalist 
encirclement, we are in danger." Stalin reiterated this same 
view in his February, 1946, address. 

Soviet Expansionism 

IN ADDITION to the ideology of Communism, many 
persons see in the Comintern a tool of a new form of old- 
fashioned power politics. Indeed, the Trotsky branch of Com- 
munism maintains that the Stalinists have deserted Marx and 
are merely seeking personal power on a world scale. Whatever 
be the merits of this theory, it is a fact that the Soviet Union 
has expanded its territories tremendously as a result of the war. 
It currently controls Eastern and much of Central Europe, 
the Balkans (except Greece), Manchuria, Northern Korea 
and North China. It is pressing towards Turkey and the Near 
East, in order to control the Mediterranean and the Persian 

The Soviet Union has openly announced plans for the 
greatest army, navy, air force, and military scientific arm in 
the world. It is questionable whether its own industrial poten- 
tial could maintain such a force, although the new five-year 
plans are directed towards such a goal. But Soviet technology 
has been strengthened through the use of German and Czech 


workers and technology. Currently, the Soviet Union is put- 
ting pressure upon Sweden to orient its economy towards the 
East. Many analysts feel that the Molotov plan for a unified 
Germany would bring all German technology within the 
Soviet sphere. If the skill of the West can be wedded to the un- 
limited human and natural resources of the East, within twenty 
years the Soviet Union might be more powerful militarily than 
any combination of nations arrayed against her.* 

Against this background of Soviet hostility towards the 
capitalist world, gigantic military preparations, and an una- 
bashed expansionist policy, the role of the Comintern seems 
ominous. It is revealed as a Fifth Column preparing the way 
for internal Communist revolution, when feasible, or for con- 
quest from without by imperial Communism. It is at once an 
agency for espionage and revolutionary agitation. Such were 
the clear findings of the Canadian Commissioners, who re- 
ported that domestic Communists admitted a loyalty to the 
Soviet Union higher than that to their own country. 

The Workings of the Comintern 

THE COMINTERN supervises the several national Com- 
munist parties in the different countries. Where they are 
weak, it pours in funds and organizers. Where they are strong, 
it directs policy in accord with a master plan. Normally, 
Communist parties everywhere hold to the same line, although 
special circumstances may permit or even dictate deviation 
as a matter of tactics. 

An interesting example of the latter concerns Argentina. 
When American Communists both in and outside of the gov- 
ernment were pressuring our government to attack Per6n, 
Latin American Communists were denouncing this policy as 
Yankee imperialism. The result was the alienation of much 
of Latin America from us, and successful efforts by the 

* See "Communism in .\ction," p. 100. 


Soviet Union to cultivate Argentina. Then the American Com- 
munist policy was changed to meet the new situation, de- 
nunciations of Per6n ceased, and the new regime was openly 
approved. Similarly, Italian Communists may favor the reten- 
tion of Trieste, and French Communists may agitate for French 
acquisition of the Rhineland. 

Such uniformity and flexibility is possible only through the 
iron discipline which all Communist parties maintain. Out- 
siders sometimes find drastic overnight changes in policy 
ludicrous, but they illustrate the strength of Communist con- 
trol over its members. Communists do not find such changes 
dij65cult, because they are carefully indoctrinated to subordi- 
nate truth to policy. They expect tactical changes in accord 
with the master strategy of overthrowing private capitalism. 
They have a blind faith in the wisdom of the Soviet policy. 

In addition to discipline. Communists excel in organization 
and planning. They zealously exploit every mistake or failure 
in the country where they live. They seek constantly to obtain 
positions in government and in agencies which can influence 
public opinion. They agitate continuously for strife in the do- 
mestic labor movements. They exploit the grievances of minor- 
ity groups. They are particularly adept in forming "front" or- 
ganizations, to use persons who would never consciously col- 
laborate with Communism. And discipline, zeal, conspiracy, 
and secrecy have produced important results. 

Why Do People Become Communists? 

THE SYSTEM just described seems so fantastic to most 
Americans that it is almost incredible. Indeed, the Cana- 
dian investigating commission was hard put to explain why so 
many citizens professed a higher loyalty to a political power 
outside their borders. In fact, the motivation of Communists 
and their followers is extremely complex and unless this fact 
is recognized, coimtermeasures are likely to be ineffective. 


With a few, it is a perverted form of idealism, a worldly 
substitute for religion. Some people are personally maladjusted 
and are chronic rebels. The Communist movement gives them 
an outlet. Many became Communists as a reaction against 
abuses in the present social and political order. In particular, 
many Communists are rebels against one or another form of 
exploitation. In certain cases, their conversion may be traced 
to some bitter experience in the labor field. Others may have 
felt discrimination because they were members of minority 
groups. To such persons. Communism is preached as a doc- 
trine which promises equality to all. 

Many intellectuals have been won over to Communism on 
the basis of rosy accounts of life in the Soviet Union. These 
persons are well aware of the faults in our own system, and 
have been led to believe that in Russia none of these evils 
exists. When the faults of Communism are called to their at- 
tention, they either dismiss the charges as capitalist propa- 
ganda or else consider them as transitional evils to be over- 
looked in the great promise of the future. The urge to remake 
the world is strong among some intellectuals. Some are suf- 
ficiently detached from everyday life to be indifferent to the 
cruel sufferings of the so-called transitional period. 

Other motives are less creditable. Some individuals in civic 
and labor politics appreciate the support of a disciplined 
minority. They know the value of the publicity which it 
affords. Such persons follow the Party for motives of expedi- 
ency rather than conviction. In other cases, vanity may suflSce. 
This is particularly true of specialists who feel their inadequacy 
in broader affairs. A scientist or a motion picture star is often 
highly flattered in being asked to address a political meeting. 
In Hollywood, Communists arranged a meeting peopled by 
motion picture stars and scientists, each group attracted by 
the prospect of meeting the other. This technique of using 
celebrities is widely practiced. 

Finally, many liberals follow the Communist line through 

99G51 O — 47 7 


confused good will. As one writer put it, some persons are so 
busy doing good that they fail to realize the harm their efforts 
cause. These are the "joiners," who readily give their names 
to any organization whose apparent purpose is noble. Thus 
the president of a great State university has become affiliated 
with some twenty such "fronts." Actually, in scores of cases 
such names and money are used to promote Communist 
causes. The Party has even enlisted persons of wealth to sup- 
port its causes through the medium of these "front" groups. 
Even a casual study of the power and influence of Communist 
"fronts" should dispel the notion that the Party is weak and 

Communist Fronts 

IT IS IMPOSSIBLE to realize the extent of Communist 
. influence in American life without some knowledge of the 
"front" technique. Except possibly during the War period, 
everything labeled Communist is suspect to the average citizen. 
Accordingly, if public opinion is to be influenced, it must be 
done in an indirect and concealed manner. To do this, the 
Communists evolved the masterful strategy of the "front" 
organization. The setting up of a front involves two main 
steps. The first is the discovery of a proper cause and label. 
The cause is usually some form of alleged injustice or a pro- 
posed reform which will arouse the interest of the public, 
particularly the group which styles itself liberal. The label is 
some high-sounding word or phrase, such as "democratic," 
"peace," and the like. 

When the issue is picked and the title decided, the case is 
presented dramatically to some "innocent," who is both promi- 
nent and willing to have his name used for a "good" cause. 
His name is used as the bait to attract others, until a rather 
impressive list is obtained. Then the organization is announced 
publicly, funds are raised, and propaganda and pressure activi- 


ties are begun. Communists, not generally known as such, do 
the work for such groups and occupy the active, in contrast 
to the honorary, oflSces. They determine policies and direct 
the front in accord with the Party aims. The well-meaning 
sponsors are usually too busy even to inquire into the activities 
of the group to which they have given their names. 

Some fronts are permanent, particularly those which deal 
with some constant Communist objective. Thus, for youth, the 
Communists have the American Youth for Democracy. To 
win over the Negroes, they have the National Negro Congress. 
In the field of insurance, particularly among the foreign-born, 
there is the International Workers Order. Other fronts, by 
contrast, are temporary. Such is the committee which in 1^46 
is staging the various "Win-the-Peace" rallies throughout the 
country. Other illustrations could be taken from groups pro- 
moting some specific foreign policy. Thus there would be com- 
mittees for a "democratic" China, Greece or Japan. 

One of the more prominent and apparently respectable 
fronts today is the Independent Citizens Committee of the 
Arts, Sciences, and Professions (I. C. C). This group has been 
successful in gaining publicity and support which would never 
have been accorded to the Communist Party. It has enlisted 
aid from persons who would not consciously collaborate with 
Communists. Yet, the Party has claimed credit (in its 1945 
New York State Convention) for founding the I. C. C. A large 
number of I. C. C. directors have participated in pro-Soviet 
activities. Its line on controversial issues is identical with that 
of the Daily Worker, the national Communist paper. While 
there have been some resignations because of its leftist lean- 
ings, at this writing it is still a powerful influence in the liberal 

Not to be confused with Communist fronts are the various 
infiltrated organizations. A front is organized by the Party and 

* For an extensive and accurate partial list of Communist fronts, see Andrew Avery, 
"The Communist Fifth Column," Chicago Journal of Commerce, ten cents. 


for the Party. An infiltrated group was organized for a legiti- 
mate purpose by citizens loyal primarily to the United States. 
Subsequent to its formation, Communists, by various devices, 
have obtained some degree of control. At times, this control 
is extensive, as with the Southern Conference for Human Wel- 
fare or the American Veterans Committee. At other times, it 
is local, as is the case with some chapters of the National 
Association for the Advancement of Colored People or some 
locals of non-Communist labor unions. Infiltration has been 
discovered in surprising places, even in religious publications 
and seminaries, among atomic scientists, and in research 
groups dealing with foreign policy. 

The net effect of such activities was well summarized bv 
J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Federal Bureau of Investiga- 
tion, in his speech before the American Legion on September 
30th, 1946: 

"The fact that the Communist Party in the United States 
claims some 100,000 members has lulled many Americans 
into a feeling of false complacency. I would not be concerned 
if we were dealing with only 100,000 Communists. The 
Communists themselves boast that for every Party member 
there are ten others ready to do the Party's work. These 
include their satellites, their fellow-travelers and their so- 
called progressive and phony liberal allies. They have 
maneuvered themselves into positions where a few Com- 
munists control the destinies of hundreds who are either 
willing to be led or have been duped into obeying the dictates 
of others." 

What Communism Means to America 

THE SYSTEM just described in general terms is by no 
means remote from American life. On the contrary, it 
affects us in many important ways. Among these the first in 
order of importance may' well be the domain of international 


affairs. One has but to accept the surface, not the worst, inter- 
pretation of recent Soviet moves, and one is left with profound 
feehngs of disquiet. 

The Soviet Union has proclaimed its intention to become 
the greatest military power on earth. It has already stretched 
beyond its borders to absorb nearly half of Europe and some 
of the richest parts of Asia. Parties under its control are active 
in the other half of Europe, with reasonable chances of extend- 
ing Soviet influence to the Atlantic. Finally, the Comintern is 
meddling in most of the rest of the world, with special attention 
to Latin America, the orient, colonial countries, and the Arab 
world. Its theme is one of unremitting hostility towards the 
English-speaking world. 

When this activity is compared with that of the Axis during 
the late Thirties, the points of similarity are greater than the 
points of difference. Those who then perceived the drift before 
others and cried out, as did Winston Churchill, were called 
warmongers. The same treatment is given today to those who 
observe the well-publicized facts summarized above. Yet we 
would be remiss in duty towards our country if we ignored 
them. We know that the Soviet people themselves want peace 
and good will towards other nations. But in the too familiar 
pattern, their leaders feed them warlike propaganda instead of 
peace, and military preparations instead of a higher standard 
of living. Observers of these facts tend to discount Stalin's 
peace line of September, 1946, as being a mere tactical move. 
The axiom that actions speak louder than words must be in- 
voked once again against world Communism. 

What Communism Means to World Trade 

IF THE RECITAL of facts as given above savors too much 
of prediction, attention might be called to the immediate 
repercussions of Communism in the international sphere. Some 


American firms have suffered directly through the confiscation 
of their property abroad. We have virtually lost all oil wells 
and refineries in the Balkans, as well as giant industrial plants 
in Germany and Hungary. While present and future losses of 
this type may not be a major item to the Nation as a whole, 
they are a serious loss to the investors involved. They are a 
blow to future international investment, so badly needed to 
restore world production and American foreign trade. Thus, 
would American investors be wise to develop regions of Latin 
America or China, if it were probable that Communist regimes 
would arise to seize possession of this wealth.'' 

Present Communist policies are badly disruptive of world 
trade. They have cut off the Danube, one of the great water- 
ways of commerce. They are paralyzing economic life in 
Hungary, Austria, Korea, and Italy. Their reparations demands 
upon Italy are such as to make this nation an economic 
satellite. Strong pressure is being put upon Sweden and Den- 
mark with the same aim. In many regions they are engaged in 
pre-emptive buying of scarce raw materials, disrupting prices 
and production in other lands. Thus, they seek hides from 
Uruguay and linseed oil from Argentina. Some of these pro- 
ducts are not needed for their own economy. The time will 
come when the destructive character of these activities to 
multilateral trade will work to our disadvantage. 

Communists and the Labor Movement 

COMIMUNISTS have striven successfully to infiltrate the 
American labor movement. Organized labor, when cap- 
tured, is to them a source of funds, a propaganda outlet, a 
means for stirring discontent, and, if necessary, a weapon of 
sabotage. Controlled unions contribute heavily to the various 
Party fronts and causes. They in turn serve as fronts for 
diverse propaganda schemes. They can picket consulates and 


government oflSces with practiced skill. When conditions war- 
rant, strikes can be provoked so as to create the atmosphere of 
unrest in which Communism thrives. And, finally, if Comintern 
policy so dictates, they can actually sabotage essential produc- 
tion. Thus, the 1945 shipping strike "to bring back the soldiers" 
(American, not Russian) was an example of political sabotage. 

In general, American Communists have been more successful 
in seizing power in the Congress of Industrial Organizations 
than in the American Federation of Labor. In the latter 
organization, they have some strength in New York and Los 
Angeles, and scattered control elsewhere. They have achieved 
real footholds in the painters union, in the hotel and restaurant 
unions, and in the film and stage unions. They are seeking, 
with some success, to infiltrate some of the independent rail- 
road unions and the International Association of Machinists. 
But their stronghold is the Congress of Industrial Organiza- 

History explains this success. When John L. Lewis sought 
to organize mass production industry, he suflFered from an 
acute shortage of trained organizers. He used experienced 
Communist help, planning to discard it when the task was 
done. Nevertheless, he was outmaneuvered. Communists in- 
stalled themselves and their sympathizers in key positions in 
many of the new unions. The newly organized workers, with 
no experience in unionism, were no match for these skilled 
tacticians. The result was that in union after union. Com- 
munists controlled the top levels, although the membership 
was overwhelmingly American in its sympathies. In spite of 
this fact, the C. I. O. has been slow to learn. When its Southern 
organizing drive bogged down in 1946, it quietly accepted 
support from Communist organizers. Earlier statements that 
no leftist aid would be used were conveniently ignored. 


Present Trend in the Labor Movement 

TtlE SITUATION TODAY is fluid, since Communist 
control is being occasionally challenged with success. 
On the other hand, Communists in turn make new gains peri- 
odically. At the time of this writing, two excellent surveys have 
been made of radicalism in labor.* The correctness of these 
studies is attested privately by non-Communist labor leaders. 
In general, the studies found that Communists had control 
of about one-third of the voting strength of the C. I. O, Execu- 
tive Board. Their die-hard opponents controlled about one- 
fifth. Among the remainder, there were enough fellow-travelers 
to bring Communist strength to a majority in complex and 
obscure issues, such as foreign policy. On domestic issues the 
lines have been sharply drawn, with non-Communists having 
the balance of power. 

How Communists Control Labor 

^\^7e1LE communists initially seized power through 
V V organizing unions, they maintain or lose control 
largely in terms of their strength in the locals of these unions. 
To understand their control over labor, it is vitally necessary 
to realize how they gain control over the various locals. If 
they must start from scratch in a given situation, they usually 
send a few key organizers to work in a plant to join a union. 
These men show skill in speaking and fighting for workers' 
"rights," and soon obtain a minor office. At the same time, they 
cultivate ambitious opportunists and disgruntled minorities. 
When they are ready to seize control, they usually make im- 
possible demands upon the existing union oflficers and circulate 

* In early 1946, the Research Institute of America pubHshed a highly accurate 
listing of the leanings in C. I. O. unions. In June and July of the same year, Andrew 
Avery wrote an especially competent series of articles for the Chicago Journal of 
Commerce, op. cit. See bibliography. 


slanderous rumors about them. Then they form an election 
slate consisting of opportunists with some following, representa- 
tives of racial and national minorities, and pleasant but weak 
characters who will be dependent upon them for advice. In 
large plants, where personal knowledge of the union officers is 
slight, the rumor campaigns and the aggressive program put 
out by the Communists are usually sufficient to install their 
slate in office in whole or in part. 

Once Communists have gained power in a local, they often 
try to expel or discredit any potential opposition. They pro- 
long meetings so that the membership will not attend. This 
permits their minority to vote funds, pass resolutions, and 
adopt action programs. By such tactics they often perpetuate 
power indefinitely. If in the beginning the Communists con- 
trol the international union, they can often assume and main- 
tain power from the very beginning of a new local. 

Such tactics explain the comparative helplessness of non- 
Communists such as Philip Murray and James Carey. Carey 
was deposed from his own giant union, the United Electrical, 
Radio, and Machine Workers, when he opposed the Com- 
munist clique which dominated it. The issues at the time were 
the Hitler-Stalin pact, our foreign policy, and national de- 
fense. Murray does not dare to discharge the two powerful 
Communist officials who exercise such major influence in the 
national C. I. O. He submits to a large proportion of Com- 
munists among the legislative representatives of the C. I. O. 
unions. He tamely accepts resolution after resolution which 
show remarkable similarity to the Communist Party Line. 

Communist Labor and the Businessman 

UNTIL RECENTLY the average American tended to 
dismiss such maneuverings as something foreign to his 
life. But the tremendous power of labor today permits no such 


complacency. Many an industrialist and businessman, and 
millions of union workers, have learned from experience that 
these moves do affect their lives vitally. When a businessman 
or industrialist finds that nothing he does can please his union, 
he tends at first to form a sour view of organized labor. But, 
as he becomes more sophisticated, he realizes that his difficul- 
ties may not arise from his own workers, who usually under- 
stand his problems, but from the outside forces controlling 
his local union. Their demands are insatiable, because they 
thrive on trouble. His workers are no more happy than he in 
such a situation but they are not trained to cope with it. They 
may at times even be constrained to support extreme and 
impossible demands. 

Even where workers or their employers are not directly in- 
volved they are often affected in an oblique manner. The na- 
tional policies of organized labor, if influenced by the Com- 
munists, can sometimes involve unions led by non-Com- 
munists. This is particularly the case where the objective 
seems reasonable to labor. An instance of this would be the Po- 
litical Action Committee of the C. I. O. The general principle 
that labor has an interest in politics is almost as old as unionism 
itself. The more direct and aggressive methods of the C. I. O. 
are new and in contrast to the established approach of the 
A. F. of L. Even here, however, many workers who are by no 
means radical would accept the new approach. 

The result is that practically all C. I. O. unions readily 
support P. A. C. Its philosophy and its program sound reason- 
able to them. What they do not realize is the nature of the 
forces which infiltrated this program. While Hillman was not 
a Communist, nor is Philip Murray, two of their top advisers 
are Communists, taking direct and frequent orders on P. A. C. 
policies from the very top levels of the Communist Party. At 
the other end of the scale, in many cities and regions, the 
local committees are Communist-controlled. They have the 
organization for ringing doorbells and getting out the vote. 


The easy thing is to use them, and many labor leaders take the 
easy way. As a result, at the time of writing such important 
Councils as those in New York and Detroit are Communist- 

The direct national effect of Communist infiltration in 
P. A. C. may not have been serious. A few candidates deserving 
of labor's favor may have suffered because their foreign 
pohcy was opposed to the Communist line. A half dozen Com- 
munists may have gotten into our national legislature. The net 
effect of these moves would not be tragic. The real danger lies 
in the threat of the future. The feared power of P. A. C. forces 
politicians to select candidates in accord with the views of those 
who control the vote. In the day by day running of govern- 
ment, administrators hesitate to clash with the left wing, lest 
their Party suffer reprisals at the polls. It was the follow-up 
of the November 1944 elections in the form of pressure, de- 
mands, and suggestions- which made left-wing control of 
P. A. C. a real force in shaping national policy. 

Nor should the ambition of the local leader be overlooked. 
When a Communist minority can give the aggressive support 
needed to win an election, some politicians are willing to give 
their verbal aid in some specific policy, in order to obtain 
their help. Thus, a governor may attack our so-called "tough" 
policy towards Russia, knowing that he has no direct respon- 
sibility to make good on his promises. This has happened, not 
only in large metropolitan centers, but also in some less settled 
Southern and Western states. It was the cumulative effect of 
all these moves which led to increased Communist influence 
in both domestic and foreign policies of the United States. 

Communism and Government 

OTH TRUTH and much nonsense have been written 
about Communist penetration into government. There 
were those who visualized all New Dealers as starry-eyed 



radicals. Some labeled any program which changed the estab- 
lished order of things as Communist. This loose use of terms has 
caused considerable mischief. The result has been that at times 
the Communists could take credit for widely popular reform 
measures. Indiscriminate denunciation threatened to make 
Communism quite respectable. This was unfortunate, since it 
covered up a real and dangerous penetration of government. 

Communist penetration of government since 1933 stems 
primarily from one phenomenon: the broadmindedness of the 
average liberal both in government and on the outside. The 
period characterized as the New Deal was humanitarian and 
reformist in its aims. As a result, there flocked to Washington 
large numbers of self-styled liberals, bent on reforming the 
Nation's economic system and curing social ills as seen by them. 
Bold experimentation became the order of the day. Oijr capi- 
talist system was alleged to be so feeble that only daring and 
even recklessness could save the day. 

In such an atmosphere, practically any philosophy was 
tolerated, provided only that it promised some modification 
of capitalist free enterprise. No political system was too 
extreme for the liberal to treat with sympathy, save only 
Fascism, which Communist propaganda had cleverly dis- 
torted into a "tool of reactionary big business." It was only 
natural that under these conditions, a considerable portion of 
Communists attained civil service status. Some reached 
positions of authority. Once they had power, they behaved in 
a most illiberal manner. They were careful to appoint only like- 
minded individuals to offices under their control, and they 
schemed relentlessly to drive their opponents from government 
service. They achieved a considerable measure of success. 



Communist Fronts as Lobbyists 

EVEN MORE SERIOUS in the long run were the effects 
of Communist pressure groups upon the Hberals. Pres- 
sure came through two broad channels. The first was the left- 
wing press, so widely read and highly regarded in Washington. 
Newspapers such as PM and periodicals such as the Nation 
and the New Republic enjoyed almost a sacrosanct status 
among many government officials. These publications in turn 
were pro-Soviet and often followed faithfully the Communist 
line. Indeed, the Washington staff of PM recently resigned, 
alleging continued Communist domination of the paper.* 

The tactics of these periodicals followed the familiar "club 
and carrot" technique so well used by the Communists. 
Favored public ofiicials and policies were praised to the skies, 
while those disliked were flayed unmercifully. An illustration 
of their success can be found in the Department of State. By 
attacking this Department, and certain individuals, as reac- 
tionary and Fascist, this group succeeded in driving many 
faithful public servants from the government. Their successors 
were more careful not to offend such an aggressive group. They 
made appointments and advocated policies which would not 
be attacked by the vigorous leftist press. The result was the 
disastrous era of appeasement of Russia, the bitter fruits of 
which we have harvested since VJ Day. 

The second major vehicle of pressure consists of the many 
Communist "fronts" and controlled organizations. These 
groups are adept at creating publicity and thus forcing adoption 
of their policies at Washington. If the general publip is unin- 
formed and indifferent as to American interests in a given 
situation, such as China, it is relatively easy for a pressure 
group to have its way. They may not exert much pressure but 
it is the only pressure felt, and it is all in one direction. 

* In this connection, see "A Tour of the Leftist Press" by Eugene Lyons, in The 
Nations Business, August, 1946. 


Inside Contacts 

NATURALLY these outside influences are the more in- 
fluential because of their lieutenants within govern- 
ment offices. Front research groups have been successful in 
placing "specialists" in the government bureaus. This is par- 
ticularly true in the field of foreign affairs. These inside con- 
tacts in turn give the "fronts" advance information. As a 
result, propaganda and coercive efforts can be prepared care- 
fully and released before the general public is aware that an 
issue has arisen. Thus, all too frequently, those whose interest 
is primarily American are on the defensive and often beaten 
before the battle begins. 

Such was the case in regard to major policy decisions on 
China, Argentina, and Germany, to be described subsequently. 
The Communist hue and cry was in full operation at the 
moment that vital decisions were to be made. By contrast, 
more patriotic and far-sighted forces had to content themselves 
with protesting after unsound government policies had been 

In connection with Communist influence in government, 
some mention should be made of their use of the balance of 
power. It is axiomatic in politics that where opposing forces 
are fairly evenly divided, an organized minority can decide the 
issue. Communists have used such methods in both civic and 
labor politics. 

One illustration may show the importance of their tactics. 
Communists and their sympathizers control the American 
Labor Party in New York City. This in turn often has the 
balance of power in a State whose vote is vital in a Presidential 
election. The result is that at times twenty thousand Com- 
munists can put great pressure upon both the major parties in 
the United States. Such a balance, of course, is precarious. 
But if the Communists through P. A. C. ever substantially 


control the organized labor vote, they will be much more 
assured of the whip hand. 

The Results of Communism in Government 

SOME concrete illustrations will show the effectiveness of 
Communist infiltration and pressure tactics. They will 
be taken from the field of foreign policy, since this is the cur- 
rent Communist concentration. The first concerns the Potsdam 
poHcy in Germany. The long-range Communist policy on 
Germany was two-fold. The Comintern was to stir up pressure 
for a hard peace and unconditional surrender. This was to 
turn the German people against the Western Allies. 

In Russia itself, however, a much softer note was taken. A 
distinction was made between the Nazis and the German 
people. A committee of German prisoners including leading 
generals was formed in Moscow. When the Russians occupied 
Germany, after some excesses by undisciplined troops, a policy 
of conciliation was put into effect. Factories in the East hummed 
with activity, producing arms for Russia, while Americans and 
British concentrated upon de-Nazification ! 

In accord with this policy, American Communists formed 
fronts and used their influence in government to force a harsh 
peace upon Germany. Through their control of certain influ- 
ential officials in the Treasury Department at the time, they 
agitated for the Potsdam agreement, based upon a Treasury 
policy previously urged at the Quebec Conference. The result 
has been an unworkable economic program. German industry 
was cut to such levels that exports would be insufficient to 
purchase needed food. Rich agricultural regions were ceded to 
Poland and the Soviet, yet the industrial Western section was 
supposed to survive without these food sources. Plants were 
not permitted to manufacture badly needed fertilizers. Loco- 
motives could not be made at a time when Europe's transport 


was paralyzed. Such a program could lead only to anarchy. 
Experts agree that its immediate effects were widespread 
misery and starvation in Western Germany. Its ultimate 
effects may be the driving of Western Germany into the Soviet 
sphere, since here alone it could obtain food. Thus, the entire 
economic resources of Germany could be integrated into the 
Soviet master plan for industrial and military supremacy. 

A similar situation existed in regard to American policy on 
Argentina and China. In the former case, pressure groups 
denounced the Peron government and successfully urged Amer- 
ican intervention. The State Department issued a series of 
charges immediately prior to an election in Argentina. Argen- 
tine citizens rebelled against such an obvious effort to control 
their internal affairs. In reaction, they overwhelmingly elected 
the candidate which our government opposed. The result was 
a decisive repudiation of our policy by Argentina, and a loss of 
prestige throughout Latin America. Other nations resented the 
apparent revival of "Yankee imperialism" in place of the Good 
Neighbor policy. Local Communists in these countries fanned 
the fires against the United States. Then the Soviet Union 
stepped in and cultivated our disgruntled good neighbors. 

In China we had an opportunity to obtain a powerful friend. 
If we lost China to Communism, hundreds of millions would 
be available for slave labor and military service in accord with 
the Soviet master plan. Our debt of gratitude to Chiang and 
his government was great, even though their imperfections 
were admitted. So urgent was the need to keep China in the 
war, that at Cairo we solemnly pledged the return of Man- 
churia to China. This promise was cynically betrayed at 
Yalta, where the Soviet Union was given an immense booty 
for a nominal participation in the Far Eastern war. 

At Yalta, the Soviet Union was given concessions in Man- 
churia and North China so extensive as to threaten the con- 
tinued sovereignty of the national government over these rich 
regions. These economic concessions were not only a repudia- 


tion of our promise to China, they were also an abandonment 
of our long-standing "open-door policy" in regard to that 
nation. More recentlj'^ we treated a rebellious faction, loyal to 
a foreign power, as equal to a long-suffering ally. 

From the moral point of view, such procedure was a cynical 
betrayal of trust. From the aspect of American interest, it was 
likewise a subordination of American policy to Russian aspira- 
tions. Yet such a policy sprang from the two-fold source men- 
tioned above. Pressure groups were highly active, aided by the 
strongly pro-Soviet groups in the Far Eastern wing of the 
Department of State. History may judge harshly the decisions 
made in 1945 and 1946. 

Communists and Public Opinion 

IN ADDITION to the specialized pressure activities noted 
. above, the Communists have other techniques for influ- 
encing public opinion. They have endeavored to penetrate the 
general press, radio, book and magazine publishing, motion 
pictures, and lecture fields. Details of their success would 
consume too much space, but the sampling given in the Chicago 
Journal of Commerce booklet "The Communist Fifth Column" 
leaves little doubt that their accomplishments are real. The 
techniques noted below are illustrative rather than exhaustive. 
Radio commentators are important molders of opinion. 
Only a few on national networks are Communist or consistent 
followers of the Party Line. But great skill and pressure are 
exerted to keep the remainder under some control. To achieve 
this, one of the more prominent Communist front groups has 
established a quiet monitoring service. Broadcasts are combed 
to detect any tendency towards a so-called anti-Soviet line. 
If such is found, a "spontaneous" letter-writing campaign 
commences, with letters to the sponsor, the station, and the 
commentator. The effectiveness of this has been demonstrated 

99651 O — 47 8 


in more than one case. On the positive side, such molders of 
opinion are flooded with free literature, digests, and the Hke. 
One noted columnist and commentator finds that the em- 
ploying of a Communist research assistant pays off in the form 
of inside information, advance tips, and the like, from Party 
members and their followers in government. 

Communists have worked hard to use the motion pictures 
and the legitimate theatre as propaganda weapons. Their 
national leader, William Z. Foster, has openly laid down the 
line to be followed in this regard, and Dalton Trumbo, a leading 
pro-Communist scenarist, has listed pictures which they have 
sponsored and others which they have blocked. The list of 
Hollywood stars available for front organizations is long and 
prominent. Some of the best propaganda brains of the Party 
are employed by our entertainment industry. Often we have 
the incongruity of business firms hiring such talent to write 
radio plays which subtly attack the system which sponsors 
them. Businessmen need to develop more sophistication in 
these matters. 

One of the most interesting attempts at totalitarian control 
of thought is the plan issued in July, 1946, for an American 
Authors' Authority. The Authority is to be a marketing mon- 
opoly which will copyright and lease to users all WTitings by 
American authors. It is to begin with scripts for screen and 
radio and articles for magazines. By controlling this lucrative 
field, it will be the exclusive agent for America's most successful 
writers. This in turn will furnish a club to force all publishers 
and other users to employ only Authority material. The alter- 
native will be the denial of manuscripts by the writers under 
the Authority's control. The grip on the publishers will then 
force recalcitrant authors into the Authoritv and the related 

It is obvious that these techniques are similar to those used 
successfully by Petrillo in forcing musicians to join his union 
and compelling radio and recording groups to follow his rules. 


The language and methods ouUined when the plan was pro- 
posed leave no other interpretation. Significantly, this pro- 
posal appeared in the Screen Writer, edited by Dalton Trumbo, 
who writes for several Communist publications. It was over- 
whelmingly accepted by the Communist-dominated Screen 
Writers' Guild and Radio Writers' Guild. It is currently being 
considered by the Authors' League. 

In reaction, over a hundred of America's most prominent 
authors have been compelled to divert their talents and ener- 
gies by forming an American Writers' Association to oppose 
thought control for the United States. Whether or not the 
Authority succeeds in its announced aims, it furnishes a graphic 
illustration of Communist objectives. If it succeeds in its origi- 
nal form, Communists and their sympathizers will literally 
be able to dictate to every publication agency for influencing 
public opinion. 

Thus far, in the book, periodical, and general press fields, 
Communists have had considerable temporary success, 
although much of it was due to special war conditions. War- 
time restraints and government accreditation of correspond- 
ents, plus the Washington-inspired notion that any criticism 
of Communism or the Soviet Union was virtual treason during 
the War, effectively restricted the American press. Direct 
pressure was infrequent. Usually the subtle suggestion that 
anything offensive to Russia would ultimately cost American 
lives was suflBcient. These conditions have changed, as is wit- 
nessed by the frank revelations about Russia since March, 
1946. Communists in the government are still attempting to use 
the press through giving out in advance exclusive news favor- 
able to their cause. The idea is to create a friendly press through 
this method of favoritism and to give their programs the 
impetus of an early start. A friendly correspondent gets more 
beats and is thus more useful to his newspaper or wire service. 

Again Communists have scored some enduring and spec- 
tacular, if isolated successes. Thus, a prominent and highly 


regarded metropolitan newspaper has followed the Communist 
line in its reporting and editorials on foreign affairs. A well- 
known conservative magazine from a conservative city, and a 
book firm in the same city, have consistently followed this line 
in recent years. An attractive digest magazine has never devi- 
ated from Soviet policy, and is currently sponsoring a lecture 
service. These illustrations could be expanded almost without 

A Clouded Picture 

THE TOTAL RESULT of all these activities presents a 
clouded picture from the viewpoint of American interests. 
The composite story would seem fantastic, if each of its parts 
had not been carefully documented before the Chamber of 
Commerce of the USA authorized the publication of this 
report. As a sample of the zeal and skill which goes into even 
minor details, one might consult Canada Lee's account of 
the promotion efforts for the play "On Whitman Avenue," 
narrated in The New York Times, August 11, 1946, after the 
play had received an adverse reception. It is a brilliant account 
of how left-wing groups work, and how they achieve success 
where others fail. When critics almost unanimously gave an 
adverse judgment, the promoters turned to unorthodox chan- 
nels. They appealed to union weeklies, the press serving 
minority groups, and to scores of organizations of every type. 
"We jimmied our way onto every possible radio program, we 
talked to teachers in schools, we called on our friends and 
neighbors, we talked to the barbers who cut our hair, and left 
leaflets everywhere we went." The result was increasing 
attendance for a play which had aroused enthusiasm only in 
the left-wing press. 

The only conclusion obtainable from the facts is that the 
American Communist Party is an important and growing 


influence in our national life. It is using this influence exclu- 
sively in the interests of the Soviet Union. It opposes both 
political democracy and free enterprise, and operates with 
surprising effectiveness against both. Unfortunately, this 
influence has been seriously underestimated, often because of 
inept and uninformed attacks on Communism. 


To MEET the menace of Communism, the first need is to 
get the facts before the American public. In so far as the 
system is an attack upon free enterprise, the American business- 
man has a duty to show both in theory and in practice the 
superior merits of our present way of life.* But this is not 
enough. It attacks only one segment of a major problem. 
Communism thrives on secrecy and deceit. If its machinations 
were exposed to the public, if its front groups had the mask 
torn from them, its influence domestically would rapidly shrink. 
The same weapon of fearless truth should be used against the 
inhumanity within the Soviet Union. It should be shown as 
the ruthless dictatorship it is, rather than as a "peace-loving 

The great need today is fact-gathering of unquestioned 
integrity and competence. Such research must content itself 
solely and rigorously with exposing the truth about Com- 
munism. It should not favor any special interest, no matter 
how legitimate and useful. Many important groups in America 
today are opposed to Communism. Church, veterans, busi- 
ness, anti-Communist labor, fraternal, and foreign-language 
associations all attack this evil. Their individual efforts have 
been largely ineffective, partly because of lack of adequate 
information and want of concerted action. 


Chamber of Commerce of the USA, Washington 6, D. C, 1946. 


Destroying the Fifth Column 

PUBLICITY ALONE will not solve the problem. Much 
Communist success, as in the labor field, is due primarily 
to organizational methods. To uproot Communists from labor 
unions and to expose them in the literary world, the American- 
minded majority must be trained and organized, so that it will 
not be dominated by a disciplined minority. Labor education 
today is vitally needed. Some unions excel in this field, but 
those which need it most do not want their members too com- 
petent. A start has been made in this direction by a labor 
extension education service, in the Department of Labor, 
comparable to that afforded to farmers by the Department of 
Agriculture. Naturally, precautions should be taken to see that 
this remains in competent hands, since Communist influence 
in the Department of Labor is increasing. Labor education 
hkewise could be fostered by State and local governments, and 
by church and patriotic groups. 

The businessman who deals with a Communist labor union 
must realize that he faces a specialized problem. He is not 
normally trained to meet it, or even to recognize it. He, too, 
needs guidance and education. Unless, however, he becomes 
trained in this matter, he will be unable to distinguish real 
grievances from political demands.* 

We cannot be complacent about Communist influence in 
government. The Canadian experience should be ample warning 
as to the dangers faced in this regard. Unfortunately, inept 
attempts to purge Communists have discredited the whole 
program. As a result, today the Civil Service Commission is 
starved for funds. There is an immediate need of reinstituting 
the practice of careful screening of new government employees, 
and even of existing employees where strong reasons exist to 
doubt their loyalty. Nor should proof be required that a given 

* In this connection, the study prepared by the Research Institute of America is 
of superior quality. It should be required reading for all who handle labor relations. 


subject is actually a member of the Communist Party. If he 
follows its line, joins its front groups consistently, and shows 
constant sympathy with its aims, he should be open to ques- 
tion. Such activities reflect either upon his loyalty or his judg- 
ment. Deficiency on either count should disqualify him from 
public service. 

Serious thought should be given today to exposure of the 
activities of the Communist Party. This proposal is advocated 
with great reluctance, because our traditions of freedom are 
rightfully sacred. .Yet, we have never extended the principle 
of freedom so far that we have countenanced sedition and 
treason. These strong words are accurate in describing the 
activities of the Communist Party. This Party is loyal to a 
foreign power which is constantly professing hostility toward 
us. It is engaged in secret and conspiratorial activities within 
our borders. In Canada, at least, it has been a breeding ground 
for espionage agents against its own government. 

It is doubtful prudence for any free government to tolerate 
movements which are directed towards the violent destruction 
of democracy. If such movements are weak and ineffectual, 
they may be ignored. But the Communist J*arty„ although 
small in numbers, is neither weak nor ineffectual. Hence the 
least we can do in the way of self-protection is to demand 
that the Communist membership lists and sources of funds be 
made available for public inspection. The Department of 
Justice should use this and other information to expose front 
organizations in their true light. Probably the searchlight of 
publicity would be suflScient to prevent Communists from 
spreading their message through deceit. Of course, any com- 
munication of secret information to agents of a foreign power 
should be summarily punished. 

It would be wise to establish a principle of reciprocity with 
other nations in regard to entry and rights of their respective 
citizens and representatives. It is ludicrous that the United 
States, which is permitted an embassy, two consulates in the 


Soviet Union, and a few correspondents and a few visitors 
strongly restricted in their movements, should permit Soviet 
representatives to roam our land by the thousands. In the 
light of Canadian experience, it would be the part of wisdom 
that we insist upon complete reciprocity in such matters. 

There is reason to believe that much of our foreign policy is 
being formulated in an atmosphere of excessive secrecy. While 
we realize that it would be impractical to have complete pub- 
licity for all diplomatic exchanges, yet the secret commitments 
at Yalta and Teheran were contrary to the spirit of democracy. 
Moreover, American public opinion has frequently been 
shocked by some development in international affairs, when 
our government knew many facts which would have prepared 
the public to meet the crisis. Such concealment is undemo- 
cratic. It is also imprudent, since hasty public reaction to a 
crisis may be less than satisfactory. Candor and complete 
honesty alone will permit an enlightened public guidance of 
our elected officials. 

Because the proposals outlined in this section form one of 
the most important parts of the present study, it might be 
helpful to repeat them in summary. 

1. Since Communism thrives upon deceit, expo- 
sure of the facts would be a potent counter weapon. 
We propose more fact-gathering, competent, impar- 
tial, and patriotic. Both private groups and the gov- 
ernment have a responsibility here. 

2. In the labor field, Communism thrives primarily 
through organization and discipline. Labor unions and 
non-economic groups, not directly interested in labor's 
relation with capital, should encourage labor educa- 
tion. This would give the non-Communist majority 
the training needed to fight their disciplined oppo- 


3. The businessman, heavily preoccupied with busi- 
ness problems, should concern himself more with the 
problems of government and should make certain that 
he learns to detect Communist influence in his labor 
relations, his business, and other contacts. 

4. Because Communist loyalty is primarily given to 
a foreign power, Communists and their followers 
should be excluded from government service. Con- 
gress should appropriate adequate funds for a stringent 
but fair lovaltv test. 

5. As an agent of a foreign power, the Com- 
munist Party should be forced by law to reveal its 
membership, funds, and activities. 

6. In view of the revelation of Comintern activities 
throughout the world, the United States should en- 
force strict reciprocity with the Soviet Union in 
regard to the number and freedom of movement of 
nationals of either country within the other. 

7. Our government should follow a policy of frank- 
ness with its citizens in regard to the major facts 
which enter into the making of our foreign policy. 


Collectivism today in the United States is primarily a prob- 
lem of Communism. This does not mean that Socialism can be 
dismissed lightly. On the contrary, the tremendous bureaucracy 
and immense concentration of power which this system would 
entail would be a real menace. Ultimately, it would be as 
destructive of our liberties as the more ruthless Communist 
dictatorship. Nevertheless, Socialism is not an immediate 


problem in the United States. The Socialist Party is relatively 
weak, and its appeal too limited, to make it an imminent 

There is more danger that many of the evils of Socialism 
may be introduced through excessive centralization of power 
in government. This could come about in two ways: The first 
would be the assigning to government of more and more of the 
functions which traditionally have been the field of individuals 
and of private business. The second would be the hampering of 
business transactions through unwise and unnecessary regula- 
tions. This could proceed to such a degree that our free enter- 
prise system might break down. Such a "failure" would then 
be used as an excuse for replacing the present system with 
Socialism or Communism. Needless to say, we must be vigilant 
in protecting ourselves from such dangerous trends. 

Nevertheless, Communism must be opposed promptly with 
the utmost vigor. Not only should it be exposed and checked in 
this country, but its workings abroad should be told plainly 
and fearlessly. It is utterly undemocratic. It denies basic 
liberties to the individual. It tramples under foot the dignity 
of man. If America is to remain strong and free, it must pre- 
serve itself from the encroachments of a svstem which is 
utterly alien to its ideals. We have never yet failed to meet a 
challenge to our freedom. 



The Facts and the Problem 

THE IMPORTANCE of a study of the problem of Com- 
munist infiltration of our government can scarcely be 
exaggerated. In the light of our earlier analysis,* we know 
that the security of the United States is menaced by Soviet 
expansionism. Under such circumstances, it is vital that we 
do not have within our own government a fifth column of a 
hostile power. To ignore this problem or to fail to deal with it 
adequately means the surrender of our sovereignty. It would 
pave the way for the destruction of our government through 
internal disintegration and decay. 

For the safety of our nation, we must be brutally frank. 
This is not the time for diplomatic double talk. The Canadian 
government discovered within its official ranks three distinct 
systems of military and political espionage. Its Commission 
of Inquiry established in 1946 that not merely Communists 
but also pro-Soviet "liberals" were willing to turn over secret 
information to a foreign power. It found many undercover 
agents whose connection with the Communist Party could not 
have been established by their public responsibilities. Its find- 
ings showed that the Communist or the Communist sympa- 
thizer is a potential traitor, though often unaware of the full 
significance of his actions. It established a pattern of infiltra- 
tion and espionage which finds its parallel within the United 

Evidence is clear and irrefutable in regard to three major 
points. First, Communists in our midst have a unique loyalty 
to the Soviet Union, They will use government positions in 
order to further the interests of a foreign power. In doing this, 

Chamber of Commerce of the United States, Washington 6, D. C, 1946. 
(See bibliography for additional sources.) 



they will go as far as treason. Furthermore, their sympathizers 
and dupes have been led, sometimes unwittingly, to do the 

Second, Communists and their followers have achieved po- 
sitions in our government where they can do immense harm 
to national welfare and security. Our previous study noted 
vital decisions where their influence predominated. Further 
questions are raised in the present document. The composite 
picture leaves no room for complacency. 

Thirdly, it is clear that our government has shown appalling 
laxity in meeting this problem. For reasons to be shown subse- 
quently, a dangerous penetration was accomplished in the 
face of progressively declining standards of security. Even 
when substantial evidence of disloyalty was presented, action 
was deferred or evaded. Cases of espionage and treason were 
ignored, lest their disclosure "prejudice our relations with the 
Soviet Union." In many cases purges were prevented for po- 
litical reasons. 

In the light of past disclosures, we cannot feel secure about 
our future policy. The serious blunders in regard to Latin 
America, our German policy, and our relations to China, noted 
in the previous report, are not yet irremediable. We can still 
act to safeguard national friendships vital for our security and 
for world peace. But the chances that our program will be 
revised in time to safeguard our future are dependent on our 
getting the facts. Too many persons of doubtful loyalty still 
hold positions where they can influence national policy. Leaks 
of confidential information are so serious that many govern- 
ments hesitate to confide in us.* America is dissipating its 
immense power and prestige throughout the world, in part, 
because it tolerates advisers who seek precisely such a result, 
incredible as this may seem. 

A further illustration may strengthen the thesis herein ad- 
vanced. We have committed to the Atomic Energy Commission 
unprecedented powers. Decisions made by this group will de- 
termine the future of America.** Whether we like it or not, the 
agents of our government can in many ways determine our 

♦ Report of Subcommittee IV, Pursuant to H. R. 430, p. 9, Government 
Printing Office, Washingrton, 1946. 

♦♦ For startling disclosures see: Plain Talk, Feb. 1947, p. 3. 


destiny. Certainly the least we can expect is that they repre- 
sent us. Citizens of double or even of uncertain or confused 
loyalties have no place in positions affecting our national se- 
curity. If such men have shovi^n inability to detect Communist 
influence in front organizations, or in making appointments, 
they can hardly be considered safe candidates for exalted office. 

Significance of Communist 
Party Membership 

THE PRESENCE of Communists in government has deep 
significance. At various times in the history of the Com- 
munist Party, USA, it has openly disclosed what is implied 
in party membership. In 1935 in New York City, two thousand 
new Communists took the following pledge: 

I pledge myself to rally the masses to defend the Soviet 
Union, the land of victorious Socialism. I pledge myself to 
remain at all times a vigilant and firm defender of the 
Leninist line of the Party, the only line that insures the 
triumph of Soviet Power in the United States. 

Each Communist Party application carried the following 
declaration : 

The undersigned declares his adherence to the program 
and statutes of the C.I. (Communist International) and the 
Communist Party of the U.S.A. and agrees to submit to the 
discipline of the Party and to engage actively in its work. 

Such pledges are not openly publicized during the present 
period but they are implicit in the teachings of Lenin and 
Stalin, to which the Communist Party, USA, fully subscribes 
at the present time. 

Discussing the relations between the Communist Party, its 
front organizations and the Soviet Military Intelligence, the 
Soviet Secret Police (or OGPU), General Walter Krivitsky, 
former member of the Soviet Intelligence Service, declared in 
his testimony before. the Special Committee on Un-American 
Activities on October 11, 1939, that such people: 


Are recruited for the OGPU from the Communist Party 
and from organizations which are regarded as sympathetic 
with the Communist Party, and that often for a particular 
job it was more advantageous to use a person who was ac- 
tually not a member of the party. 

Results of Penetration 

WHILE the matter of numbers is important, even more 
significant is the fact of penetration into strategic 
positions. Thus, highly placed persons in the Bureau of the 
Budget have an unbelievable influence in rewarding or punish- 
ing "cooperative" or "recalcitrant" government departments, 
and in eliminating appropriations for national defense and se- 
curity. A dozen persons in the "right" positions in the De- 
partment of State exercise an enormous influence on American 
foreign policy. A handful of advisers in the Treasury formu- 
lated the basic program of the Potsdam Agreement in Ger- 
many, which played into the hands of Soviet policy and which 
we have been forced to repudiate. Furthermore, there is evi- 
dence of a shrewd ring which keeps informed about im- 
portant openings and has its candidates for such positions. 
In this way, relatively few Communists have been able to 
wield considerable power and to do much damage. 

Strategic positions are not necessarily high positions. A 
file clerk may be more suitable for espionage than a prominent 
official. Minor functionaries often compile the memoranda 
from which important decisions are made. 

Many decisions have been made in recent years, whose au- 
thorship would bear thorough investigation. There was at 
times a curious coincidence between Soviet aims and precipi- 
tously-announced policies of our government, later to be re- 
nounced, when their full implications were understood by us. 
It would be interesting to discover who effected our repudiation 
of Mihailovitch in favor of Tito, the despot who ordered the 
shooting down of American fliers. Another enlightening in- 
quiry would uncover the forces behind our intervention in 
Argentina, which scuttled the Good Neighbor Policy and fur- 
nished ammunition for Communist propaganda in Latin 


America. Who furnished misleading military intelligence as 
to the situation in the Far East resulting in our granting far- 
reaching but uncalled-for concessions to the Soviet Union? 

It is well known that forces in the State Department are 
pushing the cause of the Chinese Communists against the 
constituted national government of China. The authors of such 
memoranda would bear investigation. Again, the full story of 
UNRRA has not been told. A high percentage of relief supplies 
has found its way into Soviet-controlled territory and has been 
used for political and military purposes even at the sacrifice 
of our domestic needs.* Another useful inquiry would delve 
into the tax-exempt status of notorious Communist-front or- 
ganizations. Such a grant has led to indirect government sub- 
sidy of anti-American groups. It would be interesting to note 
the stimulus given Communist-controlled unions by certain 
officials in Government labor boards. 

An English magazine noted humorously that the State De- 
partment had scooped a columnist in publishing a secret docu- 
ment. But the prevalence of leaks of confidential m.aterial is 
not humorous. Certainly an address by W. Averell Harriman 
to a closed meeting at the Army-Navy War College should not 
have been released by a French press agency three days later. 
Actually, the Communist and left-wing press has consistently 
obtained and published confidential data. At the same time, 
information which might enlighten the public on Soviet policies 
is being withheld or suppressed. 

Espionage and Sedition 

AMERICANS do not normally think in terms of espionage 
L and sedition. We reserve such "cloak and dagger" 
material for war time, or for mystery stories centering in 
the turbulent Balkan region. We would consider even occa- 
sional peaceful espionage as fantastic. Certainly we are not 
prepared for mass espionage, motivated not by thoughts of 
revenge or monetary gain, but merely by fanatical devotion 
to the interests of the Soviet Union. Yet the June 27, 1946, 

* See: Reader's Digest, February, 1947, p. 39. 


Report of the Canadian Royal Commission describes a startling 
pattern which is not confined to Canada: 

Perhaps the most startling single aspect of the entire 
Fifth Column network is the uncanny success with which 
the Soviet agents were able to find Canadians who were will- 
ing to betray their country and to supply to agents of a for- 
eign power secret information to which they had access in 
the course of their work, despite oaths of allegiance, of office, 
and of secrecy which they had taken.* 

An application of this idea to American conditions was made 
by Major General William J. Donovan, former Chief of the 
Office of Strategic Services. As late as March 1945, General 
Donovan had defended the employment in OSS of such well- 
known Communists as Irving Goff, Irving Fajans, Milton 
Wolff, and Vincent Lossowski.** A number of pro-Communists 
in the OSS were subsequently blanketed into strategic intelli- 
gence posts in the State Department. Granting the General's 
thesis that, "no foreign policy can be stronger than the infor- 
mation upon which it is based," it can be seen how considera- 
tions of wartime expediency have endangered our safety. 

In recommending the reorganization of our Intelligence sys- 
tem, he declared (LIFE Magazine, September 30, 1946) : 

The N.K.V.D., the U.S.S.R.'s secret service, operates 
everywhere and in a highly distinctive manner . . . N.K.V.D. 
depends characteristically on sheer mass. It has thousands 
of operators scattered throughout the world in countries 
friendly and not so friendly. It draws information from a 
vast numbei? of sources — trained secret agents, agents 
provocateurs, fellow travelers, Communists, as well as the 
customary diplomatic channels. 

This statement is significant, since it reflects disillusionment 
with Communist professions of loyalty.*** 

* Report of the Canadian Royal Commission, p. 57, (Ottawa: Kings 
Printer, 1946). 

** Evening Star, Washington, March 13, 1945; Washington Post, 
July 19, 1945. 

*** In this connection, the letter of J. Edgar Hoover, in connection with 
the Eisler case, made public on February 6, 1947, is significant. (New 
York Times, Feb. 7, 1947, p. 3.) It represents the first official admission 
of Soviet espionage operations in the United States. Congress should 
investigate this situation further. 



Public Charges 

HERE have been three public charges of espionage which 
JL would warrant further investigation. In December 1945, 
a newspaper chain published a detailed and circumstantial 
story that Soviet agents had pilfered atomic secrets. The 
President of the American Federation of Labor charged at 
its 1946 convention in Chicago that an official had stolen and 
photographed State Department documents to send to Moscow. 

In June 1945, six persons were arrested on charges of vio- 
lating the espionage act, two of them connected with the pro- 
Communist magazine, AMERASIA. According to Congress- 
man George A. Dondero, a search of the offices of the magazine 
disclosed more than 100 files containing top-secret and highly- 
confidential documents stolen from the State Department, War 
Department, Navy Department, Office of Strategic Services, 
Office of Postal and Telegraph Censorship and the Office of 
War Information.* This charge was corroborated by a sub- 
sequent Congressional investigation. One of the six, Emmanuel 
Larsen, declared that influence was used to prevent real prose- 
cution of the defendants.** 

An illustration of our inexcusable laxity was the order given 
to permit Communists to receive commissions as officers of the 
United States Army. The intelligence branches of both the 
Army and the Navy were ordered to discontinue investigations 
into Communist activities. Such orders were given in spite of 
violent protests by patriotic and far-seeing officers of the 
armed forces and members of Congress. The result was a dan- 
gerous penetration of our military arm by Communists. They 
infiltrated the Army orientation course, and gave it a pro- 
Soviet bias. They reached strategic positions in the intelligence 
services and were able to color information upon which vital 
decisions were based. The editorship of many army papers 
was captured by knovni Communists. Such individuals gravi- 
tated into key positions in the armies of occupation. It is 
known that Communists organized most of the mutinous dem- 

* CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, April 16, 1946. 

** Emmanuel S. Larsen, "The State Department Espionage Case," 
Plain Talk, October 1946, p. 38. 

99651 O — 47 !» 


onstrations which so badly lowered American prestige and 
strength after the fighting ceased. 

How Communists Get Government Posts 

THE OBJECTIONS to Communist infiltration of govern- 
ment are not unknown to responsible government offi- 
cials. On the whole, federal policy and public opinion have been 
against the employment of Communists. In spite of this fact, 
however, they have successfully scaled the barriers erected 
against them. The explanation of this fact lies in two situa- 
tions : 

1 . A series of factors which weakened the determination 
of top officials to exclude Communists and their sym- 

2. Major defects in the legal and administrative proce- 
dure for screening out undesirable elements from fed- 
eral employment. 

Each of these points deserves detailed analysis. 

In examining the first point noted above, our first emphasis 
should be placed upon the psychology of the so-called "liberal" 
public official. Since 1933, this group has dominated the govern- 
ment. Very early in their careers they developed a strong aver- 
sion to resisting Communist infiltration in government. This 
was due in part to careless charges often made against real 
liberals and their reform programs. As a result, when genuine 
and well-founded charges were made, they rarely bothered to 
examine them. 

Furthermore, these liberals found a common cause with the 
Communists in opposing Hitler and the rise of Fascism. A 
quiet merger was facilitated by the current Communist Party 
Line. During the years 1935-1939 and 1941-1945, the Party 
wore lamb's clothing. These were the days of the united front 
against Fascism, when revolutionary aims were temporarily 
set aside, in order to save the Soviet Union from Nazi con- 
quest. During these years, Communists talked like liberals, 
and were accepted by them, sometimes consciously, often un- 


This quiet trend changed into a quasi-official policy as the 
recent war progressed. It is now known that the Administra- 
tion promised Stalin to secure a favorable world opinion for 
the Soviet Union.* To implement this promise, the Administra- 
tion used effective pressure against "Red baiting" and discrimi- 
nation against Communists. Any attack upon Russia or its 
American agents was considered as hurting the war effort. 
This pressure was enforced by criticism from the Communist 
press, the pro-Communist liberal press, and by Communist in- 
spired front organizations. The result was a heavy influx of 
Communists and their sympathizers into the war agencies, 
such as the OWI, OSS, OPA, FEA, and WLB. With the termi- 
nation of the conflict, these individuals shifted to the more 
permanent agencies. At the same time, investigative work by 
the Civil Service Commission was tapering off and lapsing 
into almost complete ineffectiveness. 

Politics and Loyalty 

THERE IS still another class of government officials who 
do much harm. In this type are those who from various 
motives introduce and promote candidates of doubtful loyalty. 
In some cases the motive is politics. Thus, recommendations 
from left-wing labor groups have been accepted on the grounds 
that this will win the labor vote. Several projected purges 
of government employees were vetoed on political grounds. 
Again, some popularity-seeking officials fear the smear tech- 
niques of the left-wing press. An example of such smears were 
the attacks upon the State Department as "reactionary" and 
"pro-Fascist." Such attacks ceased when Soviet sympathizers 
began to infiltrate this Department in important numbers. 
Officials who connived in such moves have sacrificed the inter- 
ests of our country to gain the applause of those motivated 
by their loyalty to a foreign power whose aims are frankly 

♦ See: William C. Bullitt, The Great Globe Itself, New York: Scribner, 
1946, p. 21. 


All these classes have done a grave disservice to their coun- 
try. No eradication of fifth columnists would be complete which 
did not make a thorough and exacting study of each group. It 
is necessary that public or secret Communists be removed from 
government posts. Their sympathizers or dupes likewise should 
go, since they are equally dangerous.* But a complete study 
should go deeper. It should examine the forces which led to 
their original appointments. Their recommendations for per- 
sonnel should be scrutinized. Finally, any official who appointed 
a substantial number of such persons should in turn be suspect 
as to loyalty or judgment. 

The recommendations given here are severe, because the 
problem is critical. No one has a vested right to be appointed 
to a government job. If his actions or policies endanger our 
security, the people have a right to be protected from him. 

Communists in Government 

No FIGURES are available to the public as to the num- 
ber of known Communists in government. It has been 
estimated that about 400 hold positions of importance in Wash- 
ington. Others occupy strategic positions in the military gov- 
ernment abroad. The Communist-dominated United Public 
Workers of America (CIO) claims membership of 100,000, of 
which 40,000 are federal workers. While it cannot properly be 
said that all members of this union are Communists, it is 
undeniable that they are all subject to Communist propaganda 
and pressure.** 

The United Public Workers of America, (a merger of the 
United Federal Workers and The State, County and Municipal 
Workers) has a long pro-Communist record. It denounced 

* For three extensive and accurate partial lists of Communist unions 
and fronts see: Andrew Avery, The Communist Fifth Column, and 
Communist Power in Industry, Chicago: Journal of Commerce, 10c and 
15c; Investigation of Un-American Propaganda Activities in the United 
States, House Committee on Un-American Activities, May 29, 1946, 
Washington : Government Printing Office. 

** See: Stalin's Hand in the Panama Canal by R. de Toledano, Plain 
Talk, Nov. 1946, pp. 34-36. 


American foreign policy at its Atlantic City convention in 
1946, supported Soviet Union programs and policies, and went 
on to advocate a strike policy in Government service. Although 
it is true that the Executive Board of the union perfunctorily 
repudiated the convention strike resolution in response to the 
wave of public condemnation and Congressional resentment, 
the Communist character of the organization and its predeces- 
sors (UFW and SCMW) had been clearly demonstrated by 
their subservience to the Communist Party line since their 
beginning.* Nevertheless the United Public Workers union is 
allowed the privilege of meeting in government buildings. Its 
posters are freely displayed on bulletin boards. Its literature 
is freely circulated. There has been no official ruling against 
the organization by the Civil Service Commission or any fed- 
eral agencies. 

The United Public Workers of America has recently an- 
nounced the organization of 17,000 workers in the militarily 
strategic Panama Canal Zone under the leadership of Leonard 
H. Goldsmith, a New Jersey CIO organizer with a long record 
of Communist activities. This union has locals in the State, 
War and Navy Departments and other important federal de- 
partments, in arsenals, Navy Yards, scientific laboratories, 
proving grounds, penetrating to the positions in government 
most sensitive from a security viewpoint. 

As a further indication of Communist strength in govern- 
ment, of a total of 562 federal employees listed by the Special 
Committee on Un-American Activities in 1939 from the files 
of the American League for Peace and Democracy, cited by 
Attorney General Biddle as a Communist front organization, 
a large proportion is not only still with the government but are 
in far more important positions. Communist Party and Com- 
munist front meetings in Washington attract thousands, most 
of them federal employees. Secret Communist cells are con- 
tinuously at work within the Nation's capital. 

Once Communists infiltrate sufficiently into government, 
they set up an efficient patronage machine. Openings are noted, 
and candidates are pushed for strategic positions. Aiding in 
this process are gullible liberals, front organizations, infiltrated 

* See Appendix V for further evidence in this regard. 


groups, and pro-Communists in the labor movement. This 
penetration is not confined to the executive arm alone. Com- 
munist sympathizers also received appointments as technical 
advisers to Congressional committees and to individual mem- 
bers of Congress.* Some of the most dangerous appointments 
in recent years to such departments as State, Treasury, Labor, 
Commerce, Federal Communications Commission and Bureau 
of the Budget were the work of this patronage system. 

Legal Status of Communists 
in Government 

THE PRESENT legal basis for barring Communists from 
government service is Public Law 135 generally referred 
to as the Hatch Act. This forbids the employment of those 
who advocate "the overthrow of our constitutional form of 
government." Although the Communists do not at this stage 
in the United States openly advocate such overthrow, it is basic 
in their fundamental teachings and tactics. Communists, with 
characteristic duplicity, do not hesitate to deny such advocacy 
even under oath. 

A further difficulty in applying the Hatch Act is the obtain- 
ing of proof that a given individual is a member or a follower 
of the Communist Party. An illuminating study of this prob- 
lem is contained in a letter to Hon. George A. Dondero, written 
on February 20, 1945, by Adjutant General U. A. Ulio. The 
General notes: 

It was clear that the burden of proof in applying the Hatch 
Act was squarely on the Army. Legal proof of membership 
had to be established. . . . The Hatch Act did not refer to 
persons of communist ideology who were not members of 
the Communist Party. . . . Long experience and careful in- 
vestigation showed conclusively the virtual impossibility of 
developing actual, legal proof of membership in the Com- 
munist Party on the part of persons desiring to conceal such 
membership. The Communist Party took action to prevent 
the Hatch Act being applied to its members in the Army 

* For first-hand documentation see: Turn the Light on Communism by 
Robert M. LaFollette, Jr., Collier's, Feb. 8, 1947, p. 22. 


by giving them leaves of absence in such a manner as to con- 
stitute at least a suspension of membership in the Party. 
Certain court decisions [the Schneiderman case] had to be 
considered. It has been held that proof of past membership 
in the Communist Party is not conclusive proof that the 
individual thereafter continued to be a member of the Party. 
As a result of these considerations, the War Department has 
found itself in a difficult position legally to take effective 
action under the Hatch Act. 

The Army's difficulties found a parallel in the Civil Service 
Commission as disclosed by the Subcommittee of the House 
Civil Service Committee Report: 

It has been extremely difficult to prepare standards that 
v^ould protect both the government and the employee. Very 
few individuals openly advocate the overthrow of our gov- 
ernment by force or violence or belong to organizations that 
so advocate. If membership exists, it is extremely difficult 
to prove. 

The Report of the Canadian Royal Commission (June 27, 
1946) enlarges upon this problem as follows: 

To judge from much of the evidence, the secret adherent 
is apparently encouraged never to be honest or frank, out- 
side the secret "cell" meetings, about his real political atti- 
tudes or views, and apparently is led to believe that frank- 
ness in these matters is the equivalent of dangerous indis- 
cretion and a potential menace to the organization as a 

The Civil Service Commission and the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation both have pointed out a situation summarized 
as follows: 

While fingerprint and name checks afford some protection 
to the government, the protection cannot be adequate since 
many individuals who are disloyal to the government do not 
have criminal records and often operate under assumed 

It should be noted, however, that automatic fingerprinting of 
all employees has not been enforced. Many employees in the 
government have not been fingerprinted. 

* Congressional Record, July 20, 1946, p. 9729. 


A Court Decision 

A SECOND blow to effective application of the Hatch 
. Act was given by the United States Supreme Court on 
June 21, 1943. In the case of William Schneiderman, a Com- 
munist organizer, the Court held that membership in a Party 
does not of necessity indicate acceptance of the Party's pro- 
gram ! The court did not in this case rule whether or not the 
Communist Party actually advocates the overthrow of govern- 
ment. This attitude of the Court appears strangely unrealistic 
in the light of recent purges of Communist Party members 
who did not faithfully accept the current Party Line. Never- 
theless, it stands as a severe legal obstacle against one method 
of purging Communists from government. It is clear that the 
approach from the "advocacy of revolution" aspect is not 
suiRcient. A more satisfactory approach is the right of govern- 
ment to set up its own standards of employment, a right upheld 
in regard to government purchases under the Public Contracts 
Act (the Walsh-Healey Act) .* In the case of Morton Friedman, 
the U. S. Court of Appeals (D. C.) stated: 

The United States has the right to employ such persons 
as it deems necessary to aid in carrying on the public busi- 
ness. It has the right to prescribe the qualifications of its 
employees and to attach conditions to their employment. 
(Dec. 16, 1946) 

A further difliculty with the approach previously used is 
that at most it would affect a small group of Communist Party 
members. It would be wholly ineffective against the fellow 
traveler or dupe who co-operates with the Communists. It 
would likewise be useless against officials, who, for political or 
personal reasons, connived in the appointment of persons 
whose loyalty or judgment can be questioned. 

Previous Supreme Court history in regard to subversive 
groups is not entirely clear. There are two opposing lines of 
precedent. The Holmes dictum** states that there must be 
"clear and present danger that they will bring about the sub- 
stantive evils that Congress has a right to prevent." According 

* For further comment on Supreme Court decisions, see Appendix I. 
**Schenck v. United States, 249 U. S. 47, 52, 63, L. Ed. 470 (1918). 


to this approach, it is not enough to show that the Communist 
Party advocates the overthrow of government. It must be 
further proved that the threat is real and imminent. On the 
other side is the "self-defense" dictum, whereby a government 
can take the steps necessary to defend its existence.* This 
theory would give the Congress greater latitude in protecting 
the nation from potential evils, even before they progress 
sufficiently to become an imminent threat. 

There exist two further legal bases for action against Com- 
munists and their followers. The Voorhis Act requires the 
registration of proved foreign agents with the United States 
government, with a full statement of their activities, revenues, 
and disbursements. To avoid registration under this Act, the 
American Communist Party ostensibly "broke" with the Com- 
intern in 1940. The Comintern itself went through the motions 
of dissolution in 1943. Yet the Department of Justice is in a 
position to prove that the American Communist Party takes 
direct and continuous orders from Moscow and its agents. In 
the light of these facts, it would be advisable for the Depart- 
ment of Justice to proceed against the Communist Party for 
violation of the Act. It should further enforce future compli- 
ance upon the Party and thus force its activities into the light 
of public scrutiny. 

A second legal aid may be found in the Logan Act of 1912. 
This law prohibits and punishes conspiracy by American citi- 
zens and foreign agents, helping foreign agents to influence 
relations between the United States and any foreign govern- 
ment, and the attempt to defeat measures taken by the United 
States in the course of such relations. The law also applies to 
those who counsel, advise or assist in such operations. Actually 
the top officials of the American Communist Party have con- 
sistently engaged in activities which are forbidden by this law. 
The Department of Justice can compile evidence to show such 
violations. Prosecutions under this Act would unmask the 
Party and show it in its real light: an instrument whereby 
American citizens have become agents of a foreign power and 
traitors to their own government. 

* Schaefer v. United States, 251 U. S., 466, 477, 64, L. Ed. 360 (1919). 
See in this connection the MARQUETTE LAW REVIEW, March 1943. 


Comprehensive Program Needed 

THE FACT is that the Department of Justice representing 
the law enforcement arm of the government has thus 
far utterly failed in securing either legislation or Supreme 
Court opinion that would lay a sound and watertight basis 
for proceedings against members of the Communist Party, or 
its agents, particularly those who are in Government employ. 
It has avoided meeting the issue. 

Of course the government has other powers which it may 
invoke, but which it has not exercised with any energy or per- 
sistence. Section I, Rule 12 of the Temporary Civil Service 
Regulations specifically gives that power to the federal agen- 
cies in the following explicit terms : 

No person in the classified service of the United States 
shall be removed therefrom except for such cause as will 
promote the efficiency of the service and for reasons given 
in writing; and the person whose removal is sought shall 
have notice of the same and of any charges preferred against 
him and be furnished with a copy thereof and also be allowed 
a reasonable time for personally answering the same in 
writing; and affidavits in support thereof; but no examina- 
tion of witnesses nor any trial or hearing shall be required 
except in the discretion of the officer making the removal; 
and copies of charges, notice of hearing, answer, reasons 
for removal, and of the order of removal shall be made a 
part of the records of the proper department or office, as 
shall also the reasons for reduction in rank or compensation ; 
and copies of the same shall be furnished to the person af- 
fected upon request and the commission also shall, upon 
request, be furnished copies of the same. 

Encased in the legal phrasing of the rule there are two 
essential points: first, that employees of government can be 
removed to promote the efficiency of the service. The second 
point is that while the employee has a right to answer the 
charges, he does not have the right to a formal trial or hearing. 

The importance of this latter point is brought out in Ap- 
pendix II. The need of protecting informants from Communist 
reprisals, and the necessity of protecting sources of informa- 
tion about a secret and conspiratorial group, call for special 
techniques. On this subject, the rights of a federal employee 


are best protected by skill and competence among investigators 
and security officials on the basis of publicly announced ade- 
quate standards fixed by Congress. An open hearing, which 
would unmask informants and sources of investigation, would 
reduce to impotence the future process of purging the govern- 
ment of disloyal employees. 

Practical Obstacles 

IN PRACTICE, however, these existing powers have been 
used reluctantly and sparingly. There were many reasons 
why oflicials hesitated to proceed even against flagrant dis- 
loyalty. One was the current view that such actions would 
endanger the "friendship" between the United States and the 
Soviet Union. Another was the fear of savage attacks from 
the United Federal Workers Union (now the United Public 
Workers of America) , Communist fronts, the Communist and 
pro-Communist press. It was politic not to act on such cases. 
Furthermore, the Civil Service Commission, except in rare in- 
stances, investigates only new employees. Those previously 
blanketed into government are left to the untrained inquiries 
of department or agency heads. The result was a set of con- 
flicting and inadequate standards, with employees rejected on 
loyalty grounds by one agency being accepted by another. 

Congressional efforts to exclude employees who were active 
in Communist causes were balked by one pretext or another. 
Then, after the Civil Service Commission had lapsed into in- 
nocuousness, its funds were cut to the bone. At present, the 
Commission has funds to make loyalty investigations of about 
one in two'hundred new employees. An influence in the starving 
of the Commission was the attitude of high Bureau of the 
Budget officials. Congressman Bradley quoted Paul Appleby, 
then Acting Director of the Bureau of the Budget, as stating: 
"A man in the employ of the government has just as much a 
right to be a member of the Communist Party as he has to be 
a member of the Democratic or Republican Party." 

In summary, it can be seen that part of the difficulty in re- 
moving Communists from government is legal, and part the 


result of administrative decisions. As noted earlier, it should 
not be difficult to establish a sound legal basis for standards 
of loyalty. Our government has abundant evidence to prove the 
treasonable nature of the Communist Party. All that is needed 
is the revelation of facts now suppressed. The administrative 
problem is likewise relatively simple, given good will. Congress 
should see that definite security regulations are made and 
enforced. Stern vigilance along this line is the only road to 
safety. An unwise economy which prevents investigation of 
present and prospective employees would be most shortsighted. 
It would be a paradox to appropriate billions for military de- 
fense against external enemies, and yet to ignore fifth-column 
elements in our midst.* 

A Statement of Policy 

IN ORDER to protect our nation from persons of doubtful 
loyalty, there should be a clear understanding that certain 
types of persons are considered unsuitable for public service. 
This bar would apply to present employees as well as to appli- 
cants. This policy statement should contain clear and compre- 
hensive definitions, some details of which are advocated sub- 
sequently. Safeguards should be erected to protect those who 
innocently became entangled with Communist groups, or who 
subsequently changed their views. The benefit of the doubt 
should be given to the security of the nation and not to the 
individual. As was noted in our previous report, pro-Commu- 
nist activities reflect upon either the loyalty or judgment of 
an individual, and persons lacking in either should not be 
retained for government service. 

It is to be anticipated that Communists, through devious 
routes, will try to arouse liberals and the general public against 
a program of insuring loyalty in government. Charges will be 
raised that freedom of thought will be muzzled and a Gestapo 
set up. Demands will be made for full public hearings in each 
case and for the revelation of sources and informants. Such 

* For a fuller discussion of the Civil Service Commission and its func- 
tions, see Appendix III. 


a campaign will be the more dangerous, since all sympathize 
with its announced objectives. Actually, however, trained in- 
vestigators with clear directives based on statute do not con- 
fuse liberals with Communists. No individual with a consistent 
record of loyalty will be injured by proposals made here. 
Charges to the contrary will be only a smokescreen to protect 
subversive elements, always adept at clothing themselves with 
an American flag when attacked. 

Once standards are set, it is important that adequate in- 
vestigative machinery be available. This problem is difficult, 
but not insuperable. The investigators of the Civil Service 
Commission performed their task with considerable efficiency, 
prior to Administrative decisions which hampered their work. 
While it will be hard to reassemble a trained staff now scattered 
far and wide, adequate standards of salary and security might 
prove an inducement for experts to return to the service. 
Investigators trained by other government agencies during the 
war, and now in civilian service, might be attracted by favor- 
able offers. 

Congress should see that some central agency is responsible 
for security and loyalty supervision. This agency should set 
definite standards, which must be followed by department 
and agency heads. It should report to a subcommittee of Con- 
gress whose principal functions would be to enforce the will 
of Congress in this matter. In so far as possible, and subject 
to the exception of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, se- 
curity files of government should be centralized. This agency 
should not only check upon applicants for employment, but 
also investigate complaints about and initiate its own inquiries 
in regard to present personnel. 

To assist this security agency, Congress should legislate clear 
and definite standards. It should enact into law some such 
standards as are given subsequently. A tightening of security 
and espionage provisions, and a strengthening of loyalty re- 
quirements, would give a security agency real tools with which 
to improve the quality of federal service. 



THE PROGRAM presented in this report is a proposed 
pattern for action. It is based upon a careful study of 
well-documented material. Such information is largely a matter 
of public record, indeed much of it stems from Congressional 
inquiries. In view of the urgency of the problem and the wealth 
of material on hand, it would be a mistake to defer action pend- 
ing another prolonged investigation of the problem. Analysis 
of existing material and recommendations by qualified experts 
afford Congress ample basis upon which to erect a fair and 
workable pattern of laws. 

There is room, however, for further investigation on a 
broader front. Throughout this report there have been allusions 
to suppressed information. Reference has been made to poli- 
cies which appear to be more pro-Soviet than pro-American. 
The entire aspect of outside interference in American foreign 
policy calls for exhaustive study. It would appear that such 
inquiries could be appropriately directed by either the Senate 
or House Foreign Relations Committee, or by a joint sub- 
committee. Such a group could go into the influences which 
entered into such important decisions as the Potsdam Agree- 
ment, the Argentine policy and the China policy. It should 
probe the reasons behind the suppression of information re- 
garding activities of Soviet agents in this country. This com- 
mittee could bring into the open the full story of Communist 
penetration of military occupation zones, UNRRA, certain 
clashes between the USSR and the USA in mutual occupation 
zones, the whitewashing of espionage cases, and scores of other 
items important for an intelligent foreign policy. 

A dignified and competent investigation of this type would 
educate the public to the realities of our foreign relations. In 
trained hands, it should not and would not be a sensation- 
seeking witch hunt. Rather it would be a penetrating study into 
the pattern which determined American foreign policy at a 
critical period in our history. A real service could be rendered 
if the secret story of Yalta and Teheran could be made public. 
Much that is sordid would be revealed by a complete inquiry, 
but it would furnish the basis for an intelligent and realistic 


foreign policy.* It would also further document the need for 
loyalty and security in federal employment policies. 

But the cleansing of government should not wait the con- 
clusion of such a broad investigation. National security de- 
mands prompt, although carefully considered, action. We urge 
this, knowing that the government has extensive files which 
would justify an extensive program of security standards and 
measures. The recommendations given here provide safeguards 
against hasty and ill-considered action. They would not lead 
to wholesale dismissals on flimsy grounds. But they do furnish 
a groundwork for national security. 

The building up of a competent investigative corps will take 
time. In the meantime, however, once the proper principles are 
enacted into law and administrative rulings, the removal of 
Fifth Columnists could begin. Actual Communists and foreign 
agents known to the Federal Bureau of Investigation should 
be cited to the proper security officers for immediate action. 
In many cases, criminal prosecution would be in order. At any 
rate, the sources of leaks and espionage could be promptly 

It will take longer to prepare properly the cases against 
fellow travelers or dupes who have effectively aided the Fifth 
Column. This would be more properly the work of the central 
security agency and of the department and bureau security 
officials. It would be aided immensely by the probe recom- 
mended above. 


Cooperation Needed 

HE SECURITY of the Nation demands that there be 
W full cooperation of the Executive branch with the Legis- 
lative and Judicial branches on this matter. The issue should 
be above all partisanship. Federal employees should be called 
upon to cooperate by furnishing helpful information in the 
interests of national security. Present and past employees 
should be released from oaths of secrecy and of office, to the 
extent that they testify before properly constituted Congres- 

* For the evidence see: Defeat in Victory, Jan Ciechanowski, Doubleday 
and Company, New York, 1947, and Wm. C. Bullitt, op. cit. 


sional Committees or security boards. Guarantees as to im- 
munity from reprisals should be given to those who testify, 
whether in government or in civilian employment. In this way, 
thousands of present and former federal employees and mem- 
bers of the armed services will be able to supply information. 
It is known that many have felt that their country's interests 
were being betrayed because of faulty policies. They should 
be given their chance to testify and to document the general 
charges made in this report. 

In discussing agents of a foreign power, we have limited our 
treatment mainly to Communists. Agents of the Axis have 
been largely suppressed by the prompt and intelligent action 
of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. To the extent, however, 
that any foreign agents other than Communists operate to 
menace our security or interests, all of these principles and 
recommendations would likewise be operative in their cases. 
But the danger of the Communist Fifth Column is imminent 
and great. 

We have not said the last word on this important subject. 
We hope this report will help the American people to find a 
solution to a vital problem. We pledge our support to all con- 
scientious and loyal Americans in this endeavor. 

We wish to emphasize two points : 

1. The overwhelming majority of government employees 
are competent and thoroughly loyal. No broadside or 
sweeping indictment or investigation is called for. Emo- 
tional witch-hunts do more harm than good. 

2. Because the Communists are daring, ruthless and re- 
sourceful, the task of keeping public employment free 
from them and their sympathizers is a continuing task, 
calling for objective standards applied with resource- 
fulness, intelligence and insight. 

Persons interested in studying more detailed suggestions for 
implementing the foregoing general program, are urged to 
examine Appendix I on Specific Recommendations. 



Specific Recommendations 

THE FOLLOWING detailed recommendations are designed to 
implement the general proposals given previously. They are 
concrete and practical suggestions to Congress and the security 
agencies of the government. They represent the experience of many 
experts who have studied at length the question of subversive pene- 
tration into our government. 

1. Loyalty 

THE QUESTION of loyalty should be one which can be raised at 
any time by the government in reference to any employee regardless 
of whether he has been cleared before or not, and regardless of the 
permanency of his status. This will make it possible for the govern- 
ment to rid itself of disloyal elements if further evidence is found on 
the subject's past record or in the event of subsequent subversive ac- 
tivity. In other words unquestionable loyalty to the government 
should be the sine qua non of government employment, at all times. 

2. Investigative Agencies 

WITH OVER two million employees on the federal payroll and with 
thousands of new applicants each year, it is manifestly impossible 
for the one hundred investigators on the Civil Service Commission 
staff to investigate new cases as well as old cases which may arise. 
Even if the staff were considerably increased it would be an im- 
possible task for any one agency. It is therefore suggested that re- 
sponsibility for staff loyalty be placed not only upon the Civil Service 
Commission but also upon all agency, section and department heads. 
Each executive officer should be duty bound not only to report any 
evidence of disloyalty but to see to it that proper action is taken in 
each case. He should be responsible for the drawing up of any special 
security measures appropriate to his department and for the appoint- 
ment of a security committee which should function in his agency, 
section or department. Officials in all departments who encounter 
any evidence of disloyalty in any other department in the course of 
their activity should be called upon to report their findings to a 
designated authority. 

The Federal Bureau of Investigation, which now has no power of 
recommendation, thus rendering information in its vast files almost 
valueless, should be required by law to pass information on loyalty 
cases to the agencies concerned with recommendations and to expe- 

99651 O — 47 10 


dite action in the interests of national security. Thus instead of con- 
centrating responsibility upon one single agency, an assignment 
impossible of accomplishment, the responsibility should become a 
part of the fundamental duty of all government executives on the 
basis of open uniform standards established under Congressional 
law. Nevertheless, decentralization in the execution of security rules 
for existing federal employees should be no excuse for evasion of 
duty. A central agency should not only set up standards, but it should 
have the power to check upon the enforcement of these standards 
by department and bureau security officers. Moreover, a subcommit- 
tee of Congress should have as its task the maintaining of vigilance 
in this regard. 

In order to protect its sources of information, the Federal Bureau 
of Investigation does not disclose them to the various agencies. 
Agencies are thus required to act on unsupported charges. This re- 
sults in widespread evasion, delaying any decisive action. The Fed- 
eral Bureau of Investigation should be permitted to keep its sources 
confidential but it should be required to state definitely whether on 
the basis of its weighted findings, the subject is or was a member 
of the Communist Party, a fellow traveler, and the like. 

Two points in regard to the Federal Bureau of Investigation are 
important. The first is that it be permitted to keep inviolate its 
records and sources of information. It would be imprudent in the 
long run to expose and thus to nullify trusted sources merely to 
gain short-term objectives. Secondly, it should have the responsi- 
bility and the opportunity to initiate, on its own discretion, loyalty 
inquiries. It is not enough that it pass judgment upon cases sent to it 
from the Civil Service Commission or the departments. It should 
also have the right and the duty to call to the attention of security 
officers cases which endanger national security. In such instances, 
it should send its weighted conclusions to this officer, who would be 
bound to give such judgments most careful consideration. In doing 
this, it would act under the uniform publicly-known standards to be 
set up for all loyalty cases. 

3. Handling Records 

AT THE present time loyalty records are scattered over a number 
of agencies, each of which is highly jealous of its own prerogatives. 
The resultant friction serves the interests of those who seek to avoid 
detection. Hence records should be concentrated as far as possible 
with the understanding that special records should be encouraged 
where it specifically suits the needs of the given agency. Access to 
such records should be granted only to specially selected investiga- 
tors under carefully drawn security provisions. 


4. Trained Personnel 

THE DETECTION of Communists and their agents, the discrimina- 
tion necessary to avoid injustice to individuals, the difference between 
a Communist, a fellow-traveler, a liberal, and those in other move- 
ments, all require considerable knowledge and study. This necessi- 
tates the training not only of investigators in this field, but more 
important, of those who supervise this work and especially those 
who make evaluations. In the past, knowledge and training in this 
intricate work has almost invariably diminished proportionately as 
one approached the top, decisive or executive levels. Persons with 
years of experience in this work have either been dropped or shifted 
to other activity. Positions of this kind, in which questions of na- 
tional safety are so deeply involved, must not be left to an untrained 
and inexperienced political appointee. The policy of maintaining a 
security official like J. Edgar Hoover in ofl[ice, regardless of changes 
in Administration, is sound. It should be applied in all levels of secur- 
ity work. The issue of security should be above partisan politics. 

5. The Communist Party and its Fronts 

IN A LARGE MEASURE the government is responsible for the 
present confusion because it has failed to set down definite and rea- 
sonable standards as a guide to all departments, to present and 
future employees, as well as to the public. The Department of Justice 
should officially rule that the Communist Party, USA, is an agency 
of a foreign power and subject to the provisions of the Voorhis Act 
and the Logan Act. The Department of Justice should make public 
at least twice a year a certified list of Communist-controlled front 
organizations and labor unions. The government should clearly state 
its attitude toward public employees who support such organizations. 
The front organization should be clearly defined. Attorney General 
Francis A. Biddle has referred to them as organizations: 

Represented to the public for some legitimate reform objective, 
but actually used by the Communist Party to carry on its ac- 
tivities, pending the time when the Communists believe they 
can seize power through revolution. 

In urging the necessity of building such organizations. Otto 
Kuusinen, former Secretary of the Communist International, has 
referred to them as "mass organizations, sympathizing with our 
aims, and able to aid us for special purposes." 

Identification of Communist front organizations and Communist- 
controlled unions should be based upon publicly announced standards 
such as the following : 

1 , Information that the group was formed by the Communist 
Party or through its instigation and corroboration of this 
by strict adherence to the Communist Party line. 


2. Communists or supporters of the Communist Party line in 
strategic and policy-making posts of the suspected front, as 
speakers, editors, secretary, organization director, educa- 
tional director, organizer, executive board members, office 
staff, and the like. 

3. Cooperation with the Communist Party and its other front 

4. Support of the organization by the Communist press and 
Communist-controlled organizations. 

5. Use of well-known Communist service organizations for 
printing, mimeographing, meetings, entertainment, adver- 
tising, accounting, unions, and so forth. 

6. Unwavering support of the Soviet Union on all questions, 
even when such policies are in opposition to the policies of 
the United States. 

All agencies of the government should have a uniform attitude 
toward these organizations, once they are definitely identified. They 
should be dealt with as the direct or indirect instrumentalities of a 
foreign power, subject to the provisions of the Voorhis Act and 
accorded no official recognition or standing by any government 
agency. This should apply also to a Communist-controlled union such 
as the United Public Workers. 

6. Civil Service Rules 

ON NOVEMBER 3, 1943, the Civil Service Commission issued 
debilitating instructions coincident with the pressure from the 
United Federal Workers, which made a mockery of its investigations. 
These instructions concerned Communist activity in unions, aid to 
Loyalist Spain, Communist reading matter, family connections with 
subversive elements, and adherence to front organizations. By elimi- 
nating such questions, a fruitful source of information was cut off. 
The detailed reasons why these and similar questions should be 
reinstated are given in Appendix II. 

7. Clear and Precise Definitions 

PRECISE definitions, as objective as they can be made, should be 
evolved as to the various categories included in loyalty investiga- 
tions, as well as the definite attitude of the government toward them. 

(a) Members of the Communist Party, USA, as proven by: pos- 
session of a membership card, payment of dues, soliciting member- 
ship, holding a post in the party or on one of its official publications, 
doing other work for the party, running for office on the Communist 
Party ticket, proof of attendance at closed meetings of the Com- 
munist Party, or announcement of party membership by an official 
Communist publication or admission of party membership. 

The question has been raised at times as to whether such evidence 
would prove present Communist Party membership. Properly to 
pass on this question one must understand the nature of such mem- 


bership. Communist Party by-laws and rules have time and again 
emphasized the fact that membership is strictly the possession of 
the party, to give, w^ithhold or renounce. Communist Party members 
cannot resign. They are expelled. They are never granted a leave 
of absence from duty, contrary to vi^hat the Army v^^as told, except 
in cases of ill health. Those who claim they are no longer members 
should therefore be compelled to furnish proof of their severance 
from the party. This could be in the form of a public Communist 
announcement of expulsion as in the cases of Browder, Minton, Mc- 
Kenney and others, or some evidence indicating that the subject has 
on one or more occasions, sincerely opposed the party. Otherwise it 
should be assumed that membership is still in force. Members of 
the Communist Party should be barred from all government agencies 
because of their subservience to a foreign power. 

(b) Since it has been a recognized Communist practice not to 
admit party membership and to hide actual membership behind one 
or more pseudonyms plus other artifices, the subject's amenability 
to Communist discipline, his loyalty to the Communist Party and 
the Soviet Union, must be established as it is done in the trade union 
movement, as it was done by Attorney General Francis A. Biddle 
in the case of Harry Bridges, and as it was done by the U. S. Labor 
Department in the case of Helen Miller, by showing that the pattern 
of behavior over a substantial period has been unvarying in its con- 
formance with the publicly announced Communist Party line, and 
that aflfiliations and associations have invariably been with organiza- 
tions and individuals identified with the Communist Party. In this 
category belong registered Communist voters, signers of Communist 
election petitions, subscribers to the Communist press, financial 
contributors to the party or its organs, supporters and defenders of 
the party, and the like. Because of the secrecy of the Communist 
organization especially where a "capitalist" government is con- 
cerned, this method is the only practical one which can be relied 
upon. The following opinion of Judge Charles B. Sears, characteriz- 
ing Harry Bridges, should serve as an excellent model. Speaking 
of the defendant he points out that said defendant's 

cooperative and sympathetic attitude toward various Front 
Organizations of the Communist Party and toward certain 
Communist-sponsored programs and policies . . . viewed as 
a whole, form a pattern which is more consistent with the 
conclusion that the alien followed this course of conduct as an 
aflfiliate of the Communist Party, rather than as a matter of 
coincidence. (Italics supplied). 

Generally, not one isolated act or incident should control; rather 
it is the pattern of loyalty or disloyalty and of behavior over a period 
of time which should be the test. Those who accept completely the 
discipline of a foreign power or its American instrumentality, the 
Communist Party, should be barred from federal employment. 


The government should consult with educational experts to explore 
the feasibility of employing the new type objective attitude exami- 
nation in connection with the determination of the loyalty of em- 
ployees and applicants. This type of examination, ingeniously con- 
structed and intelligently applied, can do a great deal to determine 
whether the examinee has the type of knowledge and attitudes 
which only Communists and close fellow-travelers have. In skillful 
hands this type of examination could be a highly discriminating 
supplementary tool for determining loyalty, and possibly, degrees of 
disloyalty; and coupled with other evidence the results would help 
to identify those persons whose primary loyalty is to a foreign power. 

(c) The attitude of the government toward the group known as 
"fellow travelers" involves many difficulties. Nevertheless the sig- 
nificance of this group and their potentialities as far as national 
security is concerned, should be frankly faced. 

A fellow traveler should be defined as an individual who from 
time to time supports the Communist Party or one or more of the 
organizations or campaigns operating under its initiative and con- 
trol. He may or may not agree with the full program of the Com- 
munist Party or its controlled organizations. As a rule his support 
is influenced by his sympathy and admiration for the Soviet Union 
as a symbol of progress and social welfare, or by his belief that the 
particular organization or campaign is a meritorious one, or by both 
considerations. Since the founding of the international Communist 
movement, it has been standard Communist practice to utilize and 
exploit such middle-of-the-road elements for special Communist pur- 
poses. F. Brown, then a member of the National Committee of the 
Communist Party, USA, and a well-known Comintern operative, 
(Daily Worker, August 25, 1937, p. 2) declared: 

It is no exaggeration to state that besides the 55,000 Com- 
munist members, there are today tens of thousands of indi- 
viduals who are active in every field of the progressive move- 
ment, carrying out the line of the Party in practice. They work 
shoulder to shoulder with the Party members, follow the Party 
line through our press — Daily Worker, Sunday Worker, lan- 
guage press, through the mass activities of the Party — mass 
meetings, lectures, and all struggles in which the Communists 
are in the forefront. . . . We must point out: First, that their 
actual work is appreciated by the Party; second, that we con- 
sider their work Communist work and want them to continue it. 

The closeness of a fellow traveler to the Communist Party and the 
extent of its confidence in him, may be measured by: 

1 , The number of his associations with Communist-controlled 

2. The importance of the post or posts occupied by him in these 


3. Extent of his activity. 

4^ His adherence to these organizations despite public exposure 

of their Communist character. • 

5^ His standing in the Communist press. 
^^ Public statements, writings, and the like. 
7] Type of character references. 

In certain naive, "liberal" government circles, it has been custom- 
ary to look upon these ties somewhat lightly and with considerable 
good-natured tolerance. It should be pointed out, however, that a 
well-meaning but unsophisticated dupe in the hands of shrewd 
manipulators, can often do as much or even more harm than a Com- 
munist Party member. The Report of the Royal Commission of 
Canada offers the following startling example: 

Ra>Tnond Boyer, a wealthy and noted Canadian chemist, who 
described himself as having "worked in organizations in which there 
were Communists and in which I knew there were Communists, and 
I have worked very closely with Communists, but I have never held a 
party card nor paid dues." A memorandum found in the Soviet 
Embassy cites his services as follows: "Gives full information on 
explosives and chemical plants . . . (Gave the formula of RDX 
. . . ) " RDX is an explosive perfected in England in 1942. He also 
furnished information regarding the Pilot Plant at Grand Mere, 
Quebec, for the production of uranium.* 

It has repeatedly happened that the individual under consideration 
is held in high esteem in scientific, cultural or artistic circles, but is 
naive politically and easily exploited by the shrewder and more 
purposeful Communists. It will take unwavering determination and 
loyalty on the part of government officials to adhere strictly to 
standards to be established in such cases. 

In setting up security provisions and in providing punishment for 
violations, the British Secrets Acts of 1911 and 1920 provide a model 
worthy of serious consideration. The more pertinent sections of 
these Acts are quoted in Appendix IV. 

In the light of the problems we face in the coming critical period, 
it would be highly undesirable to permit the following categories 
to hold any post in the government involving, directly or indirectly, 
the determination of policy on other than purely technical matters, 
the appointment or control of personnel, or access to confidential 
information important to our national security: 

1, Persons who demonstrate an attitude fundamentally hostile 
to our form of government. This does not imply any desire 
to stifle honest criticism of those who are fundamentally 
loyal to the principles of American democracy. 

2. Persons who demonstrate a loyalty or devotion or admira- 
tion for the Soviet Government in preference to our own, 

Report of Canadian Royal Commission, p. 375. 


who resolve every question of doubt on matters involving 
the two nations, in favor of the Soviet Government. 
3# Persons who cooperate with Communists, or defend or sup- 
port them, or their organizations. 

From the standpoint of practical statecraft and national self- 
preservation in a critical period when minor mistakes may have 
major consequences, the fellow-traveler must be classified as an un- 
reliable element, whose employment will involve definite and undesir- 
able risks. If the government would frankly state this as its attitude, 
it would serve to educate these individuals and discourage them from 
joining Communist organizations, thus ultimately lessening the 
number of cases for the government. 

8. Regulations for Record Keeping 

ALL AGENCIES should be instructed to draft efficient security 
regulations dealing with the safety of files, documents and informa- 
tion, and graduated but severe penalties should be provided for 
violations of these regulations. These regulations should be stan'dard- 
ized, as far as possible. 

9. Proof of Identity 

ALL EMPLOYEES of the government should be fingerprinted and 
photographed. Loyal employees will not object, especially if the gov- 
ernment frankly explains its purpose. This will make it possible to 
carry through a thorough screening of all employees including those 
who were hurriedly employed without investigation during the last 
war. Undoubtedly there are some employees with criminal and sub- 
versive records which would thus be disclosed. 

Subversive elements should not be allowed to protect themselves 
from exposure by hiding behind the claim that the photographing 
of applicants and present employees would open the way to racial 
and other discriminatory practices. Proper safeguards should be 
provided against such practices with the cooperation of loyal repre- 
sentatives of minority groups. 

10. Civil Service Application Form 

THE PRESENT Civil Service application form, No. 57, should be 
amplified in order to include necessary information such as : father's 
and mother's name, date of naturalization, place, etc., former ad- 
dresses, use of other names, foreign residence and employment by a 
foreign power, etc. All applicants should be required to sign a record 
search release enabling investigating agencies to examine draft or 
other pertinent records. 


11. False Information 

ANY EMPLOYEE who at any time has falsified his record as far 
as a material matter is concerned and with clear intent to deceive 
the government or its appointing officers, should be discharged and 
prosecuted wherever possible. 

12. Uniform Standards for all Agencies 

PERSONS ousted from one agency on disloyalty grounds, should be 
barred from reemployment by another agency. Persons who have 
resigned while under investigation, should be released under preju- 
dice and rated unfavorably for further employment. 

13. Executive and Congressional 

Committee Staffs 

A LOYALTY CHECKUP on persons appointed to executive office 
is a highly delicate matter. Nevertheless the problem must be 
tackled, possibly by a special agency selected for the purpose. Those 
whose records are clear will raise no objection to what every loyal 
citizen will look upon as a necessary precaution. Persons in high 
executive posts whose loyalty is questionable can do considerably 
greater damage than those in inferior positions. Oftentimes an ap- 
pointment is proposed on the spur of the moment at a staff meeting, 
on the basis of personal friendship and no further checkup is made. 
It is well known that Communists and their supporters have insin- 
uated themselves into both major political parties for the express 
purpose of thus securing posts of political power. A case in point is 
the recent Presidential appointment to the key post of legal advisor 
to Lieutenant General Lucius Clay, head of the American Occu- 
pation Zone in Germany, of an individual whose loyalty record 
with the Government has been questioned. 

All Congressional Committee staffs should be subject to standard 
investigative procedure since Congressional Committees play an im- 
portant part in shaping our domestic and foreign policy. Employ- 
ment should be barred to those barred in other services. It should 
be noted that Congressional Committees are in a position to gain 
access to strategically important information. In the past such in- 
formation has been made available to the Communist press. Mem- 
bers of the House and Senate have neither the training nor the 
facilities to conduct loyalty investigations. 

14. Communist Patronage Channels 

AS LOYALTY and security investigations become intensified, every 
effort should be made to discover common sources of unsatisfactory 


appointments. In this way, the Communist patronage machine would 
be uncovered and its future operations stifled. Furthermore, a full 
knowledge of the pattern of appointments might uncover dangerous 
individuals who might otherwise remain undiscovered. Thus, espio- 
nage agents aie instructed to avoid public affiliation with the Com- 
munist Party and its controlled groups. They would refrain from 
discussions which might reveal their convictions. Their sole purpose 
would be to obtain information, not to influence policy directly. 
Activities of this type were uncovered in the Canadian espionage 
inquiry. Similar agents in the United States could be uncovered 
when their pattern of appointment is identical with that of question- 
able oflScials. 

Promptly when the present loopholes are plugged and danger 
points are discovered by the government, the purposeful Communists 
and their sympathizers will alter their tactics appropriately. For 
this reason, only continuous wide-awake vigilance on the part of our 
security officials will solve this and other problems. 

15. Wise Economy 

ECONOMY MEASURES in government, however desirable in them- 
selves, should not interfere with security measures. All economy 
measures must be so drawn as to safeguard loyalty and security 
investigations in the departments and in the armed services. The 
Civil Service Commission should be reorganized and strengthened, 
or supplemented by an autonomous central security agency, so that 
an adequate staff can be maintained, possibly drawn from existing 
personnel. Competent former employees should be recalled when 
possible if the staff requires augmentation. Likewise, the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation should be strengthened and permitted a 
salary scale sufficient to retain experienced and loyal employees. 

16. Education 

FOR THE CREATION of a sound public opinion that will under- 
stand and approve these efforts, a nationwide campaign of education 
is necessary through the press, radio and the schools. In the past 
government agencies have allowed themselves to be pressured by 
publicity campaigns in the left wing press falsifying the issues 
involved. This will be obviated by an intelligent and informed public 
opinion, the building of which is an organic part of any security 

* See, for example, Communism in Action, Government Printing Office, 
Washington, D. C. 1946. 25c. 


17. Advisory Board 

THE CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION should be assisted by an 
Advisory Board consisting of responsible and loyal representatives 
of labor, business and the legal profession. Pressure groups should 
be directed to present their appeals to this advisory board. The Civil 
Service Commission should not be subject to direct pressure from 
highly articulate Communist-inspired groups. An insignificant 
minority of members of Congress is in sympathy with these groups. 
These individuals must not be in a position to exert direct pressure 
on the Civil Service Commission in order to influence its decisions 
in loyalty cases, as has happened in the past. 

Members of Congress should be directed to make their complaints 
to the proper committee of Congress, either the Civil Service Com- 
mittee or the Committee on Un-American Activities. 


some detail in order to indicate the type of approach w^hich we think 
is desirable. We believe all suggestions merit consideration. Since we 
may have not covered the entire ground, we hasten to urge that 
additional suggestions be brought to the attention of Congress. 



The Supreme Court and the 
Issue of Communism 

THE SUPREME COURT DECISION of June, 1943, in the 
case of William Schneiderman, a Communist organizer, has 
not only furnished the basis for the action of the War Department 
in permitting the commissioning of Communists in the armed forces 
but it has dealt a severe blow to the legal bases for action against 
them by the Civil Service Commission, the Department of Justice 
and other agencies of the government. Unfortunately the Court's 
decisions still stand in the face of the fact that both the Soviet Gov- 
ernment and its satellite organization, the Communist Party, USA, 
have long since repudiated publicly the ideas of friendship and co- 
operation for the United States, which they promulgated during 
the period of the wartime alliance. 

Stalin's book. Problems of Leninism, now on sale at all Communist 
book shops, declares: 

It is inconceivable that the Soviet Republic should continue 
to exist for a long period side by side with imperialist states — 
ultimately one or the other must conquer. 

The aathoritative Eugene Varga, Soviet economist and adviser 
to the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party, has 
declared : 

The fact that the Soviet Union and the highly developed 
capitalist countries fought in the same camp against the Fas- 
cist aggressors did not signify that the struggle between the 
two systems had slowed down and stopped; it did not even 
signify the beginning of the end of this struggle.* 

We have permitted those whose primary loyalty leans toward the 
Soviet Government to penetrate into the very vitals of our own 
government at a time when the Soviet Union and the still-active 
Communist International of Communist Parties have declared and 
demonstrated throughout the world their hostility to the United 
States. Hardly a day passes without an official Soviet broadcast or 
editorial attacking our government and country; American foreign 
and economic policy is being opposed by Soviet representatives in 
every part of the globe. American soldiers have been imprisoned, and 

* New York Times, September 8, 1946, p. 30. 


even shot by Soviet or Communist military forces. The Communist 
press is conducting a continuous assault upon American "imperial- 
ism." Communist-controlled unions have launched a number of in- 
dustrial and political strikes, for the primary purpose of promoting 
civil strife. Communist leaders have sought to provoke rebellion in 
our armed forces. Can we — dare we — at this critical juncture, fail 
to remedy with all speed, the suicidal mistake of permitting pro- 
Soviet persons to penetrate our government which we made in a 
spirit of blind and overweening faith in the good intentions of 
Marshal Stalin and his American satellites? 

Public officials have admitted the gravity of the present danger. 
Referring to the activities of American Communists, in a speech 
before the Chicago Bar Association on June 21, 1946, Attorney 
General Tom C. Clark declared: 

We know that there is a national and international conspiracy 
to divide our people, to discredit our institutions, and to bring 
about disrespect for our government . . . they seek ... to 
create strikes and dissensions, and to raise barriers to efforts 
to maintain civil peace. 

Nevertheless the following excerpt from the Supreme Court 
opinion remains in force to hamstring effective action by all federal 
agencies : 

Under our traditions beliefs are personal and not a matter of 
mere association, and that men in adhering to a political party 
or other organization notoriously do not subscribe unqualifiedly 
to all of its platforms and assorted principles. 

The Court here fails to differentiate between a monolithic, discip- 
lined, political group like the Communist Party, from which all 
dissidents are expelled (witness the case of Earl Browder, Ruth 
McKinney, and others) and the traditional American political party 
which may include innumerable shades of clashing opinions. 

The Court further leaves it as a matter of doubt that the peti- 
tioner, an avowed Communist "was not in fact attached to the prin- 
ciples of the Constitution and well disposed to the good order and 
happiness of the United States." Belief in the dictatorship of the 
proletariat, the Court finds not "necessarily incompatible with the 
'general political philosophy' of the Constitution." The Court holds 
that it is possible to advocate the fundamental teachings of the 
Communist Party "and still be attached to the Constitution." Further 
to confuse the entire picture, the Court declares that it has never 
passed upon the question whether the Party does so advocate (gov- 
ernmental overthrow by force and violence.) 

By its ruling the Court has practically invalidated the provisions 
of the Hatch Act relating to the Communist Party. It has super- 


seded the opinion of Attorney General Francis Biddle in the case 
of Harry Bridges, on May 28, 1942, which declared: 

That the Communist Party of the United States of America, 
from the time of its inception to the present time, is an organi- 
zation that writes, circulates, distributes, prints, publishes, and 
displays printed matter advising, advocating, or teaching the 
overthrow by force and violence of the government of the 
United States. 

The decision makes it practically impossible to remove a Communist 
employee directly because of his membership in the party. It com- 
pels the government to resort to subterfuge and indirection, if it 
does not destroy the will to do anything about the problem at all. 
An examination of Ambassador Bullitt's The Great Globe Itself, 
(1946) should dispel all delusions on this matter. 



The Civil Service Commission 

THE INHERENT WEAKNESSES of our Civil Service ma- 
chinery and its ineffectiveness in dealing with loyalty cases, 
are brought out to some extent by the Report of the Subcommittee 
of the House Civil Service Committee formerly headed by the 
Honorable J. M. Coombs, of Texas. {Congressional Record of July 
20, 1946.) First there is our utter lack of experience in this field; 
"prior to 1939 the various agencies and departments of the govern- 
ment did not make inquiry into the question of loyalty." The Civil 
Service Commission felt that it "could not legally inquire into any 
question concerning the political opinions of any applicant for 

Beginning with the fiscal year 1942, Congress added to all appro- 
priation bills a provision providing that no part of any appropriation 
shall be used to pay the salary or wages of any person who advocates 
or who is a member of an organization which advocates the over- 
throw of the government by force or violence. Despite the assurance 
by the Committee that the Civil Service Commission "found no diffi- 
culty in holding persons that actively associated with groups or 
organizations whose primary loyalty was to the Nazi, Fascist, or 
Japanese Government or who were members of the Communist Party 
were persons who came within these prohibitions," there have been 
comparatively few eliminations on grounds of Communist affiliations. 
The Committee therefore recommended that "The reason for com- 
paratively few decisions of eligibility on loyalty grounds resulting 
in the actual removal of employees from government service should 
be given study." 

The weakness of the Civil Service Commission's position is further 
disclosed in the Committee's Report which states: 

The power of the Civil Service Commission applied only to 
applicants for a position or persons appointed subject to investi- 
gation. It did not include those employees whose initial employ- 
ment to the federal services may have been approved in some 
instances years ago, and concerning whom some question is 
now raised. 

In other words the Commission implies that a Communist who 
was previously blanketed into the service through the incompetence 
of the investigation or the lack of evidence, cannot be discharged 
by the Commission even though further evidence should come to 
light. Here the Commission conveniently passes the task to the head 
of the department or agency who "is the only person who can 


effectuate removal." * It is scarcely conceivable that a department or 
agency head with the meager facilities at his disposal will take this 
initiative after the Commission has approved the applicant and 
without an Executive Order regarding such employees. Thus far no 
such general directive has been forthcoming. In fact the federal 
government has practically no standards of judgment on such mat- 
ters and whatever few standards there are, vary from department 
to department and from executive to executive. 

United Effort Vital 

RECOGNIZING this confusion and duplication of effort the Com- 
mittee recommended the consideration of a single agency with power 
to investigate the loyalty of government employees. It also held "that 
all proceedings for preferring charges against and removing dis- 
loyal employees should follow the same standards and rules of pro- 
cedure and should be decided on the same legal principles." The 
Committee considered the question as to "whether a single standard 
of loyalty should be followed for all employees." The Committee 
admitted that "Congress had not thoroughly studied the problem 
or provided well-directed and adequate legislation." 

In his minority report to the Committee, Congressman Edward H. 
Rees, added: 

There is no consistent or uniform policy among the agencies 
in federal government with respect to investigating and re- 
moving the employees who are known to be disloyal. In numer- 
ous cases persons rejected on loyalty grounds in one agency 
are accepted in another. 

To demonstrate the looseness of Civil Service procedure, Congress- 
man Rees (June 24, 1946) quoted from the decision in one case by 
Alfred Klein, Chief General Counsel, Civil Service Commission, 
as follows: 

If I had to express an opinion as to whether the applicant is 
a Communist, my reply would be in the affirmative. However, 
I am constrained to recommend that the applicant be rated 

One would suppose that in view of the complexity of the situation 
that the Commission would voluntarily appear before Congress to 
demand proper legislation to meet its difficulties. The Commission 
has only appeared when compelled to do so on this matter and on 
such occasions its attitude was purely defensive and apologetic 
rather than positive and constructive. Although it is the agency 
most closely confronted with the problem of loyalty investigations, 
the Commission has presented no overall and thoroughly worked 
out plan for legislation and procedure to meet this problem. 

* See Myers v. U. S., 272 U. S. 50, 30, Op. Atty. Gen. 79, 83. 
** Question: Why was he "constrained"? 


Laxity in Investigations 

COMMENTING on investigations of complaints made against sev- 
eral thousand permanent employees, by order of the Attorney Gen- 
eral in October 1941, the House Committee adds: "The reports of 
the Federal Bureau of Investigation contained no recommendation." 
In other words the FBI which is most elaborately equipped for in- 
vestigatory work and for the compilation of evidence, has no power 
to remove or even recommend the removal of an employee shown by 
their records to be subversive. Should the FBI become aware of the 
subversive record of any given individual department employee, it 
cannot even take the initiative of bringing this record to the atten- 
tion of the department concerned. 

A perfect evasive technique has been developed in so-called in- 
vestigations conducted from time to time. Inter-departmental com- 
mittees present a maze of statistics affording no opportunity for a 
name by name checkup of the findings in each case. The same tech- 
nique was employed by the Department of State during the summer 
of 1946 in replying to charges made by various Congressmen, al- 
though there is reason to believe that the situation has improved 
somewhat. Minority Committee Member Rees reported (July 20, 
1946) that: 

Although an array of statistics was presented to the sub- 
committee by the Civil Service Commission, the fact remains 
that comparatively few decisions of ineligibility on loyalty 
grounds have resulted in the actual removal of employees from 
government employment by the Commission. 

The Civil Service Commission's assurances that it has the problem 
of loyalty cases well in hand, are vitiated by its disclosures of the 
budgetary figures for 1947, in the Committee Report: 

The Civil Service Commission appropriation for the fiscal 
year 1947 will make it possible to maintain only approximately 
100 investigators. Many of these investigators will be busy in 
conducting postmaster investigations, . . . investigations under 
section 14 of the Veterans' Preference Act of 1944, and investi- 
gations growing out of alleged violations of civil-service rules. 

The Civil Service Commission estimates that it will be pos- 
sible to make only 1,400 character and suitability investigations 
during this fiscal year. 

At the same time the Commission estimates that during the 
present fiscal year approximately 790,000 placements will be 
made in the federal service.* 

In view of the current practice under which an employee rejected 
on loyalty grounds by one agency may procure employment in an- 

* Congressional Record, July 20, 1946, p. 9729. 

99651 O — 47 11 


other agency, through the potency of the Communist patronage ap- 
paratus the Committee recommended that: 

Techniques and procedures must be devised that will not 
permit persons rejected by one agency on loyalty grounds from 
being accepted in another. 

Budget Bureau Restrictions 

IT IS worthy of note that the Bureau of the Budget, according to 
the Committee Report, has been unwilling to approve adequate funds. 
Budget Bureau officials, George F. Schwarzwalder and Weldon 
Cooper, will be remembered as having been strangely active some 
years ago in urging the liquidation of "subversive files" in the Army, 
the Navy and Civil Service. Subversive files, according to Schwarz- 
walder, "should have a lean and hungry look." He is also credited 
with having written the Executive Order which blanketed thousands 
of OWI and OSS employees into the State Department and did 
more than any single act to change the complexion of this Depart- 

Congressman Karl E. Mundt, a member of the House Committee 
on Un-American Activities, has called attention to the role of the 
Budget Bureau in sabotaging the investigative arm of the govern- 
ment in a speech on the House floor (July 18, 1946). He declared: 

Both agencies (Civil Service Commission and Federal Bu- 
reau of Investigation) recognize the need for such investiga- 
tions, both agencies view with acute alarm the steps which have 
been taken by the Budget Bureau to circumscribe their powers 
of investigation, their warnings that they cannot be expected 
to safeguard America against the employment of undesirables 
on the public payrolls under prevailing circumstances. 

Mr. Speaker, here is the record of the sordid story showing 
how under the false guise of economy, the preemployment in- 
vestigation services of our government have been almost de- 
stroyed in so far as the Civil Service Commission is concerned 
and how they have been hopelessly crippled in so far as the 
Federal Bureau of Investigation is concerned. 

In the course of this discussion Congressman Fred Bradley of 
Michigan gave some added information to indicate the political bias 
of persons in the Bureau of the Budget. He called attention to the 
fact that the then Acting Director of the Bureau, Paul Appleby, 
once stated over his own signature that: 

A man in the employ of the government has just as much 
right to be a member of the Communist Party as he has to be 
a member of the Democratic or Republican Party. 

Congressman Mundt then demanded "an investigation to deter- 
mine who it was in the Bureau of the Budget who brought about 
this almost complete scuttling of the investigative service." 


Hesitancy and Delay 

IN HIS minority statement, Mr. Rees further charged that: 

The Civil Service Commission is responsible for permitting 
hundreds of employees to remain on the payroll for long periods 
of time after their loyalties have been challenged. ... In 
numerous instances the Civil Service Commission has held 
loyalty cases in abeyance for many months, and in some cases 
2, 3, or 4 years, before final decisions are made. ... In a num- 
ber of cases, employees have been placed on the payroll subject 
to investigation vi'hen at the time they "were employed there 
was reason to believe there was grave question with regard to 
loyalty. A number of them are in federal employment now. 

The evident hesitancy of the Commission and other government 
agencies in arriving at definite decisions in individual cases and in 
deciding upon rules and standards must be ascribed in part to what 
Congressman Rees has called its "susceptibility and too much atten- 
tion given to outside influences." The Commission was keenly sensi- 
tive to denunciation by PM, THE NATION, THE NEW REPUBLIC 
and such Communist front organizations as the National Federa- 
tion for Constitutional Liberties, the Washington Committee for 
Democratic Action, the Civil Rights Congress, Communist-controlled 
unions like the United Federal Workers (now the United Public 
Workers) as well as certain leftist Congressmen who rallied to the 
defense of those charged with subversive activities. Such pressure 
has at times resulted in the reversal of Commission decisions. In one 
instance an individual now occupying an important position on the 
Allied Control Council in Germany, who has a most questionable 
loyalty record, was reinstated as a result of his mobilization of a 
number of friends and associates with records equally questionable. 
The secretary of a Congressman with strong leftist leanings and 
support once threatened the Civil Service Commission with dire con- 
sequences unless it reversed its decision in a certain case involving 
charges of disloyalty. 

The Problem of Legal Proof 

THE FAILURE to act decisively in loyalty cases has been defended 
by certain government officials on the ground that complete legal 
proof is lacking. Some, moved no doubt by liberal legalistic but naive 
considerations, have demanded that the accused be confronted by 
those testifying against him, be permitted to have access to all testi- 
mony and that standard judicial procedure be strictly adhered to. 
Those who make such demands are apparently not aware of the con- 
spiratorial and terrorist nature of the Communist Party, nor of the 
degree of its penetration of government agencies. 


The Committee Report held with the Commission: 

that it would not be administratively feasible to endeavor to 
apply standard judicial procedure to a consideration of loyalty 
cases. Unless it is possible to obtain information under a pledge 
that the source of information will not be divulged, the gov- 
ernment will not be given adequate protection. 

A letter from R. P. Bonham, San Francisco, District Director of 
Immigration for the Department of Labor, to Edward J. Shaugh- 
nessy, Assistant Commissioner of Immigration, dated September 
23, 1937, relating to the case of Harry Bridges, indicates the hazards 
facing patriotic citizens who. dare to testify against the Commu- 
nists. The letter says in part: 

When I interviewed Mr. Bridges some time ago on another 
matter, he boasted that he had seen the central office's file re- 
lating to himself, and also that, "They" had an excellent in- 
telligence organization of their own that kept them well in- 
formed of what was going on. Several of the witnesses in behalf 
of the government are fearful of their lives, if ahead of the 
hearing the fact of their having testified becomes known to 
. . . Communists . . . and may I not, in order that their lives 
may not be unduly endangered, adjure the central office and 
the Department to observe the greatest precautions to safe- 
guard this record. 

In 1941 Mr. Earl Warren, present Governor of California, at that 
time Attorney General of that State, commenting on the famous 
King, Conner, Ramsey case, described the ruthless vengeance of the 
Communists against those who venture to oppose them. King, 
Conner and Ramsey were leaders of the Communist faction of the 
Marine Firemen, Oilers, Watertenders and Wipers Union, AFL. 
George W. Alberts, a chief engineer and member of the union, was 
emphatic in his opposition to the Communists. According to At- 
torney General Warren: 

These men (King, Conner and Ramsey) initiated the brutal 
murder of a law-abiding citizen without provocation and while 
he was peaceably engaged in earning a living for his wife and 
three babies. They didn't give him a chance for his life. He 
was beaten with blunt instruments and hacked with knives 
until he was dead in his own living quarters on the Steamship 
Point Lobos where the assassins laid in wait for him. King, 
Ramsey and Conner were fairly convicted by a jury. 

Mr. Warren further declared that several labor union men who 
disagreed with King and his crowd, disappeared and were never 
found. Some were found, one or two weeks later, floating in San 
Francisco Bay. One man was found floating in the bay, wrapped 
up and manacled in a chain. 

In the face of this type of unscrupulous conspiracy, the govern- 
ment cannot expect any type of cooperation if it does not supply at 


least certain elementary safeguards of secrecy and protection for 
its informants. 

Where the government seeks to oust an employee on loyalty 
grounds, it is not attempting to deprive the individual of any con- 
stitutional right to life, liberty and property. It is simply carrying 
out its responsibility to safeguard our national security. Hence 
nonadherence to formal court practice is entirely legitimate. The 
Courts have upheld the Public Contracts Act (Walsh-Healy Act) 
which permits the government to set its own standards. A similar 
philosophy should apply to federal employees. 

In order to make this attitude clearly understood the government 
should inform the applicant in advance that employment will be 
denied in the event of evidence of outright disloyalty or doubtful 
loyalty. The applicant should sign a statement of his understanding 
of this fact. 

Instructions to Investigators 

IN 1943 the United Federal Workers Union by its own admission 
was responsible for the formulation of instructions to Civil Service 
investigators which practically torpedoed investigations and shat- 
tered morale.* These instructions should be rescinded. 

The instructions issued by the Civil Service Commission to its 
investigators on November 3, 1943, under the avowed pressure of 
the Communist-controlled United Federal Workers, and presumably 
these instructions are still in force, show certain fundamental mis- 
conceptions regarding such organizations. 

1 , Investigators are prohibited from asking any question of an 
applicant or a witness "involving union membership, union associa- 
tions, or union activities," thus automatically closing the doors to 
a fruitful source of information. A Communist-controlled union is 
not a bona fide union. Abundant testimony before the Special Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities by former Communists shows 
these organizations as intended primarily for espionage purposes. 
(See Appendix V.) 

Alleged labor activities of these organizations are purely inci- 
dental serving as camouflage for the most important aim of advanc- 
ing the interests of the Soviet Union, to which the real interests of 
labor are invariably subordinated. A knowledge of the activities 
of a pro-Communist applicant within his union is invaluable in 
disclosing his pattern of behavior, since union activity has first 
priority among Communists. Loyal labor union officials will readily 
cooperate to aid the government. The best safeguard against an 
anti-labor line on the part of investigators, is the formulation of 
proper standards determined jointly by government loyalty investi- 

* Congressional Record, Dec. 2, 1943, p. 10359. 


gating agencies and loyal representatives of the organized labor 
movement through a Labor Advisory Board. 

2. Investigators are prohibited from asking questions regarding 
activities connected with Loyalist Spain, the Abraham Lincoln Bri- 
gade and the numerous so-called "relief" organizations built up in 
support of these efforts, as not "having any bearing on pro-Com- 
munism." This instruction was issued in spite of the open declara- 
tions by international and American Communist spokesmen empha- 
sizing the importance of support for the Spanish Loyalist cause and 
the organizations involved therein. George Dimitroff, Chairman 
of the Communist International, announced in 1937 for the Com- 
munist Parties of the world: "The most urgent, though of these 
tasks, the very first at the moment, is that of organizing interna- 
tional aid to the Spanish people for their victory over Fascism." Earl 
Browder, then General Secretary of the Communist Party, declared: 

It is the duty of every American worker and every progres- 
sive to help the Spanish people defeat the Fascist invasion. 
. . . Collect all the money possible in your organizations and 
among your friends to buy munitions, food and clothing for 
the defenders of Spanish democracy. 

Numerous liberal-minded individuals, such as Norman Thomas, 
in sympathy with the struggle against Fascism in Spain, have 
testified as to the real nature of these organizations which were 
set up in response to the Communist appeals. Mr. Browder has 
boasted that "over sixty per cent of the Lincoln Battalion members 
were members of the Communist Party." As late as September 20, 
1946, (p. 5) the (Communist) Daily Worker announced that: 

Communist veteran leaders yesterday appealed to all Com- 
munist and progressive veterans of World War II to partici- 
pate in the memorial service and parade which will precede the 
opening of the first post-war convention of the Veterans of the 
Abraham Lincoln Brigade. 

According to General Walter Krivitzky, former Chief of Intelli- 
gence in the Soviet Secret Service, the object of these efforts was 
"to include Spain in the sphere of the Kremlin's influence." Support 
of such campaigns or organizations should therefore be properly 
included in establishing the candidate's pattern of behavior, although 
this one item, were it to stand alone, might not establish definite 
Communist allegiance. 

Communist Indoctrination 

3. CIVIL SERVICE investigators are instructed not to ask "any 
question about membership in the Washington Bookshop or any 
bookshop in any city similar to the Washington Bookshop." They 
are not to ask any question, "regarding the type of reading matter 
read by the applicant. This includes especially the Daily Worker 


and all radical . . . publications." The Commission advises investi- 
gators to "remember that the mere fact that a person reads a cer- 
tain publication is no indication that he believes in the principles 
advocated by such publication," 

The Washington Bookshop has been identified by Attorney Gen- 
eral Biddle as a Communist book shop. It is knov^^n as the official 
outlet for Communist literature in Washington. 

Those acquainted with Communist practice knov^r that Communist 
Party members are instructed to read the Daily Worker and other 
party literature assiduously for current directives on the party 
line. From time to time the Daily Worker has announced such in- 
structions. Communist Party organs and literature constitute the 
indispensable pipe lines of communication between Communist head- 
quarters and members spread throughout the country. To say that 
such reading "is no indication" of the applicant's beliefs is to display 
an abysmal ignorance of the methods of the Communist Party. 

The Civil Service Commission has also displayed a lack of appreci- 
ation of the importance of indoctrination, resulting from the reading 
of Communist literature, in the recruitment of converts for the 
Communist espionage apparatus. These zealots generally are not 
motivated by any desire for monetary gain. Their motivation is 
largely ideological. The Report of the Canadian Royal Commission 
describes such indoctrination through study groups, as follows: 

The curriculum includes the study of political and philos- 
ophic works, . . . selected to develop in the students an essen- 
tial critical attitude toward Western democratic society. . . . 
But this curriculum would appear in reality to be designed 
not to promote social reform where it might be required, but 
to weaken the loyalty of the group member towards his or her 
own society as such. Linked with these studies at all stages, 
moreover, goes an organized indoctrination calculated to create 
in the mind of the study-group member an essentially un- 
critical acceptance at its face value of the propaganda of a 
foreign state. Accordingly the study-groups are encouraged to 
subscribe to Communist books and periodicals . . . The in- 
doctrination courses . . . are apparently calculated not only 
to inculcate a high degree of "loyalty to the Party" and "obedi- 
ence to the Party," but to instill in the mind of the adherent 
the view that loyalty and obedience to the leadership of this 
organization takes precedence over his loyalty to Canada, 
entitles him to disregard his oaths of allegiance and secrecy, 
and thus destroys his integrity as a citizen. (Pp. 73-75.) 

Let us, by way of example, quote from the pro-Communist (leak 
and scandal) sheet, In Fact, sold in the Washington Bookshop and 
other similar book shops throughout the country. The following is 
quoted from its issue of January 21, 1946: 

Although the Benton (William Benton, Assistant Secretary 
of State) directives are marked "secret" and "confidential" 


there are hundreds of State Department employees, the ma- 
jority from the OWI and OIAA (the former Rockefeller 
agency), who subscribe to the belief that they are American 
citizens first and State Department employees second. Unless 
the State Department sets up a U. S. Gestapo to intimidate 
its employees into silence, the "secret" and "confidential" 
directives will continue to reach the light. (Italics supplied.) 

Is this not an open invitation to federal employees to violate State 
Department secrecy? And yet, according to the Civil Service Com- 
mission instruction, it is of no consequence if an employee reads 
such a paper! 

While it is true that in certain cases, anti-Communists interested 
in following up Communist activities, may read Communist litera- 
ture, this purpose will be made clear by the individual's pattern of 
behavior. Where the reading of Communist literature coincides with 
pro-Communist activity, there is established a convincing pattern 
of either a Communist or a fellow traveller. 

Indirect Connections 

4. NO QUESTIONS are permitted concerning the applicant's fam- 
ily. The Commission evidently does not understand that even personal 
relations of its members are strictly scrutinized by the Communist 
Party. Its 1938 Constitution declared that "No Party member shall 
have personal or political relationship with . . . known enemies 
of the Party and of the working class." Numerous accounts of 
Soviet purges have indicated that members of the family of those 
purged are subjected to suspicion and persecution.* A Communist 
who associated with an anti-party individual would be under im- 
mediate suspicion. Hence family and other associates are important, 
despite the Commission ruling. 

5. QUESTIONS regarding membership in the National Lawyers 
Guild, the League of Women Shoppers or the Harry Bridges De- 
fense Committee, are also barred. All of these organizations have 
been characterized as Communist front organizations by Congres- 
sional and federal agencies. They fulfill the qualifications we have 
outlined for such organizations, to the letter. Communist control of 
the National Lawyers Guild has been openly denounced by such 
prominent persons as A. A. Berle, Jr., Ferdinand Pecora, Robert 
Jackson, Frank P. Walsh and others. The League of Women Shop- 
pers can be found supporting any number of Communist-inspired 
campaigns. The Daily Worker, itself, termed Harry Bridges a Com- 
munist, on March 13, 1943. 

The instructions cited above have made a mockery of the Civil 
Service Commission loyalty investigations. 

* See : I CHOOSE FREEDOM by Victor Kravchenko, or / SPEAK 
. FOR THE SILENT by Tchernavin. 



The British Secrets Acts 

I HE LANGUAGE of the British Secrets Acts may be perti- 
jJLnent in tightening our espionage and security legislation. It 
is to be noted that Canada under these Acts was successful in prose- 
cuting Communist espionage for the Soviet Union. On the contrary, 
the United States, whose scientific research and industrial effort 
were much more extensive than those of our smaller neighbor, did 
not prosecute a single important case of espionage for the Soviet 

The two sections which are most interesting are those dealing 
with unlawful acts against security measures, and those which 
define communication with agents of a foreign power. The security 
section includes the following: 

If any person for any purpose prejudicial to the safety or 
interests of the State . . . 

(b) makes any sketch, plan, model or note which is calcu- 
lated to be or might he or is intended to be directly or indi- 
rectly useful to a foreign power; or 

(c) obtains, collects, records, or publishes, or communicates 
to any person any secret official code word, or pass word, or 
any sketch, plan, model, article, or note or other document 
of information which is calculated to be or might he or is 
intended to be directly or indirectly useful to a foreign power 
such person commits an offense under the Statute.* 

The subsection dealing with foreign agents reads as follows: 

(4) (a) a person shall, unless he proves the contrary, be deemed 
to have been in communication with an agent of a 
foreign power if — 
(i) he has, either within or without Canada, visited 
the address of an agent of a foreign power or 
consorted or associated with such agent; or 
(ii) either within or without Canada, the name or 
address of, or any information regarding such 
an agent has been found in his possession, or 
has been supplied by him to any other person, 
or has been obtained by him from any other 
person ; 
(b) the expression "an agent of a foreign power" includes 
any person who is or has been or is reasonably sus- 
pected of being or having been employed by a foreign 
power either directly or indirectly for the purpose of 
committing an act, either within or without Canada, 
prejudicial to the safety or interests of the State, or 

♦ Section III, Subsection I. 


who has or is reasonably suspected of having, either 
within or without Canada, committed, or attempted to 
commit, such an act in the interests of a foreign power 
. . . shall be guilty of an offense under this Act. 

Section 9 provides further that: 

Any person who attempts to commit any offense under 
this Act, or incites or endeavors to persuade another 
person to commit an offense, or aids or abets and does 
any act preparatory to the commission of an offense 
under this Act shall be guilty of an offense under this 
Act and shall be liable to the same punishment, and to 
be proceeded against in the same manner, as if he had 
committed the offense.* 

* Section III, Subsection IV. 

un-amb:rican activities 169 


United Public Workers of America (CIO) 

THE United Public Workers of America resulted from a merger 
of the United Federal Workers of America and the State, 
County and Municipal Workers of America, in Atlantic City April 
1946. The three organizations have been repeatedly characterized 
as Communist-controlled by authoritative sources which have spe- 
cialized in the field of Civil Service. 

Congressman Fred E. Busbey of Illinois declared on the floor 
of the House that: 

Although the United Federal Workers of America claims 
that it is a bona fide union seeking to advance the interests 
of Federal workers, it is actually an organization which has 
as its primary purpose the advancement of the policies and 
organizations supported by the Communist Party.* 

In its Report of March 29, 1944, the Special Committee on Un- 
American Activities of the House of Representatives cited the 
United Federal Workers of America and the State, County, and 
Municipal Workers of America, as unions in which "Communist 
leadership is strongly entrenched."** 

In the same Report the House Committee has characterized Abram 
Flaxer, the present head of the United Public Workers of America, 
and his former organization, the State, County, and Municipal 
Workers of America, as follows: 

Abram Flaxer, president of the State, County, and Municipal 
Workers of America, C.I.O., has been active in the affairs of 
the Communist Party as far back as 1936. Although he has 
never publicly avowed membership in the Communist Party, his 
allegiance is indisputably established by his presence at closed 
meetings of the Party, by the statements of those who have 
been closely associated with him in the labor movement, by 
his complete loyalty to the party line throughout its various 
changes, by his defense of Communists and Communist fronts, 
and by the standing established by his union as a Communist- 
controlled organization.*** 

Eleanor Nelson, present secretary-treasurer of the United Public 
Workers of America, and former secretary-treasurer of the United 

* Congressional Record, December 2, 1943, page 10359. 
** House Report No. 1311, Report of the Special Committee on Un- 
American Activities, 78th Congress, 2nd Session, pages 18 and 19. 
*♦* Ibid., pace 108. 


Federal Workers, has been characterized in the same Report as 
follows : 

Eleanor Nelson has been eulogized by the Worker, official 
Communist organ, of August 9, 1942, page 4, section 2, a 
mark of distinction reserved for those who possess the con- 
fidence of the Communist Party, The union headed by Miss 
Nelson claims a membership of over 15,000 in the War De- 
partment, Navy yards, Army bases. Federal arsenals, and 
numerous other agencies of the Government, and followed 
the Communist Party line cautiously but faithfully.* 

John F. Cramer, Scripps-Howard Civil Service reporter, a mem- 
ber of the CIO American Newspaper Guild, has the following to 
say of the United Public Workers of America: 

On the record of its Atlantic City convention, UPWA is 
the kind of an outfit that holds that Russia, with its totali- 
tarian, Communist government, can do no wrong.** 

Jerry Klutz, Washington Post Civil Service reporter, who has 
always been sympathetic to government employee unions, sum- 
marized his article on the Atlantic City Convention of the United 
Public Workers in the following manner: 

' But on the record at Atlantic City the union has had an 
extreme left-wing label pinned on it.*** 

The following is quoted from a letter sent by Civil Service Com- 
mission President Harry B. Mitchell to Arthur Stein, a leading 
official of the United Public Workers of America: 

The mere fact that a person attended a convention which 
declared that the Communistic Russian government was per- 
fect in all that it did, while the Government of the United 
States was imperialistic in its designs on humanity, would 
not, standing alone, justify that the person was a Communist 
and consequently believed that force to overthrow the Govern- 
ment to which he normally owed allegiance was justified. How- 
ever, such action is bound to arouse suspicion against the 
members, as it unquestionably did in the case of your organi- 

Its purpose in throwing an utterly uncalled-for proverbial 
red rag in the face of the American public, the employer of 
its members, is rather difficult to understand.**** 

* House Report No. 1311, Report of the Special Committee on Un- 
American Activities, 78th Congress, 2nd Session, page 141. 
** Washington Daily News, April 29, 1946, page 2. 
*** Washington Post, May 2, 1946, page 1. 
♦*** Washington Times Herald, May 22, 1946, pages 1 and 26. 


The following is quoted from an article in Plain Talk for Novem- 
ber 1946, page 31, by Ralph Toledano, a student of Falangist and 
Communist activities in Latin America: 

When the United Public Workers, whose flagrant pro-Soviet 
record is unsurpassed among the labor unions of America, 
suddenly launched a whirlwind drive last July to organize 
the government employes in the Panama Canal Zone, the ques- 
tion arose before the men in charge of our national defense: 
"Is Stalin's hand behind it?" ... If Stalin has in the Canal 
Zone, too, his "secret battalion" for the "organization of catas- 
trophe" . . . then he would be in a position to strike a deadly 
blow of sabotage at the jugular vein of our system of defense. 
Through such an operation he could paralyze our navy and 
immobilize our whole fleet of aircraft carriers in a moment 
of crisis. . . . When the Washington Star recently raised the 
question editorially "as to where the loyalties of the leaders 
of this union lie," it did so for the avowed reason that their 
activity in the Panama Canal Zone might "endanger the se- 
curity of this country." 

Charging that the United Public Workers of America, CIO, had 
failed to obey the mandate of CIO conventions to purge themselves 
of Communist influence, local union leaders in Pittsburgh announced 
withdrawal from the UPW. 

Elmer A. C. Holland, president of Postoffice Local 253, said his 
union acted after receiving information that postal workers in 
Chicago, Detroit and Duluth had taken the same step a few hours 

E. J. Maloney, a local oflficial and a railway mail clerk here for nine 
years, said: 

"The postoffice workers do not want their loyalty to their Govern- 
ment questioned, and the communistic policies and tendencies of the 
United Public Workers has placed many of these employes in a mis- 
understood and sinister position."* 

♦ New York Times, Jan. 5, 1947. 



The Facts and Countermeasures 

THE PROBLEM of Communism in labor relations can no 
longer safely be ignored. It affects vitally the employer, 
the worker, and the public. The fundamental reason for this 
lies in the nature of Communism. As noted in the earlier 
STATES, the American Communist Party is not a political 
movement in the normal sense of the term. Nor is it a reform 
movement comparable to the great surges in American his- 
tory which have altered our destiny. 

Communism fundamentally is a secret conspiratorial 
movement in the interests of a foreign power. Its policies are 
not American-made. They are made in Moscow and directed 
from Moscow. If the interests of the Soviet Union happen 
to coincide with American aims, as they did during the War, 
American Communists can become "superpatriots." When 
they diverge, as they have done since V-J Day, the Red groups 
seek to sabotage every phase of American life. Such sabotage 
is particularly dangerous and effective in the fields of labor 

If Communism were merely a domestic movement aiming 
at social reform, its tactics alone would make it dangerous. 
It is utterly ruthless in its bid for power. During the War, 
when all-out production was its motto, its drives for power 
in the labor movement seriously impeded the war effort. It 
promoted factionalism and dissension and thus undermined 
labor morale. Its secret plottings within unions led to a 
general spirit of distrust and dissatisfaction. Communists 
seem incapable of constructive efforts, even when they try 
to aid the union or management to increase production. 



The immediate victim of their tactics is the employer with 
a Communist-controlled union. He is subject to constant 
political harassment, bad faith, and every form of deception 
and chicanery. Even with the maximum of good will towards 
his workers, he will find himself unable to achieve peace and 
harmony. Production will suffer and costs will mount. As 
one commentator puts it: "Every time Molotov toughens 
up on Secretary Byrnes, the local union comrades play rough 
with the foremen and executives in plants around the 

Other employers suffer as well. Even where their unions 
are under honest, American leadership, they cannot insulate 
themselves from the trend. Sometimes they pay the price 
through strikes of suppliers. At other times, they find their 
own union leaders forced to parrot demands made by Com- 
munist unions. 

Gains or even demands made in one sector of the A.F. of L. 
or the C.I.O. tend to repeat themselves elsewhere. It must 
be remembered that the labor movement is intensely political. 
If non-Communist leaders do not gain as much as their op- 
ponents, they may soon find themselves with an active Com- 
munist opposition in their own union. The opposition makes 
capital of the reasonable demands of the honest leadership. 
Hence irresponsibility in labor tends to become infectious. 

An illustration of this analysis can be found in the policies 
of Walter Reuther. In the political struggles of labor, 
Reuther is considered a leader of the anti-Communist bloc. 
But at the same time, he is the head of a union which has a 
powerful Communist minority. He faces sabotage, not only 
from this clique, but also from the national headquarters of 
the C.I.O. Communist influences there have persuaded the 
top leadership that Reuther is a threat to their positions. As 
a result, Reuther faces an alternative: he must either be 
aggressive or retire in favor of some Communist dupe. This 
explains in part the conflict in his public statements. On the 
one hand, he may favor increased labor productivity and 
decry inflationary wage rises. On the other hand, he makes 
wage demands which cannot be other than inflationaiy. 

♦ Fortune, November 1946, p. 285. 


Labor Suffers from Communism 

IABOR SUFFERS from this internecine struggle. Its legit- 
-J imate objectives are obscured in factional struggles. It 
is maneuvered into expensive and fruitless strikes. Thus, most 
labor leaders concede today that the 1946 strikes brought no 
net gains to labor. Higher wages were offset by higher 
prices. A.F. of L. leaders have been extremely critical of 
the C.I.O. strike policy. They consider it political rather 
than economic. And one of the most important factors in 
labor's political struggles is the Communist issue. 

There are many current indications that labor realizes how 
the Communist menace hurts its cause. Thus, in 1946 the 
heads of two C.I.O. unions resigned and gave as their reason 
Communist control of their groups. The National C.I.O. Con- 
vention in 1946 saw fit to denounce Communist interference. 
State Industrial Council (C.I.O.) meetings in Wisconsin, Mass- 
achusetts, and New York took action against the Commu- 
nists. There were rumblings in two other Communist-controlled 
unions. The first instance of restiveness was when Joseph 
Curran of the National Maritime Union engaged in an all-out 
struggle with the Communist officers associated with him. 
Then Lewis Merrill of the Office and Professional Workers, 
who has been a regular writer for the Communist weekly, 
Neiv Masses, disclaimed Communist interference in his union, 
although his sincerity in doing so has been questioned.* 

It is obvious that the public is a victim in these struggles. 
The shortages, inconveniences and sufferings of 1946 are too 
recent to need detailed recounting. Yet, they may appear 
trivial compared to possible future events. If the foreign 
policies of the United States continue to diverge from those 
of the Soviet Union, we may be in for an era of thinly dis- 
guised political strikes. Strikes of this nature are basically 
sabotage. They will not be settled in any easy fashion. 

* The resigning Presidents were Morris Muster, head of the United 
Furniture Workers {The New York Times, July 1, 1946, p. 1) and 
Frank R. McGrath, head of the United Shoe Workers (New Work World 
Telegram, October 3, 1946, p. 2). For a summary of the Industrial 
Council moves, see Business Week, December 28, 1946, p. 64 and January 
4, 1947, p. 56. In early 1947, Joseph Curran openly charged his fellow 
officials with putting Communist interests above union interests (The 
New York Times, January 5, 1947, Section 1, p. 7). 


The Present Situation 

IN EARLY 1947, the problem of Communism exists in 
, scattered Locals of A.F. of L. unions, and in a more 
serious way in international unions as well as Locals of the 
C.I.O. In the A.F. of L., pressure from the top combined 
with trained and conservative unionism on the part of the 
rank-and-file have tended to keep out Communist infiltration. 
Exceptions exist where there is a heavy concentration of 
Communists in a given region, such as New York or Los 
Angeles. In these sections, many A.F. of L, Locals and those 
of independent unions have been infiltrated seriously. 

By contrast, the C.I.O. has shown great weakness in fight- 
ing Communist inroads. Furthermore, so many of the rank- 
and-file are new to unionism that aggressive pressure from 
the bottom has usually been lacking. Untrained unionists 
have often been quite helpless to ward off an invasion by a 
clever and unscrupulous clique of Communists in a Local. 
Their resentment at such tactics, however, rose to such a pitch 
in 1946 that the national leadership was forced to take some 
action against Red control. At this writing, trends are con- 
fused and uncertain, the more so since Communists are pres- 
ently going underground and concealing their identities when 
this is possible.* 

Master Strategy 

,OME INDICATION of probable future patterns may 
be found in the general Communist plan for seizing 
power in labor, as outlined in Comintern schools. In Mos- 
cow plans, the primary emphasis is upon heavy and strategic 
industries, since control here is most useful for sabotage and 
revolution. Among these industries are railroads and com- 
munications, steel, and such war industries (or potential 

* For a highly competent discussion of this problem, consult the new 
series by Andrew Avery, COMMUNIST POWER IN INDUSTRY 
(Chicago Journal of Commerce, 15 cents). 

»»«.5i <» — 47 12 


war industries) as the automobile, farm implement, electrical, 
shipbuilding, atomic energy, and related heavy industries. 
In addition, penetration is sought into government either 
through unions or through direct espionage. Finally, unions 
which deal with office and professional workers are penetrated 
by Communists, since they are used for commercial and in- 
dustrial espionage. 

It will be noted that this ideal pattern conforms with the 
existing plan of Communist penetration in the United States, 
with the exception of steel and railroads, where Communist 
success has been only sporadic to date. In these situations, 
however, current orders call for concentration of efforts to 
remedy past failures to obtain control over labor. 

The value of knowledge by business leaders of the overall 
pattern is obvious. If they are in a field which is considered 
strategic, they can count on no respite from Communist at- 
tempts to control their labor unions. Vigilance can never be 
relaxed. It does not follow from this, however, that firms 
not within the strategic category are automatically assured 
of labor harmony. Control of strategic industries is not the 
only labor objective of Communists. They seek control of 
the labor movement as a whole; they use it as a source of 
members and a medium for propaganda ; and they draw vast 
funds from captive unions. Accordingly, if any labor situa- 
tion is ripe for exploitation. Communists will seize upon it. 
The only difference between strategic and non-strategic sit- 
uations is that in the former case, the Communists will come 
back again and again, no matter how often they are defeated. 
In non-strategic unions, a resounding and thorough victory 
over the Red element may ensure peace for several years. 

A Specialised Problem 

IN DISCUSSING the problem of Communism in labor 
. relations, it is basic that we note its specialized 
nature. Neither the average employer nor the average 
worker is equipped to handle it. Indeed, they often fail to 
recognize it at all. Many an industrialist feels that labor is 


inherently ungrateful and irresponsible whereas the real 
basis of his problem may be a Communist political machine 
which has enslaved his workers as well as himself. Also 
there are employers who, feeling that they know Communist 
tactics, attack honest union officials as Reds even though 
they are merely factual, calculating, and hard bargainers. It 
is a fact that labor leaders may be forced into an intransigent 
position because they are caught between two fires: the fight 
against the Communists within the union, and the bargaining 
with the employer to obtain minimum concessions. Intelli- 
gent recognition of these facts by employers would in itself 
lead to much more harmonious labor relations. 

The problem may be stated in another manner. Today 
labor relations are not confined exclusively to problems aris- 
ing in a given plant or firm. Local problems are important, 
but the sources of many of the difl!icult local questions are 
found elsewhere. Unless industrial relations directors have 
a trained realization of the roots of their problems, they 
may be very unrealistic and ineffective in handling this type 
of situation locally and in making recommendations to meet 
it. Mistrust and mutual recriminations replace genuine col- 
lective bargaining. Discussions of rates of pay or conditions 
of employment become academic, when a political machine 
is looking for excuses to cause trouble.* 

Purely political strikes by Communist-controlled unions 
cannot as yet be called commonplace. However, before we 
entered the War, the North American Aircraft strike and 
the Allis-Chalmers strike were inspired by the then current 
Soviet policy of preventing aid to Hitler's enemies. More 
recently, a brief shipping strike in 1945 was politically in- 
spired. Although the possibility of having more Apolitical 
strikes cannot be discounted, they should be considered the 
exception rather than the rule at this time. What is much 
more common is the prolonging of an apparently economic 
strike for political reasons. Thus in the 1946 Allis-Chalmers 
strike a group of workers declared: "We have returned to 
work after being taken to the cleaners by a bunch of Com- 
munist revolutionaries."** This same sentiment was voiced 

* See : Communist Power in Industry. 
** New York Times, Nov. 25, 1946 


by workers in two other strikes, in Connecticut and New 
Jersey. Unfortunately, such a realization often arises only 
after grave damage has been done. To repeat, the diagnosis 
of such problems requires expert and specialized knowledge. 

Communist -Inspired Strikes 

IN VIEW of probable future trends, special attention 
should be given to the problem of the Communist-inspired 
strikes. Strikes hurt. They are injurious not only to those 
involved, but also to the general public. The employer loses 
immediate earnings and the future good will both of his 
workers and his customers. To the worker, a strike means 
physical and mental suffering for an uncertain goal. Even 
if he attains his ends, he may be in such a weakened economic 
position that he may have to work for several years to make 
up for wages lost during the strike. The general public loses 
when production is interrupted and when purchases by the 
strikers decline. The larger the number involved in the 
strike, the greater is the public loss. At times public health 
and security may be placed in jeopardy, as was the case with 
the coal and power strikes. The unions themselves usually 
fear strikes. This fear is based on the heavy cost which has 
often been sufficient to wreck strong Locals. Even when a 
union feels that its cause is just, it still must decide whether 
a struggle would be worth its possible cost. 

Even with basic good will, hard bargaining at times leads 
to an impasse which may result in a short strike. But on the 
whole, labor leaders know that when management suffers, 
they suffer. Only in the rarest of cases will they risk bank- 
rupting a company in order to attain an objective. Such is 
not the case with Communist-controlled unions. They are 
willing to fight employers piecemeal and to cause the maxi- 
mum of confusion in the minds of the worker and the public 
alike. They seek turmoil for its own sake. They would 
gladly bankrupt an employer, thereby causing unemploy- 
ment and building up bitterness and hate towards all em- 
ployers and the American way of life. Hence it is vital that 


each employer possess an understanding of this problem 
before he is confronted with it. 

One further illustration shows the implications of Com- 
munism in labor relations. There has been much recent dis- 
cussion of labor-management committees. Much thought 
has been given to the question of management prerogatives 
and of labor participation in functions hitherto exclusively 
reserved to management. Many employers view with sym- 
pathy labor's objectives in seeking teamwork with manage- 
ment. They know that cooperation aids morale and stimu- 
lates production. But concessions of this type to a Com- 
munist-controlled union are most dangerous. If such com- 
mittees are agreed upon, Communists are given a wedge 
which enables them to penetrate effectively into the field of 
management. This in turn permits them to increase the 
area of conflict and disruption. Unfortunately the fear of 
such a turn of events inhibits an employer in making such 
concessions even to a good Local. There are numerous ex- 
amples of generous contracts made with fair-minded union 
leadership which later boomeranged when new faces and 
strange ideologies appeared at the bargaining table. 

The Case of Local 94 

INSTEAD OF dealing with the problem in the abstract, 
a case history may be offered. The plant in question 
was in a war industry, employing forty thousand workers. 
Management from the beginning cooperated with labor and 
did nothing to hinder the formation of a union. Local 94 
was connected with a C.LO. union generally credited with 
being non-Communist. One of the national officers, how- 
ever, was politically ambitious and connived with Communist 
groups in order to gain their political support. 

At the beginning, Local 94 won recognition in a struggle 
with the A.F. of L. It became bargaining agent for twenty 
thousand workers. Its officers were fairly competent, and 
showed an appreciation of their responsibility. Bargaining 
and discussions were hard, straight, and constructive. Then 


the government expanded the contract and employment soon 
doubled. New faces appeared at the union hall, and many 
of them were actively interested in union matters. 

Capitalizing upon the lack of experience of the Local's 
officers, a request by a few workers was usually sufficient to 
bring forth the scheduling of an official departmental meet- 
ing. What was the result? Suddenly a request would arise 
for another election, for a particular departmental shop 
steward. The incumbent's term might not have expired, but 
his pride in the job he had done would not permit him to 
stand upon this technicality. He wanted a vote of confidence. 
So he acceded to the demand and submitted to an election. 
The meeting was called, the election scheduled, the battle lines 
drawn. The incumbent did not realize that the meeting was 
packed with a roving group of employees from other depart- 
ments. Suspicions could not be proved and election was by 
acclamation. Naturally, the incumbent was ousted — the 
Communist infiltration had begun. 

The next move was a decision to print a weekly paper. 
This decision was made at a sparsely attended union meeting. 
Volunteer editors were immediately available, all of them 
Communist. From the very first edition, management was 
deprecated, belittled, and lied about. Malicious and personal 
attacks were made upon supervisory personnel. This gutter 
sheet plumbed the depths in its vitriolic invective. And it 
had its effect in a new plant; this was a shop whose workers 
had little personal knowledge of any operations, other than 
those in their own immediate section. They had migrated 
from almost every State of the Union, and had no knowledge 
of the previous history of personal accomplishments by which 
to judge either management or their fellow workers. As a 
result, the vicious lies obtained credence, and bargaining be- 
came very strained. 

At this juncture, the Communist faction proceeded to at- 
tack and undermine the existing union officers. This was 
done by prolonging union meetings until impossible hours. 
General membership meetings started at 8:00 p.m. and now 
might continue until 2 : 00 or 3 : 00 a.m. These meetings began 
to be called more and more frequently and upon any pretext. 
This proved to be a terrific strain upon the health of the 


officers, all of whom worked in the plant. Their shift started 
at 6:00 a.m. and they could not afford to remain away from 
work. Moreover, they were concerned over the vicious rumors 
being circulated against them, and wished to show an ex- 
ample of industry and zeal. Like the shop stewards, they lost 
their heads and decided to call for an election as a show of 
confidence. This they did in the middle of their terms. 

In the meantime, the Communists had built up a good 
political machine at the plant. By capturing shop steward 
jobs, they were able to process grievances and build a follow- 
ing. Their slanderous rumors against the officers were hav- 
ing their effect. At the same time, they were cultivating 
minority groups, particularly the Negroes and members of 
some national groups. Aiding in this process was the anti- 
Negro bias of a vice-president of the Local. As a result, the 
incumbents were thoroughly defeated, and a group of Com- 
munists along with their dupes were swept into power. In 
this Local, the Communists as such were satisfied to take 
over the posts of business agent and secretary. The president 
was a weak tool in their hands. Other posts went to ambi- 
tious leaders who could command votes. The power behind 
the throne was a shrewd, disbarred lawyer, who was a New 
York Communist who preferred "war work" to the Army, 
liater the State Communist chairman took direct personal 
command of strategy in union meetings by sending messages 
from a nearby restaurant. 

The Results of Communist Control 

UNDER Communist leadership, agitation was the order 
of the day. Turbulence and strife were deemed nec- 
essary to keep and to extend control of the Local. This policy 
of turmoil posed a difficult problem for the local leaders, 
when the Party Line called for all-out production. They 
solved their problem by giving up agitating throughout the 
entire plant and instead concentrated on irritating stoppages, 
"quickies," and slow-downs, all involving small numbers of 
workers strategically located. Numerically more significant 


were the noon-time protest meetings. Actually they were 
less vital, since the men were on their lunch period. Their 
presence did not impede production, nor did it even neces- 
sarily indicate interest of those present in the subject dis- 
cussed. However, in this way, Communists hoped to con- 
tinue agitation without interfering substantially with pro- 
duction, the USSR being under vigorous attack by the Nazis. 
In fact production dropped off twenty per cent. As a result, 
they gave up "demonstration tactics," and confined themselves 
to exploiting grievances. The slightest complaint would be 
magnified out of all proportion, and processed through all 
the steps of the grievance procedure. Reasonable, factual 
data meant nothing to them. Every grievance lost was auto- 
matically appealed to the higher steps in the procedure. 

Within the Local a terrific all-out effort was made to 
eliminate this group of Communist disturbers. Charges 
were placed against individual members of the group and a 
trial was held which was unnecessarily extended over too 
long a period of time, at considerable financial loss to those 
making the charges. This was a period of turbulent charges 
and counter charges, and appeals to the International. Here, 
however, a combination of weak leadership on the one hand 
and the influence of the pro-Communist International officer 
on the other hand, prevented decisive action. (Actually things 
became so bad that Communists came within a hair's breadth 
of taking over the International. Only after the War, and 
with the contraction of the industry, did the non-Communist 
leadership again become secure.) But within the Local, the 
bitter struggles tended to disgust decent members, who 
stayed away from union meetings and failed to vote in elec- 
tions. Some of the dissidents went over to the A.F. of L. 
and tried unsuccessfully to change the affiliation of the Local. 
An adverse National Labor Relations Board decision on this 
matter was considered favorable to the Communist group. 

During this whole struggle, attendance at Local meetings 
fell off. With a claimed local membership of nearly thirty 
thousand, it was not unusual to have less than a hundred 
persons present at general membership meetings. Usually 
a majority of these were Communists or their sympathizers. 
If they were uncertain of their majority, they would stage a 


disturbance and disrupt the meeting. Even when an active, 
but not too intelligent, anti-Communist faction formed, at- 
tendance rarely reached three hundred. Communist caucus- 
ing and know^ledge of parliamentary maneuvers usually en- 
abled them to outwit their opponents. As an inciden- 
tal point, the fact that Communists and their dupes num- 
bered less than a hundred at meetings shows the effective- 
ness of their tactics. A few dozen trained organizers were 
able to control absolutely the union policy of forty thousand 

The situation was cleared up only when the International 
stiffened its attitude and suspended the autonomy of this and 
several other Communist-controlled Locals. Trained admin- 
istrators were sent to take over the Locals and what was left 
of the finances. In this particular instance they found that 
hundreds of thousands of dollars had been directly dissipated 
in Communist causes. This Local did not have a serious 
strike during the War, but not a cent was left of the million 
dollars collected in dues. As a result of this episode, the 
workers suffered, the employer was plagued continuously, 
and the war effort, was impeded. This is a typical, not an 
exceptional. Communist situation. 

Reaction to Communist Dictatorship 

THE CASE of Local 94 was described in detail, because it 
represents a pattern which is found elsewhere. Wher- 
ever the Communists either control a union or seek to control 
it, the same elements will be found: unrest, low morale, dis- 
turbed production, and, within the union, complete dictator- 
ship. Employers find themselves in positions where nothing 
they do will satisfy the insatiable demands made by the lead- 
ership of the Local. They may find themselves embroiled in 
long and exhausting strikes. Such certainly was the case 
with Allis-Chalmers. Significant in this connection is a 
letter which this company sent to its workers on October 11, 
1946. The firm presented to the employees photostatic evi- 
dence that the leaders of their local union had signed the 


nominating papers for a Communist candidate for Governor 
of the State of Wisconsin. 

The result of the application of this "common pattern" is 
best demonstrated and expressed by the attitude of business 
men as described in Modern Industry (November 15, 1946). 
The tabulation of the survey shows that if managements who 
now deal with the C.I.O., where the problem of Communism is 
most severe, were allowed a choice, only 9.5 per cent would 
continue with the C.I.O., whereas 25 per cent of the group 
would prefer to deal with the A.F. of L. Of the employers 
who now deal with A.F. of L. unions, not a single one could 
be found to prefer the C.I.O. It is reasonable to infer that 
the strictly trade union practices of both groups do not differ 
greatly. After all, the C.I.O. began with unions which split 
off from the older group. The one point of major difference 
probably is the irresponsibility induced by the political acti- 
vities of Communists, although some non-Communists in the 
C.I.O. talk in terms of class warfare. 

How to Recognise the Problem 

IN THE LIGHT of the preceding analysis, it is clear that 
the Communist problem is real in industrial relations. 
Yet it can still happen that an employer faces or will shortly 
face such a situation, and remain entirely unaware of his 
danger. He may know that his troubles have increased 
tremendously, but may blame the situation on general na- 
tional conditions. Accordingly, it is vital that employers and 
their industrial relations executives become trained to recog- 
nize and to combat this problem. 

Recognition on the general level demands some knowledge 
of both Communist literature and anti-Communist studies 
and publications. The most authentic Communist publica- 
tions nationally are the Daily Worker and the Worker (Sun- 
day), and Political Affairs. There are also a number of 
authentic local or regional Communist periodicals. In addi- 
tion, an industrial relations director should consult the publi- 
cations of Communist-controlled unions. 


Useful studies by opponents are: COMMUNIST INFIL- 
merce of the United States) ; THE COMMUNIST FIFTH 
cago Journal of Commerce) ; THE COMMUNIST IN LABOR 
RELATIONS TODAY (Research Institute of America) ; and 
the periodicals Plain Talk and the New Leader. (See biblio- 
graphy) . 

From these sources, an industrial relations director can 
obtain the general "line" and jargon of the Communist 
Party. He will learn which issues are considered important 
at the moment. Indeed, he may be able to obtain from 
Political Affairs a rather detailed blueprint of the collective 
bargaining demands which he is likely to meet when his 
contract expires. In addition, he learns which unions and 
persons are favored or opposed by the Party. 

Naturally, a national edition of the Communist press can- 
not carry sufficient details of local activities. When possible, 
the national press should be supplemented by reading local 
or union papers. Furthermore, the reading of the anti- 
Communist press will help sharpen an executive's percep- 
tion of key Communist issues and personnel.* 

With competent knowledge of the general Communist line 
and personalities, it becomes possible to judge the political 
complexion of a Local. The material included in the union 
paper, if one is published locally, is often a good guide to the 
type of control. Resolutions adopted in meetings and stands 
on public issues also furnish sound indications. Knowledge 
of the record and history of key local union personnel is also 
useful. If there has been any tendency towards ideological 
factionalism in a Local or an International, it is likely that 
officers will have taken sides with one group or another. 
Attitudes towards prominent union leaders engaged in such 
struggles also indicate an individual's cast of thought. Also 
Communists have their own distinctive jargon which can be 

* In this connection, attention should be called to two publications by 
groups connected with the Association of Catholic Trade Unionists, the 
Wage Eaimer in Detroit and the Labor Leader in New York. These are 
mature labor papers in their own right, and show a keen perception of 
the Communist issue. For an analysis of the A.C.T.U. movement, see 
Fortune, November, 1946, p. 188. 


recognized by a regular reader of their press. They label 
their opponents as "Fascist," "reactionary," "imperialist," and 
similar epithets fashionable in Communist circles. 

Once the fact of political influence seems established, it 
is then important to discover the Communist leaders. It 
can be taken for granted that their numbers will be insig- 
nificantly small. But they will be surrounded by oppor- 
tunists and dupes whom they are using to consolidate their 
power. As a rule, the opportunist is an able leader who will 
play Communist labor politics for personal gain, but who 
does not use their jargon or share their general political 
interests. The dupe ordinarily is a weak character with a 
superficial popularity. Preferably he is from a dominant 
racial or religious group. He does not use Communist jargon 
in his ordinary talk, but his speeches, if he makes any, are 
often written for him by the Communist leaders and may 
contain words and phrases foreign to his normal expressions. 
Within the Local, Communists try to keep positions of real 
power (editor, organizational director, secretary, and busi- 
ness agent) for themselves. They may share some of these 
jobs with dupes, but prefer to give them positions which 
are merely honorary (such as president). Opportunists get 
the remaining jobs, and are permitted to share the shop 
steward positions with the Communists. In addition, there 
is likely to be a scattering of American-minded labor leaders 
who associate with the Communists because there is no other 
choice at the moment. If such leaders can form a strong 
group, they can often wean away the opportunists and at- 
tain to power. 

The Communist at Work 

EARLIER the case history of Local 94 was presented. 
It will be useful now to narrow the focus and see in 
detail how Communists seize power in a Local. In this con- 
nection, it is important to note that their methods are mainly 
political and only incidentally ideological. They use political 
machine tactics to gain power, knowing that once they are 


in control, they will have ample opportunity for ideological 

Labor unions offer a perfect arena for the use of all the 
arts in the game of politics. Their struggles are the most 
bitter, skillful, and cut-throat of any to be seen in this coun- 
try. Civic politics reach their peak only at intervals; labor 
politics continue incessantly. 

When the Communists decide to capture a Local, they send 
a small group of their members to seek employment in a 
plant represented by that Local. When employed, each of 
these becomes extremely active in union affairs with the 
hope that he can attract a following. At the same time, these 
militant agitators seek to cultivate ambitious union members 
who aspire to leadership. They build up the ego of these 
individuals and induce them to seek union office. To achieve 
such office, these opportunists are encouraged to be active 
at union meetings. If necessary the Communists will supply 
them with ideas and issues. At the same time the Red caucus 
will urge each of the proteges to weld his personal following 
into a compact voting group.* 

The next step is to unite these several proteges into a 
disciplined caucus. This group meets informally and pre- 
pares its program in advance for regular union meetings. 
The innocents are aided in picking issues, and their speeches 
are written for them if necessary. If they are timid in gain- 
ing the floor, an experienced Communist parliamentarian 
will gain it for them and turn it over to them. Communists 
will second the motions and make favorable speeches. The 
caucus and its followers will be scattered rather widely 
throughout the hall and upon signal will join in with loud 
applause and lusty shouting. In no time, the motion is rail- 
roaded through against disorganized and unprepared oppo- 
sition. The flfedgling caucus is flushed by its success and 
anxious for further action. 

In these meetings, all the devices and tricks permitted by 
parliamentary procedure, and many that are not, are used 
to the fullest. When possible, motions are rushed through 
without debate. If serious opposition forms, the meeting is 

*.For a detailed account of an actual case see: COMMUNISM ACROSS 
THE COUNTER, by Bernard Fielding, Plain Talk, January, 1947, p. 19. 


delayed or prolonged until opponents tire, give up the fight, 
leave the hall, and go home. From the beginning of the 
campaign, character assassination is practiced against the 
leaders of the opposition. Rumors are spread to undermine 
their influence with the general membership. Every effort 
is made to create trouble within the home. Anonymous 
letters and phone calls reach their wives, hinting that absences 
from home are not really on matters of union business. 
Communist women are prepared to seduce any opponent who 
is weak enough to fall for their wiles. Then blackmail ef- 
fectively silences opposition from this quarter. 

Communist Seizure of Union Offices 

^^l/HILE union meetings are being taken over, a quiet 
Y Y campaign is being organized against those shop 
stewards and committeemen of key crafts or units, who refuse 
to accept advice and directions from the Communists. The 
plan is to take from them their union positions, thereby 
giving the Red group greater strategic power. This is usually 
done by seeking to prove that the official is ineffective in pro- 
cessing grievances. To do this, the Communist presents a 
complaint which has no solid foundation. He insists that it 
be carried through all the steps of the grievance procedure. 
When it fails, as it must, he is vocal in his criticism of the 
way it was handled. He joins with other workers who may 
have lost grievances, and hints that the steward is not a 
fighter, or that he sold out to the employer. Sooner or later, 
these tactics get on the nerves of the steward and he chal- 
lenges the complainant to try to do better himself. The Com- 
munist is "invited" to go to the foreman with the steward to 
present his own case. But this time he has a fool-proof 
grievance which he has been saving for the occasion. He 
wins and thus builds up his prestige among the workers. 

Often one such display is sufficient to unseat a shop stew- 
ard. If he still holds on, the Communist insists upon being 
present for future grievance discussions. This is a trap 
which will help to oust the steward no matter how he answers. 


If he agrees, solid complaints are taken up and usually won. 
This means further prestige for the Communist. If the 
steward refuses to accede, he is given weak grievances which 
he loses. Immediatelj'^ the rumors are renewed and intensi- 
fied. The chances are that at the next departmental meeting, 
the Communist will take over as steward. If the plant is 
large and members do not know one another. Communists 
will pack the meeting just to be certain. 

With the groundwork laid, concentration shifts to the 
annual election of local officers. Here the tactics are re- 
peated. The opposition is goaded into sponsoring some im- 
possible demands, in order to outbid the Communists. They 
are often maneuvered into supporting poorly qualified can- 
didates from minority groups, merely as an evidence of 
tolerance and sincerity. In the meantime, the Communists 
are spreading lying rumors about the officers. Simulta- 
neously, they cultivate racial, religious, and national groups. 
Factions within the opposition are promoted, so that its vote 
will be scattered. Under these conditions, the compact, solid 
minority usually rides through without trouble. 

Once consolidated into power, the Communists hang on by 
ruthless and dictatorial methods. If possible, the vocal and 
consistent opposition is expelled on trumped-up charges. 
Elections are fraudulent in the extreme. Many jobs are 
filled at union meetings which are closely controlled. Mem- 
bership cards are often distributed to outsiders from other 
Communist controlled unions, so that they can vote in meet- 
ings and at elections. Ballot boxes are stolen or stuffed. As 
a result, the opposition often gives up and a Communist dic- 
tatorship is fastened upon the Local. The membership be- 
comes apathetic, but it is constantly being exploited into 
hatred of the employer and disruptive tactics. Production 
and morale suffer, and costs mount.* 

* HOW TO SPOT A COMMUNIST, by Karl Baarsla^, The American 
Legion Magazine, January 1947, p. 9. WILL THE CIO SHAKE THE 
COMMUNIST LOOSE? Joseph and Stewart Alsop, Saturday Evening 
Post, February 22 and March 1, 1947. HOW TO SPOT A COMMUNIST, 
Leo Cherne, Look, March 4, 1947. These articles are especially useful 
to the anti-Communist employee and labor leader. 


The Employer Takes Action 

UNTIL RECENTLY, it has been widely held that the 
employer is helpless in such a situation.* Yet, granted 
that the Wagner Act forbids him to interfere with the 
organization of his employees, the employer is not completely 
powerless. Such a feeling of pessimism is extreme. Present 
interpretations of the Wagner Act permit considerable free- 
dom of speech by the employer.** Furthermore, although an 
employer may not intervene in union politics he can at least 
abstain from actions which aid the Communists. 

This negative comfort is more substantial than it seems 
at first glance. In Communist situations it can be taken for 
granted that the workers themselves will form an opposition 
group. If the International is clean, it will normally be most 
anxious to remove a disruptive faction from its midst. Where 
. the employer is wise enough not to interfere with such 
struggles, the anti-Communist group will often be successful. 
By contrast, it is not uncommon that industrial relations 
executives react in blind panic against all union demands by 
a Communist-controlled Local. This suits the Communists 
perfectly, since they can rally middle-of-the-roaders against 
the employer and divert attention from the factional struggle 
against them. An anti-Communist union group cannot suc- 
cessfully argue the union's cause with the employers and 
fight the Communists within the union simultaneously. 

As a first step in the counter-attack' industrial relations 
directors should familiarize themselves with the Communist 
problem nationally and locally, as indicated earlier. Then it 
is important that such executives consult among themselves 
locally and within each industry where a Communist problem 
is indicated. The Communists themselves are organized 
along such lines, and it would be a mistake if the employers 

* Communists in the labor movement have been aided and abetted by 
the Communist influences within the National Labor Relations Board 
from time to time. 

**The Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals (Dec. 5, 1946), held that the 
employer has the right to indicate his preference and opinion on labor 
union matters and even to endeavor to persuade his employees, provided 
such persuasion does not take the form of coercion. (NLRB v. KOPMAN 


were divided and defeated singly. In such meetings, much 
can be learned of Communist tactics in making and adminis- 
tering union contracts. Naturally information gained from 
such sources must be used with caution until each individual 
has gained much experience. Many executives still do not 
distinguish hard-bargaining and sincere union officials, or 
even trouble makers, from actual Communists. But exper- 
ience will indicate which individuals at such a meeting, or 
which of his own company personnel are best-informed and 
most competent in making such distinctions and in the han- 
dling of this problem. 

At the beginning, at least, it may be desirable to call in 
outside consultants who are expert in handling Communism 
in the labor movement. Unfortunately thus far, none of the 
national services which are offered to industrial relations 
directors has concentrated upon this problem. Undoubtedly 
some individual industrial relations consultants are familiar 
with it. But the issue has been recognized too recently to 
permit the building up of specialized competent services in 
relation to it. At this writing, industrial relations executives 
must do considerable personal work to familiarize themselves 
with the background and current trends of Communism in 
labor unions. 

Keeping Out a Communist Union 

IF A PLANT is unorganized, the executive who under- 
stands how to handle the problem should use every 
legal means to keep out a Communist-controlled union. 
Under present rulings, it is permitted for an employer to 
give out this type of information to his workers. Such an 
action should be taken, however, only when Communist' con- 
trol is reasonably proved. False use of such charges as an 
anti-union device actually strengthens the Reds. Further- 
more, it is likely to boomerang against the employer when 
subsequently he may be faced with the real thing. 

In a situation of this type, the first step is to consult various 
listings to find the political connections of the petitioning Inter- 

99651 (» — 47 IH 


national Union.* The next step is to document the charges 
made against the union. Often considerable material about 
its officers can be found in the reports of the House Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities. Records of the unions' 
conventions and material from the union paper may show a 
consistent following of the Communist line. It would be 
well to have such information prepared by, or at least checked 
by an expert, so no inaccuracies can creep in. As a further 
point, it must be remembered that to charge an individual 
with being a Communist or of harboring Communist sym- 
pathies constitutes libel per se in several jurisdictions. Evi- 
dence of Communistic affiliation which is admissible in 
court and sufficient to prove such affiliation may be difficult 
to secure. The present "line" calls for Communist labor 
officials to go underground and not to admit their affiliations. 
Hence for individuals, the most that can normally be proved 
is that they are consorters with Communists and pro-Com- 
munist in their views. This, however, is sufficient to show 
the danger involved in their control of a Local. 

The employer can then show the workers that Communism 
is un-American. He can do this either directly in his own 
publications or, preferably, by distributing literature pre- 
pared by outside groups. (See bibliography). He will also 
be able to prove that Communists do not seek to improve con- 
ditions, nor are their first thoughts the interests of the 
workers. The employees can be shown that they will be in- 
volved in politically directed strikes. Their union funds will 
be siphoned off to support various Communist front organi- 
zations. Their energies will be absorbed by constant bicker- 
ing and factional disputes. Such internal union disputes are 
making almost daily headlines in the nation's press. Photo- 
stats of these articles or their headlines can be used quite 

If the employer publishes such statements, he must make 
it very clear that he 4s not using this as a form of threat or 

TODAY (Research Institute of America, 1946) ; THE COMMUNIST 
FIFTH COLUMN (Chicago Journal of Commerce, 1946) ; COMMUNIST 
POWER IN INDUSTRY (Chicago Journal of Commerce, 1947). 

** An outstanding illustration of an expose was the series of sixty 
articles by John Sentinel in the Milwaukee Sentinel, Sept. 23-Nov. 21, 


coercion, or to interfere in any way with the freedom of 
choice by his workers. The law guarantees to them complete 
freedom in making their own decisions in this matter. He 
is speaking for their interests in issuing this appeal. He will 
frankly admit that he does not like to deal with people whose 
loyalty is to a foreign power. But this is the workers' de- 
cision, and they must consider their own interests. (All of 
this shows the necessity of amending the Wagner Act so as 
to allow employers full freedom of speech.) 

It is likely that if a plant is being organized for the first 
time, several rival unions will be competing for the votes of 
the workers. It is not at all improbable that such an appeal 
by the employer will be further documented and supported 
by all rivals of the Communist-controlled union. This will 
naturally strengthen the employer's case. 

Working With a Communist Union 

IF A Communist-controlled Local is already in a plant, 
the tactics indicated above should not be used. Under 
these conditions, any attack is viewed by the workers as an 
attempt to weaken their union. The result would be to 
solidify all factions against the employer.* The most that 
can be done in the way of passing out information is in the 
treatment of individual issues. Thus, an employer may ex- 
plain at length the reasons for the position he has taken in 
collective bargaining. He should do this if he knows that a 
fair settlement of a problem is being impeded for political 
reasons. But in regard to the Communist issue in his Local, 
silence is normally the better rule. If the company paper 
normally discusses world and domestic events, relevant gen- 
eral material on the subject would be in order. Thus, it may 
be helpful to discuss Communist tyranny in Yugoslavia or 
Poland, or the harsh peace treaties which were imposed upon 
Italy and other nations at Soviet instigation. But the appli- 

* An illustration of this point, in 1947, employer and newspaper 
attacks upon a proven Communist-controlled Local, weakened by a 
record-breaking strike, were not successful in persuading the majority 
of the workers to change affiliation to an independent union. 


cation of such material to local conditions had best be left 
to the good judgment of the workers themselves. It might 
also be possible to mail anti-Communist literature, such as 
that listed in the bibliography, to the homes of potential 
leaders of an opposition. 

Of course, if some outside group with no economic interest 
in the company is attacking Communism, this is a piece of 
good fortune for the employer.* Thus, for example, vet- 
erans and church groups have often been concerned with the 
problem. Activities of this sort cannot be construed as at- 
tacks upon unionism. This will be the more constructive if 
the employer does not attempt to intervene and direct the 
crusade to his own problem. Such intervention might be 
resented. He can be well satisfied if the general atmosphere 
is hostile to Communism. The workers can then take the 
matter into their own hands in dealing with their union. 

Non-interference with union matters does not mean that 
an employer must be passive in the situation. His first duty 
is to obtain an informed insight into conditions in the Local. 
He should try to discover and classify the leaders in the 
Communist faction. Some of these he will consider as pro- 
fessed Communists, while others will be labeled as opportun- 
ists or dupes. He will then catalogue othei* union leaders in 
regard to their attitudes and effectiveness. Some may be 
neutral in the struggle between factions, interested only in 
a good Local. Others may be strongly anti-Communist and 
ready to fight the group in control. Still others may be op- 
posed to Communism, but unwilling to fight, or unconvinced 
that the leadership is really controlled by Reds. Information 
of this type can be quite useful in the light of subsequent rec- 

* E.g. Exposing the Red Threat to Free Enterprise and Individual 
Liberty, by Frederick Woltman, New York: World-Telegram, 1947. 


The Contract With a Red Local 

IN NEGOTIATING a contract with a Communist-con- 
trolled Local, an employer must go in with his eyes 
open. He is dealing with persons who are not sincere. They 
will lie and distort what he says.* They will make impossible 
demands for the sake of stirring up trouble. They will en- 
cumber the contract with ambiguous trick phrases and booby- 
trap clauses to cause subsequent trouble. Hence the em- 
ployer must be alert and prepared to meet unscrupulous 
opposition. But he is by no means helpless. Communists 
cannot ordinarily call a strike as a matter of whim. They 
must have some appearance of a case to present to the work- 
ers. And, if the employer does not let himself become pan- 
icked into rash statements or thoughtless action, the Com- 
munists may not succeed in causing trouble at this juncture 
of the proceedings. 

As a matter of general attitude in such negotiations, the 
employer must avoid two extremes. First, he should beware 
of being extremely generous, in the hope of appeasing or 
buying off the opposition. Such tactics are fatal. The em- 
ployer will not be thanked for his kindness. On the contrary, 
he will be confronted with new demands which he may find 
very hard to meet. In this connection it may be well to note 
the case of a firm which had an unauthorized strike called 
by a Communist faction. Not all the workers went out on 
strike. The company unwisely offered to pay wages to the 
strikers for time not worked, and triple wages to those who 
remained on the job. The result, as could be guessed, was a 
bitter attack on the firm by the Communist leaders with an 
unfair labor practice charge placed in the hands of the State 
labor relations board. 

Secondly, equally dangerous for an employer, is the adoption 
of the fatalistic attitude that he will get a strike anyway, so 
he had better not make any concessions at all. Such an ap- 
proach is a guarantee that he will get his strike, with all the 
workers solidly united behind the Communist leaders. The 

* If this is doubted, see instructions of Lenin and the Comintern on 
inside cover of this report. 


employer would be wiser to be prepared to accept the national 
pattern in economic clauses, if his competitive position will 
permit it. Naturally, as a matter of sound collective bar- 
gaining tactics, he will not make all his concessions in his 
first offer. If he is to grant benefits to the workers, he should 
be ready to ask for guarantees of production increases which 
will help to offset increased costs. His counter-demands will 
run largely in terms of security against wildcat strikes, 
"quickies," and other unauthorized stoppages of production. 
He can rightly demand no strikes for the duration of the 
agreement. Furthermore there should be definite penalties 
against individuals and against the union for violations of 
the agreement. 

Another general point of value is the recording of all dis- 
cussions, with the minutes of the meeting signed by both 
sides. Language of the contract should be clear and unequi- 
vocal, with a minimum leeway left for good faith or subse- 
quent interpretation. It is well to have experienced talent 
available for the writing of terms. At the same time, the 
scope of legal advice should be clearly defined. It must not 
be forgotten that industrial relations directors have to carry 
out the contract on the working level. In drawing the con- 
tract, they should be given a position at least coordinate with, 
and preferably superior to, legal counsel. The legal mind is 
not always trained for the give and take of collective bar- 
gaining discussions. Legal talent is best employed for ac- 
curacy of phrasing of clauses drawn up by production and 
industrial relations executives. 

Details of the Contract 

THE MOST important details in a contract with a Com- 
munist-controlled union concern management and union 
security. Management should be extremely careful in granting 
any concessions which impede any of its prerogatives. Par- 
ticular care should be exercised in drawing up the scope of 
the arbitration clause. Arbitration under a contract is fre- 
quently desirable. It provides impartial determination of 


disputes in regard to application and interpretation of a con- 
tract. If the contract is carefully and accurately drawn, arbi- 
tration will prevent the Communists from effectively sabotag- 
ing it. Even if they engineer disputes, they will lose them 
when brought before an impartial party. Thus the onus for 
the trouble is shifted from the employer to the Local leaders. 
Yet it would be dangerous to entrust to an arbitrator func- 
tions which properly belong to management. Certainly a 
clause which permits arbitration of any dispute between the 
union and the company is extreme. Management's right to 
change the scope of its operations, to promote workers to 
executive positions, to transfer workers, to alter shifts, and 
the like, should in principle be non-arbitrable. Individual 
discharges, layoffs, upgrading within the unit of representa- 
tion, and such may be arbitrable as to fact and within the 
scope of the contract. 

With a Communist-controlled Local, it is a most dangerous 
principle to admit any action which involves a review of 
managerial decisions. As noted earlier, many employers 
favor some type of labor-management cooperation. With 
the Communists, however, these clauses would be used to 
enforce labor dictation to management in the latter's field. 
Communist Locals are often willing to sacrifice economic 
gains in order to drive a wedge into the field of management 
prerogatives and responsibilities. 

Likewise an employer should be most careful in granting 
extreme forms of union security when his Local is Commu- 
nist-dominated. The leaders would make almost any conces- 
sion to gain a closed shop, a union shop, or maintenance of 
membership. Such a clause would be invaluable to them in 
exercising dictatorship over their members. Trumped-up 
expulsions would give them an opportunity for demanding 
the discharge of their opponents. If some form of security 
clause already exists or must be given, it is necessary to insist 
upon impartial review of all union expulsions, should dis- 
charges be involved- The best way is to give union members 
the same right to appeal discharge cases under union security 
clauses as they have in other discharge cases. The impartial 
chairman would have the right and duty to pass upon the 
adequacy of the trial given to the member in question. 


Plant Discipline 

THE CONTRACT with a Communist-controlled Local 
should be clear and strict in defining matters of plant 
discipline. Naturally Communists will try to do as much 
political work as possible during working hours and while 
on the job. Furthermore, they will be away from the plant 
frequently for political reasons. To prevent this, it is neces- 
sary to have a graduated series of penalties for unexcused 
absences. These can range from a light suspension for a first 
offense to discharge for a third offense within a reasonable 
period of time. Such rules are within management's pre- 
rogatives and need not be part of the contract. The contract 
should specify, however, the rights of shop stewards and 
committeemen to be off the job, with permission and only 
to settle grievances. The total amount of time permitted 
should be specified but flexible in its use, so that real grievances 
can be processed. However, such allowances should be 
definitely tied up to the settling of grievances, and not avail- 
able as an excuse for political meddling. Normally shop 
stewards should be confined to their department, except when 
their presence is required to settle a grievance on a higher 
level. There is no objection to the company's paying, at least 
in part, for time used to settle grievances, providing such a 
privilege is not abused. The burden of payment should be 
on the company or the union. If it must be borne by the 
individual shop steward, the better men will not accept the 
position and it will fall to the ever-seeking Communists by 

The company should be reasonable in granting leaves of 
absence to employees upon union request, but strict in confin- 
ing them to union matters only. Such leaves are customary 
for full-time officers. Temporary leaves should be granted 
for attendance at union conventions and other large-scale 
meetings. Naturally such leaves are without pay. Full-time 
officers in mass production unions are not normally per- 
mitted to enter the plant and roam at will. They are given 
every reasonable facility to meet with industrial relations 


executives. But their contacts with union members should 
be after working hours. 

Contract clauses should be sought which will provide strict 
discipline for violations of the agreement. Individuals re- 
sponsible for unauthorized stoppages or slow-downs should 
be subject to suspension for a first offense, and expulsion 
for a second. If an unauthorized strike which ties up the 
entire plant is sanctioned by the Local officers or connived 
in by them, the contract might be abrogated and subject to 

Caution for the Future 

^NY NEGOTIATIONS with a Communist-controlled 
j\ group should be undertaken with an eye to the future. 
It is not the reasonableness of the proposition in itself which 
should be determining, but rather the possible use which the 
faction in control will make of it. Grants which may be 
perfectly reasonable in other circumstances may be dan- 
gerous under these conditions. Furthermore, in bargaining 
with such a group, the employer should make crystal-clear 
the tie-ins which surround a proposal or offer. If he concedes 
an economic point to avoid an overly strict union security 
clause, he may find the rejected clause reopened later in the 
negotiations. Or the Communists may engineer rank-and-file 
rejection of the entire contract. Their aim is to explore the 
entire field of labor-management relations and to obtain 
quickly the maximum employer concessions. These they ac- 
cept only conditionally. They then use these grants as a 
foundation for further demands. Unless it is certain that a 
bargaining committee can and will deliver acceptance of the 
contract, the conditional nature of the concessions must be 
insisted upon again and again. 

This picture of vicious collective bargaining, without mutual 
trust, is indeed somber. It would be tragic if such a spirit were 
to pervade all negotiations between unions and employers. Cer- 
tainly the suggestions given here are not meant to apply 
where decent elements have secured control of a Local. But 


the question arises: what if their control is insecure? Here 
the employer must prudently choose between two alterna- 
tives. On the one hand, if the decent elements can get a fair 
contract, with generous concessions, it will strengthen their 
hand in the factional struggle. On the other hand, if they 
lose control, such a contract might be badly abused. The 
employer has to judge probabilities and make a prudent de- 
cision. Possibly generous economic concessions, plus a strong 
stand on management prerogatives and against excessive 
union security would be the best general answer in most 

Concurrent with a fair but strict policy in negotiations 
should be constant efforts to build up good will among the 
workers. If the employer removes real causes of grievances, 
has well-trained supervisory personnel, and a reasonable 
attitude towards the workers, Communist propaganda against 
him will eventually boomerang. The union members will 
become dissatisfied with their leaders, and may ultimately 
revolt against them. They will realize that the employer is 
trying to do the right thing, and that their own leaders are 
hindering the process. 

Working Under the Contract 

ONCE A CONTRACT is signed with a union, there 
arises the problem of day-by-day application of this 
document to the problems in the plant. This is a new phase 
of contact with the union. Whatever troubles may have 
arisen during negotiations should, if possible, be a closed 
book. The signed agreement is the law which should govern 
labor-management relations during the life of the contract. 
In theory, at least, both sides should live up to the terms 
agreed upon, no matter how good or bad they consider them 
to be. In practice, a Communist-controlled Local is likely 
to bring up again and again points which it bargained away 
in negotiations. The employer must be prepared for this and 
ready to insist upon a scrupulous observance of the agree- 


ment. Here is where adequate and impartial arbitration 
within the contract may prove its worth. 

The most important phase of the daily application of the 
contract is the machinery for handling grievances. The 
employer must expect grievances no matter how carefully 
he may strive to be fair to his workers. The sheer size of 
many modern plants makes some friction and misunderstand- 
ing inevitable. This fact should be explained to foremen and 
other supervisory officials. Their normal reaction is to regard 
complaints as reflections upon their own ability. Accordingly, 
they tend to fight complainants in a spirit of resentment. 
With careful training, however, they can be made to realize 
that top management expects a certain number of grievances 
as a routine feature of operations. It is only when the num- 
ber of complaints is unusually large or small that a problem 
may exist. 

Under normal grievance procedure, the settling of com- 
plaints tends to remove irritations and improve morale. Pro- 
duction is benefited by an efficient system for handling griev- 
ances. But when there are sharp deviations from average 
results in a given department, the industrial relations office 
faces a difficulty. If complaints are below average, this may 
indicate exceptional tact and ability on the part of the fore- 
man. On the other hand, it may spring from poor work on 
the part of the union shop steward. Paradoxically, such a 
situation is not to an employer's advantage. If real grievances 
are not presented and quickly solved, mora;le suffers. A 
foreman who browbeats a timid shop steward is follow- 
ing a short-sighted policy. Also, a subnormal amount of 
grievances can arise where a foreman is weak and yielding 
in applying established company policy. Such a situation 
means trouble, since concessions which deviate from the con- 
tract create annoying precedents which will be used by an 
alert Local. Uniform interpretation of the contract is 
essential for harmonious industrial relations. 

Where grievances in a department tend consistently to 
exceed the average, a different set of problems arises. Such 
a situation could be caused by a foreman who is either exces- 
sively harsh or unduly fearful. The one tends to belittle 
grievances and must be forced into acting upon them. The 


other is afraid to make mistakes and hence tries to pass all 
but the simplest problems to higher levels. Both these types 
are undesirable, the former because he damages morale and 
the latter because he tends to clog up the grievance machinery. 
On the other hand, the fault may lie with the union shop 
steward. He may be aggressive or quarrelsome by nature, 
or he may be following Communist tactics. Earlier we noted 
how Communists try to capitalize upon the grievance machin- 
ery to win a following. Here is a real test of the skill 
possessed by industrial relations executives. 

Communists and 
the Grievance Procedure 

WHERE an abnormal grievance situation exists, and 
the fault cannot properly be laid at the door of the 
foreman, a careful diagnosis will reveal how to catalogue the 
shop steward who is provoking trouble. The isolated rebel 
and the malcontent are usually easy to spot. Neither has 
close relationship with the Conmiunist faction and they are 
generally independent in union politics. The Communists 
may try to use them in order to capture their following, but 
the relationship tends to be unstable at best. Even when 
they may work with Communists for a while, they do not 
follow Communist ideology nor do they espouse their political 
ends. Such individuals, while a problem, do not work in an 
organized and planned manner to bedevil the employer. Good 
foremanship and sound industrial relations normally tend to 
eliminate this tyv^- The men soon realize that such trouble- 
makers do their cause more harm than good. 

The situation is altered where grievances are being manu- 
factured for political and factional purposes. Even here 
normal grievance policy must prevail, but it must be applied 
with special intelligence and discretion. Normal policy may 
be defined as an eager willingness to settle at the first step 
all reasonable grievances. Such a policy would discourage, 
through courteous explanation, carrying completely unreason- 
able complaints to higher steps. The good foreman seeks to 


develop such an understanding with the shop steward that 
each can completely trust the other's word and sound judg- 
ment. Under such conditions, a foreman may be willing fre- 
quently to stretch a point in favor of the shop steward, since 
he realizes that his good will is not likely to be abused. Where 
these conditions obtain, settlement at the lowest level is the 
normal result. 

As has been said even with a Communist shop steward, the 
basic elements of normal procedure must still be retained. 
Just grievances should be settled expeditiously. The difficulty 
arises, however, through the lack of mutual trust between the 
shop steward and the foreman. The foreman under such 
circumstances cannot ordinarily trust either the word or the 
judgment of the steward. He may legitimately suspect 
ulterior designs and well-concealed traps. As a result, he is 
usually forced to perform as exhaustive an investigation as 
is permitted within the time limit set by the agreement. 
Where there is reasonable doubt, he normally refers griev- 
ances to higher levels, since any concession by one foreman 
will be used as a plant-wide precedent. For the same reason 
he cannot stretch a. point or grant the benefit of the doubt to 
the shop steward. To preserve morale, he is on the alert for 
direct, on-the-spot settlements of problems with the individual 
worker, avoiding the grievance machinery where possible. 
He may find the workers themselves anxious to by-pass the 
normal processes, since they realize that their real complaints 
are thrown into the same hopper with manufactured political 
grievances. If identical policy is followed towards all em- 
ployees and no discrimination tolerated, political grievances 
often can be left to die with the arbitrator and real problems 
settled directly. Formal complaints must, under ruling of 
the National Labor Relations Board, be handled in the pres- 
ence of the union representative, but informal settlements 
can be made and in most instances lead to smooth relation- 
ships even under a Communist shop steward. 

Where a Communist is trying to win the post of shop 
steward, the foreman must avoid the trap described earlier. 
He should never permit the Communist as an individual to 
bring complaints to him, but should insist upon dealing with 
the legitimate shop steward. In dealing with the latter, 


he must be fair and even generous, as was described in con- 
nection with normal grievance policy. If the foreman knows 
that the steward is being badgered by a Communist into sub- 
mitting poor grievances, he should cooperate with the steward 
by explaining, in the presence of the complaining employee 
if necessary, why the grievance cannot be settled in his favor. 
Such a careful explanation can serve to discredit the Com- 
munist and shift the burden of rejection from the shoulders 
of the decent and honest shop steward. 

The effect of such a policy should be great. It should serve 
to educate the rank and file members on the basic elements 
of a fair labor policy. They will realize that the aggressive, 
belligerent tactics of the Communist do not produce lasting 
results. Rather they will note that such an approach tends 
mostly to slow down and interfere with legitimate bargaining. 
It will soon be evident to them that decent union stewards 
are producing better results because of their policy of honesty 
and mutual trust. The result will be a definite if gradual 
swing in favor of such competent and successful officials. 
Since grievances are to a union what patronage is to a political 
machine, it will not be long before the Communists are bereft 
of power. 

The Industrial Relations Director 

THE PROBLEM of applying the contract so as to mini- 
. mize Communist difficulties provides real obstacles for 
the industrial relations executive. That he may do this well, 
top management must give him adequate authority to act 
and repose confidence in his judgment. If they cannot do this, 
he should be replaced. 

The first step in the industrial relations department is to 
explain the contract thoroughly and carefully to the entire 
supervisory personnel. A good practice is to mimeograph a 
detailed explanation of each clause and to give the foremen a 
bound copy. Pertinent provisions of the Wagner Act and 
other applicable state and federal laws can be included in 
this volume. Meetings should be held to supplement written 


explanation by oral presentation, and to encourage the asking 
of questions. The general outlines of the Communist prob- 
lem should also be presented in these meetings. 

Foremen should be instructed to bring doubtful situations 
to the industrial relations department. They should regularly 
report on their personal relations with shop stewards. Any 
traces of factionalism or efforts at political activity within 
departments should be reported at once. This will give the 
industrial relations director a chance to review the situation 
and to give more detailed advice to the foreman in question. 
In this way, foremen will not become unconscious accessories 
to the Communists' plans to take over shop steward positions. 
Foremen should cooperate likewise with the existing non- 
Communist stewards and not permit outside interference 
from agitators. It must be remembered that the best place 
to choke off Communist-inspired grievances is at the first 

If the shop steward of a department is a Communist, it is 
likely that the burden of his activity will be shifted to higher 
grievance steps. He will present so many nuisance griev- 
ances that refusals and appeals will be normal procedure. 
At the higher level, the industrial relations executive will be 
meeting with the union grievance committee or business 
agent. The executive's problem is to prevent the Communists 
from capitalizing upon the situation for political purposes. 
He knows that he must grant reasonable grievances at this 
step, or lose them at a higher step. But with care, he can 
see that Communists do not get too much credit for winning 
good cases. Thus, in most situations a grievance committee 
is not politically uniform. Some members at least will be 
non-Communist. Their word and judgment can be trusted. 
If a case, on the surface, looks good to the industrial rela- 
tions director, he can direct the conversation to a decent union 
official, asking for his comment or opinion. When the latter 
favors the granting of the grievance, the executive can answer 
"yes," thus disposing of the case. On the other hand, when 
Communist-inspired and unreasonable grievances come up, 
they should be given the burden of defending them. Wiien 
the answer from management is "no," they bear the onus 
of the defeat. Such methods will cause Communist tactics 


to boomerang, and build up the prestige of the American- 
minded union officials. 

The industrial relations director should expect personal 
insult and vituperation from Communists on grievance com- 
mittees. Under such attacks, he should remain completely 
- calm and retain absolute self-control. Anger clouds sound 
judgment, and leads to hasty and ill-considered decisions. If 
the executive keeps calm, even though he may appear to be 
affected, he will frequently find that the Communists have 
baited themselves into frenzied loss of control. He can then 
call the meeting sharply to order and bring them back to the 
business at hand. Such tactics will hurt their prestige and 
often goad them into compromising revelations. 

The executive can keep control of meetings only if he has 
effective power to make decisions. He cannot be expected to 
produce results if he is nothing more than an "office boy" who 
must report above for every decision. On the other hand, 
he has nothing to gain by pretending to have absolute power. 
Difficult problems will require delay and consultation, and the 
wise executive will state the situation frankly. 

At times it is possible to handle "hot" or "loaded" grievances 
at a still higher level, if the industrial relations director feels 
that the complaint is sound, but has been presented at the 
meeting with the grievance committee primarily for political 
purposes. Thus, he can defer a favorable decision until after 
the meeting when the atmosphere is less charged. This may 
be at the arbitration level, or it may be in direct dealings 
with Local or International union officials. Such may be 
advisable even if the officials in question are Communists. 
The executive thus demonstrates his fairness, once he sees 
the facts, and at the same time prevents the grievance meet- 
ing from being used for political purposes. Furthermore, if 
management loses a fair share of arbitration cases, it is 
spared the necessity of constantly changing arbitrators. Ar- 
bitrators who predominantly rule for one side will be accused 
of bias, even though in fact they were completely objective 
and used sound judgment. 

In all the situations outlined here, it must be noted that 
the grievances themselves must be decided upon their merits. 
It would be unjust, and tactically dangerous, to treat com- 


plaints on the basis of the politics of the official who presents 
them. But the manner in which they are handled can have 
deep political implications. The unwary executive will find 
himself maneuvered into giving support to a Communist 
faction. If he uses discrimination and intelligence, however, 
he will outwit the disruptive elements within the union. 

Dealing with Union Officials 

THE REFLECTIONS on contacts with shop stewards 
lead naturally to the broader subject of relations with 
union officials. In this regard, an employer faced with a 
Communist problem must avoid two mistakes above all. The 
first is the development of a general resentment against all 
union officials because of his sour experiences with the Com- 
munists. Such a reaction tends to strengthen the hands of 
the radical group, since the moderates are thrown in with 
them whether they like it or not. A much more sensible 
policy is to treat each official on his own merits. If his char- 
acter and actions are such as to merit confidence and trust, 
he should be handled accordingly. The effect of such dis- 
crimination is to strengthen the hands of the anti-Communist 
faction. They do not want special favors from the employer; 
indeed, the open granting of such favors would boomerang 
into charges that they were "Company men." But at the 
same time they cannot carry on a two-front strategy, caught 
between the company and the Reds at the same time. 

A second error to be avoided is the identifying of a fair 
union official with a docile union officer. The adjectives are 
by no means synonymous. Thus, some industrial relations 
executives complain when a non-Communist official proves 
to be an aggressive bargainer at the conference table. Some 
have even been quoted as saying that they would prefer to 
deal with a Communist rather than with, such an officer. It 
is true that at times individual Communists may be more 
pleasant personalities than occasional opponents. Yet, it must 
be remembered that Communist control means an organized 
and continual assault upon employers' rights. Communists set 

99651 O— 47 14 


up standards which at times their opponents must imitate 
through the sheer necessity of self-preservation within the 
union's political structure. Often the employer himself is at 
fault through the failure to grant opportune and face-saving 
concessions to opponents of the Communist faction. It is 
not unheard-of that employers will win small battles at the 
conference table, costing American-minded officers their union 
jobs, and then lose major wars when their radical successors 
give employers a taste of real demands. 

Even under the Wagner Act, the employer often has real, 
if thoroughly unconscious, influence in naming of union 
officers. Small but gracious concessions, frequent consulta- 
tions, and recognition can often build up the stature of a 
union official. Likewise, the thoughtless by-passing of the 
same man, the announcement of concessions through the plant 
bulletin board rather than through the union paper, and 
similar oversights can lower his prestige to an alarming 
degree. The NLRB does not allow direct intervention in 
union affairs. But if the employer is not free to pick the 
officers he likes, the least he can do is abstain from actions 
which hurt them. He does not need to embarass and punish 
the decent element just to prove that he is impartial.* 

A word might be said about direct dealings with union 
officials in an informal manner. It is occasionally possible 
to sit down to dinner with an international officer, the local 
president or business agent. Such informal meetings can 
be productive of real candor. Both sides can talk freely 
without worrying about a reaction from those to whom they 
must report. Such conferences need not have the slightest 
element of the dishonest about them. In fact, if such should 
be even hinted, the employer should drop them at once, and 
this from a purely selfish point of view, as well as from an 
ethical consideration. An official who would betray the men 
who elected him would betray the executive who confided in 
him. The only reason for ofF-the-record meetings is that 
collective bargaining, like the fashioning of peace treaties. 

* It is probable that the 80th Congess will modify the Wagner Act so 
that employers can work more effectively, and without fear of law 
violation, with American-minded employees in opposing Communists 
within the labor movement. 


requires a certain public attitude that does not make com- 
promise and adjustment easy. Privately, an executive may 
admit that a contract clause is too severe; publicly he may 
feel compelled to defend it. The same might be true of the 
local president in regard to certain demands made by the 

Where collective bargaining is not new, informal meetings 
as described are frequent enough to be commonplace. Thus, 
in a by no means hypothetical case, an international officer 
used to have dinner weekly with an industrial relations execu- 
tive. They would go over outstanding problems and griev- 
ances. But each kept his freedom of action. The employer's 
representative was unable to grant certain concessions 
strongly desired by the union official. The latter in turn did 
not hesitate to call strikes when he felt that the issues war- 
ranted them. Consultation did not bring a millenium. But it 
did narrow sharply the area of conflict. Furthermore, in this 
particular case, it served to hinder effectively the workings 
of a highly skilled Communist faction operating in the plant 
under discussion. This union official was decent, but not 
docile. He worked hard and intelligently for his men, but 
he was experienced and reasonable enough to see the em- 
ployer's problems as well. Such a man is far better, even 
from the employer's viewpoint, than a docile company tool 
who will soon be outmaneuvered and ousted by his own people 
or by the Communists. 

A Summary 

To HANDLE Communism in labor relations, certain 
steps are essential. They may be briefly recapitulated 

1) The employer must realize that this is a specialized 
and serious problem. He must be prepared to recognize with 
accuracy the Communist line and tactics. He must consult 
with others so as to facilitate the spotting of Communists in 


2) If he has no union, he should use every legitimate step 
to keep a Communist-controlled group from taking over his 

3) Where he faces the problem of Communism within a 
local, he should recognize this fact in contract negotiations. 
If Communists are not already in power, inept handling of 
negotiations might bring them in. Should they be in power, 
the contract must be drawn with great exactness. As little 
as possible should be left to good will or the application of 
common sense. Management prerogative and arbitration 
provisions must be tight and clear. 

4) The problem of Communism will affect grievance pro- 
cedure. Ordinarily grievances should be handled in an at- 
mosphere of generosity and trust. With Communists, such 
an attitude would be abused. Careful and exhaustive investi- 
gation to avoid fraud and trickery is called for. 

5) WTien the employer is confronted with American-minded 
union officials, he should treat them with friendliness and 
trust. They should not be compelled to fight both him and 
the Communists. Decent officials are not of necessity docile 
or pliant to every company wish. 

The Worker Fights Communism 

THUS FAR, the consideration has been exclusively in 
terms of the employer's interest in fighting Communism. 
It has been mentioned incidentally that workers too are in the 

Actually such a presentation is so specialized as to be al- 
most misleading. The real struggle against the Reds in labor 
must be carried out by the union members themselves. As 
a rule, the best the employer can do is to protect his own 
interests and try not to interfere with the decent element in 
the union. Such action by the employer is important, but it 
would not be very effective if the workers themselves were 
not vitally interested and active. 

Workers who fight Communism are usually influenced by 
one or more of three motives: patriotism, religion or desire 


for sound unionism. Many realize that the Communist is es- 
sentially a foreign agent. Whether he realizes it or not, he 
takes orders from New York which are directed by Moscow 
through Paris. Non-Communists know that his power in 
labor will be used against the best interests of the country. 
Others may be impressed by the low-level ethics and the anti- 
religious nature of Communism. Whatever be their faith, 
they know that the totalitarian State does not leave the con- 
science free. In this regard, members of minority groups 
especially cultivated by the Communists often become their 
most aggressive opponents, this in order to save the good 
name of their group. Finally, most union members soon dis- 
cover that a Communist cannot be a good union member. He 
will invariably seek to use the union in the interests of an 
outside political party. Furthermore, his disruptive factional 
tactics hurt the legitimate interests of labor. 

The effectiveness of the opposition is not necessarily pro- 
portional to the strength of motivation. To fight Communists 
in labor, interest is not enough. Interest must flame into 
zeal, and be tempered by intelligence and experience. Com- 
munist control of unions is achieved by political-machine 
tactics. It can be countered only by a better machine which 
organizes the majority against a skilled and unscrupulous 
minority. Accordingly, the best fighters against Reds in 
labor are experienced unionists. In this category would be 
included craftsmen, miners, and railroad workers with a 
long history of unionism. As their allies they may have 
some proletarian groups such as Socialists and Social Demo- 
crats, and non-Stalinist Communist groups. The last-named 
Communists may be as bad as their enemies, from whom 
they do not differ in ideology, but only in loyalty to the Soviet 
Union leadership. In practice, they are rarely numerous 
enough to take over a Local. Normally, they merely add 
experience and militancy to the anti-Communist faction. In 
union struggles, such experienced leaders contribute organiz- 
ing ability and generalship, although their diverse ideologies 
may add confusion. Those who have patriotic or religious 
motivation, but lack experience, at first can offer only zeal 
and numbers, the while acquiring experience. 

There has been no mention of the employer's part in pro- 


moting anti-Communist activity within the union itself. The 
reason is simple : he has no part. Much as he may be tempted 
to join in, he must remain on the sidelines. Intervention on 
his part would only damage the cause which he hopes will 
win. Nothing is more fatal for a union group than to be 
labeled "company tools." Of course the Communists will use 
such ammunition anyway, but the employer does not need to 
furnish them with it. Two temptations in particular must 
be avoided. The first is the providing of the anti-Communist 
faction with funds. They will need money badly. Literature 
must be paid for. Time will be lost from work. It will be a 
hard struggle, but the employer must not assist. Possibly 
the International may help, or some other Local which has 
won its struggle, or some patriotic or religious group. Out- 
side aid in a factional struggle is always dangerous, but some- 
times necessary. But when it comes from the employer, it is 

In the second place, the employer may not aid through the 
relaxation of plant discipline. He cannot openly countenance 
factional activity by anti-Communist groups during working 
time. Well-meaning individuals should be warned when an 
infraction is noticed. Repeated ofltenses must be punished by 
suspension or similar penalties. The employer can take for 
granted that the Communists will make complaints against 
such violations. If he fails to act on such charges, he will 
label the opposition as company-dominated and probably face 
Wagner Act charges. By taking the initiative himself in warn- 
ing the opposing faction, he can avoid such trouble. He is 
then in a much better position rigidly to enforce similar rules 
against the Communist group. 

Tactics in the Struggle 

THE WORKER fights Communism primarily through 
building a better political machine than does the Red 
faction. As an illustration of such tactics, we may take the case 
of Local 23. Here a Communist group gained power largely 
through surprise at the previous election. However they 


were not given time to consolidate their strength. Their op- 
ponent, a trained union leader, gathered around him a small 
faction of loyal union members. They met quietly in one an- 
other's houses, while holding the Communists in check from 
meeting to meeting, and worked out a slate for the next elec- 
tion. Each member canvassed throughout the entire plant 
and built up strength for a particular candidate, but no indi- 
cation was given that these candidates were part of a unified 
slate. At the last minute, a merger was effected and the 
strength controlled by each member of the caucus was thrown 
to all the candidates in the group. The Communists were 
caught off guard and soundly defeated. 

A situation such as the one just described will not be re- 
peated often. But it does teach certain lessons which have 
universal application. The first is that the issue of Commun- 
ism was not raised in the whole election campaign. Of course, 
the problem of Communism versus sound unionism was the 
cement which bound together the initial caucus. But the men 
campaigned for support on the basis of union issues and the 
ability of candidates they had selected. This was not a 
negative approach; it was a positive program. They did not 
seek merely to displace Communists as such; "they replaced 
them with candidates who were better timber for union 
oflicers. The result was that they Avon support from all sides. 

Union elections do not precisely parallel civic elections. 
In the latter case, a sound attack upon the "ins" often brings 
a large protest vote to the polls. With labor, the attacking 
of officers as Communists is more likely to produce confusion 
and lethargy. The Communists themselves will not normally 
admit the charge. They will smear and discredit the opposi- 
tion. The average worker becomes so puzzled that his re- 
action is: "A plague on both your houses." Of course if, in 
an exceptional case, it can be proved that most of the officers 
are really Communists, such an attack will be effective. But 
it is one thing to be certain of a fact, and another and different 
thing to be prepared to prove it in public controversy and to 
an untrained audience. Ordinarily Communist charges are 
best reserved for the inner caucus and for word-of-mouth 
reports spread through the plant by the anti-Communist op- 


The best political opposition to a Communist group is a 
well-rounded, truly representative, and able group of prospec- 
tive officers on an election slate. If each of these men has a 
sizable following, he will be able to add it to the common pool 
on election day. The campaign issues raised by such a group 
should be both positive and negative. Positively, they should 
advocate measures which will improve the well-being of the 
Local. These are usually constructive, commonsense ideas 
which are likely to prevail in collective bargaining. Nega- 
tively, they should attack the Communist officers on U7iion 
rather than political issues. They will have ample reasons 
to point to neglect of duty, misuse of funds,* wasting of time 
in union meetings discussing purely political problems, and 
related abuses. The Communist issue as such should not be 
raised by the group; rather as individuals they should circu- 
late such information by word of mouth. 

A union slate which is likely to defeat a Communist group 
of officers must be both competent and representative of the 
membership. The old axiom "You cannot beat somebody 
with nobody" is true in union politics. The fact that a mem- 
ber is strongly opposed to Communism is not in itself an in- 
dication that he will make a successful union officer. Among 
competent candidates, choices should be made with a view to 
balanced representation. Departmental, shift, racial, na- 
tional, and religious factors are normally considered in pick- 
ing a good slate. In principle, all major departments, all 
fully staffed shifts, and each sizable minority group should 
have a candidate on the ticket. This will prevent splinter 
slates which divide the anti-Communist opposition and per- 
mit the Communists to exercise the balance of power. Every 
reasonable compromise should be made in order to avoid the 
situation of too many candidates for a given office. Com- 
munists try to provoke such splits so that they can more 
easily defeat a divided opposition. 

Once a pro-American group of officers is elected, they 
should contact similar groups in their union and also non- 
Communist Locals of other unions in their region. They 

* Many millions of dollars have been drained from Communist con- 
trolled union treasuries for the support of their political mass meetings 
and front organizations. 


can thus pool information on Communist personnel and tac- 
tics. From others they can receive advice on policies and 
programs. At times such friendly neighbors can assist in 
passing out literature, organizing demonstrations, and expos- 
ing local Communist concentrations. 

Consolidation of Power 

COMMUNISTS, once they have gained power, do not 
as a rule yield readily. When they are ousted from 
office, they scheme to promote factions, discredit the new 
officers, and try to return to power. Hence alertness upon 
the part of the decent new officers is vital. Being men of 
principle, they will not use the Communist tactics of trying 
to expel their opposition from the Local. On the other hand, 
in attempting to be fair, they should not lean over backwards 
and tolerate tactics which they would not countenance from 
others. Open disruption in union meetings, gross violations 
of plant discipline, and departmental strife should not be de- 
fended or condoned. Disruptive tactics should be met by 
expulsion after a fair trial. If the employer penalizes a Com- 
munist for flagrant violations of plant rules, the officers 
should not allow themselves to be pressured into defending 
the culprit. 

The new officers will meet their greatest problems in han- 
dling grievance procedures and in running union meetings. In 
regard to grievances, the Communists will use the tactics 
noted earlier in the attempt to undermine shop stewards. 
They will also appeal hopeless cases in order to discredit the 
union grievance committee, the business agents, and the arbi- 
tration procedure. Against such tactics, the officers should pre- 
sent a united front. Shop stewards should reject obviously 
unsound and political complaints. The business agent and 
the grievance committee should stand by the shop stewards. 
If some of the stewards are Communist and do send poor 
grievances to the higher steps, the poor ones should in gen- 
eral be weeded out ruthlessly. Occasionally some which are 
obviously weak might be presented, with the results and the 


reasons for rejection written up in the Local paper. The 
common sense of the members will do the rest, and the whole 
proceeding will serve to discredit Communist leadership and 
tactics. But under no conditions should the Communists be 
allowed to clog up the grievance machinery. Nor should they 
be permitted direct access to management to present com- 
plaints, unless they are entitled to do so because of a union 
office they hold. 

Union meetings should be run with the same care and 
firmness. The officers should master parliamentary procedure 
and not tolerate disruptive or delaying tactics. Free and 
fair discussion of issues must be encouraged, but the officers 
should be alert to Communist attempts to prolong meetings 
or to inject extraneous problems. In this regard, it would be 
a fatal mistake to disband the caucus which originally won 
the election. The caucus can ensure attendance of meetings, 
enter into preliminary discussion of important points, and 
arrange disciplined voting to table CommunisWnspired nui- 
sance or political motions. 

Building from the Bottom 

THE PRECEDING SECTION envisioned conditions 
where a non-Communist group was able to capture 
power in a single attempt. Frequently, however, such im- 
mediate success is not to be had. The American-minded fac- 
tion must work step by step to gain control. In general, their 
approach will be political, but minus the Communist un- 
scrupulous and unethical aspects. The three main steps are : 
discrediting of the Communist officers; capturing of shop 
steward and committeemen positions; and control of union 

To discredit Communist officers, it is not necessary to fol- 
low their method of a slanderous whispering campaign. In 
most cases, telling the truth about their activities is sufficient- 
ly damning and, of course, much harder to deny. Their main 
weakness will be neglect of the Local in the interest of Com- 
munist activities. The Party is so exacting in regard to its 


members that they are likely to spend a great deal of time 
in doing work ordered by it. The result is poor service at 
the Local office, neglect of grievances, at least when the Com- 
munists feel entrenched, and the cancellation of regular union 
meetings. As a smokescreen, the Communists will try to 
organize strikes, stoppages, "quickies," and protest meetings, 
but this type of action soon loses its effectiveness and in- 
creases unrest among the members. In addition, close scru- 
tiny of the Local's financial matters will often furnish much 
damaging material. The condition of the Local's treasury 
should be contrasted to that of a well-run non-Communist 
Local of the same union or within the same locality. More- 
over, Communists will make many mistakes in running the 
union. They are not supermen. Finally, the easily proved 
charges of Communist affiliation should be circulated widely. 
If the affiliation is known, but cannot be established in a man- 
ner easily recognized by the general membership, such infor- 
mation should be aired only to those discriminating enough 
to weigh the evidence. 

Shop stewards stand or fall in direct relation to their suc- 
cess in winning grievances. The normal Communist steward 
is not too successful, since he aims to create disruption rather 
than harmony. The result is that even sound complaints are 
often not adjusted, since the foreman has learned to distrust 
both the word and the judgment of such a steward. These 
failures can be capitalized upon by an alert union member in 
the department. He may insinuate that better results could 
be obtained if the workers handled their own grievances di- 
rectly with the foreman. Or they may be able to get a non- 
Communist in the grievance committee to handle them upon 
appeal. Or, finally, the non-Communist in the department 
may be able to goad the shop steward into letting him take 
up cases with the foreman. He should have witnesses for any 
such permission, however, lest he be charged with violating 
the union constitution or by-laws by dealing directly with 
management in such matters. 

Control of union meetings usually involves a caucus to pre- 
pare issues and the bringing of sufficient members to meet- 
ings. The caucus should be well versed in parliamentary law 
and the various tactics used by the Communists to run meet- 


ings. Such a caucus prepares issues in detail before meet- 
ings, outlining who is to make and who is to second motions, 
give speeches, and call for the vote. Above all this caucus 
must be ready to handle delaying tactics, so that meetings 
will not be prolonged unduly. They must appoint alert floor 
leaders who are prepared to meet emergency situations and 
who will be followed intelligently by other members of the 
group. Techniques of this sort can scarcely be learned from 
books, although excellent literature is available.* The best 
method is to obtain'the guidance of a trained non-Communist 
union leader. Labor schools are available in many communi- 
ties where such fundamentals can be learned. 

Special Difficulties 

THE DIFFICULTIES of the struggle against Communist 
control vary with localities and the size of the plant. 
The problem is most severe where the plant is large and its 
workers diverse in regard to race, religion, and national 
origin. Under such conditions, workers do not often have 
personal knowledge of their officers, and factions are easily 
formed. In smaller plants, with a uniform working force, 
personal contacts are more frequent and Communist infiltra- 
tion correspondingly more difficult. The mechanical skill and 
general intelligence of workers also enter into the situation. 
This is particularly true in the matter of organizing a caucus 
for union meetings. On the other hand, intelligent workers 
are often unwilling to enter into the bitter struggle involved 
in ousting a Communist group. Partly for this reason, Com- 
munism is strongly entrenched in the United Electrical 

* A brief study of parliamentary law has been prepared by A. Claes- 
sens for the International Ladies Garment Workers Union, {The A.B.C. 
of Parliamentary Law, I.L.G.W.U., 3 West 16th St., New York City.) The 
same union publishes a Handbook of Trade Union Methods. (Each 25c). 
The United Automobile Workers (411 West Milwaukee, Detroit, Mich.) 
has a pamphlet on shop steward duties. No complete list of union 
pamphlets exists today, but the Labor Education Service, Division of 
Labor Standards, U. S. Dept. of Labor, is understood to be preparing 
such a list. In addition, it is publishing its own literature in the field. 
Democracy in Trade Unions: A Survey with a Program of Action, and 
supplement published by the American Civil Liberties Union, 170 Fifth 
Ave., New York 10. 


Workers, the United Public Workers of America, and in the 
New York and Los Angeles locals of the American News- 
paper Guild. This situation is due more to a lack of interest 
than a lack of ability to oust bad leadership.* 

Another special difficulty in ousting Communists arises 
from their control of the election machinery. It can be taken 
for granted that they will conduct a dishonest election to 
maintain their power. If the national union is controlled by 
non-Communists, it is frequently possible for members to 
appeal to it so that the election may be supervised. In other 
situations, the election committee is picked by the member- 
ship. If the opposition to Communists is well organized, it 
is often able to control this committee. On the other hand, 
it is possible that Communists control both the national union 
and the Local. In such a case, the only remedy presently 
available in most cases is secession of a large group and the 
petition for the National Labor Relations Board election for 
new representation. Such a drastic remedy is often unsatis- 
factory, however, and a better solution, some urge, would be 
outside supervision of elections. 


The Communist-controlled union is basically different from 
any other labor union. The handling of it requires funda- 
mentally distinct attitudes and techniques. 

In dealing with such groups the following underlying points 
must be remembered : 

I. That such a union is primarily a bridgehead of a foreign 
power, Soviet Union leaders. When a conflict arises between 
Soviet aims and American ideals, the Communist union will 
support the former and criticize American foreign and domes- 
tic policies. A union of this type is a pliable instrument, when 
needed, for military espionage and sabotage. It will fit into 

* To illustrate this point, a newspaper reporter quotes one of the 
best-known writers for the Philadelphia Record to the effect that in- 
difference on the part of the high-salaried reporters was largely respon- 
sible for the Guild action which put three newspapers out of business 
in 1947. They rarely attended union meetings. "If there is any moral 
in this, it is to keep an eye on the Guild to see that there is always a 
healthy opposition to any steam roller." Washington Post, February 
3, 1947, p. 6. 


the general Communist propaganda machine, which aims to 
further the Soviet Union and deride the United States. If a 
military conflict were to arise, it will be a fifth column, attack- 
ing its own people from within. This is why, as was noted 
earlier, Communist labor leaders concentrate first on strategic 
industries and occupations. 

II. The labor movement under Communism is an instrument 
for dislocating our economic and social structure. Commu- 
nists do not seek genuine betterment of conditions. Rather 
they thrive upon strife for its own sake. They would rather 
have strikes than peaceful and generous settlement of indus- 
trial disputes. They would prefer agitation to the removal 
of grievances or social ills which afford the excuse for agita- 
tion. Reasonable appeals or sensible compromises mean nothing 
to them. They seek a war to the finish with the business 
community and our way of life. 

III. The labor movement is to Communists a broad founda- 
tion for all their other activities, whether propaganda and 
"education", agitation among minority groups, or infiltration 
of government. From the labor movement, they hope to gain 
militant members. Its treasuries are drained of funds for 
various Party-controlled organizations and programs. This 
is the mass which is to be guided and deceived into ultimate 
revolution and immediate disruption of the present economic 

In the light of these facts the employer cannot be complacent 
about the problem of Communism in labor. It would be fatal 
short-sightedness if he were so preoccupied with immediate 
problems that he overlooked the master strategy and the 
underlying motivation. And it would be quite unfortunate 
if he were to feel that normal techniques and usual procedures 
in industrial relations would be adequate to meet, problems 
of this nature. 

The analysis given here leads to one primary conclusion, 
that the ousting of Communists from labor unions is a highly 
complex problem. It is mainly a task for the workers them- 
selves. With them, good will is essential but not enough. 
Skill, experience, and intelligence are required to perfect the 
organization needed to beat a Communist political machine. 
In this struggle, the employer can help substantially, even 


though indirectly. If he is alert to Communist tactics, vigi- 
lant in avoiding their traps, and careful not to give them help, 
he will encourage the decent element in the union to remove 
subversive leaders. The fact that his aid is indirect and often 
of the negative type does not make it the less important or 
essential. On the contrary, an intelligent application of the 
principles outlined here would contribute tremendously to 
the task. But, if the employer is not awake, the burden of 
the non-Communist opposition is increased manyfold. 

The difficulties to be found and overcome should not be 
exaggerated. The underlying realities of the situation all 
favor the non-Communist opposition. The majority of the 
workers oppose Communism and wish honest union leader- 
ship. The Communists can usually be relied upon to be their 
own best enemies, through their neglect of duty and intense 
interest in outside matters. A well-informed employer can 
do much, without in-terf ering with union activities or otherwise • 
running afoul of the Wagner Act. General public sentiment 
today runs against Communists, their goals, and their 
methods. Accordingly, patience, skill and diligence will pro- 
duce results which should be most gratifying. 

From the larger point of view, the cleansing of the labor 
movement of Communism will have important results for 
the entire country. It will lead to sounder, more peaceful, 
and more reasonable labor-management relations. Further- 
more, it will hurt the Communists badly in their fifth column 
work for the Soviet Union. Of their four main types of 
activity — labor, minority groups, government, and propa- 
ganda — labor is considered basic. The removal of this sup- 
port will cripple their work in other fields, especially if direct 
attacks along all these lines are made simultaneously. Coun- 
ter-measures are apt to be ineffective unless such simul- 
taneous efforts are made on all fronts. 

Communism and Communists have nothing to offer to the 
American people. Machiavelli pointed out four hundred 
years ago that, in the beginning, a disease is hard to diagnose 
and easy to cure ; but if neglected it becomes easy to diagnose 
and hard to cure. It is in this spirit that the Chamber of 
Commerce submits this report to the American people. 


Dr. Schmidt. An action program : 

The committee is so familiar with the nature of the problems that 
I will not take time to discuss them. The question now is what shall 
be done ? Broadly, there are two approaches : 

1. Education and exposure. 

2. Legislation. 

We are inclined to view that the primary emphasis must be on edu- 
cation and exposure without, however, ignoring certain legal correc- 
tions. In our first report (pp. 36-37) we made the following specific 
recommendations : 

1. Since coniniunism thrives upon deceit, exposure of the facts would be a 
potent counter weapon . We propose more fact-gathering, competent, impartial, 
and patriotic. Both private groups and the Government have a responsibility 

2. In the labor field, communism thrives primarily through organization and 
discipline. Labor unions and noneconomic groups, not directly interested in 
labor's relation with capital, should encourage labor education. This would 
give the non-Communist majority the training needed to fight their disciplined 

3. The businessman, heavily preoccupied with business problems, should con- 
cern himself more with the problems of government and should make certain 
that he learns to detect Comnmnist influence in his labor relations, his business, 
and other contacts. 

4. Because Communist loyalty is primarily given to a foreign power. Com- 
munists and their followers should be excluded from Government services. 
Congress should appropriate adequate funds for a stringent but fair loyalty test. 

5. As an agent of a foreign power, the Communist Party should be forced by 
law to reveal its membership, funds, and activities. 

6. In view of the revelation of Comintern activities throughout the world, 
the United States should enforce strict reciprocity with the Soviet Union in 
regard to the number and freedom of movement of nationals of either country 
within the other. 

7. Our Government should follow a policy of frankness with its citizens in 
regard to the major facts which enter into the making of our foreign policy. 

You will note that points 4, 5, and 6 involve legislation and the 
other four deal with the educational approach. 


We diagnose the main danger of communism as springing from the 
secret penetration into areas where it is not recognized. In this way 
Communist ideology and programs are foisted upon unsuspecting 
persons in other guises. As illustrations, we have pointed out the 
innumerable "front'' organizations; the use of propaganda devices 
such as the radio, motion pictures, the press, the lecture platform, 
magazine and books. Congressman Mundt made an excellent ex- 
posure of the ''leak and scandaF' sheet. In Fact, on the floor of the 
House on March 10, 1947 (Congressional Record, p. A1004), showing 
how this secret penetration works. We have likewise noted the sub- 
stantial infiltration into Government especially during and shortly 
after the war. Likewise, Communists have penetrated certain parts 
of the labor movement. 

In all of these ways, a secret, undercover spreading of Communist 
ideas and programs is achieved. 

If such is the evil, then the main remedy would seem to be exposure 
by governmental bodies such as your committee, the FBI, and other 
governmental agencies, and by private groups. Accurate identifica- 



tioii of Cominiinists, their dupes, and their trtinsniission belts would 
prevent much of the dccei)tion currently pructiced. 

The Daily Worker (Conununist), February 28, 1947, in a calculated 
analysis of the chamber's second report Communists Within the Gov- 
ernment, states : 

First. Ilieiv is under way a skillful campaign to make communism * * ♦ the 
major issue before the Nation. 

Second, the comiiaifin unfortunately is rather effective * * *. To recog- 
nize how effective the Red scare campaign has been is not defeatism * ♦ * it 
is sober realism. 

When we published our third report. Communists Within the Labor 
Movement, the Daily Worker (March 18, 1947) with a screaming 
headline, Big Business Sj^arks Anti-Red Campaign, states: 

The United States Chamber of Commerce today showed its hand as the real 
instigator of the movement to outlaw the Conununist Party. * * * R(>iease of 
the printed booklet was time^l to reach new.smen a few hours after Secretary of 
Labor Sehwellenbach's suggestion before the House Labor Committee for a 
ban on the Communist Party * * * 

These points are mentioned to demonstrate the importance of public 
education, of exposure of Communists and their transmission belts, 
of exposure of Communist ideology, of their anti-religious work and 
attitudes, of their stirring up and thriving on unrest and chaos, and 
their efforts to exploit actual or alleged racial discrimination.' 

The campaign against Red-fascism is beginning to hurt the com- 
rades. We must keep it up and intensify it. A flood of solid, factual 
reports from your committee can help greatly. 


The proposal has been made that the Communist Party be outlawed 
as an agent of a foreign power and as an organization urging un- 
democratic; violent and revolutionary methods from time to time. 

A number of countries have taken this step and in no case, to our 
knowledge, has this step prevented Communist activities and propa- 
ganda. In Canada it was during the period when the party was 
illegal that the fabulous espionage took place. The American people 
and the United States Constitution are devoted to the principles 
of freedom of speech, of the press, and of assembly. We are strong 
believers in individualism. Democracy does not mean merely majority 
rule; it means certain rights for the minorities. The outlawing of 
such a party, at least in some degree, runs counter to our traditions 
and philosophy. Possibly such a step would require a constitutional 

Outlawing the party and similar organizations as does Mr. Shep- 
pard's bill (H. R. 2122) might call for a vast counterespionage staff 
to enforce the law. There is reason to believe that the outlawing of 
the party would drive under ground still further many of the Com- 
munist activities. It would niake the party functionaries more subtle, 
more discreet and conceivably even more effective. It might give 
them a rallying cr}', and further solidify and cement them. It might 
make martyrs of the Communists and might cause many persons to 
come to their rescue. The outlawing of the party might conceivably 
give us a false sense of complacency knowing that we have passed a 

99651—47— — 15 


If the party is not outlawed it will operate in the open, at least in 
part, where its offices, its officers, its literature, and its meetings are 
known. Then it can be identified and combated. 

For these reasons, the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Com- 
merce of the U. S. A. questions the wisdom of outlawing the party at 
this time. 

Some possible legal steps: There is reason to belieA^e, however, 
that various governmental agencies including the Department of 
Justice, the State Department, the War and Navy Departments have 
now on hand sufficient evidence and material to establish beyond any 
reasonable doubt that the Communist Party, U. S. A., is an agent of 
a foreign power. Even a casual glance at the appendices of the 
Great Globe Itself by William C. Bullitt, our former Ambassador 
to the U. S. S. R., will convince any open-minded person of such 
principal-agency relationship. We are told that even inside the 
Communist Party, U. S. A., this is a common joke: "Why is the 
American Communist Party like the Brooklyn Bridge?" Answer: 
"It is kept in suspension by cables." 

In our second report (Communists within the Government, p. 7) 
we noted that at various times in the history of the Communist Party, 
U. S. A., it has openly disclosed what is implied in party member- 
ship. In 1935 in New York City, 2,000 new Communists took the 
following pledge : 

I pledge myself to rally the masses to defend the Soviet Union, the land of 
victorious socialism. I pledge myself to remain at all times a vigilant and 
firm defender of the Leninist line of the party, the only line that insures the 
triumph of Soviet power in the United States. 

Each Communist Party application carries the following decla- 
ration : 

The undersigned declares his adherence to the program and statutes of the 
C. I. (Communist International) and the Communist Party of the U. S. A. and 
agrees to submit to the discipline of the Party and to engage actively in its work. 

Such pledges are not openly publicized during the present period 
but they are implicit in the teachings of Lenin and Stalin, to which 
the Communist Party, U. S. A., fully subscribes at the present time. 

In this report we recommended as a legal step (p. 29) : 

The Department of Justice should rule officially that the Communist Party, 
U. S. A., is an agency of a foreign power and sulbject to the provisions of the 
Voorhls Act and the Logan Act. 

The Voorhis Act requires the registration of proved foreign agents 
with the United States Government, with a full statement of their 
activities, revenues, ex])enditures, membership lists and the like. This 
requirement could be extended to the party's affiliates, fronts, trans- 
mission belts, printing and mimeographing "businesses," and other 
apparatus owned or controlled by the party. 

Tlie Logan Act piohibits, and })rovides punishment for, c(mspiracy 
by American citi/A'iis and foreign agents, he]})ing foreign agents to 
influence relations between the United States and any foreign Govern- 
ment, and the attempt to defeat measures taken by the United States 
in tlie course of such relations. The hiAv also applies to those who 
counsel, advise or assist in such operations. Actiuilly the toj) officials 
of the Anioi'ifan Contmunist P:»rty have consistently engaged in 
activities which are forbidden by this law. The Department of Justice 


can compile evidence to show such viohitions. Prosecutions under this 
act would unmask the party and show it in its real li^ht; an instrument 
whereby American citizens have become agents ot a foreign power 
and traitors to their own (xovernment. 

Whether H. R. 478, introduced by Mr. Dondero and referred to the 
Connnittee on the Judiciary is necessary to strengthen the hand of 
the Department of Justice, with respect to the principles of these two 
laws, should be determined by your counsel. 

If under these laws, in addition, the Department of Justice, perhaps 
with the aid of this committee, would publish semiannual lists of 
fronts and their members, transmission belts, and other apparatus 
under the control of the Communist Party (how^ever its name may be 
changed), this would go a long w^a;^ to smoke out the comrades; tlien 
few decent self-respecting American citizens would have anything to 
do with them. 

It may be argued in some left-wing and pink circles that such steps 
would interfere with our international relations with the U. S. S. B,. 
When once the U. S. S. E. officialdom permits the Democrat or 
Republican Party to carry on missionary work among the exploited 
and downtrodden Russian people who have no quarrel with our 
people, then it will be time enough to raise the question whether we 
are deteriorating international relations with the Soviet officials by 
enforcing these two acts. Furthermore, the official policy of the 
United States Government against totalitarianism has within this 
month been extended to include that of the Soviet Union. Without 
expressing any opinion on this new policy, this extension now at 
least makes our foreign policy consistent : Opposing all forms of 
totalitarianism whether fascism, nazism, or communism. For these 
reasons, the United States has no responsibility to continue a nega- 
tive policy which would allow foreign agents to undermine our 
institutions and our economic system. 

When we recognized Russia in 1933, did the Russian officials not 
agi-ee to withdraw^ propaganda and conspiratorial activities in our 
midst? Is there any way of holding the Soviet Union responsible 
for the acts of its agents ? Are all agreements with U. S. S. R. mere 
scraps of paper? This might be worth looking into by your 

Creating a semilegal status for Communists: For the sake of the 
record we would like to bring before you a number of other legal steps 
which have been proposed and some of which may merit consideration. 
Broadly these steps would limit the Communist Party, its fronts and 
its members to a semilegal status. 

Under this proposal all Communist aliens would be invited to leave 
the country. They would not be eligible for citizenship just as we 
already deny citizenship to polygamists and anarchists. 

How can a member of the Communist Party, U. S. A., honestly 
subscribe to the oath of citizenship ? Evidently, from experience be- 
fore this committee, the granting of visas and passports also could be 
greatly tightened. 

Communists, being agents of a foreign power, could be legally barred 
from representing clients or any group before official labor and other 
boards where their primary interest is trouble making. All Com- 
munists could be required to register with a central agency, including 


all their aliases. They could be barred from belonging to two or 
more political parties — a source of constant confusion and infiltra- 
tion. Connnnnist parties, their fronts and transmission belts could 
be refused exemption from income and other taxation, on the ground 
that they are not typical nonprofit, education or charitable organiza- 
tions engaged in public welfare work, the usual and legitimate ground 
for tax exemption. All Comnmnist literature (including films, radio 
broadcasts, and bookshops) as well as those of Communist fronts, 
could be required to be clearly labeled as "Comnmnist'' just as busi- 
nessmen are required to properly label foods, drugs, and other prod- 
ucts. Second-class mailing privileges, or all mailing privileges, could 
be withdrawn unless such identification appears on the outside of the 
wrapper or envelope as well as on all contents. (See Mr. Dirksen's 
bill (H, R. 2540), for a proposal along this line.) All Communist 
writers could be required to disclose their orighial names on every 
signed article. 

No doubt there are other steps which the Federal, State, and local 
governments could take. We submit for your consideration the sug- 
gestions made in this section without endorsing them at this time. If 
all these steps were taken, the life of the Communist zealot would not 
be pleasant ; for this very reason the argument against complete out- 
lawing of the party may also apply to these steps. At least this should 
be given careful consideration before action is taken. 

Further exposure : Communists and their sympathizers have pene- 
trated many sectors of American life. Your committee would be well 
advised to consult with your staff, and possibly outside groups, as to 
the wisdom of publishing studies on Communist activities in the entire 
field of education, propaganda, and entertainment including: Cer- 
tain sections of the left-wing press, book publishing, radio, the labor 
movement, the motion-picture industry, youth organizations, other 
front groups and organizations. 

We are also of the view that the House or Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee or a joint committee should make a broad investigation of 
foreign-relations policies which have appeared to be more pro-Soviet 
than pro-American, This has particular reference to the Potsdam 
agreement which we have been forced to reject, our shifting policies in 
China, in Argentina, and the administration of UNRRA, There is 
reason to believe that persons within our Government who owed alle- 
giance to a foreign power and others who were duped into advocating 
policies against our interests, were instrumental in shaping these 
fateful policies and which are now costing our taxpayers billions of 
dollars. Such a broad investigaticm, not primarily for the purpose of 
finding out who was to blame, could have a very salutary effect on the 
future shaping of our foreign policy. 

Communists within the Government : The chamber's second report. 
Communists within the Government, furnished considerable detail on 
Communist penetration within the Government service. 

First, it should be pointed out that no person has a right to a job on 
the Federal pay roll. The Government, as an employer, has a right 
to establish its own standards and conditions of employment, just as 
it establishes employment conditions of private employers who furnish 
the Government with supplies and who do construction work for it 
( Walsh-Healey Act and Davis-Bacon Act) , In the Morton Friedman 


case the Supreme Court by refusing: to interfere with a lower court 
decision upholding the right of tlie Civil Service Commission to dis- 
charge an employee on grounds of sympathy witli connnunism, apperirs 
to have settled the question of the right of the Government to establish 
its own standards of employment in the Government service (New 
York Times— March 18. 1047, p. 1). 

Second, since our report was published, President Truman has is- 
sued a comprehensive Executive order (March 22, 1947) prescribing 
procedures for the administration of an employees' loyalty program 
in the executive brancli of the Government. In tlie light of our second 
report and the disclosures by ex-Senator Robert M. La Follette (Col- 
lier's — February 8, 1947, p. 22) similar action appears to be called 
for in the legislative brancli of the Government. 

Congressman Thomas, chairman of this connnittee, on February 
27, 1947, introduced H. E. 2'275. a bill wliich would create a Federal 
Loyalty Commission to be vigilant and alert to discover those Gov- 
ernment employees whose loyalty to the L^nited States in in doubt. 
In our report we said : "Congress should see that some central agency 
is responsible for security and loyalty supervision." We also urged 
that Congress itself should legislate cleai* and definite standards for 
employment; our l7-point program (pp. 27-37) was offered as a 
preliminary guide for the establishment of such standards. 

Certainly standards for employment should be definitely concrete 
and should be known to the people. Arbitrary decisions on dismissal 
or on the rejection of applicants would not be in the interests of proper 
loyalty safeguards. 

Therefore, it would seem that either your committee or ])erhaps the 
Civil Service Committee should examine President Truman's Execu- 
tive order to determine its adequacy and the need of legislative stand- 
ards whicli could apph' to all branches of Government service. 

President Truman's order includes many but not all of the l7-point 
program which Ave suggested. There is no ])rovision for general finger- 
])rinting and photo.rrraphing of all Government employees. The cham- 
ber's suggestion of an advisory board consisting of responsible and 
loyal representatives of labor, business, and the legal profession was 

There is no clear recognition of the indispensable need for adequate 
ti-aining of security officials themselves. Xot every agency head is so 
constituted as to be capable of profiting by or understanding what is 
involved in such training. Numerous security agencies, committees, 
and other groups are mentioned, but there is a certain diffusion of re- 
sponsibility indicated in the President's order, which may need tight- 
ening up. It is not clear that detailed, definite, centrally determined 
and publicly announced loyalty standards will be set up. There does 
not appear to be any central supervision provided over the creation, 
application, and execution of loyalty standards. Our report recom- 
mended a central security airency responsible to a subcommittee of the 
^CongrcvSS. It is not clear that the vast amount of information in the 
FBI files will be available to such an agencv. 

Perhaps the central invest i.'xative function in regard to personnel 
and loyalty questions should be in the hands of an agency which is 
relativelv autonomous but for purposes of administration could be 
in the Civil Service Commission. This agency should select investi- 


gators and train them ; it could set standards and serve as an appeals 
board and should initiate cases on its own. We recognized in our 
report that responsibility for loyalty of employees must extend to all 
agency heads, but we also urged strongly the importance of some cen- 
tral agency whose sole responsibility is this question of loyalty. The 
Civil Service Commission has many responsibilities and duties; for 
this reason a semiautonomous agency within the Commission is 

It must also be recognized that today few Communists openly 
advocate the violent overthrowal of government by force. They have 
learned that this is not wise strategy. President Truman's order 
makes several references to employees who so advocate. Emphasis, 
at this stage, should be on employees or applicants who have a pre- 
sumptive loyalty to a foreign power, rather than upon their promo- 
tion of revolutionary activities. 

One further point in this connection: Our second report stated 
that many Communists entered the public service through a highly 
organized patronage machine. Perhaps it would be possible for your 
committee to investigate and disclose the nature of this machine with 
a view to preventing similar results in the future. 

Communists within the If^bor movement: Your committee has 
already published a number of reports on Communist activities in 
organized labor. More needs to be done. In the master strategy of the 
Communist movement organized labor is of central importance. It 
is there that the greatest amount of unrest and chaos is stirred up. 
If no trouble exists, the Communists will create it. 

The Communists stir up and thrive on unrest. Their leaders are 
trained at the Lenin Institute, and here in our own midst, in these 
tactics. Their literature and speeches constantly attack our institu- 
ions, our Govermnent and our economic system. This attack and these 
lies are then repeated in the regular labor union periodicals and 
pamphlets. This has been especially true in some of the literature of 
the CIO and the CIO member unions. Perhaps your committee could 
find out just what other connections these CIO writers have. 

Our society is not perfect; there is still room for progress ahead. 
No one would want to discourage honest criticism and suggestions for 
improving our way of life. But if your committee could make a study 
of this literature setting up on the left sides the falsehoods, errors and 
distortions with the corrections directly opposite on the right, this 
would have an excellen effect on better understanding and would 
greatly improve industrial relations in our country. The following- 
showing the falsehoods as of the time that the CIO publications were 
released, is an example of what could be done. 

Case No. 1 : When a worker needs a friend : The CIO states : 

Herbert Hoover, then still President, was still opposed to any social-security 
program. The help to, what he called, "people in honest distress," had to come 
from a few charitable old ladies who had some extra moth-eaten clothes to give 
away and a few cnimbs of bread to spare. 

Correction : That a few old ladies were the only source of aid to 
people in distress is so absurd that it needs little correction. Every 
state, every city, every county, many townships, plus innumerable 
private charitable organizations, including Community Chests, pro- 
vided help. This is so well known that no further argument needs to 
be advanced. 


The CIO states : Speaking of unemployment compensation : 

In most States, he Tthe unemployed worker] can expect anywhere from $8 to 
$16 a week, for a i^ericnl of 10 weeks in any one year — and he can get that after 
waiting anywhere from one to six weeks for it (p. 10). 

Correction: At the present time, 27 States — over 50 percent — pay a 
maximum of $20 a week or more; 11 States pay $18; 3 States pay $16; 
and 10 States pay $15. 

Today, 33 States pay for a duration of at least 20 weeks; 1 State 
pays for 17 weeks; 12 States pay for IG weeks and 2 States pay for 14 
weeks. Today no State has a waiting period longer than 2 weeks, with 
a great majority of States having only 1 week. 

The CIO states : Speaking of old-age assistance : 

This means that few people ever receive more than $40 a month. Very few 
receive even that little (p. 11). 

Correction : This program is administered on a "needs" basis. 
Many of the recipients have some other income ; children may support 
parents voluntarily or otherwise. Thus the amount received is no 
proof of "inadequacy." Furthermore, in 1946, the average payment 
exceeded $40 per month in Alaska, California, Colorado, Connecticut, 
Masachusetts, and Washington. 

The CIO states : 

Under the unemployment compensation program, only employers who employ 
eight or more workers must pay the unemployment taxes (p. 12). 

Correction : At least 28 States cover employers with fewer workers 
than 8. 
Case No. 2 : The road to freedom : 
The CIO states : 

According to the War Production Board, four workers can now produce the 
same amount of goods that required the labor of five before the war (p. 12) . 

Correction : A check by the War Production Board fails to dis- 
close any e\ndence that this statement is true and, even more im- 
portant, the WPB declares it never made the statement. 

Day by day, week in and week out, year after year, this type of 
literature is poured forth by the millions of copies into the homes, 
the schools and to the desks of writers, commentators and preachers. 
Little wonder that they are restless, turn to other untried economic 
systems and are willing to sell their souls for a mess of pottage. Little 
wonder that communism, as an alternative to our way of life, gets 
support from neointellectuals and frustrated, spiritually homeless 
movie actors and writers. 

It might be wise to investigate the origin of these distortions. A 
good case should not have to rest on falsehood and misrepresentation. 
Freedom of the press implies some sense of responsibility for honesty 
and integrity. 

Master-strategy in labor movement : Also this committee should 
make the country aware of what is known as the master-strategy of 
the communists. At the Lenin Institute, the students, of whom there 
are said to be about 800 roaming our country, are taught the techniques 
of train and building wrecking, how to destroy whole cities, how to 
penetrate key industries and other sectors of the country, and how 
to create and capitalize upon unrest. 

For purpose of sabotage in case we get into a war not to the Soviet 
Union's liking, the Communists are already trained, and geared to 


caii strikes in the key industries including steel, chemicals and other 
war industries, in communications including telephone, telegraph, 
cable and transportation, or engage in sabotage and even complete 
destruction. Because of the crucial character of these industries the 
Communists are trained to penetrate them at all costs. Office and pro- 
fessional workers unions are organized and penetrated for purposes 
of espionage with respect to patents, blueprints, industrial know-how, 
and industrial plans. They penetrate government for purposes of 
espionage and to help shape policy. Elsewhere, the Communists 
penetrate for purposes of propaganda, recruits, and funds. 

Our report. Communists within the labor movement, tells the story 
in part. But if staff aid is available, your committee could render a 
distinct service to smoother industrial relations and to the security of 
the Nation by further disclosures along these lines. 

Reciprocity : So long as the Soviet Union engages in imperialist 
expansion, and revolutionary tactics outside of its borders, and con- 
tinues to be an international trouble maker, the United States should 
enforce strict reciprocity with the Soviet Union in regard to the 
number and freedom of movement of nationals of either country 
within the other. (See point 7, of Chamber's first report, p. 37.) 
Your committee should draw this matter to the attention of other 
congressional committees, if the subject does not come within your 
purview. (See H. R. 478, sec. 7, for a suggestion along this line.) 

United States Supreme Court : If well-advised legal steps are taken 
which are under consideration by yOur committee, these will in time 
come before the judiciary of this Nation, A number of judicial deci- 
sions have indicated a shocking and abysmal ignorance of the nature 
of communism and Communist ideology. Thus the United States 
Supreme Court stated: 

Under our traditions beliefs are personal and not a matter of mere association, 
and that men in adhering to a political party or other organization notoriously 
do not subscribe unqualifiedly to all of its platforms and assorted principles. 

The above excerpt from the Supreme Court opinion remains in force 
to hamstring effective action by all Federal agencies. 

The Court here fails to differentiate between a monolithic, disci- 
plined, political group like the Communist Party, from which all dissi- 
dents are expelled (witness the case of Earl Browder, Ruth McKinney, 
and others) and the traditional American political party which may 
include innumerable shades of clashing opinions. 

The Court further leaves it as a matter of doubt that the petitioner, 
an avowed Communist "was not in fact attached to the prniciples of 
the Constitution and well disposed to the good order and happiness 
of the United States." Belief in the dictatorship of the proletariat, 
the Coui't finds not "necessarily incompatible with the 'general political 
philosophy' of the Constitution." The Court holds that it is possible 
to advocate the fundamental teachings of the Communist Party "and 
still be attached to the Constitution." Further to confuse the entire 
}ucture, the Court declares that it has never passed upon the question 
whether the party does so advocate (governmental overthrow by force 
and violence.) 

This matter is mentioned here only so that the Department of Justice 
and others concerned with this matter, will see that the judiciary is 
provided with the necessary information when a case comes up so that 


tho will of Conirress is carriiHl out Avithin the nu';uiiii<»; of the Con- 
tititutitdi and our traditions. 

Communism and povoitv : There is a disposition in some quarters 
to areue that if only injustices and poverty are eliminated connnunism 
would disappear. No doubt comnuniism will llourish better in the 
midst of hardships and injustices than in their absence. But the 
notion that this is the cause of communism is hir«^ely a delusion. To- 
day comnuniism is stronger than ever; yet our standard of living has 
doubled about every ireneration. If this poverty theory of com- 
munism were valid, comnuniism long ago should have captured the 
entire world. 

Communism is a materialistic religion; it is a search for power over 
peojde. It is based on a low-grade concejHion of the human being. 
It denies individuality and individual self-determination. It is based 
on careful indoctrination, on the exclusion of contrary views and on 
organizational methods. (lisci])liiie. and drilling which are foreign to 
our conception of the voluntary way of life and the dignity of man. 
It is an organized technique and a philosophy designed to rule, not to 
lead, man. It is directed by a foreign power for a specific end to serve 
that foreign power. The abolition of poverty and injustice may slow 
down the spread of communism but it will not quench this thirst for 
power over people and for global domination. 

Conclusioji : The substantial infiltration of Communists and their 
syni])atliizers is now beyond any doubt. Our devotion to the traditions 
of freedom and personal liberty haA^e not equipped ns by emotion, 
education, or strategy as to how to deal with this type of problem. We 
are confronted with a wholly new kind of problem for which we have 
to build the necessary know-how, without at the same time resorting 
to the tactics and strategy' used by the enemies within our gates. 

America has never yet failed to meet a challenge. These remarks are' 
given to you in the hope that, in some small measure, they may help you 
to solve this problem. 

The Chairman. Thank you, Dr. Schmidt. Doctor, if you don't 
object, the committee members will ask some questions now. I would 
like to ask you this question : Would you say that communism was 
the greatest menace to the world today? 

Dr. Schmidt. I am not sure whether I would be pi-epared to say so. 
I think, cerainly, the Soviet Union, in its program of imperialistic 
expansion, is the primary trouble maker and its penetration of prac- 
tically every country in the world is causing plenty of trouble, although 
we have other problems and even if we solved this one we w-ouldn't be 
free of all problems. 

The Chairman. Would you say that communism was causing trouble 
to American industry ? 

Dr. Schmidt. Yes. If there is any doubt about that I would sug- 
gest an examination of the articles written in the Chicago Journal of 
Commerce by Andrew Avery beginning last January, now published in 
a little pamphlet called Communist Powder in Industry, an excellent 
authentic first-hand study. 

The Chairman. What is industry itself doing about this problem? 

Dr. Schmidt. It is very difficult for industry to do very much about 
it, partly because of the Wagner Act. Under the Wagner Act freedom 
of speech is very seriously restricted. And there are no completely 


Communist unions, where the members are all Communist. There- 
fore, if the employer take a hand in interfering in union affairs very 
frequently it happens that even the non-Communist groups side with 
the Communist group on the ground that it is an attack on the union. 

The Chairman. I am not talking about unions. I cite, for instance, 
the American industrial plant where there are individual Communists, 
we will say, in key positions. Would the employer do anything about 
it? _ 

Dr. Schmidt. I think he ought to notify your committee, and he 
ought to notify the labor leaders, if they are non-Communists. 

The Chairman. Do you think they have done anything about it? 

Dr. Schmidt. I don't think they have done too much about it. 

The Chairman. They ought to wake up, don't you think, the same 
as everybody else ? 

Dr. Schmidt. That is right. 

The Chairman. Mr. McDowell. 

Mr. McDowell. No questions. 

The Chairman. Mr. Peterson. 

Mr. Peterson. In your mind, there is a studied effort to try to 
infiltrate into the labor unions by the Communists ? 

Dr. Schmidt. No doubt. 

Mr. Peterson. You testified the labor unions are trying to purge 
them ? 

Dr. Schmidt. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Peterson. The suggestion was made by the chairman that if 
the head of industrial groups would tell the labor unions of those they 
suspect, that that might be an approach to the situation. 

Dr. Schmidt. Yes. It is a very difficult problem. We have cases 
on record where the employer did that and the Communist leadership 
interpreted that as an attack on unionism per se, and it solidified the 
Communist position. So it has to be handled very skillfully. 

Mr. Peterson. From your testimony, you are convinced that an 
effort would be made to take key positions in the event there should 
be war, communication systems and industrial plants, to tie up those 
particular plants in time of emergency ? 

Dr. Schmidt. Yes. They have a master strategy, as they call it — 
which, incidentally, is outlined in "Nation's Business" for April. 

Mr, Peterson. With reference to a type of provisional citizenship : 
First he comes in, he swears that he is not a member of an organization 
seeking to overthrow the Government by force, but shortly thereafter 
he pops up as a member of the Communist Party, and then there is 
some difficulty in revoking that citizenship. What would be your 
idea with reference to a provisional citizenship? In other words, we 
take him on probation for a period of time in our citizenship law and 
make it easier to cancel that citizenship. 

Dr. Schmidt. I am not an expert in such matters, but I think if a 
man under our gift tax — we have certain rules that if a gift is made a 
few months before a death there is a presumption that it was an at- 
tempt to evade the inheritance tax. I think some such principle might 

Mr. Peterson. We should be selective of who become citizens? 

Dr. Schmidt. Yes. If we aie opposed to polygamists and anarch- 
ists, I think we might iiichide the Connnunists. 

Mr. Peterson. Thank you. 


The Chairman. Mr. Nixon. 

Mr. Nixon. You hnvo indicatod thai in tlio various studies you 
have made there is Coninumist infiltration in hibor unions, in Gov- 
ernment, and in other institutions in this country. Can you say from 
tlie studies that you have made M-hether any one institution should 
deserve the attention of this commitee and of the American public 
more than another at the present time because it is most susceptible to 
Connnunist infiltration and therefore needs attention? 

Dr. SciiMinsT. Well, I think tliat, as I said in my remarks, the labor 
movement has always been rejiarded as a key point for penetration, 
partly because there is a certain amount of natural unrest and dis- 
satisfaction on the part of workers — and I think we all like to see a 
certain amount of dissatisfaction, progress depends on our being 
dissatisfied with our present income — so the Communists move into 
that situation and stir it up and capitalize upon it. You can quote 
Lenin and Stalin themselves, in which they say that the "Labor 
movement nuist be captured at all costs." 

"We have on the inside cover page some very interesting quotations 
from these high authorities in the Communist movement in which 
they say that it is particularly important for the purpose of winning 
over the majority of the proletariat to capture the trade-unions. That 
is from the official literature of the Communist Party, the Comintern. 
Lenin has made a marvelous statement; he says they must be pene- 
trated at all costs, not only in old ways, but in new ways, by evasion 
and subterfuge, to remain in them and to work within them at all 
costs. That was Mr. Lenin. 

I would think that if you had to make a choice, and certainly Mr. 
William Green agrees with that, and I believe that probably 80 or 
90 percent of all labor leaders agree with the idea, the Communists 
ought to be extricated from the labor movement. 

]Mr. McDowell. You said Lenin made a marvelous statement. Are 
you admiring the statement? 

Dr. Schmidt. In these terms : He disclosed his hand. 

The Chairman. Mr. Nixon. 

]Mr. Nixon. The problem isn't that there are so many Communists 
in the labor movement in point of numbers, but those who are in it 
occupy strategic positions in certain unions? 

Dr. Schmidt. According to Andrew Avery, that is correct. 

Mr. Nixon. At the present time what key unions in the United 
States does your study show the Comnnniists dominate? 

Dr. ScHMroT. Of course, even the word "dominate" does not give a 
true picture, because you have had a considerable number of dis- 

Mr. Nixon. Which have been infiltrated? 

Dr. Schmidt. The Electrical Workers Union is probably one of 
the clearest cases. Certain of the martitime unions. They have, 
according to Mr. Avery, 500 members in the trainmen's union, an old, 
u-ell-estaolished, conservative union. But transportation is very 
important in terms of a possible future war. They have penetrated 
even the furniture workers union and, as a matter of fact, the presi- 
dent of that union resigned, giving as his reason, this penetration. 
I should be glad to furnish you with a copy of Mr. Avery's recent 
listing which, so far as I know, has not been challenged. 


Mr. Nixon. Also, I recall in your statement, you indicated that the 
Communists either controlled or dominated the union of public 
workers, which has 17,000 members in the Panama Canal. 

Dr. Schmidt. Yes. We have an appendix in our second report on 
this union which quotes Congressmen, writers, and union members 
themselves, on that point. I think there could be no serious doubt. 
As a matter of fact, I think there is a reference in the President's 
Executive order to this union. Not by name, but by inference. 

Mr. Nixon. And what is the danger then of having Communists 
control labor unions? Are you concerned because you fear that if 
they control the unions they will be able to sell coinmunism to the 
members, or are you fearful tliat that control might be exerted against 
this country in the event of a conflict ? 

Dr. Schmidt. Tlie strategy, I think, of the Communists, is to dis- 
organize society, to promote and foster hatreds and chaos, that will 
weaken the United States potential and force us, perhaps to with- 
draw from Europe and Asia, in terms of the postwar reconstruction 
job that we are trying to carry on over there. It will weaken our 
potential, our economic potential. I suspect that is the strategy. 
Then if at some future date we should get into trouble with the So\^et 
Union, probably strikes would be called, sabotage would be carried 
on. That seems to be indicated — more than indicated; it is part of 
the grand strategy, which you can read in the official Communist 
literature put out by Moscow. 

Mr. NixoN. You mean that where a union is Communist dominated 
that the leaders of that union would, in your opinion, call strikes 
which might not be in the interest of the members or — of the members 
of the union — but which might be called because of orders received 
from outside the United States? 

Dr. Schmidt. That is right. 

Mr. Nixon. And that the first consideration, then, of a Communist 
dominated labor union is not the welfare of the members but the wel- 
fare of communism throughout the world ? 

Dr. Schmidt. Yes. And you don't have to accept my word for that ; 
Mr. William Green will tell you that, and document it over and over 

Mr. Nixon. Yet, in view of your obvious opposition to comnmnism, 
you feel that legislation should not be adopted to outlaw the party, as 
I gather, on the ground that we might hurt the cause that you are 
interested in more than we would help it ? 

Dr. Schmidt. That is right. 

Mr. Nixon. That is all. 

Mr. Peterson. But you would make it decidedly uncomfortable for 
them ? 

Dr. Schmidt. Let's harass them. 

The Chairman. Mr. Vail. 

Mr. Vail. Will you describe briefly for the record, Mr. Schmidt, the 
activities, objectives, of the United States Chamber of Commerce, the 
type of membershi]), numerical strength, and so forth ? 

Dr. Schmidt. The Chamber of Commerce of the United States of 
America was organized in 1912 at the request of the United States 
Government. The then Secretary of Commerce and Labor — I believe 
it was — said he never knew what business needed, what was required, 


•\vliy i'^ii't there siniie kiiul of a voice of business, and ]*resi(lent Taft 
partieipated in the foiindino-. or at least in the eerenionies, and the 
|)urposes to carry on infoi inational services for American business and 
ethu'ation in terms of the American way of life. It is a federation. 
AVe liave some '2,000 local chambers, five oi" six hundi-ed trade associa- 
tions federated with us, and a lot of individual members. We carry 
on this educational work in behalf of the American way of life and in 
behalf of American business. We publish the lar<>:est business journal 
in the world, 1 tiuess, over half a million circulation. We cai'i-y on a 
very considerable activity in various fields, distribution, manu:^actur- 
ino-, inid so on. I hoppen to be concerned with economic problems, 
economic research. 

Mr. Vail. I take it that your membership is composed almost en- 
tirely of jieople associated with business manaoement ? 

Dr. Schmidt. Yes, although some 90 percent of our members are 
what we call small business. We have many ])rofessional people, doc- 
tors and lawyers — and universities are members, mostly to get our 
l)ublications. many of which are strictly academic and educational in 

Mr. Vail. In response/ to a question yesterday, Mr. Green stated 
that in his opinion he did not believe that the infiltration of Commu- 
nists into labor organizations would impede production in the event 
of war. I would judge from your statement a few moments ago that 
you do not concur with that opinion. 

Dr. ScioriDT. Well, as a matter of fact, if our third report is an 
honest, factual report, then I would have to disagree with Mr. Green, 
because we quote cases where the reverse was true. That would de- 
pend on how effective our work, how effective the FBI was. I think 
it is a great credit to this country and the FBI that there was no 
sabotage during this last war. If we could have similar cooperation 
and advance notice of trouble spots maybe Mr. Green would turn out 
to be right, that there would be no massive destruction, but certainly 
it is implicit in the teachings of the Communist literature and plans, 
that if we ever get into a war with the Soviet Union on the wrong 
side, our econoni}'' is to be interfered with at all costs. 

yiv. Vail. In your treatment of this question, Mr. Schmidt, I don't 
recall 3^()ur having made reference to the use of our educational insti- 
tutions as vehicles of communistic propaganda. 

Dr. Schmidt. We did not make any special investigation. My gen- 
eral impression is that outside of certain areas the educational insti- 
tutions have not been substantially infiltrated. Not as substantially 
as the labor movement. Yet, I dare say that investigation would dis- 
close some trouble spots. 

^Ir. Vail. You made reference to the Lenin School. Did your in- 
i^estigation disclose that we had similar schools in this country^ 

Dr. Schmidt. We didn't go into the schools, but I am told that there 
are a number of such schools in this country. As a matter of fact, 
there is a member or two of Congress that liaA'e some very first-hand 
information about these schools. But we did not make a particular 

Mr. Vail. That is all. 

The Chairman. Are thei-e any further questions? 


Mr. Nixon. One question. You made a considerable study of in- 
filtration of communism in the various institutions. Have you noted 
any attempts of the Communists to infiltrate the membership of the 
United States Chamber of Commerce ? 

Dr. Schmidt. We get some very, very odd letters on business let- 
terheads sometimes. 

Mr. Nixon. Which follow the Communist line? 

Dr. Schmidt. Yes. 

Mr. Nixon. That is all. 

The Chairman. Any other questions ? 

Thank you very much, Dr. Schmidt. 

The committee calls as its next witness Mr. Eugene Dennis. 

Mr. Dennis, will you stand, please, and be sworn? 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Mr. Stripling. 


Mr. Stripling. Mr. Dennis, will you state your full name for the 
record, please? 

Mr. Dennis. I am Eugene Dennis. 

Mr. Stripling. Will you state your full name for the record? 

Mr. Dennis. I am Eugene Dennis. 

Mr. Stripling. Is that your real name, Mr. Dennis, or your party 

Mr. Dennis. Whether my name is Smith or Jones or Cohen, the 
testimony I am about to give here is valid and the truth. 

Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, we must know who the witness is. 
I ask him again to state his real name for the record. 

The Chairman. Mr. Dennis, the question previous to this was 
whether that was your name or whether that was your party name. 

Mr. Dennis. I repeat 

The Chairman. I think that is a fair question. 

Mr. Dennis. I repeat, Mr. Chairman, I am known as Eugene 
Dennis, and under that name I am now giving testimony. 

The Chairman. Have you gone under any other name besides 
Eugene Dennis? 

Mr. Dennis. That is quite irrelevant and incompetent. 

The Chairman. Except that we would like to identify you. 

Mr. Dennis. You can identify me as Eugene Dennis. I have paid 
taxes under that name. I am known under that name and I repeat, 
whatever name I am known by, I have never sullied the honor of the 
American people. 

Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, it is necessary that the witness 
state his real name. 

Mr. Dennis. Mr. Chairman, the underling, this secretary, does not 
dictate what I say or don't say. I am under oath and I am going to 
give the truth. The truth will answer, give full answers to all ques- 

Mr. McDowell. Mr. Chairman, I would like to observe that the 
witness is not qualified to outline the procedure. 

Mr. Dennis. What is your name, please? 

Mr. McDowell. We will be the judge of the procedure. 


The Chairman. Mr. Dennis- 

Mr. Dennis, Yes, Mr. Thomas. 

The Chairman. We are attempting to identify you, the same as 
we have identified other witnesses. The Chair must insist that you 
be frank and respond to these questions. 

Mr. Dknnis. Correct. 1 would say, Mr. Thomas, that under the 
law of the State in which I live, New York, under the common law 
of that State, 1 am privileged to take unto me any name, and I will 
be judged not by my given name but by my records, by my deeds, 
if you please. 

The Cjiaikmax. Mr. Stripling, do you have other questions? 

Mr. STRiruNG. I contend, Mr. Chairman, that the committee can- 
not proceed- 

Mr. Dennis. Mr. Chairman, I object, it is irrelevant- 

The Chairman. Mr. Dennis, you asked to be invited, you asked for 
2 houi-s. 

Mr. Dennis. That is right. 

The Chx\irman. We will give you 2 hours. 

Mr. Dennis. Thank you. 

The Chairman. But first we would like to identify you, the same 
as we have identified other witnesses. 

Mr. Dennis. I may be identified as Eugene Dennis. 

Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, first he must state his name, before 
we can proceed. 

Mr. Dennis. I am Eugene Dennis. I am known as Eugene Dennis. 
1 pay taxes under that name, under the name of Eugene Dennis. 

The Chairman. Did you ever take out a passport in the name 
of Eugene Dennis ? 

Mr. Dennis. That question, Mr. Thomas, is quite beside the point. 

The Chair]vian. No, it is not beside the point. We would like to 
identify you. 

Mr. Dennis. I came here to present testimony. May I be privileged 
to present my testimony ? 

The Chairman. You will be given every opportunity to testify for 2 
hours, even if we have to sit all day, but we w^oiild like to identify you 
first. My question was. Did you ever take out a passport in the name 
of Eugene Dennis? 

Mr. Dennis. I may have or may not have taken out a passport 
under XYZ, but that has no bearing, Mr. Thomas, on my testimony, 
and on the fact I am known as Eugene Dennis. 

The Chairman. You are not responsive to the question. I asked 
you whether you had ever taken out a passport in the name of Eugene 

Mr. Dennis. Mr. Thomas, if I answer that question may I proceed 
with my prepared testimony ? 

The Chairman. As soon as we identify you, you can proceed for 
those 2 hours, even if we have to go without our lunch. 

Mr. Dennis. May I proceed if I answer that question, Mr. 

Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I don't think the witness' testimony 
should be predicated upon whether he answers that question. He 
must first identifv himself. 

Mr. Dennis. Who are you ? 


Mr. Stripling. I am the chief investigator of the committee, Robert 
E. Stripling. 

Mv. Dennis. I see. You are a member of the old Dies Committee ? 

Mr. Stripling. AVhat is your name ? 

Mr, Dennis. I am Eugene Dennis. 

Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the committee has considerable tes- 
timony before it cqncerning the name under which Mr. Dennis was 
born, and we would therefore request that he give his right name. 
Eugene Dennis is not his proper name. It is the practice of officials 
of the Comnumist Party to use fictitious or party names. I see no 
reason why a committee of Congress should permit him to come and 
testify under a phony name. 

The Chairman. I hope that the witness will be responsive to these 
questions, because it will become very evident in a few minutes why 
Mr. Stripling is asking the question. 

Mr. Dennis. I see. 

Mr. Peterson. Mr. Chairman 

The Chairman. Mr. Peterson. 

Mr. Peterson. How long liave you been known by the name of 
Eugene Dennis ? 

Mr. Dennis. Your name, please? 

Mr. Peterson. I am asking the question. 

Mr. Dennis. Are you a member of the committee ? 

Mr. Peterson. Yes; I am. You came here as a witness voluntarily. 
I am asking questions. 

Mr. Dennis. That is right. 

Mr. Peterson. And you should answer them. 

Mr. Dennis. I requested voluntarily to appear before the commit- 
tee to give testimony as general secretary to the Connnunist Party, as 
Eugene Dennis, and I am prepared and I propose to testify. 

Mr. Peterson. How long have you been known as Eugene Dennis? 

Mr. Dennis. For a great, great many years. 

Mr. Peterson. How many years? 

Mr. Dennis. For a great, great many years. 

Mr. Peterson. What was your name before it was Eugene Dennis? 

Mr. Dennis. That is quite irrelevant and incompetent, Mr. Wood. 

Mr. Peterson. You are a witness. I am determining what I shall 

Mr. Dennis. Yon see, whatever my given name is, is one thing, the 
name wliich I am known by, the name which I work by, the name wliich 
I serve the interests of the American people, is Avhat is important. 

Mr. Peterson. I am asking these questions for the record. 

Mr. Dennis. For the record I am here to present testimon3\ 

Mr. Peterson. The question 

Mr. Dennis. For myself as Eugene Dennis, and for my partj^, the 
Communist Party. 

Ml'. Peterson. I want to know liow long you have been known as 
Eugene Dennis? 

Mr. Dennis. For a great, great many years. 

]\Ir. Pei'eusox. How many years? 

■Mr. Dennis. For a gTeat many. 

The Chairman. You will have to bo more responsive. We will ask 
the questions, and you will answer. If you don't care to answer them, 
we will have to serve a subpena on you and yon will come back at a 

i:n-amekican actimties 239 

latin- date aiul answei- (liem and tlion you will hv oixeii an ()[)porlunity 
to make your statement of 2 hours. Please be resi)onsive. 

Mr. Dknxis. I am resi)onsive on the basis of the tele<:i-am that you 
sent me that I would be allowed to ])resent the 2 lumi-s of testimony as 
Euiivne Dennis, the name whieh I an) known by, the name which I i)ay 
taxes by. the name which I have the honor to uphold bei'oiv the 

Mr. Petkksox. Mr. Chairman 

The CiiAiHMAX. Mr. Peterson. 

Mr. Petkhson. ]\ly first (juestion is. I want to kiu)w how lonj^-, in 
years, not just ''a loiio- time,"' you have been known as Euoene Dennis. 

]\Ir. Dennis. I told you, Mr. Wood, for a great many years. 

Mr. Peterson. The name is Peterson. I happen to be using Mr. 
AVood's place. 

^Ir. Dennis. ]Mr. Peterson. 

The Chair-^iax. Just answer the question. Never mind making 

]\rr. Peterson. "What was your name before it was Eugene Dennis? 

Mr. Dennis. Mr. Committee Member, that is quite irrelevant and 
immaterial. According to the Constitution of the United States a 
man may change his name, he may change his given name, he may 
change it under the law, under oath of law, or he may change it under 
common law. 

]Mr. Peterson. That nn\y have something to do, however, wdth the 
credence that vou might give a man's testimony. 

Mr. Dennis. I don't think so. I am swearing under oath. 

Mr. Peterson. But you are under oath to tell the whole truth, and 
you are under oath to answer questions. The next question. Under 
what name were you born ? 

^Ir. Dennis. That is quite irrelevant. 

Mr. Peterson. You are not telling under what name you were born, 
not telling what j'our name was before Dennis, not telling how long 
yon used the name Dennis; thus far you have not. 

Mr. Dennis. I came here to present testimony. I insist that I be 
allowed to give this testimony. 

The Chairman'. Do you want toiisk any more questions, Mr. Strip- 

Mr. Stripi.ixg. Mr. Chairman, I would like to point out to the com- 
mittee that there is considewible evidence to the effect that Mr. Dennis 
has used a number of names, both in the procurement of fraudulent 
passports and in his party activities, and I feel that the committee 
should know who is testifying here if he is going to present the case 
of the Communist Party. In other words, he may appear here today 
as Eugene Dennis. "Who will he be tomorrow? The next day? 

The Chairman. ^Ir. Dennis 

Mr. Dennis. Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. I wish you would be more considerate and please 
answer these questions. Otherwise you may not have that opportunity 
to make this 2-hoiu- statement. 

Mr. Dennis. Mr. Chairman, I am presenting testimony under oath, 
and under oath I am prepared and I pledge that everything I say 
here is the truth and nothing but the truth, and whether I use my 

00651—47 10 


given name or whether I use any other name, sir, what I present here 
are the facts, are the truth. 

The Chairman. That is all very true, but we want to identify you 
and we are going to identify you before you make any statement. 

Mr. Dennis. I see, sir. 

The Chairman. We have identified all the other witnesses. There 
is no reason why the general secretary of the Communist Party should 
not be identified. You have no express privilege in that regard, be- 
cause you are a Communist. 

Mr. Stripling, ask the questions and we will see whether the witness 

Mr. Stripling. Wlien and where were you born, Mr. Dennis? 

Mr. Dennis. Mr. Chairman 

The Chairman. I want you to answer that question. When and 
where were you born ? 

Mr. Dennis. Mr. Chairman, did you ask that question of any other 
witness ? 

The Chairman. We are asking it of you. Never mind whether we 
asked it of the other witnesses. 

Mr. Dennis. Let me answer : The color of my hair is gray ; the color 
of my eyes are blue 

The Chairman. Never mind about the color of your eyes being blue ; 
you are out of order. 

Mr. Dennis. I am in my early forties, and the color of 

The Chairman. Serve a subpena on this man and he is through for 
the day. 

Mr. Dennis. I insist on submitting this [indicating statement] 
into the record. 

The Chairman. You are excused. 

Mr. Dennis. Do you accept this as the testimony before the com- 
mittee ? 

The Chairman. You are excused. 

Mr. Dennis. Mr. Thomas, in behalf of the American people I hold 
this committee in contempt. 

Mr. Stripling. Let the record show that he is being served with 
a subpena. 

The Chair]\ian. The record will show he was served with a subpena. 

The committee will stand in recess. 


The committee resumed at 2 : 30 p. m., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas 
(chairman) presiding. 

The following members were present: Hon. Karl E. Mundt, Hon. 
John McDowell, Hon. Richard M. Nixon, Hon. Richard B. Vail, Hon. 
J. Hardin Peterson, and Hon. Herbert C. Bonner. 

Staff members present: Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator; 
Louis J. Russell and Donald T. Appell, investigators; and Benjamin 
Mandel, Director of Research. 

The Chairman. The meeting will come to order. 

The first witness this afternoon will be Senator Jack B. Tenney, 
State senator of California. 

Senator Tenney, would j^ou mind being sworn, please? 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, will you identify the senator? 



Mr. Sthii'L1N(;. Mi'. Toimev, will you state your full name for the 
record, please? 

Senator Tenney. Jack B. Tenney. 

Mr. STRiPiiiNG. Your j)reseiit address. Senator? 

Senator Texxky. 441 Avenue 28, Los Aufreles, Calif. 

Mr. SrRiri.ixo. You are now a member of the State Senate of 
California ? 

v^epator Ten'xey. That is coi-rect ; State Senate of California. 

Mr. Stritlixc;. How lon<»; have you been a member of the State 
Senate of California ? 

Senator Texxey. Tliis is my fifth year in the State Senate and my 
eleventh year in the California Legislature. 

Mr. Striplixg. Are you the chairman of a State committee investi- 
gating Un-American Activities? 

Senator Texxey. That is correct. 

Mr. Striplix'g. I believe that is all, Mr. Chairman. 

The CiiAiRMAX. Mr. Tenney, do you have a statement, a prepared 
statement, that you would like to present? 

Senator Tex^x^ey. No, Mr. Thomas ; I didn't bring a prepared state- 
ment. I had thought that I had sent copies of our report which went 
over the desk in the Senate Monday, the 24th, but, unfortunately, I see 
that the secretary sent the 1945 report instead of the 1947 report. I 
do have with me* the galley proofs of the 1947 report, which runs 372 
pages, and constitutes the findings of the committee over the past 2 
years, and I will present this to the committee and will send copies 
of the 1947 report to you when I get back to Sacramento. 

The Chairmax. You will leave that with the committee ? 

Senator Texxey. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Mundt. Will you give us some of the background of that 
committee ? 

Senator Texxey. Yes. I think that the background would be of 

The committee was organized in 1940 as an assembly committee of 
the Legislature of California. In 1941, the legislature created the 
joint fact-finding committee composed of members of the senate and 
members of the assembly. The present committee is composed of four 
members of the senate and four members of the assembly. Senator 
Burns, who is here with me today, is a member of the committee, and 
is, I think, the oldest member now, in point of years; we have Senator 
Nelson S. Dilworth. of Hemet. Riverside County; Randall F. Dickey, 
of Alameda County ; John F. Thompson, of Santa Clara County ; and 
now Senator Fred H. Craft, former assemblyman, from San Diego, 
serving on the committee. 

I think that your committee would be particularly interested in the 
findings and recommendations that the committee has made this year. 
If the chairman so desires I can read to you the findings that we made 
in California in 1947 and also the recommendations that we have made 
to the legislature. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Senator Tenney. The committee has held hearings throughout Cali- 
fornia, particularly in Los Angeles and in San Francisco, during the 


past 6 or 7 years, but in the last 2 years we have had hearings in other 
parts of the State, including Los Angeles and San Francisco. These 
findings are based upon the evidence that we have had before the com- 
mittee in the last 2 years. We found first — I think this may be of 
interest to this committee, because I believe that your findings are 
similar in reference to the philosophj^ and the economic objectives of 
communism. We found first that — 

Communism may be briefly .summavizecl as an economic system cliaraoterized 
by government ownersliip of all property used in production and marlteting. 

We found that — , 

The government — 

under communism — 

is a police state, unrestrained and all-powerful, subject to the will of a ruthless 
dictator. It is distinguished by economic planning, wage and price fixing, forced 
labor, militarism, and imperialism. It permits but one political party, the 
Communist Party, to exist. Complete loss of individual liberty goes hand in 
hand with communism. 

We found also that — 

Both fascism and communism are distinguished by complete government con- 
trol over production ; the means, quantity, quality, the when and where, of pro- 
duction and distribution. Both types of governments are totalitarian, one-party 
systems, featuring planned economy under bureaucratic control. The single 
party creates a preferred elite protected against the regimented and enslaved 
masses by a brutal secret police. Militarism and imperialism constitute the hard 
core of both systems of government. 

Hence, communism may be proptn-ly termed Red fascism. 

The committee found that — 

Force and violence are inseparable from the Communist program, and, no 
matter how fervently the Communist attempts to deny this fact during periods 
of retreat, he knows that the ultimate use of force and violence are inevitable. 
The announced Communist objective to capture and destroy the state, as now 
constituted, together with the determination to expropriate private property,, 
cannot be accomplished without the employment of force and violence. 

The committee found that — 

The Communist Party is a small, compact group of professional revolutionists. 
It does not seek large membership. I'hrough the instrumentality of psychological 
agitation it proposes to move the masses of non-C<nnmunists toward what it terms 
a "revolutionary situation." 

The Communist Party infiltrates every conceivable mass oi'ganixation in the 
country — in trade unions, in farm organizations, in ladies" clubs, in Harlem, in 
the deep South, among the intellectuals. It inspires the creation of mass organi- 
zations, to which non-Comnmnists are attracted because of publicized purported 
"liljeral" objectives. This Communist work is everywhere efl'K iently centralized, 
correlated, directed, and organized. 

The committee found that — 

William Z. Foster, current general secretary of the Communist Party of the 
United States, owes his allegiance to the Soviet Government. He believes, and 
has so stated, that when a Communist heads the Government of the United States 
that that Govei'unient will be a Soviet Government backed by a Red Army ready 
to enforce the dictatorship of the proletariat. He has stated that his flag, and 
the flag of his followers, is the Red flag adorned with the hannner and sickle of 
Soviet Russia. 

The committee found that — 

All Comnmnists believe themselves to be in a state of jterpetual warfare with 
capitalist governments. The over-all strategy of the Communist Pai'ty is de- 
sigiu^d to bring about the destruction of all democratic governments. The nlti- 


tiiat«' objective is tlu> I'st.iblisliint'nt of lln' sd-ciillctl <lict;itoi-sliii) nf the iirolclariiit. 
Every Ctmnuimist fanat it-ally hcliovcs that world caplialism and (0111111111118111 
must' come to a dei-isive strugfiU' in which one or the other will conquer. Every 
('ominuiiist is thoroughly coiivinct'd that coinimiiiisiii will eiiM>r>jo triumphant. 
r>oth Lciiiii and Stalin hav(> declared that a war lo the death coiillict between 
capitalism and coinmunlsni is inevitable. 

The coimnittee also found that — 

The day to day strujigle constitutes part of Communist tactics. It is con- 
cerned wiili sabotaging and weakening the democratic gctvernments in which 
the Communists work. 

The comniittee found that — 

All Communists lirmly believe that the Soviet Union is the Red fatherland of 
the proletariat everywhere, and. as .-^ueh, it must he protected in its development 
at any <ost beeause it is the arsenal for world conquest. Meanwhile the Com- 
munists In all <ountries work for revolution, taking Stalin at his word when he 
said that "In the event of necessity (Soviet Kussia will) come out even with 
armed forces against the exploiting classes in their states." Thus, every Com- 
munist in the United States is a potential traitor, saboteur, and espionage agent 
of Soviet Russia. 

The committee found that — 

Communism is a world revoluticuiary movement. The respective parties in 
each country are motivated by the political philosophies of Marx, Engels, Lenin, 
and Stalin, plus directives from the Kremlin itself. The so-called Communist 
Party line invariably fidlows Soviet foreign policy. Stalin has sold the Communist 
parties of the world on the promise that Soviet Russia is "the base of world 
revolution" and, consequently, every Communist has transferred his sense of 
lo.valty and allegiance from his native land to the Government of Soviet Russia. 

The committee foimd that : 

The part played by Earl Browder during the war in apparently "collaborating 
with capitalism" was a deceptive tactic u'^ilized for the purpose of securing 
needed aid for Soviet Russia. His ouster from the Communist I'arty, followed 
by the restoration of the militant revolutionary character of the party, ended 
the sixth era of Communist strategy in the United States. 

The committee found that — 

The American i>eople are now fjicing the greatest agitational activity on the 
part of the Communists in the history of the Communist Party in the United 
States. This activity will be intensified with increasing rapidity as the Interna- 
tional situation l)ecomes more acute. Acts of sabotage and violence, terror, and 
assasination may be expected if diplomatic relations between the United States 
and Soviet Russia become strained. 

The committee is tirml.v convinced that this current period — the seventh jieriod 
of Communist strategy in the United States — is the most critical period of all. 
The American people must be awakened to the fact that every member of the 
.\merican Communist Party is a potential espionage and sabotage agent for the 
Soviet Government. Our people must realize now, more than ever before, that 
it is the admitted and avowed purpose of Moscow to create and fester a Com- revolution in every capitalistic democracy in the world. 

We found that — 

Mobilization for Democrac.v and the Hollywood Citizens Committee of the 
Arts, Sciences, and Professions, are two of the key Coiumunist fronts in 

We experimented in reference to two organizations and I 
think the committee woukl be interested in knownjr what the com- 
mittee did to ascertain tlie true character of these orojanizations. We 
had one of the agents of the connnittee join the Mobilization for De- 
mocracy under an assumed name, and then we had the same agent 
join the Hollywood Citizens Committee of Arts. Sciences, and Pro- 
fessions, under aitother assumed name. He gave the same address, 


but inside of 6 months he had received literallj^ hundred of pieces of 
literature from every other Communist front in the State of Cali- 
fornia, including the Communist Party itself, which showed beyond 
question of doubt the network and the correlation of the front organ- 
ization of the Communist Party in California. 

We found also that these two organizations. Mobilization for De- 
mocracy, and the Hollywood Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences, 
and Professions, were the two spearheads in organizing a new Com- 
munist front noAv emerging throughout the United States, the so- 
called Progressive Citizens of America, which we believe, at least in 
California, will be one of the most important Communist fronts in 
the political field in the years to come. 

We found that the Mobilization for Democracy, wliicli Avas. as we 
have said, a Communist front, had as its particular purpose when 
organized, the stirring up of racial and religious agitation. We 
found that the organization deliberately went out and manufactured 
Ku Klux Klan acts of terix)rism for jiolitical purposes, and did it for 
the specific purpose of drawing to themselves so-called mint>rity 
groups in the State of California. 

We subpenaed and took the evidence of the law-enforcing agencies 
of Los Angeles ; the district attorney, the chief of police, the sheriff, 
and every other group, and they all testified that the acts complained 
of in most cases were absolutely fabrications, and that the only case 
that had any truth at all to it was an incident in which a cross was 
burned in front of a Jewish fraternity house on the University of 
Southern California campus. 

The police found that the perpetrators of this act were two members 
of the American Youth for Democracy, foi'merly the Young Com- 
munist League, and that it was done foi' the particular jiurpose of at 
least simulating an act of terrorism on the part of tlie Ku Klux Klan, 
which originated with the Communist Party itself. 

We found also in California, in the last 2 years, an extension of the 
Communist educational system. We have traced the growth of the 
Workers School in San Francisco and the Communist Workers School 
in Los Angeles to their present organizations, and our committee is 
very hopeful that this committee, and the Congress, will do something 
about the school in San Francisco called the California Labor School. 
The head of that school is a man by the name of David Jenkins. He 
was a reo-istered member of the Communist Partv in New York. The 
entire organization is shot full of Communists. Its instructors, m 
many cases, are Communists. And this committee, I know, is familiar 
with the record of Celeste Strack, a California Communist, Avho 
teaches many of the Marxist-Lenin courses in that school. 

The pathetic part of it, about the California Labor School, is the 
fact that under the GI bill of rights, the Communists in San Francisco 
are securing enough funds to indoctrinate returning veterans with the 
Communist virus, which will, they hope, eventually destroy our coun- 
try, and certainly Congress should do something to see that Federal 
funds, the taxpayer's money, is not utilized to support a Communist 
school such as we have in the California Labor School in San Fran- 

The counterpart of that school is the Peoples Educational Center in 
Los Angeles. The organization, again, is headed by Communists. 
Dorothy Ray, now Dorothy Healy, the secretary of the Communist 


Party of Los Ang^eles County, is a momber of the Board of Directors. 
Of course, these organizations are camourta<2;ed in such a way that in 
many instances innocent people are drawn in and eventually receive 
indoctrination in comnnniisni. 

Of course, Ave found, and I think your committee has also found, 
that the American Youth for Demwracy is the successor to the Young 
Communist League. As a matter of fact, I think since this report was 
written, a month or two ago, that tlie Communist Party has admitted 
that that is a fact. 

We found some very important things in the universities in Califor- 
nia. The finding of 'the connnittee, as set forth in our report under 
this heading, is as follows: 

University professors, for the greater part, permitted their names to he used 
in connection witli the above-mentioned institutions, without knowledge of the 
true character or purpose of the schools. In other cases it appears that the 
professors involved i)ermitted their names to be used by the institutions with 
knowledge of their Communist character. 

We believe that the majority of them, of course, were innocent 
and permitted their names to" be used without knowledge of the 
character of the scool. 

We also found that in many cases, the professors involved did not 
know what the organization was, and some of them admitted it under 
oath before our committee. 

We found that — 

The University of California press is being used to publish a quarterly edited 
by California's outstanding Communist, John Howard Lawson. 

The most outstanding Communist in California is John Howard 
Lawson. The record of your committee carries his record. He was 
associate editor of the Daily Worker. He has been connected with 
nearly every Communist movement in California since 1937. 

Incidentally, he has just launched a new quarterly to be known as 
Main Street. ' It is openly a Communist publication for the purpose 
of disseminating Communist dialectic and the other so-called scientific 
philosophies of Marxism. 

We found that — 

The Young Women's Christian Association and the Young Men's Christian 
Association at Berkeley permit Communist meetings and known Communist 
speakers to use their building facilities. 

And knowing that they were Communist Party organizations and 
Communist Party speakers. 

The committee has introduced into the legislature this year some 
bills to take care of the situation in that regard, particularly in the 
use of the name of the university, because both the YMCA and the 
YWCA at Berkeley state on their letterheads that it is the YMCA of 
the university, wliich would give the average person the idea that 
the university had something to do with the organizations, which, 
of course, is not true. 

We found a very grave situation in the school system in California. 
The finding of the committee in that regard is as follows : 

While the great majority of the teachers in the California public-school system 
are patriotic Americans there are Communists and Communist fellow-travelers 
teaching in the system. The committee finds that at least two teachers at 
Canoga Park High School were indoctrinating students with communism. Both 
teachers are connected with Communist organizations. The committee finds 


that Mrs. Frances Eisenberg and Mrs. Blanche Bettington slanted their teach- 
ings and discussions at Canoga Park High School for the purpose of in- 
doctrinating the students with communistic philosophy, disrespect for the 
capitalist system of government of the United States, and for the further purpose 
of building respect and reverence for the cruel dictatorship of Soviet Russia. 

Incidentally, Mrs. Eisenberg-, the teacher at Canoga Park High 
School, is an executive board member of the Peoples Educational 
Center that I have just referred to, which is an extension of the old 
Communist Party Workers School in Los Angeles. 

We found in San Francisco, in the CIO maritime union, particularly 
in the Marine Cooks and Stewarts Union in San Francisco, a very 
terrible situation. Two former members of that organization testified 
before the committee, Mr. Kaplan and Mr. Harris, that they were 
expelled from that organization, which is, incidental!}', dominated by 
David Jenkins, of the California Labor School; expelled for the reason 
that they had contributed $20 apiece to an anti-Communist publi- 
cation. That was the charge, and they were expelled for that reason. 
Anyone in that organization who raises his voice, loses not only mem- 
bership in the union, but his right to work. These two men have 
made a heroic fight, and did have a number of the members of the 
union behind them, who were also expelled when they got into a fight 
against the Communist domination of the organization. The matter 
has been through some of our courts, but there is nothing they can do 
as long as the Communists dominate the organizati(m. 

We found, in the Hollywood situation, in the Conference of Studio 
Unions, headed by Herbert Sorrell, that the entire strike was domi- 
nated, inspired, and directed by the Community Party of Los Angeles. 
I think that probably the committee is aware of the fact that we 
proved, by evidence that will stand up, that Herbert K. Sorrell is a 
secret member of the Comminiist Party. Our agents were able to 
secure copies of his party book, his application to join the Com- 
munist Party, under the name of Herbert SteAvart. We submitted 
those docimients, together with known documents of the writings 
of Herbert Sorrell. to Charles Sellers, who 1 think you know as one of 
the outstanding experts on questioned dociunents. Pie was the expert 
in the Lindbergh case. And another exi)ert on questioned documents, 
Mr. Harris. Both men brought back the unanimous verdict that the 
man who wrote the original specimens wrote the name Herbert Stewart 
on the application and upon the party book, which proved, of course. 
the absolute membership of Herbert Sorrell as a secret member of the 
Communist Party. 

That strike has been of great concern to Los Angeles. The 
breakdown of law and order there was an amazing thing. At one time 
there were two or three thousand pickets before the gates of the studio 
at Burbank. Cars were overturned, missiles were hurled into the 
studio, and for several days over 50 peoi)le were hos{)italized inside of 
the studio as a result of violence. Something has got to be done about 
that. AVhat the California Legislature can do I do not know, or what 
it will do I do not know, but it seems to me that Congress should take 
some cognizance of the fact tliat some unions are dominated by Com- 
munists, directed by them, and for very definite puri)oses. 

We found also, and we have delineated the growth of the movement 
in Los Angeles County, an effort to captui-e the radio, or at least a part 
of the radio, in the cit3\ There have been a number of left-wing 


coininontators wlio have boon oporatiiio- qn stations tlioro, and they 
^vel•e dischai'iied. for obvious reasons, and ultimately (hey orpinizod 
what is now known as the Hollywood Community Radio Gi-oup, Inc., 
and have a])pliod for a license for a radio station. The oi-i>auization is 
also dominated by the Connnunist Party and they are now ai)poaring 
before the Federal Connnunieations Commission for a license^ 

One of the very imjiortant thint;s that we believe has an international 
or at least a national S('oi)e, is the Tnlernational Fodoi'ation of Archi- 
tects, Eniiineers. Chemists, and Technicians, which is now morfred with 
another CIO oroainzation. I think the members of your conunittee, 
Mr. Chairman, are familiar with the ]>ast activities of this p;roup, and 
(MH" committee in California has found that it is directly dominated by 
the Connnunist Party and has as its purpose possible espionage. 

We hojio that you will read the section in oui* report in regard to that 
because wo were able to get the minutes of the chapter of Bei-keley, 
which was composed of members working at the university in reference 
to atomic and radiation research. The meetings were closed; the 
memboi-s discussed means of avoiding detection by the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation, and mauA^ times discussed the Soviet Union. 
AVe believe that unless something is done in reference to oro-anizations 
such as that, working in such important things as atomic research and 
radiation, that wdiatever we discover will be transmitted to Russia at 
the first available moment. 

We found a book in the public schools in California called Land of 
the Soviets. The book is ])repared for the use of seventh and eighth 
grade children, and is written by Marguerite N. Stewart and edited by 
Maxwell S. Stewart. And in j^our reports, Mr. Chairman, you refer 
to him on 20 different pages. Both Marguerite Stewart and her 
husband. ]\Iaxwell, taught at the institute at Moscow. Mr. Stewart is 
a correspondent and has been correspondent for the Moscow News and 
has been connected with practically every front organization of any 
consequence on a national scale in the ITnited States for the past 7 or 8 
years. Since the connnittee exposed tlie background of that book, the 
book has been banished in some of the districts in California, particu- 
larly in Glendale, but we do understand that it is still being used in 
many schools. 

I think, and would suggest to the committee, that in your investiga- 
tions to come, that you give a good deal of attention to the indoctrina- 
tion of school chiklren and the type of books that are being injected 
into the schools, in spite of hell and high water. 

AVe found a very interesting and rather dangerous subject* in the 
Chico High School during February. The committee was petitioned 
to go there by around 100 citizens of that community, to look into a 
course called Basic 12. Basic 12 proposed a course in sex education. 
Of course, the Communist press thought they had something excellent 
with which to ridicule the committee, and after we held the committee 
meeting they came out with a banner headline in the People's Daily 
World and other Communist ])ress, saying that Tenney declares that 
sex is nn-American. The facts of the case, however,' were that the 
textbook and the three supplementary books carried the Connnunist 
principle from start to finish. Attacks upon religion, upon the home 
as a unit, and the commendation of certain iiractices which T think 
most people would condemn, run through all of those books. The 


doctors and citizens who testified all agreed that the books were unfit 
for high-school children. 'As an illustration of tlie tyi^e of book that 
they were giving these children was a chapter devoted to the six posi- 
tions in coitus, and similar things — for 13- and 14-year-old chil- 
dren, and I want to say that that is not an isolated case. There are other 
cases in California in our schools where that is attempted, and I be- 
lieve that you will find the same thing is being attempted in other 
parts of the United States. 

I believe that covers, Mr. Chairman, the salient findings of the com- 
mittee. Not all, because the report is rather voluminous and detailed. 
It is also very well documented, so that you can see for yourself the 
situation as it exists in California. 

I know that you are contemplating studying certain bills here be- 
fore Congress and I believe that one of those — although I did not 
receive the bills which you told me you were going to send because we 
left too soon to receive them — one of those, I believe, is a bill to outlaw 
the Communist Party. The California Legislature by, I think, one 
dissenting vote in the Senate and two or three votes, possibly more — 
I have forgotten — but a few dissenting votes in the assembly, in 1939 
voted to outlaw the Communist Party. 

The bill was written in two sections, the first of which outlawed the 
party by name and the second outlawed it b}^ definition. In 1942 the 
secretary of state of California refused to certify the Communist 
Party to the ballot. The Communist Party brought a writ of man- 
damus and that was demurred to by the attorne}' general. The Su- 
preme Court held that the first section was unconstitutional and re- 
manded the case to the lower court for hearing to determine whether 
or not it fell within the definition. Before that could be perfected, 
however, the Communist Party dismissed its action, and the secretary 
of state certified the party to the ballot. We understand there were 
some political deals in reference to that matter. Tliat is exactly what 
happened, and there has never been a determination of that particular 
point before any of our courts in California. 

I think it is significant to point out, though, that the State of Cali- 
fornia, through its elected representatives in 1939, did attempt to 
outlaw the Communist Party. Our committee has recommended 
again, in this report, which went over the desk on the 24th of this 
month, that we memorialize Congress to outlaw the Communist Party. 
We know and we have heard a lot of arguments in reference to the 
advisability of such an action. We think most of the argument is 
specious in reference to outlawing the Communist Party. They say. 
"If you do this you merely drive them underground." I submit to 
you, gentlemen, and I know that those of you who have studied the 
thing as we have, realize that the Communist Party is underground. 
Their entire literature points out that the Communist Party is under- 
ground. The illegal part of the party is a permanent organization. 
We know that never more than 20 percent of the Communists remain 
above ground. We don't believe that there is that many above ground 
in California. We realize, and we think we have proved from our 
hearings and the facts before us, that those who do register as Com- 
munists are merely a group of dupes and innocents who know little or 
nothing about Marxism or the objectives of the Communist Party 
itself. T])ey are sacrificed for the purpose of pttblicizing the party 
and perhaps drawing the masses to it. 


We believe that while you won't kill the Coinnuinist Parly you will 
take away from it the prestijje they have now, because the argument is 
raised over the land, by jK'oplo who should know bottoi-, tliat the 
Communist Party is a legal party, there is nothing wrong about it, 
and tlierefore, as long as the (lovernment recognizes it, and peimits 
it to exist, there is nothing to be ashamed of in being a Communist, 
and no reason why you shouldn't join the party. 

So, we believe we have got to take strong action now^ — and believe 
me, after 7 years of study of tliis situation in California, I am con- 
vinced that if we don't take action now, while we have got a chance, 
that if everything — if anything should ever happen internationally, 
that you will have the greatest fifth column, the greatest group of 
traitoi*s, assassins, terrorists, that the world has ever seen, the greatest 
and most fantastic group of conspirators, saboteurs, and acfents of a 
foreign government the world has ever seen, and America will collapse 
like an eggshell unless we start doing something in the scliools, dig- 
ging those people out and exposing them to let the people know 
exactly who they are. 

I could talk on this thing for many hours, but I know you are busy, 
and I will just say that I sincerely liope you will read our report. 
It is documented thoroughly: our files Jback up everything in it. Our 
conclusions, I think, you will find are properly drawn. Whether our 
recommendations will meet with the approval of your committee I 
cannot say, but we feel that we have done a conscientious job in 
bringing this thing to the attention of the people of the State of Cali- 
fornia, and we are very happy to have an opportunity to appear here 
and present it to you for action, where we think action must ultimately 
be taken, if the thing is to be stopped. 

Thank you. 

The Chairman". Senator, you have made a very excellent statement. 
The Chair wants to not only commend you for the statement, but to 
commend your committee for the wonderful job they have done out in 
the State of California. The members of this committee have been 
familiar with th.e work of your committee for some time. We want 
to tell you, and we hope you will tell the members of the committer, 
that we can do a good job if we cooperate 100 percent in the future as 
we have done in the past. 

Senator Tenxet. Thank you, Mr. Thomas, and I want to say that if 
there is anything we can do to help you in your job we are at your 
service. Xow, Senator Hugh M. Burns, of Fresno, Calif., is here, 
and would be glad to answer any questions you might have of him. 

The Chairman". Before Senator Burns makes any statement that 
he may care to make, do you mind if the members ask questions of 

Senator Tenney. I would be very happy to answer any questions. 

The Chairman. Mr. Yail. 

Mr. Vail. In the course of your investigation, Senator, did you have 
occasion to investigate the effort on the part of communistic groups to 
penetrate the ranks of veterans' organizations? 

Senator Tenney. We have just started that, Mr. Vail. We have in 
our report a reference to that matter, and the only organization we 
found so far that indicates it is of a Communist character is the Ameri- 
can Veterans Committee. We have a great deal of evidence now before 
the committee. We haven't had public hearings on the matter, but 


if the committee is continued, we certainly intend to go into that or- 
ganization. We do know, and have statements, that a number of 
members of the AVC have been expelled from their particular chap- 
ters in Los Angeles County, on the charges of Red baiting — and I 
think when you find that you can determine that tliere must be some- 
tliiug wrong with the organization. 

Mr. Vail. That is all. 

The Chaikman. Mr. Nixon. 

Mr. Nixon. Have you conducted any investigations, Senator Tenney, 
of the maritime unions in the ports of California ? 

Senator Tenney. Just the particular ones that I mentioned in the 
conclusions of the committee, Mr, Nixon. We went into the union of 
the marine cooks and stewards. We found that organization was com- 
pletely dominated by the Connnnnist Party. We have the testimony, 
under oath, of a former member of the Communist Party, also a mem- 
ber of the executive board of that organization. I call your attention 
particularly to the affidavit j^ou will find in the report from Mr. Brand- 
hove. Mr. Brandhove was in the maritime service; I believe a captain 
in maritime service, and he joined the Comnnmist Party for the pur- 
pose of determining exactly what was going on. You will notice he 
places all of the characters in San Francisco directly in the Communist 
Party — including Harry Bridges, and many others whom he testified 
he met in closed Communist meetings, and took directives from them. 
He also tells the story of how that organization was taken from the 
members, and placed in the hands of the Communist Party. 

Our committee hasn't had an opportunity to go into that as 
thoroughly as we want to, but believe that it should be investigated. 

Mr. Nixon. Do you intend to go into the situation in San Diego, 
as well as Los Angeles and San Francisco ? , 

Senator Tenney. Yes. We find in San Diego a very well organized 
Connnnnist group which is working in all the fronts that I have men- 
tioned, particularly Mobilization for Democracy, a chapter of the 
Lidependent Citizens Committee for the Arts, Sciences, and Profes- 
sions, and now in the so-called Progressive Citizens of America. 

Mr. Nixon. Has there been any indication that Communist leaders 
have been attempting to move in on the southern California tuna fish- 
ing fleet in San Diego ? 

Senator Tenney. Yes. Jell' Kibre. who came to California at 
the instance of Roy Hudson of New York, came there for the purpose 
of destroying the A. F. of L. in Hollywood. He was the forerumier 
to Herbert Sorrell. In his cai:)acity he organized a group within the 
lATSE, and out of that came the United Studio Technicians Guild. 
That organization ])etitioned the NLRB for an elet-tion and went down 
to defeat. After that Jeff Kibre was expelled fi'om the lATSE and 
we find him now in the capacity of organizer of the fishermen at 
Sau Pedro. 

Ml-. Nixon. What is the aim of the Connnuni.'-ts in attempts to move 
into the fishing fleets — which are pretty essential to the ecijiiomy of 
California — what is the reason for concentrating tlmre? 

Senator Tenney. I think we have to keep in mind that the Com- 
munist Party infiltrates everything. We can quote Ruth McKinney, 
from the Comnnmist, the ideological magazine of the party, where it 
is said that the Communist Party goes into everything. However, we 
find on the coast that the maritime unions, shipping, and all that sort 


of (liino;. is iiiHIt rntod. and food |)iu-ticularly is of <iiv:it iinpoi-taiice 
to tho Comniunisl Party, and if wc should evor ixo to war with linssia 
tliey will be in a very fine position to seize this shippin<i- JUhI see that 
this fishinix is sahotaoed. and that those peoj)le are utilized for their 
own sinister pni"j)oses. That is the real purpose, in the opinion of 
the members of our eommittee. behind the invasion of Hollywood, 
because if they can control Hollywood and destroy the A. F. of L. 
unions there, they will be m a very fjood position from their point of 
view. You understand that that entire thin<i; is solely :> jurisdictional 
fight, there is not a question ol" wages, honrs, or conditions involved 
in the conference of studio unions' strike. 

Mr. Nixox. Do you know a connnentator by the name of Averill 
Berman { 

Senator Tenney. We subpenaed him before our conniiittee last 

Mr. Nixon. Is he a Communist ? 

Senator Texney. In our opinion he is a Communist. 

Mr. Nixox. Is he still on the radio in southern California? 

Senator Texxey. The last we heard he was. 

Mr. Nixox. Wasn't he lemoved from one of the stations? 

Senator Texxey. Yes, he was removed. He stated before the com- 
mittee, however, that his removal had nothing to do with the views 
he expressed. We don't, think that is true, but that is what he said. 

Mr. Nixox'. What station is he on at the present time? 

Senator Ten'x^ey. KXLA, I think. It is in the report. You will 
find his testimony set forth. 

Mr. Nixon. Pasadena? 

Senator Tenney. Yes, You wnll find his testimony set forth here 
in the report. 

Mr. Nixox'^. Now, 3'ou testified that insofar as the bill which w'as 
passed by the California Legislature w^as concerned, that the State 
supreme court held unconstitutional the provision which outlawed the 
Communist Party by name? 

Senator Texx'ey. That is right, I was aware, or at least I felt 
at the time the bill was drawn, that it wouldn't hold up. 1 didn't see 
where we could outlaw a party by name. That is Avhy I added, after 
a discussion with the attorneys in the legislative council bureau, I 
added the second section which outlawed them by definition. It is 
a matter which I think the committee here shoiild perhaps have in 
mind, tliat the language of such a statute must be very carefully drawn. 

Mr. NixoN. You mean b}' defining what the party attempts to accom- 
plish rather than defining it by name? 

Senator Tenney. That is right. The supreme court stated in that 
case outlawing the party by name was a futile gesture because it 
could change its name and repeal the law\ I think there is quite a 
bit of legal logic in that. 

Mr. Nixox\ You have found the Hollywood Citizens Committee 
of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions to be, in your opinion, a Com- 
munist front organization? 

Senator Tenx-^ey. That is the conclusion of the members of the 
committee, unanimously, and the documentation and the evidence is 
in the report, which I believe fully substantiates that conclusion. 

Mr. Nixon. I might say for the benefit of the other members of the 
committee, Mr, Chairman, that I am informed that one of the heavy 


contributors to that committee was Barney Josephson, the brother of 
Leon Josephson, recently subpenaed by this committee and who re- 
fused to testify. 

That is all. 

The Chairman. Mr. Mundt. 

Mr. Nixon. Mr. Chairman, I should like to ask that if there is no 
objection the re[)ort of the California Un-i\jnerican Activities Com- 
mittee, which Mr. Tenney has submitted, be included in the record of 
these hearings, I don't know what the proper order should be. 

The Chairman. How long is the report ? 

Senator Tenney. 372 pages. That is without the index. 

The Chairman. We certainly want to get the report, but I think we 
had better check up on the size and come to a conclusion as to that. 

Mr. Nixon. I will leave it to the chairman's discretion. 

The Chairman. Mr. Mundt. 

Mr. Mundt. Senator Tenney, let me say tirst that I join with the 
chairman and congratulate 3^ou and the rest of the committee on your 
fine job. When I was out in California during the war with the sub- 
committee of the old Dies committee, studying the Japanese reloca- 
tion centers, we ran into the work of your committee all over the place 
and found that the patriotic citizens of California were certainly 100 
percent behind your enterprise. I think it would be a wonderful 
thing if every State in the Union had a little Dies conmiittee, as it 
were, or a little conmiittee on un-American activities, because they 
have the intimate contacts and knowledge which a natioiial committee 
such as ours cannot possibly have. 

Senator Tenney. That is true. 

Mr, Mundt, I was interested in your reference to the present phase 
of the Communist Party in this country as the seventh phase. I 
wondered if you had broken down the preceding phases and whether 
you could supply the main target of each of these phases as it operated 
in this country. 

Senator Tenney, Yes, Mr. Mundt. I believe you do have in your 
possession, or your staff does, our 1943 report. The 1943 report 
traced the rise of these various eras, as we call them, or phases 
of the Communist strategy. I might say that the principle behind 
that was Soviet foreign policy. I think that you gentlemen can 
trace that very easily, with your experience, because the Communist 
Party of America fMlows meticulously the foreign policy of Soviet 
Russia. When Soviet Russia advanced the Communist Party 
advanced, and when they retreated they retreated. The Hitler- 
Stalin pact gives the clue. 

During the time that Russia and Germany were together all the 
Communists in California were opposing conscription, they were 
passing out handbills at the University of California to that effect, they 
were calling Roosevelt a warmonger, and anyone who had anything 
to say against Hitler was in the same category. That piece of foreign 
policy on the part of Soviet Russia was as meticulously followed by 
the Comnumists in California and I think throughout the Nation as it 
possibly could be. 

You do have in our 1943 report that information. They are out of 
print, but we may have a few copies and if you don't have it we will 
ti*y and get it for you. 


Mr. MuNDT. If you will just sui)ply it in the transcript of your re- 
marks when you have them for correction it will appear at this point 
in the ])ermanent record. 

Senator Dexney. It will be done. 

(The matter referred to is as follows :) 

KxTKACT From 15)43 IU^^ort of the Califobnia Un-Amebican Activities 


six pebiods of communist stk.\tbgy in the united states 

The average man <aiinot be blamed for beinj; confused by the Couiinunist 
eouspiracy in Anieriia. Distorted news items, lying editorials, and articles 
profusely' and generously scattered through Communist Party organs and the 
periodicals of front organizations and Innocent Clubs have carefully smudged 
and obscured the real objectives of these cl'.eap conspirators in the American 
picture. This program of deceit and hyiHicrisy is part and parcel of Com- 
munist Party tactics. The greater part of the Communist press is disguised 
and for public consumption purports to be anything but what it really is. Front 
organizations, periodicals, and magazines do most of the Tro.ian Horse work. 
Like its cowardly members, hiding their Communist Party affiliations under 
fictitious names, many of these disguised Communist periodicals and magazines 
find their way into the homes of unsuspecting and ordinarily patriotic Americans. 
There is little wonder that the average citizen is confused when confronted with 

Although it is termed the Third or Communist International, the Communist 
International has never been international in the generally accepted sense of 
the term. The Bolshevik revolution which overthrew the Kerensky government 
under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky culminated in what is now known 
as the Communist International (also known as the Comintern). It was 
founded in the Kremlin in Moscow in March of 1919 by 35 delegates and 15 guests. 
It is .significant, in cossidering the international aspects of the so-called Com- 
munist International, that all but one of the founders were Russian. From its 
beginning up to the present time it has been characterized by a greedy and stub- 
horn nationalism. The Communist parties that later developed in the other 
countries of the world, inclufling the United States, have, in fact, only b?en branch 
jiarties of the Russian Home Office of the Comintern, and these parties scattered 
throughout he world reflect in every instance, from the very begiiming down 
to the present time, the foreign policy and the interest of Soviet Russia. Thus 
it is, that the policies, purges, leadership, and the "party line" of the Communist 
Partv in the United States have always turned on Soviet ereut^. ainbHiou.s. I'.nd 


The key to the strange activities, machinations, and twisting p^ilicies of the 
torturous "Part.v L'ne"" of the Ani'^rican Communist is found in the unchanging 
Communist slogan ''Defend the Soviet Union." It explains, also, the pitiful 
failures of the Communist Party in the United States to capture Yankee interest 
and support. Because its slogans and its iK)licies were based on conditions exist- 
ing in Sfiviet Russia and en the foreign poiieii of that country, the American 
people failed to respond to the ill-fitting and foreign-sounding slogans of a group 
of American lunatics concerned only with the protection of a foreign dictatorship. 
The turn-over of membership in the Connnunist Party of the I'nited States has 
been tremendous since its inception in 1919. The mortality rate in membership 
from year to .vear is significant of its failure to capture the American mind. 
Yankee practicality blinks unresponsively at slogans such as "Defend the Soviet 
Union" and "The Americanism of Lenin and Lincoln." But, year after year, 
many a tricked and duped American has become in actuality the agent-stooge of 
the foreign, totalitarian, dictatorship of Soviet Russia. 

To understand clearly .^o-called American Communism, it is necessary to ex- 
amine its history since its inception in Chicago in 1919. This can only be in- 
telligently done t)y a parallel examination of the history of the Soviet Union for 
the same period. Engene Lyons has roughly divided Communist development 
in the United States into five ages, each period turning on events in Soviet Russia 
and reflecting in each period the needs, ambition and foreign policy, NOT of the 
United States, its workers or its people, but of Soviet Russia. To the five ages 
of Eugene Lyons your committee has added a sixth, and prognosticates a seventh. 


In Older better to clarify the findings of .your committee in tlie field of Commu- 
nism, we briefiy outline these six periods of Communist conspiracy in the United 

FIRST PERIOD (1019 TO 1921) 

The Bolshevik Government found its territory invaded and besieged by foreign 
armies and effectually blockaded in 1919. It needed a militant internationalism 
in non-Bolshevik countries to break the strangle hold of the economic blockade 
and it sorely needed a pro-Bolshevik sentiment in non-Bolshevik countries to 
bring about the withdrawal of the armies that were invading its boundaries. 
Consequently the Communist parties throughout the world were ordered to be 
militantly revoluntary, and to work in their respective countries for the succor 
of the Soviet Union. Hence, in the United States, the Communist Party, emerg- 
ing from its Chicago convention in 1919, was fanatically revolutionary and con- 
spiratorial and openly rebellious, calling for the immediate overthrow by force 
and violence of the Government of the United States and the establishment of a 
dictatorship of the proletariat. It likewise propagandized for the Soviet Union 
and attempted to create pro-Bolshevik sympathies in America. 

SECOND PEIUOD (19 21 TO 192S) 

This period saw the launcliing of the New Economic Policy (NEP) in Russia. 
The new economic policy was, in fact, a compromise between state and private 
economy. The Soviet Union found itself in many economic difficulties and began 
to feel the need for exchange and traflic with other governments. To effectuate 
this it created the fiction of a separation between the Soviet Government and the 
Communist Party of Russia. This ficticm was embellished and carried further 
by apparently effecting a separation between the Communist International and 
the Russian Communist Party. These fictions, it was believed, would soften 
the attitude of capitalistic governments and permit the Soviet I'nion to deal 
with them. As a result of this desperate need for exchange and traffic with other 
governments, the Communist Parties scattered throughout the world were ordered 
to retreat from their plotting and to soft-pedal their demand for open revolt and 
to do their propagandizing within the laws of their respective countries. A lull 
in word-wide revolutionary propaganda ensued and the comrades in the United 
States busied themselves with trapping and exploiting sympathetic liberals and 
progressives and in creating friends for Soviet Russia. The key phrases of this 
period were "United Front" and "Boring from Within." 

THIRR PERIOD (1928 TO 193.5) 

This iieriod saw the launching of the first "five-year plan" in Russia and the 
exiling of the so-called Communist Party "leftist," Leon Trotsky. NEP, the 
new economic policy, was violently wiped out. Private fanning came to an 
end and the forcible socialization of farming began. The most brutal "speed-up" 
in the world's history began in Russian industry. Soviet Russia more and more 
turned to greedy nationalism. Workers' control in industry was completely abol- 
ished and Soviet Bureaucracy took over. History will undoubtedly r(>veal that 
the Fascization of Soviet Russia began in this era. Puiges and official mass 
murders terrorized the entire country. The old Bolsheviks and the heroes of 
the revolution were slaughtered without compunction, sympathy, or trial. So\ iet 
Russia began to look for military alliances and started to woo Germany and 
Italy. A new revolutionary upsurge was ordained for the Connnuni-t Parties 
in the United States and throughout the woi'ld — a new revolutionary 
not so much against capitalism, but moi-e against socialists, conservative labor 
leaders and trade unionists, liberals and progressives — all lumped in one terrible 
category — "Social Fascifita.'" This ])eriod of Soviet nrril and intihifio)i undoubt- 
edly cleared the way for Hitler and Rlussolinl. 

FOURTH PERIOD (19.S.-> TO l!t:!!ll 

Soviet Russia's unsuccessful wooing of Hitler and Mussolini led to the change 
of policy introduced to the world in 1935. The Seventh World Congress, held in 
Moscow in 1935, gave birth to the new Trojan Horse policy of Dimitrov and 
the sub.sequent creation of "Peoples" and "Poimlar" fronts. Tb.e fear of a 
German and .Japanese invasion of Soviet Russia gave rise to a "collective security" 
IKtlicy and the Commuidst Parties in the United States and throughout the world 


wore ordered to carry these new policies into effect. Despairing of any alliance 
with (Jerniaiiy or Italy, Soviet Russia decided to appear to be "dciiio -ratic" and 
"anti-Fascist" and ordered the branches of the party throughout the world to 
propagandize and advertise Soviet Russia on this basis. The Communist Party 
in the United States became "Twentieth Century Americanism" — the real "friend" 
of deiuiH'racy and the "guardian" of every tradition of freedom and civil liberty. 
The Conununist Tarty of the I'liited States went to great lengths to advertise 
Soviet Russia in this new "democratic" light. Soviet Russia, meanwhile, sub- 
scribed to the Kellogg Pact and made nonaggression pacts with her neighbors. 
Although Lenin had called the League of Nations the "League of Robber Nations," 
Stalin now entered the league. A phoney constitution for the Soviet Union was 
drawn but never put into effect and a short time later Stalin physically licpiidated 
two-thirds of the mend)ers of the committee who drew the constitution. The 
threat of world-wide Communist revolution was laughed away and Stalin later 
lightly described it all as a "comic misunderstanding." 

Anti-Nazi leagues flourished in the United States and the Anti-Nazi League 
of Hollywotxl grew to considerable proportions. The comrades in America and 
California exploited to the fullest the growing horror in the minds of all Amer- 
icans of the brutality rampant in Hitler's Third Reich. The ruthless and 
barbarous persecution of the Jews by Hitler and his bloody minions, the unspeak- 
able and unbelievable tortures inflicted on the innocent scapegoats of "Fuehrer 
Aryanism," stirred up a righteous indignation in the hearts of every liberty- 
loving American citizen. V. J. Jerome (whose true name is Isaac Romaine), 
l)ersonally supervised the organization of the Hollywood Anti-Nazi League. Mr. 
Jerome had been sent to Hollywood some time before by the Communist Party 
Central Committee to take over the duties of Stanley Lawrence in "improving 
cultural work" in Califorida. It was V. J. Jerome who brought John Howard 
Lawson to Hollywood. He helloed organize study clubs and coordinated Com- 
munist Party work between Hollywood groups and downtown Los Angeles sec- 
tions. He was a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party 
of the United States and coeditor of its magazine. The Commiinist, as well as 
lieing Chairman of the Cultural Connnission of the Communist Party of the 
United States. The Anti-Nazi League banked some $89,892.51 between May 14, 
19o.">, and August 16, 1939. 

In spite of this exploitation by the Communist Party of the emotional upsurge 
against Hitler and his regime, the American Communists regarded the war in 
Europe as purely an imperialistic struggle. The pnrtii line during this period 
was to heap abuse and vilification upon, not only Nazi Germany and its Axis 
partners, but uix)n the victims of its agg.ression. Some 30 days before the amazing 
and abrupt termination of this fourth period of Communist strategy, Foreign 
Commissar V. M. Molotov stated : 

"* * * there is nothing surprising in the fact that at the end of April the 
head of the German state in one speech scrapped two important international 
treaties — the naval agreement with Great Britain and the nonaggression pact 
between Germany and Poland. There was a time when great international sig- 
nificance was attached to these treaties. But Germany made short work of them, 
disregarding all formalities. Stich was Germany's reply to the proposal of Mr. 
Roosevelt, President of the United States — a proposal permeated with the peace- 
loving spirit." (Soviet Union and the Peace Front, by V. M. Molotov, Interna- 
tional Publishers, Inc., page 5.) 

FIFTH PEEIOD (1939 TO JUNE 22. 1941) 

The Soviet Union amazed the world and many of its deluded Communist mem- 
bers in the United States, by signing a pact with Nazi Germany, August 23, 1939. 
The Comintern immediately ordered its parties in the United States and through- 
out the world to renew their revolutionary character. "Collective Security" was 
immediately scuttled and the Communist parties everywhere became isolation- 
ists and belabored Great Britain and the "British Imperialist War." In the 
United States, the Communists launched the slogan "The Yanks Are Not Coming" 
and attacked President Roosevelt viciously as a "warmonger." Strikes in war 
and defense industries were fomented and viciously carried on by Communists 
throughout the United States. Meanwhile, Soviet Russia attacked Finland and 
partitioned Poland with her Nazi comrade-in-arms. Nazi Bundsters and Amer- 
ican Communists joined hands in sabotaging United States aid to Great Britain. 
Members of both organizations began a penetration of the America First Com- 

99651—47 17 


mittee. Conscription and lend-lease proposals were viciously and bitterly op~ 
posed. Anti-Nazi leagues in America were quickly abandoned for American Peace 
Mobilization fronts and new name-calling including "warmonger" and "imperial- 
ist," were sbouted at anyone who decried Nazi brutality and aggression. The 
filth period of Communist development in the United States will always be re- 
membered for its sharp curve in 1939 with the signing of the Nazi-Soviet Pact and 
its breath-taking flip-flop Jjuie 22, 1941 when Hitler's hordes swept into the 

About a week after the signing of the Stalin-Hitler nonaggression pact, For- 
eign Commissar Molotov wrote in The Meaning of the t^ovict-Uermun Nonag- 
gression Pact, Workers' Library Publishers, August 31, 1939, page 3: 

"* * * the conclusion of a pact of nonaggression between the U. S. S. R. and 
Germany is of tremendous positive value, eliminating the danger of war between 
Germany and the Soviet Union." 

Commissar Molotov continued in the same article (page 8) : 

"As you see, Stalin hit the nail on the head when he exposed the machinations 
of the Western Europe politicians who were trying to set Germany and the Soviet 
Union at loggerheads. It must be confessed that there were some short-sighted 
people in our own country who, carried away by over-simplified anti-fascist proi> 
aganda, forgot about this provocative work of our enemies. Mindful of this^ 
Stalin even then suggested the possibility of other unhostile, good-neighborly re- 
lations between Germany and the U. S. S. R. It can now be seen that on the 
whole Germany correctly understood these statements of Stalin and drew prac- 
tical conclusions from them. The conclusion of the Soviet-German Nonag- 
gression Pact shows that Stalin's historic prevision has been 'brilliantly con- 
firmed" [Committee's italics.] 

In Molotov's report to the Supreme Soviet, October 31, 1939, WorTcers' Library 
Publishers, Inc., pa4re 5, the foreign commissar further solidified Soviet Russia's 
new policy toward Germany, in the following language: 

"* * * Germany is in a position of a state which is striving for the earliest 
termination of war and for peace, while Britain and France, which only yester- 
day were declaiming against aggression, are in favor of continuing the war and. 
are opposed to the conclusion of peace. The roles, as you see, are changing." 

And further in the same report, page 8, Molotov continues : 

"The relations between Germany and the other Western European Bourgeois 
states have in the past two decades been determined primarily by Germany's ef- 
forts to break the fetters of the Versailles Treaty, whose authors were Great 
Britain and France, with the active collaboration of the United States. This, 
in the long run, led to the present war in Europe * * *, The relations be^ 
tween the Soviet Union and Germany have been based on a different foundation, 
which involved no interest whatever in ijerpetuating the postwar Versailles sys- 
tem. We have always held that a strong Germany is an indispensable condition 
for a durable peace in Europe.'" [Committee's italics.] 

On page 23 of his report to the Supreme Soviet, Foreign Commissar JMolotov 
asks some questions about the United States : 

"In any event, our country, as a neutral country, which is not interested in 
the spread of war, will take every measure to render this war less devastating, 
to weaken it and hasten its temiination in the interests of i)eace. From this 
standpoint, the decision of the American Government to lift the embargo on the 
export of arms to belligerent countries raises jiist misgivings. It can scarcely 
be doubted that the effect of tliis decision will not be to weaken the war and 
hasten its termination, but, on the contrary, to intensify, aggravate and protract 
it. Of course, the decision may insure big profits for American war industries. 
But, one asks, can this serve as any .instification for lifting the embargo on the 
export of arms fi'oin America? Clearly, it can not." 

Thus it was, in compliance with Soviet foreign policy, that the Communists in 
the United States and in California launched a campaign for isolation and non- 
intervention, joining hands with the America First Committee, The German- 
American Bund and many other antiwar, isolationist organizations. Harry 
Bi'idges' Union, the J\[<iriti)ne Federation of the Pacific, originated tlie slogan 
"The Yanks Are Not Coming!" and this defiant expression of nonintervention 
b('camt> the i)assword in every Comnumist front organization. Labor's Non- 
partisan League of California circulatefl thousands of paper bookmatches bear- 
ing this slogan. It was lieard from the rostrum of every Communist front 
organization, such as tlie American Peace Mobiliration and tlie American Student 

So that no (loul)t be left in the minds of anyone, the Committee quotes the 
above-mentioned V. J. Jerome, the American Communis#:s bellwether of the fellow- 


tnivoliiiti culnir;)! clique, in f^ncial Democracy atul the War. Workoi-s' Library 
l*ul»lisluM-s. Iiu'.. r.>4(> ( 4r>— 16 ) : 

"Siiuv the warnionuerint;- camiiaisiii opeiied, inimmerahle trade unions and other 
mass organizations have adopted resolutions against tiiis country's involvi'Uient. 
A. F. of L. and C. I. O. State labor bodies and city councils, national unions and 
lorals. the unemployed, churdi bodies, and tiie vital youth movement are saying, 
with the nati»)nal convention of the C. I. O. : Labor wants no war or any part of 
it. * * * The voice of militant labor rings fortli in ever-swelling volume in 
the slogan first sounded by the Maritime Federation of the I'acific: 'The Yanks 
Are Not Coming !' The Communist Party of tiie United States declares ; '* * * 
we Comnmnists will continue the broadest collaboration with all elements in the 
labor movtMuent to advance the struggle for working class unity by educating, 
rallying, and unifying the workers against capitalist reaction and exploitation 
and to keep America out of the imperialistic war'." 

In April of 1941 circulars were being generously and copiously circulated 
throughout California, carrying to the uninformed and the innocent, the Ameri- 
canized version of the foreign policy of Soviet Russia. Pamphlets demanding 
and proclaiming: "Get Out and Stay Out of the Imperialist War! No Convoys! 
No A. E. F. ! The Yanks Art Not Coming ! Friendship With the Soviet Union !" 
were distributed at the University of California at Berkeley and throughout the 
United States. 

Your conunittee finds that the Communist Party in California, acting through 
unions which it dominated and controlled, launched an amazing epidemic of 
strikes in key defense industries and were t^uccessful in many cases in tying 
up production of armament, die-casting, steel, planes and ships. 

Mr. Hugh Ben Inzer, who was president of Local 210 of the United Automobile 
A\'orkers Union. C. I. O., testified under oath before your committee, October 16, 
1941. Mr. Inzer stated that he liad been an assenMyman for General Motors in 
South Gate since November 16, 19;5(;. He stated that he was acquainted with Lew 
Michener, Wyndham Mortimer, Philip M. (Slim) Connelly and other leaders of 
the C. I. O. We quote Mr. Inzer's testimony vebatim from Volume IV of the com- 
mittee's transcript, beginning at page 3215: 

"A. ( Inzer. ) When I was elected to the presidency of Local 210, I was asked 
by the Regional Director to take time off and come down to the Regional Office 
for a couple of days at the expense of the International. In other words, the 
International would pay my expenses. So that was around the 8th of May 1940, 
and at that time I took this time off and went down and I reached the office about 
9 :30 in the morning and from that time until noon I was introduced to different 
people in the CIO Building, who worked in the offices and he stated those were 
the people I would now have to cooperate with — I was the new president of Local 
216. and they were all in the CIO movement. So, then, we preceded to go out for 

"Q. Now, where are the headquarters you spoke of? 

"A. (Inzer.) That's the Currier Building at Spring and Third, I believe. 

"Q. In this city? 

"A. (Inzer.) In Los Angeles; yes, sir. 

"Q. All right, Mr. Inzer. 

"A. (Inzer.) About twelve we went out to lunch and I went out to lunch with 
Michener and a person known as Slim Connelly. 

"Q. Now, is that Philip M. Connelly? 

"A. ( Inzer. ) That's Philip M. Connelly. 

"Q. What position, if any, did he occupy in the C. I. O.? 

"A. (Inzer.) He holds a position as President of State C. I. O. 

"Q. He is still? 

"A. (Inzer.) Yes: he is 

"Q. And — pardon me. 

"A. (Inzer.) — He was also Secretary to the Council here in Los Angeles. 

"Q. Now, while you were there, did you have a conversation with Mr. Michener 
and Mr. Connelly relative to the general situation among the automobile workers? 

"A. (Inzer.) I did; yes, sir. 

"Q. And the Union situation in the vicinity of Los Angeles in that industry? 

"A. (Inzer.) That's right. 

"Q. And did that conversation occur wdiile you were at lunch? 

"A. (Inzer.) No; after lunch we went into the Regional Office and he said 
there were some more jjeople coming in and we were going to get tf)gether on a 
prf^gram to follow for the next year and it took place after lunch in the Regional 


"Q. And after you went back to the Currier Building, following your lunch- 
eon, did you go upstairs in the building or were you on the ground floor? 

"A. (Inzer.) We went upstairs in the building, I believe the Regional Oflice at 
that time was on the fourtli floor — I know it was on one of the floors above the 
first floor. 

"Q. Yes. 

"A. (Inzer.) So we went up to the Regional Office and went into the Regional 
Direct( r'.s Oflice and we were seated there. 

"Q. D.d some other people come in? 

"A. (Inzer.) Two men came in, other than Connelly, Mortimer, and Michener 
and myself, two other men. One came in and was introduced to me as Mr. 
Diebel ; another man came in and was introduced to me as IMr. Perry. 

"Q. Now, were you present here when Mr. Diebel testified before this Com- 

"A. (Inzer.) Yes, sir; I was. 

"Q. Did you have an opportunity to observe him? 

'•A. ( Inzer, i No ; other than his back walking up and from the witness stand. 

"Q. Were you able to tell whether or not that is the same Mr. Diebel you 
met at the Currier Building? 

"A. (Inzer.) I am positive of it. 

"Q. You are sure it was? 

"A. (Inzer. ) I am sure it was. 

"Q. I hand you a photograph and ask you if that is a photograpli of Mr. Diebel? 
[Handing to witness.] 

"A. (Inzer.) That is. 

"Q. You recognize him as the same i)erson who was present at the meeting 
you are now testifying about? 

"A. (Inzer.) Yes, sir. 

"Q. Are you sure of that? 

"A. (Inzer.) Yes, sir, I am positive. 

"Q. Who else came in? 

"A. (Inzer;) There was a colored fellow came by the name of Perry. They 
inti'oduced him as Mr. Perrv. 

"Q. Was that Mr. Pettis Perry? 

"A. (Inzer.) I found out later it was, I found out later it was Pettis Perry? 

"Chairman Tenney. He is a Negro, is he not? 

"A. (Inzer.) He is a Negro, yes, sir. 

"Mr. Combs. Go ahead. 

"A. (Inzer.) These men came in and sat in. I didn't know who these people 
were any more than I know the people out in the audience, all I thought was they 
are some part of the Labor Movement. So Mr. Connelly and Mr. Michener began 
to tell me that we would have to set up an organization among all the Locals, that 
is, to have the Presidents of the Locals and the Executive Board of each Local to 
be ready to cooperate with the Regional Office at any time in case of an emer- 
gency, and what I gathered from the conversation of the meeting, the emergency 
was this: Any time they wanted to call a strike at any plant that has a CIO 
contract that they could put so much pressure on the management by calling the 
other plants in Los Angeles out in sympathetic strike witli the plant trying to 
get a contract, by so doing tliey could force the management of that company to 
sign the contract that the Union wanted. So they also stated that this man who 
they introduced as Mr. Diebel had cooperated with them in the past in putting out 
literature. They went ahead to state they cooperated in literature known as 
"The Yanks Are Not Coming" and he said also any time we needed any literature 
printed that this man had a print shop and would be glad to cooperate in putting 
out any literature that we needed. 

"Q. That was said in the presence of Mr. Diebel ? 

"A. (Inzer.) That was said in the presence of Mr. Diebel and the rest of tlie 
men in the meeting. 

"Q. When that portion of the conversation occurred, Mr. Inzer, were you seated 
any place in the room ? 

"A. (Inzer.) We were seated in the room in chairs (indicating). 

"Q. Around a table? 

"A. (Inzer.) No, the chairs were just pulled out and seated in the room 
"Q. The conversation was perfectly audible to all persons present? 
"A (Inzer.) Yes. * 

"Q. All right, go ahead, and give us the substance of what occurred. 


"A. (Inzer.) This statement in reRards to putting out the literature and he 
agrtHHl lie would do that. Then they stated Mr. Perry was the head of an or- 
ganization who eould furnish us with men, witli a lot of man power, and also 
furnish us with pickets, men to put out literature and men to do any kind of a 
job that we needed so long as our men were tied up on the pidvet line and by so 
getting tliat cooperation we would b«> able to force the management of the plants 
to sign an agi-eeable conti-act with the Union. 

"Q. Well. now. 

"A. (Inzer.) Mr. Perry agreed he was at the head of an organization and 
could supply any amount of men that were needed. 

"Q". AVas that organization identified at that time or subsequently? 

"A. (Inzer.) No, it was not. 

"Q. All right. 

"A. (Inzer.) No. it was not. 

"(}. Y(ni did not know the organization they were referring to? 

"A. (Inzer.) I did not know the organization, no, sir. 

"Q. Had you ever seen either Mr. Diebel or Mr. Perry before, to your knowledge? 

"A. ( Inzer. ) No. sir, I had never seen them before in my life. 

"Q. All right, go ahead. 

"A. (Inzer.) So after these two points were brought up these men disappeared, 
they got up and left the room. 

"Q. Did they leave the room together? 

"A. (Inzer.) No, they didn't. 

"Q. Who left first? 

"A. (Inzer.) I believe Mr. Diebel, and in five or ten minutes Mr. Perry fol- 
lowed out. 

"Q. All right. 

"A. (Inzer.) So, then, we continued with our conversation and in the mean- 
time, though. I had been used to running into the Communist activities in the 
CIO before that time, and I could see that this program was leading right up 
to the same thing, Communist CIO on the Coast. So the next day, after these 
fellows left we talked about ten or fifteen minutes, and I went back to my office. 
The next day I was supposed to go down again but I went back to my own office 
and called up the Regional OflSce and told them I was there in case they needed 
me. Mr. Michener wanted to know what was wrong and I told him I had inves- 
tigated and found out who these men were and I, as President of Local 216, I 
would not be connected by the Regional OflSce, my rank and file would not co- 
operate — by the way,, our Local consists of 1,800. 

"Q. They didn't approve of it? , 

"A. (Inz?r. ) They don't approve of that influence in the Union. 

"Q. They are aware the influence is there? 

"A. (Inzer.) Absolutely; yes. sir. 

"Q. Now, Mr. Inzer, you say you did make an investigation following this 
meeting which you have testified about? 

"A. (Inzer.) That's right. 

"Q. Did you find out what organization Mr. Perry spoke of when he men- 
tioned that he had an organization through which he could furnish pickets, and 
so forth? 

"A. (Inzer.) Yes: I went back to the Union and asked some of my Executive 
Board if they had heard of these men and they said they had heard of them and 
they believed one was on the German-American Bund and the other the Com- 
juunist Party. I had a friend who was very active in different work in Los 
Angeles and I knew he was well acquainted or would know of them, so I asked 
him and he was quite shocked to know that I had been to such a meeting, and he 
readily told me that this one, Hans Diebel, was at the head or active in the 
German-American Bund in Los Angeles and he did have a book store on 15th 
Street and also Perry was the head of the Communist Party and he took me 
down to the places and I looked in and satisfied myself as to who they were — 
they were there. 

"Q. You went to both addresses? 

"A. (Inzer.) I saw both persons, 

"Q. You conducted an investigation that satisfied you that the statements you 
had obtained concerning their activities were correct? 

"A. (Inzer.) Absolutely ; yes, sir. 

"Q. What happened to you then in your Local 216? 

"A. (Inzer.) Well, as soon 


"Q. Of course, there was the declaration of war between Russia and Germany? 

"A. (Inzer.) That's right. As soon as the Regional Director mentioned or 
found out I was not going to cooperate with him and the reason he wanted me to 
cooperate with liim was the Communist Party here in Los Angeles controls the 
CIO, and I don't mean partly, I mean they control it, they do what they want 
to with it. Any time they send a Communist out to my Local to sell the rank 
and file that all he wants to do is to have them work with him and help put it 
over, and after I would refuse any issue he'd attack me for not cooperating with 
the Regional Office and he also brought Mortimer out to do the same thing, and 
try to poison the minds of the rank and file, who I represented, so they'd not pay 
any attention to me and be against my act." 

The committee has included the above excerpt from the testimony of Hugh 
Ben Inzer as proof the collaboration and cooperation of the Communist Party 
and the German-American Bund with such Communist-dominated union organi- 
zations as the CIO under the leadership of Philip M. Connelly and Lew Michener 
during the fifth period of Communist strategy. The identity and affiliation of 
Pettis Perry, then the Secretary of the Communist Party of Los Angeles County, 
and Hans Diebel, of the German-American iiund, in the City of Los Angeles, are 
well known. 

SIXTH PERIOD (JUNE 22, 1941, TO ?) 

The Sixth Period of Communism in the United States began with Hitler's in- 
vasion of Soviet Russia. The Communist press in- the United States up to this 
event was still attacking President Roosevelt as a "warmonger" and belaboring 
the '"British Imperialist War." Strikes all over the country were instituted by 
Communist dominated unions. With the startling news that the "Fatherland" 
had been attacked by Hitler's hordes, the strikes stopped in defense and war in- 
dustries throughout the United States. Peace mobilization fronts and leagues 
evaporated into thin air. "All Out Aid to Soviet Russia, Great Britain and 
China" replaced the former slogans of "Stop the British Imperialist War" and 
"The Yanks Are Not Coming." This latter slogan was soon considerably amend- 
ed to read "The Yanks Are Not Coming Too Late." President Roosevelt became 
an overnight hero instead of being a "warmonger." Every Communist in Cali- 
fornia and throughout the United States became a chauvinistic patriot and 
"Unity Leagues" of this and that for "Victory" mushroomed throughout Cali- 
fornia and the United States. Although the anti-religious campaign of Soviet 
Russia was flourishing up to the violation of the Soviet-Nazi Pact and Soviet 
Russia's League of the Militant Godless was still vigoi'ously functioning, the 
Communist Party of America began, in this period, to extol the religious tolerance 
of Communism. The American Communists were ordered to emphasize the 
"democracy" of Soviet Russia and its fervent championship of civil liberty. 

Dictator Stalin's "historic prevision," as Foreign Commissar Molotov had 
hailed it, was thrown in the ash can as Hitler's panzer divisions went crashing 
over the Soviet frontiers and the non-aggression pact simultaneously. New 
slogans and proclamations appeared on the familiar mimeographed circulars 
and pamphlets of the Communist Party pamphleteers as soon as the comrades 
had caught their breath and determined the new foreign policy of the "Father- 
land." On September 16, 1941, another circular appeared at the University of 
California at Berkeley, this time urging the students to: "Unite the campus 
to defeat Hitler and Hitlei'ism ! Defend America by full and immediate aid to 
Great Britain and the Soviet LTnion ! Aid China! P^mbargo Japan! Make the 
campus a fortress of Democracy for unity and victory — Join the American 
Student Union ! 

Your committee here wishes to point out that on June 22, 1941, it was Russia, 
and NOT the United States that was invaded by Germany. The news of this 
event, however, was attended with repercussions in the United States and in 
California which were immediate and profound. A strange and sig^niticant quiet 
prevailed over America's labor front. Overnight the Tiuprrialist War of June 21, 
1941, was changed by some strange, international magic, into a people's war which 
involved the Soviet Union. The American Communists wonld now take all the 
Yanks they could get. American Communists were now declai'ing that 
"Now * * * this is OUR war * * *." as did Rose Segure and other Cali- 
fornia Communists and fellow travelers. Foreign Commissar Molotov now or- 
dained that it would be all right for America to lift the embargo on arms to 
belligerents; particnlai'ly to the Soviet Union and Britain. 

Your committee wishes to emphasize the significant lesson to be learned from 
this period of Communist strategy. Americans everywhere should concern 



themselves seriously with (he rhanuos which caiiie to Califoi'iiia and the Uiiitod 
States; ohan.ues whicli elTectod the release of defense Industries from the strangle 
liold of (^oinuiunist -dominated unions, the sudden chanjie in propagamlizin}; in our 
St;ite educational institutions. It should carefully he noted hy all students of 
these matters that these chaiiires were caused, not by anythiui: happening directly 
in or to tlie United States. A.i;ain tiiey turned on the vccd jmd foreign jxtVuii 
of a forelixn fioverninent thousands of miles away. Your committee wl.shes to 
emphasize the fact that there exists in the State of California an organized group 
of subversive individuals. com]detely dnminated by a foreign jiowcr. wdiicli has 
sufficient influence in our American Lahiu- movement to launch a strike epidemic 
in our defense or war industries when the iiur|">ses suits tlie foreiun jjower, and 
to turn it off again like water from a tap when the foreign policy of the dominat- 
ing foreign power commands. Wliile the needs of the foreign power dominating 
this grou]) in California and the United States may correi^pond presently with 
our own needs, it may well be, in tile future, that the needs of the dominating 
force exerted on these Ameiican subversives may be detrimental in the extreme 
to our own needs and purposes. Your committee believes that it is high time 
for tlie ijeople of this State thoroughly and completely to understand and realize 
that the members of the C<immunist Party are organized into an iron disciidlned 
grou]i and controlled, unquestionably, by a foreign power, Soviet Russia. These 
people should be regarded for what they actually are — agents of a foreign iiower, 
and should not be, in any way, looked upon as supei'-patriots and saviors of the 
working class of America and California, as they would like to lead us to believe. 

The official mass murders of Soviet Russia's Fifth Period, together with its 
amazin r trials in which every defendant attemiited to out-confess the other ; 
literally bubbling over with the admission of treasonable crimes against the 
Soviet Government, fantastically, eagerly, and enthusiastically inviting the death 
penalty are now being sold to the American people by the Communists as far- 
visioned statesmanship on the part of Dictator Stalin. Ambassador Joseph E. 
Davies' book, Mission to Moscow, is now pounced on by the Communists of 
Amer'ca as corroborating evidence of the statesmanship of Joseph Stalin in 
defending the "democracy" of Soviet Russia and the United Nations. This 
phase of Ambassador Davies' book, Mission to Moscou; should be read in con- 
junction with the report on the trials by Dr. John Dewey, Men and Politics by 
Louis Fisher and writers who were in actual attendance at the ti'ials in Russia 
and who possessed a knowledge of Communist ideology and tactics. 

Hewlett Johnson, the aged Dean of Canterbury, has written a book, Soviet 
Power, and this volume is now being given widespread circulation by the Com- 
munist Party of America. Eugene Lyons, who spent considerable time in Soviet 
Russia, calls this book of the Dean of Canterbury "a topsy-turvy book * * * 
an Alice-in-Wonderland volume that can only be catalogued as literature of 
hallucination. * * *." 

Tl'e members of your committee realized on thfe morning of June 23, 1941, that 
an era of Communist strategy had come to an end in California and in the United 
States. The committee had been preparing a series of hearings connected wnth 
the strikes at the North American Aircraft Co., in Inglewood. This plant had 
been closed June 6. 1941. by the CIO hut had been reopened several weeks later 
hy the United States Army acting under the direction of the President of the 
United States. While the committee did not have an opportunity fully to inves- 
tigate this strike, it learned that its leaders in the CIO were the same old Com- 
munist and fellow-traveling crowd. Wyndham INIortimer, whose Communist 
Party name was Baker ; Lew ilichener, Elmer Freitag, who was registered as a 
Communist in 1938; and lesser lights, such as Jeff K'bre and Don Healy. were the 
Stalinist leaders of this piece of defense sabotage in America. It was all over, 
of course, when Hitler's panzer divisions drove into Russia June 22, 1941. Your 
committee knew that the Communist Party of the United States would receive 
new instructions ; that the revolutionary character of the Communist Party of 
America would be disgiilsed ; that the Communists of California would, as long 
as it assisted Soviet Russia, be the most enthusiastic patriots for the defeat of 
Hitler and the enemies of the Red Fatherland. What love of the United States, 
its Constitution. Flag, traditions, and way of life could not accomplish in its 
apT eal tfi men like Wyndham Moi-timer and Lew Michener, invasion of a foreign 
totalitarian dictatorship accomplished overnight. The people of California and 
the United States should never forget that the defense efforts of our great Nation 
would have been ruthlessly sabotaged by what purported to be an American labor 
movement — the CIO — had it not been for the need of a foreign dictatorsliip thou- 
.sands of miles away. 


Your committee reports, therefore, that, in this, the Sixth Period of Commu- 
nist development and strategy in California and the United States, tlie war efforts 
of our State and Nation are presently safe from Comnuuiist inteiference and 
sabotage. Every real Communist in the United States will sacrifice, fight, and die 
if need be, just so long as the sacrificing, fighting and dying assists the Red Father- 
land — Soviet Russia. Meanwhile, Americans should make no mistake about the 
true situation. The Communist Party of the United States of America is NOT 
willing to sacrifice, to fight, or to die to preserve American Democracy, its Con- 
stitution, its Flag, its tradition, or its way of life. The long-range olijective has 
not changed and will not change. The revolutionary spirit is temporarily on ice, 
and the Seventh Period of Communist development in this country may see it in 
all its grim horror if the needs, ambitions, and foreiyn policy of Soviet Russia so 

Those who have read thus far are well capable of drawing their own conclu- 
sions. Your committee's investigators alueady report plans of the Communist 
Party in California for tlie formation of soldiers' and sailors' councils in the Army 
and the Navy, patterned after similar councils set up in the armies and navies of 
the Czar and the Kerensky government in Russia in 1917. Reports reaching 
your committee from closed meetings of Communist groups througout California 
tell of plans for soviet governments throiighout Europe upon the collapse of Hit- 
lerism and the weakening of the Nazi-yoke. While it is not the province of your 
committee to prognosticate the futui'e, the committee must, nevertheless, state to 
you with all the emphasis at its command that this, the Sixth Period of Commu- 
nist development and strategy, is not the last period. Tlie committee warns the 
people of California and of the United States that there WILL BE a Seventh 
Period of Communist strategy in America. Only the vigilance of the American 
people and the devotion to the Constitution and traditions of the United States 
on the part of public officials can successfully block the Seventh Period of Com- 
munism from being the lafit period of the American way of life. 

Totalitarian rattlesnakes apparently find satisfaction in warning their prospec- 
tive victims before striking. The democracies of the world cannot complain that 
Hitler had not warned them of his world-aggression ambitions in the pages of 
Mein Kampf. The purpose of tlie Third International, from the beginning and 
throughout its history, has been boldly stated as world domination and the destruc- 
tion of all existing forms of government. Even the Ja))anese Imperialists, while 
not quite so blatant and open in their avowed objectives, have indicated the 
course that they would pursue at the proper moment. Similarly the Comintern 
today indicates the course of its next period of .strategy. 

Mr. MuNDT. Now, you said the University of California, as I under- 
stood, published a quarterly publication edited by a Communist; is 
that right? 

Senator Tennet. That is right. 

Mr. MuNDT. The University of California is a State-supported col- 

Senator Tennet. That is correct. 

Mr. MuNDT. To what extent, if any, has your attorney general, or 
your legislature, taken steps to prevent that kind of misuse of the 
public funds? 

Senator Tennet. Well, unfortunatel}^ Mr. Mundt. we had Bob 
Kenny as attorney general for the past 4 years— Bob Kenny, by the 
way, was the head of Mobilization for Democracy in California, and 
also twice national chairman of the National Lawyers' Guild, and I 
know that I do not have to tell you gentlemen that the National Law- 
yers' Guild is probably the greatest Communist front of attorneys in 
America — and we couldn't expect anything there. Whether or not the 
law is sufficient to do something about it now, I am not prepared to 
say. We have introduced bills in reference to this matter and believe 
that perhaps the university may do something about it now that our 
re])ort is ready for distribution to the public. 

It is an amazing thing. Every one of them have been acquainted 
with the facts; that is, the faculty. Dr. Sprowl knows the facts. 


Jolm Howard Lawson — and I don't liave to tell 3^011 who he is; he is 
considered the jzreatest Marxist in (he AVest"; there isn't any douht in 
anybody's mind ^Yho knows the facts that he is the individual who 
])ulls the strini2;s and who tells (he Connnnnis(s when to jnni]) in Holly- 
wood. He is, admittedly, the former associate edi(or of (he Daily 
AVorker. He was able to i^et the university to join with other Com- 
munists in Hollywood for the ])resentation of a so-called Writers' Con- 
gress, which originated in 1985. w^th Earl Browder makinnj the key- 
note speech, ancl which closed with the singing of the Internationale, 
in New York City in 1935. 

I think you also have the report of Attorney Genei-al Biddle in refer- 
ence to that. That man is the man who is ecliting the magazine which 
is publislied by the press of the University of California. 

jNIr. MuNirr. I have never heard of Bob Kenny, whoever he is, but 
if your attorney general has those kind of antecedents I think the 
State of California needs a new attorney general. 

Senator Texxev. "We got one. ]Mr. ^lundt. 

i\[r. MuxDT. Xow. you mentioned something about the scientists 
in the university working on the cyclotron : that you had the minutes. 

Senator Tenxey. That is right. 

]\Ir. IMuxDT. INIeetings at which they advocated the Sovietization of 
this country. 

Senator Texxet. The matter was discussed in their minutes. It is 
also in this report. INIr. jSIundt. The only change that Ave made in the 
minutes, Mr. ^lundt, is that we have taken out a name which appeared 
in the minutes and we have substituted for that name an X. The 
committee knows wdio the individual is but were asked by certain 
authorities to delete the name, and if this committee should desire 
to know who the individual is, we will be glad to supply that name. 
But the general discussions in those meetings was how to avoid de- 
tection by the Federal Bureau of Investigation in the matters they 
were doing there. How they should distribute certain things in 
envelopes to make them look like pay rolls, and so on ; looking forward 
to the Sovietization of America. 

I submit to you that that is a most important matter, because if 
the Communists are in control of the unions in atomic research and 
radiation we are in a bad way. 

!Mr. MuxDT. Those scientists are employed at the university ? 

Senator Texxey. That is right. 

Mr. MuxDT. It seems to me that the secrets of the atomic bomb are 
not going to be with us very long if we have scientists of that kind. 

Senator Tex'Xey. I am wondering if we are not too late when 
specimens of uranium 235 were flown by Soviet agents from Canada 
to Russia. 

^Ir. Mtjxdt. One other question. Senator. We hear a lot in Wash- 
ington about communism in Hollywood, and particularly commun- 
ism in the motion-picture colony in Hollywood. I wonder if you 
could go into some detail on that. I am sure it would be worth 
while for us to knoAv the names of some of these actors and actresses 
who are actually engaged in Communist work and who are disguising 
themselves as stars of the screen. 

Senator Texxey, Of course, the members of our staff, and ourselves, 
are convinced of the character of many of these people, as composing a 


conspiratorial group and an underground group, but they are always 
under assumed names. About the only thing we can do, or you 
can do in a similar situation, is to draw your own conclusions. We 
are convinced in our minds. We do know that many of the so-called 
stars in Hollywood permit their names to be used by Communist- 
front organizations. We have Edward G. Robinson, whom I think 
your committee has checked up on ; I think you have reports showing 
him as a sponsor or member of this, that, or the other thing in the way 
of a Communist-front organization. We have Garfield, John Garfield ; 
Charlie Chaplin. Both of those gentlemen attended a party given by 
a Soviet writer in San Pedro harbor and entertained him, we under 
stand, at their homes, and in every way have given aid and comfort 
to Communist-front organizations. 

I can't think of all the names, but you will find them also in our 
1943, 1945, and 1947 reports. 

Mr. MuNDT, Do you recall whether Frederick March is a member 
of those communist-front organizations? 

Senator Tenney. Frederick March recently appeared as sponsor 
or executive director, I believe, of the Progressive Citizens of America. 
I think after the old Dies committee talked to Mr. March some year? 
ago he was rather inactive in that respect for some time. We have 
reason to believe, however, that he has become more active. 

Mr. ]\IuNDT. Am I correct in my memory that Frank Sinatra ad- 
dressed the American Youth for Democracy organization ? 

Senator Tenney. That is right. He was a sponsor of that organ- 
ization ; also one of the sponsors at a banquet given by them, at which 
they presented awards to certain young Communists who were present. 
Frank Sinatra and many others have supported Youth for American 
Democracy in California. ' 

Mr. MuNDT. Has he ever repudiated the American Youth for De- 
mocracy ? 

Senator Tenney. Not to my knowledge. 

Mr. MuNDT. Which was declared by J. Edgar Hoover to be a Com- 
munist-front organization for youth in this country? 

Senator Tenney. Yes. No; I have never heard any repudiation. 
That is one of the amazing things our committee has found. 

I understand that a man by the name of J. Stanley Moffat has 
asked to appear here. We subpenaed J. Stanley Moffatt at one of the 
hearings last year and we have included his testimony in this report. 
He was one of the sponsors of the American Youth for Democracy ; and 
when you read his testimony you will find that he says it doesn't make 
any difference to him whether it is the Young Communist League or 
the Communist party ; they all take the same position. 

Mr. MuNDT. It is understandable how people in private or public 
life could be victimized by some smooth-sounding title and join an 
organization, but when it has been exposed by the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation as an outright Communist organization certainly the 
finger of suspicion should point to that individual who then fails to 
repudiate it. Will you agree with that statement ? 

Senator Tenney. I would agree 100 percent. There was a time 
when a person could be excused for lending his name to a Communist 
'front organizatipn. The objectives were usually meritorious. Many 
people were drawn to these organizations because of those advertised 
purposes. But I think the time of innocence has passed, because 


unless a person is completely isolated — insulated— and he doesn't know 
what he is doinu', he shouUl know better. We have got to do some- 
thin«; about that. I agree with j'our statement. 

Mr. ]\[iiNi)T. That is all. 

The Chairman. Mr. Bonner. 

Mr. BoNXER. Senator, I was interested in your school situation, the 
California Labor School, that was using GI funds. That school has 
to be approved by whom in your State? 

Senator Tkxxky. By the State board of education. 

Mr. BoxxEK. The State board has approved it? Must have. 

Senator Tenney. That is right. 

Mr. BoxxER. Must have approved it. 

Senator Texxey. Yes. However, the situation there is this, accord- 
ing to them, that they are confined by the provisions of the GI bill 
to the facilities of the school. They have no jurisdiction or discretion 
in the determination of philosophy that might be taught at the school. 
The American Federation of Labor of California has just recently 
submitted a report to the State board of education unequivocably con- 
demning the organization as a Communist school. We also have a bill 
pending, which we hope will correct that situation. 

Mr. Bonnek. Then the other factor in your public schools, I under- 
stand that your whole public-school system is permeated with a de- 
gree of communistic teachings ? 

Senator Tex'^xey. That is correct; which is exemplified by the situ- 
ation in the Canoga Park High School, in which we found these two 
teachers members of front organizations, and the situation in the 
Chico High School, and the situation in the grammar schools, where 
they were using the booklet, Land of the Soviets, by Marguerite N. 
Stewart. We know that situation exists. Our files are full of letters 
of complaint from various parts of the State, telling us that the same 
situations exist in many of the schools there. As an illustration of 
the brazenness of some of these people, we have a Muriel Kemp, a 
schoolteacher in San Jacinto, in Riverside County, in California. 

In January she sent her entire State warrant that she receives as 
a teacher to the magazine Soviet Russia Today. I Imow you are 
aware of the character of that magazine. 

The Chairmax-. May I interrupt to make this announcement? 
J. Edgar Hoover's statement will be broadcast over a national hook- 
up, and it is very necessary for us all to be as quiet as possible during 
that time. 

Mr. Box^xer. Now, with the information we have as to the condi- 
tions that exist in Russia under the communistic government — and I 
gather from you that the purpose of the Communist Party in Cali- 
fornia is to bring the State of California and the whole United States 
into that system 

Senator Texxey. That is the ultimate objective of the Communist 
Party, in our opinion, after our study. 

Mr. Box'^xer. What do they have to offer, what is the attraction 
that they bring in all these prominent people, leaders in all the 
sciences, arts, and professions? ^Yhat do they offer that they can 
gather in those people that are, so evidently, prominent? 

Senator Tex^xey. You are Mr. Bonner? 

Mr. Boxxer. Bonner, that is right, of North Carolina. 


Senator Tenney. I think, Mr. Bonner, that is very easily answered. 
What did Hitler offer them? After all, we found, before the war we 
found many, many people, many of them people of some prominence, 
who were out-and-out Nazis; they saw something in the promises of 
Hitler. I think we have to seek for that, Mr. Bonner, in the psycho- 
logical processes of individuals. It is my opinion — and I am speak- 
ing now of my own opinion — that most Communists, whether they be 
movie stars or whether they are just laborers, are suffering from 
some sense of guilt, a frustration complex. We find in teachers psy- 
chologically a certain frustration. They seek some outlet for their 
ego. There is no greater back-slapping organization in the world 
than the Communist Party. They carry out assignments and do the 
things that Mr. Dennis did here this morning. There is a great ego- 
infiating situation as the result of tliat sort of thing. These people, 
of course, are baited with beautiful pictures of a Utopia. They don't 
read Kravechenko, for instance, and other people who have made a 
study and have had an opportunity to see Kussia under the tyranny 
of a dictatorship. 

Mr. Bonner. Might we have quiet, please? This is a serious mat- 
ter to me. I think we should have more order in the audience. I 
don't care about the audience. I want to find out what these people 
have in mind in joining these organizations. I think you are render- 
ing a great service to your State and your Nation. Some of the ques- 
tions I might ask might not be so impressive to other people, but they 
are to me because I have a decision to make. 

Senator Tenney. That is right. 

Mr. Bonner. You have made an exhaustive study. What is the 
best thing that we can do here in Congress to maintain our form of 
government and to bring certain people into the light and crush down 
something that is, evidently, and I am convinced, destroying this 
country — not for me or for you, or for us sitting here, but for our 
children and grandchildren. 1 want to perpetuate it for them. What 
is the best thing we can do ? 

Senator Tenney. I believe there are several things we have to do. 
I don't believe there is any one remedy that will take care of the 
whole situation. I think first we have got to take a firm stand. I 
believe there is a time when tolerance becomes treason. I think we 
have to recognize that and recognize it now. I think we have got the 
right to say to these people who have as their avowed purpose and 
objective the destruction of this Government, the Constitution, and 
everything that we as Americans fight to uphold, and for which many 
of us were willing to die, we have got to do something about that and 
do it in a firm and prompt manner, we have got to say that you cannot 
be a traitor. 

Mr. Bonner. The mere fact that they are members of the Com- 
munist Party means that they are traitors to this country; isn't that 
the fact? 

S3nator Tenney. In my opinion, yes. They all take an oath of al- 
legiance first to Soviet Russia as the arsenal for the conquest of the 
world by Marxism, Leninism, and Stalinism. That is their avowed 

I think, in addition to that, we have got to be very careful not to 
destroy any of the rights and liberties that our people have under 
the Constitution. It is a delicate situation. A very difficult thing 


to do, but we have sot to liave coura<:!;e to do it. I think, too, in 
addition to that we liave <rot to do evei'vtlnn<>; we can to make our 
demoeraev, our own eeononiio position, attractive, to make it work. 
I think tluit is a very important part of the job that we have before us. 

Mr. lk>XNEi{. I realize tliat time is lii'owino- short. 

AVhat is the percentage in the poindation of the State of California, 
in your oi)inion. who are Connniinists^ 

Senator Tenney. AVe believe we probably have in California be- 
tween nine and eleven thousand Connnunists. It may be more or it 
may be less. I don't think, if I may sugi> it, that that is important. 
Bukharin, if you recall, who was very close to Marx until he was 
ex})elled i'rom the First International, stated that the Comnmnist 
Party is a small compact group of revolutionists. He said, "Give me 
100 Connnunist revolutionists and I will take over Europe." 

Remember the Connnunist Party of Russia has held its member- 
ship to a small number. There were only 30,000 in Russia when 
they overthrew the Government. The Communists employ a 
psychological philosophy moving the masses to their destruction. 
They moved the Russian people to believe that they had a republic 
but they ended by having a Soviet dictatoi-ship. They do not attempt 
to recruit jjeople into the Connnunist Party. They move them along. 

The}- are doing that in California now by trying to tell the vet- 
erans that the legislature and their Government won't do anything 
about housing. We had a march on the capital Monday by thousands 
of deluded people from all over the State. There was red bunting 
tied on the aerials of cars. Many of these people are innocent of 
what is happening. The Communist Party believes that when condi- 
tions become chaotic they will take the leadership, set up a Red Army, 
and put into effect the dictatorship of the proletariat, and then it will 
be too late. 

Mr. Bonner. Thank you. I have the highest regard for your 

Mr. MuNDT. Even today in Russia less than 3 percent of the popu- 
lation belongs to the Communist Party. 

Senator Tenney. That is correct. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much for coming. 

(A short recess.) 

(Testimony of J. Edgar Hoover, Director, Federal Bureau of In- 
vestigation, will be found in the hack of this volume as part 2.) 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

The Chair will announce that tomorrow at 11 : 30 we will have as 
the first witness Mr. Louis E. Starr, commander in chief of the Vet- 
erans of Foreign Wars. 

At 2 : 30 we will have Mr. Eric Johnston, president of the Motion 
Picture Advisory Committee. 

At 3 : 30 p. m., we w411 have Gov. Kim Sigler, of Michigan. 

We now have as our next and last witness today, Mrs. Julius Tal- 
madge, president general of the DAR. 

Mrs. Talmadge. do you mind standing and taking the oath? 

Mrs. Talmadge. Thank you. 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Thank you. Mrs. Talmadge, you have a state- 
'ment, I understand. 

Mrs. Talmadge. Yes. Thank you. 



Mrs. Talmadge. Chairman Thomas and members of the House 
Un-American Activities Committee, for many years the National 
Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution has advocated, 
urged, and fought for many things, including: 

First. To secure adequate naticmal defense. 

Second. To stamp out communism in the United States. 

The first objective seeks to protect our country from without. The 
second objective, of course, is to protect our country from destruction 

These two defense policies fit in with the Americanization program 
of the Daughters of the American Revolution. It is a broad program 
dealing largely with educating youth, helping the underprivileged, 
and aiding aliens to become true citizens of our country. 

We are criticized frequently for our stand on the issues of national 
defense and communism. We have been called militant trouble- 
makers because we urge preparedness and adequate defense. We have 
been pictured as Red baiters and false-alarmists, because we have 
always warned of the dangers of communism within our borders. 

At long last, however, the country has learned, or at least is learning, 
the value of preparedness. The people of the United States are now 
aware of the dangers confronting not only our country but all demo- 
ci'atic governments because of the encroachment and spread of com- 
nmnistic doctrines. 

The infiltration of communism, as v:e all know, has vastly increased 
since the end of World War 11. Perhaps w^e have been too concerned 
about the problem of a lasting peace and have failed to recognize the 
insidious spread of the poison in our own country. 

Now we are confronted with a real menace. We know for a fact 
that communism is firmly rooted into our labor organizations; into 
many branches of our Government ; into many of our organizations ; 
and even into our schools. 

I was impressed by a recent statement of J. Edgar Hoover, and I 
quote from Mr. Hoover himself. Director of the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation, that Communists have made their greatest advance in 
America during the past 5 years. Mr. Hoover declares that in our 
vaunted tolerance for all peoples the Communist has found our 
"Achilles heel." The head of the FBI, and he should know, flatly 
declares that — 

The "divide and conquer" tactics did not die with Hitler — tliey are being em- 
ployed with greater skill today by American Communists with their "boring 
from within" strategy. Their propaganda, skillfully designed and adroitly 
executed, has been projected into practically every phase of our national life. 

At the present time we are facing a grave crisis and we must deter- 
mine what our policy shall be in aiding Greece and Turkey and other 
nations which are threatened with Communist domination. We of 
the Daughters of the American Revolution therefore note with deep 
satisfaction that the Congress of the United States and the heads of 
various Government departments are alert to this crisis and are study- 
ing the entire pi'oblem in an effort to determine what must be done to 
protect and preserve our form of government and our institutions. 


I liiive boon askod bv your cbiiirnKui to oxpross an opinion upon 
the various bills now pon(lin<>; bol'oio tho Conji'ross, which strike at 
connnunisni and oonununistic activities. 

I have studied three bills and I declare my support of all of them. 
Moreover, it is my intention as President General of the Dauiihters 
of the American Revolution to brin<2; these measures before the mem- 
bers of our resolutions conmiittee at the fifty-sixth Continental Con- 
o:i-ess of our National S(XMety, which will convene in Constitution Hall 
in this city on May 10. It is my hope that our organization with over 
150.0(H) members will wholohearledly indorse this pending legislation 
and urge passage of the various bills. 

The bill of Chairman Thomas, II. R. 2275, as I understand it, would 
create a Federal Loyalty Connnission to ferret out disloyal Govern- 
ment employees and see to it that they are discharged from holding 
Government employment. 

It is my judgment that this legislation is necessary, because, as we 
all know, it is exceedingly difficult to prove that a person is a Com- 
mr.nist. Few indeed will admit their true identity. We all know 
that Connnunists work in secret. They are quick to deny their com- 
munistic affiliations. It is to their advantage to work under cover. 
Consequently, a connnisison set up with the power to investigate and 
.secure proof against suspected Communists is needed if w^e are to keep 
Communists or those with Communistic beliefs from spreading their 
jioison as Government workers. 

The bill of Representative Rankin of Mississippi, whom I know 
well, merits solid D A.R support. It is H. R. 1884. It is time to stop 
the spread of comnuniistic propaganda through the mails. It is time 
to stop the teaching of communistic doctrines no matter how subtle, 
in our public schools. It is time to prevent election of candidates to 
Federal or State office who are avowed enemies to our form of eovern- 

Likewise, the measure of Representative Sheppard, of California, 
H. R, 2122, is in accord with DAR policies. This sweeping measure 
strikes directly at the Connnunist Party and the communistic organi- 
zations. It also strikes at organizations engaging in political activities 
which are affiliated with foreign governments or with foreign political 

I certainly believe legislation is needed to stop the subversive activi- 
ties which are going on around ns. Communism should be outlawed 
in the United States wholly and entirely. 

We are now^ faced with the President's proposal to loan $400,000,000 
to Greece and Turkey in an effort to close the front door against 
totalitarian infiltration. Are we going to leave the back door wnde 
open for Communists and fellow travelers to spread their poisonous 
work inside our own country ? 

Communism can be outlawed in the United States, because those 
preaching communistic doctrines are not merely finding fault with 
our Government. Their real objective is to undermine and destroy 
our Govermnent so that a totalitarian government under the Moscow 
pattern can be substituted. 

I realize, of course, that much of the subversive propaganda carried 
on in the United States is boldly distributed because of the guaranty 
of free speech. I would like to make it clear that members of the DAR 
f>tand firmly behind the Constitution of the United States and the 


Bill of Rights. "We would be the first to object to any infringement 
on the right of free speech. It is one of the priceless liberties for 
which our ancestors fought. 

Those who preach communistic doctrines within the United States 
and who are citizens of our countr}^ might argue they have the right 
under free speech to say what they please. They have the right up 
to a certain extent. 

Americans can criticize their form of government, their public 
servants, their lawmakers and the laws under which they live. ISo 
thinking American fails to appreciate these rights. 

However, when Communists and tlieir kind advocate the destruction 
of our form of government (which provides and guarantees the 
priceless privilege of free speech), and the substitution of communism 
it is time to take action. That is why I say legislation is needed to 
curb the activities of Communists and outlaw communism in the 
United States. 

Many DAR members realize the danger to our country in the spread 
of communism, not only in goA^ernmental circles and in the ranks of 
labor, but also in our schools and in our patriotic organizations. 

Members of the Daughters of the American Revohition oppose the 
Communist Party and are not identified with any of the Communist 
fronts now masquerading under high-sounding patriotic names. Our 
members pledge their allegiance to tlie American flag. They also 
suscribe to the American's Creed. 

I believe it would be a good thing to require every public school 
teacher in the United States to swear to the oath of allegiance and also 
support the American's Creed. Everv American should know the 
American's Creed of which your own William T3der Page is author. 

I believe in the United States of America as a government of the people, 
by the people, for the people; whose just powers are derived from the consent 
of the governed ; a democracy in a republic ; a sovereign Nation of many sovereign 
States; a perfect Union, one and inseparable; established under those principles 
of freedom, enuality. justice, and humanity for which American patriots sacrificed 
their lives and fortunes. 

I therefore believe it is my duty to my country to love it ; to support its 
Constitution; to obey its laws; to respect its flag; and to defend it against all 

Every American citizen should believe in the Constitution of the 
United State's and in our principles of government. An American 
citizen should hold no allegiance whatsoever* with any foreign politi- 
cal party or with any subversive organization working to destroy our 
form of government. 

I have been told that in many instances there is no check whatso- 
ever on the political beliefs of college professors and teachers or of 
teachers in our high schools and also those who teach our children 
in the grade school. 

We are face to face with the fact that communism is an organized 
movement that has pushed its way into our schools. It has reached 
a place of power in or labor organizations. It not only controls 
Eastern and most of Western Europe, all of the Balkans except 
Greece, but it is in rf»ntrol of Mancluii-ia. northern Korea, and noi-th- 
ern China. It is ready to engulf Turkey and the Near East. It has 
gained a strong foothold in Canada and its ramifications within the 
United States are amazing. 


Tn this ('(iiintrv cxi'niisioii ot' coiniimnisin lias Ihmmi helped ihroULjh 
various ''front organizations.'' Most ol' those have patriotic names 
ami are seeminaly j^eaoe societies or dehiocrtatic oi'uanizations. It 
is diflicnlt to trace diivct communistic connections with some of these 
organizations, hut their activities oft(Mi lietray them. 

The DAK has long heen an organization singled out for attack by 
these '"fronts." They have sought to ridicule our Society, to obstruct 
its work, and to destroy it by seeking to spread discord and strife 
Avitliin oui" ranks. We are a favorite target. 

Our organization and similar organizations will continue to be 
the object of comnmnistic attacks until proper legislation is adopted 
which will restrict such un-American activities and will unmask the 
true identity of those behind the attacks and their I'oal motives. 

The time has come wlien the mask must be stripped from these 
organizations with deceptive names whose real purposes are to pro- 
mote conummism and the spread of subversive propaganda. 

We should i-evise the definition of the word '"traitor." Just how 
far can a person go in seeking to destroy our form of government be- 
fore he is committing an act of treason? How far can a person go 
in i)lotting to overturn our Government before he can be branded a 

Bouvier's Law Dictionary defines treason in criminal law, as "a 
betraying, treachery, or breach of allegiance." The Constitution of 
the United States defines treason against our country to consist in 
levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving 
them aid and comfort. • 

The Law Dictionary says : 

Every person owing allegiance to the United States who levies war against 
them, or adheres to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort within the United 
States or elsewhere is guilty of ti-eason. 

We are still thinking in terms of Benedict Arnold when we think 
of traitors and of treason. The terms should be revised. 

The United States is the leading nation of the w^orld. It cannot af- 
ford to permit communism to flourish within its borders. It is time 
to clean house. 

We must set an example for our good neighbors of the Western 
Hemisphere. They too are beset with Communists and comniunistic 

Legislation to combat communism within the United States will 
not only protect this country but will also point the way for Canada 
and to the nations of Central and South America to rid their countries 
of this menace. We must remain united and strong. 

I thank j^ou. 

The Chairman, Mrs. Talmadge, it was very good of you to come 
here today. I am just sort of a little apologetic for the fact that we 
weren't able to put you on when you were supposed to go on, but you 
understand just why that was so. 

Mrs. Talmadge. Oh, indeed I do. 

The Chairman. I know you were certainly interested in the re- 
marks of Mr. Hoover, so you can feel that your time wasn't wasted. 

Mrs. Talmadge. Absolutely. I was delighted to hear his wonderful 

99651—47 18 


The Chairman. Now, there are some questions we would like to 
ask you, and if you don't mind, we would like to ask those questions 

Mrs. Talmadge. All right. 

The Chairman. You say, Mrs. Talmadge, that we should clean 
house. Of course, it is very easy to sav that, and we have been saying 
it for a long time, but the Communist Party in the past few years, 
even though we have been saying it, has made progress. They have 
probably made more progress in the United States in the last five or 
six years than they ever have in any other period in the history of this 
country. Just how would 3^ou clean house ? 

Mrs. Talmadge. I think I would follow what this committee is 
, doing. Right now they have started to clean house. I would start 

The Chairman. In other words- 

Mrs. Talmadge. Certain departments of government and go down ; 
or start at the bottom and go up. 

The Chairman. In other words, you would have an exposure and 
a continued exposure, clay after day and month after month, until such 
time as the American people woke ui> to the great dangers that con- 
front them ? 

Mrs. Talmadge. Definitely. I am so afraid you will stop before 
you go far enough. 

The Chairman. We won't stop, I can assure you of that. 

Mr. Peterson. 

Mr. Peterson. I was impressed by your statement, particularly by 
the fact that you didn't mince words when you were dealing with- 
treason. In this country there are many acts that are actually trea- 
sonable, but the difficulty has been in proving them. I have been in- 
clined to believe there should be an amendment to the law, and, from 
Mr. Hoover's statement today, he somewhat agreed with me on that. 
There were people turned loose that should not have been turned 
loose, in this critical period of time. 

I am deeply appreciative of the support that you and your fine or- 
ganization have given us, in a period when a lot of other people were 
throwing rocks at us. This committee hasn't had an easy role, but 
they are beginning now to develop facts which for some time we were 
trying to develop. 

I think you made a fine contribution today. 

Mrs. Talmadge. Thank you very much. I don't think your com- 
mittee has had any harder time than we have. In fact, we have 
worked hand in hand, as you know, with your fine committee and also 
with the FBI. We stand right back of you, in everything that you are 
doing. I hope the appropriations will come through, so that you can 
extend your work. We are back of you always, 100 percent. 

The Chairman. Mr. Nixon. 

Mr. NixoN. No questions. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much Mrs. Talmadge. 

Mrs. Talmadge. Thank you for allowing me to come. I think it is 
just about the greatest honor tliat has come to me since I have been 
president of the DAR. 

The Chairman. The meeting stands in recess until tomorrow. 



House of Representatives, 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D. C. 

The committee met at 10: 30 a. m., Hon. J. Paniell Thomas (chair- 
man) presiding. 

The following members were present : Hon. John McDowell, Hon. 
Richard j\I. Nixon, Hon. Richard B. Vail, and Hon. J. Hardin Peter- 

Staff members present: Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator; 
Lonis J. Russell and Donald T. Appell, chief investigators; and Ben- 
jamin Mandel. director of research. 

The Chairman. The meeting will come to order. 

The Chair wishes to announce that tomorrow the first witness will 
be former Gov. George H. Earle of Pennsylvania, at 11 : 30 a. m. 
The next witness will be Peter Cacchione, councilman from Brooklyn, 
N. Y., who will appear at 2 : 30 p. m. 

This afternoon we will have as witnesses: At 2: 30 p. m., Mr. Eric 
Johnston, president of the IVIotion Picture Advisory Committee. At 
3: 30 p. m.. Gov. Kim Sigler, of Michigan. 

We will now have as a witness Mr. Louis E. Starr, commander in 
chief of the Veterans of Foreign Wars. Mr. Starr, will you please 
rise and raise your right hand and be sworn? 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Mr, Starr, the committee appreciates very much 
your appearance here today, particularly in view of the long trip 
you had to take, as I understand it, all the way from the Pacific coast, 
in order to get here tliis morning. Do you have a statement? 

ISIr. Starr. I have, Mr. Thomas. 

The Chairman. We will be pleased to have you read that statement. 


Mr. Starr. Mr. Thomas and members of the Committee on Un- 
American Activities, I welcome and appreciate the invitation to ap- 
pear before you todaj^ as commander in chief of the Veterans of For- 
eign Wars, an organization of some 2,000,000 combat veterans of 



America's wars, fought for the purposes of making this world a better 
place in which to live. The patriotism and true Americanism of this 
democratic organization cannot be questioned or challenged and as its 
spokesman I was glad to interrupt an important tour of the Pacific 
Nortliwest to liy to Washington to appear here today. 

Also, I appear before you as a part of the Red baiters menace- 
America brigade, which, according to another witness who appeared 
yesterday before this committee, includes the Veterans of Foreign 
Wars, along with the Attorney General of the United States, officials 
of the American Federation of Labor, the American Legion, and the 
Catholic hierarchy. The witness who so labeled the Veterans of 
Foreign Wars is Eugene Dennis, secretary of the Communist Party of 
America, and you can read his indictment in pamphlet form for 
exactly 1 cent. No inflation there. 

That the Communist Party and others who adhere to totalitarian 
dogma look to the millions of veterans as fertile grounds for mem- 
bership and propaganda fodder is no secret. We are involved every 
day in these efforts. Recently a member of my staff spent 2 weeks in 
New York weeding out communism in our local posts. In California, 
I have the record of one post which harbored 10 card-carrying mem- 
bers of the Communist Party. 

-Because of the activities in behalf of what's known as Americanism, 
I am under the well-known smear campaign in certain parts of the 
Nation. We, in the Veterans of Foreign Wars, are inclined to action 
in regard to those who deliberately set out to disrupt ancl confuse. 
And by action I mean throwing them bodily out of our meeting places 
and out of our organization. 

Let me say at the outset that the time element is not long enough 
for mere Red baiting. These days of domestic confusion and fear 
and world conditions of confusion and fear are not long enough for 
spellbinding, political oratory, headline-grabbing, or selfish fear. 
Those among you in Congress, in Government, in business and labor 
who condone traitorous citizens or noncitizens and allow a helping 
hand to them in the way of employment, position, or power, because of 
political or any other personal consequences, are not the kind of men 
and women for whom the members of my organization fought. The 
time has arrived, and make no mistake about it, when double-dealing, 
double-talking politics within the Nation and without the Nation, in 
diplomacy — which is merely a polite word for politics on an inter- 
national scale — must be at a minimum. 

The control of Congress passed from one political party to another 
last November. And already, despite the great and favorable press 
enjoyed in the intervening months since that election, great doubts 
are arising in the minds of the people and fear rears its ugly head 
again and asks, Is this but another example of politics as usual with 
all eyes on the political fortunes of tomorrow and all hands carefully 
sat upon lest one hand be raised in unselfish, determined gestures for 
the welfare of all America and Americans? 

You may aid or stymie efforts to house veterans; repeal laws 
which have been distasteful; attempt to strengthen the chances 
of democracy around the globe— and all of that is good or bad ac- 
cording to our own beliefs and experiences — and all within our 
jealously guarded and hard- won rights through individual enterprise 
and freedom. And in doing all of these things there remams the 


specter of tomorrow when all of America's efforts toward a better 
life may sum thomsolvos up as our oue and oiea( and last individual 
enterprise. And that could he our security, within and without, and 
our life expectancy as history's greatest nation. 


Infiltration by the Communists in our midst is an ambiguous state- 
ment. Yet, the workings of the party and the party line are as simple 
as the word carried by inocent campus groups who control class 
elections by woi-d-of-mouth campaigning. We learned from the 
master propagandists of the Nazis that the big lie repeated over and 
oyer finally becomes the truth to multitudes. One line of propaganda, 
from a centralized focal point, such as the Communist Party, spread 
throughout our land through our free institutions and organizations 
soon becomes a mighty voice among the people. It's the word-of- 
mouth strategy — more successful than any other promotional or ad- 
vertising program ever worked orit by our own alert, brilliant 
advertisers or promoters. In fact that word-of-mouth campaign is 
the goal sought by the super-superexploiters of our colossal motion 
pictures. Gentlemen, it is a great underground movement at work 
and it has always worked. 

xVnd that is wh}' the Veterans of Foreign Wars is determined that 
Communists shall be rooted out, the prevailing party line shall be 
exposed, and the understanding of our members continually increased. 

And that is also why, gentlemen, the power of the Communist is 
present and a growing menace. Su^'ely, it is no secret at this late 
^ate that the Communist Party members and their spineless, brainless 
stooges and fellow travelers have penetrated into our social, educa- 
tional, religious, industrial, labor, and g/6vernmental structures. 

Primary responsibility is bringing into the light of day and elimi- 
nating these borers from within with these same organizations, schools, 
churches, industries, labor unions, and local and State and Federal 


We are not engaged in a postwar Red-baiting campaign. We have, 
since our founding over 47 years ago, been engaged in a program of 
Americanism through education, and understanding. The true patri- 
otism of 2.000,000 fighting men resents any imf)lication that we are 
"stooging" for any combine of finance, industiy, international bankers, 
of other ''tagged" enemies of the Communists, Fascists, or Nazis. 

In the days immediately preceding the war we felt the same. In 
1939 our national encampment viewed the situation and agreed that — 

subversive activities have increased by leaps and bounds. It must be remembered 
that it is not necessary that a person be an actual member of the Comnmnist 
Party, or the Facist or Nazi groups which have established themselves in this 
country, in order to support tlieir cause. * * * While it is evident that a 
well-directed and well-conceived plot is in progress to destroy our present fiorm of 
government, both through radical activities and through conquest by immigra- 
tion, nevertheless the national department of Americanism holds to its policy 
that the best way to combat subversive activities is not to attempt to suppress 
them by force contrary to the laws and doctrines of democracy * * * but 
to bring to the American public the full meaning and intent behind such 


The national organization was charged by its forty-seventh annual 
encampment, in September 1946, with exclusion by law of Commu- 
nists from the ballot. Our staff has weighed and analyzed this man- 
date and the implications that it may violate the Constitution or tend 
to drive the communistic movement underground. Before such a 
drastic program is adopted, an offensive campaign of public education 
must be waged to bring a rebirth of the doctrines of true Americanism. 
If the real Americans in organizations, schools, churches, industry, 
labor unions, and government were as voluble and active as are the 
spokesmen for subversive organizations, and as much effort or money 
spent on real youth programs as in undermining propaganda, the 
problem would, in my opinion, be largely solved. 

Again in 1940, Past Commander in Chief Bernard W. Kearney, 
currently a Member of Congress from New York State, reported as 
chairman of our committee on national defense. 

The Chairman. Let the record show that Mr. Peterson is present. 

Mr. Starr (reading) : 

A most important lesson learned from the war in Europe today is the advent 
of the Trojan horse, the so-called fifth column. Again let me remind you that 
for years we of the "Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States have called 
upon those in authority to pass the laws necessary for the abolishment of all 
Nazi, Fascist, and Communist organizations. "We must be immunized against 
their technique. * * * The above-named organizations are the instruments 
of revolution. * * * 

In 1941, we resolved to outlaw uniforms with foreign insignia used 
by subversive groups and also urged Congress to further investiga- 
tions of subversive activities, and expose anti-American elements and 
individuals within the Federal and municipal governments of our 

Regardless of the fact that Rusieia is our military ally — 

the Veterans of Foreign Wars 1943 encampment declared — 

and regardless of the fact that Russia has ostensibly, through her own state- 
ment.s, thrown overboard that part of her constitiition which calls upon the 
Third International (Ru.ssian Communist Party) to overthrow all so-called 
democratic nations by force and violence, Communists in all countries continue 
to operate. Communism is more dangerous than ever before. Necessary war- 
time regimentation provides opportunities for un-American elements which can- 
not be used by them in time of peace. 

And in 1945 it was reported to our national encampment that — 

the national department of Americanism has recorded the names and histories 
of thousands of persons and organizations who are apparently trying to tear 
down American democracy. * * * Those records reveal Communists, Fas- 
cists, Bible-quoting "patriots," seditious flag wavers, and others who specialize 
in attacking American ideologies, Government, and our future as a peace-loving 
nation of free peoples. 

Just what would the Communists do here ? 

Carefully analyzed, the program of the Communist Party itself 
offers no solutions to the imagined and real problems of our Nation 
and people. 

During the heat of the 1936 Presidential campaign, the National 
Press Chib in Washington gave minority party candidates for the 
Presidency a chance to address the members. Earl Browder, the 
Communist Party candidate, in answer to a direct question of what 
he would do should he be successful in his campaign, offered no con- 
crete program. 


The American people have never accepted the dogma tliat "man 
lives by bread alone." Certainly vce are materialistic in onr concept 
of life, bnt at the same time we, as a nation, have spiritnal and hn- 
manitai-ian roots far deeper than the accepted materialistic *'on" 
possessed by Comnnmist fanatics. 

Joseph Stalin said this: 

The (N)iniiiuiiist Piirty of Aiuoi-icn is one of flio few Coiiiniiinist Parties of 
the world iii>om which liistory h:is plaeed tasks of decisive importance from the 
point of view of tiie iiUernatioiiai revolutionary moveiiierit. The moment is 
not far off when a revolutionafy crisis will be nnieashed in America; when that 
revolutionary crisis comes * * * it will marli the hejiinniiig of tlie end of 
world capitalism. The Comnuniist Party of the United States must he aimed 
to be able to meet that liisloi'ical moment and to head the fortiicomiuf^ class 
combats. (("ommuriists Within the Government, published by Chamber of 
Commerce of the United States, January 1947.) 

Let's look at that statement for a moment. Comnuniistic dogma, 
\vhich is one of the world's worst forms of reaction, because the teach- 
ings of JMarx are stationary, allows for no change. The United 
States and people are assmned to remain in a fixed position mitil 
the day strikes when commimism rushes in and takes over. 

The objects of the Connnunist antagonism also are expected to 
remain fixed. Monopoly, imperialism, exploitation, big business, and 
so forth, presumably are holed up fearfully waiting for the day when 
comes the revolution. The whole ideology assumes that fixed enemies 
remain stationary. Were all the dogmatic rantings against America 
true, we would never have a change in politics ; never have conserva- 
tive nor progressive cycles; never see new industries, banks, men, 
or policies come to the national front. 

The Communists never seem to understand that all bankers do not 
agree on policy, economics, or politics; that children disagree with 
American fathers; that subsidiaries of our great corporations are at 
times in a death struggle of competitive effort with other subsidi- 
aries of the same parent corporation. They do not understand that 
taxes run the Nation rather than outright confiscation or public 
ownership. Seemingly they do not understand why this Nation can 
produce an atomic bomb; organize a fighting force the like of which 
the world has never seen; an industrial effort beyond the wildest 
dreams of even the strongest proponents of American free-wheeling 

AVe could go on in this manner hour upon hour and get no place, 
because we learned long ago that a wise man can change his mind, 
but a fool never does. In their stupidity, ignorance, dogged determi- 
nation to divide and rule, ruin or rule, suspicions, hatreds, closed 
minds, and dulled senses, Americans who are members of the Com- 
munist Party, groups, fronts, and other affiliates are fools — plain fools. 
They are unworthy of the heritage of those who built this land as a 
haven for the oppressed and slave-ridden spots of the world; un- 
worthy of the efforts made in the last war by our millions of decent 
men and women ; unworthy of protection, or any respect, or even our 
healthy indignation. The spotlight of public opinion should be 
focused upon them. 

That the infiltration of communistic ideology into high places may 
be brought into the purifying light of public opinion, I offer for 
your consideration a series of pertinent questions which have been 
presented to tlie Veterans of Foreign Wars from various sources and 


which we, clue to limited resources and lack of investigational facili- 
ties, are unable to explore : 

1. Are individuals with communistic records, leanings, or sympa- 
thies now admitted to assignment at officer candidate schools, aviation 
cadet training, security and intelligence duties, or other secret or con- 
fidential activities within the Army or Navy? 

2. Who was responsible for the employment of such notorious pre- 
Communists as Corliss Lamont; H. W. L. Dana, supporter of Browder 
for President and American Peace Mobilization which picketed the 
Wliite House ; Sergei Kaurnakoff , military writer on the staff of the 
Daily Worker; Harriet Moore, director of the pro-Soviet American- 
Eussian Institute; and Joshua Kunitz, writer for the New Masses; 
Vladimir Kazakevich, lecturer and writer for Communist publica- 
tions. All were engaged in some phase of training Army officers at 
Cornell University in Ithaca, N. Y. 

3. Charges have been made that Communists are organizing aj 
program of youth subversion with a definite program for infiltration 
into existing youth organizations and that new organizations of Com- 
munistic complexion are being formed, especially among students in 
schools and colleges. At a meeting of an international Communist 
organization in Czechoslovakia last summer the youth of many na- 
tions, including the United States, was 'represented. What steps are 
being taken to halt Communist subversion of youth in the United 
States ? 

4. What is being done to expose Communist propaganda aimed 
against military training and preparedness ? 

5. Is it not a fact that the new Win the Peace Movement, the Cong- 
ress of American Women, and the League of Women Shoppers carry 
on their sponsor lists some identical names as those who endorsed the 
American Peace Mobilization organization which picketed the White 
House prior to Hitler's attack on Russia, June 22, 1941? The Amer- 
ican Peace Mobilizers have been cited as subversive by the Attorney 
General, the United States Department of Labor, the Special Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities, the California Fact Finding Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities, the New York Joint Legislative 
Committee to Investigate Procedures and Methods for Allocating 
State Moneys for Public School Purposes. 

6. What action is contemplated against the United Public Workers 
Association, which has been repeatedly characterized as Communist 
controlled by authoritative sources in Government and private enter- 
prise ? 

7. Why are foreign-born educators and lecturers permitted to enter 
the United States and influence public opinion without proper screen- 
ing of their political beliefs and ideologists ? 

8. Are not certain groups characterized as communistically con- 
trolled granted the same tax-exempt privileges as educational and 
patriotic organizations? 

9. In order that steps may be taken to prevent recurrence of ap- 
parent mist'akes might it not be well to inquire why admitted Com- 
munist sym])athizers were permitted in places of trust and authority 
in file armed services? Eclward Newhouse, a former member of the 
staff of the Daily Worker was commissioned a major and placed on 
the staff of Gen. H. H. Arnold; Lt. Richard L. Criley, at one time 
head of the Young Communist League of California spoke on an 


Army Hour radio program on the haiKlling of labor affairs in Sicily; 
William C'aiulell. former memlu'r of the S[)anish International Brig- 
ade and former editor of the Transport Bulletin, was in charge of 
information and education programs at an Air Service Command 
where he was stationed as a sergeant. 

The Veterans of Foreign Wai's reconnnend : 

1. That Ameriaen labor organizations, industry, educational and 
religious groups, fraternal, and i)atriotic organizations and local 
and State governments apply the same loyalty tests to their ranks 
as the l*resident of the United States has directed be made for Gov- 
ermnent ollicials and employees. 

2. So amend and strengthen National and State laws applying 
to elections and party designation to provide close scrutiny and pub- 
licity of funds spent "to aid the election of candidates for ])ublic office, 
witli si)ecial proliibition of use of funds supplied directly or indirectly 
by a foreign government to influence political activity. 

8. Strengthen the laws having to do with education to provide for 
a thorough screening of textbooks and courses used in public educa- ' 
tion. Strengthen statutes governing boards of education to provide 
for a sci-eening committee composed of members representing organi- 
zations of unquestioned Americanism to recommend curricula and 
texts, and provide methods for fixing responsibility for dissemination 
of subversive teachings. 

4. A continuing program of public education, formulated by a 
duly constituted Government authority composed of representatives 
of patriotic organizations, religious, educational and youth groups, 
labor, management and agriculture. Such a program should have 
the dual function of (1) exposing subversive activities wherever they 
may appear and inquire into all their ramifications and complexities 
and (2) reinstilling within the breasts of all Americans the burning 
fervor for the ideals for which every generation has given its finest 
manhood and shed its best blood. By the process of comparison the 
blessings and fruits of forthright patriotism and love of country and 
its institutions will be revivified: what these institutions are and the 
principles they typify; the good life and well-being that have flowed 
from them — these results of strength and good living will equip 
our citizens with the stoutest of weapons — truth and fervor — to com- 
bat foreign ideologies. 

Tn addition to that, Mr. Chairman, I should like to make one obser- 
vation in regard to the President's purge of disloyal Government 

The Veterans of Foreign Wars is intensely interested in how this 
purge is to be implemented. We are wondering if the ones who 
permitted the infiltration will be entrusted with the purge. It appears 
to us that before the President's policy can be implemented those who 
permitted the infiltration should be removed from their offices. 

Then, Mr. Chairman, in connection with this subject, I should like 
to present one that is very closely allied. Tn discussing the threat 
which unrestrained communism and related "isms" pose against our 
traditional American concept of democracy and free entei^prise I 
would like to point out that the problem should be considered in two 
phases — domestic and international. 

The former — domestic — relates to internal tranquility with respect 
to orderly government, maximum production and a high standard of 

280 un-americajst activities 

living while the latter — international — relates to national security and 
international trade and relations. The domestic problem has been 
rather generally covered by witnesses before this body, including 
myself, but the international problem has been either neglected or 
sketchily touched upon. 

I would fall short of the mark and be remiss in my duty if I failed 
to comment and offer a recommendation with respect to the interna- 
tional angle involving national security and international trade and 

We would be attempting a "fool's paradise" if we seek only to 
establish domestic tranquillity and ignoi-e outside pressures wdiich 
might jeopardize our very existence as a free nation. 

If domestic tranquillity, orderly government, free enterprise, and 
individual liberty are desirable, within, they should be worthy of 
protecting and defending from outside pressure. Therefore, maximum 
precaution, in view of present world tension, demands immediate con- 
sideration by the Congress of the following security recommendation : 

Repeal the existing Atomic Energy Control Act and restore control 
of atomic energy to the military through the President and a joint 
bipartisan congressional committee. 

This proposal to restore control of atomic energy to the military 
is new and I will attempt to briefly outline my reasons therefor. 

The recent proposal by the President to extend financial aid, together 
with military and technical advisory service, to Greece and Turkey has 
far-reaching and potential implications. The President and his 
advisers frankly admit the proposal is intended to halt the rapid 
encroachment of communism in that area, which threatens the "four 
freedoms" throughout the world. 

The President and his staff are undoubtedly in possession of certain 
facts and information which has not heretofore been available to the 
American people. The proposal to extend direct aid to Greece and 
Turkey is a frank admission that all is not well on the international 
scene, and that a challenge to democracy and freedom has again reared 
its ugly head. 

In view of this situation and the need for the United States to present 
a determined front to the world, what better answer could we give to 
Dur challengers, wherever they may be, that we are prepared to act if 
the challenge becomes intolerable. Atomic energy and the atom bomb 
was developed under military control. To date, atomic energy remains 
largely an instrument of war in the form of a superexplosive. As 
such, i can think of no better or safer hands in which to repose it, than 
those which led us to a great victory, our military leaders, with super- 
visory control exercised through the President and the Congress. 

To those who may view the military with suspicion and distrust, let 
me say that I have no fear for our Nation, my family and myself, that 
men like Patterson, Forrestal, Eisenhower, Nimitz, MacArthur, Van- 
degrift, and Spaatz, would ever abuse the confidence and trust imposed 
in them by our Nation. 

If and when world conditions have become more settled, and our 
thoughts can turn to tlie development of peaceful and benign uses for 
atomic energy, tlie Congress, by joint concurrent action, may revive the 
Atomic Energy Commission and relegate the military to an advisory 


Can you think of a better psychological approach in these disturbiiiij^ 
times, to w aru the challen«iors of democracy everywhere, that we mean 
business and are prepared to support our position on the "four 
f )-eedoms" i 

Mv. Chairman, if there are any questions that the connnittee or your- 
self wouUl like to ask in connection with this, my stall' and myself 
would be very happy to answer them. 

I have just returned from a trip throu«rh the three Western States of 
California. Oreiron. and Washington. I had occasion there to discuss 
with our men in those States the Communist problem on the west coast 
and I find that it is serious indeed. I find that in my own State of 
Oregon there are presently two schools of communism operated by 
Connnunists for Communists, turning out leaders to go into labor, in- 
dustr}^ into our schools as instructors. I charged that when I w^as 
there. It was admitted that they did have classes and had just com- 
pleted a "fine'' class of proponents of their philosophy. I find the 
same thing in the other two States. 

In our organization we are rapidly ridding our organization of any- 
one who carries a Communist card or who is a fellow traveler advocat- 
ing or acting subversive to our organization. 

The Chairman. Mr. Starr, you have made a very forceful presenta- 
tion. The committee will ask j^ou some questions. 

Before we ask those questions, I want the record to show that a 
quorum is present. 

I want to say to you, Mr. Starr, that I am 100 percent with you on 
the transfer of the atomic bomb development back to the military. If 
we put the atomic bomb in the hands of a group of "milk toasts" we 
can be certain that we can just hurry the day when the bomb is going 
to be used against us. 

Xow, in your statement you said that commmiism is more danger- 
ous than ever before. One of the reasons why it is more dangerous 
than ever before is that we have had a lot of "milk toasts" in this Gov- 
ernment who just permitted these Communists to get the foothold that 
they have gotten over the last few years. 

Now, I would like to have you develop a little bit that statement of 
yours where you say that communism is more dangerous than ever 

Mr. Starr. Mr. Thomas and gentlemen, I believe that they have not 
only permitted it to come into our Government, but there has been 
encouragement, particularly during these war years. 

It is my thought that some of these people who have brought into 
positions in Government service men and women who are known to be 
Communists or fellow travelers have done so intentionally. Natur- 
ally, with one of our allies being Russia, it was thought the patriotic 
thing to do, perhaps, to bring them in. Many of them, no doubt, were 
brought in unintentionally, but it is my belief that during these times 
many of them have been brought in intentionally to spread the propa- 
ganda in this country. 

The Chairman. Didn't they start to bring them before we went 
into the war ( I can recall the days of the old Dies committee when 
we were fighting the situation then. 

Mr. Starr. They have been coming in for the last 20 or 25 years. 
In fact, soon after World War I they started coming in. 


The Chairman. Under your recommendations, the fourth one, in 
which you advocate a continuing program of public education formu- 
lated by a duly constituted Government authority — let's look at that 
in somewhat of a practical light. Supposing we some day should have 
a President who didn't see eye to eye with you today, didn't see eye to 
eye with our present President, and he should form an authority and 
do it with these so-called "milk toasts." Wliat protection have we got i 
They would educate these people all right. They would educate the 
people like the people have been educated many times over the past 
lew years. How would you protect us against that ? 

Mr. Starr. It is very difficult in any period to tie to the individual 
the tag of communism or any other "ism." Many of these that you 
term "milk toasts," may not even belong to the organization and it is 
difficult indeed to ferret them out. 

In my opinion our Congress should have that power and authority 
to control that situation. It should not be left, in my opinion, with 
one individual. 

The Chairman. Those are the only questions I have at this point. 
Mr. McDowell. 

Mr. McDowell. Mr. Chairman, I want to be recorded as agreeing 
with both you and Mr. Starr on the control of the atomic bomb. I 
think that is a great suggestion. 

In your study of these matters have you devoted any time to the his- 
tory of Karl Marx, the prophet of the Communist Party, to his life ? 

Mr. Starr. I have read that, Mr. McDowell, I have studied it for 
some 15 years. I have been active in this work, not alone in veterans 
work, but in an endeavor to enlighten the public on the dangers of 
communism. So I have studied his life, I have studied his history, 
and I cannot see where it can fit in, in any portion, in our American 
way of life and our thinking in this democracy. 

Mr. McDowell. Well, Commander, I wonder if you would not agree 
with me that it should be said in tliis year of 1017 for the record that 
Karl Marx was what in modern times, these days, would be known as 
a "bum," a rather shiftless scoundrel, who would do anything but 
work, who lived all his life on somebody else, whose family also lived 
on somebody else, whose family was kept in near starvation most of 
their life, tlie ideals that he wrote about died, apparently, with Karl 
Marx; I think it should be written into the record that although this 
political crowd is running Russia and spreading this business 
throughout the world, the only connection they have with Karl Marx 
is merely to mention his name once in a while, that Marshal Stalin 
refers frequently to the sayings and the philosophy of Karl Marx, 
but practices none of them. Would you agree with that? 

Mr. Starr. I wouldn't say that he practiced none of it. I think that 
he in some measure bases his present actions on some of the theories 
that might have been enunciated at that time; but I do believe with 
you that he was a renegade, a scapegoat, that he thought very little 
of home life, of huuian life. 

Mr. McDowell. Commander, it is my observation — and I will close 
with this — that the only modern so-called Communist who attempted 
to follow the teachings of this — and I repeat — "bum," was Trotsk5\ 
and Trotsky was murdered. 

That is all. 


The CiiAiRMAx. Mr. Peterson. 

jNIr. Petkks(1x. Coniiiunuler, do you recognize (li:it probably a bor- 
der line exists in the lield near to (reason that has not yet been covered 
by statute? I refer to the particular case in which the court turned 
loose a man who had made contact with a man who landed in this 
lountry for the purpose of es]iionao-c and his confederates, and kept 
his money a while, and the court pointed out in that particular case 
that the tie.i»ree of evitlence didn't show treason, but there was a border 
line of treasonable action that had not been covered by cono-ressional 
legislation. 1 believe you are somewhat familiar with that particular 

Mr. Starr. I aoree with you. I think it is sedition. I think that 
many of the acts that are ijerjieti-ated to(hiy by Conmiunists and by 
many of the so-caTled fellow travelers are treasonable and seditious, 
and the only reason, perhaps, that some of the courts have not lield 
them so was because we haven't had some act in our Federal statutes 
niakino- them a crime : that they are perhaps border-line cases. And 
beint^ a lawyer myself I know hoAv some lawyers in defense can' make 
it appear as thou«ih they are not treasonable or seditious. 

Mr. Peterson. Of course, treason is the highest of all crimes, and 
takes the hiohest degree of proof, and the proof, the requirements, are 
set forth in the Constitution. 

]Mr. Starr. That is true. That is one reason why I, and I think my 
organization, from the many national encampment mandates that 
have be^n given us, are in favor of both H. R. 2122 and H. R. 1884. 

Mr. Peterson. You feel there is room for legislation in which we 
can crush activities of that sort and not go to the extent of the old 
alien and sedition laws? 

Mr. Starr. Definitely. 

'Mv. Peterson. Thank you, sir. 

The Chairman. Mr. Nixon. 

Mr. Nixon. Mr. Starr, you mentioned a couple of examples as to 
how the VFW has had to weed out Communists out of its organiza- 
tion. Can you describe briefly the methods the Communists use 
to infiltrate the posts where they obtained positions of power? 

Mr. Starr. We have found that in many instances they have been 
encouraged by the Communist Party to aiRliate with the posts. They 
have been servicemen and have the eligibility required by our organ- 
ization. They have come in unknown as to their Communist tend- 
encies and have taken positions of trust in committees, and have 
spoken on behalf of the organization in various circles as represent- 
ing the organization and its views. And when we find them, as 
we have in recent months, several of them, we have immediately 
taken steps to expel them from the organization, not because they 
are Communists, but because they have violated their oath in be- 
coming a member. 

An attempt some time ago was made by a veteran organization 
to expel one of its members who carried a Communist card, a Com- 
munist Party card, and the supreme coiri't of the State in its hold- 
ing said that the man must be reinstated, that merely belonging 
to a political i^arty known as the Communist Party did not brand 
him as an undesirable, since the party was recognized by the State 
as one which might appear on the ballot. They were forced to 
i-einstate him. 


We want none of that in our oi'ganization. Our application pro- 
vides that they certify that they do not belong to the Communist 
Party, nor participate in meetings with any group of a subversive 

Mr. Nixox. That is stated on the application of membership? 

Mr. Starr. It is now. We have recently changed it so that it is 
in our application. It is in our rules of discipline of the organiza- 
tion, and it is in our bylaws to the extent that it says, "shall not 
participate in any organization meetings that are subversive." 

Mr. Nixon. That is a step which has not yet been taken by the 
American Legion. I was interested in your comments on that point. 

Mr. Starr. I wouldn't know as to what they have. 

Mr. Nixon. Then would you say that the Communists who infil- 
trate into veteran organizations do so not so much because they are 
attempting to win recruits, but because they like to use the vet- 
erans' organizations as a cloak for statements that they make pub- 
licly for Communist causes? 

Mr. Starr. Not only that, but also for the political preferment 
and control of the organization. And in two organizations of oure 
they have come in particularly to divide the organization, stir up 
discontent and disunity among the members of the organization. 

Mr. Nixon. When you have attempted to remove the Communists 
from the posts, have they resisted those attempts or have they gone 
willingly ? 

Mr. Starr. They have resisted, and in one instance, where I just 
visited and discussed the matter with the officers of one State organi- 
zation, they were called in and asked, "Are you a member of the Com- 
munist Party ?" Knowledge of that was known to them before. This 
one man saicl, "I won't answer you," and walked out the door. So steps 
had to be taken to expel him. 

But they have resisted it to the greatest degree and have threatened 
that if they were removed from membership they would bring action 
in our courts. To date they haven't brought any action against us. 

Mr. Nixon, I was interested in your statement on the growth of 
communism on the west coast. J. Edgar Hoover was a witness before 
the committee yesterday and he submitted figures showing the number 
of Communist Party members throughout the United States, The 
State of New York was first. That would obviously be expected be- 
cause of the population of New York. But going on down the 
line in the first five States in the Nation California was second, and 
Oregon and Washington were among the first five. Now, do you 
think that there is anything significant in the apparent attempt of the 
Communist Party to concentrate on the west coast, because, considering 
the population on the west coast, that is far out of proportion to the 
number you should expect? 

Mr. Starr. Yes; I think it is significant. Much shipping is done 
from the west coast. Much of our raw materials are on the west coast, 
particularly in the Northwest. And certainly if this Nation is em- 
broiled in another international situation they in the Northwest, along 
the Pacific coast, can do much to sabotage our efforts. We find them 
in the lumbering and logging industry. We find them along our 
water fronts. We find them in the factories and in the industries that 
we have there. And they have schools in all three States, 


Mr. Nixox. You would say then that tho Coinniuuists are making 
n particular effort to concentrate on the wes*t coast area? 

Mr. Staku. It is ni_\— 1 say so; yes — and 1 feel this, that there is 
one more reason. Alaska is the key to the peace of the world, and 
it is only a step from Alaska to our west coast. 

Mr. Nixox. Durinir the recent world conflict tliey used to refer to 
the section of the Balkans and Italy as the ''soft undei-belly of Europe." 
Is it not also true, geojjraphically speakin^:, that the west coast, con- 
sidering the distance from there to Asia and to Alaska, to'Siberia, is at 
the present time the most easily accessible area from a military stand- 
point to attempted Connnunist attack? 

Mr. Starr. I think perhaps that I mi<;]it ask one of my staff who is 
very familiar with the Asiatic situation and the west coast situation to 
answer that. Bonner Fellers, my public-relations consultant. 

Mr. Fkllers. The statement made by Conniiander Starr that Alaska 
is the key to the peace of the world is definitely correct. As progress 
comes in aircraft and the ranges are increased, the peace of the world 
can be held from Alaska, and I should say that if the Northwest were 
occupied or its efficiency impaired it would be a serious blow to Alaska, 
and in that sense I should say strategically an enemy would be tre- 
mendously concerned with his strength in the Northwest. 

Mr. Nixox. Does the VFW have posts in Alaska ? 

Mr. Starr. We have. 

Mr. Nixox'. Have you noticed any communist activity in your Alas- 
kan department ? 

Mr. Starr. We haven't had any information on it, but I am sending 
one of my staff members there in a short time. 

Mr, Nixox. It would seem that should be investigated. 

Mr. Starr. That is right. He is going to investigate it now. 

Mr. Nixox. That is all. 

Mr. Vail. Commander Starr, you have made reference to the at- 
tempted infiltration of Communists into the ranks of the VFW, and 
I am wondering if you have noted the effort of the organization to 
infiltrate the ranks of other veterans' organizations. 

Mr. Starr. I have only rumor to that effect. I have been told by 
members in other organizations that such is the fact, but I have no 
personal knowledge of it. 

I think perhaps that the most outstanding piece of news along that 
line is when the son of our late President said that his own organiza- 
tion, the American Vets Committee, was filled with Communists, and 
it was getting beyond the point where he could stand it, and they had 
to clean their own house, in his organization. That is one of the new 
organizations that has come up since World War II. He himself 
made that statement, so it is indicatiA-e of what is happening, perhaps, 
in all others. 

Mr. Vail. Senator Tenney testified yesterday to the effect that the 
American Veterans Committee on the Pacific coast was being used as 
a vehicle for the spread of communistic propaganda. Do you concur 
in that viewpoint? 

Mr. Starr. I only know what I hear. I have no personal knowl- 
edge of it, not being a member, but there is that talk in California. 

Mr. Vail. In Washington recently the Veterans of Foreign Wars, 
by resolution, decided to have no association with any patriotic activ- 


ity with the American Veterans Committee. Do you know of any 
reason for that ? * 

Mr. Starr. That came out from my office, and it was on the basis — 
at least it was placed upon this basis — that we did not recognize the 
American Veterans Committee as a veterans' organization because 
they accepted into membership other than servicemen, that in addition 
to those who had not served in the Army, Navy. Marine Corps, they 
accepted many other classes of people, and even the shipyard workers, 
upon the payment of $100 for membership, and since it was not a 
veterans' organization strictly, we would not participate with them, 
when the avowed group was veterans, because we would object to such 
a program, to participate with any other organization that was not all 

Mr. Vail. Recently, the Veterans' Affairs Committee of the House 
excluded the American Veterans Committee from testifying before 
that group on tl^e ground that they were not strictly a veterans' or- 
ganization. You are in accord with the disposition indicated by the 
House committee, are you ? 

Mr. Starr. I think that that was within their prerogative, to ex- 
clude them. We don't consider them as a veteran organization. I 
have, I might say, one in my own Northwest, called the Yank Legicm. 
that is composed of almost anyone they want to bring in to the organi- 
zation. We don't consider that as a veteran organization. There are 
many of them that have sprung up since the war along that same line, 
for political and economic reasons, and if we were to accept one, we 
would have to accept the others as full-fledged veterans' organi- 

I think they were within their rights if they wanted to do that. 

Mr. Vail. You have indicated accord with the two bills that have 
been presented to this committee to outlaw communism. The other 
day Ambassador Bullitt and Dr. Schmidt, of the United States 
Chamber of Commerce, came before this committee and stated that 
they opposed the passage of legislation outlawing communism for the 
reason "that the effect of such legislation would be to force communistic 
activities underground. Do you agree with that, that that would be 
the result of such legislation, or can you enlarge a little bit on your 
position on that point? 

Mr. Starr. Well, may we not say the same thing about some of our 
felonies? Let us not legislate against robbery or embezzlement; we 
miglit drive the criminals underground. We might say the same thing 
of connnunism, because I feel that the practice of communism in this 
country and the activities that they have engaged in are just as surely 
a crime against this country and against society as some of our felonies 

Mr. Vail. Thank you very much. That is all. 

The Chairman. Any other questions? 

The Chair wishes to repeat that we appreciate very much your com- 
ing this very long distance to be here as a guest todaj^. You made a 
very forceful statement. It will be very helpful to the committee in its 

The Cliair also wishes to announce that at 2 : 30 this afternoon we 
have ]\Ir. Eric Johnston. His statement may be broadcast so that we 
will have to staii promptly. 

We will stand in recess then until 2 : 30. 



The coniinitteo rosiinieil at l*:;Ui p. in.. Hon. J. l*iirnell Thomas 
(fliaiiinan) ]^resiilin<jj. 

The t'ollowinir luoinhors woro jirosont : Hon. Kiii'l Vj. Mnndt, Hon. 
John McDowoli. Hon. Kirhard M. ^Jixoii, Hon. Richard B. Vail, and 
Hon. John E. Rankin. 

Staff members present: Robert E. Striplin<r, chief invest ijjat or; 
Lonis J. Rnssell and Donald T. Appell, investijjjators; and Benjamin 
Manilel, director of research. 

The Chairman'. The conniiittee will come to order. 

Before we have onr first witness, two of the members have short 
statements to make. 'Sir. Nixon? 

Mr. Xixox. Mr. Chairman, yesterday Eiifrene Dennis appeared 
before this connnittee and refused to ^ive his real name. Upon your 
direction I have investigated the record of Mr. Dennis and I find 
that he is the same person as Frank Waldron, one of liis numerous 
aliases, that he is wanted by the Los Angeles police department on a 
bench warrant issued after he jumped an appeal bond following his 
conviction of violation of Penal Code section 400 — attempt to riot. 
The charge was filed March 8, 10?>0, and he was convicted on April 
14, 19;>0. I have been informed by the Los Angeles police department 
that if Frank "Waldron or Eugene Dennis, as he now calls himself, 
returns to Los Angeles County jurisdiction he will be apprehended 
and jailed. 

The Chatrmax. Thank you, Mr. McDowell. 

Mr. M'-DowELL. Sir. Chairman, I listened yesterday to the state- 
ments niade by Eugene Dennis, and among other things he said that 
he had never done anything dishonorable. In pursuance of the report 
just given by my colleague, Mr. Nixon, it is interesting to learn this, 
that Eugene Dennis was born on August 10, 1905, the son of Francis 
Xavier Waldron, Sr., and Nora C. Vieg. This couple filed application 
for a marriage license on April 11, 1904, at Seattle, Wash. Dennis' 
mother died when he was quite young, and his father, Francis X. 
Waldron, Sr.. died on :March 29. 1928, in the Northern State Hospital 
for Insane, Sedro Woolle3^ Wash. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, I want to call your attention particularly to 
this: Eugene Dennis registered for selective service under the name 
of Francis Eugene Waldron with Selective Service Board No. 33, 
located at 455 Central Park West, New York Citv. On these records 
he stated that he was born August 10, 1904, at Seattle, Wash. The 
records of the Franklin High School reveal that Francis Waldron 
was born at Seattle on August 10, 1905, 1 year later. The Selective 
Service Regulation No. 615.1. entitled "Registration," states, "Persons 
who were born on or after October 17, 1904, and on or before October 
If). 1919, group 1. were required to be registered on October 16, 1940." 

In view of this information, Mr. Chairman, and I believe the in- 
formation is true, I think it would be applicable to call this man a 
draft dodger. 

The Chairman. Mr. McDowell, do you have any recommendation 
to make in regard to it or do you want the committee to just take the 
information under advisement? 

99651—47 19 


Mr. McDowell. I bring the matter up for the committee to dis- 

The Chairman. We will take the matter mider advisement and 
decide ^Yhat the proper course shall be. 

The first witness this afternoon is Mr. Eric Johnston. We are 
very pleased to have you with us, Mr. Johnston. Do j^ou mind being 
sworn ? 

(The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Sit down, Mr. Johnston. Do j'ou have a prepared 
statement ? 

Mr. Johnston. I do. 

The Chairman. We will be very glad to hear it. 



Mr. Johnston. One of the intensive issues in America today is 
whether the Communist Party is an American political party or a 
fifth column of foreign agents engaged in an undercover conspiracy 
against the welfare and safety of the United States. 

In view of recent developments at home and abroad, I believe it 
is essential for the Congress to outline a policy definitely fixing the 
status of Communists and the Communist Party in the United States. 

The evidence is conclusive that Communists are a disruptive force 
in American industry and labor, and that their constant under-cover 
movements are designed to create chaos and conflict and to cripple 
our productive system in every way they can. 

What most Americans want to know is whether these disruptive 
tactics are inspired and motivated by Soviet Russia; whether Ameri- 
can Communists owe their loyalties and allegiance to Russia. 

I think they do. Most Americans think they do. But the Govern- 
ment, based on facts, must determine whetlier the American Com- 
munist is or is not a foreign agent. 

When I suggest that course, I am not concerned about the legitimate 
political activities of Communists or any other minority group. I 
believe that under the Constitution, an American citizen has a right 
to advocate a coUectivist form of society in this country if he so 
desires. The Socialists advocate a form of economic collectivism, 
but no one accuses them of disloyalty or consj^iracy. They are loyal 
Americans who operate within the framework of our constitutional 

America has never been afraid of new ideas. We welcome them 
in all fields — political, economic, and social. The free play of ideas 
is the strength of democracy. It is the competition of ideas which 
makes America strong. But sedition is not competition. It is con- 

Consequently, I am concerned about the conspiratorial activities of 
the Communists. I am concerned about the charge that Communists 
in this cx)untry are foreign agents and tliat the American Communist 
Party is in fact an arm of an international conspiracy whose purpose 
is to overthrow this Government by force and violence. 

Conspiratorial activities do not constitute legitimate political activi- 
ties and they should not be tolerated under that guise. There is no 
constitutional immunity for sedition, subversion, or treason. 


But wlien we consider specific le<j:islation dealing with the Commu- 
nist Party, we must make sure that we don't cliip away our freedoms 
to get at conspirators. It would be evasive to contend that nothing 
should be done; it would be folly to do anything which might, in the 
long run, prove as harmful as the things we seek to correct. By word 
or deed, we must never give the impression tliat Conununists are out- 
side the pale of the law's protection. There is no legitimate prey for 
manhunts in the United States ; such things are repugnant to the moral 
sense of the American people. The protection of the innocent is still 
supreme; there is no higher duty under our American system of 

I would rather have the Communists on the ballot than risk the 
danger of undermining the right of franchise. I'd prefer to extend 
the Conununists every right to propagate their beliefs by means of the' 
written or spoken word than to risk the danger of undermining the 
right of free speech. The Bill of Eights is not selective. It is not to 
be extended or withdrawn by whim, caprice, or arbitrary choice. It is 
a sacred part of the fundamental law of the land. It expresses the very 
essence of American belief. 

These are some of the dangers we must avoid in dealing with this 
issue — dangers not to Communists, but dangers to ourselves. 

Nevertheless, we are not powerless to do something about the Com- 
munist Party. 

This committee and this Congi-ess have the responsibility to deter- 
mine whether the American Communist is a foreign agent owing his 
loyalty to a foreign power or simply an American who wants to change 
our economic and social system by constitutional means. 

If it is determined and agreed upon by all branches of government 
that the American Communist Party is in fact a fifth column, disloyal 
to the United States, then I have these recommendations : 

One. I believe that as conspirators, they are no more entitled to 
immunity from the law than any other conspirators. If their actions 
are criminal in nature, they should be dealt with as such. If their 
actions are treasonable in nature, they should be dealt with as such. 

If the treason and sedition laws are adequate to deal with their 
conspirational activities, enforce them. 

If these laws are inadequate, strengthen them. 

I'm talking about legal processes. In this country, we prosecute 
and we don't persecute. Here in America, a man is considered innocent 
until he's proven guilty. 

Two. The President has ordered a loyalty check for all employees 
of the executive departments of the Federal Government. It is implicit 
in this policy that a Communist is disloyal to the Government. 

Equally important to the destiny of America are the actions of our- 
free associations — the corporation, the cooperative, the union. If a 
Communist cannot be trusted as an employee of Government, he cannot 
be entrusted with posts of leadership in directing the affairs of those- 
free associations. Can anyone justify a double standard in dealing- 
with Communists in America? 

They should not be allowed, by law, to hold office in a corporation, a 
cooperative, or a union where they are in position to pursue their dis- 
ruptive tactics. They have no loyalties to these associations just as 
they have no loyalty to America. 


Three. 'Wliat a Commanist most dreads is to be labeled a Communist. 
Expose a Communist to the pitiless spotlight of publicity and his 
potential for harm is immediately isolated. But tag him we must. 
I endorse wholeheartedly the principle of Mr. William Green's recom- 
mendation to this committee that management and labor must work 
togetlier to expose and to eliminate Communists in industry and in 

If management and labor don't do tJiis together, then the wrong 
kind of people will be using the Communist tag to smash unions. 

We must be scrupulous to avoid indiscriminate labeling. Every 
time you tag an innocent person with the red label you play into the 
hands of the Communists. I'm not interested in the pastel shades — 
the parlor pinks or the salmon-colored zealots who fall for every fad 
that comes along. My concern is the red conspirator, the man who 
uses the freedoms of democracy to destroy democracy. 

I wish now to comment on an observation made before this com- 
mittee yesterday by Mr. J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation. He described how the Communists liave 
reached out to employ the radio and the motion picture in their pro- 
paganda activities. Mr. Hoover said that several years ago the Com- 
munist underground directed its agents, in eflfect, to infiltrate Holly- 
wood and do everything possible to poison the screen. 

But if the Communists set out to capture Hollywood, they have 
suffered an overwhelming defeat. 

Here is the evidence : American films are the target for bitter, organ- 
ized attack by Communists all over the world. The Communists hate 
and fear the American motion picture. It is their No. 1 hate. 

Kelatively few foreign peoples read American publications or hear 
American radio programs. But millions of them see American motion 
pictures daily. They not only see them, they welcome them and love 

In most countries which are Communist-dominated, there is vir- 
tually a complete ban on American films. In other countries our 
pictures are under constant attack by vigorous Communist minorities. 

About a year ago, our Government made a fair and reasonable 
film accord with France. French Communists made a bitter attack 
against the accord and they have waged a constant campaign of 
vituperation against American pictures ever since. In countries 
behind the iron curtain. Communists resist the showing of American 
films and use every bait possible to lure the people into houses showing 
Soviet films. In' some cases, they even offer free tickets and free 
transportation. But the bait is no good — the people still clamor for 
American films. That story, in one form or another, has been re- 
peated time and time a'gain. 

American ambassadors abroad have urged us to do everything 
we could to hasten the reentry of our pictures into countries from 
which they were excluded during enemy occupation. 

The American motion picture industry at great financial sacrifice 
is supplying pictures for the occupied countries of Austria. Germany, 
and Japan to assist in the reorientation of these former enemy peoples. 
In Germany alone this operation has cost the industry more than 
$500,000 so "far. . 

The industry can well be proud of this contribution to our national 
Dolicy in former enemy countries. 


I also want to point out the great service being performed by 
Ainorican newsrools. Tliev are in douKind overywlu'ro. Tlioy are 
factual and informational. They tell more graphically than any 
other medium the day-to-day story of fi'ee America. 

American films give the lie by visual evidence to totalitarian propa- 
p^anda. The old tale about (he break-down of capitalism in America 
becomes jiretty flimsy stutf after people have had a chance to see our 
pictures and draw their own conclusions. Pictures which are pro- 
duced under a democratic form of government inevitably reflect 
democratic habits of thought and life and action. They are bound 
to convey some of the virility, the zest, and the joy of living which 
are characteristic of life in our country. These are qualities which 
other peoples need most at this time, and these are the qualities which 
make American films hated and feared by Communists everywhere. 

The best evidence that Communists have failed to poison American 
motion pictures is the campaign they are now carrying ou to block 
these films from the screens of the world. 

The Chair^ian. Thank you very much, ISIr. Johnston. There are 
a few questions the committee would like to ask, if you doii't mind. 

In the first place, in connection with your statement as to whether 
or not an American Communist is a foreign agent, the Chair wishes 
to announce that tomorrow this committee will issue a documentary 
rejjort establishing without a scintilla of doubt that very point — that 
an American Communist is a foreign agent. 

Now, you say if those laws are inadequate, strengthen them. What 
specific recommendations as to how they coidd be strengthened could 
you make ( 

Mr. Johnston. If the Department of Justice and the Federal Bu- 
reau of Investigation do not have sufficient power to prosecute Com- 
munists, then the}^ should tell you what they need, what additional 
laws they need, to expose and prosecute them as aliens and seditionists. 

The Chairman. But you do have confidence in the FBI? 

Mr. Johnston. I certainly do. 

The CiLviRMAN. Wh}' do you think J. Edgar Hoover made the 
statement in which he described how the Communists have reached 
out to employ the radio and the motion pictures in their propaganda? 

Mr. Johnston. I think that Mr. Hoover undoubtedly had evidence 
to that effect, or he wouldn't have made the statement. 

The Chairman. You don't agree with that, though? ' 

Mr. Johnston. No; there are undoubtedly Communists in Holly- 
wood. I am simply saying that propaganda has not reached the 

The Chairman. Do you mean to say that none of their propaganda 
can be found in any of our moving pictures shown in this country? 

Mr. Johnston. The best evidence that it isn't there, Mr. Chairman, 
is the fact that we are so bitterly hated by Communists everywhere; 
we are bitterly hated by Communists in all lands. 

The Chairman. Do you know of any industry in the United States 
that isn't hated by the American Communists? 

Mr. Johnston.' It is a part of our capitalistic economy ; I presume 
that is it. 

The Chairman. Mr. McDowell. 

Mr. McDowell. I will yield to my colleagues. 


The ChairmxVN. Mr. Nixon. 

Mr. Nixon. Mr. Johnston, one statement Mr. Hoover made j^ester- 
day was that communism M'as, in his opinion, very similar to fascism. 
The statement has been made here several times during these hearings 
that communism ""is red fascism." From what j^ou know of com- 
munism, having traveled in Russia to an extent, and having read 
widely on the subject, would you agree with that observation, that as 
far as communism and fascism is concerned, there is little difference 
and a great deal of similarity ? 

Mr. Johnston. They both believe in totalitarianism; they both 
freeze the mind. 

Mr. Nixon. You believe that we should attempt to avoid the setting 
up of a Communist government in the United States as well as to 
avoid the setting up of a Fascist government in the United States ? 

Mr. Johnston. Why, of course. 

Mr. Nixon. I recall that one of the most effective methods of bring- 
ing home to the American people the evils of fascism as practiced 
particularly in Germany was the motion picture. I recall many films 
which were sent out during the period when Hitler was rising to power 
and during the period when he had overrun many of the countries of 
Europe showing the concentration camps, the totalitarian methods, 
espionage, torture, all the crime that comes whenever you find a totali- 
tarian regime in a country and spread it throughout a continent as 
Hitler did. I think you probably would recognize many of those films 
if I called them by name. 

Can you tell me today the names of any pictures which Hollywood 
has made in the last 5 years showing the evils of totalitarian commu- 
nism in the way that they showed the evils of totalitarian fascism? 

Mr. Johnston. There are a number of films which Hollywood is 
making now to show the advantages of democracy; to show how de- 
mocracy operates. There are a number of films showing the advan- 
tages of living in America ; the opportunity afforded in a free economy. 
It appears to me that the best way to fight any "ism" is to show how 
our democratic system works so that the people will thoroughly under- 
stand it. Hollywood is doing that at the present time. 

Mr. Nixon. Isn't it true, though, that Hollywood did find, and the 
Nation did find, that it was also a very effective way to fight fascism, 
to show the people that fascism was not simply a glorified capitalism, 
as Hitler tried to tell the world ? I think you would have to agree that 
those films were particularly effective. By the same token, do you 
not feel that there are many people in the United States today who 
believe that communism is simply an advanced form of democracy, 
and that in addition to selling democracy as we know it in the United 
States, which I agree with you is most important, that we should also 
tell the people, through the motion pictures, as well as through com- 
mittees of Congress, and our other institutions, the evils of totalitarian 
communism, as the motion picture industry told them the evils of 
totalitarian fascism ? 

Mr. Johnston. I think undoubtedly the motion-picture industry 
will do so. 

Mr. Nixon. But they haven't done so in the past; isn't that the case? 

Mr. Johnston. That is generally correct. 

Mr. Nixon. In fact, I don't believe that I can recall a single film of 
that type which could be compared with the film which came out on 


the Fascist question, and that is the reason I have made the observation. 

You have said that, altlioujxh there are Coniniunists in Hollywood 
today (hat you don't feel that they have infiltrated the movie capital, 
as evidenced by the fact that (he showinj^ of our iiluis is opposed so 
much in Connnunist countries. 

However, in sayinc; that, obviously, you have admitted that there are 
Communists (here today. Is tiie motion picture industry doin<; any- 
thing to stop the infiltration of the Connnunist influence in Hollywood, 
or to root out any of those who are Communists or Communist sym- 
pathizers and who might use their positions in some subtle manner to 
affect the film or affect a script in some way? 

]Mr. Johnston. If the Connnnnists are members of labor unions, 
the labor unions have to handle that matter themselves, because we em- 
ploy workers through the labor unions in Hollywood. I understand 
that the unions are effectively at(empting to stamp out Communists 
and connnunisni in their unions in Hollywood. If they are members 
of the talent guilds, we have contracts with them, and to discharge 
them, or — to discharge them would mean, of course, that we would be 
subject to contract liabilities in the courts. 

In other words, there is notliing which will enable us to discharge a 
person in Hollywood because he is a Communist. 

But T think that the unions are effectively working on it. I believe 
that the guilds are effectively working at it. 

Mr. Nixox. Don't you also think that a great deal of effective work 
can be done in the cutting room by management where at least man- 
agement is supposed to have the say-so ? 

Mr. JoHXSTON. ^Management has a good deal of say-so in the cut- 
ting room, of course. Others, technicians, who work for unions, are 
in the cutting rooms also. 

Mr. Nixox. And you mean that management couldn't override a 
technician if they felt the technician 

Mr. JoHX'STOx'. Of course they could. 

!Mr. Nixox. Don't you think they should ? 

Mr. JoHxsTox. Of course they should, and I am sure that they do 
if they think any communism is going into the films. 

Mr. Xixox'. In your typewritten statement you have submitted, I 
noted that you have indicated that Communists should not be allowed 
to hold office in a corporation, a cooperative or a union where they 
are in a position to pursue their disruptive tactics. 

^Ir. JoHxsTON. Right. 

Mr. Nixox. Then you added the words "by law", as you made the 

Mr. JoHx^STON. Yes. 

Mr. Nixox'. Do I understand, then, that it is your position now that 
the Congress should enact legislation which would provide that 
Communists should not hold office in corporations, cooperatives, or 
unions ? 

Mr. JoHXSTOX'. Yes, Mr. Nixon, that is my position. 

Mr. Nixox'. I see. Thank you. 

The Chaii!max. Mr. Vail. 

Mr. Vail,. Mr. Johnston, you mentioned a moment ago, in the course 
of testimony, that you thought that the Federal Bureau of Investi- 
gation should make recommendations to the proper authorities with 
respect to the necessary legislation to properly stem the tide of com- 


mimism. You are aware, of course, that the Federal Bureau of In- 
vestigation essentially is a policing organization and has no power or 
authority to suggest legislation? 

Mr. Johnston. INIr. Vail, I said that either the FBI or the Depart- 
ment of Justice. 

Mr. Vail. But you included the FBI ? 

Mr. Johnston. Yes ; should make recommendations if they haven't 
sufficient powei'. 

]Mr. Vail. Testimony before this committee in the last few days has 
indicated that there are several prominent figures in the moving pic- 
ture industry, prominent actors in particular, who support com- 
munistic activities. I have in mind in particular the names that have 
been mentioned, March, Robinson, and Sinatra and Cagney. In your 
opinion, are those individuals concerned with the progress of com- 
munism in this country ? 

Mr. Johnston. I have no knowledge to that effect. 

Mr. Rankin. What was that question ? 

Mr. Vail. The question concerned the moving-picture actors or 
actresses who were interested in the promotion of communism in this 
country; and Mr. Johnston has stated that he knows nothing of such 

If those activities became known to you, Mr. Johnston, would you 
recommend the elimination of those inclividuals from the moving-pic- 
ture industry as you have recommended the elimination from union 
organizations and Government service? 

Mr. Johnston. If they hold offices in the unions or in their guilds, 
yes, I think they should be prohibited by law from doing so if they 
are Communists and/or proven to be Communists by trial, as we do 
in the United States. Then, it seems to me, they should be publicized. 
The very fact that they are exposed to the world as Communists is 
sufficient to eliminate them, in my opinion. 

Mr. Vail. You are aware of the fact that this committee has before 
it the problem of considering legislation to outlaw communism. You 
have taken a definite position, as I understand it, against legislation 
toward that end ? 

Mr. Johnston. Yes, I have, but I don't think it is important. The 
important thing is: Are the Communists conspirators? If they are, 
they should be exposed and prosecuted. The important thing isn't 
whether Communists believe in collectivism as a political belief. The 
important thing is, in a land of free speech and a democracy, whether 
they are carrying on conspiratorial activities. If they are. they should 
be prosecuted and exposed and prevented by law from holding key posi- 
tions in associations of unions, or of cooperatives, or of management. 

Mr. Vah.. That is all. 

The Chairman. Mr. Rankin. 

Mr. Rankin. Mr. Johnston, you say that where Communists con- 
spire to overthrow this Government they should be prosecuted? 

Mr. Johnston. Right. 

Mr. Rankin. Are you aware of the fact that communism is a con- 
spiracy against this Government? 

Mr. Johnson. I believe that it is ; but if it is proven to be so I think 
they should be prosecuted. 

Mr. Rankin. Have you any doubt? 


Mr. Johnston. I personally have not. In our country we do thin<2;s 
bj' law. 

Mr. Kankin. One of the most danfjerous influences they can jjet 
their hands on is the movinji-picture industry. You said a while ngo 
tliat, as I understood, you would not fire one or prevent them from 
participatino- in the movie industry if you knew they were Com- 

]Mr. .loiiNSTON. I would prevent them from holdinjr oflices. 

Mr. Rankin. That is not the tliino-- The man who makes the pic- 
ture, to poison tlie minds of children of this country, throu<2;h the mov- 
ing-picture industiy, is just as dangerous as the man who plants 
dynamite under a defense plant in time of war, and it is your duty, 
it is the duty of every patriotic American, to drive from every position 
thev possibly can those enemies of our country wdio are conspiring to 
undermine and destro.y it. Unless. that is doaie you are going to have 
some very drastic legislation with reference to the moving-picture 
industry from the Congress of the United States. 

Mr. Johnston. I think they should be exposed ; should be prevented 
from holding office. I think their very exposition would eliminate 
them. But I don't think, Mr. Rankin, we are ready for concentration 
camps yet in America. Men have to earn a living. I think this: If 
they are doing things which are conspiring or treasonable, they 
should be prosecuted and dealt with as real criminals. 

Mr. Rankin. Yet you say you would not prevent them, try to pre- 
vent them, from making pictures or working in the moving-picture 
industry, even though you knew they were Communists? 

Mr. Johnston. A nian who works in the moving-picture industry, 
unless he directs the plot, or cuts the film, hasn't very much to do with 
Communist propaganda in the films. Mr. Rankin, before you came 
in I said that unquestionably, in my opinion, there were Communists 
in Hollywood, but that they had not had an effect upon the American 
films, because we are hated in every land in the world in which 
communism holds sway. 

]Mr. Rankin. Who is hated? 

Mr. Johnston. The American motion-picture industry. We are 
forbidden in most of the countries behind the iron curtain; we are 
forbidden and fought b}^ Communist Parties in every land in the 

Mr. Rankin. Mr. Johnston, they don't have to hold office even in a 
labor union to be effective, but unless your outfit, the moving-picture 
industry, is willing to purge those subversive influences, it is going 
to have to be done by the Congress of the United States. 

Mr. Johnston. Mr. Rankin, we are doing everything in our power 
to do that legally. We cannot discharge a man from a union because 
he says he is a Communist. 

Mr. Rankin. All right. Let's see w^hether you can or not. You 
mean vou can't discharge a man working in vour enterprise when 
you know he has joined a conspiracy to overthrow the Government of 
the United States? 

Mr. Johnston. That is different. If that is proven he is in a con- 
spiracy and should be prosecuted by the Department of Justice. 

Mr. Rankin. That is what communism is. It is dedicated to the 
destruction of this Government. It is dedicated to the destruction of 


the American way of life and to every business enterprise in America. 

Mr, Johnston. All I say to you is, Mr. Rankin, prove that he is a 
Communist; if he is engaged in conspiracy he should be prosecuted. 

Mr. Rankin. Yes, but listen : I am surprised at your attitude. I 
think you are going to have to revise your position and join us in this 
crusade to save America from its enemies within our gates. And you 
can't wink at them in the moving picture industry. 

Mr. Johnston. We are not winking at them in the motion -picture 
industr}^ Mr. Rankin. 

Mr. Rankin. And continue to enjoy the confidence of the American 

Mr. Johnston. We are not doing that. 

Mr. Rankin. Today we are in a deadly conflict with oriental com- 
munism and western civilization. Someone yesterday, or the day 
before — 2 days ago — described Stalin as the Genghis Khan of the 
twentieth century. I thought that that was putting it rather bluntly. 
But we are today in deadly conflict between those two ideologies and 
there can be no compromise. 

Mr. Johnston. Mr. Rankin^ 

Mr. Rankin. In this country. 

Mr. Johnston. I hope you are not impugning in any way the 
American activities of the motion-picture employers in Hollywood. 

Mr. Rankin. I am, some of them, I will say. 

Mr. Johnston. I want to tell you right now there is no group of 
more American people in the country than are those in Hollywood. 
I want to tell you some of the things they are doing, just for informa- 
tion — — 

Mr. Rankin. I know some of the things they are doing, and I know 
some of the things they are doing that probably you don't know, and 
I can tell you now, you need a house cleaning, need it very badly, and 
I think you are the man to start it. 

The Chairman. Mr. Mundt. 

Mr. Mundt. Mr. Johnston, on page 3 of your statement you say: 

This committee and this Congress have the responsibility to determine 
whether the American Communist is a foreign agent owing his loyalty to a 
foreign power or simply an American who wants to change our economic and 
social system by constitutional means. 

The implication of that statement can be taken in one of two ways. 
One, that you have doubt as to whether or not the American Com- 
munist is a foreign agent and I wonder, in view of the testimony of 
J. Edgar Hoover yesterday, who said flatly that it was, if any such 
doubt really prevails in your mind. 

Mr. Johnston. None at all. In fact, on the first page, if you will 
read it, I said that I had no doubt that they owed their allegiance to 
Russia, which means, of course, they are foreign agents. I say I do 
know. I think most Americans think they are. There is no partic- 
ular doubt in my mind, but I think it is up to the Government to 
prove it. We are not engaged in witch hunts in America. This is a 
free land, and I think we ought to ])rove whether they have any 
connection with Russia and certainly the Department of Justice will 
be able to prove it. I think they probably already have the proof — 
in my opinion. 

Mr. Mundt. This committee has been endeavoring to prove that 
for 8 years, and I believe the FBI has. We have had witnesses now. 


such as Mr. Bullitt, the former Ambassador to Moscow, who says that 
the Communist Party is a foroi<rn agent. I wonder, from your stand- 
point, and you are t)f better tlian averaf:;e intellijjjence, you are an 
intellijrent American, and one of our distinguished laymen 

Mr. Johnston. Thank you. 

Mv. MuNDT (continuing). Whether any doubt remains in your 

Mr. Johnston. I said there was not. 

Mr. MuNDT. There was not. Thank you. 

Mr. Johnston. But w'e do not persecute, we prosecute. 

Mr. MuNDT. That is right. That is what we are endeavoring to do. 

On page 4 you say that they, referring to the Communists, should 
not be allowed to hold office in a corporation, a cooperative or a union 
where they are in position to pursue their disruptive tactics. In view 
of the fact that some of your statements indicate that you do not feel 
that the Communist Party should be outlawed, I wonder if you could 
give the committee some constructive tangible specific suggestions as 
to how we can prevent them from holding offices of the type that you 
spell out. 

Mr. Johnston. I see no reason why you can't pass legislation pro- 
hibiting a man who is a member of the Communist party from holding 
office. He can hold office in the Connnunist Party, but he should not 
be allowed to hold office in a corporation, a cooperative, or a union 
where he is in a position to do a great deal of damage and a great 
deal of harm. 

Mr. MuNDT. You feel we can do that without outlawing the party, 
which, in the minds of manj^ of these people would be 

Mr. Johnston. Outlawing the party really wouldn't do any good^ 
They tried to outlaw the party in Canada. You know the results 
Other witnesses before your committee have testified as to the result.. 
This stuff about driving them underground, that is a lot of hooey.. 
They are underground already. Outlawing the party isn't going ta 
drive them underground because they are already there. 

Mr. MuNDT. I think 3'ou have something there. 

Mr. Johnston. The important thing is: Are they conspirators? I 
believe they are, but I think it is up to our government to prove that 
they are bj' law, as we do all things in a democracy. 

Mr. MuNDT. You have one statement here, Mr. Johnston, that dis- 
turbed me a little bit — only one — ^but I am going to read it out of its 
context to give you a chance to amplify your position a little more 
fully. You say : 

I am not intei-ested in pastel shades — the parlor pinks or the salmon-colorect 
zealots who fall for every fad that comes along. 

Let me contrast that with the testimony of Mr. Hoover yesterday, 
who said that Americans should be warned against joining front 
organizations which carry out the activities of the Communist Party,, 
and that the burden of proof should be placed on those wo consistently 
follow the ever-changing, twisting Communist Party line. 

I don't think that that fully carries out your actual opinion. I 
think you are concerned about the dupe. I think you are concerned 
about the so-called intellectual innocent, whether wittingly or un- 
wittingly, carrying out the Communist line. 

Mr. Johnston. The duj^e quickly gets out of the boat if he under- 
stands that it has a false bottom in it. Wliat we should do iis to expos© 


the Communists. These people who have fads of thought and who 
go for one fad and then another fad, we shouldn't be too worried about, 
in my opinion, if we will expose those who are the leaders. In every 
instance where we have exposed the leaders, as the union leaders in 
those few instances where they have, the rest have fallen away like 
leaves from an autumn tree. So the important thing, it seems to me, 
is to expose the leaders, the men who are the conspirators. 

Mr, MuNDT. It doesn't always work out that way. We asked 
Senator Tenney, from your State of California, yesterday, for ex- 
ample, whether or not it was correct that one of your constituents, 
Mr. Sinatra, had addressed and endorsed the American Youth for 
Democracy in California, and he said he had. We have exposed the 
Amercan Youth for Democracy as a Communist organization. J. 
Edgar Hoover has exposed it as a Communist organization. There 
is no longer any doubt because the Communist Party admits parent- 
hood of American Youth for Democracy. But so far as the record 
reveals Mr. Sinatra has never at any time, dupe though he may be, 
taken liimself away from his endorsement of the movement. It 
doesn't always work that way, does it? 

Mr. Johnston. In most instances that I know of it has. 

Mr. MuNDT. And where it has, I agree that we should not be unduly 
suspicious of the dupe, but where a man, in the position of Mr. Si- 
natra, fails or declines or refuses to remove his endorsement of the 
Communist organization, don't you feel that that is inimical to the 
best interests of America ? 

Mr. Johnston. I am unfamiliar with the facts. -^ 

Mr. MuNDT. Assume that the facts are correct, as Mr. Tenney 

Mr. Johnson. I assume that men who are Episcopalians go to the 
Episcopalian church on Sunday, and when you see a man in the Epis- 
copalian church every Sunday you assume that he is an Episcopalian. 

Mr. MuNDT. I think that is a very apt and completely satisfactory 

Mr. Johnston. Thank you. 

Mr. MuNDT. The other question I have to ask is concerning the 
industry which you represent as its ofiicial spokesman, and that has 
to do with the American mo-vdng picture industry's responsibility in 
this whole job of eradicating communism. You have said, as a very 
able protagonist of the industry, that it has done some great things 
to help curtail communism, that it has not permitted the infiltration 
of communism to color its pictures, and have stated that the Commu- 
nist Parties in foreign countries are adverse to having the admission 
of American films. 

I saw an American picture in Moscow, produced in Hollywood, 
which I was very ashamed to have seen in the capital city of the 
Soviet as typifying the American life. It was not a pro-Communist 
picture, but it certainly was not a pro-American picture. You Icnow 
and I know — although I might admit it more freely than you — that 
the film industry has had some pro-Communist pictures, to wit, War- 
ner Bros. Mission to Moscow, which J. Edgar Hoover referred to 
yesterday as a prostitution of the historical facts. 

Mr. Johnston. Mv. Mundt, that was a picture based upon a book 
by a capitalist, Mr. Da vies, our Ambassador to Russia. 


Mr. 5luxi>T. I mi<j:ht sii<xiiost that most of tlio Comniunist brunches 
in this country are supported by American capitalists. 

Mr. JouNSTOx. If tliey are tiiey shoukl be prosecuted, just the 
same. If you notice, I have inchided the corporation, as well as 
the union and the cooperative. 

Mr. Mi'xnr. That is ri<rht. 

I ilon't expect to take any action at this late date about the Mission 
to Moscow, but I wonder whether you could advise the committee, 
out of your vast experience, of the title of any American picture which 
is equally pro-American as that picture was pro-Kussian. 

i\lr. JoHXSTOx. There are many that are equally pro-American that 
are bein*; shown abroad. Let me give you an illustration of that. 

]\Ir. ^luNDT. That is what I want. 

Mr. JonxsTox. We fintilly made a deal with Czechoslovakia to sell 
pictures in Czechoslovakia. I believe the Russians have made an 
agreement with Czechoslovakia that GO percent of all films shown in 
Czechoslovakia must be Russian films. But finally the American 
industry made an agreement with the Czechoslovakian Government to 
show films. The first film shown there was a picture called Wilson, 
which is the life of Woodrow Wilson. 

Another picture shown there was Abe Lincoln in Illinois. We have 
been told by the American Ambassador to Czechoslovakia that the 
American pictures have been most helpful in presenting the Ameri- 
can point of view in Czechoslovakia. Other illustrations could be 
given you of a similar nature. 

At the present time we are making — I am personally making — a pic- 
ture in Hollywood on production, the necessity of production m Amer- 
ica, how higher standards of living only come from increased produc- 
tivity per man-hour, how we have raised the standard of living in 
America in the last 40 years and doubled it, because of increased pro- 
ductivity per man-hour, and how we can double it in the next 25 years 
by increased productivity per man-hour. There are other pictures 
being made in Hollywood today showing how democracy works, the 
advantages of a strong United States. Those pictures will be shown 
abroad, as well as in the United States. 

Mr. MuNDT. Is that a so-called documentary film, or is it interwoven 
with a story so it will have box-oftice appeal ? 

Mr. JoHXSTON. This particular film is a dramatic film which we hope 
will have a great deal of box-office appeal, and which will be shown not 
only in this country, but overseas as well. The industry has embarked 
upon a program of that tjq^e. They are short films because we be- 
lieve it is better to have a lunnber of short, one-reel films, than to have 
one superfilm. The eifect is lost then. 

Mr. MuxDT. That is certainly a tremendous step in the right direc- 
tion, and I congratulate you on it. 

Let me ask you if you have produced, that you know of, any films 
in Hollywood," with general box-office appeal, dramatic films, as you 
call them, in which there is a definite and determined and intentional 
anti-Communist slant? 

Mr. Jonx'STON. Yes, I think there have been some produced. I re- 
member a film that was produced to that effect. I can't recall the name 
of it, but it was a year or two ago. I can get the name and submit it 
to you. I have forgotten the name. 


Mr. MuNDT. It is unnecessary. Let me close by sayino; that under 
your able and vigorous direction I hope that those films may become so 
numerous that the next time you appear before the committee you can 
recall many of them out of the abundance of your immediate memory. 

Mr. Johnston. Thank you. 

The Chairman. Mr. McDowell. 

Mr. McDowELi.. Mr. Johnston, I want to refer again to the film 
Mission to Moscow, not because you are the head of the great film 
industry, but because you are a widely traveled man, because you have 
been to Russia. I saw the film and I thought it had a decided Red color. 
The interesting thing to me was that many scenes, if you recall many 
scenes showed an abundance of food in Russia, manj^ kinds of food, 
all in all a very happy picture was made of Russia. You have been 
to Russia. Does the film compare with the actual living in Russia? 

Mr. Johnston. Mr. McDowell, I have not seen the film, I am sorry 
to say. It was before I was in the industry. 

Mr. McDowell. I withdraw ■ 

Mr. Johnston. I will answer your question, because I have under- 
stood that it does have a lot of food in the film — food for thought as 
well as food to eat. No. Except at banquets in Russia, as an official 
guest, food is not plentiful in the Soviet Union. At banquets it is very 
plentiful. At official banquets it is very plentiful, more than plentiful. 

Mr. McDowell. Political banquets? 

Mr. Johnston. Well, I assume that the banquets they gave for me 
were not political banquets because I was not a politician. One ban- 
quet had 62 courses and 32 wines. Those, of course, are unusual. I 
also want to say this, in defense of Warner Bros., that there has prob- 
ably been no group in Hollywood that has been more desirous of 
presenting America in a true light abroad than have Warner Bros. 
As you know, Mr. Jack Warner, .one of the brothers, received a medal 
from the Air Force, I think just 2 weeks ago, for conspicuous service in 
the war, and a number of films which they have made and are making 
to present American life abroad, in my opinion, will be most helpful. 
I think that the American film industry is a very potent and poMerful 
medium and I belive that the producers of films realize that. 

I mentioned in this [indicating statement] that we have spent 
$500,000 in Germany alone to show films, at the request of the Army 
of Occupation. Tliat is to sixy nothing of what we have done in Japan 
or in Austria, and have done in other areas. W^e are also showing 
films which the State Department wishes to show peoples, not propa- 
ganda films, because in our opinion the best propaganda is no propa- 
ganda at all, so far as the United States is concerned. 

Why did ISIussolini and why did Hitler ban the American film 
before they banned anything else — the American newspaper, the 
American magazine, or any film from any other land ? Why did they 
do it? I don't know the answer, but I think the answer is that the 
American film contained within it that element and essence of freedom 
and liberty which is as unconscious to those who are making the 
films in Hollywood as the air that they breathe in Hollywood. Un- 
doubtedly that is the reason that Mussolini and Hitler banned the 
American films. And so that is the reason that I am interested in 
the industry, this great industry of communications and information. 
It must be used widely. It is the reason that I have urged the ex- 
change of film from other countries with our own. England, as an 


illustration. Because I think \ve want to know other people, and we 
can know tliem better by means of film than by any other means. 

Mr. iMcl)(.>WKLL. Thank you, Mr. Johnston. You have been a very- 
good witness. 1 would like to say, Mr. Chairman, that we are for- 
tunate to have him back all in one piece if he went to more than one 
banquet where they served more than 32 different kinds of wines. 

The CiiAiKMAN. Mr. Kankin. 

Mr. Kankin. Mr. Johnston, you say that you would prohibit Com- 
munists from holding oflice 

Mr. J(uiNsT()x. Yes, Mr. Kankin. 

Mr. Kankin. In Federal, State, or county or municipality? 

Mr. Johnston. Yes. 

Mr. Rankin. You would also prohibit them from holding offices 
in labor unions? 

Mr. Johnston. Yes. 

Mr. Kankin. You would also prohibit them from becoming in- 
structors in our educational institutions, I presume? 

Mr. Johnston. If those are deemed of importance; yes. If those 
are deemed key positions — and in my o^jinion they would be. 

Mr. Kankin. Don't you think it is a key position when a man has 
the trainin<j: of the 3'outh of the country? 

Mr. Johnston. If they are teaching conspiratorial or revolutionary 
ideas, overthrow of the Government by force, in schools, of course, 
they should be removed. 

]\Ir. Rankin. Would you want to send your children to a school 
teacher that you knew was in favor and committed to the overthrow 
of this Government ? 

Mr. Johnston. Why, of course not. 

Mr. Rankin. All ri<rht. Now, then, don't you think that actors 
who put on plays should also be, who are Communists, should also 
be banned? 

Mr. Johnston. If you are performing conspiratorial activities; yes. 
Mr. Rankin, the difficulty is in labeling everyone who doesn't agree 
with you a Communist — or agi-ee with me — and that is one of the 
problems. Many of these people have different points of view. 

Mr. Rankin. Mr. Johnston, you are so busy ^^ ith your executive 
duties tliat I am afraid you don't read some of these films between 
the lines, read between the lines, but a great many of the people 

Mr. Johnston. I not only read between the lines, but I get under 
the sheets, too, Mr. Rankin. 

Mr. Rankin. Xow, thpu. I want to ask you about your script 
writers. Do you permit these fellows to write script, the Communists, 
to wiite script for vour pictui-es? 

Mr. Johnston. If the scripts that are written are in any way com- 
mimistic, I have almost comi)lete confidence that the employers would 
not pei-mit such a script to be used. 

Mr. Rankin. Would you risk having a man wante a script or a 
picture to be shown to the millions of children of this country that you 
knew was a Communist ? 

Mr. Johnston. If he was usin": anything communistic in it? 

Mr. Rankin. Yes. 

Mr. Johnston. Please bear in mind tliat after a script is written 
it is reviewed by' a good many peo])le. It is read. It is reviewed by 
top executives. After it is photographed it is again reviewed and cut. 


Mv. Rankin. And still you can read between tlie lines in some 
instances. So I am asking you if yon ^^■ould, if you knew that a man 
pr a woman was a Commimist, if you would permit him to write the 
scripts for the picture shows that you were ending out over the 
country for the children of this Nation? 

Mr. Johnston. If a man is a known Communist, of course, he should 
not be. I told you a moment ago, as an employer in Hollywood — if 
we have a contract with a man there is no way by which we can cancel 
that contract, just because he is a member of the Communist Party,, 
unless he engages in treasonable activit}-. 

Mr. Rankin. The mere fact that he is a member of the Communist 
Party, committed to the overthrow of this Government, should justify 
you in canceling the contract. They threw one great American off the 
radio there, Cecil DeMille, because he wouldn't contribute to a cam- 
paign that he considered corrupt, to which he was opposed. Now, I 
am going to ask one more question, and then I will close. I note you 
say that you attended one of these banquets where they had 62 courses 
and 32 wines. As a matter of fact, that was for the top flight 
commissars ? 

Mr. Johnston. Of course, 

Mr. Rankin. You were eating with the commissars. The millions 
of people who are held in slavery and subjugation in Russia never got 
into one of those banquets — even with two courses and one wine, did 

Mr. Johnston. I don't think I was allowed even to see them very 

Mr. Rankin. No. If they have their way the same condition will 
prevail in this country. One of the most potent influences that they 
could get their hands on — and the reason I am saying this, I have 
been abused so much that I have become immune to it — but I can tell 
you now there is a great deal, a rising tide of criticism of the moving 
picture industry from this standpoint, and the reason I am saying this 
to you — and I will say, Mr. Johnston, I have known you for a long 
time, you were head ojp the Chamber of Commerce, I believe ? 

Mr. Johnston. I was; yes, sir. 

Mr. Rankin. And I don't want to see the moving picture industry 
crippled or discredited, but I think that unless 3011 get busy and clean 
house and fumigate it 

Mr, Johnston, How would you suggest we do it, J\Ir. Rankin? 

Mr, Rankin. I suggest that you get as busy as the FBI does. And 
I am not sure that you couldn't get the assistance of the FBI. And 
everyone whose loyalty was questioned I would certainly get them 
out of the moving-picture industry, 

Mr, Johnston, Mr, Rankin 

Mr. Rankin. Just as I would get them off of the pay roll of the 
colleges of the country, just as I would set them off the Federal pay 
roll, the State pay roll, the county pay roll, and the municipal pay roll. 
A man who doesn't believe in this form of government, and who is 
out to destroy or join the conspiracy to destroy it, that man has no 
right to partiriiiate in those activities that control public sentiment or 
shape the public mind. 

Mr. Johnston. INIr. Rankin, as I said before, if there is a conspiracy 
to destroy our Government by force, of course, it shoiild be prosecuted 
and prohibited. 


Mr. Raxkix. It is a conspiracy to doslroy it by any method by 
Avhicii it can bo dostroyocl. That has been brought out so forcibly 
here by Mr. J. Ed<iar Hcx)ver and others who are familiar with the 
situation that I don't see how any American can question it. 

Mr. Johnston. I do not question Mr, Hoover. 1 liave the greatest 
eonlidence in him, Mr. Kankin. 

The Chairman. Mv. Nixon. 

Mr. Nixon. Mr. Johnston, I have some other questions. 

JNIr. Johnston. All right. 

Mr. Nixon. There has been a great deal of discussion about the 
United States going into Greece for the puri)ose of combating Com- 
munist ideas. Recently a comment was made by a person high in 
public life to the effect that we were just working at the fringes in 
going into Greece and that where connnunism has to be stopped is in 
the United States and in Moscow. For that reason I think this com- 
mittee was particularly interested in your comments on the effect and 
power that motion ]:)ictures might have for the American form of 
government and for American ideas when shown in countries which 
are either at the present time Communist dominated or countries in 
which there is an ideological battle between democracy and commu- 
nism as there is at the present time in many of the countries of Europe. 
So for that reason I think we would be interested in knowing whether 
or not the motion-picture industry has worked out agreements for 
the showing of pictures in some of these countries which are either 
dominated or in which this ideological battle is going on. Can 
you tell us, very briefly, whether or not you have an agreement in 
Austria, are American motion pictures shown there? 

Mr. Johnston. They are being shown by the army of occupation. 
There is no recompense to the motion-picture industry. It is a service 
to the American army of occupation. 

Mr. Nixon. You believe the pictures that are being shown are with- 
out doubt 

'Sir. Johnston. They are double-checked. In the first place we give 
them a list of what we think are good American pictures and the 
Army then checks them. 

jNIr. Nixon. Sly question was they are without doubt selling 
America ? 

Mr. Johnston. That is right. 

Mr. Nixon. Are they being shown in Poland? 

Mr. Johnston. We had an agreement with Poland which was con- 
summated — you know that most of these countries operate as monopo- 
lies and we have to deal with the government, not with the private in- 
dividual—we worked out an agreement with Poland for the showing of 
a number of films, some 86, 1 believe, in Poland, in the next year. That 
agreement was approved by the Minister of Communications and 
Education, whom I believe is a Commimist, a member of the Com- 
munist Party in Poland. It has been held up. I believe the agree- 
ment has not yet been approved by the cabinet, as I understand it, 
because of tlie complaint of our Government against the lack of free- 
dom of elections in Poland. 

So pictures are not now being shown in Poland. 

Mr. Nixon. Are they being shown in Russia at the present time? 

99051—47 20 


Mr. JoHxsTON. There are occasional films being shown that get into 
Russia, by some means or other, but in general no, films are not being 
shown in Russia. They are not being shown in Yugoslavia. 

Mr, Nixox. Czechoslovakia? 

Mr. Johnston. There is a film being shown in Yugoslavia called 
Grapes of Wrath. I believe you have heard of it. And it is called 
The Paradise of Democracy — that is the title of the film in Yugoslavia. 

Mr. Nixon. You wouldn't say that that one was selling America 

Mr. Johnston. Not at all. 

Mr. Nixon. Or California? 

Mr. Johnston. Not at all. 

Mr, Rankin. Selling America down the river, isn't it? 

Mr. Johnston. In America, of course, the motion-picture industry 
is akTi industry of free expression, like the press and radio. 

Mr. Nixon. Understand, I am not criticizing the Grai)es of Wrath 
as an un-American film. 

Mr. Johnston. I understand that. In Greece — we are showing pic- 
tures in Greece, but there is no money coming from Greece, because 
Greece hasn't any money to pay us. Therefore, it is, again, a matter 
of love, so far as the industry is concerned, and it is rather expensive, 
too, you know, because we usually dub the film with the language of 
the country, that is, we must put the language in the mouths of the 
actors and actresses, of the country involved, we must make prints of 
the films. We are showing in Turkey — some money is coming from 
Turkey. Russia kicks around at every door of every country in the 
world. If she finds the door open she goes in. The door was slammed 
in her face in Iran. I hope the American people slam the door on 
her face in Greece and Turkey. 

Mr. Nixon. The American people are going to spend approximately 
$100,0()(),()00 for the purpose of selling the United States through 
radio throughout — through radio broadcasts — throughout the world. 
In view of that fact, I think that, from comments you have made here 
today, you would agree that any elfort that the motion-picture indus- 
try can make to promote these agreements by which Amencan films 
which sell America, as you have so well described it, with the various 
nations with are either Comnmnist or Conununist dominated, would 
be helpful. 

Mr. Johnston. We have formed an oxi)()rt corporation, Mr, Nixon, 
which you may know about, under the Webb-Pomerene Act, for the 
purpose of dealing with a country which is a Communist country, and 
the industry deals Avith that country as an industry. I happen to be 
president of that corporation. Therefore, we are the ones responsible 
for films, Avhat type and kind of films will be shown in these 13 coun- 
tries, which are mainly countries behind the so-called iron curtain. 
We are attempting to do business in Rinnania and Bulgaria — not 
with nuich success. Our success in Yugoslavia is even less. We are 
showing films in Austria and Germany. In Russia we have not had 
much success. In Korea we are showing films, in the American - 
occupied area, but not in the Russian-occupied area. 

We are showing films in Ja])an, and so forth. If there are any 
countries you are interested in, I could write and tell you. 

I want to say this, this industry is doing this as an American activ- 
ity. It costs this industry hundi-eds of thousands of dollars a year 


to show films ill these areas. We realize that we will never get paid 
for it. But we think that American films should he shown in these 
areas. I don't know of any industry — and 1 say this with complete 
frankness, because I hap[)en to be in four other businesses on the 
Pacific coast — and I don't know of any other business that has spent 
as nnich time and as nnidi money and as much talent to try to display 
Americanism as Americanism actually exists in tiiis country, to for- 
ei<:n lands, than has the American motion-picture industry. Actu- 
ally hundreds and hundreds of thousands of dollars are spent annually 
upon that kind of a pro<2;ram which we instituted when I came into 
the or<ranization IS months a<2;o. 

Mr. Nixon. Thank you, Mr. Johnston. 

The Chairman. Mr. Vail. 

Mr. Vail. No questions. 

Mr. Chairman. Mr. ]\IcDowell. 

Mr. McDowell. You said that Greece didn't have money to buy 
your film. In view of what we feel is coming, wouldn't it be better 
said they don't have the money 3'et? 

Mr. j\)nxsT0N. I doubt if they will have the money even after we 
loan Greece some money, or make available some money to Greece. 
We have gotten a few dollars out of Greece — a few drachmas, but very 

The Chairman. Mr. Rankin. 

Mr. Rankin. ISIr. Johnston 

Mr. Johnston. Yes. 

Mr. Rankin. This hearing is being held on a couple of bills, one of 
which I introduced to outlaw the Communist conspiracy. There have 
been a great many who testified who have dwelt on trying to outlaw 
a political party. Don't you tliink some law sliould be passed to 
punish the participation in a conspiracy against the United States? 

Mr. Johnston. W^ell, Mr. Rankin, I thought there were laws in 
existence now which would punish^treason, conspiracy against the 
United States. Our alien and sedition laws. 

ISIr. Rankin. I am not sure they do. 

Mr. Johnston. If they don't, strengthen them. You are an expert 
on legislation. I am not. 

Mr. Rankin. I thank you for the compliment, but I am not sure 
that I could qualify. 

Mr. Johnston. Couldn't the Department of Justice tell you whether 
they are strong enough? 

Mr. Rankin. What I am driving at, and I think what you are driv- 
ing at, and all other patriotic Americans are, is, putting a stop to these 
attempts "to undermine and destroy this Government, the American 
way of life. 

Now, they keep harping on the capitalistic svstem. Just offhand 
you would think they were talking about a few millionaires, but they 
are talking about everyone who owns a home or who owns a farm or a 
factory or a store or a shop or a filling station. In other words, it is 
to destroy the entire economic system of this country. So don't you 
think some law, if the law is not sufficient now — and if it hasn't been 
enforced — don't you think we ought to strengthen that law to prohibit 
and to punish anyone who joins in such a conspiracv here in the United 


Mr. Johnston. Mr. Rankin, I am not an expert on law or legisla- 
tion, and, as I said, I think you are. If the laws need' to be strength- 
ened, and if the Department of Justice does not have sufficient law to 
prosecute people who are now committing acts of sedition or treason 
against our country, then the law should be strengthened, unquestion- 
ably. In a free country, such as ours, people can change the form of 
government by constitutional methods. I do not believe in com- 
munism, I do not believe in anything which it stands for, I am unalter- 
ably opposed to it ; but I also do believe, with the late Oliver Wendell 
Holmes, that freedom is the right to express the thoughts that are 
repugnant to ourselves if they want to express them. When you 
talk about treason, or overthrowing the Government by force, then 
something should be done about it. 

Mr. E. VNKiN. Treason consists in making war on the country, or 
aiding or abetting an enemy in time of war. That is roughly the defi- 
nition of treason in this country. Now, the Communist conspiracy is a 
conspiracy to destroy this coimtry. Wouldn't you cdll that a treason- 
able conspiracy? If it isn't considered treason under the law, don't 
you think it should? 

Mr. Johnston. I believe it is, but I think it should be prosecuted 
under the law. If the law isn't ample, the law should be extended 
so that it is ample. 

Mr. Rankin. That is what I am driving at. 

Mr. Johnston. It shouldn't be persecuted; it should be prosecuted. 

The Chairman. Mr. Mundt. 

Mr. Mundt. Mr. Johnston, I don't want you to go back to Holly- 
wood with the feeling that Members of this Congress will be tre- 
mendously happy should the activity of the motion-picture industry 
in the promotion of the American way of life be limited to making 
these pictures available, as you have described them so emphatically, 
to countries all over the world which are presently not able to pay 
for them. That is commendable, but I know that it is isn't altogether 
altruistic. I live in a great trout-fishing State. When we have 
fishermen from the effete East out to fish trout we teach them the 
fine art of walking up to a pool of still water and throwing in a 
handful of salmon eggs. In that way they are taught how to catch 
the trout. 

So a part of your activity is a sort of salmon-egging the trade, 
is it not? That is. you are prospecting the field hoping that some 
day they will b3 in a position to buy? 

Mr. Johnston. There haven't been any trout in those streams for 
many years. I don't know whether there will ever be. There has 
been practically no money taken out of the Balkan countries' so far as 
the industry is concerned, I think, in two decades. 

Mr. Mundt. Hope is eternal in the piscatorial breast. 

Mr. Johnston. As a fisherman, I agree with you; but the only 
fish I know of in those streams are suckers at the present time. 

Mr. Mundt. Well, we don't want you to go back and limit your 
fine activities and your great directional influence just to salmon- 
egging the trade abroad, because there is a job to be done here. 
You have indicated some of the pictures now being made in harmony 
with that program. 

You -asked Mr. Rankin the question, what can we do in Holly- 
wood which we have not done to help tighten the ranks against com- 


munism. We in the House of Representatives frequently in passin^^ 
an appropriations bill have liad a cliuise — before the President's 
Executivo order came into beiiiijj — rouixhly to this effect, that no 
\)i\vt of this approiH'iation shall be used to pay tlie salary of a 
member of the Communist Party, or any other un-American activity. 
The people in your industry are largely engaged in contractual 
work. You contract people for a term of weeks or months or years. 
I am wondering whether under these contracts as now written the 
industry has the power to abrogate a contract with a man who is 
discovered to be a Communist after you have employed him in good 

Mr. JoHNSTOx. So far as I know, and I do not happen to be a lawyer, 
but as far as I know there is no phrase or clause of that kind in the 
contracts, nor do I think any clause of that kind would be legal as the 
law now stands. I don't think you can prohibit a man, or cancel a 
man's contract if he is a Methodist, or a Communist, or a Kepublican, 
or a Democrat, or anything else. If he does commit acts of sedition or 
treason against the country, that is something different. I do not 
believe that any of the emplo3'ers in Hollywood employ a man whom 
they know to be a Communist. Many of these men whose names have 
been mentioned here today have long-term contracts with the industry. 
To cancel those contracts means lawsuits in civil courts, as you prob- 
ably know. You have to have some legal reason for canceling them. 
So far as I know now there is no legal reason for canceling them unless 
the Department of Justice proves these men are engaged in some 
treasonable or seditious activity. 

Mr. ]\IuNDT. The Department of Justice through its representative, 
Mr. Hoover, has said that the Communists are engaged in an effort to 
overthrow the Government. A member of the Communist Party pays 
a membership fee. So he pays financially to support and aid in the 
overthrow of the Government — unless ]\Ir. Hoover is way off the 
beam — which neither you or I believe to be true. 

Mr. Johnston". I don't believe Mr. Hoover is off the beam, but I 
think you ought to read the decision of the Supreme Court of the 
United States in the Harry Bridges case 

Mr. MuxDT. Tliey made a subsequent ruling. 

^Nfr. Rankin. They had a change since then. 

Mr. MuxDT. There is a new decision. Would it be legal if you were 
to put in a phrase in your contracts, which you say are long-term, 
which provided the riglit to abrogate a contract in the event a man 
were found to be engaged in an un-American activity. If a man signs 
that kind of a contract willingly, it seems to me it is a binding contract. 

Mr. Johnston. The lawyers of the industry could undoubtedly tell 
me that, and I will certainly ask that question, 

Mr. ^luNDT. Thank you. 

Mr. Rankin. If we passed a law, if Congress passed a law along the 
lines I suggested, that would enable you to get rid of them, wouldn't it? 

Mr. Johnston. That is correct. 

Mr. Rankin. We will try to help you. 

The Chairman. Mr. Johnston, we thank you very much for your 
visit here today. We hope that some day we will be able to pay you a 
return visit. 

Mr. Johnston. Thank you, sir. I liope that you can. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. 


Mr. Stripling, Mr. Chairman, Governor Sigler is here. He sug- 
gested, however, that if it is agreeable with the comniittee he would 
just as soon appear tomorrow at 10 o'clock, but it is up to the committee. 

Mr. Rankin. Mr. Chairman, I think it would be better. It is now 
almost 5 o'clock. I think it would be better to have him appear in the 

The Chairman. Is that agi^eeable to you. Governor? 

Governor Sigler. Yes. 

The Chairman. At 10 o'clock tomorrow morning, then, we will have 
Governor Sigler before the committee. 


FRIDAY, MARCH 28, 1947 

House of Reprksentatives. 
CoMMirreE ON Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D. C. 

The committee met at 10 a. m. ; Hon. J. Painell Thomas (chairman) 

The following members were present: Hon. Karl E. Mundt, Hon. 
John McDowell. Hon. Richard M. Nixon, and Hon. John S. Wood. 

Staff membei's present: Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator; 
Louis J. Russell, and Donald T. Appell ; and Benjamin Mandel, Direc- 
tor of Research. 

The Chairman. The meeting will come to order. 

We have with us as the first witness Gov. Kim Sigler of Michigan. 
Governor, I want to say to you that we are indeed gratified and 
pleased that you could come here to be with us today. We appreciate 
the long trip that you had to make; that fact alone gratifies us 
tremendously; that you felt that you could make that trip in the 
interest of appearing before this committee. I want to say for all 
of the members of the committee how pleased we are that you came 
here. We know of the kind of a job you are doing out there in 
Michigan, and we hope that it doesn't take too much of your time 
away from your regidar duties to be with us. Governor, if you don't 
mind, pleace, will you be sworn? 

(The witness was (\.vlj sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Governor, do you have a prepared statement? 

Governor Sigler. I have a few introductory remarks, Mr. Chair- 
man, that I jotted down last evening after I attended the session. 
If you don't mind, I should like to use those to start with. 

The Chairman. If you will. 


Governor Sigler. Mr. Chairman and members of the Committee 
on Un-American Activities. From the day I was sworn in as Governor 
of Michigan, I have been striving to combat the evil influences of 
communism. My activities in that direction are now well known to 
the people of Michigan. By executive order, in public addresses over 
the radio and by every other proper and available means I have been 
attempting to let the people of my State know the goals and purposes 
of the communists. 

On the 14th of this month I received a telegram from your chair- 
man inviting me to appear before your committee and give my views 



either on the specific legislation now being considered by you or 
on the general subject of communism. I accepted your invitation 
because I have faith in you and the work of your committee, I 
commend you for the good work you are doing. 

I listened by radio with great interest to the testimony of Mr. J. 
Edgar Hoover before you the day before yesterday. No red-blooded 
American citizen could but be impressed by that testimony with the 
serious menace- that communism presents to this country. , Com- 
munism is a menace wherever Communists are active and are carry- 
ing on their work of attempting to undermine this Government and 
develop that revolution for which they are striving in this country. 

From our investigations I know that there are upwards of 15,000 
Communists in the State of Michigan. They may not be all card- 
carrying Communists, but they are Communists in aims and motives. 

We have compiled the necessary facts to establish conclusively that 
the Communists are striving to gain control of the lalior movement in 
Michigan, and in some instances have succeeded in the absolute con- 
trol of certain unions. 

To understand their control over labor, it is necessary that we 
realize how tliey gained control. If they must start from scratch, 
so to speak, they generally send in a few key organizers to work in 
a plant to join a union. These men are fluent speakers and claim 
to be fighting for the "rights" of workers. They strive to be elected 
to an ofRce in the union, they cultivate ambitious opportunists and 
disgruntled minorities. When they are ready to seize control of the 
union they make impossible demands upon the officials of the union 
and circulate slanderous statements about them. 

They foi-m an election slate consisting of their carefully schooled, 
ambitious opportunists and attempt to corral representatives of racial 
and national minorities. 

There is testimony before this committee that Gerhart Eisler, the 
leading agent of communism in America, who has been so well ex- 
posed by you, went to Detroit in 1933 to accomplish this very purpose. 

There is at the j^resent time and has been for many months a 
terrific struggle in the UAW-CIO in the city of Detroit by the Com- 
munists on one hand and the good loyal American citizens in that 
organization on the other in an effort to gain control. This struggle 
has been going on within the locals for a long period of time. R. J. 
Thomas, former president and now vice president of the UAW-CIO ; 
George Addes, secretary-treasurer of the union, and Richard T. 
Leonard, national director of the Ford department of the auto union, 
are captives of the Communist Party of the United States. This 
in union parlance means that they follow the Communist Party 
lines in union activities. 

We all know the technique of the Communist. He smears anyone 
who opposes him. He brands as a red-baiter, a witch hunter, as 
a Fascist, a Hitlerite, anyone who attempts to expose him. Because 
of my activities against them tliey are now heaping their abuse in 
Michigan upon me. 

Mr. Thomas has recently attempted to bring about the dismissal 

of a very prominent CIO labor leader who is a good American citizen 

and an outspoken, two-fisted opponent of communism. He, Mr. 

Thomas, has taken this typical communistic course simply because the 


labor leader in question Inippens to be friendly toward my activities 
a<iainst jNIieliiiran Coninmnists. 

This man is not a member of the 'i'homas union and I do not care 
to mention his name at tliis time because I as the Governor of Michipui 
wish to lielp liim and his associates loyal to the United States carry 
on their tiiiht as <iood American citizens aoainsi tliose who would 
destroy the labor movemenl in America. 

And further as the Governor of Alichi^au I wish to commend whole- 
heartedly those stalwai't and fearless labor leaders, who, to<!;ether 
with the ranlv and tile members, are carryino- on the difficult and 
strenuous liu'ht ajiainst tlie enemies of labor within their own ranks — 
who take their orilers from Moscow. 

These men need help and they need it badly. And I, as the Gov- 
^rnoi- of the State, ])ro]iose to <rive it to them. To that end the officials, 
police officers and all law-en l'()rcin<>: aji'cncies have been called in to 
assist in determining who is who. I am having compiled a list of a 
hundred or more of the most notorious Communists in the labor 
movement in Michigan. 

I (.lo not give this list to you now for the reason that I wish to 
make the investigation with painstaking care to be doubly sure that 
no one is unjustly accused. If it would be of assistanc to your com- 
mittee. I shall be willing at a later date to furnish you with the names, 
addresses, and connections of these individuals within the Connnunist 
Party who are undermining the labor movement in my State. Not 
only are they undermining the labor movement in my State, but they 
carry out the very spirit of communistic gospel by attempting to de- 
stroy the industr}' that has made Michigan great. 

The labor union can perform a great function in iVmerican society 
and my reason for exposing Communist leaders wdio would destroy 
labor rests in the fact that Communist revolutionary tactics demand 
that they control the trade-union. The Conmiunist revolution in 
America cannot succeed unless the Communists control labor. You 
jrentlemen listened to Mr. J. Edgar Hoover state a day or so ago that: 


With few exceptions the following admonitions of Lenin liave been followed: 
It is necessai-y to be able to withstand all this, to a.sree to any and every 
sacrifice, and even, if need be, to resort to all sorts of devices, maneuvers, and 
illegal methods, to evasion and subterfuge, in order to penetrate into the trade 
unions, to remain in them, and to carry on Communist work in them at all 

In addition to the foregoing. I haA^e also caused to be obtained the 
facts concerning the various so-called fronts of the Communist 
Party in the State of Michigan and I wish to commend our Michigan 
State Police and Commissioner Donald S. Leonard for the valuable 
work they have done and are doing in this direction. 

A list of these fronts with their nefarious activities is being com- 

I submit for your information the following : 

United "Workers Cooperative Association : An investigation by the 
Michigan State Police shows that this is a Communist front organiza- 
tion. Records show that the heads of this organization are members 
of the Communist Party. 

Lithuanian Workers Literary Club: After an investigation of this 
club, it is the opinion of the investigators that this is a Communist 
front organization. 


Citizens Committee: Michigan State Police files show copies of 
Communist literature that was handed out by members of the Citizens 

Progressive Club : We have Communist literature that was handed 
out in meetings of the Progressive Club. 

Lithuanian Farmers Society : Our records show that leaders of the 
Lithuanian Farmers Society are active in communistic activities and 
have taught communism in some of their meetings. 

League for Peace: Our reports show that Communists, who are 
also members of this organization, attempted to cause labor trouble in 
the lumber camps. 

International Workers Order : Michigan State police report shows 
this to be a Communist front organization. 

International Foundry Workers Wage and Hour Council : Our re- 
port shows this is an organization in Pontiac, Mich., headed by Com- 

Camp Tel-Hai: Our report shows that a school was held in this 
camp where Communist propaganda was distributed. We have cop- 
ies of the Communist literature that was handed out in this school by 
teachers who taught there in 1942. 

Gentlemen, before I am through with this testimony I want to give 
you the benefit of something concerning a Michigan Supreme Court 
decision, where the evidence was definitely procured, and the highest 
court in our State passed upon that evidence, as related to a similar 

Get Acquainted Club : Information shows this is a Communist front 

Fight for Freedom Organization : We have literature and reports 
that shows this organization is a Communist front. 

Finnish International Workers Order: We have reports to show 
that this organization held Communist meetings throughout the Upper 

Finnish Women's Club : We have reports where this organization 
was run by Communists several years ago in Marquette, also that the 
organization was active in Ramsey, Mich, and northern Wisconsin in 
1941. Members of this organization in Eamsey and northern Wiscon- 
sin are all known Communists. 

Finnish Workers Federation : We have information that shows this 
organization received literature directly from William Z. Foster and 
Earl Browder. 

I am going to have something more to say to you gentlemen about 
Mr. Foster before I get through. 

Farm Equipment Workers Organizing Committee : Leader of this 
organization, at one time, was the editor of the Daily Worker. 

Emergency Relief Organization: This office has information that 
shows some members of the Emergency Relief Organization are also 
members of the Communist Party. 

Fellowship of Reconciliation : We have records that show speakers 
for the Fellowsliip of Reconciliation admitted being Trotskyites. 

Abraham Lincoln Cooperative Society — think of that kind of a name 
for a group of individuals that are striving to overthrow this Govern- 

We have information, definite information, that this society is a 
branch of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. 


Civil Ri<2^hts Federation : This orp:anization was oi-f^anized in defense 
of the Federal prosecution of the Socialist Workers Party. Leaders 
of the movement are known Comnnnusts. 

American Yonth for Democracy: This ori>;anization starred when 
the YonniT Comnnniist League was dissolved. 

You oentleman have done a frvoat deal in exposini>- this <i;roup. 

Executive Secretary of the American Youth for Democracy in 

*Michi<>an, at the present time, is active in the Connnunist Party and 

readily admits being a Comnninist. He also ran for re})resentative 

in the State legislature on the Communist ticket in the 1946 November 


I have not given you all of the information at our disposal relating 
to these fronts and others which are now under investigation. When 
our investigation in this respect is completed we wilt give you the 
benefit of that information. 

My purpose in giving you this information at the present time is not 
only to aid and assist you, but to let self-respecting American citizens 
know the facts. No one should be duped by the high-sounding 
purposes and innocent-appearing names of the Connnunist-front 

Weeks ago I openly exposed the American Youth for Democracy 
in Michigan. I learned that it was operating on the campuses of our 
colleges. The presidents of these institutions have wholeheartedly 
cooperated with me, as I shall more fully explain to you later. When 
I openly exposed this group over the radio as a Communist-front 
organization a great howl went up. Every Communist in Michigan 
started to yelp. I was promptly .charged with being a Red baiter, 
a witch hunter, a Fascist and a Governor who lacked leadership. The 
smearing Communist charged me with attacking unions, I recognize 
this, of course, as you have with being typical technique of the Com- 
munist. Since then all that I said about the American Youth for 
Democracy has, I believe, been fully established. 

What I say now concerning the "fronts" I have referred to is equally 
accurate and likewise based upon careful investigation. 

There is no question about the fact that the Communist is attempt- 
ing to raise his ugl,y head in our educational institutions. Let me tell 
you of the facts relating to one of our very important colleges. I do 
not give you the names of the parties involved or the name of the 
particular college for the reason that our investigations are not yet 

Not long ago a Commimist organizer appeared at one of our very 
highh' respected colleges and began his pernicious work. He made 
a very careful survey to find out who were the popular athletes upon 
the campus, and who were the leaders in various social activities. He 
finally selected a student well known on the campus because of his 
athletic attainments. He made it a point to get acquainted with him. 
After he had cultivated an acquaintance with this fine young man, the 
son of good American parents, he offered him a rather substantial 
sum of money to organize students upon the campus in one of these 
innocent-sounding, yet vicious, un-American, communistic fronts. 
Can anyone be so gullible as to question where this money was coming 

Gentlemen, I have come here to be of help to you, I have a tough 
job as Governor of Michigan. There are many difficult and per- 


plexing problems. One of them is the subject upon which you are 
working. I conceive it to be my duty as the chief executive of a great 
State to fight ^Yith all my strength the activities of those who Avould 
undermine and destroy the very thing that thousands of our Michigan 
boys laid down their lives to I'jreserve. I shall gladly answer, to the 
best of my humble ability, any questions which may be helpful to 
3'our committee. 

The Chairman. Thank you, Gov^ernor. The Chair wants to say 
that that was certainly a fighting statement and in relation to it we 
would like to ask some questions. 

First, in connection with the hundred or more names of Communists 
that you are going to make public, we would like to have that list. 

Governor Sigler. As soon as it is completed, Mr. Chairman, and 
we are absolutely sure, I shall be pleased to return and give it to you. 

The Chairman. And the same is true of the Communist front 
organizations. And I want to say to you that you are one of the first 
witnesses we have had, if not the first, who has volunteered to give us 
a list of Communist front organizations. 

In connection with one of these organizations, the American Youth 
for Democrac}^, you may be interested to know that this committee, 
naturally, has made a study of that organization since its inception. 
It is probably one of the leading Communist fronts today. We have 
just finished a report which covers the organization, and the report 
will be made public to the Congress next week and then will be given 
out immediately. We will be j^leased to send some of these reports to 
your commissioner of State police out in Michigan. 

How many Communist front organizations do you think there are 
in Michigan all told? 

Governor Siglkr. Well, there are a number of them, Mr. Chairman. 
I wouldn't want to say at this time the exact number. Our men are 
working very diligently in an effort to determine accurately the facts. 

Perhaps I might illustrate how this thing is working out in one 
way. Conmiissioner Leonard, will you give me the record of Fass 
Baker ? It is very short. 

The Chairman. The name is Baker? 

Governor Siglkr, Yes. B-a-k-e-r; commonly known as Fass Baker. 

Now, he has aliases. But I learned very shortly after I became 
Governor of Michigan that that individual, posing as a labor leader, 
was appearing at Lansing, attempting to organize the employees of 
the State of Michigan. Michigan has about 21,000 or 22,000 em- 
ployees. This individual was very active up there. He was trying to 
convince the employees of Michigan that they were not being properly 
treated. He was using the typical technique of the Communist — try- 
ing to create dissatisfaction and discord among these individuals. So 
I had him looked up. Here is what I find about him. 

Baker was born in Nebraska — I am sorry to say. I was born in 
Nebraska, Mr. Chairman, and I am proud of that fact. I hate to see 
individuals of this sort come from Nebraska. He attended a school 
out in Michigan. He was emploj-ed by the general hospital in Minne- 
apolis, Minn., and it was then that he became a Communist Party 

In 1938, in return for the promise of an organizer's job, along with 
several other Connnunist members of his union, he agreed to deliver 


TO tlie CIO the union of this fjronp. wliich had boon an A. F. of L. 
iifliliato. Shortly thoroaftor lie rosii^nod his job at tlio hosjjital and 
boi-anie an ()r<ianizor for tho SC'An\'A, and niovod to Pittsburgh, l*a,j 
later fi;oing to Detroit. 

Aniono; the various Connnunist-sponsorod pi-ojoets to which Baker 
has lent his name Avas the canipaiiin of certain individuals who were 
known Connnunists, tho National Free Browder Congress, and the 
Xegro Youth Council for Victory and Democracy, and he was selected 
to be on tlie exoi-utive board of the Greater Detroit and Wayne County 
Industrial Union Council, CIO, on the Connnunist Party supporteti 
slate, and so on. 

- So when I found out that this was the kind of an individual he 
Avas. I proceeded promptly to expose him over the radio in Michigari 
and I gave notice to the director of civil service that I wanted the 
business of connnunism investigated fully in our State Government 
to determine just exactly what the situation is. 

Now. that individual was promoting the interests of certain of 
these fronts in Michigan. We have a lot more of them and we are 
going to find out exactly what they are. We have some of these indi- 
viduals right in our legislature at this very moment, who come np 
there posing under one party's head and yet at the same time they 
are striving to undermine the very thing for which we are all there. 

The CiiAiRMAX. Yon mean they hold seats in the legislature ? 

Governor Sigler. We have one individual right now, Mr. Chair- 
man, who is in the Senate of our State. His name is Stanley Novak. 
Stanley Novak has been a Connnunist sympathizer and a Conununist 
worker for a considerable period of time. An obstructionist of the 
first type. 

The CiTAiRMAx. Would you say he was a Communist? 

Governor Sigler. I do not at this time wish to make that statement, 
Mr. Chairman, because I want to know definitely. I had a grand 
jury up there representing the State for a considerable period of time. 
I know qnite a bit about this individual, but I want to know definitely 
that I am right before I make that positive assertion. 

The Chairman. Bj the way, before I forget it, I would suggest 
that you and jouv staff keep in constant touch with our files. For 
instance, tliat name is a very familiar na»ie to me and 

Governor Sigler. You mean the name of Stanley Novak is very 
familiar to you, Mr. Chairman ? 

The CiiAiRMAX. That is right, and w^e have got quite a file on him. 
So not only in this particular case, but on any case that may come up, 
don't hesitate to get in touch with us so that we may put our files at 
the disposal of your staff at all times. 

Governor Sigler. I appreciate that^ Mr. Chairman. 

The CiiAiR^iAX. For the record, will you please identify the mem- 
bers of your staff who are here today ? 

Governor Sigler. Mr. Donald S. Leonard, who sits beside me here, 
is the Commissioner of the Michigan State Police. He is the only 
member of that oflice who is with me. My legal adviser, Mr. Ander- 
son, sits here at my right. These men have been working on this 
subject at my direction. 

The CiiAiRMAx. ^^Tiat is Mr. Anderson's first name ? 

Governor Sigler. Victor C. Anderson. 


The Chairman. Those are all the questions I have at the moment. 
Mr. McDowell. 

Mr. McDowell. Governor, I have always thought that if there be 
such a thing as a typical American State it would be Michigan. It is 
not one of the original States, but yet it has got everything that 
America has. All of its great forests, waterways and ports, the great 
industries. It appears to me that all of America has come to realize 
in the last year what you are doing, the fight that you are making 
to preserve those things that Michigan has and is. I think all 
members of Congress were happy to read of the order of President 
Truman last week in which he said that the executive branch of the 
Government would look into the loyalties of all of its members. I 
presume, sir, that you have made these — laid these findings of yours 
before the President ? 

Governor Sigler. Before the President of the United States? 

Mr. McDowell. Before the President. 

Governor Sigler. I have not yet, Mr. McDowell. I thought that 
first of all I should present these matters to your committee, in view 
of the fact tliat you were actively working upon the matter. I came 
here at j^our invitation. I want to do everything I can to be helpful. 

Mr. McDowell. You have been helpful and I shall recommend, as 
one member of the committee, that these matters that you have pre- 
sented here be laid before the President of the United States. 

Governor Sigler. I shall be very glad to do so, Mr. McDowell. 

Mr. McDowell. Thank you, sir. 

The Chairman. Any more questions ? 

Mr. Wood. 

Mr. Wood. Governor Sigler, I believe that the American people are- 
becoming more and more conscious daily of the serious threat that is 
posed by the activities of these various communistic groups. 

The question in my mind today — and I would like to have such re- 
action as you are prepared to give us — is as to what the remedy is from 
the national, over-all standpoint. 

Governor Sigler. Well, Mr. Wood, that is a very fair and a very 
sensible question, in my humble opinion. Of course, you have given 
me quite a lot of latitude ; quite a range. I would like to answer it. 
It might take me a minute or two. 

I would like to present as a basis for answering that question some- 
thing that may not have come to your attention. It seems to me that 
we must have in mind the human equation in considering matters of 
this nature. We have always had some kind of a group that would 
destroy the Government. Anyone who is familiar with history and 
who has looked at the books is mindful of the fact that there was the 
anarchist and the syndicalist all down through the ages. There have 
been individuals and groujDs of individuals who were opposed to or- 
derly government and orderly processes of government. And the 
amazing thing to me oftentimes is how quickly citizens and good people 
overlook those facts. 

For instance, as a basis for what I wish to say to you upon that 
subject now, there was in Michigan as far back as a quarter of a cen- 
tury ago, the very beginning of this thing. The national convention 
of the Communist Party was held in Michigan on the 20th day of 
August 1922. I would like to give you the facts of the Supreme Court 


decision, report od in the two hundred and twenty-ninth volume of our 
Michigan Supreme Court Reports, at page oi5 [reading] : 

A national delegate convention of the Communist Party of America was called 
by tlie Central Executive Committee of the party to meet at Brid«man, Berrien 
County, this State, in August 1!»22. 

Now. that is down in the southwest corner of Michigan, close to the 
city of Chicago. [Heading :] 

Delegates to the convention were not informed of the place of meeting, but under 
direction proceeded from city to city toward Bridgman and were finally steered 

Now, gentlemen. I am giving you the facts from this opinion as 
reported by Mr. Chief Justice Wiest of our Supreme Court, one of the 
recognized outstanding jurists of that section of America. [Reading :] 

Near Bridgman, an isolated hotel and cottages furnished accommodations for 
the 7o persons attending the convention and a natural amphitheater amid the 
woods afforded a place for sessions. Every person attending had a party or 
assumed name. 

Now. as I develop these facts, see how completely thoy coincide with 
what we know has been going on all over the world today. [Reading :] 

No communication with the outside world was permitted. Each participant 
in the convention was assigned a number and given a large manila portfolio 
in which to place all papers and documents at the close of each day, to be taken 
up by the grounds committee for safekeeping. Defendant's party name was 
Damon and his portfolio was No. ~)0. These portfolios were deposited each night, 
by the committee, in two barrels sunk in the ground at a distance from the hotel 
and covered with sand, leaves, and stocks. Regulations of the grounds com- 
mittee provided : 

"No incriminating literature or document shall be kept in baggage or in rooms. 
All sucli matter must be turned over to the committee every evening, Tlie 
grounds committee must arrange for the safekeeping of this matter." 

A central washtub in which to burn incriminating papers was also maintained. 

Convention sessions were held. 

And they gathered there. They discussed ways and means of over- 
throwing the Government of the United States. Mr. Chief Justice 
Wiest in his reporting of this case tells of the fact that representatives 
from Moscow came to this meeting, told these individuals how to carry 
on their nefarious work of developing revolution in America, what to 
do with labor unions, how to interfere in the schools, how to approach 
the churches, and so" on and so on. 

Now, it happened that in 1919 the Legislature of the State of Michi- 
gan passed, as you will recall, at that particular time, a quarter of a 
century ago, the law relating to sj^idicalism, and they defined in that 
legislative enactment criminal syndicalism as follows : 

Criminal syndicalism is hereby defined as the doctrine which advocates crime, 
sabotiige, violence, or other unlawful methods of terrorism as a means of ac- 
complishing industrial or political reform. The advocacy of such doctrine, 
whether by word of mouth or writing, is a felony punishable as in this act, 
otherwise provided. 

Now, it was under that particular statute, adopted in 1919, that the 
Federal authorities, together with the State authorities, picked up the 
necessary evidence. They got this barrel that was sunk in the ground, 
they got the washtub in which they attempted to burn incriminating 
evidence, and they had a trial. 

Now, they raised every conceivable question. The same questions of 
freedom of speech that .we hear so much about today. I know that 


every member of this committee believes, and I, for one, believe, to 
the bottom of my heart, in the principle of free speech, but it means 
freedom of speech out on the county court steps. It means freedom of 
speech at the city hall. It doesn't mean freedom of speech in a base- 
ment. Nor does it mean freedom of speech out in the woods, carrying 
on stealthily a design to overthrow this Government. 

Someone says that we shouldn't pass these laws because it is uncon- 
stitutional. All those questions were raised in this case. They were 
fully decided. And here is what Mr. Chief Justice Wiest says about 
a few of them. They are extremely interesting indeed. I quote from 
page 332 of this very important decision : 

The, proposed program as was intended dovetailed with the illej^al pnrposes 
of the Connnunist Party. It declared : 

"The capitalist state, that is, the existing Governuieiit, municipal. State, and 
National, is the organized power of the capitalist class for suppression of tlie 
demands of the exjjloited and oppressed workers." 

Now, I know that you gentlemen must have before you the Com- 
munist bible of today. I know that you must have these documents 
that have been circulated all over America. There isn't an iota of 
difference between the Communist manifesto of Karl Marx that is cir- 
culated today in America than there was as between that proviso just 
read. [Reading :] 

It stated: "The class struggle must take the form of a political struggle, a 
struggle for control of the government." 

And I am reading to you not from some speech that some politician 
made, I am reading to you from a Supreme C\)urt decision in an adjudi- 
cated case where the Federal agents and the State agents got the 
definite evidence. [Reading:] 

But this was so transparently buncombe as to mislead no one. It declared : 
"This much talked of 'American democracy' is a fraud." 

Now, think of this, and compare this statement of a quarter of a 
century ago with today's procedure of the Communists. [Reading:] 

"The much talked of 'American democracy' is a fraud. Such formal democracy 
as is written into the Constitution and laws of the country is camouflage to liide 
the real character of the rule of the capitalists." 

It also declared the futility of acomplishing their ends through political action 
and mapped the following scheme: 

"The Workers' Party will also nominate its candidates and enter into the 
election campaigns to expose the fraudulent character of capitalist democracy 
and carry on the propaganda for the Soviets." 

It must be understood, in considering this program, that tlie auHiors thereof 
make no distinction between capitalists, capitalism and the American form of 

The program that these individuals considered, the evidence that 
the investigators discovered, was proved in open court, in an open trial, 
where they had the best lawyers that they could possibly obtain. And 
they attempted to teach the doctrine that: 

"The Workers' Party declares one of its ciiief immediate tasks is to inspire 
in the labor unions a revolutionary purpose and to unite them in a mass move- 
ment of uncompromising struggle against capitalism." 

It declared its support of the Red Labor Inteiiiational. It also stated: 
"The aim of the Woi'kers' Party in participating in the ele<"tions, in revolu- 
tionizing the unions and its work to unite the industrial worker, farm laboi'er, 
working farmer, and Negro is to build a united front of the whole exploited class 
and to make its direct, mass power a factor in the class struggle." 


The unlawful intended purpose of such mass power was stated : 
"If during the present strike of the coal miners, the railroad shopmen, and tex- 
tile workers, the whole workins class had united in mass meeting and mass 
demonstration against the use of courts and soldiers in the strike they could 
have through smh mass pressure compelled the Government to withdraw the 
troops and recall the injunctions." 

1 might tire you with the balance of this opinion. I have read the^ 
record. I was personally acquainted with the hiwyers. I had some- 
tliin*! to do with this trial. And so for a quarter of a century I have 
seen this thino- develop in Michip:an. I niiirht jjo on here with some 
of the further statements to show the extent to which, in 1922, 25 
years ago, this thing was going on in Michigan. It has been going on 
ever since. These men were convicted, they were sent to jail, and the 
gentleman who today is the president of the Connnunist Party of 
America. ^Ir. Foster, was indicted at that time, and he got oif the hook 
by a mere technicality. 

The Chairmax. May I interrupt ? 

Governor Stcler. Yes. sir. 

The Chairmax. How many persons were tried? 

Governor Sigler. I can't tell you the exact number now. There 
were a niunber of them who were apprehended. 

The Chairman. Does it give the name there of C. J. Lambkin? 

Governor Sioler. No. it doesn't give it in the official Supreme Court 
Report. Mr. Chairman. 

The CiiATRMAX. Our records show that he was present at these meet- 
ino-s. We had a lot of testimony on Lambkin recently. He is now 
the head of the Four Continent Book Shop up in New York, and 
through Lambkin, the Sonnet Government has been making vast pur- 
chases of American patents. They have made more purchases through 
Lambkin than through any other source in the United States. 

Governor Sioler. Now, you, Mr. Cliairman, and members of com- 
mittee, are familiar with this case, and are familiar with the develop- 
ments of this situation since then. For instance, in 1935, we had a 
similar situation develo]i in Michigan. I can remember very dis- 
tinctly one large Government project where the Government spent a 
great' many thousands of dollars buying up some forest land and 
making a great park, a park in which the people generally might have 
an interest, might go and enjoy themselves, and I recall distinctly at 
that time being employed by a group of public-spirited citizens to see- 
to it that a certain group tliat had come in there were not carrying on 
communistic activities. I am sorry to say to you, Mr. Chairman,, 
that in the 1930's the same type of thing was going on in the State, 
the same procedure, the same technique, the same type of meetings^, 
the same kind of literature, the same kind of orders from Moscow.. 
And it has gone on, as we all know, until today, they are striving to 
control the very life blood of the State of Michigan, with all of its- 
great industrial resources. 

Mr. Wood. We recognize that it is becoming more and more in-' 

Governor Sigler. Now. to get down, Mr. Wood, more definitely, to 
>our question. You asked me what should be done. My humble 
opinion is that the Federal Government should take the lead. Section 
4 of article TV of the Federal Constitution provides that this Gov- 

99651 — 47 21 


ernnient shall insure to the States of the Union a republican form of 
government. Now, what does that mean? It means exactly what 
the framers of the Constitution intended. All we need to do is look 
at the Federalist or at James Madison's notes during the Constitu- 
tional Convention, and we c^n see very clearly that the fathers of this 
Government recognized that all through the ages there is that element 
that attempts to destroy the orderly process of government. It has 
-always been true. They knew that it was true then. They knew from 
their study of ancient democracies that that was the one great enemy 
of all democracies. * 

So what should we do? I feel that the Federal Government should 
take the lead, that it should take the lead in the right kind of legis- 
lation. The Federal Government is in a position to insure to the 
States of this Union a republican form of government. 

If it is necessarv to amend that particular phase of the Constitu- 
tion and specify tliat any group or individual that preaches the doc- 
trine of overthrowing our Government shall be prosecuted, then that 
is what we should do, and in the meantime I feel that the bill, for 
instance, that you have liere, the Sheppard bill, is a good bill. 

When you sent me, Mr. Chairman, copies of these bills, I called in 
the presidents of our universities. Now, we are rather proud of the 
University of Michigan. It has 19,000 students. And on that 
campus there has been an AYD. Dr. Ruthman came in and has 
cooperated with me in the exposure of that communistic group. Dr. 
Hanna, who is president of Michigan State College, where w^e have 
thirteen or fourteen thousand students, banned that organization 
from the college campus, not because they were Communists, in this 
particular instance, but rather because in their typical communistic 
style they did not comply with the campus regulations. And I had 
in addition to them Dr. Henry of Wayne University, where there are 
another ten or twelve thousand students. I sat down with them and 
I said. "Gentlemen, the Committee on Un-American Activities is in- 
terested in this business. They want us to tell them ^yhat our ideas 
are concerning the wisdom and prudence of the legislation now pend- 
ing before Congress." 

We discussed the question of constitutionality, freedom of speech, 
freedom of the press, and all of the other angles that are so important. 
I said to them, "Well, these bills, will they be of any assistance to you 
gentlemen as educators teaching the youth of our great State? Will 
they be of any assistance to you in combating this virus of 

They agreed unanimously that if they had, for instance, the Shep- 
])ard bill, that it would be of material assistance to them. Dr. Hanna 
said to me : 

Mr. Governor, we don't want that kind of thing upon our campus, but it is 
a free Anierka. America is a land where every man is entitled to speak his 
mind, a land whei-e we have freedom of the press, and what are we going to do 
about it? 

He said : 

This party is legalized. The Connnnnist Party is a legal party now in Michi- 
gan. They have their own candidates. What can we, as college presidents, do 
about the situation? (iive us some law whereby we can determine the facts and 
show that there has been a violation of that law, and we will make short work of 
V individuals who would destroy this Government. 


I talked with labor leaders. 1 have called them into my office. 
Those good red-blooded fellows that are tryinjjj to li<>;ht the Commu- 
iiist movement in the labor nnions. Each and every one of them 
ct)ncnrred in the thon«iht that this kind of lejjjislation should be passed 
by the Federal (xovernment and that the Federal Government should 
take the lead. The States of this Union will follow. We will do a 
*>()o(l job. lint we can't do it all. 

Further, 1 believe, JNIr. Chainuan, that you should give Mr. J. Edgar 
Hoover a wider latitude, that you should give him additiomil strength, 
and that you should make his organization independent, where it is 
not under tlie control of any kind of i)olitical influence. 

That is my humble opini<m. 

The Chairmax. At this point. Governor, I would like to interrupt 
for the purpose of asking a question. 

Governor Suji.kk. Yes, sir. 

The Ciiair:max. By ''independent" do you mean that you would 
take him away from any control that the Attorney General has over 
him now? 

Crovernor Sigler. Yes, vsir. 

The Chairmax. You would set up, you would make an independ- 
ent agency^ 

Governor Sigler. Yes, sir. 

The Ciiair:m:ax'. Thank you. 

(jovernor Sigler. This man who sits here at my left, the commis- 
sioner of the INIichigan State police, cannot be fired, he cannot lose 
his position unless there is a hearing before the supreme court of our 
State. He is an hide])endent agent. He can go out and deliver the 
facts — and God help him if he doesn't deliver them, so far as I am 
concerned, in this matter. 

Mr. Wood. I believe. Governor, that your thoughts in that respect 
reflect also the attitude of the members of this connnittee. That is all. 

Governor Sigler. You see, if you make this, if you make it unlaw- 
ful for any group to try and deprive us of that republican form of 
government that is set forth specifically in the Constitution, then 
this "fringe" group will disappear. Many of these young folks upon 
the c'ampuses join an organization of this sort because they think it 
is smart, because they think it is cute. I have talked with many of 
them, I have called them into my office and have sat down and tried 
to get underneath their skin and down* deep into their heart. They 
d(» these things because they think it is the thing to do. 

Mr. McDowell. Governor, will you yield? 

Mr. Wood. I am through. 

Mr. McDowell. Have you thought that this Sheppard Act might 
drive these folks undergi-ound and that it w^ouldn't destroy com- 
munism, but it would merely make them more cautious? 

Governor Sigler. Mr. McDov.-ell, they are underground anyway. 
The only part of them that is outside now is a little wagging of the 
tail. They are out there in the open for one purpose. The only 
part of them out in the open at tlie present time — it is only so that 
they can use the trumped-up claim of freedom of speech and freedom 
of the press. They are just as much underground as they were in 
1922 when they were hiding their evidence in a barrel sunk in the 


Mr. McDo^^^ELL. I want to tell you that no witness we have had has 
added any more important information than you have given us. 
This is a great contribution you have made to us. 

Governor Sigler. Well, I appreciate that, sir. I have a lot of 
exhibits here. I don't know whether they are of any value to you. 
For instance, here is the kind of stuff they are sending out to the 
veterans in their eiforts to corral the veteran who has just returned 
from the war. It is headed, "Dear Comrade .Veteran," and says : 

< It is imperative that the enclosed resolulions be discussed and understood by- 
each and every Communist. .1 will be glad to let you have that. Here is "Yet- 
eraus, join the Communist Party." 

Here is a good one, gentlemen. Here is a Catholic priest' from 
the city of Detroit holding up his hands in almost wonderment as to 
just what he is going to do : 

For the past 9 years, the Reverend Father Coustantine Kulmatycky, 3971 
Livernois Street, Detroit, Mich., has been pastor of the St. Michael Carpatho- 
Russian Orthodox Church in that city. For the past 9 years the parish has been 
independent of any affiliations with the patriarchal jurisdiction of the Russian 
Orthodox Church and the Moscow-controlled exarchate here in the United 

Then it goes ahead and sets forth how there has been an attempt on 
the part of the Communist Party to get in and control that complete 
diocese and kick him out because he has been preaching against 

Here is a paper that is published in New York, I guess — somewhere 
around there — no, this is Michigan. I went down to speak to a 
Hungarian group — a group of good citizens. Father Jacobs requested 
me to come down and speak at a meeting, a meeting in which they 
were attempting to raise funds and send food to stricken Hungary, 
and to assist the Hungarians who by Soviet order had been removed 
and sent from their homes in Czechoslovakia. Immediately a Hun- 
garian order comes out, "Behind Governor Sigler's witch hunt : A 
trail of broken promises." That is the kind of thing they are sending 

Here is one from Indiana, "The U. S. A. patriotic educator." This 
is an interesting one, in which they decry everything that I am doing, 
and then they put at the top the typewriting : 

Don't you think Mr. Red-baiting, humanity hating politician, that the Russian 
people would do something about it if the conditions in Russia were : "Commu- 
nism is a way of life that would destroy everything you and I hold dear?" 
Why are the Russians so contented? Why isn't there another revolution there 
like the one during the first World War if? ? ? ? 

Here is a radio speech, the kind of radio speech the Communists 
are giving in Michigan. 

Here is the kind of publication that the Communists are sending 
around every time any of us appear on any program. 

Here is Ann Arbor, the seat of our great university, in which they 
are sending out Communist propaganda every time anyone of us 

Here is how the red-blooded American laboring man feels. Here 
is a petition addressed to me : 

Tour campaign to rid our State of Communists, is a courageous undertaking. 
Your success is our only salvation, but it will not be an easy victory. 


I \\'\\\ skip over the rest of it down to : 

M;i.v wo point out liere that Fonl Loc-al WO, UAW-CIO. with which we are 
alhliatod. is now and has been for some time dominated by the Communist 
Party, jiiul the present State stxretary of AYD, is one of tiie top officers of tliis 
great local union — the largest single local union in the world. However, we 
who are members of the risht-wing group of tiie Women's Auxiliary 233 (which 
too, has always been dominated and controlled by the Communist Party), 
Ford Local GOO, UA\>'-CIO wish to assure you of our wholeheartt'd support. 

Si^rned by a group. These men Avill lielp. These American citi- 
zens in the unions, want to combat tliis tliino-, but they are up against 
a tough proposition. AVhen this decision was handed down there were 
only a few of them. Tliey have grown and you and I tmd every 
other good citizen during the past quarter of a century has been busy, 
we liave been taking care of our own respective affairs, but the Com- 
munist has been Avell organized, and he has gone right along organiz- 
iii«^ all the time. 

Here is another group in a labor union who petition action in 
"respect to their particular union. And I have many others here. 
Gentlemen, I don't want to tire you with it. If there is anything else 
you want to tell me, I shall be glad to do so. 

The Chairman. Can you leave all of those articles and pamphlets 
with the committee, or do you want to take them back with you ? 

Governor Siglek. If you could do this — we are still, of course, 
carrying on our investigation — if you could have those photostated 
and return them to us. 

The Chairman. We will do that, Governor. 

Governor Sigler. I will be happy to leave them. 

Governor Sigler. Now, we have some more questions. Mr. Mundt. 

Mr. Mundt. Governor, first of all I want to congratulate you, not 
only on your fine State, but the remarkable and precedent-shattering 
job you are doing in Michigan to take the initiative in getting rid of 
this element. Of the 48 Governors you are the only one to appear. 
That is because you are doing the best job of any of the 48 Governors 
in erradicating communism from your own commonwealth. 

Governor Sigler. Thank you. 

Mr. INIuNDT. AYe did invite the legislative committee from Cali- 
fornia, because they have established legislatively there a State com- 
mittee on un-American activities, and we certainly hope that other 
States will follow the splendid example of Michigan and California, 
because if we wait for an amendment to the Constitution, or wait for 
the Federal Government to get clown to the grass roots in all of these 
States and in all of these communities to do the job, it is going to be 
too late. 

Governor Sigler. I agree with you. 

Mr. Mundt. It has taken this committee more than 4 years to get 
the executive department officially to recognize the importance of re- 
moving Communists from Government. Just last Saturday the Ex- 
ecutive order was issued. So you can see, from the standpoint of 
getting down to your universities, it would be a long, long trail, unless 
it we4-e done in Michigan. 

Let me suggest this next, as a former educator, when you have col- 
lege presidents saying, "This is a free country, what can we do to get 
Communists off of the campus without a constitutional amendment," 
they aren't quite coming clean. 


Governor Sioler. Maybe I didn't make myself clear, 

Mr. MuNDT. Because teaching on a college campus is a privilege, not 
a right. 

Governor Sigler. I agree. 

Mr, MuNDT, If there is any member who is slightly "pink" the 
president can remove him. 

Governor Sigler, Yes, As a matter of fact, the president of one 
of our colleges discovered a Communist on the faculty, and that gen- 
tleman will not be present any longer. 

Mr, MuNDT. That is mighty fine. I am gratified that the people 
of Michigan are rallying to your support, especially from the labor 
unions, because there is a completely erroneous feeling in this country, 
I believe, that if we can stani]) out communism in labor unif)ns we have 
whipped it, I don't think that is true at all, I think communism has 
gotten into the CIO, but I don't think that all the Communists, and I 
don't think that the most dangerous Communists, are members of the 
labor unions. So if we can get laborers to support us we can not only, 
erradicate communism from that im])ortant branch of our industrial 
system, but enhance the reputation of labor, and consequently provide 
the social progress for labor which it otherwise would not find 

Governor Sigler. I think you are absolutely correct, Mr.Mundt. 

Mr. MuNDT. May I conclude by saying, Mr. Chairman, that when 
I first came to Washington, we used to hear about sit-down strikes 
and slow-down strikes and Communist riots in Michigan, and there 
was no support at all from the Governor in eliminating them. I am 
proud of the progress Michigan has been making in the last 10 years. 

Governor Sigler. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. McDowell, I have no questions. 

The Chairman, Mr. Nixon. 

Mr. Nixon. Governor, I was interested in your comment on Mr. 
Foster. You pointed out that he had been indicted in Michigan back 
in 1922. 

Governor Sigler. That is right. 

Mr. Nixon. I think that comment was particularly interesting in 
the light of the fact that this same Mr, Foster has just been granted 
a visa by the State Department for the trip he is going to make through 
various countries in Europe for the purpose of solidifying Communist 
strength in Europe, I don't know whether you have any comment 
on that point or not. but I thought it was interesting to make it. 

Governor Sigler, Well, in our State we found that every now and 
then we have to have a housecleaning in government affairs. It might 
not be a bad idea nationally in certain respects. 

Mr. Nixon. Following that point, too, when you speak of a house- 
cleaning of government affairs in the State, can you describe to this 
committee, briefly, what steps you have taken in ^lichigan to remove 
Communists and subversives from the State p^y rolls? 

Governor Sigler. I have instructed the director of civil service to 
make a complete check ui~)on the employees working with Commis- 
sioner Leonard of the Michigan State Police to get the necessary 
information concerning the extent to which the Foss Baker crowd 
that I mentioned a little while ago, Mr, Nixon, had carried on their 
activities, and as soon as I get that information, I shall act accordingly. 


Mr. Nixon. What has boon done lo^ishvtivcly in the State of Mich- 
ipm on this pi-oblem ? 

Governor Sigleh. There has been introduced one bill. I don't like 
it. It is not a good bill in my humble opinion. House bill 1129. 
It is now in one of the conmiittees of (he House, I believe. This thing 
should be made simple and in addition to being simple it should be 
made so that in the future it will catch whatever kind of thing the 
Communist comes up with. This bill that was adopted in 1919 would 
have been good had they made it sufficiently broad to take care of 
the present situation. You see what I mean? 

Mr. Nixox. Yes. 

Governor Sigler. I would like to see our legislature, and I shall 
propose a bill, that w'ill take care of this thing that may arise in the 

Mr. Nixon. You have mentioned the problem of Communists in 
government and schools, in labor, veterans' organizations, and even 
churches. I would like to know what your opinion is as to the Amer- 
ican institution of that group in which they have infiltrated the most. 
In other words, what institution should deserve the primary attention 
of this committee. Or do you think there is any choice among the 
group ? 

Governor Sigler. I don't think there is any choice, Mr. Nixon. It 
is a matter of understanding, as we all do understand, the technique 
of the Communist. He must get into the labor union and control 
labor. He must teach the youth of our land. He must get into the 
churches. And the amazing thing to me is to see some misguided 
gullible preacher stand up in his pulpit and preach communism. 

Mr. Nixon. Well, have you noted, in your investigations in the 
State of ]\Iichigan, that very thing ocurringf 

Governor Sigler. Yes. My friend, I have had them in my office- 
pleading with me to pass or give my weight to the passage of some bill 
that the Communists are espousing because they thought that it was 
popular and would help them along, and here stands some preachers, 
with all of their Fourth of July oratory, trying to convince me that: 
I should give my weight to the communistic inspired program. 

Mr. Nixon. You have spoken about the work in the State of Michi- 
gan, and iVlr. Mundt mentions the work in the State of California. 
Has the subject of the control of communism ever been discussed in the 
Conference of State Governors, which you have from time to time, or 
has it been considered of sufficient interest to come up in that 

Governor Sigler. No, it has not. It has not been discussed. Gov- 
ernors are not much different than other folks. 

Mr. Nixon. Don't you feel that, in order to get at this problem 
adequately, it is essential that the Federal Government cooperate with 
the States, and with local authorities in working t)ut a coordinated 
program ? 

Governor Sigler. That is correct. 

Mr. Nixon. It would seem to me, and I think to the members of 
this committee, from what we have been able to see, that this matter 
cannot be solved simply by a committee sitting here in Washington. 
It is fundamentally a problem, as you have w^ell pointed out, of State 
and local responsibility as well, and our Federal Government, through 


our various agencies, should possibly work out during tlie next few 
months a coordinated program, working with your programs in the 
State of Michigan and the State of California, and the other States in 
which action is being taken along that line. 

Governor Sigler. I think you are right, Mr. Nixon. 

Mr. Nixon. I think this committee might be interested in knowing 
what your opinion is as to whether the Communists are going to win 
the current battle that is going on in the State of Michigan, particu- 
larly in the automobile industry, to gain control of key unions in 
Detroit — in Ford and in the UAW? What is your opinion on that 
point ? 

Governor Sigler. I don't believe tliey will. 

Mr. Nixon. You believe that sufficient feeling, or shall we say, 
sufficient education has taken place among union members that the 
unions are going to take care of this problem themselves'^ 

Governor Sigler. I certainly hope so, and I really believe they will. 
There isn't any danger from comnmnism, from any source, if the 
people know the facts. 

Mr. Nixon. And you believe, in the State of Michigan you have, as 
jou have pointed out, some real red-blooded union leaders, who 
recognize the danger, who are telling the other members, and that as 
a result of that they are going to be able to beat it right in the ranks 
of unions themselves ? 

Governor Sigler. I know we have the red-blooded tnembers in the 
unions and I know, if we give them the proper help, they will win. 

Mr. Nixon. I think that is a very encouraging statement. As this 
committee has sat here from time to time, we felt somewhat inade- 
quate in dealing with the problem in unions, in the local organiza- 
tions, and, as you have pointed out, if in those local organizations 
they recognize the problem, they certainly will take care of it. 

Thank 3'ou. 

Governor Sigler. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Any other questions? Mr. Wood, do you have 
any other questions ? 

Mr. Wood. No more. 

The Chairman. Before Governor Sigler leaves the stand, the Chair 
wishes to announce that former Governor Earle of Pennsylvania will 
be the next witness. Governor Earle is here now. After we say 
goodby to Governor Sigler, we will recess for about 2 minutes. 

Thank you very much. Governor. It was fine of you to come. It 
has been very helpful. 

The committee will now recess for 2 minutes. 

(A short recess.) 

The Chairman. The meeting will come to order. 

The next witness will be former Gov. George Earle, of Pennsylvania. 

Governor Earle, do you mind being sworn? 

Governor Earle. Not the slightest. 

(The witness was duly sworn }3y the chairman.) 

The Chairman. Governor, do you have a prepared statement with 

Governor Earle. No ; I don't. 

The Chairman. Then, will you first, for the record, kindly tell the 
committee some of the public offices that you have held? 




Governor Earle. I was American Minister to Austria in 1933 and 
1934; Governor of rennsylvania, from 1935 to 1939; Minister to 
Bulgaria, from 1940 to 1942; lioiitenaut connnander in the Navy, on 
a transport, in 1942; from 1942 to 1943, undercover representative of 
the President in Turkey, reporting directly to the President on 
Balkan matters; then, in 1945, deputy connnandant and Assistant 
Governor of Samoa, returning to this country in August of 1945. 

The Chairman. Governor, you have been very active against the 
Connnunist l*arty in the United States. You have had association 
with the Communist Parties of other countries. The committee 
would like very much to have an expression of your views, not only on 
tile legislation which has been referred to this committee — and copies 
of those bills I believe were sent you— but on all related questions that 
might come to your mind. 

Governor Earle. Mr. Chairman, this is a day of exaggeration for 
the sake of emphasis. This is a day of overstatement for the sake 
of dramatization. I want to say to you that everything I will say now 
is in no way exaggerated or for dramatic purposes. 

I think the situation in the United States today is completely des- 
perate, the reason being that the super A bomb is here, or nearly here, 
and the country that uses it first is almost sure to win. The American 
people are so humane and so naive and so charitable I am afraid they 
will never use it first, and I say to you in all solemnity that I don't 
think there is better than an even chance that 5 years from today 10 
percent of us in America will be alive. 

You have, first of all, a nation with the greatest natural resources 
in the world, and that is Kussia. We have exploited most of ours, or 
a great many of ours. You have very brilliant scientists, both Russian 
and (xermaii, working on this super A bomb. They may have it today, 
they may have it tomorrow, but it is a certainty they will have it very 

They have a fanatical determination to dominate the world, by 
violence, revolution, and infiltration. America, they feel, is the only 
stumbling block between them and world domination. 

Now, tliey have four things that we Americans, or most of us, I am 
afraid, don't understand, in dealing with the Russians. 

First of all. the teachings of Lenin are that any lie, any trick, any 
deceit, any crime, any murder — anything — is moral and ethical that 
helps their cause. 

That makes the mission of General Marshall in Moscow almost 
hopeless, because if they stop stalling, which they are doing, they are 
stalling for time so they can perfect the atomic bomb—if they stop 
stalling, their agreements are absolutely worthless. Stalin has broken 
more promises than Hitler has broken. That is the first thing. 

The second thing that we Americans don't understand — I don't 
think thoroughly — is the three things that we hold most sacred and 
which to the Russians are absolutely of no value: The human soul, 
human life, and human rights. To the Russian, they are like the dirt 
under their feet, that are to be sacrificed — not sacrificed, but used or 
given up at any time in order to further their ends. 


Now, let US put ourselves in Russia's place. These fanatics, that 
are determined to dominate the world, stopping at nothing, what wilt 
they do? Well, first of all there is one thing we must remember: 
There is no adequate defense against the atomic bomb. There will be 
no adequate defense against the atomic bomb. The only hope is for 
us all to go underground, which of course is absolutely impractical 
and out of the question. 

Now, let us say, for example, that the Russians have this super A. 
bomb, which tl\ey either have or will have very soon, and ships come 
in from either Russia or their satellite countries, or even ships that 
are purchased in some neutral country flying another flag, that is, 
flying a flag neither of the satellite nor of Russia, into one of our har- 
bors, say, New York, Philadelphia, Boston, Baltimore, New Orleans, 
San Francisco, wherever it may be, which cargo is made up of oil or 
sugar or jute, or any other substance, and deep in the cargo is an atomic 
bomb, timed to go off at a certain period. 

Now, let us say, for example, that this ship arrives, or these ships 
which might arrive simultaneously, if it were so arranged, and they 
need fi little time to perfect the timing, or something, so that a code 
message could be sent fi'om Russia to_the Communist element in the 
maritime union, who would pull a wildcat strike, or a regular strike, 
and hold up everything, hold up the unloading of all these ships — and 
the stevedores' union — while their plans are perfected. Then the 
atomic bomb explodes. Let us say by that time it is big enough to take 
in an area of 100 miles. Well, if it were set off at say Baltimore, it 
would take in Washington; or Philadelphia, New York, and Boston. 
Just what is to prevent that ? 

Now, let us suppose, for example, they get a lot of giant submarines. 
Now, I crossed the ocean seven times during the last war, and in spite 
of the constant pr. trolling by dirigibles, ships, submarines, and all 
sorts of surface craft, when j^ou get an hour from our coast you don't 
see anything for an hour or two. You wouldn't see anything for an 
hour or two. Suppose a giant submarine emerges off the coast 50 miles, 
say, off New York, Philadelphia, Boston, Baltimore, New Orleans, 
or San Francisco, and just fires a jet propelled atomic bomb into one 
of those cities. Let us further suppose that 500 jet propelled planes 
come in from the Kuriles in the west or from Europe in the east. How 
many can we shoot down, that come over in the early hours of the morn- 
ing, in the darkness'^ Let us say they send over 500 planes and have 
a pattern for the whole country. Maybe we will shoot down seven- 
eighths of them, if we are lucky, but the other one-eighth will com- 
j)letely destroy our industries, most of our population, our com- 
munications and transportation — everything. 

Mr. Chairman, hei-e is the thing that we must all remember, that 
in an atomic war we are much more vulnerable than Russia. Our 
population is mostly urban. Their population is mostly agricultural. 
Ours is mostly an industrial population. Atomic bombs against us 
would be much more effective than atomic bombs against Russia. 
. Now, what are we going to do about this? Thej^ are determined to 
have world domination. We are the only country that stands in 
their path. 

There are not many Communists in tjiis coutry, but they are very 
highly organized and disciplined. You only need 15 or 20 in a plant, 
if this attack should come. They would instantly cripple every plant. 


AVhen you have thousands of people working in a phint, it is almost 
impossible to go into the baekgrouud and the beliefs of all those people. 
So, all you need is 15 or 20 of them in each plant, to completely 
wreck it. 

Now, what are we going to do about this situation, that looks so 
desperated 1 repeat, solenndy, that because we won't attack first, 
I don't think there is better than an even chance that 10 percent of 
us will be alive 5 years from now. I repeat that. I want to bring 
that out very clearly. 

The CiiAiKMAN. Well, Governor, I can't quite understand what this 
has to do with these particular bills that we have. 

Governor Earle. I beg your pardon. I thought you wanted a gen- 
eral statement. 

The CiiAiinrAN. All right, you may proceed, then 

Governor Earle. That is all right 

The Chairman. Go ahead. • 

Governor Earle. I have generalized it. 

Mr. MuNDT. I think he started to list the four characteristics. You 
had two very fascinating ones: Their deliberate policy of falsehood, 
and secondly, their disregard for the humanities. 

Governor Earle. That is correct. 

Mr. MuxDT. And I understand you had two more. If you have 
them in mind, I would be very interested in hearing those, too. 

Governor Earle. No ; I gave them. The four are : First, they have 
followed the teachings of Lenin, that any crime is moral and ethical 
that helps their cause ; the others being their complete lack of value 
for human life — one — human rights — two — and the human- soul, which 
comes first — three. Those are the four things that we, as Americans, 
in dealincr with them, find it very hard to understand. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, you asked me about these bills. There is not 
tlie slightest question in my mind that the Communists and their fellow 
travelers in this country should be considered as the agent of a ruth- 
less enemy bent upon our destruction. They certainly are bent upon 
our destruction. They are telling our people that we are nothing 
but a lot of Nazis now, over the radio. 

To show their attitude toward us-=-before I go into these bills — you 
realize that 3 days before the Germans- attacked Russia, on their 
radio — and I was in Bulgaria and heard it and had my translator 
there — they were just tearing the devil out of the democracies, Eng- 
land and America, just 3 days before the Germans attacked them. 

To show you what they can do with their agents in a country, which 
they can do here, when the Germans invaded Yugoslavia, and Russia 
was on friendly terms with Germany at that time, MikHailovitch, the 
great Yugoslav general, who was later murdered by Tito, had to de- 
tach from his hard-pressed troops a whole division of Yugoslav 
troops to put down a Communist-inspired strike, or strikes in the 
muntions factories of Yugoslavia. Very few people realize that. 

Now^, the French Army, as we all know, collapsed because it was 
honey-combed with Communists. 

They are, first of all for Russia and last of all for Russia. 

Now, I say that the Communists in this country and their fellow 
travelers should be treated as the agents of a ruthless enemy deter- 
mined upon our destruction. 


In regard to these specific bills, I have been away 6 years out of 
the last 7, in foreign countries, and my opinion doesn't have the 
value of men like you, who have been here and know conditions here 
better than I could have, but I would say that there is one rnan in 
this country who knows the conditions, who has done a magnificent 
job with his organization — gangsters, kidnapers, and the Nazi secret 
agents here, and I would be very nuich guided by his advice as to 
the best legislation to be passed to curb these agents of our ruthless 
enemy bent on our destruction, and that man is J. Edgar Hoover. 
I would think that he would be better, more than any other man 
in the United States, able to suggest the best sort of legislation, 
to help put these Communists and fellow travelers where they belong. 

The Chairman. Governor, do you think he has a free enough hand, 
at the present time ? 

Governor Earle. Mr. Chairman, as I say, I have been away for 
■6 or 7 years, and I never ti^ to answer a question I don't feel quali- 
fied to answer. I honestly don't know. 

The Chairman. Well, are you in favor of setting up the Bureau 
as a separate agency of the Government, I mean, having the FBI 
independent of the Attorney General's office? 

Governor Earle. I would think that the more independent the 
FBI was the better it would be for the country. I don't know any 
of the details or the plans, but I would say the more independent 
it was the better it would be for the country. 

The Chairman. You have no recommendation in regard to these 
two particular bills before the committee? 

Governor Earle. I am sorry, Mr. Chairman. As I say, I have 
been away so long that I don't feel qualified to speak on any specific 

The Chairman. Governor, how long were you over in Turkey? 

Governor Earle. I was in Turkey for nearly two and a half years. 

The Chairman. And how did "you find the situation there in 
Turkey, as regards communism? 

Governor Earle. Well 

The Chairman. Or, rather, the dangers either from within or 
without, on the question of communism ? 

Governor Earle. I regard Turkey as our only bridgehead against 
■communism in the whole Near and Middle East. If Turkey goes,- 
the whole of the Near and Middle East go, and the IMediterranean 

I know the Communists consider Egypt as the most fertile ground 
for the spread of communism, due to the very low standard of living, 
and that India is the hardest country to overcome, because of caste, 
to make communistic. I know that is the way they feel about it. 

But Turkey is the one great bridgehead. And the Turks hate the 
Kussians racially and to a large extent religiously, although there are 
a good many Mohammedans in Russia, but the Russian ruling class is 
atheistic, and they would make a magnificient fight, were war today a 
matter of a manj a soldier, and a bayonet, but it isn't. The Turks 
aren't nearly as well mechanized as the Russians, but they would 
fight to the hast man, and they would put up a very brave fight. 

I can say this to you, gentlemen, I feel absolutely confident that if 
we didn't have the atomic bomb the Russian armies would have fanned 
out all over the European continent. They would have gotten some 


resistance in Swedon, Switzerland and Spain, but they would have 
fanned out all over the European contiiuMii. had thev not feared our 
possession of the atomic bonih and its use aiiainst (hcni. 

Mr. McDowELi^. (jovernor. tliat is an ini[)ortant statement. 

Governor Eaulk. That is what I believe. 

The Cii.MKMAX. Governor, last year the Con^iess passed lefjislation 
takino- the control of atomic energy away from the military and plac- 
ing it in the hands of a civilian conunission. Do vou recall that 

"Governor Earlk. Well, I don't think I was here, even, but I may 
have been. Ido have a vague. recollect ion of it, yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you think that atomic energy in the United 
States and the control of the manufactui'e of atomic l)ombs should be 
in the hands of a civilian commission, or would you rather see it back 
in the hands of the military? 

Governor Eaulk. I would rather see it where the security is the 
greater, and I would say, offhand, the security would be greater in 
the hands of the military. That would be my feeling. 

Senator McCaktht. Mr. Chairman, might I point out that there is 
presently pending over in the Senate a bill wdiich Mould place atomic 
control in the hands of a five-man commission, composed of the Secre- 
tary of War. the Secretary of Navy, the Secretary of State, and two 
civilian appointees. That is as it is presently pending in the Senate. 

The Chairman. Yes; we have read about that, Senator. 

There is also a bill in House which would place the control back 
in the hands of the military. 

Xow, Governor, would you rather we asked you questions, or would 
you like to proceed ? 

Governor Earle. Well, I have made my statement, Mr. Chairman. 
I would rather you asked me questions, and I will answer to the- 
best of my ability. 

The Chairman. Mr. Mundt. 

]\Ir. MuxDT. You were, either during the war or shortly before it, 
in Bulgaria? 

Governor Earle. Yes ; that is correct. 

Mr. Mundt. Were you there as Ambassador, or w^ere you Minister,, 
or were you the personal repersentative of the President? 

Governor Earle. I was there as American Minister. 

Mr. Mundt. Appointed by President Roosevelt? 

Governor Earle. That is correct ; yes. 

Mr. Mundt. And that was durino; the early stages of the war? 

Governor Earle. That was from March 1940 until December 13,. 
1941, when they declared war on us and we were forced to leave. 

Mr. Mundt. I mean, you were there at the time Bulgaria went into, 
the war? 

Governor Eaele. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Munot. Yes. Did you, in those G years that you have spent 
abroad, spend any time at all in Spain? 

Governor P^arle. No: just southeastern and central Europe.- I was 
in Hungaiy, Rumania. Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Greece, Turkey, and 
all through"^the Middle East and Near East. 

Mr. Mundt. You wouldn't have any knowledge about conditions 
in Spain? 

Governor Earle. Poland, also, but not Spain. 


Mr. MuNDT. You wouldn't have any knowledge about conditions in 

(governor Earle. No; I have no knowledge of. conditions in Spain. 

Mr. MuNDT. You made a very dreary statement, in your opening 
remarks, Governor, about the possibilities of atomic bombs in the 
hands of an enemy. One thing startled me greatly, and that was 
when you said those bombing potentialities would be very real, indeed, 
if the Russians were to come in possession of giant submarines, be- 
cause the best information we have is that the Russians already have 
the giant submarines that the Germans were completing at the end 
of the war, which were included among the world's most efficient 
and effective submarines, and at the conclusion of hostilities they got 
not only the submarines, but the Nazi engineers who were building 
them and the submarine manufacturing machinery, so that seems to 
underscore this danger which you have so vividly described. 

(rovernor Earle. Yes, sir. 

Mr. MuNDT. Have you any reason to believe that that is not the 
case ? 

Governor Eakle. No, I haven't. I understood, purely from press 
reports, that they had a number of the German submarines, the big 
fellows, but I have never heard it from any other source. 

Mr. MuNDT. That is all tlie questions at the moment. 

The Chairman. Mr. Wood. 

Mr. Wood. No questions. 

The Chairman. Mr. McDowell. 

Mr. McDowell. Governor, you were instrumental, I believe, in 
forming an organization here in America opposed to communism, 
which received wide publicity. 

Governor Earle. Yes. 

Mr. McDowell. You rather abruptly resigned your j^ost as head 
of that organization. I can't recall any reason being given, and I 
wonder if you would like to tell America why you resigned. 

Governor Earle. Well, I didn't want to give my real reason, be- 
cause I feel the organization has potentialities for doing a great deal 
of good. However, I had several reasons, but my primary reason 
was this : When I went into the organization it was understood there 
would be no partisan politics played; that we were purely out against 
communism and that no politics would be brought into it, and if 
there were I would resign. 

So, one day the executive secretary told me that he felt, and the 
members of the board of directors felt, that I should come out against 
the confirmation of Mr. Lilienthal. I told him that I knew nothing 
about Mr. Lilienthal; that I had been out of the country for 6 or 7 
years; that I was not in a position to either come out for him or 
against him. They insisted, so I resigned. I refused to take a stand 
on something I don't know anything about. 

Mr. McDowell. On the basis of your statement. Governor, that is 
a very fine reason. Thank you for coming. 

Governor E\rle. Thank j^ou, sir. 

The Chairman. Any other questions, Mr. McDowell? 

Mr. McDowell. No." 

The Chairi\l\n. Any other member have any questions? 

Mr. Wood, do you have any questions? 

Mr. Wood. No". 


Governor Earij-l Mv. Chairiuiin, niij^ht I say one word, before I 

Tlie Chairman. Yes. 

(xovernor Earle. The papers today are full of feuds between capi- 
tal and labor, on tax matters, and tliiu«;s of that kind. I think they 
are so minor in c()m[)aris()n to this (juestion of our very existence. I 
think too many people — a ^reat many people — in America try to 
draw red herrin<]:s across our trail. Let us take Franco in Spain and 
Peron in Ar<i^entina. None of us here likes those foi-ms of ojovern- 
ment. I think all of us would do everything; in our power to prevent 
such forms of «2:overnment coming to the United States. But, gentle- 
men. Peron and Franco are no such menace to this country as Russia 
is. They are not sending their fifth columnists in here. They are not 
trying to steal our atomic-bomb secret. They are not hanunering 
us night and day, in trying to destroy our leaders, on the radio. 
They are not trying to expand and take over other countries. 

I say to you, while nobody would oppose more the coming to this 
<'Ountry of such a government as Peron has in the Argentine or Franco 
has in Spain, nevertheless they are not a menace to us and we must 
not permit those red herrings of Peron and Franco to distract our 
attention from this really terrible menace that faces us. That is one 
strong opinion I have. 

The Chairman. We have with us today, gentlemen,, a first visitor 
from the distinguished Senate, in the person of Senator McCarthy, 
of Wisconsin. 

We are very pleased to have you with us. Senator, and we want to 
know whether you have any questions you would like to ask. 

Senator McCarthy. No. Mr. Chairman. I just came over to watch 
the very excellent job that you gentlemen are doing. I am here merely 
to listen, and not to ask questions. Thank you very much, sir. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Chairman 

The Chairman. Mr. Wood. 

Mr. W(H)i). Governor, I have been very much interested in some of 
the statements you have made, and particularly the very serious warn- 
ing that you have given with reference to the inenace that immediately 
coijfronts us. I, personallj', am very conscious of the responsibilities 
that are upon Members of Congress, and tliis committee particularly, 
as to whether or not there is any remedy that you can suggest. 

Governor Eapxe. I beg your pardon? 

Mr. Wood. Any suggestion that you could make of a remedial nature 
or a ijreventive nature, that would in any way forestall or circumvent 
the menace that you say is now hanging over our heads like the sword 
of Damocles. 

(Governor Earle. Well, gentlemen, the first thing that you must 
decide is this: In any consideration of the question of Russia, with 
regard to imperialism or expansion or threats to this country, the 
United Nations is completely helpless to dvnl with it, because of the 
Russian veto. You have absolutely gat to forget the United Nations 
against anything having to do with Russia or her satellites. Any 
action the United Nations, a majority, may take against Russia or her 
satellites, Russia promptly vetoes. So it puts that out of the question. 

Now^, there is only one safeguard for the world — for complete oblit- 
eration — in my opinion, and that is complete world inspection of 
Htoimc production, to prevent the production of atomic weapons. 


Now, you know and I know, when Gromyko said tlie other day that 
Russia would not permit inspection of atomic production, that Russia 
couldn't permit it because it would disclose to the world the horrible 
internal conditions of Russia. Fifteen to twenty million are dying, 
under the most horrible conditions, in concentration camps. Two or 
three million are dying every year of starvation. Thej couldn't per- 
mit inspectors to come in there and discover that. Nevertheless, when 
thej^ said there would be no inspection, that meant the most terrible 
race to make the most destructive weapons the world can make. 

Now if it were my decision alone, if I were alone in this country,, 
what I would do is simply this — which I know we won't do — and then 
I will tell you the next best thing — I would say : Every nation must 
permit atomic inspection. If they don't permit it, we will use the 
atomic bomb against them. 

Mr. Wood. Immediately? 

Governor Earle. Immediately. Now. I know we won't do that. 
I know the United Nations can't say that, because Russia would 
veto it. 

Now, since that is not possible, the only thing left for us to do is to' 
try to hold this attack from us — against us by Russia — ^by perfecting 
the most terrible weapons of destruction we can make, and then hide 
them away, underground, in Canada or in the Bad Lands of the 
Dakotas, or wherever it is most inaccessible— and tlie dt>erts of the 
Southwest, or the mountains of Pennsylvania, to make some of you 
gentlemen feel better — and let the Russians know that,xwith the first 
atomic bomb dropped on us, we will wipe out every town, city, and 
village in Russia. 

Now, the danger of the thing about that is this: When this ship 
comes into our harbor, with its atomic bomb way down in the hold 
of an oil tanker, or in a big load of sugar, and it explodes, how can we 
ever convince the people that it was Russia that did it? There will 
have been no planes sighted coming over. How will we persuade them 
it was Russia that did it? That is the danger of that plan, but it is 
the only plan that I know. 

Bolshevists, after all, know what the instinct of self-preservation is^ 
and possibly this fear of terrible reprisal might hold them in check,, 
but I think it is very doubtful. However, that is the best I can give, 
since we won't bomb them first, which I would certainly do, personally, 
because I know it is coming. 

Mr. MuNDT. Mr. Chairman, I want the record to show that the 
Governor of Pennsjdvania is a world traveler. He knows full well 
that the Bad Lands of South Dakota is the official description of a 
very scenic part of our State. The Governor referred to the general 
topography of it. 

The CHAiRMAisr. Any other questions from the committee, or other 
Members of Congress who are visitors here today ? 

(No response.) 

The Chairman. Thank j^ou very much. Governor. It was good of 
you to come. 

The Chair wishes to announce that we will stand in recess until 2 :30,- 
at which time we will have Councilman Peter Cacchione from Brook- 
lyn, N. Y. 



The coininitteo rosiiinod :il 1 : :>() p. in., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas 
(ohairnmn) presi(lin<r. 

The following- nuMnbers wimv present : Hon. Karl E. Mnndt, Hon. 
John McDowell, and Hon. Kiehard M. Nixon. 

Staff members present: Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator; 
Louis J. Ivnssell and Donald T. Appell, investigators; and Benjamin 
Mandel, Director of llesearch. 

The CiiAinMAN. The connnittee will come to order. 

The Chair wishes to announce to the committee that Mr. McDonough, 
of California, has a statement that he would like to make to the com- 
mittee in connection with a bill which has been introduced by him and 
referred to this connnittee. Mr. ]McDonough. 

Let me first state for the record that this is Congressman 
McDonough, of California. 


Mr. McDonough. I have introduced House Resolution 99, which 
was originally referred to the Judiciary Committee, and has since been 
referred to the attention of your committee for consideration. It is a 
simple resolution which, in my opinion, is a definition of communism, 
and which I believe is vital and necessary w ith any legislation this 
committee reports to the House, because of the general misunderstand- 
ing throughout the Xation among average citizens as to what com- 
munism really is. 

For the benefit of the committee I will read the resolution. It is 
short : 

Whereas communism as a political policy or as a way of life is inimical to the 
people of the United States ; and 

"\^'hel•eas communism advocates deceit, conspiracy, confusion, subversion, revo- 
lution, and the subordination of man to the state and, because of its practice of 
deceit and confusion, its real purposes and intentions are clouded and misunder- 
-;tnod to the extent that many persons in the United States have been influenced 
to believe in and sympathize with communism ; and 

V.'hereas there is a pressing need for a clear and easily understandable definition 
of communism in order to protect the people of the United States from its insidious 
influence : Now, therefore, be it 

Rrsolved, That communism be defined and declared to be not a political policy, 
but an international conspiracy and an anti-Christian ideology which advocates 
and practices deceit, contusion, subversion, revolution, and the subordination of 
man to the state, and which has for its purpose and intention the overthrow of any 
democratic form of government by force and violence, if necessary; and be it 

Rrsolved, That any person, either citizen or alien, adhering to or expounding 
the purposes and intentions of communism should be exposed and revealed as an 
enemy of the United States and dealt with accordingly. 

Mr. Chairman, this, as I said, is a simple resolution, defining com- 
munism, and since its introduction I have received comments, in the 
form of letters, telegrams, and post cards from various i)arts of the 
United States. With very few exceptions all of them have been com- 
mendatory, urging a definition of comnmnism. They represent a cross 

99651 — 47 22 


section of the citizenry. I have prepared certain excerpts from the 
letters I have received which I shall ask permission to insert into the 
record of these heai'ings. if that is agreeable, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. That is perfectly agreeable. 

(The excerpts above referred to are as follows :) 

The following excerpts are typical of the comments received on House Resolu- 
tion 99. 

Mrs. .Jennette Gustin, of 3720 Benton, Denver, Colo., writes : 
"Congratulations on your bill to keep Communists from running on a ballot as 
a political party. Everyone knows as you say — they are not a party but a group 
bound together with intent to overthrow our form of government. * * * More 
power to you and let's give this bill a little more publicity." 

William R. Gaffney, secretary of the department of social sciences. Mount St. 
Michael's, Spokane, Wash., writes : 

"As secretary of the above department, I wish to express my profound apprecia- 
tion of House Resolution 99. It is a splendid step in the right direction and you 
may be assured that I shall take effective means to support your efforts. I am 
writing to my Congressman re the matter today." 

Charles S. Sullivan, Jr., assistant department judge advocate. Veterans of For- 
eign Wars of the United States, 1319 K Street NW.. Washington, D C, writes: 

"You may rest assured that you have the undivided support of the Department 
of the District of Columbia of the Veterans of Foreign Wars in your fight against 
communism and in your endeavor to have House Resolution 90 become law. We 
certainly hope that you will be successful, as it will be a great contribution 
to the welfare of our country." 

E. C. Moriarty, president of the Town Hall Committee of Wichita, Inc., 222 
West Waterman Street, Wichita, Kans., writes : 

"We wish to obtain your permission to publish bill, House Resolution 99, in our 
bulletin, make way for freedom. Each month our bulletin reaches more than 
5,000 readers. It is absolutely necessary that the 5,000 or more readers should 
know that our Congressmen are fighting communism in the United States." 

M. H. Reynolds, Sr., superintendent of the Fundamental Evangelistic Asso- 
ciation of 205 North Union Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif., writes : 

"Permit me as one of your constituents to commend you for taking a public 
stand against communism, and seeking to use your infiuence to expose it, as 
expressed in the resolution you were reported to have introduced into Congress 
this month." 

INIrs. John O. Pfahl, past president of the Woman's Republican Study Club, 
688^2 South Catalina Street., Los Angeles, Calif., writes: 

"Congratulations on your House resolution regarding outlawing the Com- 
munist Party. I wish you luck and hope and pray your resolution will be 

Mrs. Lois W\ Sheldon, 1277 South Burnsi'de Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif., 
writes : 

"I am writing to commend you for your stand in introducing the resolution 
against comnmnism in Congress approximately February 12, and to tell you 
I am glad we have men of your courage in Congress." 

Theodore J. Macklin, S. J., of Mount St. Michael's, Spokane, W'ash., writes: 
"This note is a poor indication of the heartfelt commendation and encourage- 
ment that I would like to extend to you for your proposed bill (No. 99, I believe), 
which would legally outlaw membership in the Communist Party in the United 
States. And I believe that I am right in asserting that you have the support 
of a good ri9 per cent of the voters of the United States, ne.uligent though they 
may be at times in expressing llieir opinion. The storm of protest that will 
be raised by the militant 10 per cent or less will certainly, as has been found 
out in the past, be all out of proportion to the political weight they carry. 
May I encourage you to be undeterred by the opposition of these latter." 

Thomas Cox, of 463 EUita Avenue, Oakland, Calif., writes : 

"In last evening's Oakland Tribune, there is an item stating that 'Repre- 
sentative McDonough has introduced a bill to outlaw communism in the United 


"Ploase arci'pt the wanucst (hanks and conf^i-atnlations from si'vci'al of us 
for siu-li action. * * * We IrnsI yom- bill will rt'coivi' (lii' full support of 
Couyri'ss and b. conic law and witli such Icfial force to make it effective against 
Russian Conmuniists in the Unitwl Statt's and its possessious." 

L. Findlay, of lOSriOVa Wellsly Aveinie. Tujunfra, Calif., writes: 

"I certainly am glad to couuncnd you for the fearless stand you have taken 

by your resolution to do away with the Communist I'arty in our Unit(>d States. 

This move has been lonj: overdue." 

Edward Plue of 139-09 Thirty-fourth Road, Flu-shing, N. Y., writes : 

"Vour endeavor to rid our country of the communistic menace ])y defining 

communism through your Resolution Ui) is an important step in tlu! proper 

diiection. lie tirm in free of the inevitable smear ijressure." 

Col. rierre C. Bayne, of 2713 Coliseum, Los Angeles, Calif., writes: 
"The attached clipping is from the Los Angeles Evening Herald and Express of 
February 12, 1947. (Enclosed clipping bore heading, 'Representative McDonough 
hits Reds as "United States enemy"' in resolution'). Recently if often happens, 
many people are inclined to comiment on written statements of our Members of 
Congress, as being a 'good article' or a 'bad article.' In considering your attitude, 
as expres.sed in tlie attached, you are a representative of the entire American 
people. An outstanding article, and I feel it will do a world of good. Please ac- 
cept my compliments for what you are doing as a Member of Congress. I know 
you will keep up your good wt)rk.'" 

L. W. Morgan, Jr., of 1725 Wilson Avenue, Chicago, 111., writes : 

"I read of your definition of stand and I hasten as a justice-minded 

American to thank you for same. Representatives such as you will save America, 

if it can be done, from communism and its strifes." 

Cora A. Graham of Los Angeles, Calif., writes : 

":My gratitude and sincere congratulatit)n.s for your splendid patriotic suggestion 
to outlaw the Communist Party. Am sure every American will back you 100 

James Neaard, S. J., John G. Fergu.son, S. J., D. Fitch, S. J., Robert J. 
Gillingham, S. J., Thomas Byrne. S. J., Louis Pazar, S. J., .MichAel Zimmers, S. J., 
and Martin L. Brewer, S. J., of Mount St. Michael's jointly write : 

"Tour very statesmanlike proposal. House Resolution No. 99, cannot be com- 
mended enough. Long and hopeluUy have we waited for such determined legisla- 
tion as you propose to stem the rising tide of ruthless, atheistic communism. You 
have our whole-hearted support, as well as our prayers, for the success of your 
noble efforts." 

H. L. Allen of Williamsburg, Mich., writes : 

'Your idea for introducing a 'bill' to outlaw communism is what I would call 
100 percent common sense, and I cannot understand why the whole Congress is 
not like minded and why they haven't already passed such a hill. It is almost 
common knov\'leflge that communism is here in our midst for no other purpose 
than to eventually overthrow democracy and any Congres.^man that doesn't know 
that should not be a Congressman and if they do know it and don't act they are 
still less fitted to carry out tlieir oath of allegiance. * * * Congress is too 
soft and too slow in dealing with tliis national menace. * * * i wish you 
100 percent success with this bill." 

Mr. ISIcDoNouGH. And as furlher evidence of tlie doubt and the 
misunderstanding of what communism is I call your attention to a 
recent case in the United States Circuit Court of Appeals in Illinois 
where the question there was'a charge that calling a man a Communist 
was detrimental to his character, and the judge in the case, one of tlie 
judges in the case, stated that since there was no definition for comlnu- 
nism he Avas unable to rule whether the charge could be sustained or 
not. That is an indication in the courts of the land that even the judi- 
ciary have no definition of comnuiiiLsm and that the general implica- 
tion is that communism is nn undesirable characterization to ai)i>ly to 
an3'one but, on the other hand, because of the many organizations 
that communism infiltrates into and uses as a means of carrying on 


their work they are sometimes k)oked upon as being favorable and many 
innocent citizens are influenced b}^ them and become attached and 
adhere to the Communist Party and communism as a whole. 

I maintain that communism is not a political party. It is an 
anti- and un-American ideology. In my definition I said, "anti- 
Christian'' and I would agree to an amendment to the resolution to 
read that it is anti-religious in its character, not confined alone to the 
Christian religion. 

Another example of the need for a definition of communism, 
I have received from an organization known as Truth In Action, 
which puts out a bulletin, or a small pamphlet, which I will file with 
the committee for the record, which states on the front page of it, 
"Is Communism Anti-American or Un-Christian?" 

It is answered by the following: "Yes, thunders our church hier- 
archies," and "No, echoes the Christian Bible." 

This organization then proceeds to reveal to those who read it — 
and I don't know how much circulation it has, that communism and 
Chi'istianity are one and the same. 

That is dangerous propaganda. 

I have heard some of the testimony this committee has heard from 
the various witnesses, including Mr. Hoover, Mr. Bullitt, and others, 
and I am led to believe that it is going to be a difficult thing to design 
legislation that will stand the iuA'estigations of the Supreme Court 
on the legality of outlawing communism unless there is a declared 
definition of wdiat communism is. That is the reason I think my 
resolulion is important to the connnittee in the preparation of its 
legislation. I believe a declared definition by the House of Repre- 
sentatives, which in my opinion is the sounding board of the citizenry 
of the Nation, would characterize it as being sound, and it would be 
looked upon as being worth while in the opinion of the citizenry, 
who are now doubtful as to what communism really means. 

That completes my statement, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. ISIcDonough. 

Mr. Mundt. 

Mr. MuxDT. I am familiar with Mr. McDonough's bill and I want 
to say only that I congratulate him on the careful thought he has 
given to it and the painstaking effort that has gone into that defini- 
tion, and I assure him that the committee will seriously consider his 
resolution after these hearings have been concluded to determine 
whether or not we can draw upon it to achieve the objective we all 
have in mind, to restrain and restrict in every legal and constitu- 
tional manner the operations of the Communists in this country. 
Thank you for your statement. 

Mr. McDoNOUGH. Thank 3^011 for correcting me. 

The Chairman. Mr. Nixon. 

Mr. Nixon. No questions. 

The Chairman. ISIr. ]\IcDonough, your resolution was introduced 
on wliat date? 

Mr. McDoNOUGH. February 12. 

The Chairman. February 12. And the Speaker referred it to 
the Judiciary Committee and tlien you got up on the floor and asked 
permission to have it taken from the Judiciary Committee and re- 
ferred to this committee? 

Mr. McDoNouGir. That is correct. 


The Chaihmax. 1 can assiiro you that just as soon as the committee 
•<roes into executive session to take u[) various hills that are before 
us, we will ctuisitler yours at that time. 

Mr. M(-l)oNor(".ii. Thank you. 

The CiiAiKMAX. The connnittee will now hear l*eter Cacchione. 

Mv. ScHKANK. May I present a statement from Councilman Cac- 
iliione, wliich he recjuested that I i-eacl ? 

The CiiAiKMAX. Yes. that is all ri^ht. Come up. please, and be 

Mr. S('ni{AXK. I would like to read the statement of Councilman 

The Chairman. "We Avould like to have you do that, but in view 
of the fact that you have come as his representative we would like 
to have 3'ou sworn. 

Mr. Schrank. May I read the statement? 

The Chairman. You will have to be sworn first. Every witness 
has been sworn. 

Mr. Schrank. I wasn't invited. I am merely delivering his 

The Chairman. Do you object to beintj sworn? 

Mr. Schrank. I would like to read the message. 

The Chairman. No; you will have to be sworn first. Every wit- 
ness has been sworn. I see no reason why you shouldn't be sworn. 

]Mr. Schrank. All right. 

( The witness was duly sworn by the chairman.) 

The Chairman. You may be seated. 

Give your full name to the committee and your address. 


Mr. Schrank. My name is Norman Schrank. 

The Chairman. And your address? 

Mr. Schrank. 1728 Sixty-third Street, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

The Chairman, You may go ahead. 

]Mr. ]\IuNDT.' Are you a lawyer, or an attorney, representing Mr. 
Cacchione ? 

Mr. Schrank. No; I am the representative of Councilman Cac- 

Mr MuNDT. What is your means of livelihood, a lawyer? 

Mr. Schrank. No. I am his secretary. 

Mr. MuNDT. His secretary? 

Mr, Schrank. Yes. 

Mr. Nixon. Are you employed by him? 

Mr. Schrank. May I read the statement, sir? 

Mr. Nixon. Are you employed by Mr. Cacchione? 

Mr. Schrank. I am not employed by Mr. Cacchione. 

Mr, Nixon, Then how are you his secretary? 

Mr. Schrank. I am the sceretary of the Brooklyn Communist 

Mr. Nixon. You are the secretary of it. Not Mr. Cacchione's secre- 
tary, then? 

Mr, Schrank, We w^ork together. May I read the statement, sir? 

The Chairman. Go ahead. 


Mr. ScHRANK (reading) : 

Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, 

Chairman, House Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. C: 

In view of the disgi-aceful manner in which this committee recently refused to 
permit the expression of the Communist I'arty's viewpoint on the two propoSe^d 
bills for outlawing the Communist Party, I hereby cancel my voluntary request to 
appear before this committee. 

I am convinced, as any honest American must be, that this committee has no 
intention, and never had, of hearing opposing viewpoint expressed on the proposal 
to strike a blow at the Constitution and the Bill of Kights through outlawing or 
curbing the political activities of Communists. As a veteran of World War I, 
I protest this effort to cripple democratic liberties in our country. 

It is evident that this committee is interested solely in character assassination 
and not in democratic discussion. I denounce the committee is illegally con- 
stituted because (1) its scope was never properly defined by Congress; (2) the 
Communist I'arty is not an un-American organization and does not come within 
the scope of the committee ; and (3) Representative Rankin, a committee member, 
was illegally elected because the people of Mississippi were illegally deprived of 
their right to vote imder the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. 

Signed by Peter V. Cacchione, New York City councilman. 

The Chairman. Will you please express to Councilman Caccliione 
the regret of the committee that he didn't see fit to come here today? 
I think the record should show that Mr. Cacchione sent a wire to me, 
or to the committee, and asked to be permitted to come before the com- 
mittee and submit testimony. We accept the request in good faith, and 
we regret that he didn't come. 

Does any member of the committee have any questions ? 

Mr MuNDT. You might express to Mr. Cacchione the surprise of a 
country boy from South Dakota that a man who can write such a tough 
letter would take a run-out powder on his invitation and not have 
the courage to come before the committee himself. 

The Chairman. Mr. McDowell. 

Mr. McDowell. Is this insulting thing you just read the expression 
of the Communist Party of Brooklyn, too, and your expression as 
secretary of this party? 

Mr. ScHRANK. I believe it is, sir. • 

The Chairman. Mr. Nixon. 

(No response.) 

The Chairman. The witness is excused. 

As there are no more witnesses, the committee will adjourn, and the 
Chair will endeavor to get in touch with the members of the committee 
at an early date for an executive session to consider the bills now 
before us. 



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