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A 'history of the town from 1633 TO 1700, CONTAINING THE LETTERS 











By Thomas Franklin Waters 

President of the Ipswich Historical Society 

The Ipswich Historical Society 

ipswich, mass. 



I T\»u QopiBs rtaceivot 

AUG 30 1906 

Sooyrmni cnu-> 

Copyridht, 1905. 


Thomas Franklin WATf;Rs. 

Salem press: 
The Salem Press Co., Salbm. Mass. 


In the preface of his History of England, Macaulay observed : 
' ' I shall cheerfully bear the reproach of having descended below 
the dignity of history, if I can succeed in placing before the 
English of the nineteenth century a true picture of the life of 
their ancestors." My own aim and method in the writing of 
this book could not be described more fitly. 

I have tried to tell, accurately but in readable fashion, the 
story of the builders of our Town: their homes and home life, 
their employments, their Sabbath keeping, their love of learning, 
their administration of Town affairs, their stern delusions, and 
their heroism, in War and in resistance to Tyranny. The 
seventeenth century was a brilliant and thrilling period in 
Ipswich history, and it seemed best to me to consider it some- 
what at length, and to close my historical study with the end of 
that century rather than to attempt a briefer summary of the 
complete history of the Town. If this work finds favor, I shall 
begin at once to gather material for another volume, in which 
the historical and topographical studies will be carried on to 

No attempt has been made to construct a genealogical 
appendix. The magnitude of the undertaking, properly carried 
out, seemed too great, and the forthcoming i)ublication of the 
Vital Statistics of the Town, by the Essex Institute, renders it 
unnecessary. In Part Two, however, a topographical study 
has been made, from the beginning to the present generation- 
Nearly two thousand citations from the County Records have 
been carefully verified, and the likelihood of error has been 
reduced to the lowest possible degree. 



I wish to acknowledge my great indebtedness to the late 
Daniel Fuller Appleton Esq. for the original incentive to this 
work, and for his constant and substantial encouragement. 
1 am indebted as well to Mr. Francis R. Apj^leton, Mr. John B. 
Brown, Mr. Charles A. Campbell, Mr. Moritz B. Philipp, Mr. 
Charles H. Tweed, and Capt. Augustus P. Gardner for valuable 
assistance. Mr. Robert Dudley Winthrop of New York gener- 
ously contributed a now photograph from the original portrait 
of John Winthro)) Jr., now in his possession, and the Essex 
Inslit uto of Salem kindly allowed tlic use of ancient maps. Mr. 
Jolin W. Nourse has contributed greatly to the interest and 
value of the topographical studies by his skilful diagrams. 

Ipswich, June, 1UU5. T. F. W. 




Primeval Agawam, 1 

The Coming of the English, 7 

Homes and Dress, 21 

Some Notable Settlers, 45 


The Development of our Town Government, . . 56 

Common Lands and Commonage, 68 

Trades and Employments, 75 

The Body Politic, 87 


The Sabbath and the Meeting House, 107 

The Early Military Annals, 119 

The Charter in Peril, 128 

The Grammar School and Harvard College, . . 146 




King Philip's War, 159 

Ipswich and the Andros Government, .... 225 

Laws and Courts, 274 


Witchcraft, 287 

War of William and Mary and other Indian 

Troubles, 301 


Houses and Lands, 317 


Names of the First Settlers, 490 


Some Early Inventories, 495 

Letters of Rev. Nathaniel Ward, 504 

Dr. Giles Firmin's Letters, 508 

Letters OF Samuel Symonds, 511 

A Valedictory and Monitory Writing by Sarah 

Goodhue, 519 

The Narrative of Rev. John Wise, 525 

Index, 539 



'Portrait of John Winthrop Jr., . . . fronti.'^jiiece, 
Map op New England from Hubbard's History op 

THE Indian Wars in New England 7 

^ The original deed of Mttsconominet, 9 

J Facsimile of petition of remonstrance against the 

departure of John Winthrop Jr., 50- 

vi Monument with tablets near the Meeting House of 

I the South Church, •'>4 

r Home of Ma.ior Samitel Appleton, 224- 

'J. Home of Rev. John Wise, Essex, built in 1703, . . 271 

"i Grave of Rev. John Wise, Essex, 271 

^ Diagram No. 1, 319 

n/ Whipple House, the home of the Ipswich Historical 

; Society, rear view, 325 

Whipple House, end view, 327 

{ Diagram No. 2, 338 

4 Map of 1717 (A), 343 

I Col. John Appleton house, 344 

i Map of 1717 (B), 349 

"' The Caleb Lord house 355. 

The John Caldwell house, 355 

■i Facsimile of petition of citizens against Corporal 

John Andrews, 360 

^ Rev. Nathaniel Rogers house, 385 

Diagram No. 3, 386 

- Capt. Matthew Perkins house, 389 

H The Hovey house, 389 

^ The Meeting House Green, 422 

V The Stone Bridge, 1764, 443 

■ Diagram No. 4, 445 

Col. Samuel Appleton house, 446 

The Ross Tavern, 446 

Andrew Burley hoxtse, 458 

: Dr. Joseph Manning hottsb, 458 

/ Dr. Philemon Dean house, used as a Lace Factory, 

1824-1827, 460 

/ Dea. Thomas Norton, 468 

/ "Dutch's house," 473, 

' Col. Nathaniel Wade house, 473 

n/ Diagram No. 5, 477 

^ The Howard house, 481 

\j Plan of Ipswich Village, 489 






The long, simple, uneventful ages of the wilderness period 
that ended when the white man came, nuist ever remain too 
dim, shadowy and ghost-like to be subjected to the historian's 
rigid method. But a fine sense of justice to the unnumbered 
generations of Indian men and women, that preceded our own 
ancestors in ownership, as truly men and women as ourselves, 
however rude or cruel, compels us not to ignore their unre- 
corded history, but to construct it as best we can. 

In many localities they have left enduring memorials of 
their presence and the manner of their life. On the sandy tract 
sheltered by forest, bordering the way to Pine Swamp, where 
arrow heads innumerable have been found, and the ground is 
still strewed with chips struck off by their cunning hands, we 
can believe they made their winter home, and spent many an 
hour in fashioning their implements for the chase and for agri- 
culture, their arrows and spears, axes and hoes. That level field 
by the Lower Falls, now included in the County House grounds, 
must have been occupied for generations and centuries as a 
compact village of bark-covered wigwams. Here and there 
upon Eagle Hill and Jeffrey's Neck, and all the fields skirting 
the river on either bank and near the beaches, the abundant 
shell heaps, rich in debris of early ages, attest their presence. 
How vivid the ancient village life becomes as we burrow into 
these simple cairns ! 

Here are the very stones, blackened and chipped, and the 
charcoal of the camp fire. Near by, the black, grimy wigwam 
stood. Hither the warriors brought the bear, deer or beaver, 
their skill in arms had given them. Soon with their stone 
knives they have skinned and dismembered it roughly, and a 
feast is prepared, to which we arc not drawn, for their cookery 



was of the simplrst, fingers and teeth were not nsecl daintily, and 
cleanliness was not a virtue. Anon,we see them at their toil. 
The skins are smoothed and cured and reserved for robes, or 
divested of hair, softened and shred into strips for bow-strings 
and strong cords for fishing or domestic use; or cut and shaped 
and sewed skilfully to make them garments, squaw work, we 
presume, carried on most industriously, with sleek little pap- 
pooses slung up in the bushes near by, and naked children play- 
ing their rude games. Here are the very smooth stones, and 
bone awls and needles which they lost or left behind long years 
ago. Here, too, are the fragments of the clay dishes and bowls 
used in their housekeeping, skilfully fashioned and ornamented . 
Their stone pestles, gouges, axes ami hoes, tell of rude agricul- 
ture in the fields adjoining, toilsome carpentry anil deadly fights 
with other tribes. 

Now and then, one of these cairns tells a more thrilling tale. 
On the seaward side of Treadwell's Island a large and deep de- 
posit of shells, patiently examined, has yielded abundant re- 
turns. No less than foiu* feet of shells of the clam, oyster and 
mussel indicate a prolonged occupation of this site as a village. 
Mingled with these are bones, large enough to belong to the larg- 
est game, teeth of the beaver and the bear, vertebrae of large fish, 
the coals of the fires, and circles of stones. But the gruesome 
remains are the human bones, not laid in order as for burial, but 
broken and scattered and mixed with shells, and the bones of 
the head crushed and juml)lcd together in a little heap as though 
they had been cooked in some primitive kettle and thrown out 
in a mass — traces of a horrid feast on human flesh, we think 
though no other suggestion of such appetite has before been dis- 
covered. It is the body of some dreaded foe, perhaps, slain at 
last and now ignominiously consumed ; or can it be, that some 
living man was tortured here, while the wilderness round rang 
with the shouts of the torturers, though he scorned to give one 
dying groan before his bones were torn asunder? Some rods 
back from the highway at the Village, on the farm of John 
W. Nourse, a few years ago, the ploughshare disclosed a cache 
of finely fashioned stone spearheads, some forty or more, the 
buried treasure, perchance, of an Indian brave, or some armorer 
of the centuries past. 


Save for these remains, scant in variety, though wondrously 
abundant in quantity, this ancient people has passed away hke a 
dream. Not even their bones are left. Now and then, indeed, a 
solitary skeleton has been discovered; but where are the re- 
mains of the hundreds and thousands who dwelt here, who died 
in childhood and youth as well as mature age? Record re- 
mains, of a consuming pestilence that raged among them in 
1616-17 and swept away full nine-tenths of their numbers. 
That pestilence, which reduced the red men of Eastern Massa- 
chusetts to a handful, broke their pride and made them the 
victims of the strong Tarratines of the Maine coast, seems a 
providential factor in the planting of the English settlement. 
Save for this the little group at Plymouth and the feeble com- 
panies of the later Colony might have been annihilated by the 
forest peoples. These strong children of Nature died tliat the 
more delicate pale face might live; but deep pathos attaches to 
the thought of the destruction of a whole nation by loathsome 
disease, which filled the land with gloom and strewed the earth 
with unburied corpses. 

But a knell of doom, surer than the pestilence, was sounded 
when the first white man amazed them by his appearance, and 
when William Jeffrey bargained with them for a trifle for what 
we still call Jeffrey's Neck, and John Winthrop purchased the 
fair, broad fields of their cherished Agawam for £20. They were 
doomed to disappear; but before they vanished there came ob- 
serving men who were interested enough in these rude people to 
describe them as they saw and knew them, when their primitive 
modes of life were just feeling the influence of higher civiliza- 

The excellent Francis Higginson, pastor at Salem, described 
their personal appearance as early as 1629. "They area tall 
and strong-limned people, their colours are tawney, they goe 
naked, save only they are in part covered with beasts' skins on 
one of their shoulders and wear something before them." 
"Their haire is generally black and cut before like our gentle- 
women, and one lock longer than the rest much like to our 
gentlemen, which fashion I think came from hence into Eng- 

Thomas Lechford writingin 1641, completes the story of their 


hair dressing, by informing us that they wore the long lock on 
the side of their heads and "weave feathers of peacock and such 
like, and red cloth or ribbands at their locks, beads of wanipum- 
peage about their necks, and a girdle of the same two fingers 
Ijroad about the loins." "Some of the chief men wear pendents 
of wampum in their ears, and the women, some of the chief, have 
fair bracelets and chains of wampum." 

"John Jossclyn, Gentleman," as he subscribes himself, v(>n- 
tured from England in two voyages to these shores in 1638 and 
in 1663. He wrote a narrative which is not always judicious 
and trustworthy, as may be seen from his descriptions of the 
moose as an animal with huge horns, "the tips whereof are some- 
times found to be two fathom asunder, " "and in height from the 
toe of the foi efoot to the pitch of the shoulder, twelve; foot, both 
which," he naively observes, "have been taken by some of my 
scepti(iue Readers to be monstrous Lyes. " He says he has seen 
radishes, too, as big as a man's arm, and hens, with spurs like a 
cock, that crew often. 

Subtracting our grain of allowance from our Munchausen's 
tale, we still find much that is credible and vivid in Josselyn's 
record. The Indians but rarely wore beards, he informs us. 
"Their teeth are very white, short and even. They account 
them the most necessary and best parts of a man. " Their noses 
were inclined to flatness, yet their appearance was prepossessing. 
They were "of a disposition, " he adds, "very inconstant, crafty, 
timorous, quick of apprehension, and very ingenious, soon 
angry and so malicious that they seldom forget an injury, and 
barbarously cruel, witness their direful revenges upon one an- 
other; all of them cannibals, eaters of human flesh." This ex- 
treme statement, which he substantiates by the tale of cruel 
maiming, joint by joint, and burning with hot embers, of two 
Mohawk Indians while he was in this country, until the agony 
was finished by tearing out the heart, which was bitten into by 
every old Squaw, finds confirmation in the Treadwell's island 

Their wigwams built of poles, he describes, as generally 
round, but sometimes square. Leaving a hole at the top for the 
smoke, "the rest they cover with the bark of trees, and line the 
inside of their wigwams with mats made of rushes, painted with 


several colors. Round by the walls they spread their mats and 
skins where the men sleep, whilst their women dress their 
victuals . They have commonly two doors, one opening to the 
South, the other to the North, and according as the wind sets 
they close one door with bark and hang a deer's skin of the like 
before the other." 

Daniel Gookin's painstaking "Historical Collections of the 
Indians of New England " of the date 1674 give us light as to the 
cooking utensils. "The pots, they seeth their food in, which 
were heretofore and yet are in use among some of them, 
are made of clay [or earth, almost in the form of an egg, 
the top taken off; but now they generally get kettles of lirass, 
copper, iron, as the clay or earth they were made of, was very 
scarce and dear. Their dishes and spoons and ladles are made 
of wood, very smooth and artificial. Their pails to fetch water 
in are made of birch-bark. Some of their baskets are made of 
rushes, some of bents, others of maize husks, others of a kind of 
silk grass, others of a kind of wild hemp, and some of barks of 
trees, many of them very neat and artificial with the portrait- 
ures of birds, beasts, fishes, and flowers upon them in colours. 
Also they make mats of several sorts for covering their houses 
and doors, and to sleep and sit on. The baskets and mats are 
always made by their women, their dishes, pots, and spoons 
are the manufacture of the men." A scouting party of the 
Pilgrims discovered within a sand heap "a fine great new basket 
full of very fair corn of this year, with some six and thirty 
goodly ears of corn, some yellow, and some red, and others with 
mixed lilue. The basket was round and narrow at the top. It 
held about three or four bushels, and was very handsomely 
and cunningly made." 

Birch-bark furnished material for their canoes, as well, which 
were so light that a man could easily carry one a mile, and yet 
large enough sometimes to transport ten or twelve savages at 
once. William Wood records that they also made canoes of pine 
trees, which "they burned hollow, scraping them smooth with 
clam shells and oyster shells, cutting their outsides with stone 
hatchets ; these boats be not above a foot and a half or two foot 
wide, and twenty foot long." 

The century was well gone, in 1G85, when the bookpeddler 


John Dunton came to Ipswich, with his stock of books and im- 
proved the opportunity to go to Wonasquam, an Indian village, 
"after a long and difficult ramble. " On the way he found some 
Indians, with faces blackened with soot, who rather alarmed 
him, though their greeting, Aseowequassummis, which was 
being interpreted, "Good morrow to you," relieved his fears. 
They were in mourning for a dead chief and they buried him that 
night. Dunton remained and made a note of the funeral 

"First the gravest among them wound up and prepared the 
deafl body for the coffin; when the mourners came to the grave 
they laid the body by the grave's mouth, and then all the 
Indians sat down and lamented, and I observed tears to run 
down the cheeks of the oldest among them, as well as from 
little children. 

"After the dead body was laid in the grave (and in some 
parts some of their goods are cast in with them), they then 
made a second great lamentation. Upon the grave they spread 
the mat that the deceased died on, the dish he eat in, and two 
of the Iiidians hung a fair coat of skin upon the next tree to the 
grave, which none will touch, but suffer it there to rot with the 

Map of New England from Hubbard's History of the 
Indian Wars in New England. 



Just when and whore the first white man stepped upon the 
shores of Agawani we may not hope to discover. As earlj- as 
1G08, as Captain John Smith mentions in his History of Vir- 
ginia, Captain HaHow, Master of the ship Ordnance, touched 
here, wliile on a voyage in the interest of an English company, 
which inchided John Popham, Lord Chief Justice of England, 
to the grant it had obtained about the Kennebec. But one 
item of that visit has been preserved, — "the people at Agawam 
used them kindly." Smith, himself, landed here in 1614, and 
sa)^s of Augoan, as he calls it, "this place might content a right 
curious judgement; but there are many sands at the entrance of 
the Harbour, and the worst is, it is iml^ayed too farre from the 
deepe sea. Here are many rising hills, and on their tops and 
descents are many corne fields, and delightfuU groves. On 
the East is an Isle of two or three leagues in length ; the one half 
plaine marish ground, fit for pasture, or salt ponds, with many 
faire high groves of mulberry trees and gardens. There is 
also C)kes, Pines, Walnuts and other wood to make this place an 
excellent habitation, being a good and safe harbor." 

Thomas Morton in his "New English Canaan," and William 
Wood in "New England's Prospect" record the habit of the 
Indians of biu'ning over the country in November. B}^ this 
means, the dense undergrowth was destroyed, large tracts were 
made passable for the hunter, and easily capable of tillage, and 
the heavy woods grew like groves in a great park. The Pilgrim 
explorers found "a high groimd, where there is a great deal of 
land clearetl and hath been planted with corn," and good Pastor 
Higginson, of Salem, wrote to his friends in the old country, 
that he had been told, that a man might stand on a little hilly 
place about three miles from Salem and "see divers thousands 
of acres of ground as good as need to be, and not a tree in the 



sanio." When t he lands wore apportioned among the settlers, 
the broad suniniits of Heartbreak, Hagamore and Town Hills 
were assigned as i)lanting lots, and the mystery attending the 
choice of the hill tops for tillage instead of the rich and level 
lowlands may be solved by these records. The Indians had 
cleared these slopes with' patient industry anrl planted them 
with corn, and the new owners of the land enjoyed the fruits 
of their toil. 

News of the pleasantness of the Indian village, its gof»d land 
and rich fisheries spread abroad. The Pilgrims, shivering in 
their rude huts at Plymouth, debated whether they should not 
migrate at r)nce to this Land of Promise. Mourt, in his Relation 
under date of December, 1620, says that some of them, "urged 
greatly the going to Anguum or Angoum, a place twenty league? 
off to the Northward, which they .heard to ])e an excellent 
harbor for ships, better ground and better fishing." But they 
chose to remove to some less distant spot should removal become 

From time to time, settlers came and built their cal)ins, to 
fish for sturgeon, cod and salmon, a?id gather beaver skins and 
other ix>ltry from the natives by barter, ijxlividual adventurers 
or empkn^ees of some English trading company, and they 
were not molested by the Indian warriors. The first English- 
man, whose name has been preserved, was William Jeffreys. 
Jeffreys was never a resident, so far as is known. In 1623, he 
came over in Robert Gorges' company and settled at Wessa- 
gussett, now Weymouth, and in 1630 was reckoned one of the 
principal men of that little hamlet. Prior to 1633, however, 
he must have been in this neighborhood, for Great Neck was 
called Jeffrey's Neck from the Ijeginning. As late as 1666 he 
claimed ownership, and the General Court voted him 500 acre 
elsewhere, "to ])e a final issue of all claims by virtue of any 
grant, heretofore made by any Indians, whatsoever." 

The formal occupation and settlement of Agawam were now 
at hand. By a grant of King James, on Nov. 3, 1620, the 
whole country from the 4()th to the 4Sth degree of latitude, 
reaching from Philadelphia to the Bay of Chaleur had been 
granted to the "council at Plymouth" so called, headed by 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges. This company made no serious attempt 

- ^a^a 


/•^ '^!-^ '•^/'^r,^:!^. J 

1,^ UvJ. /iS^ l-t^- 

The original deed of Musconominet, preserved among the papers 

of the Winthrop family and given to the Essex Institute 

by Robert C. Winthrop Jr. 

I Musconominet, Sagamore of Agawam, doe by theise p'sents 
acknowledge to ha\e Received of M"" John Winthrop the some of 
Twenty poundes, in ful satisfacon of all the Right, property and 
Cleame, I have or ought to have, imto all the land lying and being 
in the Bay of Agawam, alls Ipswich, being soe called now by the 
English, as well alsuch land as I formerly reserved unto my owne use 
at Chibocco, as alsoe all other lands belonging unto me in those parts, 
M' Dummers farme excepted onh^ And I herby relinquish all the 
Right and Interest I have mito all tlie Havens, Rivers, Creekes, 
Islands, huntings and fishings, with all the woodes, swampes, timber 
and wliatsoever ells is or may be in or upon the said ground to me 
belongeing, and I doe hereby acknoledge to liave received full satis- 
facon from tlie said J" Wintropp for all former agreements touching 
the p''mises or any part of tliem, and I doe hereby bind my selfe to 
make good the foresaid bargaine and saile mi to the said John Wintrop 
his heires and assignes forever, and to secure him against the tytle 
and claime of all other Indians and Natives whatsoever. Witnesse 
my hand this 28 June 1638. 


his marke. 
Witnesses hereunto. 

Thomas Coytmore. 
James Downinge. 
RortERT Hardixge. 
Jno Jollife. 

This deed above written, so signed & witnessed, being compared 
w*'' the original (4 : B. p 381 : 2) word for word, stands thus entred & 
Recorded at the request of Captaine Wayte Winthrop this IS"* of 
february 1682, as Attests 

Edward Rawson, Secret. 


at settlement, and on the 19th of March, 1627-28, issued a 
patent to Sir Henry Rose well and others, covering the territory 
bounded by a line three miles south of the Charles River, and 
reaching northward to a line three miles north of the Merrimac. 
Charles the First confirmed this patent by royal grant to the 
re]-)resentatives of the Massachusetts Bay Company on the 4th 
of March, 1629, and on the 20th of June, the ship George, bear- 
ing John Endicott and the first company of colonists reached 
Salem. Ship followed ship, and hundreds of sturdy Puritans 
were soon found in the various settlements. 

The attention of the Court of Assistants was soon directed 
toward the squatter settlers at Agawam. On Sept. 7, 16.30, 
it was "ordered, that noe p'son shall plant in any place within 
the lymitts of this pattent without leave from Gounr and Assist- 
ants or the maior parte of them;" and, more specifically, "Also 
that a warrant shall p'sently be sent to Aggawam to coiiiand 
those that are planted there forthwith to come away." 

But it was not until March, 1633, that the Court made 
any effort toward peopling this attractive region with settlers 
after its own heart. "On the 17th of January, 1632-3," as 
Rev. William Hubbard, our famous Ipswich historian relates 
in his History of New Pjigland, "they had intelligence that the 
French had bought the Scottish plantation near Cape Sables, 
and that the fort there, with all the annnunition was delivered 
to them and that the cardinal of France (supposed to be Rich- 
elieu) having the managing of that affair, had sent some com- 
panies already, and that preparation was made to send more 
the next year, with divers priests and Jesuits among them. 
This news alarmed the Governor and Council to stand upon 
their guard and look to themselves, and upon further debate 
and consultation with the chief of the country, it was agreed 
with all expedition to finish the fort began at Boston, antl raise 
another at Nantasket, and to hasten the planting of Agawam 
(since Ipswich) one of the most commodious places in the 
country for cattle and tillage, lest an enemy should prevent 
them by taking possession of the place." Hubbard adds, 
"the settlement was well advised, but they were more afraid 
than hiu't, for the French aimed at nothing but trade." 

No less a person than John Winthrop, son of the Governor. 


was selected as the leader of tiiis expedition. He was but 
twenty-seven years of age, yet a man of large ))ractical sagacity, 
and nndou])ted gifts of leadership. Twelve men were assigned 
him, with the promise of more when the ships arrived, but of 
these twelve, the names of only nine have been preserved. 
These were Mr. Clerk. Robert Coles, Thomas Howlett, John 
Biggs, John CJagc, Thomas Hardy, William Perkins, Mr. Thorn- 
dike and Will .Sergeant. i 

The urgency of the settlement is indicated by the departure 
of the colonists in March, as early as possible after the severity 
of the winter was spent. There were no roads, and the journey 
was made undoubtedly in a shallop, skirting the coast. Tn 
imagination we can see the hills that stand like sentinels on 
either side of the River, densely wooded and white perhaps 
with snow, the marshes laden with the stranded ice floes, and 
that little craft, with the tide at flood, slowly sailing up the river, 
eager eyes scanning every rod of the banks to guard against 
Indian assaults. It rounded Nabby's Point, and dropped anchor 
in the still cove, where there was firm landing place' near\at 

We hope their wives and children did not accompany them, 
for those bleak March days must have been days of hardship, if 
not of suffering. If the squatter settlers, who had been driven 
away, had grace to leave their cabins undestroyed, temporary 
shelter might have l)cen found in them, or they may have lived 
al)oard ship awhile, if they really came that way. Yet for all 
we know, the planters at Agawam may have had the same 
experiences that Edward Johnson describes in his "Wonder 
Working Providence," as frequently falling to the lot of those 
opening up the wilderness. "After the}'- have found out a 
place of aboad," he writes, "they burrow themselves in the 
Earth for their first shelter, under some Hill-side, casting the 
earth aloft upon timber; they make a smoaky fire against the 
earth at the highest side, and thus these poor servants of Christ 
provide shelter for themselves, their wives and little ones, 
keeping off the short showers from their lodgings, but the long 
rains penetrate through, to their grate disturbance in the night 
season; yet in these poor wigwams, th(\v sing Psalms, pray ami 

I Wlntlirop'8 History of New England, ed. 1863, 1 : 120. 



praise their God, till they can provide them homes, which 
ordinarily was not wont to be with many till the Earth, by the 
Lord's blessins;, broiii>,ht forth bread to feed them, their wives 
and little ones." 

The long snnmier afforded ample opportunity to build 
comfortable homes, and make preparation for the winter, in 
striking contrast with the unfortunate experience of the Pilgrims, 
landing at Plymouth when winter was already begun. Nature 
lent kindly aid. The meadows abounded in grass, "both verie 
thicke, verie long, and verie high in divers places, with a great 
stalk and a broad and ranker blade" as Pastor Higginson of 
Salem records, and a letter of Master Graves mentions that it 
was "up to a man's face." The broad marshes afforded a 
plentiful supply of salt hay and thatch for their ropfs. 

Mr. Higginson found the vegetables grown in the virgin soil 
very comforting. "Our turnips, parsnips and carrots are here 
both l^igger and sweeter than is ordinary to be found in England. 
Here are stores of pumpions, cucumbers, and other things of 
that nature I know not. Plentie of strawberries in their time, 
and penny-royall, winter saverie, sorrell, brook-lime, liver- 
wort, carvell and water-cresses, also leeks and onions are 
ordinarie." Great lobsters abounded, weighing, it was affirmed 
from sixteen to twenty-five pounds. As for drink, Mr. Higgin- 
son declared, "a sup of New England aire is better than a whole 
draught of English ale." 

An air of dignity attached to the new settlement. Three 
men of the little company were gentlemen, as the title Mr. 
prefixed to their names proclaims. It was a far more signifi- 
cant prefix than it is today. Josias Plaistowe was found guilty 
of theft by the General Court in 1631, and the Court ordered 
that henceforth he should be called by the name of Josias, and 
not Mr. as formerly. Only the wealthier and the more educated 
wore that name of honor. Simple Goodman was the appella- 
tion of the common sort. 

The new plantation was not forgotten by the good people of 
Boston. On the twenty-sixth of November, Rev. John Wilson, 
by leave of his congregation, "went to Agawam to teach the 
people of that plantation l)ecause they had yet no minister." 
He tarried a week and on December fourth the snow fell knee 


deep and dotaiuod him several days lonfier and a boat wliieh 
came was frozen up in the River.' Attain, in the f()lh)\vinp; 
spring, on April 3, 1634, th(> Governor himself, anxious to see 
his son, and the new settlement, went on foot to Agawam, and 
because the people there wanted a minister, spent a Sabbath 
with them, and (>xercised by way of i)r()i")heey, and returned 
home the lOth.^ 

The General Court was jealous of too great an influx of set- 
tlers into the new plantation at the outset, and forbade any 
taking up residence here, without leave from that body, except 
the original company. During the year, 1633, only one other 
man, Thomas Sellan, received permission to locate here. The 
year, 1634, witnessed a great incoming. In May, the people 
of Newton, now Cambridge, meditating removal, "sent men 
to Agawam and Merrimack, and gave out they would move," 
but they emigrated to Connecticut. Rev. Thomas Parker, 
and a company of a hundred, from Wiltshire in England, came 
and decided to make their home here;^ but Parker and a con- 
siderable company removed the next May, and settled at Quas- 
cacunquen, which they called Newbury, where Mr. Parker's 
name is still borne by the familiar Parker River. 

Notwithstanding all this coming and going, there was steady 
growth in population, and in August the settlement had attained 
to too great dignity to wear its Indian name any longer. 
Accordingly, on Aug. 4, 1634, the Court of Assistants decreed 
that the place be called Ipswich, after old Ipswich in Englaiul, 
"in acknowledgment of the great honor and kindness done to 
our people, who took shipping there." Previous to this, in 
Capt. John Smith's time, the name Southampton had been 
recommended, and this name occurs on Smith's map of New 

Three locations of the first importance were decided on at 
once. For their food supply, they needed a mill, and with com- 
mendable thrift they relieved themselves of any common ex- 
pense in building one, by granting to Mr. John Spencer and Mr. 
Nicholas Easton liberty to build a mill and a fish weir upon the 

1 Winthrop's History of New England, ed. I&i3, 1 : 141. 
» Winthrop's History of New England, ed. 1853, I: 154. 
3 Winthrop's History of New England, ed. 1853 i: 168. 


river, "about the falls upon it," on condition that they sold 
half their fish to the inhabitants, at five shillings a thousand 
more or less, as the market price varied. Spencer and Easton 
did not improve their privilege and definitely resigned it in 
December. They removed to Newbury in Mr. Parker's com- 
pany in 1636. Mr. Easton became involved in the religious 
troubles incident to Mrs. Hutchinson's teachings, and subse- 
quently removed to Rhode Island and became the Governor 
of the Colony.^ Mr. Richard Saltonstall, however, son of the 
titled Sir Richard of Watertown, became a resident and built the 
mill just about where the old stone mill now stands. 

For their spiritual nurture, they must have a meeting- 
house, and they built some humble structure, perhaps of logs 
and thatch, like the first church in Winnisimmet. There is no 
reason to doubt that they chose for its location the sightly spot 
where the present First Church stands. "Meeting House Hill" 
it has been from the earliest times. The "way to the meeting 
house" was the name given to streets leading toward it, and 
Edward Johnson, who was here in 1646, says, "Their meeting 
house is a very good prospect to a great part of the town, and 
beautifully built." He was speaking of the new building that 
was erected that year, perhaps, but as the Town sold the old 
building to Thomas Firman in February, 1646-7, and stipulated 
that it should be removed by the 29th of September, the old 
building either occupied the very spot desired for the new, or 
was very near at hand, and detracted from the glory of the new 

For the burial of their dead they must have a Burying 
Ground. In their old English homes the village church had 
its quiet church-yard, and the dead slept close by the walls of 
the sanctuary. In their Puritan dislike of all things savoring 
of churchly leanings, our fathers built themselves not churches 
but "meeting-houses," and they had no "churchyards," but 
simple "burying-grounds." They selected a goodly spot, the 
old ground at the foot of the sunny-hill slope on High Street, 
and the year, 1634, saw a very sorrowful company gathered 
about a new grave somewhere there, for Martha, the young 

1 Fell, page 7"2 . 

2 See rublications of the Ipswich Hiat. Soc. Xo. XI, The Meeting House Green, etc. 


vvifo of John Winthrop, Jr., lived but a year after the settlement 
was befjuti, — the very first, perhai)s, to be laid to rest there. 

Roads were cut through the woods. They were soon called 
"streets," but it is likely they were rough and encumbered 
with stumps and stones in these earliest years. The principal 
thoroughfare was quaint, crooked, venerable High Street, skirt- 
ing the bank of the river, reaching out to the fat tillage lands 
on Manning's Neck, the goodly pastures on Jeffrey's, and the 
level acres of salt marsh, on the one side, and on the other fol- 
lowing the warm, western slope of Town Hill, a most inviting 
shelter for the homes of the infant conmiunity, and opening a 
way to other marshes and pastures on the western border. That 
part of the street that now borders the wharves was at first 
called, "the way to the meeting house," or "the cross-way 
leading to the mill." How vividly these names recall the sim- 
plicity and reverence of those days! Later, it bore the more 
sounding title, "East End." The main portion of the Street 
was variously called "ye Great St.," "ye Long St.," High St., 
Hill St., and in common with other streets is sometimes alluded 
to as "the king's highway", while the upper portion was known 
as West End. 

North Main Street was styled originally "the way to the mill" 
or "to the meeting house" as physical or spiritual food engaged 
the thought of the speaker. Market Street and Washington 
Street both seem to have been called Mill Street. Access to the 
mill was gained through the present Union Street. Stony 
Street or Aniball's or Annable's Lane of the early days is now 
known as Summer Street. Scott's Lane was known later as 
Washington Street, and Dirty Lane, because it was so muddy, 
afterwards Baker's Lane, now rejoices in the name of Mineral 

A crooked foot-way led from Scott's Lane toward the spot 
occupied by the Burke shoe factory, across the brook, and up 
over the hill where the cellars of the ancient Pindar houses 
show its course, and turning sharply to the right, entered 
North Main Street. This was distinctively a way to the meeting 
house for settlers in the northwest section of the town. It was 
known later as Pindar's Lane, and the upper end of it is still 
known as Loney's Lane. 


Another lane, early distinguished as Hog Lane, and earlier 
than that as "the way to the Merrimack," came to be called 
Brook Street. This was the main road for eastern travel, and 
continued to be used for many years. Mr. John W. Nourse has 
very ingeniously traced this ancient way over the hills, and by 
bridge across Egypt River to its juncture with the present 
highway. Green Lane is recognized as Green Street. Thus 
in name at least the sturdy pioneers preserved the remembrance 
of the delightful, shadowy, quiet lanes of Old England, with 
their hedgerows and primroses, but in this land of forest, 
thicket and swamp the lanes were probably only narrower than 
streets and equally rough and uninviting. 

Close by the river bank, on either side, a public way was 
sedulously preserved from any encroachment. On the north 
side of the river it still remains in Water Street, and originally 
it seems to have continued near the river, through the present 
County lands. On the south side it skirted the river, where the 
remains of the old Heard's Wharf are seen today, followed 
Turkey Shore, and continued round the cove to the saw-mill. 
There were ways to the Labour-in-vain fields, and to the Heart- 
break Hill lands, "Old England," as we call it now, and to Che- 
bacco. One of these is known now, as from the earliest days, as 
Argilla Road. 

South Main Street, in part, at least, was not opened until 
1646, when the bridge was built. The present County Road 
on the south side was an ancient way, extending to the river. 
Foot-travellers crossed the river on a foot-bridge in 1634. 
This bridge was near the saw-mill now owned by the Damon 
heirs. ^ 

On all these streets and lanes, plots of various sizes, but 
rarely exceeding three acres, were assigned for house lots. Til- 
lage lands were apportioned in six and twelve acre lots, and even 
larger, near the town, and great farms were granted on the out- 

It is a matter of more than passing interest to see how these 
earliest settlers chose their lands. Robert Coles received a 
house lot on East Street, not far from Brook Street, and the 
farm that is believed to be the Greenwood farm. Winthrop's 

1 See a careful consideration of tliis in tlie chapters on Houses and Lands. 


lot iiiljoiiKMl, lower down the street. Here we may suppose 
Winthrop bviilt his house. He also received a grant of a six- 
acre field that seems to have included a part at least of the 
fine lot on the south side of South Main St. opposite the Heard 
mansion, and a 300 acre farm, called the Argilla farm, afterwards 
owned by Samuel Symonds, and now, in part, the property of 
the heirs of the late Thomas Brown. 

Howlett and Hardy located on the land bounded by the 
way now called Agawam Avenue, leading from East Street to 
the shipyard. Hardy built his house there "on the highway 
leading to the river." Howlett's lot adjoined Hardy's, fronting 
"on the cross-way leading towards the Mill," and although no 
mention of his house occurs, I have seen an allusion to the well 
known as "KowIqW s well," on this tract of land. Back of the 
shipyard shed, an old well may be found by the curious searcher, 
and the bricks of ancient pattern strewn around attest an early 
residence, and suggest that here may have been Howlett's 
lot. The remains of old wharves near by indicate that this was 
a nuich-used way in those times. 

Win. Perkins owned land on the north side of the road to 
Jeffrey's Neck, and perhaps lived there, and Mr. William Clerk, 
or Clark, had an acre and a half house lot near the corner occu- 
pied by Mr. Glover. But he did not build, for Thomas Clark 
recorded a purchase of the lot in 1639, and the deed stated that 
he had "sett a dwelling there." William Clark also owned 60 
acres in the Labour-in-vain fields, as they styled the lands near 
the great creek, called "Labour-in-vain." John Gage had a six- 
acre lot, as did Howlett and later settlers, on "this neck of land 
the Town standeth," as the Town Record quaintly reads, com- 
monly known as Manning's Neck. 

Thus we know that seven of the original thirteen chose lands 
in neighborly proximity, and the whole baker's dozen may 
have pitched their camp in this section. Convenience and 
safety and love of society naturally constrained these lonely 
adventurers to keep within easy touch of each other during 
those spring and summer months, while they livetl in expecta- 
tion of French incursions and Indian assaults. 

As for the homes of the settlers, we know some things and 
can imagine others. The house lots were fenced in, in 1635, 

thp: coming of the English. 17 

or paled, as the phrase was, with sharpened stakes driven in 
to the earth, perhaps in the criss-cross style, a rough inclosiire, 
for we must beware of imagining any resemblance to the trim 
fence of oiu- day at the first. 

Within the fences, I imagine, were generally gardens or a 
grass plot separating the houses from the highway, for many 
of our oldest houses were built well back from the street, and 
old deeds contain many references to land in front. Edward 
Johnson, in 1646, remarked on "the pleasant gardens and 
orchards" about the houses. Here the housewives doubtless 
had their beloved English flowers, heart's-ease, mignonette and 
wall-flowers, and their lavender and thyme, rue and rosemaiy, 
marjoram, saffron and anise, for scenting chests and closets antl 
flavoring their cookery. 

Trees of many kinds were soon grown. The Assistants of 
the Company sent over in their first ships seeds or cuttings of 
the peach, plum, filbert, cherry, pear, apple, quince and pome- 
granate, as well as potatoes and hop roots. In 1646-47, an 
ancient interleaved almanac of Rev. Mr. Danforth mentions 
"great pears," "long apples," Blackstone apples, Tankerd 
apples, Kreton pippins, "long red apples" all ripe and gatherefl 
by the middle of August, "Russetines and Pearmaines" gath- 
ered in the middle of September. 

The home surroundings then were inviting. What of the 
homes themselves? Certain ancient mansions of venerable 
age remain. Their exact age is a matter of conjecture, but 
popular tradition as to their anticpiity is generally in error. 
Be that as it may, these fine old houses, large and imposing 
still, are not to be considered as the type of the first dwellings. 
It must be borne in mind that there was no saw-mill, of which 
we have certain record until 1649. Previous to that date, the 
sawing of trees into planks and boards was done by hantl with 
a long saw, working in a saw-pit, one man standing below and 
one above the saw-log; and clapboards and shingles were made 
by hand for a century and more. Every nail, hinge and bolt 
was forged out laboriously by the village blacksmiths. Cut 
nails were not made till 1790, and laths were not sawed till 
1S30. There was no time for elaborate carpentry. Work 


must bo spent on clearinfj; the forest, anil breaking up the 
soil to provide food for themselves and their cattle. 

So they built for themselves small, rough houses. St)me of 
them were doubtless the simple log-house of the modern back- 
woods man, with a roof covered with tiles or with the long thatch, 
as many a laborer's cottage in Old England is still roofed. 
Sometimes, as in the case of Mr. Oldham at Watertown, they 
were built all of clapboards.^ 

The chinmeys were chiefly of wood, daubed with clay. 
Mr. Sharpe's house in Boston took fire ("the splinters being not 
clayed at the top") and "taking the thatch burned it down.'"^ 
This happened on March 16, 1630, and Governor Dudley's ac- 
count of the fire speaks of this and Colborn's house, "as good and 
well-furnished as most in the plantation." Repeated accidents 
of this kind show how common these wood chimneys were, and 
a vote of the Town was passed, in 1647,"re(iuiring chimnies to be 
kept clean," and "also to look to any defect in daubing." Gov- 
ernor Winthrop's Journal mentions, under date of March 16, 
16o8, a violent south scnitheast storm that o^'erturned some new- 
strong houses, but the Lord miraculously preserved old weak 
cottages. He also records a dreadful tempest at northeast with 
wind and rain, in 1646, in which the Lady Moody's house at 
Salem, being but one story in height, and a fiat roof, with a 
brick chimney in the midst, had the roof taken ofT in two parts 
(with the top of the chimney) and carried six or seven rods off. 
This house, a letter of Winthrop mentions, as nine feet high.^ 

One item of quaint interest adds vividness to our conception 
of this simple type of dwellings. In 1668, the house of Jacob 
Perkins was burned. The maid servant was arrested on suspi- 
cion of incendiarism. She testified that she stood upon the 
oven on the back side of the house, and sui)ported herself by 
holding to the thatch of the roof, while she looked to see if there 
were any hogs in the corn. Standing there, she knocked the 
ashes out of her pipe upon the thatch . . . When she looked 

1 WinUiroii'e History of New England, ed. 18.i8. i : 104. 

2 Winthrop's History of New England, 18.i3, 1 : 58. 

' See Publications of Ipswich Historical .Society, No. v, The Early Homes of the 




back from the cornfickl, she saw smoke, and gave the alarm 
to Neighbour Abraham Perkins's wife. She came in haste, and 
looked into "both the rooms of the house, and up into both 
the chimneys." 8he also "looked up into the chamber thro 
the boards that lay very open towards that side where the 
smoke was on the outside." 

A photograph could hardh^ be more realistic. The house 
had two rooms on the ground floor, and a chimney at each end. 
In the kitchen, an oven was built outside, opening froin the 
fireplace, without doubt. The house had but a single story, 
we judge from the low roof, and the floor of the loft was so 
loosely boarded that the roof could be seen through the cracks. 

Up and down our streets, these small, roughly-built pioneer 
homes were built. They were devoid of paint. Many windows 
were destitute of glass, and were provided with oiled paper. 
Heavy thatch roofs and clumsy wooden chinmeys blended well 
with the savagery of the wild forest. Winthrop's anticipation 
of "poor cottages in the wilderness" was realized by many a 
Puritan in all these early settlements. Here and there, how- 
ever, more pretentious houses arose at a surprisingly early date. 
Deputy Governor 8ymonds's house at the Argilla farm was of 
superior cpiality, if the plan of the owner was carried out. He 
bought the farm of Mr. Winthrop in February, 1637-8. Shortly 
after he wrote to Mr. Winthrop, desiring him to superintend 
the building.^ "I am indifferent whether it be 30 foote or 35 
foote long; 16 or 18 foote broade. I would have wood chim- 
neys at each end, the frames of the chimney es to be stronger 
then ordinary, to beare good heavy load of clay for security 
against fire. You may let the chimneyes be all the breadth of 
the howse, if you thinke good; the 2 lower dores to be in the 
middle of the house, one opposite to the other. Be sure that 
all the dorewaies in evry place be soe high that any man may 
goe upright under. The staiers I thinke had best be placed 
close by the dore. It makes noe great matter though there be 
noe particion vpon the first floore; if there be, make one biger 
then the other. For windowes let them not be over large in 
any roome, and as few as conveniently may be : let all have cur- 
rent shutting draw-windowes, haveing respect both to present 
and future vse." 

' Ma»sg. Hist. Soc. Collections, series 4, vol. vii, p. 118. 


"I think to make it agirthowsewill inakeitinore cliarji;cable 
then needc; liowevcr, the side bearers for the second story being 
to be loaden with corne, etc., must not be pinned on, but rather 
eyther lett in to the studds, or borne vp with false studds, and 
soe tenented in at the ends; 1 leave it to you and the carpenters. 
In this story over the first, 1 would have a particion, whether 
in the middest or over the particion vnder I leave it. In the 
garrett, noe particion, but let there be one or two luconie' 
windowes, if two, both on one side." 

"I desire to have the sparrs reach doune i^retty deep at the 
eves to preserve the walls the better from the wether. 1 would 
have it sellered all over, and soe the frame of the howse 
accordeingly from the bottom. I would have the howse stronge 
in timber, though plainc & well brased. I would have it cov- 
ered with very good oake-hart inch board, for the present, to 
be tacked on onely for the present as you tould me." 

''Let the frame begin from the bottom of the seller, and 
soe in the ordinary way upright; for I can hereafter (to save 
the timber within grounde) run vp a thin brick worke without. 
I think it l:)est to have the walls without to be all clap- 
boarded besides the clay walls. It were not aniisse to leave a 
doreway or two within the seller, that soe hereafter one may 
make comings in from without and let them be both vpon that 
side which the Income^ window or windowes be." 

As Mr. Symonds desired that it be built as speedily as pos- 
sible it may have been erected that same year. This was cer- 
tainly a comfortable home. The west end of the ancient house 
now owned by the Historical Society was framed in precisely 
this fashion, and was built probably by John Fawn, before his 
removal about the year 1638.'^ No other house of this period 
exists today in our|community. 

> Lutheran? 

* Publications of the li)swicli Hist. Society, No. x. 




Our surmise as to the common style of their dwellings is 
confirmed by indubitable record. Matthew Whipple lived on 
the corner of the present County and Summer streets, near Miss 
Sarah P. Caldwell's present residence. In the inventory of his 
estate made in 1645, his dwelling house, barn and four acres 
of land, were appraised at £36, and six bullocks were valued at 
the same figure. His executors sold the dwelling with an acre 
of ground on the corner, in 1648, to Robert Whitman for £5. 
Whitman sold this property, and another house and lot, to 
William Duglass, cooper, for £22, in 1652. John Anniball, or 
Annable, bought the dwelling, barn, and two acres of land, on 
the eastern corner of North Main and Summer streets, then 
called Annable's Lane, for £39, in 1647. Joseph Morse was 
a man of wealth and social standing. His inventory in 1646 
mentions a house, land, etc., valued at £9, and another old 
house with barn and eight acres of land valued at £8, 10s and 
one cow and a heifer, estimated at £6, 10s. Thomas Firman 
was a leading citizen. His house was appraised in the in- 
ventory at £15, and the house he had bought of John Proctor, 
with three acres of land, was estimated to be worth £18, 10s. 
Proctor's house was near the lower falls on County street, and 
his land included the estate now owned by Mr. Warren Boynton, 
Mr. Samuel N. Baker and others. Few deeds of sale or inven- 
tories mention houses of any considerable value in these earlier 

Richard Scofield sold a house and two acres of land to 
Robert Roberts, in 1643, for £11, 17s. In 1649 John West sold 
John Woodman, for £13, a house and an acre of land, and 
another half acre near the Meeting House. Robert Whitman 
sold John Woodman a house near the Meeting House, for £7. 
In 1652, Richard Scofield, leather dresser, sold Moses Pengry 
yeoman, a house and land, for £17, and Solomon Martin sold 



Thomas Lovell, currior, a house and lot near the present 
"I)o(lo;e's Corner," for £16. Rarely in these openino; years, 
tlu^ ajipraised value of an estate amounted to £100. In KUB, 
this was the valuation of John Shatswell's. It included a 
"house, homestead, barn, cow house, orchard, yard, etc." 
Six oxen were appraised at £36, and five cows at £25, Os. The 
average price received from the actual sale of houses was less 
than £25. Mr.. John Whittingham had a house on High street 
containing kitchen and parlor, and chambers over the kitchen 
and parlor, sumptuously furnished, as the inventory records 
in 1648, and valued with the barn, cow house and forty-four 
acres of land, at £100, but the contents of a single chamber 
were appraised at £82 15s. 

The established value of a bullock seems to have been 
£6, and cowes were appraised at about £5. A day's work of a 
team in drawing timber for the watch house, in 1645, was reck- 
oned at 8 shillings, and in 1646, the inventory of the estate of 
Joseph Morse reveals the market prices of various commodities. 

20 bushels of Indian corn were rated at £2, 10s. 
4 bushel of hemp seede, ... 2 

(1 small cheeses, 2 

20 lbs. butter, 10 

These prices fix the purchasing power of money at that 
period and make it certain that houses, that were quoted at 
£25 and less, were very simple and primitive. Often, we may 
jiresume, they were log-houses. 

Thomas Ijcchford, in his Note Book, preserves an interesting 
contract, made by John Davys, joiner, to build a house for 
William Rix, in 1640; it was to be "16 foot long and 14 feet 
wide, w'th a chamber floare finish't summer and joysts, a 
cellar floare with joysts finish't, the roofe and walls clapboarded 
on the out syde, the chimney framed without daubing, to be 
done with hewan timber." The price was to be £21. 

Houses of this dimension were common, as late as 1665. 
In that year such inroads had been made upon the oaks and 
other valuable trees, that the Town of Ipswich ordered the 
Selectmen to issue a permit before a tree could be cut. The 
certificates issued possess a curious interest. 

Edmund Bridges was allowed timber"to make up his cellar," 


in 1667. In 1670, Joseph Goodhue received permit for a house 
18 feet square, and Ephraini Fellows for a house 16 feet square. 
In 1671, Thomas Burnam's new house was 20 feet square, that 
of Obadiah Bridges IS feet square, and Deacon Goodhue built 
one 16 feet square. In 1657, Alexander Knight, a helpless 
pauper, was provided with a house at the Town's expense, and 
the vote provided that it should he 16 feet long, 12 feet wide. 
7 or 8 feet stud, with thatched roof, for which £6 was appro- 

Within, these homes were for the most part very plain 
and simple. Governor Dudley's house in Cambridge was re- 
puted to be over-elegant, so that Governor Winthrop wrote 
him: "He did not well to bestow such cost about wainscotting 
and adorning his house, in the beginning of a plantation, l)oth 
in regard to the expense and the example." But Dudley was 
able to reply, that "it was for the warmth of his house, and the 
charge was but little, being but clap-boards, nailed to the wall 
in the form of wainscot." The common finish of the rooms of 
houses of the better sort was a coating of clay, over the frame 
timbers and the bricks which filled the spaces between the 
studs. The ceilings were frequently, if not universally, left 
unfinished, and the rough, unpainted beams and floor joists, 
and the flooring of the room above, blackened with the smoke 
and grimy with dust, were a sombre contrast to the white ceil- 
ings of the modern home. 

Nevertheless, I incline to believe that if we could turn 
back the wheels of time and enter an early Ipswich home, we 
should find that it was not only habitable, but comfortable, 
and the furnishings much beyond our anticipation. For these 
yeomen and carpenters and weavers very likely had transported 
some of their furniture across the sea, and they reproduced 
here in the wilderness the living rooms of their old P^nglish 

Happily our curiosity may be gratified in very large degree 
by the numerous inventories that remain, and we may in 
imagination undertake a tour of calls in the old town, and see 
for ourselves what those houses contained. There were but 
two rooms on the main floor, the "hall" and the parlor, and 
entrance to them was made from the entry in the middle of the 


house. The "hall" of the old Puritan house, was the "kitchen" 
of the next century. Indeed, these two words are used of the 
same apartment from the earliest record. It was the living 
room, the room where they cooked and ate and wrought and 
sat; in one home at least, that of Joseph Morse, a well-to-do 
settler, the room where his bed was set up, wherein he died in 

The chief object in this family room was always the fireplace, 
with its broad and generous hearth and chimney, ample enough 
to allow boys bent on mischief to drop a live calf from the roof, 
as they did one night, into poor old Mark Quilter's kitchen. 
As brick chimneys were not the rule at first, safety could l)e 
secured only by building their wooden chimneys, daubed with 
clay, abnormally large. No wonder the worthy folk who wrote 
these inventories invariably began with the fireplace and its ap- 
purtenances. Piled high with logs, roaring and snapping, it 
sent forth most comfortable heat, and cast a warm glow over 
the plainest interior, and beautified the humblest home. "Here 
is good living for those that love good fires," Pastor Higginson 
wrote. Bare walls, rough, unfinished ceilings, floors without 
carpets or rugs, all took on an humble grace ; privation and 
loneliness and homesickness could be forgotten, in the rich 
glow of the evening firelight. 

Several pairs of andirons or col^irons were frequently used 
to support logs of different lengths. In one hall, at least, two 
pairs of cobirons, and a third pair ornamented with brasses are 
mentioned. Within easy reach, were the bellows and tongs, 
the fire-pan for carrying hot coals, the "fire-fork" and "fire- iron, 
for use about the hearth, we presume. 

Over the fire hung the trammel or coltrell, as it is called in 
one inventory. Pot hooks were suspended from the wooden or 
iron bar within the chimney that was supplanted by the crane 
in later times, and from them hung pots and kettles of copper, 
brass or iron, and of sizes, various. Some of these kettles nnist 
have been of prodigious size. Matthew Whipple had three 
brass pots that weighed sixty-eight pounds, and a copper that 
weighed forty pounds. The rich John Whittingham's kitchen, 
in his High street home, boastefl a co}i])er that was worth £3 
10s, and Mr. Nelson of Rowley had a "great copper" that was 


inventoried at £10 sterlinjy. The family washinfi', soap-making, 
candle-dipping and daily cookery, no douljt, recpiired them all. 
A copper baking-pan, a great brass pan, spits for roasts, 
iron dripping pans to catch the juices, gridirons and frying- 
pans, an iron peele or shovel for the brick oven, a trivet (a 
three-legged support for hot pans or pots), anfl the indispensa- 
ble warming-pan, were common appendages of this central orb. 
Lesser articles — skimmers, skillets and ladles, chafing dishes 
and posnets, smoothing irons and box irons that were heated 
from within, and sieves covered with haircloth or tiffany, were 
found as well. Upon the open shelves stood the rows of pewter 
plates or platters, and latten or brass ware, all bright and shining 
in the firelight, and upon nails, 

" The porringers that in a row 
Hung high and made a glittering show." 

Trenchers and trays and platters of wood were still common; 
"juggs" and leather bottles found place. Pewter salts, pots, 
bottles, spoons, cups and flagons, candlesticks of pewter or 
iron, spoons of silver or "alchimie," an alloy of brass, were 

The cupboard or shelf bore the books that were foimd in 
almost every family, "the great Bible" and smaller Bibles, the 
Psalm book, some sad volumes of Doctor Preston's or Mr. 
Dike's or Doctor Bifield's theological writings, the "physike 
book" in one instance, and the silver bowl, or other cherished 
remnant of former luxury. For furniture, there were tables and 
frames on which boards were laid and removed, forms or long 
settees, stools and cushions, but only a chair or two, for chairs 
were luxuries then. Other clumsy things, that ought to have 
found place in barn or "leanto," are mentioned so regularly in 
the list of hall or kitchen chattels, that we are compelled to 
think they were really there — the "chirne," and powdering tub, 
as they called the great tub used for salting meats, barrels and 
keelers, cowles for water-carrying and jiails, bucking tubs for 
washing and buckets, beere vessels and sundry articles of un- 
known use, "earthen salts," "cheese-breads," "beekor balke," 
and "hayles." 

Either those halls must have had extraordinary capacity 


for storage, or the occupants must have had scant room in 
luany a house. Queer, confused rooms th(>y Tnust liave l^cnni at 
best, in their i'urnishings and the multitude of (>mi>loyments 
continually going on, as suggested by the imphnnents, the 
spinning and weaving, the sewing and knitting, the washing 
and ironing, cooking and brewing, butter and cheese-making. 
Their garnishings, too, wore quaint. Strings of dried apples 
and corn and fat hams swung in the smoke of the chimney and, 
grim and stern, the ever present fire-arms, ready for use at a 
moment's warning hung ujion the walls. The briefest inven- 
tory includes these. 

Matthew Whipple's "hall," on the corner of Summer and 
County streets, must have been a veritable arscMial. l^pon 
its walls hung three muskets, three pairs of bandoleers, three 
swords and two rests (or crotched sticks, in which the long 
heavy musket barrel was rested while aim was taken), a fowling 
piece, a "costlett," or armor for the breast, a pike and sword, 
a rapier, a halberd and bill. In John Knowlton's "hall," we 
should have found a musket, bandoleers, rest, knapsack, moulds 
and scourer. John Lee, the owner of the land still known as 
Lee's, or Leigh's meadow, on the Argilla road, had a sword and 
belt, pistols and holster, and Luke Heard owned a "pistolctt." 
Head pieces and corselets were not uncommon. John Win- 
throp's kitchen may have been a depot of supply, for it con- 
tained foiu'teen muskets, rests and ])andoleers. 

The frequent mention of candlesticks suggests that candles 
were in conunon use in these first Ipswich homes, yet a more 
primitive method was common in the poorer families at least. 
Higginson tells us how the Salem houses were lighted, at the 
])eginning of the settlement. "Although New England hav(> 
no tallow to make candles of, yet by the abundance of the fish 
thereof, it can afford oil for lamps. Yea, our pine trees that 
are the most plentiful of all wood, doth allow us plenty of 
candles, which are very useful in a house. And they are such 
candles as tho Indians commonly use, having no other, and 
they are nothing else but the wood of the pine tree, cloven in 
two little slices, something thin, which are so full of the moys- 
ture of turpentine and pitch, that they ])m-n as cleere as a 
torch." "Candlowood," is the name of a fine farm district 



of our town today. It assures us that the Ipswich planters 
knew the value of the fat pine strips. "Old lamps/' are some- 
times mentioned, perhaps the open iron or tin cuji with a wick 
lying over one side fed with fish oil, or lamps broniiht with their 
household goods. 

The frugality of the early living is frequently remarked on. 
Felt says, "For more than a century and a half, the most of 
them had pea and bean porridge, or broth, made of the liquor 
of boiled salt meat and pork, and mixed with meal, and some- 
times hasty pudding and milk, both morning and evening." 
But those great spits (Matthew Whipple had fom- that weighed 
together twenty pounds), brass baking pans and dripping pans, 
kettles and pots, gridirons, frying pans and skillets, tell of more 
appetizing fare. The cattle in the stalls and the abounding 
game in forest and sea, furnished the material for substantial 
and generous living for the great majority, we will believe. 
Yet the best spread table would have looked strange to vis. 
Wooden plates, sometimes a square bit of wood slightly hol- 
lowed or perfectly plain, and platters for the central dish, at 
best dishes and plates of bright pewter; no forks, for forks did 
not attain common use till the later years of the century; no 
coffee or tea, but plenty of home-brewed beer and cider and 
stronger spirits for drinks, — these things seem rude in style and 
deficient in comfort. 

In the parlor, or the "fine-room," surprises await us as 
well. liike the hall, it had its fireplace, and its goodly array 
of hearth furniture, but its furnishings were rarely elegant. 
The most conspicuous article, even in the homes of rich men, 
like Matthew Whipple and John Whittingham, was the best 
bed, of imposing size and stately elegance, with its curtains and 
valance or half curtain, that hung from the cross pieces to the 
floor, and is still in use with ancient bedsteads, — fitted most 
luxuriously with a mat upon the cords, and with beds that 
awake our envy. Matthew Whipple's best feather bed, bolster 
and nine pillows weighed one hundred and six pounds, and 
were valued at £5-6-0. Mr. "Whittingham's parlor bed and 
furnishings were worth £12-0-0, Thomas Barker's of Rowley, 
£13-0-0. What an amount of "solid comfort" is represented 


by an hiuulrod weight of feathors with a warniinp; pan, in those 
bleak Puritan winters! 

'i'he furnishings were ample. Mine host Lumpkin, one of 
the earliest iini-keepers, had two flock beds and two bolsters, in 
addition to the feather bed; also five blankets, one rug and 
one coverlet. Strangely enough, a rug or carpet was a bed 
furnishing and not a floor covering and mention remains of a 
rug for th(> baby's cradle. 

In John Jackson's house, close by the present Methodist 
meeting-house, was "a half-headed bedstead," that rejoiced in 
"an old dornix coverlet," and it had "a side bed for a child." 
Lionel Chute, the schoolmaster, in his East street home, had 
an "old damakell coverlet." Thomas Firman had "damicle 
curtaynes and vallens." A trundle bed was common. Beside 
the l)ed were a table, a "joyned table," as it is called, made with 
turned legs, and "joyned stools," few chairs, but plenty of 
cushions, and a "cushen stoole" occasionally. Whittingham's 
parlor had eleven curtains, and its two windows were adorned 
with curtains and curtain rods, one of the few instances men- 
tioned of which 1 am at present aware. 

In the parlor, too, were the chests, the common strong 
boxes in which they brought their goods and the more elaborate 
ones for storage of bedding and table linen. One chest in 
Whipple's parlor was furnished with a glass and there were 
three simpler ones. These chests were highly prized by their 
owners, and they were important pieces of furniture when the 
closet and modern bureaus and chifToniers had not yet found 
place. Lionel Chute mentions in his will, "all things in my 
chest, and white deep box with the locke and key." We read 
of great chests and small chests, long boarded chests, great 
boarded chests and John Knowlton's "chest with a drawer," 
also of trunks and boxes. Robert Mussey bequeathed his 
daughter Mary in 1642 his home, adjoining that of John Dane 
the elder, "in the West street in the town," also "my best 
Bible," "a great brass pan to be reserved for her until she 
comes of years." and "the broad box with all her mother's 
wearing linen." 

The "cubbered" as it was spelled, was common, and it bore 


a "cubbered clothe" "laced" or "fringed." In some of the 
finest houses there was a clock, valued at £1 in Matthew 
Whipple's, £2 in Thomas Nelson's of Rowley. In Whipple's 
parlor, too, there was "a stanicll bearing cloth;" and a "baize 
bearing cloth." This was used, it has been affirmed, for wrap- 
ping babies, when carried to baptism, and Puritan babies in- 
variably went to church on the first Sunday after birth. On 
January 22, 1694, Judge Sewall records — "A very extraordinary 
storm by reason of the falling and driving of the snow. Few 
women could get to meeting. A child named Alexander was 
baptized in the afternoon." I fancy that many wee new-born 
children may have been taken to that hospital)le fireside, before 
and after the baptism in the icy cold meeting house, and those 
bearing cloths may have been a kind of public property, and 
often seen in the first house of worship, for Whipple died the 
year the old house was sold, 1646. 

The famil}^ still for extracting the fragrant oil from rose 
leaves and the medicinal virtues from roots and herbs found 
place in the stately Whittingham parlor; and in Cliles Badger's 
of Newbury there were a "glass bowl, beaker and jugg," the 
only suggestion of toilet convenience which I remember. A 
case of glass bottles now and then is mentioned. 

But of pictures for the wall and carpets for the floor, and 
the ornaments now deemed essential for parlor adornings, 
there were few. The finest Puritan parlor of these early days 
was only a primitive best bed-room. Indeed, it was not always 
a spare room. Joseph Morse, whose will was probated in 1646, 
bequeathed his son John "the bed and all y'' bedding he lyeth 
on, standing in the parlor." 

Above stairs the sleeping apartments of the family were 
found. For the most part, they were cold and cheerless, mere 
lofts, as the houses were of one story. In one house at least, 
in Rowley, the floor boards were laid so loosely that a person 
above could look down through the cracks and see whatever 
was occurring below, as a witness testified before the court. 
If such wide spacing was common the heat from the hall fire 
would have made the "chamber over the kitchen" the coveted 


lUit iMr. Whittiiifihani's house had a set of fire irons in the 
chamber over the parlor, and this excess of dignity betokens 
more of comfort tlian fell to the common lot. The contents 
of that cliamber are so interesting that they deserve a full 
record as showing how much of luxury even was found in the 
better class of Ii)swich houses of this early period. 

Item A bedstead, two fether beds, curtains, rung, etc £13- 0-0 

" One fether bed, one boulster, two (luilts, two pair 

blankets, one coverlet, and trundlebed, G- 0-0 

" Four trunks, one chest, one box, two chairs, four 

stools, two small trunks, 3- 5-0 

" 9 pieces of plate, 11 spoons 25- 0-0 

" 10 pr. sheets, £8 ten others £4 12-0-0 

" 3 pr. pillow beers 8^ 1- 4-0 

" 3 '• " " 5" 15-0 

" Four table cloths 2-10-0 

" 1 doz. iliaper, 2 doz. flaxen napkins 1-10-0 

" 2 doz. of napkins 12-0 

" the hangings In the chamber, 1-10-0 

" 3 hoUand cupboard cloths 2- 4-0 

" 2 half sheetes 1-10-0 

" 1 diai)er and damask cupboard cloth 1- 0-0 

" one screene 10-0 

" 2 pair cob-iron, 1 pr. tongs 16-0 

" one carpett 3-10-0 

" one pair curtains and vallance 5-0-0 

" one blew coverlet, 1-0-0 

This was a regal room for the times, with its carpet and screen, 
its hangings upon the walls, its rich stor(> of family silver, and 
its sumptuous beds and bed linen. Think of twenty pairs of 
sheets, all spun and woven by hand, and a single bedstead with 
its belongings, worth 13 pounds sterling, more than twice the 
whole value of some of the dwellings of that day! But Shakes- 
peare's will specified the "second best bed" for his wife's por- 
tion, and extraordinary value commonly attached to these 
high-])osted, canopied, curtained structures. Yet this room 
had no looking-glass nor toilet articles, bureau nor case of 
drawers. In the other chamber we find a variety of miscel- 
laneous articles besides the beds and l)e(kling, a saddle, rolls of 
canvas of different value, 10 yds. of French serge, 6 yds. of 


carpeting", reinuants of lioUaud aiul a valuable assortiuent of 
wearing apparel, worth £22, unfortunately for our information, 
with no mention of garments in detail. 

In Matthew Whipple's chamber, there were 7 chiklren's 
blankets, and a pillion cloth and foot stool. At Joseph Morse's, 
the chamber was a store room, where were deposited, as we 
have mentioned: 

20 bushels Indian corn £2- 10-0 

half bushel hemp seede 2-0 

6 small cheeses 2-0 

20 pounds butter 10-0 

" hemp drest and undrest." 10-0 

One other fine interior must be noted — that of Nathaniel 
Rogers — pastor of the church from Feb., lGo8, to 1(355, whose 
residence stood very near the old Baker house, so called, fronting 
on the South Green, and whose house lot reached down to the 
River, and was bounded by Mr. Saltonstall's property on the 
S. W. and Isaac Coming's on the N. E. 

Mr. Rogers died in 1655 leaving an estate, real and personal, 
valued at £1497, a princely fortune in those days. His hall 
contained a small cistern, with other implements, valued at 17s. 
(this was an urn, probably of pewter, for holding water and 
wine, and the "other implements" were wine-glasses perhaps), 
two Spanish platters, of earthen or china ware, very rare at 
that time, a chest and hanging cupboard, a round table with 
five joined stools, six chairs and five cushions. Evidently 
this was a dining room, for the kitchen was a separate room? 
with an elaborate set of pewter dishes, flagons and the like that 
weighed a hundred and fifty pounds, and the usual parapher- 
nalia of cooking utensils including a " jacke" for turning the spit. 

The parlor contained some rare articles, a great chair, two 
pictures, a livery cupboard, a clock and other implements worth 
three pounds, window curtains and rods, and the one solitary 
musical instrument in all the town, so far as early inventories 
show, "a treble violl," by which is meant, it may be supposed, 
a violin. Yet this elegant room had a canopy bed and down 

The chamber furnishings were exceptionally fine. Its bed 


and bc'ddinji were valiKnl at £14-10-0. A single "pcrpetuanny 
coverlot" was appraised at £1-05-0. There was a f;ilt looking 
glass, a "childing wicker basket" for the l:)abies' toilet, perhaps, 
a tal)le basket, and a sumptuous store of linen. A single suit 
of diaper table linen was reckoned at £4. two pair of holland 
sheets at £3-10s., five fine pillow-beeres or cases, £l-15s., and 
goods brought from Old England worth over twenty })ounds. 

In th(> chamber over the hall were a yellow rug, a couch, 
silver i)late worth £35-18s., and the only watch 1 have ever 
found mentioned, valued at £4, in adtlition to the common 
furniture. The study gloried in a library, worth £100-0-0, an 
extraordinary collection of books, revealing scholarly tastes as 
well as a plethoric purse, a cabinet, a desk and two chairs, and 
a jmir of creepers or little fire irons. 

In contrast with the comfort and luxury of these fine homes, 
"the short and simple annals of the poor" would be of deep 
interest. Unfortunately for us, as well as for the humble folk 
themselves, who dwelt in houses sixteen and eighteen feet 
square, their belongings were so few and cheap that an inven- 
tory seemed superfiuous, and we are left largely to our own 
surmising as to how they lived. One glimpse into the humbler 
sort of home is permitted us in the inventory of William Averill. 
His will was entered in 1652. He gave to each of his seven 
children the sum of five shillings, "for my outward estate being 
but small." In his inventory his house and lot were appraised 
at £10, and the furnishings enumerated are: 

1 iron pott, 1 brass pott, 1 frying pan, 4 pewter platters 
1 flagon, 1 iron kettle, 1 brass kettle, I copper, 1 brass 

pan, and some otlier small things, £ i;-17-0 

2 chests, 1 fether bed, 1 other bed, 2 pair of sheets, 2 
holsters, 3 pillows, 2 blankets, 1 coverlid, 1 bedstead, 

and other small linen, 5-10-0 

2 coats and wearing apparel 3-0-0 

a warming |)an 3-0 

a tub, 2 pails, a few books 10-0 

a corslett 1- 0-0 

The total of house, land, cattle and goods was £50. 
He was not desperately i)oor then, but his circimistances 
were somewhat narrow. His family numbered nine souls. 


yet they had but one bedstead, and beds and bedding only 
adequate for this, antl foin- pewter platters for the daily meals. 
How these nine Averills ate and slept would be an entertaining 
story, and a reproof to much discontent. 

In Coffin's History of Newbury I find the following, under 
the date of 1657: "Steven Dow did acknowledge to him it was 
a good while before he could eate his master's food, viz. meate 
and milk, or drinke beer, saying he did not know it was good, 
because he was not used to eat such victuall, but to eate bread 
and water porridge, and to drink water." No doubt many a 
family of the poorer sort lived as frugally as he. 

The house of John Winthrop, jun., who led the little band 
of settlers to our town in 1633, is the most interesting of the 
earliest homes. "An Inventorie of Mr. Winthropps goods of 
Ipswitch," made by William Clerk, about the year 1636, while 
Mr. Winthrop was in England, has recently come into the posses- 
sion of the Historical Society. Thanks to the carefulness of the 
ancient recorder, we know the contents of every room, and we 
find far less of luxury than Mr. Rogers enjoyed. Indeed, the 
humblest of his fellow-citizens might have felt at home in the 
unpretentious domicile of the excellent young leader. The 
inventory was made at so early a date, moreover, that it gives 
us certain knowledge of the rooms and their furnishings of one 
of the original houses. 

Imp"; In the Cham' oV the parlor 1 feath"^ bed 1 banckett 
1 cov''lett 1 blew rugg 1 boster & 2 pillowes. 
truiick marked with R. W. F. wherein is 
1 mantle of silk wth gld lace 
1 holland tablecloth some 3 yards loung 
1 pr. SSS hoU [twilled holland?] sheets 
1 pillo bear half full of childs liuning, etc." 

5 childs blanketts whereof one is bare million 
1 cushion for a child of chamlett 

1 cours table cloth 3 yards long 

6 cros cloths and 2 gnives? 

9 childs bedds 2 duble clouts 1 p' hoU sleeves 
4 apons whereof 1 is laced 

2 smocks 2 pr sheets 1 napkin 

1 whit square chest wherein is 
1 doz. dyp. [diaper ?] napkins 1 damsk napkin 
1 doz. hoU napkins 


2 doz. & 2 uapkius 
2 cuberil cloths 
II pillow bcares 
II SSS napkius 
2 table cloths 
i towillis 

1 SSS hoU shirt 

2 dyp tow ills 

3 dyp table cloths 

I pf SSS hoU sheets 

I long great chest where in is 
I black gowne tam'y 
I gowne sea greeue 

1 childs baskett 

2 old petticotts I red 1 sand coU"^ serg 
1 pr leath"^ stockins 1 muff 

1 window cushion 

5 (luisliion cases 1 small pillowe 

I peece stript linsy woolsy 

1 pr boddyes 

I tapstry cov''lett 

I peece lininge stuff for curtins 

I red bayes cloake for a woman 

1 pr of sheets 

In the Cham'' ov'" the kychin 

1 fealh''bed I boster I pillowe 2 blanketts 

2 ruggs bl. & w* 

2 floq bedds 5 ruggs 2 bolsters I pillowe 
I broken warming pan 

In the Garrett Cham'" ov'' the Storehouse 
many small things glasses, potts etc. 

In the Parlor 

1 bedsted I trundle bedsted w"» curtains & vallences 

I table & G stooles 

1 miiskett, I small fowleing peece w"* rest and bandeleer 

ff 1 trunk of pewter 

tf 1 cabbinett, wherin the servants say is 

rungs [rings?] iewills I3sil'' spoones this 1 cannot open 

^ I cabbinett of Surgerie 

In the kyttchin 

I brass baking pan 

5 milk pans 

I small pestle & niorter 



1 Steele mill 

14 muskets, rests & bandeleers 

2 iron kettles 2 copp"^ 1 brasse kettle 

1 iron pott 

2 bl jacks 

2 skillitts whertof one is brasse 

4 porrinyors 

1 spitt I grat"^ 

1 p'' racks 1 p"^ aiidirnes 1 old iron rack 

1 iron pole 1 grediron 1 p"^ tongs 

2 brass ladles 1 p"" bellowes 
2 stills w"' bottnras 

In M Wards hands 

1 silv"^ cupp 6 spoones I salt of silver 
In the ware howse 

2 great chests naled upp 

1 cliest 1 trunk w'''> I had ord"" not to open 

1 chest of tooles 

^ 6 coAves a steeres 2 heitters 

# dyv« peeces of iron and Steele 

Mr. Winthrop's wife and infant daughter had died not 
long before, and a pathetic interest attaches to the contents of 
the chests. The trundle bed in the parlor would indicate that 
this had been the family sleeping room. Evidently there were 
but four rooms and the house we can easily imagine was small 
and unassuming. 

A demure Puritan simplicity, we may think, characterized 
the dress of our forefathers. Life in the wilderness may seem 
to harmonize only with coarse and cheap attire, for an age of 
homespun logically admitted of no finery. Such preconcep- 
tions are wide of the truth. Puritan principle required a pro- 
test against current fashion as against religious and social 
usages; but the elegance and expensiveness of both male and 
female dress in Old England had been so great that a goodly 
degree of reaction and repression could find place and yet leave 
no small remnant of goodly and gay attire. Not a few of 
those men and women of old Ipswich came from homes of 
luxury, — Dudley and Bradstreet from the castle home of the 
Earl of Jvincoln; Saltonstall from contact with the nobility in 
his knightly father's house; Winthrop and Whittingham from 


fine fuinily coiiiu'ction.s. Many fair Enfj; custunics found 
place in tlicii' chests and strong boxes that came over the seas, 
antl the ])lain houses and phiiner meeting-house were radiant, 
on Sal)bath da.ys and high days, with l)rigiit cok)rs and fine 

The common dress of men was far more showy than tlie 
fashion of today. A loose-fitting coat, called a doublet, 
reached a little Ijelow the hips. Beneath this, a long, full 
waistcoat was worn. Baggy trousers were met just below the 
knee by long stockings, which were held in ])lace by garters, 
tied with a bow-knot at the side. About the neck, a "falling 
band" found place, a broad, white collar, that api)ears in all 
))ictures of the time; and a hat with conical crown and broad 
brim completed the best attire. A great cloak or heavy long 
coat secm-ed warmth in winter. Their garments were of various 
materials and colors. Unfortunately, wearing apparel is usually 
mentioned in the bulk in inv(>ntories. but occasional specifica- 
tions afford us an idea of the best raiment. 

Mention is made of "a large blew cote" and "a large white 
coat;" of a fine "purple cloth sute, doublett and hose" belonging 
to John Goffe or Goss of Newbury, who also had a short coat, 
a pair of lead-colored breeches, a green doublett, a cloth doublett, 
a leather doublett, also leather and woolen stockings, two hats 
and a cloth cap. The men generally had their rough suits of 
leather and homespun for the farm work, and the delicate cloth- 
ing for special occasions. So we find musk-colored broadcloth 
and damson-colored cloth, cloth grass-green, blue waistcoats 
and green waistcoats, cloth hose, and hose of leather and woolen 
stuff, boots and shoes, black hats, home-made caps, gloves, 
silver buttons, of which John Cross owned three dozen and one, 
and sometimes a gown. 

Of the ladies' wardrobe, I am loath to speak. Certain pop- 
ular pictures of Priscilla at her spinning, and sweet Puritan 
maidens watching the departure of the Mayflower, have pleased 
our fancy, and forthwith we clothe the women of the days of 
old in quaker-like caps and dresses, graceful in their simplicity, 
— nun-like garbs, over which Dame Fashion had no tyranny. 
But the truth be told. 

Widow Jane Kenning, who lived near the corner of Lonev's 


Lane, had for her best array, "a cloth oowne/' worth £2 5s.. 
"a serge gown" vahied at £2, "a red petticoat with two laces," 
appraised at a pound sterling, and lesser ones of serge and para- 
gon, a cloth waistcoat and a linsey woolsey apron. That 
"cloth waistcoat" was no mean affair, I judge. The lawyer, 
Thomas Lechford of Boston, who indulged in a silver-laced 
coat and a gold-wrought cap for himself, records: "Received 
of Mr. Geo. Story, four yards and half a quarter of tuft holland 
to make my wife a wastcoate at 2s. 8d. a yard." Widow Ken- 
ning's was worth 8s. Lechford also enters under date 1640, 
Feb. 1: "I pay'd John Hiu'd [a tailor in Boston], delivered to 
his wife by Sara our niayd, for making my wife's gown, 8s." 
"Tailor made" dresses are not a modern invention, then, and 
if Boston dames were patrons of tailors, the ladies of aristocratic 
Ipswich were not a whit behind. For common wear, blue linen, 
lockram or coarse linen, linsey-woolsey, mohair, a mixture of 
linen and wool, and holland were the common materials. 

Dame Eliz. Lowle of Newbury had her riding suit and muff, 
silver bodkins and gold rings. Some interesting letters to 
Madame Rebekah Symonds, widow of the Deputy Governor, 
from her son by a former marriage in London, in the Antiqua- 
rian papers, reveal these wardrobe secrets. He wrote in 1664 
of sending his mother a "flower satin mantle lined with sarsnet. 
£1 10s., a silver clasp for it, 2s. 6d., cinnamon taffity, 15s., two 
Cambrick whisks with two pare of cuffs, £1" also, in the same 
ship, "a light blew blanket, 200 pins, 1^ yards chamlet, also 
Dod on the Commandments (bound in green plush), also a 
pair of wedding gloves, and my grandmother's funeral ring." 
In 1673, he sent "one ell n of fine bag Holland, 2 yds. | of 
lute-string, a Lawn whiske, wool cards one paire, a Heath 
Brush, 2 Ivorie Combe, ye bord box rest." 

In her sixtieth year, Madam Symonds, keenly alive to the 
demands of fashion, had written her son for a fashionable 
Lawn whiske; but he, anxious to gratify her, yet desirou.- as 
well that his mother should be dressed in strict accord with 
London fashion, replied that the "fashionable Lawn whiske is 
not now worn, either by Gentil or simple, young or old. In- 
stead whereof I have bought a shape and ruffles, which is now 


tho vvaro of tlie <>;ravost as woll as tho yoiino; onos. Such as g,oo 
not with naked necks ware a blaek wifle over it. 'rher(>f()re, 
I have not only Bouo;ht a plaine one yt you .sent for, hut also a 
TiUstre one, such as are most in fashion." 

She had sent for (lanison-coU)red Si)anish k^ath(M- for women's 
shoes. This, he informed her, was wholly out of style and use, 
and "as to the feathered fan, I should also have found in my 
heart, to have let it alone, because none but very orave persons 
(and of them very few) use it. That now 'tis o-j-own almost as 
obsolete as Russets, and more rare to be seen than a yellow 

Nevertheless, to please the exacting leader of the Ipswich 
ton, he sent, with ten yards of silk, and two yards of TiUstre 
"a feather fan and silver handle, two tortois fans, 200 needles, 
5 yds. sky calico, silver gimp, black sarindin cloak, damson 
leather skin, two women's Ivorie knives, etc." 

Madame Symonds was no more addicted to the uttermost 
extreme of fashion than were the women of the first years of the 
settlement and the men themselves, we must confess. It is one 
of the anomalies of history that the most religious of all people, 
as we have come to think them, the Sabbath-keeping, church- 
going Puritans, should have been so far in thraldom to the 
world, the flesh and the devil, that they were guilty of frivolous 
excess in aping the fashions of the mother-land. But so it was. 
In 1634, the love of fine clothes was so notorious, that the 
General Court felt constrained to lament "the greate supflu- 
ous, and unnecessary expences occaconed by reason of some 
newe and imodest fashions, as also the ordinary wearing of 
silver, golde and silk laces, girdles, hat-bands, etc." and ordered 
fortliwith that no person, either man or woman, "shall here- 
after make or buy an appell either woolen, silke or lynnen, 
with any lace in it, silver, golde, silke or threade," under pen- 
alty of forfeiture of such clothes — "also noe ^son, either man 
or woman, shall make or buy any slashed cloathes, other than 
one slash in each sleeve and another in the backes; also all 
cut-works, imbroidered or needle worke, cappes, bands and 
rayles, are forbidden hereafter to be made or worn, under the 
aforesaid penalty." Apparel already in use might be worn 




out, but the immoderate great sleeves, slashed apparel, immod- 
erate great "rayles." long wings, etc., were to be curtailed and 
remodelled more modestly at once. 

In 1639, when our town had been gathering strength six 
years, the fiat again went forth against "women's sleeves more 
than half an ell wide in the widest place, immoderate great 
breches, knots of ryban, broad shoulder bands and rayles, silk 
roses, double ruffes and cuffes, etc." Sleeves were a target 
for Shakespeare's wit. 

"What, this a sleeve? 

There's snip, and nip; and out and slish and slash, 
Like to a censor in a barber's shop." 

No doubt the women of Ipswich needed admonition in 
these particulars, and some of the men most likely walked 
abroad with their doublet sleeves slashed to display the fine 
linen shirt sleeves beneath, with too large trousers and knots of 
ribbon in their shoes, or wearing boots with flaring tops, nearly 
as large as the brim of a hat, very conspicuous, if made of "white 
russet" leather, as Edward Skinner's in 1641. Perchance they 
dared to wear their hair below the ears, and falling upon the 
neck. The English Roundhead with short, cropped hair, in 
obedience to Paul's injunction, was the ideal of the sterner 
Puritans of our Colony, but there was from the beginning a 
persistent determination by some of the more frivolous sort,to 
wear long hair. Higginson jocosely discovered the origin of 
the fashion in the long lock worn by Indian braves. The 
General Court set its face as a flint against this in 1634. It was a 
burning theme of pulpit address, and the clergy prescribed that 
the hair should by no means lie over the band or doublet collar, 
biit might grow a little below^ the ear in winter for warmth. 

Rev. Nath. Ward, in his Simple Cobler, dispensed wisdom: 
"If it be thought no wisdome in men to distinguish themselves 
in the field by the Scissers, let it be thought no injustice in God 
not to distinguish them by the sword," and "I am sure men 
use not to wear such manes." It was derisively suggested that 
long nails like Nebuchadnezzar's would be next in fashion. 
Rev. Ezekiel Rogers of Rowley was so bitter in his detestation 
of the habit that he cut off his nephew from his inheritance 


becauso of his porsistonco; and in his Election sermon before 
tlie (JiMieral Court, he assaiknl lonfi hair with fiery zeal. 

So enormous was the offence that on May 10, 1649,(Jovernor 
Endieott. Deputy Governor Dudley and seven of the Assistants 
thus declared themselves: "Forasmuch as the wearing of long 
hair after the manner of ruffians and barbarous Indians has 
begun to invade New England, contrary to the rule of God's 
woril, which says it is a shame for a man to wear long hair, etc.. 
We, the magistrates, who have subscribed this paper, (for the 
shewing of our own innocency in this liehalf) do declare and 
manifest our dislike and detestation against the wearing of 
such long hair, as against a thing uncivil and unmanly, whereby 
men doe deforme themselves, and offend sober and modest 
men, and doe corrupt good manners. We doe, therefore, 
earnestly entreat all the elders of this jurisdiction (as often as 
they shall see cause to manifest their zeal against it in their pub- 
lic administration) to take care that the members of their re- 
spective churches be not defiled therewith; that so such as 
shall prove obstinate and will not reforme themselves, may 
have God and man to witness against them." 

Some gay-plumed ladies of his Ipswich church may have 
been in his mind, when grim Mr. Ward discharged himself of 
his ill-humor against the sex, affirming "When I heare a nu- 
giperous Gentle-dame inquire what dress the Queen is in this 
week, what the nudius tertian of the Court, I look at her as the 
very gizzard of a trifle, the product of a quarter of a cypher, the 
epitome of nothing, fitter to be kickt, if she were of a kickable 
substance, than either honored or humored." 

"To speak moderately, I truly confess it is beyond the ken 
of my understanding to conceive, how those women should 
have any true grace or valuable vertue, that have so little wit 
as to disfigure themselves with such exotick garbs, as not only 
dismantles their native lovely lustre, but transclouts them 
into gant bar-geese, ill-shapen. shotten shell-fish, Egyptian 
hieroglyphics, or at the best into French flurts of the pastry, 
which a proper English woman should scorn with her heels. 
It is no marvel they wear drailes on the hinder part of their 
heads, having nothing as it seems in the fore-part but a few 


Squirrel brains to help them frisk from one ill-favor'cl fortune 
to another." 

His indignation against tailors for lending their art to clothe 
women in French fashions was intense: "It is a more common 
than convenient saying that nine Taylors make a man ; it were 
well if nineteene could make a woman to her minde; if Taylors 
were men indeed, well furnished but with meer morall principles, 
they would disdain to be led about like apes, by such mimick 
Marmosets. It is a most imworthy thing for men that have 
bones in them to spend their lives in making fidle-cases for 
futilous women's phansies; which are the very pettitoes of in- 
fermity, the gyblets of perquisquilian toyes." 

Ridicule, precept and statute law were alike powerless to 
check this over-elegance. Again, in 1651, the General Court 
repeated its "^greife . . . that intollerable excesse and 
bravery hath crept in upon us, and especially amongst people 
of meane condition, to the dishonor of God, the scandall of its 
professors, the consumption of estates, and altogether unsute- 
able to our povertie." Hence it proceeded to declare its "utter 
detestation and dislike that men or women of mean condition, 
educations and callings should take upon them the garb of 
gentlemen by the wearing of gold and silver lace, or buttons, 
or poynts at their knees, to walke in greate bootes, or women of 
the same ranke to wear silke or tiffany hoodes or scarfes, which 
though allowable to persons of greater estate or more liberal 
education, yet we cannot but judge intollerable in person of 
such like condition." 

So, at last, it was ordered that no person whose visible 
estate did not exceed £200 should wear such buttons or gold 
or silver lace, or any bone lace above 2s. per yard or silk hoods 
or scarfs, upon penalty of 10s. for each offence. Magistrates and 
their families, military officers, soldiers in time of service, or 
any whose education or employments were above the ordinarv 
were excepted from the operation of this law. 

The judicial powers were in grim earnest, and at the March 
term of the Quarter Sessions Court, in Ipswich, some of her 
gentle folk felt the power of the law. 

Ruth Haffield, daughter of the widow whose farm was near 
the bridge, still called "HafReld's," was "presented" as the 


legal })hrasc is, for oxcoss in apparel, but iijx)!! the affidavit of 
Richard Coy, that her inotlKM- was worth £200 she was dis- 
eharKod. Georfje I'almer was fined 10s. and fees for wearing 
silver lace. Sanuiel Broeklebank, taxed with the same offence, 
was discharged. The vvif(^ of .John Hutchings was called to 
account shortly after for wearing a silk hood, but she proved 
that she had been brought up above the ordinary rank and was 
discharged. John Whipple made it evident that he was worth 
the recpiisite £200 and his good wife escaped. Anthony Potter, 
Richard Brabrook, Thomas Harris, Thomas Maybe and Edward 
Brown were all called upon to justify their wives' finery. 

In 1659 the daughter of Humphrey Griffin presumed to 
indulge in a silk scarf, and her father was fined 10s. and court 
fees. John Kimball was able to prove his pecuniary ability 
and his wife wore her silk scarf henceforth unquestioned. As 
late as 1675, Arthur Abbott, who is mentioned as the be^arer of 
fine dress goods from Madame Symonds's son in London, and 
who very naturally may have brought his good wife some finery 
from the London shops, was obliged to pay his 10s. for his 
wife's public wearing of a silk hood. Benedict Pulcipher for his 
wife, Haniell Bosworth for his two daughters, John Kindrick, 
Thomas Knowlton and Obadiah Bridges for their wives' over 
dress, were called to account before judge and jury. 

The middle of the century found one of the most whimsical 
and extraordinary fashions in vogue in England, and New 
England was infected as well, we presume. Ladies decorated 
their faces with court-plaster, cut in fantastic shapes. Bulwer, 
in his "Artificial Changeling," published in 1650, in England, 
speaking of these patches says "some fill their visage full of 
them," and he describes the shapes one fine lady delighted to 
wear: "a coach with a coachman and two horses with postilions 
on her forehead, a crescent under each eye, a star on one side 
of her mouth, a plain circular patch on her chin." 

In "Wit Restored," a poem printed in 1658: 

"Her patches are of every cut 
For pimples and for scars ; 
Here's all the wanderinsj planets' signs 
And some of the fixed stars, 
Already gummed to make them stick. 
They need no other sky." 


As the century waned, the offence of wearing lono- hair paled 
into insignificance beside the unspeakal^le sin of wearing wigs. 
Hap])ily, or unhappily, as the point of view varies, the ministers 
could not agree in this. The portrait of Rev. John Wilson, of 
Boston, who died in 1667, presents him wearing a full wig, 
and many of the clergy were addicted to the same head-gear; 
but pul)lic sentiment was strong against the fashion, and the 
rieneral Court in 1675, condemned "the practise of men's wear- 
ing their own or other's hair made into periwigs." Judge Sewall 
alludes to the hated custom with spiteful brevity in his Diary. 

.q685— Sept. 16. Three admitted to the church. Two wore periwigs.'- 
.ilG97— Mr. Noyes of Salem wrote a treatise on periwigs." 
.il708— Aug. 20. Mr. Cheever died. The welfare of the province was 
much upon his heart. He abominated periwigs." 

The Judge felt such extreme virulence toward these " Horrid 
Bushes of Vanity," that he would not sit under the ministra- 
tions of his own pastor, who had cut off his hair and donned a 
wig, but worshipped elsewhere. 

In our neighbor town of Newbury, the clerical wig was so 
much an affront that, in 1752, Richard Bartlett was taken to 
task for refusing to commune with the chiu'ch because the pastor 
wore a wig, and because the church justified him in it, and also 
for that "he sticks not from time to time to assert with the 
greatest assurance that all who wear wigs, unless they repent of 
that particular sin before they die, will certainly l)e damned, 
which we judge to be a piece of uncharitable and sinful rash- 

But the battle was already lost. In 1722, here in Ipswich 
just about on the site of the Seminary building, Patrick 
Farrin, chirurgeon, boldly hung out his sign, "periwig-maker" 
and the gentlemen of Ipswich could have their wigs and keep 
then curled, powdered and frizzled as fashion required. 

Women, too, were given to marvellous coiffures. Cotton 
Mather apostrophized the erring sex in 1683— "Will not the 
haughty daughters of Zion refrain their pride in apparel? Will 
they lay out their hair, and wear their false locks, their borders 
and towers like comets about their heads?" They were called 
"apes of Fancy, friziling and curlying of their hayr." They 
had fallen far away from the Puritan "bangs" to which Hig- 


o;insoii alliulos in his comment on tlie Indians. "Thoir hair 
is gciu'rally black and cnt l)(>fore like our gentlewomen." Then, 
their hair was built aloft and extended out "like butterfly 
wings over the ears." "False locks were set on wyers to make 
them stand at a distance from the head." A bill is mentioned 
by Felt, as contracted in this town in 1697 "for wire and catgut 
in making up attire for the head." 

But legal restriction of dress was at an end. The whim of 
the wearer, and the state of the purse, henceforth determined 
the fashion of head dress and raiment. 



The little colony of a dozen souls became at once a con- 
spicuous center of light and influence. The leader, John Win- 
throp, eldest son of the Governor, gave great prestige.' He 
had been a student of Trinity College, Dublin, and after a course 
of legal study had been admitted a barrister of the Inner Tem- 
ple, February 28, 1624-5. A few years later he entered the 
navy and served with the fleet under the Duke of Buckingham, 
for the relief of the French Protestants of La Rochelle. He 
spent more than a year in foreign travel. Cultured and com- 
panionable, he drew about him by the force of his personality 
that group of eminent men, which made Ipswich a town of 
rare quality. 

One of the earliest arrivals was Nathaniel Ward, the first of 
the long line of eminent ministers. Thomas Parker had 
served the church for a few months, but had removed with his 
company to Newbury, and his residence seemed to have been 
regarded as temporary. 

"Perhaps no other Englishman who came to America in 
those days brought with him more of the ripeness that is born' 
not only of time and study but of distinguished early associa- 
tions, extensive travel in foreign lands, and varied professional 
experience at home. He was graduated at Emmanuel College. 
Cambridge, in 1603, and is named by Fuller among the learned 
writers of that college who were not fellows. . . . His per- 
sonal and professional standing may be partly inferred from his 
acquaintance with Sir Francis Bacon, with Archbishop Usher, 
and with the famous theologian of Heidelberg, David Parens. "^ 
He chose the law as his profession and became a barrister in 1615, 
but while travelling on the Continent, he was so much influenced 
by the advice of Parens, that he decided to enter the ministry. 

1 See "A Sketch of John Winthrop the Younger," I'ublications of the Ipswich His- 
torical Society, vii. 

' M. C. Tyler, "History of Americitn Literature", vol. I, p. 2i7. 



though he wa.s then about forty years old. He became rector 
at Htoiidou Massey in Essex. His uiiconiproniising Puritanism 
brou<i;ht him into sharp conflict with the ruling powers. He 
refused to subscribe to the articles estal)lish(xl by the Canon of 
the Church, and condemned the "Book of .Sports" and the 
practice of bowing at the name of Jesus. Sunnnoned before 
Archbishop Laud, he refused to conform and was roughly ex- 
conununicatcd in 1633. His wife died at about the same time, 
leaving two sons and a daughter. Lonely, sorrowful, desi)airing 
of any asylum or field of usefulness in England, in common 
with multitudes of Puritans, he turned to the New World and. 
witli iiis family, in the sixty-fourth year of his age, landed in 
1034. He spent his first winter in Ipswich in Mr. Winthrojj's 
house,' as Winthrop had gone to England upon the death of his 
wife in the autunm, but during the next year proljably, took 
uj) his residence in his own home, somewhere on the eastern side 
of the South Common. The house was standing in Cotton 
Mather's time, and he says that Ward had inscribed over the 
fireplace, the Tiatin legend, "Sobrie, juste, pie" (soberly, 
justly, piously) and afterward, ' 'laete" (gladly). Sober, indeed, 
was the life of the Cambridge scholar in those years, amid the 
privations of the wilderness life. "I intreate you," he wrote 
jmthetically to the younger Winthrop when a shipload of pro- 
visions had arrived, "to do so much as to speake to him (Mr. 
Coddington) in my name, to reserve some meale and malt, and 
what victuals else he thinks meete, till our River be open ; our 
church will pay him duely for it. I am very destitute; I have 
not above 6 bushells of corn left, and other things answerable."^ 
"I acknowledge," he wrote again to Mr. Winthrop, "I am ten- 
der and more unfit for solitariness and hardship than some 
other, especially at this tyme, through many colds and seeds of 
th(; bay sicknesses I brought from thence." His health became 
impaired and in a few years he gave up the work of the min- 
istry, but turned with vigor to other tasks of great importance. 
In the year 1638 he was requested by the colony to draw up a 
code of laws, as no written statutes had yet been fornnilated. 
He was fittetl for this task above any other man in tlie Colony 

■ U. C. Winthrop. liifc and Letters of .lolin Wiiitliro)), voL ii, \> l-.>6. 
'- Miiss. Hist. Sec. Collec. series 4, voL vii, pp. 24-26. 


by his legal learnino;^ his lonjj; familiarity with the legal systems 
of the Old World and his mature age. 

He spent three years in this work, and the result of his 
labors was a code of one hundred laws, which was submitted 
to the judgment of the General Court, discussed in every town, 
and finally adopted in 1641. John Cotton was associated 
with him nominally, but Governor Winthrop speaks of the 
code, "as composed by Mr. Nathaniel Ward,"' and it has been 
generally recognized as his work.^ "The Body of Liberties,'? 
as it was called, has challenged the admiration of many acute 
students. Speaking of the Preamble, Mr. W. F. Poole observes:^ 

"This sublime declaration standing at the head of the first 
Code of Laws in New England was the production of no common 
intellect. It has the movement and the dignity of a mind like 
John Milton's or Algernon Sidney's, and its theory of govern- 
ment was far in advance of the age. A bold avowal of the 
rights of man, and a plea for popular freedom, it contains the 
germs of the memorable declaration of July 4, 1776." 

Dr. Francis C. Gray'* remarks upon the originality of this 
Code, "although it retains some strong traces of the times, it 
is, in the main, far in advance of them, and in several respects 
in advance of the Common Law of England at this day (1818)." 
"It shows, that our ancestors, "he continues, "instead of de- 
ducing their laws from the books of Moses, established at the 
outset a code of fundamental principles, which taken as a whole, 
for wisdom, equity and adaptation to the wants of their com- 
munity, challenge a comparison with any similar production 
from Magna Charta itself to the latest Bill of Rights that has 
been put forth in Europe or America." 

This great work was followed by another, of different char- 
acter, but of unique and imperishable renown, the famous 
satire, "The Simple Cobler of Aggawam." It was published in 
England in 1646, and attained immediate success. Four edi- 
tions were called for before the year closed. Its pungent criti- 

1 Winthrop's History of New Enfrlaiid, voL II, 1st ed. p. .55; 2nd ed. p. 66. 

« "Remarks on the early Laws of Massachusetts P.ay, with the Code adopted in 
1641 and called the Body of Liberties, l)y F. C. Gray, LL.D. Mass. Hist. Soc. Col- 
lee, series 3, viii, 191." 

■•> Introduction to his edition of .Johnsons Wonder Working Providence, page Ixv. 

■* Maes. Hist. Soc.'CoUectious, aeries 3, viii, p. 199. 

48 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. its orif^inality of thought, its striking vo('abiilaiy, more 
rugged and individual than Carlyle's, made it a j^ioneer work 
ill that (lei)artment of Hterature.' 

In the year following the beginning of Mr. Ward's ministry, 
a welcome addition to the settlement was made, when Richard 
Saltonstall, eldest son of Sir Richard, conspicuous for wealth 
and highest social standing, chose this town for his home. He 
was oidy twenty-five years old, but had already graduated 
from Ennnanuel College. With him came his young wife, Mericl 
or Muriel Gurdon, only twenty-two years old, and the baby 
Muriel of nine months. The old minister was more than glad, 
we are sure, when Saltonstall built his house only a few rods 
away, somewhere on the sightly fourteen acres, that bordered 
on the Green, the Highway, and the River, not far from the 
ancient Mcjrrifield house. 

Hie community honored young Saltonstall at once with 
responsible public office. He was elected Deputy to the Gen- 
eral Court, and in 1636, was appointed to hold court in Ipswich. 
He was chosen Assistant in 1637, and was re-elected annually 
until 1649. In March, 1635-6, the General Court passed an 
order providing that a certain number of magistrates should 
be elected for a life term as a standing council. The measure 
proved unpopular. The people saw in it an irresponsible body, 
the existence of which was wholly contrary to democratic ideas. 

Some action was taken by the Court looking toward its 
dissolution, but the Council still remained. Whereupon, Mr. 
Saltonstall, then an Assistant, with fair prospect of becoming a 
member of this life board, wrote a book, in which he argued 
with much force that it was contrary to the Charter and a sinful 
innovation. The book gave great offence, and many demanded 
that summary punishment be visited upon its author, but the 
book was rc^ferrcd to the elders. They all met in Ipswich on the 
18th of October, 1642, differed much in their judgment about 
it. but acknowledged the soundness of the propositions ad- 

Again in 1645, single-handed and alone, he lifted up his 
voice like a trumpet in the Great and General Court, when Capt. 

' See an excellent review of this work in M. C. Tyler's History of American Liter 
ature, vol. 1, page 228. . . . 


James Smith, master of the ship Rainbow, brought into the 
country two negroes kidnapped from the Guinea coast. He 
denounced the heinous act of steaHng these poor l)lacks, as con- 
trary to the Law of God and of the country, demanded that 
the officers of the ship be imprisoned, and addressed a petition, 
signed by himself ah)ne, praying that the slaves be returned at 
the public expense. Mr. Saltonstall lived to be an old man, full 
of honors, but nothing gives such lustre to his name as this 
strong blow for the emancipation of these two African slaves.' 

That same year, 1635, saw the incoming of another family 
of great distinction. Gov. Thomas Dudley, having retired 
from the chief magistracy in May, 1635, removed from Cam- 
bridge and took up his home in Ipswich. He had distinguished 
himself as a man of affairs in Cld England, and brought wealth 
and reputation to the Colony. He was made Dei)uty Governor 
before the ship sailed, and continued in that office until 1634, 
when he was chosen Governor. He was in his sixtieth year, and 
a notable family circle had grown up about him. His daughter 
Ann had married Simon Bradstreet, and Patience had married 
Daniel Denison. Both sons-in-law accompanied him or soon 
followed, already men of weight, and destined to play a great 
part in the history of the colony. Denison took rank at once 
with the most conpicuous citizens. He was chosen Deputy 
to the General Co-urt the same year he arrived, and continued 
in public office all his life, as Justice of the lower Court, 
Assistant, and leader in political affairs. He was the one 
skilled soldier as well, and became the military leader of the 
Town and eventually of the Colony. Samuel Symonds soon 
arrived, a man of most lovable spirit, and a sharer with Deni- 
son in all political and judicial distinctions. He began his 
public career with the offices of Town Clerk and Deputy, but 
died while holding the high place of Deputy Governor. The 
careers of these men were inwoven with the history of our 
Town, and will be unfolded as later events claim our notice. 

Rev. John Norton^ came as associate to Mr. Ward near the 
close of his ministry. He was then thirty-two years old, and 
had gained already a reputation for extraordinary scholarship, 

> Bonii's History of Watertown, ]>. 91") and foUowinff. 
2 Cotton Mathcr'ti Magnalia, p. 32, ed. of 1772. 


and .urcat acutcness in the()l()<j;ical controversies. He became 
tile Teacher of tlie Ipswicli ciiurcli, and Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, 
liis senior by eight years, was ordained as Pastor on Feb. 20, 
lOoS. Cotton Mather wrote in his Eulogy of Mr. Rogers in the 
Magnalia: "Here was a Renowned Church consisting mostly 
of such illuminated Christians, that their Pastors in the Exercise 
of (heir Ministry, might (as Jerome said of that brave woman, 
Marcella) Sentire se non tarn Discipiilos habere quam Judiccs 
(f(H>l that they had Judges rather than Disciples). His Collegue 
here was the celebrious Norton, and glorious was the Church of 
Ipswich now, in two such extraordinary persons, with their 
different Gifts, but united Hearts, carrying on the Concerns of 
the Lord's kingdom in it!"' 

Mr. Rogers built his house near the "Gables" on the west 
sid(> of the South Green, the third graduate of Emmanuel College 
to make his home in this favored neighborhood. Mr. Norton 
purchased Mr. Fawn's house on East Street, on the site of the 
Foster Russell house, a little way from Mr. Winthrop's. Other 
men of sterling quality came: Samuel A}:)})leton from l^ittle 
Waldingfield. with his two sons, John and Samuel, destined 
for conspicuous careers; Robert Payne, the Polder of the Church, 
the generous friend of education; John Cogswell, the London 
merchant, and many others. 

This extraordinary circle of cultured and conspicuous set- 
tlers did not remain long unbroken. Mr. Winthrop returned 
from England in 1635 with a commission from Lords Say and 
Brook to begin a plantation in Connecticut, and he began active 
preparations in November, 1635. to build a fort at Say brook. 
His townsmen were greatly grieved at his prospective departure, 
and Mr. Ward wrote him a noteworthy and pathetic letter 
praying him to continue in Ipswich.^ He did not remove 
permanently, however. In the summer of 1637, fresh occasion 
of disquiet arose, from the report that he was to be a]:)pointed 
Connnander of the Castle at Boston, and a petition of remon- 
strance to the Governor and Councillors was drawn up and 
signed by Richard Saltonstall, Nath'. Ward, John Norton, Daniel 
D(Miison, Samuel Appleton, and more than fifty other citi- 
zens. This is dated June 21, 1637. 

' Magiiiilia, p. 107. 

- The letter in full is in tlie Sketch of Jolin Wiuthrop the Younger, p. 19. 

Transcription of the petition of remonstrance against tlie 

departure of John Winthrop Jr. Page 50. 

(First page.) 

To our much honored Gov -S; Counsello'"' aft Boston, these. 

Our humble duties & respects premised: understanding there 
is an Intention to call JVP Winthrop Jun from us & to remitt the 
Custody of the Castle to him, we could not, out of the entire affection 
we beare to him & liis welfare, but become earnest petitioner* to your 
worship' that you would not deprive our Church & Towne of one 
whose pi'esence is so gratefuU & usefuU to us. It was for his sake 
that many of us came to this place & w*''out liim we should not have 
come. His abode with us hath made our abode here much more 
comfortable than otherwise it would have bene. M'' Dudley's leav- 
ing us hath made us much more desolate & weake than we were, & 
if we should loose anoth"" magistrate it would be too great a grief to 
us & breach upon us, & not a magistrate only but our Lieutenant 
Colonell so beloved of our Soldiou"'" & military men that this remote 
Corner would be left destitute & desolate. Neith"" can we conceive 
but that this removall from us will much prejudice & unsettle him ; 
the place he is chosen unto we feare will neith'' mayntaine him & his 
company comfortably nor prove certaine to him, but upon sund ray 
occasions mutable. It would be very uncomfortable to him, as we 
suppose, to live upon others maintenace, or to neglect that portion 
of land & love which God hath given him amongst us. The improvall 
of his estate here we hope wDl prove a better & surer support then a 
yearly stipend from the country, w'='' hath groaned much under the 
burthen of that Fort already. We find his affections great & con- 
stant to our Towne & we hope ours shall never faile towards him & 
his. We therefore humbly beseech you that we may still in joy him, 
& that you would not expose him to so solitary a life & a place where 
we hope there wiU not be much use of him ; nor us to the losse & want 
of one so much desired of us. The distance we are sett in hath made 
us earnest for the company of able men & as loath to loose them 
when we have obtained them. 

Thus hoping you wiU please to consider & tender our condition, 
we humlily take our leaves, resting 

You"^ worp* in all due serviss. 

June 21,1637. 


Nath"- Waroe. 
John Norton. 



^^yJTf 2/ 7^)^' 


tin -K"'''! 


Ki A)c^ S'«i^v« 

(Second page of petition.) 



Joseph Morse, 

Christopher Osgood. 
f John Perkins, Jouner. 

Richard Jacob. 
— Philip Fowler. 

WiLLLAM Goodhue. 

Roger Lanckton. 

Thomas Dorman. 

Joseph Medcalpb. 

Thomas Borman. 

John Webster. 

Robert Lord. 

Thomas Wells. 

John Gassett. 

John Coggswell, 

Humfrie Brodstree. 

Thomas Cooke. 

Heughe Sherratt. 

Edward Katcham. 

Thomas Clark. 

John Gage. 

William Barthollmew 
,Micaell Catherite. 

Henri Pinnder. 

Samuell Sharman. 

Jhon Jhonson. 

Thomas French. 


W: Hubbard. 

Jonathan Wade. 

William White. 

John Pirkines, Senar. 

George Car. 

John Tuttell. 

Richard Haffield. 

George Giddings. 

Edward Gardner. 

John Satchwell. 

John Saunders. 

John Severnes. 

Antony Colby. 

Robert Mussy, 

John Peekins. 

Nathaniell Bishop. 

John Coventun. 

Allen Perlby. 

John Procter. 

Thomas Howlitt. 

William Fuller. 

Alexander Knight. 

Thomas Hardy. 


^1 ^^(^ '-^y^St-^- r 



'^^5^^,f -■^'#rx)«f«d■ 


(Third page of petition.) 

Some of us that are members of the Church at Boston are bold 
to olayme this promise from M' Winthrop for whome we write, that 
if we would come hith"" w"^ him he would not forsake us but live & die 
w*'^ us. Upon these promises we came w*^ him to beginn this plan- 
tation, and they were made to us upon the proposall of our feares 
that when we were drawne hith' he should be called away from us. 
And we both desire and hope that they might be alwayes remem- 
bered & pformed. 

it ~ 






"We could not," it declares, ''out of the entire affection we 
beare to him & his welfare, but become earn(\st petitioner'' to 
your worship- that you would not deprive our Church & Towne 
of one whose presence is so gratefull & usefull to us. It was 
for his sake that many of us came to this place & w"'()ut him 
we should not have come. His abode with us hath nuide our 
abode here much more comfortable than otherwise it would 
have bene. Mr. Dudley's leaving us hath made us much more 
desolate & weake than we were, tt if we should loose anoth'' 
magistrate it would be too great a grief to us & breach upon 
us, & not a magistrate only but our Lieutenant Colonell so 
beloved of our Soldiou'"'* & military men that this remote Corner 
would be left destitute & desolate." 

In the following January the Town granted him Castle Hill 
and all meadow and marsh lying within the creeke, ''provided 
y he lives in the Towne and that the Towne may have what 
they shall need for the building of a Fort."' But during the 
year 1639, he seems to have removed his domicile,- and the 
allusion to Mr. Dudley in the petition indicates that he also 
had removed at that date. 

Mr. Saltonstall made repeated and prolonged visits to 
England, but he had part in one very interesting public matter, 
which must always be associated with the choice neighborhood 
about the South Green. The Frenchman, La Tour, arrived in 
Boston in 1643, and sought of Governor Winthrop help against 
his rival. D'Aulnay, who had blockaded the St. John River. 
Winthrop permitted him to hire four ships and a pinnace and 
sail away. This act roused severe criticism, and on the day 
the little fleet sailed, a vigorous written protest was handed the 
Governor, signed by Saltonstall, Ward and Nathaniel Rogers, 
John Norton and Simon Bradstreet, and Rev. Ezekiel Rogers 
of Rowley. Dr. Palfray finds Ward's hand in the pungent ut- 
terance, others attribute it to Saltonstall as the prime mover in 
the enterprise. Be that as it may, it was an Ipswich Protest, 
and is so styled in the records of the time. 

In one of these houses about our Common, the Ipswich 
clergy and magistrates may have taken deep counsel together 
and drafted this historic document. Winthrop failed of re- 

• Town Records. 

* Sketch of John Wlntliroi) the Younger, p. '26. 


ck'ction and Dudley was chosen Governor. But this trouble- 
some Freneli business was not easily settled. In 1645, a com- 
mission was appointed and authorized to search out the whole 
truth, but the same Court granted La Tour liberty to arm and 
equip seven vessels, and Mr. tSaltonstall drew up a solenm minor- 
ity protest against such action, Mr. Hathorne alone signing 
with him. No state paper of the period, it is affirmed, excels 
this document in vigor of exi)ression and loftiness of tone. 

While the Body of Liberties and the "Simple Cobler" were 
being written in the humble home of Ward, a gentler Muse was 
moving the soul of the young wife and mother, Ann Bradstreet. 
No professional poet had yet arisen in the new Colony. Some 
metrical Psalms and hymns of singularly unmusical character 
had been composed for the services of public worship, but 
Poetry as a fine Art was doubtless reckoned an abomination- 
The writings of William Shakspeare were held in abhorrence, as 
the embodiment of that light and frothy spirit, which rejoiced 
in the drama and the dance, and all other worldly frivolities. But 
Ann Bradstreet had breathed the air of culture in the old coun- 
try, and her father's ample library contained the best books 
that were admissible in a Puritan household. There she found 
no doubt the works of the French Guillaume du Bartas, a poet 
now wholly forgotten, but who enjoyed a great reputation in 
our early colonial times. His chief poem, ''The Divine Weeks 
and Works," was a metrical version of the story of the Creation 
and the early history of the Jews. It achieved extraordinary 
popularity, running to thirty editions in six years, though its 
style is barbarous, judged by canons of modern judgment. Its 
pious theme commended it to the sternest Puritans, and Ann 
Bradstreet was allowed to feast upon its sweets. She was 
moved to write, and we may count it a necessity of genius. She 
was married when she was only a girl of sixteen ; she was only 
twenty-three and a family of children already recpiircd much 
of her when she came to Ipswich to establish a new home in the 
wilderness, with its burdensome routine of laborious house- 
work. She w^as of delicate health withal. Nevertheless, 
this young wife had presumed to write a poem as early as 1632, 
when she was twenty A^'ars old, and after she had setthnl into 
her new I])swich home, she burst into song, which surprised and 


charmed hor generation. Poem after poem fell from her facile 
pen during those eight or nine years of her Ipswich life. Her 
"Elegy upon Sir Philip Sidney" bears the date, 1638. "In 
Honor of dii Bartas" was written in 1641. The Dialogue be- 
tween Old England and New England was composed in 1642, 
and the poem in honor of Queen Elizabeth in 1643. Her 
longer poems were composed, it is generally believed, during 
this same period,' and when her husband removed his home to 
Andover, her muse grew silent. We need not be surprised. 

Where else than in Ipswich could she have found the genial 
and inspiring surroundings which encouraged her song? Her 
father and mother were next door neighbors for a time. Her 
sister was close at hand. The excellent William Hubbard, 
whose two boys were both to become Harvard graduates, and 
one, Richard, was to marry his boyhood playmate, Sarah Brad- 
street, the second daughter of the Bradstreets, lived within a 
stone's throw. Her brother-in-law, Denison, and Sanuiel 
Symonds, were helpful society. The stern and rasping Nathan- 
iel Ward was so appreciative of her poetical efforts that he wrote 
the preface to the volume of poems she was led to publish in 
1650. He railed most ungallantly against women with their 
"squirrel brains" in his Simple Cobler, but he generously ac- 
knowledged in her praise. 

"It half revives my chil frost-bitten blood, 

To see a Woman once do ought that's good: 

And chode by Chaucer's Bootes and Homer's Furrs, 

Let Men look to't, least Women wear the Spurrs." 

Norton and Rogers may have been no less kindly and praise- 
ful. The Saltonstalls were friends and companions. Keen 
critics, admiring friends, sympathetic neighbors were about 
lier. It was not the loneliness and desolateness of those years 
in Ipswich that drove her to poetry for relief but it was the 
privilege and richness of her life, the fine intellectual atmos- 
phere, the generous recognition of her talent, that inspired her. 
No wonder her pen faltered in the solitude of the Andover farm- 

Her poems are not read today, but the curious student of 

' .John Harvarrl Ellis affirms tliat "all the poems In the first edition, at least, were 
thus apparently written Ijy the time slie waa thirty years old." 


the lit('ratur(> of hvv tini(\ thr inimploclioiis h5niins, the stilted 
and ix'dantie Mas;iia]ia, tho dull, mochaiiieally measured ser- 
mons, the «rotes([U(> and bitter Simple Cobler, will feel in her 
verse, otten dull and laboivd, a singular delicacy and tenderness, 
and a true poetic instinct. It is not hard to imderstand that 
her j)ublished jxicmus should have been held in high regard. 
Her name heads the long list of New T^ngland poets, and her 
genius brought grace and strength no douljt to William E. 
Channing, the })reacher, antl Richard H. Dana, the poet, to the 
orator, Wendell Phillips, and Oliver Wendell Holmes, her 
direct descendants. 

Mr. Ward's son, John, who had been settled as rector of 
Hadleigh in England in 1688, joined his father in 1639, and be- 
came the minister of Haverhill. His younger son, James, 
graduated from Harvard in 1645, and in the following year, 
Mr. Ward and James returned to England. Susan Ward became 
the wife of Dr. Giles Firmin, who lived awhile in Ipswich on or 
near th{> site now occupied by the Parsonage of the South Pai'ish, 
but returned to England and became eminent as a preacher. 

Mr. Norton grew in scholarly reputation as the years passed. 
One William Apollonius of Holland, sent over some "Ques- 
tions" concerning church government in 1644, "whereto the 
ministers of New England unanimously imposed upon Mr. Nor- 
ton the task of drawing up an Answer, which he finished in the 
year 1645. And it was, I suppose, the first Ijatin book that 
ever was written in this country. "^ He had a large place in the 
Synod at Cambridge in 1647, and when there was need of a 
complete refutation of the heresies taught by a book, entitled 
"The Meritorious Price of Man's Redemption," the General 
Court appointed Mr. Norton to draw up a Reply, which he did 
to great acceptance. The renowned John Cotton in his last 
sickness advised that his church should select Mr. Norton as 
his successor. He died in December, 1652, and overtures were 
made at once to Mr. Norton. The Ipswich church made violent 
opposition to his leaving them, and council followed council, 
and eventually the good offices of the General Court were needed 
to secure the transfer of relationship. Cotton Mather dis- 
courses of Mr. Norton in the pulpit : 

"It even Transported the Souls of his Hearers to accompany 

1 Magiialia, Book ill, p. 34. 

Monument with tablets near tlie ATeeting House of t\w 
South Church. 

A lew rods east of tliis spot 

were the dwelling and school iiouse of 

Ezekiel Cheever 

First Master of the Grammar School 

1650 1661 

On the east side of the Common 

was the house of 

Re^^ Nathaniel Ward 

1634 Minister of Ipswich 1637 

author of 

' ' The Simple Cobler of Aggawam ' ' 

compiler of 

The Bodv of Liberties 

The residence of 

Richard Saltonstall 

was on tlie south side of the Common 

and that of 

Rev. Nathaniel Rogers 

Pastor of Ipswich Church 

1638 1655 

was on the west side 


Here stood 

The First Meeting House 

of the 

1747 South Parish 1837 

The Expedition against Quebec 

Benedict Arnold in command 

Aaron Burr m the ranks 

Marched by this spot, Sept. 15, 177' 

Rev. William Hubbard 
Pastor of the Ipswich Church 

1656 — 1704 

Historian of the Indian wars 

lived near the river about 

a hundred rods eastward 

Erected by 
The Ipswich Historical Society 





■■'"'ri'VTt'^-' ■^JS*-^ • 

J '^V'V^ 



him in his devotions, wherein its Graces would make wonderful 
Salleys into the vast Field of Entertainments and Acknowledg- 
ments, with which we are furnished in the New Covenant, for 
our Prayers. I have heard of a Godly Man in Ipswich, who 
after Mr. Norton's going to Boston, would Ordinarly Travel on 
foot from Ipswich to Boston, which is about Thirty miles, for 
nothing but the Weekly Lecture there, and he would profess 
That it was worth a Great Journey, to be a Partaker in one of 
Mr. Norton's Prayers."^ 

Mr. Rogers, the last member of this brilliant group, con- 
tinued his pastorate until 1655. He suffered much in his last 
years from the reproach of his hearers that he did not exert 
himself as he might to prevent the removal of his illustrious 
Associate. His health, never vigorous, was weakened. Cotton 
Mather records, by his disuse of Tobacco, to which he was much 
addicted. He was aware of his approaching end, and having 
blessed the three children of his daughter Margaret, wife of 
Rev. William Hubbard, he uttered his last words, "My Times 
are in thy Hands," and passed away on July 3, 1655. In the 
seventeen years of his ministry, "he went over the Five last 
Chapters of the Epistle to the Ephesians, . . the Twelfth 
Chapter to the Hebrews; the Fourteenth Chapter of Hosea; 
the Doctrine of Self-Denial, and walking with God, and the 
Fifty-third Chapter of Isaiah to the great Satisfaction of all his 
Hearers, with many other subjects more occasionally handled."^ 

' Magnalla, Book ill, p. 40. 

= Magnalia, Book ill, pp 107, 108. 



It was an easy matter, we ima<i;ine, for the little handful of 
original settlers to talk over their affairs and agree on meas\ires 
of public policy. They might have gathered in a body and 
selected a spot for their meeting house, located the earliest roads 
and apportioned themselves home lots and tillage lands. The 
simplest form of pure democracy was adequate to all their 
needs; but, as their number increased, some system of repre- 
sentative government was foimd necessary. 

The first public official appointed was the Clerk. As the Town 
Record begins with November, 1634, the Recorder or Clerk had 
been chosen before that date. The "lot-layers" also appear at 
this time, a Committee to which was referred the delicate task 
of assigning lands: Henry Short, John Perkins, Robert Mussey 
and John Gage. The grants, however, were determined in 
open meeting, and the function of the lot-layers was merely 
to determine locations, and fix "by metes and bounds" the lot 

"The seven men" are first mentioned under the date of Feb. 
20, 1636-7, but they are alluded to in such an incidental way, 
that it would seem that they were already an established feature 
of town polity. This first board of government consisted of 
Mr. John Winthrop, Mr. Bradstreet, Mr. Denison, Goodman 
Perkins, Goodman Scott, John Gage and Mr. Wade, and they 
were chosen to order business for the next three months. Mr. 
Denison was chosen to keep the Town Book, enter the Town 
orders, and "set a copy of them up in ye meeting house." He 
was to keep a record of land grants as well, and a fee of sixpence 
for every entry was granted him. 

But the sturdy democracy seems to have been suspicious of 
detriment to its own power and dignity, accruing from the new 
officials, and forthwith it proceeded to hedge in their author- 


ity by ordorino- that "they shall have no power to grant any 
land in that which is commonly reputed and accounted the 
Cow Pasture, nor above twenty acres in any other place." 
The older board of lot-layers was made to feel its subservience 
to the popular will, l)y the addition of Mr. Appleton, 8erg. 
Howlett, John Perkins and Thos. 8cott to assist them in laying 
out the large grants made to "Mr. Dudley, Mr. Bradstreet and 
Mr. Saltingstall" before the 14th of May 1637. 

"The seven men" seem to have become "the eleven men" 
in January 1637-8, but in 1639, "the seven men" reappear, and 
in Feb. 1640-1, their term of office is specified as six months. 
Mr. Hubbard, Capt. Denison, Jo: Whipple, Good. Giddings, 
Mark Symonds, John Perkins, and Mr. William Payne were 
then chosen "for the Town's business for six months, provided 
that they give noe lands, nor meddle with dividing or stinting 
the Commons." Thus the lengthening of the term of service 
was balanced by curtailing their authority in regard to lands. 
In 1642, further "direction to simplify the Town business" 
was desired, and a conunittee consisting of the two magistrates, 
the elders, Mr. Giles Firman and George Giddings was appointed 
"to prepare for the next meeting of the freemen, what they shall 
think meet for yearly maintenance and for the way of raising 

of it." 

In Feb. 1643-4, Robert Lord was chosen by the Town, 
"from this time forward to be present at every general meeting 
of the Town, and of the freemen and of the seven men, and to 
record in a book what is committed to him by [ ] Moderator 
of every such meeting, and to tend in some convenient time 
before the end of the meeting to read over what is written, and 
he is to have [ ] third parts of the fines for not appearing at 
meetings, for this service." He was termed Recorder, but 
the duties of his office were very similar to those of the Town 
Clerk of later days. 

Glimpses are had here of the rigor with which the body of 
voters directed its own action. In 1648, in general Town 
meeting, it was ordered that all the inhabitants of the Town 
that shall be absent from the yearly meeting, or any other 
whereof they have lawful warning, shall forfeit a shilling. 
Robert Lord earned his two-thirds no donlA, for his duties in- 


cliulocl ringino; the bell, callinp; the roll, and collecting the forfeit. 
Twelve freemen were soon called upon to pay a fine of 12'' a- 
piece for absence. 

In 1643, the tenure of office was extended to a year, and in 
1650, the seven men were called by the familiar name of select- 
men. In that year, the elective officials were Selectmen, two 
Constables, four Surveyors, and a Conunittee of Five "to 
make the elders' rates," or, in plainer language, to apportion 
the tax for the support of the ministry. Mr. Robert Payne 
had been ap])ointed Committee or Treasurer for the Town in 
May, 1642, but it does not seem to have been an annual elective 

Road-surveyors were appointed in January, 1640-1, and 
the men ai)i)ointed to that office were Mr. Hubl^ard, Mr. Sy- 
monds, Mr, Payne, and Robert Andrews, four of the most sub- 
stantial citizens. The roads were hardly more than cart-paths, 
grass-grown, except in the wheelruts. In some localities the 
unused portion of the ])ublic way was sufficiently Inroad to ]iay 
for its own maintenance. Thus, in 1640, "The haye upon 
Chebacco waye toward Labour-in-vain Creeke [now known as 
the Argilla road] was granted John Lee, this year only, the 
land itself being settled for a highway, the Town intending that 
by like grant he shall enjoy it, he giving no cause to the con- 
trary, it remaining in the Town's hand to give or not to give." 

It was also voted, that same year, that "the highway to 
Chebacco beneath Heart-break Hill forever be repayred by the 
benefit of the grass yearly growing upon the same;" and John 
Leigh (whose name is still associated with "Leigh's Meadow," 
as the older people among us still call the meadow land, owned 
by the late George Haskell on the south side of the Argilla 
road) was "to enjoy all profits of the highway, and all the com- 
mon ground lying at the foot of Heart-break Hill, maintaining 
the highway from Rocky Hill [now owned by Mr. Moritz B. 
Philipp], to William Lampson's lot;" "and if there be any 
ground that may conveniently be planted, he hath liberty to 
plant it and secure it for himself, he always leaving a sufficient 
highway for carting and drift." 

Within the memory of a venerable lady still living, Green 
Lane, as Green Street was then called, was a grassy lane with a 


numl^er of different ruts. Travel was chiefly on horseback, 
and the heavy farm teaming was done in two-wheeled carts or 
tumbrils, drawn by oxen. Foiu'-wheeled vehicles were almost 
unknown. In many spots the roads were wet and muddy from 
the outflow of springs. The present Mineral Street, originally 
Dirty Lane, was a proverbially miry thoroughfare, from its 
nearness to the swampy lands, that are still low anrl wet. 
The deep deposit of leaf mould, which had accumulated for ages, 
made it difficult to maintain a passable road in many quarters, 
no doubt. 

To keep these primitive highways in fair condition was no 
mean task in itself. But the highway surveyor had other duties. 
The lines of roadway were not defined with any accuracy. 
It was easy for landholders to push out their fences and claim 
portions of the common highway, and the surveyor was bound 
to detect such encroachments and determine their extent. 
Men of the finest quality were needed for this and other delicate 
tasks, and large powers were given them, as the regulations 
adopted in 1641 indicate: 

1. "Agreed that road-ways and general ways be done first." 

2. "That people work the whole day." 

3. "That defaulters shall forfeit the value of their wages 
double, both carts and workmen: carts to have reasonable 

4. "If any man hath 24 hours warning, it is sufficient, 
unless his excuse be allowed by one of the surveyors." 

5. "All youths above 14 years of age are to work in this 
common business. It is intended such as doe comonly use to 

6. "That the surveyors are to take notice themselves and 
information of others of encroachment of all ways, and also of 
annoyances, etc. — and to bring the same to the Town to be 

7. "For every day's default, the forfeit is in Summer 3M'', 
in Winter 2* &^; for defect of a team each day is in Summer 
13^ 4", in Winter 10^" 

To execute these regulations required much discretion. 
That fifth article alone was enough to involve the unhappy 


surveyor in much difHculty, if he failed to reeojinize the dignity 
of some fourteen-year-old sou of a sensitive family. 

To these responsible duties were adchnl, "makiiisj; up and 
keeping the wall about the Meeting House in repair" (Ki^O), 
and "repairing the highway leading to Chebacco and to Castle 
Neck, that is, beyond that part of the way that John Leigh 
hath undertaken" (1650). They were instructed, in 1651, to 
"appoint a considerable company of men to fell the small wood 
ujion the Eastern side of Jeffries Neck, to prepare it for sowing 
to hay seed;" and in 1653, Mr. Hodges, with one other sur- 
veyor, calling John Perkins Sen. with them, were ordered to 
"call out 40 of the Inhabitants to goe to Jeffry's Neck with 
hoes, to ho(^ up weeds that spoil the Neck and sow some grass 
seeds." The surveyors have power also to call out all the 
Town for one day's work, both men and teams, "to the filling 
u]) of a wharf, and mending the street against it." 

Next to the question of roads and highways, their location, 
bounds and maintenance, was the great matter of the common 
lands, which were held by the householders in common, and 
used for })asturage, and supplies of fuel and timber. This 
was a relic of the ancient system of land-holding in German}'' 
and England, and was reverted to naturally, in the jn-imitive 
colonial life from the necessities of the situation. 

In November, 1634, it was agreed that "the l(>ngth of 
Ipswitch should extend westward unto [ ] buryinge place, 
and Eastward unto a Cove of the River, unto the planting 
ground of John Pirkings the Elder." The cove here mentioned 
is that below the wharves, where East street touches the River; 
John Perkins Sen. owned land on the opposite side of the street. 
I^eyond these limits, the land was held in common. It was 
further specified that "the Neck of land adjoining Mr. Robert 
Coles extending unto the sea shall remayne for common use unto 
the Town forever." This may mean Manning's Neck, or Jef- 
frey's, or even both. "The Neck(> of land, whereupon the Great 
Hill standeth, w'ch is known by the name of Castle Hill," 
was likewise reserved. This vote, however, was revoked when 
Castle Hill was granted Mr. John Winthrop Jan. 13, 1637-8 
"provided that he lives in the Town, and that the Town may 
have what they shall need for the building of a fort." 

devkl()PMf:nt of ouk town covernment. 61 

To define this coinnion laiul, and separate it effectually from 
the Town proper, a fence was necessary, and the Town voted 
in January, 1637-8 "that a general fence shall be made from 
the end of the town to Egypt River, with a sufficient fence, and 
also from the East end of the Town in the way to Jeffries Neck, 
from the fence of John Perkins to the end of a creek in the marsh 
near land of W" Foster, to be done at the charge of all those 
that have land within the said compass, and by them to be 
maintained." On the south side of the River, this fence was 
near Heart-break Hill (1650), and it extended across to the 
present County Road, near the line of the brook, as seems prob- 
able from ancient deeds. Liberty was granted to fell trees for 
this purpose, and it may have been built easily of logs, piled 
zigzag fashion, as pasture fences are still built in wooded regions. 
As early as 1639, a special Conniiittoe was chosen to view 
this fence, the original "Fence Viewers," who are still elected 
at the March town meeting. Their function was of the highest 

The principal use of these common lands was for jjasturage. 
Johnson, in his Wonder Working Providence, observes that the 
cattle had become so numerous in 1646 that many hundred 
quarters of beef were sent to Boston from Ipswich every 
autumn. Swine and sheep had increased rapidly also. Every 
day these great herds were driven out into the commons to 
find rich and abundant forage in the woods, and along the 
sedgy banks of ponds and streams. The common fence was 
necessary to keep them from straying back into the cultivated 
fields. Any breach in it might involve great loss in growing 
crops, at a time when a scarce harvest was a very serious 
menace to the health and comfort of the little community. 
No wonder they chose men of the greatest sobriety and care- 
fulness for the responsible duty of viewing and having charge 
of this rude fence. 

Their duties became even more onerous, we may presume, 
after the year 1653 when, in accordance with the order from 
the Cieneral Court, the town ordered "that all persons, con- 
cerned and living in Ipswich shall, before April 2()th have their 
fences in a good state (except farms of one hundred acres) 
made of pales well nailed or pinned, or of five rails well fitted, or 


of stone wall throe and a half feet hiijh at least, or with a ditch 
three or Foin- feet wide, with a snl)stantial bank, having two 
rails or a hedge, or some eciuivalent, on i)enaltv of os. a rod and 
2s a week for each rotl while neglected." 

The herds of large and small cattle needed to be watched 
lest they should stray away into the wilderness, or be assailed 
by wolv(>s. For this service, the cowherd and shei)herd and 
swine-luM-d were essential, and thus we find the town olhcials of 
England in the Middle Ages again in vogue in our midst. Prt)f. 
Edward A. Freeman in his Introduction to American Insti- 
tutional Histor}^' aptly observes: 

"The most notable thing of all, yet surely the most natural 
thing of all, is that the New England settlers of the 17th cen- 
tury, largely reproduced English institutions in an older shape 
than they l)or(» in the England of the seventeenth c(Mitin'y. 
They gave a new life to many things, which in their older home 
had well nigh died out. The necessary smallness of scale in the 
original settlements was the root of the whole matter. It, so 
to speak, drove them back for several centiu'ies. It caused 
them to reproduce in not a few points, not the England of their 
own day, but the England of a far earlier time. It led them 
to reproduce in many points the state of things in old Greece 
and in medieval Switzerland." 

In the earliest ' contract with the cowherds mentioned in 
our Town Records, under date of Sept. 1639, agreement was 
made with Wm. Fellows to keep the herd of cows on the south 
sitle the river, from the 20th of April to the 20th of November. 
He was bound "to drive them out to feed before the sunne be 
half an hour high, and not to bring them home before half an 
hour before sunset." He was to drive the cattle, "coming 
over the River, back over the River at night," and to take 
charge of them "as soon as they are put over the River in the 
morning." He was liable for all danger conung to the cattle, 
either by leaving them at night or during the day, and was to 
receive 12 pence for each cow before he took them, a shilling 
and sixjx'nce fourteen days after midsunnner and the rest at 
the end of the term in corn or money, a total of £15. 

' Johns Hopkins University Studies, 1. 


The cows on the north side of the river were herded by 
themselves in 1640, and Wni. Fellows, Mark Quilter and Symon 
Tompson were the cow-keepers, receiving them at Mr. Norton's 
gate. In 1643, the cows were gathered, "over against Mr. 
Robert Payne's house," i. e. at the corner of High and North- 
Main streets. The cowherds were instructed in 1647, at "the 
first opportunity to burn the woods, and to make a Bridge 
over the River to Wilderness Hill,"i and all herdsmen were 
ordered "to winde a horn before their going out." The herds 
were driven out, partly "over Sanders." i. e. over Sanders's 
brook on the Topsfield road, and jjartly up High street. The 
owners of cows were bound to provide men to relieve the cow- 
herds every other Sabbath day. The herdsmen warned two 
on Fritlay night for each Sabbath day and refusal to do the 
service required was punishable with a fine of three shillings 
for each instance of neglect. In 1649, Daniel Ringe was ordered 
to "attend on the green before Mr. Rogers house" (the South 
Green) and the cowherd was obliged to keep the herd one 
Sunday in four. 

The whole time and attention of the cowherd and his assis- 
tants were regulated Ijy law. By order of the General Court 
in 1642, the "prudentiall" men of each town were instructed 
"to take care of such [children] as are sett to keep cattle be set to 
some other employment withal, as spinning upon the roek,^ 
knitting, weaving tape, etc., and that boys and girls be not suf- 
fered to converse together so as may occasion any wanton, 
dishonest or immodest behaviour." Wm. Symonds needed a 
special permit in 1653, before he could cut two parcels of 
meadow in the common, near Capt. Turner's Hill, while he 
kept the herd. 

"No great cattle, except cows and working cattle in the 
night," were allowed on the cow commons and any mares, 
horses or oxen found in the common two hours after sunrising, 
might be driven to the Pound by the finder (1639). 

The cowherd's recompense varied from year to year, but 

1 This was the name of a liill near the present line of division between Essex and 
Ipswich, in the vicinity of Haflield's Bridge. The name is still remembered in con 
nection with the range of hills on the east side of the Candlewood road, near Saga- 
more Hill. 

2 The rock was a hand distaff, from wliich thread was spun. 


wji.s always a modest return for his service. Ilaniel Bosworth 
eoiitracted in 1()()1 to keej) the herd on the north side of the 
i'i\-er foi' thirteen shillings a week, "a peck of corn a head at 
their ,<i;oin<;; out, one ])ound of butter or half ])eck of wheat in 
June, and the r(\st of his pay at the end of his time, whereof 
lialf to \)c paid in wheat or malt; the i)ay to be brought to his 
h(.)use within six days after denumded or else to forfeit 6d a 
head more." "Agreed with Henry Osborn to join Bosworth 
to kee]) the cows on the same terms. ()n(> of them to take the 
cows in Scott's lane and to blow a horn at the meeting-house 
green in the morning." In 1670, the town voted that every 
cow of the herd should wear a l)ell and the early morning air 
was full of rural music, wdth lowing cows, tinkling bells and 
the somiding Ijlasts upon the cowherd's horn. 

Swine caused more trouble than the great cattle. Certain 
sections of the common lands were set apart for their special 
use. In 1639 it was agreed wdth Robert Wallis and Thomas 
Manning to keep four score hogs upoii Plum Island from the 
lOth of April "until harvest be got in" "and that one of them 
shall be constantly there night and day, all the tyme, and 
they are to carry them and bring them home, })rovided those 
that own them sentl each of them a man to help catch them, 
and they are to make troughs to water them in, for all which 
paynes and care they are to have 12 penc a hogg, at tlie entrance. 
2 shillings a hogg at mid summer, for so many as are then living, 
and 2 shillings a hogg for each hogg they shall deliver at the 
end of harvest." A herd of swine is alluded to in 1640 on 
Castle Neck and on Hogg Island. 

But many of the inhabitants preferred to keep their hogs 
nearer home, and as the idea of confining them in pens about 
the premises had not been conceived, they were driven out 
into the connnons to graze. A good two miles was to separate 
them from the town, and for any big pigs found within that 
limit the owners were liable to pay a forfeit of five shillings 
apiece; but it was "provided that such small pigs as are i^igged 
after 1st of February shall have liberty to be about the Towai, 
not being lial)le to pay any damage in house lots or gardens, 
but if any hiu't be done in house lots and gardens, the owner of 


the fence through which they came shall pay the damage. The 
pigges have liberty until 16 August next." 

"The pigges" used their liberty injudiciously, and brought 
upon themselves the severer edict of 1645, that no hogs should 
run in the streets or connnons without being yoked and ringed. 
Finally the town undertook the care of the hogs on the same 
basis as the cows. Contract was made with Wm. Clark in 
1652 to keep a herd of hogs from the 26th of April to the last of 
October, "to drive them out to their feed in the Commons, 
being all ringed, between seven or eight of the clock, to have 
12 shillings per week, six pence for every head." Hogs were 
to be brought to Mr. Payne's corner, and the owners were or- 
dered "to find for every six hogs one to help keep them till 
they be wanted." 

The next year, Abraham Warr and the son of Goodman 
Symnies were the swine herds, and they were expected to take 
them at the Meeting House Green and drive one herd through 
the street by Mr. P . . . (probably High St.), the other out at 
Scott's Lane (the present Washington St.). Robert Whitman 
also was commissioned to keep a herd of hogs on the north 
side, "he and his boys to keep out with them until 4 o'clock 
in the afternoon, to drive them out presently after the cows, — 
his boy has liberty to leave the hogs at one o'clock." This 
swine-herd, Whitman, is mentioned in the record of 1644 as the 
keeper of the goat herd on the north side. 

Sheep were kept on Jeffries Neck, and liberty was given 
sheep owners in 1656 to "fence in about half an acre of ground 
there for a year to keep their sheep in nights," and it was also 
ordered that "one able person out of every family shall work 
one day in May or June as they shall be ordered, to help clear 
the commons for the better keeping of sheep, upon a day's 
warning." Robert Roberts was the shepherd on Jeffries Neck 
in 1661 from April 8th till the end of October and his wages 
were £13. Robert Whitman was paid 10 shillings a week to 
keep another flock on the north side of the river. In 1662 
there were three shepherds and the commons on the south side 
were so burdened that one hundred sheep were transferred to 
the north side. By vote of 1702 the shepherds were required 
to have cottages adjoining the sheep-walks to be near their 


flocks. Felt^ says it was the custom for each shepherd to put 
his flock in the pen every Friday afternoon, that the owners 
might take what they needed for family use and for market. 

Another pubhc functionary of no small dignity was the 
Town Crier, whose task it was to proclaim with loud voice any 
announcement of ])ublic importance. The first allusion to this 
odicial occurs in the year 1640, when it was voted that "Ralph 
Varnham, for ringing the bell, keeping clean the meeting house 
and publishing such things as the town shall appoint shall have 
for his payncs, of every man for the year i)ast whose estate is 
rated under 100£, 6", from 100 to 500£, 12^ and upward, 18''; 
the like for this year to come." Henceforward the Town Crier 
was elected annually. 

Connnendablc care for the neat and tidy appearance of the 
public thoroughfares was manifested in the vote of March, 1645, 
that Robert Lord "keep the streets clear of wood and timber 
under penalty 12'' the load and as proportionable for more or 
less for lying or standing above three days in any of the streets 
or lanes," and in 1652, the Town 

"Ordered, that all dmig-hills lying in the streets shall be 
removed by the 20*'' of October and from that time noe dung 
hills to be laycd in the streets under the penalty of 10s." A 
stringent prohibition of felling any shade trees in the streets or 
highways, under penalty of 20* for every offence was enacted 
in 1666. 

A Committee to provide a building for the town school was 
appointed in Jan., 1651-2, and studious effort to secure the best 
educational advantages is manifest in the annual provision for 
the public school and frequent contributions to Harvard College. 

As various industries assumed prominence, special inspectors 
were appointed, generally in compliance with some edict of the 
General Court. Thus, John Knowlton was appointed to "search 
and scale leather" in 1652, that no unmarketable leather might 
be sold by any tanner of hides, and the sealer was a regular offi- 
cial henceforth. The Common Packer, whose function was to 
secure the pro])or packing of fish or meat in barrels, I presume, 
came into existence in 1658. "Pounders," for the care of 

1 History of Ipswich. 


stray animals shut up in the public pounds and the collection 
of fines, were chosen in 1674, but some provision must have 
been made long before this as the pounds had been built some 
years. Tithing men were chosen first in 1677, and in 1680 
there is mention of a Clerk of the Marketplace. "Gagers of 
casque" were chosen in 1726. The poor had been provided 
for always at the public expense, but the first mention of an 
overseer of the poor, of which I am aware, occurs in 1734. Capt. 
Thos. Wade was then elected to that office. Col. John Choate 
was chosen surveyor of flax and hemp in 1735. 

By the middle of the century, deer began to be scarce in 
the forests, and to prevent their extinction and to regulate their 
destruction for food, "deer reeves" were established and the 
first election was made in 1743. They were elected annually 
for many years, but as the office had been discontinued in 1797, 
it is probable that the deer had wholly disappeared. 

Thus the government of the town was systematized gradually. 
Every industry seems to have been supervised by some public 
functionary and the climax of petty officialdom might well 
have been reached in 1797, when the list of officers chosen at 
the Town meeting included Selectmen, Overseers, Town Clerk 
and Treasurer, Tithing-men, Road Surveyors, Fish Committee, 
Clerk of the Market, Fence Viewers, Haywards, Surveyors of 
Lumber, Cullers of Fish, Sealers of Leather, Hog-reeves, 
Gangers of Cask, Sealers of Weights, Measurers of Grain, Corders 
of Wood, Firewards, Packer of Pork, and Cullers of Brick. 
Surely the thirst for public office, which afflicts every American 
citizen, was easily gratified. The Ipswich of a century ago 
must have been a paradise for politicians. 



Ownership of a house and land within the town bounds 
carried with it the right of pasturage, in the wide domain l:)e- 
yond the Conunon Fence. This right was definitely recog- 
nized, and could be bought or sold. But the i)rivilege of cutting 
woo.d in the dense forests, which were inchuled in these coin- 
nions, was retained by the town. 

Singularly enough the town claimed proprietorship even 
in the trees standing on the houselots granted to individuals, 
and graciously granted permission in 1634 to the grantees, to 
have such trees on "paying a valuable consideration for the 
fallinge of them." In 1635, the Town ordered that "no man 
shall sell, lend, give or convey, or cause to be conveyed or sent 
out of the Town, any timber sawn or unsawn, riven or unriven 
upon pain of forfeiting their sum or price." The "consent of 
the Town" was necessary before any timber or clapboards 
could be carried beyond her bounds. The enactment of 1639 
was even more stringent : 

"Noe man shall fell any timber upon the Common to make 
sale of, neither Shall any man fell any tree for fuel without 
leave from the Constable under penalty of x® for such tree 
felled for timber or firewood, and if any man shall fell timber 
for their own use, and remove it not from off the Commons 
or cleave it or saw it not within one year after the felling of it, 
it shall be lawful for any man to make use of the same." Accord- 
ing to the vote of 1643, a special license from the Town or Seven 
Men was necessary before a white oak could be felled, and Mr. 
Gardiner was to give a written certificate that such license was 
fit. The felling of timber on "Jcffry's Neck, Castle Neck, 
Hog Island," etc., was prohibited in 1650, but some clearings 
had been accomplished, as provision was made in 1654 for Jef- 


fries Neck and other common lands to be "broken up and 
planted for English." Special privilege was granted the in- 
habitants of the Town in 1652, to fell for firewood the swamp 
between Timber Hill and Bush Hill, "provided no man may 
take above 2 rods in breadth, and to fell all and clear as they 
go across the Swamp." By the order of 1665, oaks or walnuts 
might not be cut without permission, but the maltsters, Capt. 
Appleton, Cornet Whipple and Thomas L were granted lib- 
erty to fell some walnuts for their kilns in 1667, and permit 
was given the tanners in 1671 "to fell for there supply for 
Barke for there tanning, being as good Husbands for the Town 
as they can." 

Neither did the right of commonage involve any privilege 
of cultivating any portion of the commons. In 1659, twelve 
citizens petitioned for the privilege of planting two acres apiece 
in Jeffries Neck, and they agreed to sow four bushels of hayseed 
per acre with the last crop. Their petition was allowed and 
seven others were granted like privilege "if the land holds 

This use of the common land sprang into instant favor. 
The next year, fifteen men agreed to cultivate two acres apiece 
on Jeffries Neck for four years, and with the fifth crop plant 
four bushels of hayseed, and leave it to the use of the Town for 
common feed as before. Twenty-four men agreed to clear, and 
then cultivate Bush Hill and Turkey Hill for six years, on the 
same terms, with the added proviso, that they "shall keep up 
fence one year after to let the grass get ahead." Redroot Hill 
was granted to eight for six years, Scott's Hill to nine, a parcel 
of land at Cowkeepers Rock to six, land between Hafficld's 
and Wilderness Hill to Giddings and John Andrews. 

By the time the first of these tillage rights had expired, 
the idea of permanent individual ownership had gained general 
acceptance. So, in 1664, the town voted that Plum Island, 
Hogg Island and Castle Neck be divided to such as have the 
right to commonage according to law, according to the propor- 
tion of four, six and eight. Those who did not pay more than 
6^ 8** in personal & property tax in a single country rate were 
to form the first division. All that did not exceed 16** were to 
form the second. All that exceeded 16® "together with our 


Magistrates, Elders, Mr.John Rogers, and Mr. Thomas Andrews" 
(the school-master), were to constitute the highest. 

The Committee to which the task was assigned, reported in 
April, 1G65, that there were 203 inhabitants who had right of 
commonage, that 28 were entitled to a double share, 70 were 
entitled to a share and a half, 105 were entitled to a single share, 
22G single shares in all. They reported as well that there were 
800 acres of marsh and upland "beside beaches and gall'd 
hills," and that each single share would contain three acres. 
These shares wcr(> laid out, first a double share, next two one 
and a half shares, then three single shares beginning at the end 
of Plum Island towards Rowley, then on Castle Neck, including 
"the Pines" and Wigwam Hill. The commoners then took 
their shares by lot, and Cornet Whipple, Robert Lord, John 
Leighton and Thomas Lovel went with them to show where 
their land was. A full list of the shareholders was recorded, 
and this large section of the public domain was withdrawn from 
commonage forever. Large tracts of common land remained 
however, and the right of commonage was granted to five men 
in 1668 and to Thomas Giddings in 1674 by vote. 

Fishermen were allowed to cut wood from the commons for 
house building and fuel, and each boat's crew had leave to 
feed one cow on the Common (1670). Yet further privilege 
was granted them in 1696, when Mr. John Appleton, Mr. An- 
drew Dyamond, and Mr. Francis Wainwright', were "appointed 
and empowered a Committee to lay out the several lots that 
shall be desired by persons to carry on the fishing design at 
Jeffery's Neck, for flake-room and erecting stage or stages, the 
said lotts to run up and down the hill fronting to ye River on 
ye Southside." Traces of these lots are visible in the rows of 
stones, on the slope of Great Neck near Little Neck. Less 
favor had been shown other use of common lands in 1682, 
when the question, "whether any commoner or inhabitant may 
take up and inclose land upon the common or highways, as he 
or the}'' shall see good, for Tobacco yards and other uses," was 
decided in the negative. 

Finally, in the beginning of the next century, 1709, it was 
voted, that all the common lands be divided into "eight parts," 


except what is hereafter to accommodate ancient and new 
commoners. These votes, we have mentioned, were all votes 
of the town in regularly warned town meetings. Provision 
was made for the carrying out of the several votes by the select- 
men, the town constable and other public officials. It might 
appear that the town in its corporate capacity had supreme 

Nevertheless, from the very beginning, the commoners, or 
those who had the right of commonage, met in commoners' 
meeting, had their own records, and legislated with rc^ference 
to all the duties and privileges of commoners. In fact, it has 
been affirmed by a careful student, that, in the town of Man- 
chester, land grants made by the town were really made by the 
commoners acting in their capacity of commoners.^ In our 
own town, the line of distinction seems to have been drawn 
more definitely, yet the commoners claimed and exercised very 
important rights. As early as 1644, the Town Records allude 
to a gift by the commoners: "a plot of the Cow Common on 
the north side of the river containing by estimation 3244 acres, 
was presented unto the freemen of the town. The freemen 
doth give and grant unto the Inhabitants of the Town with 
themselves, their heirs and successors forever [viz. all such as 
have right to commonage] all the aforesaid Common to be im- 
proved as aforesaid." 

In 1702 they divided the common lands into large sheep 
pastures. "The Great Neck by some cal*' Jefferies Neck, now 
named ye Ram Pasture being part of y® sheep walks on y*' 
northerly side of the River," was to be included in the "sheep 
walk," on the north side of the River; "and on y'' South syde 
of ye Mill River, excluding y'' bounds of y'' flock cal'' Whipple's 
(Job's Hill) flock, extending from Isaack Foster's in Chebacco 
to James Gittings his house; and from thenc to y'' valley he- 
twixt Long Hill and Wilderness Hill, and thenc in y^' valley 
betwext Red Root Hill- and Sagamore Hill and thence on a line 
to Mile Brook ag"' .... land." 

' state Doc. " Inhabitants of the Town of Manchester versus Andrew C. Shtter," 
p. 18. 

= Now called Red-wood Hill. 



These "stinted sheep walks" having been defined for each 
flock, the commoners voted that there should be nine flocks : 

VK "y Ram Pastm-e flock" 

2. "y^- Bush Hill " " 

3. "Turners Hill " " 

4. "Turkey Hill " " 

5. "Bull Brook " " 

6. "ye Town flock, alias Windmill Hill flock as far as the 

Bridge below Wm J3urges cfe as sd Rivilet runs by 
Henry Gold's to Choates land." 

7. "Red Root Hill or Brags & Kinsmans flock." 

8. "ye Farmers flock next Wenham called Whipplcs flock, 

alias Jobs Hill flock." 

9. the Chebacco flock. 

• It was further ordered: 

"Every sheppard shall keep his flock in the limits prescribed 
to the particular flock y* he takes charge and care of, & not sufi"er 
them to stragle into other Flocks limits, on penalty of paying 
as a fine of two shillings and six for each time he is convicted of 

such his neglect: " Each shepherd was to have a cottage 

near his flock, and a fold in which he was to put them at sunset, 
"and put them out at sun half an hour high in y*" morne day 
by day." "Mr. Samuel Appleton & others" were to have "a 
flock in the Thick Woods and Pigeon Hill." 

In 1707, a division of wood, timber, etc., at Chebacco ponds, 
Knight's farm, etc., was made into four parts. In 1709, the 
final division of the common lands was made by a Committee 
of the Commoners and a Committee of the Town. The town 
voted on January 11, 1708-9, "That wood-land at Chebacco 
Ponds, that thatch banks and land above Baker's Pond, and 
Samuel Pcrley's, Jeffrey's Neck and Paine's Hill, be divided 
into three-fifths and two-fifths shares." 

Voted, "That any commoner who has one or more rights 
and has built one or more new houses in the place of old ones, 
shall have only the right for a new house, which belonged to 
the old one." 

The list of old and new commoners, and old and new Jef- 


fries Neck commoners was agreed on, and tlien iho common 
lands were divided into eight parts. 

1. "Convenient for Chebacco, about Chcbacco pond/' 
about 873 acres. 

2. "Convenient for the inhabitants of the Hamblett," 
about 470 acres. 

3. "From Chebacco Pond running northwesterly, taking 
all the Comon lands between the two lines to Cowkeepers Rock, 
and all that piece of Common up to the highway by Tanner 
Norton's, and by the fence to the Gate by Appleton's Mill," 
about 1181 acres. 

4. "Thick Woods & Pigeon Hill." 

5. "Beginning at Kimball's corner . . . Warner's or 
Day's gate ..." about 946 acres. 

6. "From Goodhue's corner to Day's corner, by the River, 
etc.," about 578 acres (5 and 6 including Bush Hill and Turner's 

7. "Turkey Hill and land about Egypt river," 954 acres. 

8. "Toward Rowley line," 850 acres. 

The Committee proceeded to assign the commoners to their 
proper eighths, and each man's right was decided as accurately 
as possible. 

Some title to Castle Neck still remained in the possession 
of the commoners, as appears from the vote of 21 Mar. 1726, 
instructing the Treasurer to execute a deed of sale or conveyance 
of their whole right and title in the "wood that now is, or that 
shall hereafter be standing, lying, or growing on any part of 
Castle Neck so called beyond Wigwam Hill," to Symonds 
Epes, Esq., for ten pounds sterling. The commoners relin- 
quished their "right att Rocky Hill unto James Fuller, Ebe- 
nezer Fuller and Jabez Treadwell, they paying the sum of sixty 
pounds old Tenor, for ye Com" use." Aug., 1745. (This is the 
hill now occupied by Mr. Moritz B. Philipp.) 

Unappropriated thatch banks were let each year to the 
highest bidder, only commoners having the right to bid. Rights 
and privileges in the "Gravill Pit and Clay pitts" were reserved 
by the conmioners for their use and profit. The beaches be- 


longed to the commoners, and in 1757 they voted that "Capt. 
Jonathan Fellows of Cape Ann, have the liberty of all the sands 
lying in the Town of Ipswich for the space of one year foi- th(^ 
sum of 2£ 13s. 4d." 

Their authority reached also to the fiats and the clams that 
dwelt therein, and in 1763 the vexed question of the control of 
the shell fishery led to the first regulation of which I am aware. 
The connnoncrs voted, on July 4th, "That the Committee take 
care of all ye flats & clams therein, belonging to ye proprietors 
of ye Conunon lands in Ipswich & that no person or persons 
be allowed to digg any more clams than for their own use, & to 
be expended in ye Town, & that all owners of fishing vessels 
and Boats shall apply to one of sd. Committee for liberty to 
digg clams for their vessels use fare by fare, & no owners of 
vessel or vessels, boat or boats, shall digg more clams than shall 
be allowed by one or more of sd. Committee on penalty of prose- 
cution; said Committee are to allow one Barl of clams to each 
man of every vessel going to the Banks every fare, & so also 
in propr. to boats fishing in the Bay, and a majority of said 
Com. are impowered to prosecute all offenders." 

The income accruing from these sales and leases was ex- 
pended for various public uses. In 1771, £100 was voted "for 
the use of building a work house in the Town of Ipswich," pro- 
vided the town build within eighteen months. In 1772, £20 
was voted to Wm. Dodge and others "to erect suitable land 
marks for the benefit of vessels outward and inward bound," 
and 6s. to Anthony Loneyfor ringing the bell from Feb. 1771 
to Feb. 1772. In 1773, £50 was voted for reading and writing 
schools, provided the town raise £40. Finally, in 1788, the 
majority of the commoners voted, though vigorous opposition 
was made by the minority, to resign all their interests in lands, 
etc., to the town toward the payment of the heavy town debt 
incurred during the Revolution. Mr. Felt estimated that this 
grant was worth about £600. 

Thus the body of commoners ceased to be but we still are 
reminded of the old commonage system by the "Common 
Fields," so called, in the neighborhood of the Poor Farm, and 
our South Common and the open lands in the centre of our town. 



Sunrise, in the summer time, found the ancient Ipswich 
wide awake and busily astir. The cattle were gathering on the 
South Green and at Dodge's Corner, while the cow-herds' horns 
were blowing, and some one had risen early enough in every 
family to milk the family cow antl drive her to the place of 
rendezvous. Before the herds had been driven well away, 
with shouting and lowing and clanging of bells and sounding of 
horns, the heaviest sleepers had been aroused, and were pre- 
paring for the day's toil. As we think of the manifold necessities 
of that little community, its remote isolation, and the need of 
its providing by its own varied and wearisome toil for its own 
wants, we are sure that the longest day was none too long, and 
that every hour of daylight could be well used. 

The pressing matter of food for man and beast was first to 
be settled, and a considerable proportion of the men were farm- 
ers, and almost every man had his garden about his house, and 
his six-acre tillage lot a little farther away. The town lots aver- 
aged about two acres, and allowed ample room for convenient 
raising of many food products. We should hardly recognize 
our fair green fields and soil yielding so easily to the plough, in 
the rough, stony lands cumbered with tree stumps, blackened 
with the fire, and slowly rotting away, which the first farmers 
here ploughed with their wooden ploughs, and made ready for 
the planting. But the virgin soil was black and rich, and even 
though rocks hindered the course of the plough sometimes, as 
the observing Johnson remarked in 1646, the toil expended 
found ample return. The fish that were caught plentifully 
in the Bay, or taken more easily, when the shad and alewives 
were passing in shoals up over the fishway of the dam, fur- 
nished cheap and good dressing. Moreton observed in 1637 
"that a thousand were put into an acre, which would yield 
three times more corn than without them." But the dogs 
soon learned to dig up the fish from the corn fields, and they 



brought upon themselves a very singular abridgment of their 
liberty and impairment of their dignity, as we learn from the 
vote of the town in May, 1644: 

"It is ordered that all doggs, for the space of three weeks 
after the publishinge thereof, shall have one legg tyed up. If 
such a dogg should break loose and be foimd in any corne 
field, doing any harme, the owner of the dogg shall pay the 
damages. If a man refuse to tye up his dogg's legg, and hee 
bee found scraping up fish in the corne field, the owner shall 
pay 12s. besides whatever damage the dogg doth." 

Corn was the principal food staple, and a plentiful supply 
was of the highest importance. Rye was also a favorite article 
of diet, but wheat was grown and used but sparingly. Vegeta- 
bles of the common sort were grown, pumpkins, melons, pease, 
beans and turnips, but the potato, now the chief food crop on 
every farm, was not known for a century. Felt says that this 
vegetable was not cultivated in our town until 1733. They were 
planted in beds, like beets or carrots, and three bushels were 
counted an ample crop for a family. Hay and oats were essen- 
tial to the wintering of the cattle, flax was grown to furnish 
the material for the fine linen garments and table furnishings, 
barley was raised that there might be no lack of beer. Tobacco, 
too, was a crop that was prized highly, albeit the use of it was 
always under the ban of the \a,\v. The Statute of 1634 was, 
" No person shall take tobacco publicly, on fine of 2' 6d.or pri- 
vately in his own or another's house, before acquaintance or 
strangers." The buying or selling was prohibited in 1635. 
Nevertheless, the Rev. Mr. Rogers was a famous smoker, and 
his people persisted in cultivating the forbidden herb. All 
planting and cultivating were done in primitive fashion, and the 
scythe, hoe and hand rake were the chief implements for tli(> 
harvesting. Mr. SaltonstalFs great four hundred acre farm 
on the Topsfield border, and the great farms of Appleton, Den- 
ison and Symonds and all the wealthier people must have given 
plentiful employment to many stout yeomen. 

After the corn had been raised, there was work for the miller 
to grind it into meal. "The worshipful Mr. Saltonstall/' as he is 
called in many old records, had the exclusive mill privilege for 
many years. His mill-dam was built on the site of the present 


one, it is supposed, and the original grist-mill probably stootl 
very near the site of the old stone mill. A busy place it must 
have been, for every family in the whole broad township, from 
Chebacco to Rowley and Topsfield, was dependent on it, and 
many a bag of corn was brought on the back of a horse, or in the 
creaking tumbril, and due weight of meal was borne away, 
after a sixteenth part had been measured out for the miller. 
This valuable monopoly continued unbroken until 1687, though 
much dissatisfaction prevailed because of insufficient accommo- 

In that year, permission was granted Nehemiah Jewett to 
build a dam and erect a mill on the south side of Egypt River,' 
and in 1696, Edmund and Anthony Potter and Abraham Tilton, 
Jr., were permitted to build another on Mile River, where the 
okl mill stands today on the farm of Mr. Oliver Smith. Robert 
Calef was granted leave, in 1715, to build his grist-mill in the 
Island by the lower Falls. 

But Mr. Jonathan Wade seems to have evaded the legal 
difficulty attaching to the erection of a grist-mill driven by 
water-power, by building a wind-mill, prior to 1673, on the 
top of the hill that still bears the name. Windmill, though the 
oldest inhabitant has no remembrance of such a structure. 
Its great, clumsy sails, revolving noisily, and the rumble of the 
millstones gave pleasant welcome no doubt to the traveller, 
coming slowly into town after his long journey through the 

Almost as valuable as the grist-mill was the saw-mill. 
Singularly enough, though there was abundant water power 
on the Ipswich River, and the river at Chebacco, and a saw- 
mill would seem to have been a necessity at the very beginning, 
wc find no grant of water privilege for such a mill until 1649, 
when Mr. Wade was granted liberty to set up a saw-mill. 
The Town voted in 1656 that a saw-mill might be built on Che- 
bacco River, "and liberty to cut timber was granted, if one- 
fifteenth of what is sawed there be granted to the town, and 
that no timber be cut within three miles and a half of the meet- 

1 This mill was built a little way from the highway, near the house lately built by 
Mr. John E. Tenney. 


ing-house, and the inhabitants be charged no more tlian four 
per cent." 

Other grants for saw-mills were made in 1665 to Jonathan 
Wade and in 1667 to Thos. Burnani. Major Samuel Appleton 
had a saw-mill on his own land near the present bridge over 
Mile River, and the remains of a dam, which served for a mill 
on that site within the memory of some old people, may still 
be found within a few rods of the bridge, towards the east. 

A hemp-mill, "for the breaking of hemp" was built about 
1657, we i)resiune, n(!ar the grist-mill on the u))per dam, as 
Richard Shatswell was granted the privilege that year, "pro- 
vided it be no prejudice to the Town or the corne mill." A 
fulling mill, for finishing homespun cloth, was built by John 
Whipple in 1673, at the lower falls, and other similar mills 
were built within a few years. 

Our forefathers knew" nothing of the luxury of hot tea and 
coffee, and found cold comfort as it seems to us in malt beer 
and other spirituous drinks. So the maltster was as needful 
almost as the miller, and a monopoly similar to that enjoyed 
by Mr. Saltonstall for his grist-mill, was accorded Mr. Samuel 
Appleton for his malt-kiln, which stood very near the railroad 
track, south of the crossing on the road toTopsfield. The Town 
Record under date of December, 1641, reads: 

"Mr. Apleton promised to have a malt house ready by 1''^ 
of April next, and to mault such corn as shall be brought from 
the people of the Tow^n at such rates as shall be thought equal 
from time to time, and noe man (except for himself) is to have 
any made elsewhere for the space of five years next ensuing." 

The malting establishment was built, and Mr. Appleton 
was permitted to cut wood in the Commons for the fires. In 
1648, it was specified, that he might "fell for his kiln, twelve 
load of black ashes." In 1665, Mr. John Whipple and Mr. 
John L were engaged in the same business. 

Following the river down from the upper dam, we should 
have found the representatives of many industries. Near the 
present foot-bridge on South Main Street, near the old Lace 
Factory, Nath. Browne built his "work-house" in 1661 or 2, 
on the eight or ten rods of land the town granted him, "to 


make pott ashes and sope," and in 1691, the old soap-boiling 
establishment had given place to Samuel Ordway's blacksmith 
shop. Edmund Bridges was a smith of the earlier time, and 
his refusal to shoe Dep. Governor Symonds's horse with proper 
haste was made the occasion of a special reprimand from the 
Great and General Court, in the year 1647. 

" Ordered, that Edm. Bridges for his neglect of shooing Mr. 
Symonds' horse (when he was to come to Corte) be required 
to answer this complaint, and his neglect to fiu'ther publikc ser- 
vice." Isaac Littlehale and John Safford plied the same useful 

Moses Pengry had a ship yard on the river bank, in front of 
Mr. Daniel S. Burnham's old mansion, in the year 1673, and 
in 1676, Edward Randolph wrote to England that ship-building 
was an extensive industry here. Thomas Clark had liberty "to 
sett down Tan fatts at the end of his planting lot, upon two 
rods reserved by the River" in 1640-1, and we should have 
found that ancient tanyard on the corner of Water and Summer 
Streets, and the vats on the river bank. Later in the century, 
Nathaniel Rust had a tanning establishment for the curing cf 
sheep skins and the manufacture of gloves on the site of the 
residence of the late Mrs. Rhoda Potter, now owned by Mr. 
Henry Brown, by the brook, on County Road, and here, I pre- 
sume, he made the four dozen pairs of gloves which the Town 
furnished for Mr. Gobbet's funeral in Nov., 1685. He sold it 
to Deacon Thomas Norton, another tanner, who dwelt in the 
old house under the great elm. On the river bank near 
the spot now occupied by Mr. Glover's coal wharf. Deacon 
Moses Pengry had his salt pans and works for the manufacture 
of salt from the sea water, as early as 1652, and the brew- 
house built by John Paine in 1663 was in the near vicinity, by 
the river. 

The river itself was a busy place, with the coming and going 
of the fishing craft, and the larger vessels that carried cargoes 
of fish, pipe staves and lumber to foreign ports. The build- 
ing of wharves began in 1641, when William Paine was al- 
lowed to build one for a warehouse, and a town wharf was 
constructed in 1656. I surmise that this wharf was near the 
dwelling of the late Isaiah Rogers, as two ancient abut- 


incuts may still be seen in that locality. Daniel Hovcy built 
one in 1G59 or '60, and the decaying timbers of this or its suc- 
cessor remain on the south bank of the river, near the site of 
the old Hovey House. Thomas Clark and Robert Pierce had 
leave to build in 1662, the Wainwrights in 1668, Simon Stacy 
in 1682, Samuel Hunt in 1685, Andrew Sergeant in 1686, and 
the old wharf in Hunt's Cove, near the Turkey Shore Road, 
was built in 1722. These were unpretentious affairs for the 
most part no doubt, but they answered for the unloading of 
salt hay and cord-wood, and other commodities, which were 
handled more easily in boats than in wagons. 

The Town had a Committee for furthering trade in 1641, 
Mr. liradstrcet, Mr. Robert Payne, Captain Denison, Mr. Tuttle, 
Matthew Whipple, John Whipple and Mr. Saltonstall, and they 
had th(! care of buoys and beacons, the providing of salt and 
cotton, the sowing of hemp seed and flaxseed, and "cards wyer 
canes." A special Committee to dispose of Little Neck in 
such wise as to promote the fishing interest was chosen, Mr. 
Bradstreet, Mr. Hubbard, Mr. Symonds, Mr. Robert Payne and 
Mr. John Whipple, and they proceeded to accomplish their task, 
according to the vote of the Town: 

"Agreed that the little neck of land, where the fishing stage 
is, shall be sequestered and set apart for the advancement of 
fishing, and that the fishermen there shall have liberty to enclose 
it from the other neck, where the Cattcll goes; and it is agreed 
that every boat that comes to fish there shall have sufficient 
roome to make their fish in, as also every boat gang shall have 
liberty to break up & plant an acre of ground which they shall 
enjoy during the pleasure of the Town." 

"The like encouragement the Town intends to give to any 
other boat, that shall hereafter come to fish there, antl it is 
the professed desire and agreement of those fishermen that are 
already settled there, that those that shall hereafter come to 
fish th(>re, shall have equal privilege there with themselves." 

"Also it is agreed that the fishermen shall have liberty to 
build them such houses as they will be willing to resign to the 
Town, wlien(!ver they desert the place, and they are to have 
the places assigned them for building their houses, by some 
that the Town shall appoint." 


The Little Neck was full of life and bustle, and boats were 
coming and going from the Isles of Shoals, where the Ipswich 
merchants had another fishing station. Francis Wainwright 
was largely interested there, and sold land there to Thomas 
Diamond in 1690. William Roe had removed from the Shoals to 
Ipswich in 1671, and purchased land for his dwelling near Mr. 
Glover's wharf. In 1673, he sold his house and land to two 
other fishermen from the Shoals, Andrew Diamond and Henry 
Maine, and the old house by the wharves that bears the name 
of the Harry Maine house, though of later date, stands on 
land once owned by Maine. Diamond's name is familiar still 
from "Diamond Stage," where he had a fishing stage. 

The business was so flourishing that before the end of the 
century there was need of greater accommodation for the fisher- 
men in drying their fish and preparing them for shipment. So 
the Town voted June 15, 1696: 

"That Mr. John Appleton, merchant, Mr. Andrew Dyamond, 
Mr. Francis Wainwright be appointed and impowered a Com- 
mittee to lay out the several lots that shall be desired by Per- 
sons to carry on the fishing design at Jeffery's Neck for flake 
room and erecting of stage or stages, the said I^otts to run up 
and down the Hill fronting to ye River, on ye Southside, and 
those that have already built flake room, to order their orderty 
setting the same up and down said Hill, and that no flake room 
shall lye along the River to debar others from carrying on the 
design of fishing." "Stage Hill" is the name that still clings 
to one of the rounded hillocks on Jeffries Neck toward Par- 
ker River, and suggests yet further extension of the fisheries. 

An old picture in the possession of the Historical Society 
shows the fish-houses and stages on Jeffries, and the fishing 
craft at anchor, at some time previous to the Revolution, and 
the parallel rows of stones running up the hill on the Great 
Neck, probably indicate the several flake rooms of that period. 

Palfray in his History of New England tells us that in the 
latter half of the seventeenth century, the trade of the Colony 
had become extensive and profltable. Provisions, horses, 
boards, pipe staves and houses r«ady framed were shipped to 
Barbadoes, St. Christopher and other Islands. Fish, pipe- 
staves, and deals were sent to Spain, Portugal and the Straits. 


Madeira and Canary Islands. Masts and yards, fir and oak 
plank, and all kinds of peltry went to England. The Ipswich 
merchants, the Wainvvrights, Jonathan Wade, Thomas Bishop, 
Mr. Diamond and others were enter])rising men, and many a 
foreign bound vessel, laden with the dried fish and pipe-staves 
and other commodities sailed down the river and out into the 
broad Atlantic. We know some of the fishermen who were 
busy with their boats and fishing in those daj^s, Daniel Ringe, 
William Smalledge, Thomas Harris, Richard Gross, Robert 
Dutch, Robert Knight and Richard Lakeman. 

Shoreborne Wilson, George Palmer, William Douglass and 
George Hart were coopers, and they and many others no doubt 
made the barrels for the fishermen, and the staves for foreign 
shipment. Some of the sailors' names remain, and a romantic 
interest attaches to these bold mariners, who voyaged so 
far in the small and quaint vessels of that day: Joseph Met- 
calfe, Robert Dutch and Samuel, his son, Peter Peniwell, 
Freeman Clark and William Donnton. One other artisan con- 
tributed in no small degree to this flourishing river business, 
Simon Tompson, the rope-maker, who lived near Rocky Hill. 

But there was thrifty toil beside that on the wharves, and 
the fishing stages, in the fishing shallops and on the decks of the 
foreign bound merchantmen, and the tributary employments 
of the salt-maker and cooper, and rope maker. There were 
carpenters and some of their names remain: William Whitred, 
William Storey, John and Thomas Burnam, Ezekiel Woodward v 
Thomas Clark and Joseph Fuller. In the earliest days, indeed, 
there were thatchers, also, whose craft it was to cover the 
roofs of the newly built houses and barns with thatch, and 
the use they made of the heavy salt grass growing on the banks 
of the lower river has been perpetuated in the name, thatch- 
banks. Brick chimneys supplanted the wooden chimneys daubed 
with clay, and there was call for the bricks that John Day 
made, and the services of John Woodam or William Knowlton 
as bricklayers. Glass windows were universal after the middle 
of the seventeenth century, and there was a distinct trade of 
glazier. Samuel Hunt and his son followed this trade, and so 
did Robert Kinsman, one of the immortal group that stood 


with John Wise in his jjrotest against the Andros tax, and 
suffered with him. 

There was need of food and raiment. Samuel Younglove 
was the first butcher of whom we know. William White, Oba- 
diah Wood and his apprentice, John Spark, were "biskett 
bakers." Shoes and leather garments and gloves were needed, 
and Thomas Clark tanned the hides. Richard Scoficld and 
Thomas Lovell split and cured and made them ready for the shoe- 
maker. "The cordwainers" as the men of the awl and lap- 
stone were called, were quite a numerous body, and they were 
men of quality, too: Dea. Thomas Knowlton, Robert Lord, 
Thomas Smith, Nathaniel Knowlton, John Wilson, John 
Lovell and William Bulkley. 

The weaver, too, was a man of indispensable value. He 
sat all day at the heavy loom, harnessed like a packhorse 
to his load, and many a weaver grew round-shouldered and 
misshapen. We may think of James Sayer and Thomas Lull, 
Simon Adams and Nathaniel Fuller as philanthropists as well as 
weavers. The tailor went often from house to house to measure 
and cut and sew the garments made from the homespun fabric 
of the good wife, and the more finished product of the profes- 
sional weaver. John Annibal, Thomas Clark, Jr., John French 
and one woman, Mary Lord, were of this most useful guild. 
Samuel Graves, Samuel Wood and William Howard, Jun., were 
felt makers and hatters. Innkeepers provided for the needs of 
travellers, and the social tippling of the towns-folk, John 
Baker, Abraham Perkins, John Spark, and others not a few, 
including the sober Deacon Moses Pengry. 

The gunsmith was indispensable in those days of danger. 
William Fuller, Thomas Manning and Nathaniel Treadwell 
plied that calling. Jacob Davis, the potter, was the house- 
keeper's friend. John Ward was the original "chirurgeon". 
Giles Firmin was a trained physician, and John Aniball of later 
years was a limb dresser. Dr. Bridgman, formerly of Boston, 
Dr. Philemon Dane, and Dr. John Perkins ministered as well to 
fleshly ills. 

The division and subdivision of trades in those days are in 
great contrast with the combination of trades that ])revails 
today, because of the universal use of machinery and the 


grouping of workmen in large manufactories. It is interesting, 
moreover, to note how much more of legal restriction there 
was in various ways in the olden time. 

The use of the wood on the common lands for various pur- 
poses brought it within the province of the commoners or 
freemen to decide whether this privilege should be granted. 
Tlie maltster and the brick-maker needed fuel constantly, and 
their business was thus dependent constantly on the favor of 
the commoners. The water-power on any stream was the 
property of the Town, and no mill could be erected without a 
popular vote. The fisherman was restricted in the use he 
nuidc of the fish he had taken with toil and trouble. In 1639, 
the General Court ordered that "after June 20th no bass nor 
cod shall be taken for manure, except their heads and offals." 

The artisan might not charge as he saw fit for his day's 
labor. "Carpenters, joyners, bricklayers, sawyers and thatch- 
ers" might not "take above 2*. a day, nor shall any man give 
more, under penalty of 10^ to taker and giver." Carpenters 
had been receiving 3^. a day, because workmen were scarce, 
and common laborers, 2^ G**. ; but the order of the Court, in 
1633, reduced the skilled workman's wage one-third, and the 
laborer's pay to 18'^. The baker wrought under the eye of the 
law. The law of 1637 ordered that cakes or buns may not be 
sold except "such cakes as shall bee made for any buriall, or 
marriage, or such like special occation." In 1639, the General 
Court admonished John Stone and his wife "to make biger 
bread or to take heede of offending by making too little bread 
hereafter,"and again "no bread might be made finer than to 
afford at twelve ounces the two penny loaf." 

The leather trade was regulated by the General Court in 
1642. To prevent deceit in tanning leather, it was enacted : 

"That no butcher, currier or shoemaker should be a tanner; 
nor should any tanner be a butcher, currier or shoemaker." 

"That no gash in a hide should be permitted." 

"That every hide should be well tanned." 

That tanners should not"sett their fatts in tan-hills or other 
places, where the woozes or leather which shall be put to tan in 
the sam(^ shall or may take any unkind heats, or shall put any 
leather into any hott or warm woozes, etc." 


The potter was girt about with restriction. The law of 1040 
required: "Tile earth, to make sale ware, must be digged before 
the first of the ninth month (November), and turned over in ye 
last or first month ensuing, a month before it be wrought." 

The cooper's pipe staves were inspected "because often 
found wormy." Innkeepers might not charge more than 0''. a 
meal (1034). One woman, who aspired to professional dignity, 
was roundly rebuked, Jane Hawkins, wife of Richard, who 
was especially forbidden, in 1037, "to meddle in surgery or 
physick drinks, plaisters or oyles, nor to question matters of 
religion except with the elders for satisfaction." 

The traffic in "strong water" was carefully guarded. The 
statute of 1037 was: "Every town shall p'sent a man to bee 
allowed to sell wine and strong water made in the country, and 
no other strong water is to be sold." Mr. Symonds was per- 
mitted to sell in Ipswich. In 1039, Good. Lumpkin, Good. 
Firman or Good. Treadwell might be authorized by the Town. 
The ordinary was under close watch for illegal sales, for enter- 
taining of boys or habitual tipplers, for dancing or gaming, for 
permitting any to remain during the week-day lecture. 

The most extraordinary assumption of authority over the 
private affairs of families was made by the General Court in 
1041, and several subsequent years. A scarcity of materials 
for clothing led to the statute of 1041, that heads of families 
should employ their children and servants in manufacturing 
wild hemp into a coarse linen cloth. In 1045, each Town 
was ordered to increase its sheep, to relieve the scarcity of 
woolen cloth, and in 1054, it was enacted that no sheep should 
be transported and none killed imder two years old. In 1050, 
the General Court again ordered that in every family :" all hands 
not necessaryly employ'd on other occasions, as woemen, girls 
and boyes shall & hereby are enjoyned to spin according to 
their skill & abillitie." The Selectmen were enjoined to con- 
sider the capacity of every family and rate it according to its 
employment in other pursuits, and the amount of time that 
might be given to spinning. The usual amount of spinning 
that a spinner could accomplish in a day was to be the standard, 
and each family was to be "assessed" as a spinner, or a half or 
quarter spinner. Every family assessed for a whole spinner 


was required, after the year 1656, to spin for thirty weeks every 
year, three pounds per week of linen, cotton or woolen, and so 
proportionally for half or quarter spinners, under penalty of 12'' 
for every pomid short. To secure proper oversight, the fam- 
ilies were to be divided into groups or classes of ten, six or five, 
and a class leader was to be appointed over each group. The 
sowing of the seed of hemp and flax was also provided for. 



The political privileges of those early years of the seven- 
teenth century, when Ipswich was a frontier town, were few. 
In a community so thoroughly religious, one would expect to 
find perfect brotherliness. But Religion was itself narrow. 
Our Puritan forefathers founded the Bay Colony that they 
might enjoy the privilege of worshipping God according to 
their own consciences, and build up the kingdom of God on 
these shores. They were very jeah^is, however, of any who 
would not build with them, and they could not believe that any, 
beside the avowed children of God, were competent to direct 
the affairs of the new Commonwealth. So it was ordered by 
vote of the first General Court : 

"to the end the body of the commoners may be pre- 
served of honest and good men," "that for the time 
to come, no man shall be admitted to the freedom 
of this body politic, but such as are members of some 
of the churches within the limit of the same." 

Formal application was made to the General Court, and the 
Court granted the privilege of freemen to such as were deemed 
suitable under this law. Every freeman thus elected, took the 
freeman's oath, prescribed by vote of General Court, May 14, 

" I, — A B , being by God's providence an inhabitant 

and freeman within the jurisdiction of this Commonwealth, 
do freely acknowledge myself to be subject to the government 
thereof, and therefore do here swear by the great and dreadful 
name of the everlasting God, that I will be true and faithful to 
the same, and will accordingly yield assistance and support 
thereunto with my person and estate, as in equity lam bound; 
and I will also trvily endeavour to maintain and preserve all 
the liberties and privileges thereof, submitting myself to the 
wholesome laws and orders, made and established by the same. 



And furthor. tliat I will not plot nor practise any evil against it 
nor consent to any, that shall so do, but will truly discover and, 
reveal the same to lawful authority now here established, for 
the speedy preventing thereof. Moreover, I do solemnly bind 
myself in the sight of God, that when I shall be called to give 
my voice, touching any such matter of this state, wherein free- 
men are to deal, I will give my vote and suffrage, as I shall 
judge in mine own conscience may best conduce and tend to 
the public weal of the body, without respect of persons or favor 
of any man ; so help me God in the Lord Jesus Christ." 

Having taken this solemn oath, the freeman was eligible 
to vote for the officers and magistrates of the Colony, and to 
have a voice and vote in town meeting, and freemen alone were 
thus privileged in the early years of the Colony. At first, the 
whole body of freemen met in Boston for the annual election, 
and we may presimie that every freeman of our little settle- 
ment made his toilsome journey to exercise his honorable right 
of franchise; but in 1636, Ipswich and five other towns were 
allowed to keep a sufficient guard of freemen at home and for- 
ward their proxies. 

For thirty years this restriction of the franchise to church 
members, who had taken the freeman's oath, was vigorously 
enforced. Neither wealth, nor family name, nor distinguished 
public service, could gain the right of voting, if he were not a 
church member in good standing. But after Charles the Second 
succeeded to the throne, there began to be a demand for loss 
exclusiveness. "In 1662, the advisers of Charles II wrote to 
the colonists that it was desired 'that all freeholders of com- 
petent estate, not vicious in conversation, and orthodox in re- 
ligion (though of different persuasion in church government) 
may have their votes in the election of all officers civil and 
military.' " "In 1664, the Commissioners for New England were 
appointed, and one of their chief duties was to remove the re- 
striction from the franchise and secure greater freedom in mat- 
ters of religion." 

"At the first General Court after the arrival of the Com- 
missioners, a substitute law was passed, but so exacting were 
the conditions that the change from the old to the new law, 
amounted to little or nothing. The records of the time say," 


" In answcn- to that part of His Majesty's lott(n- of June 28, 
1662, concernino- admission of freemen, this Court doth de- 
clare that the law prohibiting all persons except members of 
churches, and that also for allowance of them in any county 
courts, are hereby repealed; and do hereby also order and 
enact that from henceforth all Englishmen presenting a certifi- 
cate under the hands of the ministers or minister of tlie place 
where they dwell, that they are orthodox in religion and not 
vicious in their lives, and also a certificate under the hands of 
the selectmen of the place, or of the major part of them, that 
they are freeholders, and are for their own proper estates (with- 
out heads of persons) rateable to the comitry in a single country 
rate, after the usual manner of valuation in the place where 
they live, to the full value of ten shillings, or that they are in 
full communion with some church amongst us, it shall l.)e the 
liberty of all and every such person or persons being twenty- 
foin- years of age, householders and settled inhabitants in this 
jurisdiction, from time to time, to present themselves and 
their desires to this Court for admittance to the freedom of the 
Commonwealth, and shall be allowed the privilege to have such 
their desire propormded and put to vote in the General Court 
for acceptance to the freedom of the body politic by the suffrage 
of the major part according to the rule of our patent."' 

Thus, very reluctantly, the sturdy Puritan legislators con- 
sented to even this allowance, but the way was opened to more 
material modification of the ancient usage ; and the separation 
of church and state went on apace. 

The commoners, as has been already stated,^ had the priv- 
ilege of voting on all questions relating to the common lands, 
and as a matter of fact, the majority of commoners were also 
freemen, but the privileges of the two bodies were distinct. 
Some freemen were not commoners, and commoners were not 
all freemen. 

A third body of inhabitants, and by far the largest, was 
distinguished as "residents." Every man, twenty years old, 

1 .Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies, tenth series, ii, in. Chuvch and State in New Eng- 
land, Paul E. Lauer, A.M. 
2 Page 71. 


who had rosidod six months within the town limits, and was not 
enfranchised, was o])liij;cd to take the; 'MiesicU'nts' Oath" Ix'fore 
the (lovernor or Deputy Governor, or assistants, and was then 
recognized as a duly qualified inhabitant. The Statute of 
1G47 allowed such to be chosen on juries by the freemen and 
to vote for selectmen. Beyond this they had no political 

Even this humt)le privilege of residing within the town 
limits, and hearing all the burdens of taxation and compulsory 
military service, and every other public duty, with no voice in 
the direction of affairs, was jealously guarded, and very grudg- 
ing welcome was sometimes accorded a new comer. From the 
begiiming, suspicion always attached to a prospective settler 
of any other nationality than English. A town vote of 1634 is 
to this effect: 

"That theire shall noe forriner amongst us come into our 
meetings, unless he will subject himself unto the like orders 
and penalties that we the freemen of the Towne have established 
for our peace and comfort in our meetings." 

As early as 1689, our record says, "The Town doth refuse 
to receive Humphrey Grifhn as an inhabitant, to provide for 
him as inhabitants formerly received, the town being full." Ref- 
erence is made without doubt to the practice of granting building 
lots and tillage land to new comers. Every new house erected 
carried with it a right of commonage, and a vote in commoners' 
meeting. This privilege they wished evidently to keep within 
their own hands. As a matter of fact. Griffin became an in- 
habitant, despite this uncomplimentary reception. 

"Robert Gray hath free liberty to come to town, and to 
dwell amongst us," was recorded in 1646, and in 1656, it was 
"Voted, that Mr. Stevens hath liberty to come to this Town, 
and be an inhabitant amongst us, and make use of our Commons 
for timber for his trade, provided that he serve the Town in 
the first place." 

In marked contrast with the welcome received by these 
two favored men, was the gruff action in the case of some hum- 
bler folk in 1673: 

" Ordered, the constable shall give notice unto William 


NelLson and Al^ner Ordway, and an Irish or (jurnscy man that 
married Rachell, Qr. Masr. Perkins' mayd, that the Towne 
will not allow them to inhabit here in this Town, but that they 
depart the Town, unless they give security to save the Town 
harmless from any charge the Towm may be put unto, by re- 
ceiving of them." And in the same year, yet more explicit 
action was taken: "No person shall suffer any stranger from 
other towns to continue or live more than one week in his own 
dwelling house or any tenement of his, unless satisfaction be 
given the Selectmen." The evident purport of these instances 
of class legislation was to secure the town against any liabilitj^ 
to sujiport poor and shiftless people. Our community was 
full of thrifty and busy life, and it had no place for any who 
were likely to become a public burden. 

The query may arise naturally, what proportion of the 
actual inhabitants were freemen, and what proportion were 
commoners? Various lists of freemen and commoners occur, 
but the complete list of male residents is lacking imtil 1678. 
In that year, Charles II ordered a new oath of allegiance to be 
taken, and the constables of every town and village were or- 
dered to convene all the inhabitants for the administration of 
the oath. In Feb., 1678-79, a list of commoners was recorded 
and in December, 1679, a list of freemen was also prepared and 
put on record. These lists are of such value, that I insert 
them in full: 

' 'The list of those that by law are allowed to have there votes 
in Town affairs. Voted to be recorded at the Towne meeting, 
December the 2'i' 1679." 

The original list begins in the invariable order, the name of 
Gen. Denison first, then the names of the ministers, after these 
in a roughly arranged alphabetical order, the names of the 

Major Gen^' Denison Elder Paine^ 

M'" Thomas Cobbitt Mr. John Rogers 

Mr Wry Hubbard^ 

• Wry is the ancient abbreviation for William. 
- Robert Paine, the Elder of the church. 



For the sake of convonienco, the whole Hst has boon arraii 
in accurate ali)hal)etical order, as follows: 

Arthur Abbott 
Neh-miah Abbott 
Corp" Jo. Addams 
Nath Addams 
Corp" Jo. Andrews 
Mr. Thos. Andrews 
Capt. John Appleton 
Sergt. Belcher 
Henry Bennett 
Thos. Borman 
Haniel Bosworth 
Moses T^radstreet 
Edmund J^ragg 
John Brewer, Sen. 
Edmund Bridges 
John Burnam, Sen. 
Ens. Tho. I^urnam 
Tho. Burnam, Jr. 
John Caldwell 
Simon Chapman 
John Chote 
Serg^ Clarke 
Corpll. Thos. Clarke 
Tho: Clarke mill 1 
Mr. Thomas Cobbitt 
Mr. John Cogswell 
Mr. Will Cogswell 
Edw. Coborne 
Robert Crose, Sen. 
Robert Day 
John Dane, Sen. 
Major Gen" Denison 
Jo. Denison, Sen. 
Nath. Emerson 

Mr. Daniel Epps 

lOphraim Fellows 

Isaack Fellows :^ 

Joseph Fellows 

Al)raham Fitts 
Abraham Foster 
Isaack Foster 
Jacob Foster 

Renold Foster, Sen. 

Rcnold Foster. Jr. 
"Phillip Fowler 

Ensign French 

Thomas French 

Thos. Gidding 

Deacon Goodhue 

Joseph Goodhue 

Wry Goodhue 

George Hadley 

Dan. Hovey, Sen. 

Daniell Hovey, Jun. 

James How, Sen. 

James How, Jun. 

Wry Howlett 

Mr. Richard Hubbard 

Mr. Wry Hubbard 

Sam. Hunt 

Samuel Ingalls 

Nathan iell Jacob 

Thos. Jacob 

John Jewett 

Neh. Jewett 

Daniel Killam Sen. 

John Kimball 

Roiy Kinsman 

1 Sometimes nlluiled to as Thomjis Ulark at the Mill. 



Deacon Knowlton 
John Knowlton, Sen. 
John Lampson 
John Layton 
Edw*^ Lomas 
Robert Lord, Sen. 
Robert Lord, Jun. 
Tho. Lovell 
Thomas Low 
Thomas Lull 
Thomas Metcalfe 
John Newmarsh, Sen. 
Mr. Will Norton 
Elder Paine 
Aron Pengry 
Deacon Pengry 
Abra'". Perkins 
Jacob Perkins Jun. 
Qua'" Mas'" Perkins 
Serg. Perkins 
Sam. Perley 
Samuell Podd 
Anthony Potter 
Joseph Quilter 
Mr. John Rogers 
Mr. Sam Rogers 
Walter Roper 
Nath. Rust 
Mr. Smith 

Richard Smith 
William Smith 
Symon Stace 
William Story Sen. 
William Story, Jun. 
Nathaniel Tredwell 
Simon Tuttle 
Thomas Varney 
Mr. Jonathan Wade 
Mr. Wain Wright, Sen. 
Mr. John Wainwrigiit 
Richard Walker 
Nicholas Wallis 
Daniell Warner, Sen. 
Nath. Warner 
Nathaniel Wells 
Twiford West 
Capt. John Whipple 
Corp" John Whipple 
Joseph Whipple 
James White 
William White 
Robert Whittman 
Mr. Theoph. Willson 
Esaiah Wood 
Obadiah Wood 
Sam. Younglove, Sen. 
Sam. Younglove, Jun. 

The names of Major Sanuiel Appleton and Dep. Gov. 
Samuel Symonds do not appear, but the omission was acci- 

Feb. 13:16781 

" A list of the names of those p'sons that have right of coiTi- 
onage, acording to law ct oi'der of the Towne." 

' Town Record. 



The list as it is found in the Town Record beiiins witli the 
invarialjlo group of dignitaries: 

Maj. Gen. Denison Mr. Rich. Hubbard 

Mr. Jona: Wade Mr. Cobbit 

Capt. Jo. Aj^pleton Mr. Wry Hubbard 

Major Sam. A))])leton Mr. John Rogers 

For the ])urpt)se of affording convenient comparison with 
tile Hst of freemen, the entire list has been re-arranged in alpha- 
betical order. Tiie original spelling is folio wetl in every case. 

Neh. Abbott 
John Addanis 
Nath Adams 
Simon Addanis 

(by Thos French) ^ 
Corporal Andrews 

for Averills Hill 
Corp" Jo. Andrews 
John Annaball 
Appleton (by Starkweather) 
Capt. Appleton (by Mauing) 
Capt. Jo. Appleton 
Major Sam. Appleton 
Henry Archers 

(see Edmond Heard) 
Wry Averill (by Tilton) 
John Ayers 

(by Joseph Fellows) 
Sam. Ayres Sen. 

John Baker 

Henry Bachelors farme 

Serg. Belcher 

Henry Bennett 

Henry Bennett 

for Phillip Calls 

Mr. Berry 

for Sam. Bishop 
Gyeles Birdleys house 
Bishop for Dirky house 
Bishop (by Sam Ingalls) 
Sam. Bishop 
Thos. Borman 
Haniell Bosworth 
Bowles for Thos. Medcalfe 
Brabrook farm 

(by Downing) 
Brabrooks (see Taylor)] 
Moses Bradstreet 
Edward Bragg 
Ed. Braggs farme 
John Brewer, Sen. 
Edmund Bridges 
Mr. Brownes farm 
Jo. Browne 
Jo. Browne farmer 
Joseph Browne 
Bryer for Mr. Wade 
John Burnani, Sen. 
Ens. Thos. Burnham 
Tho. Burnham Jun. 

' The entry in the Ttecord is " ThoH. Freneli for Simon Addanis." TIih reverse 
order is n.sed fo: the sake of convenience and is alwiiys imlicated by the parenthcBis. 



John Caldwell 
Phillip Calls 

by Henry Bennett 
Sam. Chapman 
Simon Chapman 

for Jo. Kimball 
John Choate 
Mr. Chute 
Corp" Clarke 
Thomas Clarke 
Mr. Cobbit 
Rober Coborn, Sen. 
Mr. Cogswell Rowley line 
Mr. John Cogswell 
Mr. Wry' Cogswell 
Robert Collins 
Robert Crose, Sen. 

John Dane, Sen. 
John Dane, Sen. for 

yt was Jo. Newmans 
John Dane, Jun. 
Roger Darby 
Hopkin Davis 
John Day 
Robert Day 
Edward Deare 
Maj. Gen. Denison 
Major Genlls Farme 
Daniel Denison 
John Denison, Sen. 
Thomas Dennis 
Dirky house by Bishop 
Downing for Brabrooke farm 
Robert Dutch Sen. 

John Edwards 

Mr. Emersons farme 

Nath. Emerson house 

at Towne 
Mr. Epps 

Ephraim Fellows 
Isak Fellows for Saltonstall 
Joseph Fellows for John Ayers 
Abraham Fitt 
Abraham Foster 
Isaack Foster 
Jacob Foster 
Renold Foster, Sen. 
Renold Foster, Jun. 
'Phillip Fowler 
Ens. French 
Thos. French 

for Simon Addams. 
James Fuller 

John Gaines 
John Ciiddings 
Joseph Gidding 
Thos. Giddings 
Joha Gilbert 
Deacon Goodhue 
Joseph Goodhue 
Will Goodhue, Jun. 
Sam. Graves 
John Grow 

George Hadley 
Halfield farme 
Mr. Hammonds farme 
Mr. H — mans farme 
Hardys house 

by Jo. Newman 
John Harris 
Tho. Harris 

1 Wry is the abbreviated form of AVilllam. 



Sam. Hart 

One for John Hassells house 

Will liayward 

Edniontl Heard y' was 

Henry Archers 
Mr. Hodges house 
Wni. Hodgkins 

the house at Towne 
Daniell Hovey Sen 
Daniel Hovey Jr 
James How Sen 
James How Jun 
Will Howlett 
Mr Rich. Hubbard 
Mr Wry Hubbard 
Huning (see Nath. Rogers) 
Sam Hunt, Sen. 

Samuell Ingalls 

Sam Ingalls for Bishop 

Nathaniel Jacob 
Jer. Jewett 
John Jewett 
Widdo Jordan 

Robert Lord Sen. 
Robert Ijord Marshall 
Thomas Lovell 
John Low 
Thos Low, Jun. for 

Matthew Whipples house 
Thos. Lull 

Mauing (for Capt Applet on) 

Thos. Metcalfe 

Thos. Medcalfe (by liowles) 

Widdo Metcalfe 

Moores house 

by Isaiah Wood 

Edward Nealand 
Benj. Newman 
John Newman 

for Hardy's, house 
John Newman, Jr. 
John Newman 

(see John Dane Sen) 
John Newmarsh 
Mr. Nortons far me 
Mr. Wry Norton 

Caleb Kimball 
John Kimball 
Jo. KimbalFs farme 
John Kindrick 
Robert Kinsman 
Deacon Knowlton 
Wry Knowlton's house 
(see Taylor) 

John Layton 
Jolm Lee to Webster 
Richard Lee 
Edward Lomas 

Henry Ossborne 

Elder Paine 

Elder Paines farme 

Andrew Peeters 

Robert Peirce 

Aron Pengry, Sen. 

Decon Pengry 

John Pengry 

Quar*"" Mr Perkins 

Mr. Perkins farme 

Qua'' Mas'" I'erkins Island 

Serg, Perkins 



Timothy Perly 
Pery for Nich. Wallis 
John Pindar 
Nath. Pippers house 
8ani. Pod 
Anthony Potter 
John Potters house 
Benj. Prockter 
Benedick Pulsipher 

Widdo Quilter, Sen 
Widdo (Quilter 

Widdo Redding 
Ring for 

Mr. Sani. Rogers 
Daniel Ringe for farnie 
Ezekiel Rogers house 
Mr. John Rogers 
Nath. Rogers where Huning is 
Mr. Sam Rogers 
Walter Roper 
Kilicros Ross for ye 

home y*^ was Simon Stace 
Kilicros Ross house 

(by Mr. Symonds) 
Nath. Rust 

John Safford 

Joseph Safford 

Saltonstall (by Isak Fellows) 

Mr. Saltonstalls farm 


Goodman Scotts house 

Richard Shatswell 

The house where Sherrin lives 

Richard Smith 

Sam. Smith 

Thos. Smith Sen 

John Sparke 

Simon Stace 

Simon Stace (see Kilicros Ross) 

Thomas Stace 

Starkweather for Appleton 

Wry Story Sen. 

Mr. Symonds for Kilicross Ross 

Mr. Will Symonds 
taylor for Wry Knowl- 

tons house or purchase of 

Sam. Tayler 
Tilton for Wry Avcrill 
Nath. Tredwell 
Simon Tuttle 

Thomas Varney 

Mr. Wade (by Brycr) 

Mr. Jonathan Wade 

Mr. Francis Wainwright 

Mr. John Wainwright 

Sergt' Tho Waite 

Nicholas WalUs 

Nich. WalHs (by Pery) 

Usuall Warden 

Wardell for Ezekiel Wood- 

Dan^' Warner Sen 

Wel)ster (from John Lee) 

Nathaniel Wells 

Twiford West 

Capt. Whipples farme 

Capt. Jo. Whipple 

Corpi' Jo Whipple 

Joseph Whipple 

Matthew Whipples house 
by Thos. liowe, Jun. 


James White Simon Wood 

Robert Whitman Nichlas Woodberry farme 

Mr. Winthrops farm Ezekiel Woodward (see Ward- 
Mr. Willson ell) 
Esaiah Wood 

Isaiah Wood for Moores house Sam. Younglove Sen 

Obadiah Wood Sam. Younglove Jun 

The names of the commoners include those of four widows, 
who had the privilege of the ballot undoubtedly in the com- 
moner's meeting. Wealthy men like General Denison had two 
votes, apparently in the commoners' meeting; one, because of 
their town property, and one from their farms. (.)nly 125 names 
are recorded in the list of freemen, seventeen of which are not 
found among the commoners. 224 names of connnoners are 
recorded, and the ''School Farm." 

When we compare these lists with the total male population, 
yet more striking contrasts appear. Several enrollments of the 
male inhabitants above the age of sixteen are preserved in the 
old Records of Deeds. One bears the caption, "A list of those 
of Ipswich, who according to an order of the Gen" Court ap- 
])eared before Worshipfull Major Gen" Uenison, Esq. ye Decem. 
and January 1677, and have taken the oath of alegance and 
fidelity." To this is appended another list, under the heading, 
"Samuell Symonds, Esq., dep. Gov'' his returne that had taken 
the oath." Another is headed, "A list of those that tooke 
the oath of Alegance of Ipswich Towne, before the worshipfull 
Maior Gen" Denison Esq., the ll'*^ of December, 1678." In 
1683, a list of nineteen who took the oath before Samuel 
Appleton was recorded. 

I have compared these lists carefully, one with another, 
and have combined in a new alphabetical list, all the different 
names derived from these random enrollments. This list is 
probably an approximately correct enrollment of the total 
male population in 1678, and it possesses value sufficient to 
entitle it to full place in these pages. Frequent duplicates 
will be noticed, but I have ventured only in a few cases to strike 
out such, inasmuch as there were no middle names to distin- 
guish those who bore the same name, and various devices 



were in vogue to accomplish this end, as Serg. Clark, who -was 
also Thos. Clark, Thos. Clark, the tanner, Thos. Clark, Tersh. 
or the third, and plain Thos. Clarke ; " Isaac Foster" and " Isaac 
Foster, the tythingman ;" "Marshall Lord" (Robert), Robert 
Lord, Sen., Robert Lord, Jun., and Robert Lord Tersh. 

Some of these duplicates may have no rightful place, but I 
venture on few liberties with these ancient lists, which included 
all the youth and men from Topsfield line to Gloucester, who 
lived in scattered hamlets, and were members of large families, 
in which there was a reverent regard for the parental name. 
The same name may have been l)orne by several individuals 
without any confusion in those primitive times. 

Arthur Abbott 
George Abbott 
Nehemiah Abbott 
Nehemiah Abbott 
John Adams 
Nath. Adams 
Sam. Adams 
Symon Adams 
Edw. Allen 
John Allen 
John Andrews 
Corp. Jo. Andrews 
Joseph Andrews 
W'' Andrews 
Wry Andrews 
Thos. Andrews 
Mr. Andrews* (Thos.) 
John Annable 
Matt: Annaball 
Sam. Appleton 
Sam. Appleton Jr 
Sam. Ardway 
Thos. Attwood 
John Ayres 
Jo. Ayres of Andover 
Joseph Ayres 

Sam. Ayres 
Sam. Ayres Sen 
Sam. Ayres Jun 
Thos. Ayres 

Edw. Bagett 
John Baker 
W> Baker 
John Bare 
John Barnes 
John Barry 
Thos. Bayly 
David Belcher 
Rich. Beddford 
Henry Bennett 
Jacob Bennett 
Steph. Bennett 
W^ Bennett 
Mr. Berry 
Andrew Birdly 
James Birdly 
John Birdly 
Sam. Bishop 
Dan. Borman 
Thos. Borman 
Haniel Bosworth Sen. 

* The school master. 


Hanicl Bosworth Jim. 

Good. Boston (or ]3aston) 

Christopher Bowles 

Caleb Boyiitoii 

John Bradstrect 

Moses Bradstreet 

Edward Bragg 

Timothy Jiragg 

Thos. l^ray 

John Brewer, Sen. 

John Brewer, Jun. 

Edmimd Bridges 

John Bridge 

Chas. Brown 

John Brown 

John Brown 

John Brown jr. 

Joseph Brown 

Nath. Brown 

Nath. Brown 

Richard Bryer 

John Burnani 

John Burnani 

James Burnam 

Joseph Burnam 

Thos. Burnam 

Thos. Burnam 

W^-^ Buttler 

John Cabwell 
Dilhngham Caldwell 
John Caldwell Jun. 
Philip Call 
Rich. Carr 
Jo. Carpenter 
Nath. Chapman 
Sam. Chapman 
W^y Chapman 
Symon Chapman 

Nich. Cheverle? 
John Chote Sen. 
John Chote Jun. 
James Chute Sen. 
James Chute Jun. 
John Chubb 
Freeman Clark 
John Clark 
Thos. Clarke 
Thos. Clarke Tersh. (3d) 
Sergt. Clarke 
Thos. Clark, tanner 
Lawrence Clenton ^^ 
Thos. Coborne 
Mr. Cobbitt 
Edward Cogswell 
Mr. John Cogswell 
Wry Cogswell 
Daniel Colborne 
Ezra Colborne 
Edward Colborne 
Joseph Colborne 
Rob. Collins 
James Colman 
Thos. Comings 
Isaac Comings 
Sam. Cowdry 
Gyles Cowes 
James Creek 
George Cross 
Ralph Cross 
Robert Cross 
Stephen Cross 

Doctor Dane 
John Dane 
Philemon Dane 
Roger Darbye 
Hopkin Davis 



Dan. Davison 
James Day 
John Day 
John Day 
Thos. Day 
Robert Day 
Edward Deare 
Edward Deare Jun. 
John Denison Sen. 
John Denison Jun. 
Thos. Dennis 
Wry Dirgye 
Sam. Dodge 
Jeremiah Dow 
Thos. Dow 
John Downing 
John Dutch 
Robert Dutch Jun. 
Samuel Dutch 

John Edwards Sen. 
John Edwards Jun. 
Thos. Edwards 
Nallo Ely 
Peeter Emans 
Nath. Emerson Sen. 
Nath. Emerson Jun. 
Mr. Joseph Epps 
Mr. Lionell Epps 
Joseph Evely 

David Falton 
Jonathan Fanton 
Mr. Farley 
Mesheck Farley 
Mighill Farley 
Ephraim Fellows 
Isaac Fellows 
Joseph Fellows 

Sam. Fellows 

Philip Finler 

Abram Fitt Sen. 

Abram Fitt Jun. 

James Ford 

Abra. Foster Sen. 

Abra. Foster Jun. 

Benj. Foster 

Isaac Foster 

Isaac Foster, Sen. 

Isaac Foster, tythingman 

John Foster 

Jacob Foster 

Renold Foster Sen. 

Renold (or Reginold) Foster Jun 

Reginold Foster 

Thos. Fossie 

Philip Fowler Jun. 

John French 

Sam. French 

Thos. French 

Ensign Thos. French 

James Fuller 

Joseph Fuller 

Nathaniel Fuller 

Thos. Fuller 

John Gaines 
Nath. Gallop 
John Gamage 
Amos Gaudea? 
Amos Garding 
Curnel. genelee? 
James Gidding 
John Gidding 
Joseph Giddings 
Sam. Giddings 
Thos. Giddings 
John Gilbert 



Henry Goiib 

Henry Goub 

Joseph Goodhue Sen. 

Joseph Goodhue Jun. 

Wry Goodhue Jr. 

Dea. Goodhue 

John Graves 

Francis Graves 

Sam. Graves Sen. 

Sam. Graves Jun. 

Jonas Gregory 

Sam. Griffin 

John Grow 

George Hadley 

George Hadley 

John Hadley 

John Haggett 

Moses Haggett 

John Harris 

John Harris 

John Harris 

Timothy Harris 

Thos. Harris 

Thos. Harris 

Sam. Hart 

Thos. Hart 

Thos. Hay ward 
Wry Hayward 
Edmund Heard 
Jonath. Hobbes 
John Hodgkinson 
Wry Hodgkinson Sen. 
Wry Hodgkinson Jun. 
Nath. Hooker 
Daniel Hovey Sen. 
Nath. Hovey 
Abra. How 
James How 
James How Jun. 

Wry Howlett 
John Hubbard 
Sam. Hunt Sen. 
Sam. Hunt, Jun. 
Isaac Huniwell 
John Hunking 
Edmund Ingalls 
Sam. Ingalls 
Sam. Ingalls Jun. 


John B. 

James , a frenchman 

Joseph Jacob 
Nath. Jacob 
Thos. Jacob 
Isaac Jewett 
Jeremiah Jewett 
John Jewett 
John Jewett 
Joseph Jewett 
Nehemiah Jewett 
Jeremy — Capt. Appleton 
Francis Jordan 

Thos. Kellin 
Daniel Killam, Sen. 
Daniel Killam, Jun. 
John Killam 
Joseph Killam 
Caleb Kimball 
Caleb Kimball, Jr. 
Robert Kinsman 
Thos. Kinsman 
Jo. Kindrick 
Jas. King 
Edw. Kitto 
John Knowlton 
John Knowlton, Jun. 



Joseph Knowlton 
Nath. Knowlton 
Sam. Knowlton 
Thos. Knowlton 

James Lambert 
John Lambert 
John Lampson 
Nath. Lampson 
John Lay ton 
John Lead 
John Lee 
Joseph Lee 
Richard I^ee 
Richard Lee 
Isaac Littlehale 
Richard Littlehale 
Edward Lomas 
Jonathan Lomas 
Sam. Lomas 
John Lord 
Nath. Lord 
Marshall Lord 
Rob. Lord Sen. 
Robert Lord Jun. 
Robert Lord Tersh {3'^) 
John Lovel 
Thos. Lovel Sen. 
Thos. Lovel Jnn. 
John Loveren 
Jo. Low 
Thos. Low 
Thos. Low Jim. 
Peeter Liirvey 
Thos. Lull 

Dan. Manning 
Nick. Marble 
Benj. Marshall 

Joseph Marshall 
Thos. Marshall Sen. 
Thos. Marshall 
Abra. Martin 
Robert Martin 
Alex. Merrill 
Thos. Metcalfe 
Joseph Metcalfe 
Samuel Moses 

Edward Neland 
Robert Nelson 
W>' Nelson Sen. 
Wry Nelson Jun. 
Benj. Newman 
John Newman 
Thos. Newman 
John Newmarsh, Sen. 
John Newmarsh Jun 
Thos. Newmarsh 
Zaccheus Newmarsh 
Bonus Norton 
Mr. Wry Norton 

John Osborne 
Henry Osborne 
Wry Owen 

Thos. Page 
Elder Paine 

(Mr. Robt. Paine Sen.) 
Mr.Robt. Paine Jun. 
Sam. Parker 
Robt. Pearce Sen. 
Rob. Pearce Jun. 
John Pearce 
Sam. Pearce 
Jo. Pearl 
Sam. Pearly 


Timothy Pearly 
Andrew Pcatoi-.s 
John Peeters 
John Vo]\ 
Jo. Pciiiiilly 

Deacon (Moses) Pengry 
John PcMiji'ry 
Aaron Penj^ry Jnn. 
Moses Peugry Sen. 
Abr. I'erkins 
Isaac Perkins 
Jacob Perkins 
Jacol) IVrkins Jnn. 
John Perkins Jnn. 
Luke J'crkins 
Matthew Perkins 
Nath. Perkins 
Qr. Master Perkins 
Saninel Perkins 
Scrg. IVu'kins 
Sam. Perley 
Matthew Perry 
Thos. J'errin 
John Pinder Sen. 
John Pin(U'r Jnn. 
Sam. Pinder 
Sam. Pipper 
Anthony Potter 
John Potter 
Edmund Potter 
Samuel Potter 
John Prickett 
Benj. Prockter 
Joseph Prockter 
Rich. Pryer 
Benedict Pulsipher 
John Pulsipher 
Nath. Pyper 

Mr. W™. Quarles 
Joseph Quilter 

Mark (fuller 

John Ring 
Dan. Ringe 
Isaac Ringe 
Rog(M' Ringe 
Jo. Roberts 
John Rogers 
Mr. John Rogers 
Mr. Nath. Rogers 
Mr. Sam. Rogers 
John Roper 
Nath. Roper 
Walter Roper 
Fenell Ross 
John Ross 
Kilicross Ross 
Era Rost 
Peter Rougetoll 
Nathaniel Rust 
Jer. Rylay 

John Sady 
Abeel Sadler 
John Safford 
John Safford Jun. 
Joseph Safford 
James Scandlin 
Benj. Scilian 
Joseph Scilian 
Joseph Scilian Jun. 
Roger Scott 
Sam. Searle 
Henry Serret 
John Shatswell 
Rich. Shatswell 
John Sherrin 



John Smith Sen. 
John Smith Jim. 
Rich. vSmith 
Sam. Smith 
Thos. Smith 
Thos. Smith Sen. 
Thos. Smith Jun. 
Wrj^ Smith Sen. 
Wry Smith Jun. 
W"". Smith 
John Sparke 
Tho. Sparke 
Simon Stace 

— Starkweather 

Moses Stevens 
Edw. Stone 
Sam. Stoi}' 
Seth Story 
Wry. Story 
Wry Story Jun. 
Henry Sweet 
Mr. Wry Symonds 

Sam Taylor ' 
Barnard Thorne 
Abra. Tilton 
Alex. Tompson 
Nath. Tompson 
Wry. Tompson 
Nath. Tredwell 
Thos. Tredwell 
Rich. Trells 
Simon Tuttle 
Thos., a Scotchman 

Thos. Varney 

Mr. Jona. Wade 

Mr. Thos. Wade 
Mr. Fran. Wainwright 
John Wainwright 
Simon Wainwright 
John Waite 
Serg. Waite 
Thos. Waite Jun. 
Nicolas Wallis 
Robert Wallis 
John Walden 
Elihu Warden 
llzell Warden 
Dan. Warner Sen. 
Dan. Warner Jun. 
John Warner 
Nath. Warner 
Benj. Webster 

(said to be of Salem) 

John West 
Twiford West 
Nath. Wells 

John Whipple 

John Whipple Jun. 

Joseph Whipple 

Matthew Whipple 

Rob. Whitman 

James White 

W^ry White 

Wry Whitredge 

Theophilus Willson 

Shoreborne Willson 

Wry Womben 

Isaiah Wood 

John Wood 

Nath. Wood 

Obadiah Wood 

Sam. Wood 

Symon Wood 

John Wooding 


John Yell Sam. Younglove Sen. 

Francis Young Joseph Younglove. 

Sam. Young 

Lewis Zacharias 

To this list there are to be added the names of Gen. Daniel 
Denison, Dep. Gov. Samuel Symonds, Major Samuel Appleton, 
the magistrates before whom the oath of allegiance was taken. 
The total number of names thus attained is five hvmdred and 
eight. This included, it must be remembered, all youth of 
sixteen years and more; but making all due allowance for 
those who by reason of age were disciualified from the franchise, 
there remains a very large proportion of the men, who were 
not allowed to vote in civil affairs. Only 220 names of men 
appear on the commoners' list, about half of the adult male pop- 
ulation, and there were only 125 freemen. 

Probably there was no nation of the Old World where the 
lines of division between the rich and the poor, the learned 
and the unlearned, the master and the servant, were drawn 
more sharply. The aristocracy of old Ipswich was as definite 
and as haughty a bod}^, it may be, as the aristocracy of London. 

Nevertheless, the test of eligibility to full citizenship resided 
not in gentle birth, or in the possession of wealth or learning, or 
official station, but in Christian manhood, publicly professed 
by union with the Christian church. The poorest and most 
ignorant was not debarred from this privilege of church mem- 
bership, and the right of franchise followed naturally from this. 
Complain as we may of the intolerance and narrowness of the 
political system of the time, we can not refuse our admiration 
to those devout Puritans, who knew no test of character, no 
outward evidence of manhood, no fitness for citizenship, but 
the simple living of a Christian life. 



In the First General Letter of Instructions from the Massa- 
chusetts Bay Company to Endicott and his Council, it is speci- 
fied "To the end the Sabbath may be celebrated in a religious 
manner, we appoint that all that inhabit the Plantation, both 
for the general and particular employments, may surcease their 
labor every Saturday throughout the year at 3 o'clock in the 
afternoon, and that they spend the rest of that day in catechis- 
ing and preparation for the Sabbath as the ministers shall 

On Saturday, at three, therefore, we may imagine farmers 
returning from the fields, weavers stopping their looms, shop- 
keepers closing their doors, and all sound of toil ceasing. With- 
in doors the busy Saturday toil was hurried to completion, 
the play of children hushed, and the solemnity of the Sabbath 
was well begun, with the assembling of the family for worship 
and the instruction of children and servants in the catechism 
which the reverend teacher, Mr. Norton, had prepared. There 
seems to have been some general assembling for catechism 
apart from the family instruction, as Thos. Scott, one of the 
substantial citizens, was fined ten shillings in 1650, "unless he 
learns Mr. Norton's catechism by next Court." But he valued 
ten shillings less than the trouble of burdening his memory and 
forfeited his fine. 

The morning of the Sabbath found the household early astir, 
for a goodly service of home worship was always in order before 
the public meeting, and all must be ready at the appointed 
hour. Here, in old Ipswich, the summons to worship was 
given by a bell as early as 1640, and as Ralph Varnham woke 
the echoes with his ringing, the good people issued forth from 
every door. No option was left them as to attendance. The 
Assistants were clothed with power in 1635 to impose a fine 

1 Youug's Clii'ouicles Mass. Bay, p. 163. 



or iniprisoninent at their discretion on deliberate negiectors. 
Only the sick and disabled were excused. They came afoot for 
the most part, in the earliest times. Under the law of 1635, 
no dwelling house might be built above half a mile from the 
meeting house, "except mill-houses and farm houses, of such 
as have their dwelling houses in the same town." As late as 
1661, Henry Bachiler and wife were commended to the General 
Court by the local Court, for absenting themselves from Sab- 
bath worship, and inquiry was made ' ' whether the town of 
Ipswich might not dispose of him and his farme, so as he may 
live in the towne, and enjoy his estate, and ye public worship 
of God." The General Court authorized the lesser tribunal to 
settle the matter as its wisdom directed, but record fails us of 
the final event. ^ 

The meeting house was a very humble structure, I imagine. 
Built of round logs with chinks stopjied with clay or moss, or, 
of logs, hewn scpiare, and piled block-house fashiijn, it served 
the doul)le pur])Ose of sanctuary and citadel. Its roof was 
thatched, no douljt, like the meeting house in Winnisinunet. 

At best it was some roughly board(^d and shingled affair. 
More conspicuous than the meeting house was the fort built 
about it as a protection from Indian assaults. Fortunately, in 
our neighboring town of Boxford, specific record has been pre- 
served of "the old Meeting House fort." It was a stone wall, 
five or six feet high, and three feet thick at the bottom, sur- 
rounding the house. On the south side it was twelve feet, 
on the other three sides, ten feet distant, and at the southeast 
corner, within this wall, a watch house ten feet square was 
built. 2 

Some such wall surrounded the Ipswich meeting house, as 
frequent allusion is made to it in the Town Records. It stood 
until 1702, when the rocks of which it was built were sold to 
buy a clock for the new edifice, erected at that time. A watch 
hous(!, too, for the convenience of the night watch, was in the 
immediate vicinity. 

As the groups of worshippers drew near, I suspect that man}' 
a shuddering glance was cast by the women and children,upon 

' Mass. Uncords, vol. v, p. 3. 

History of Boxford, Siduej' Ferley, p. 63. 


the grim wolf heads, nailed upon the front of the sanctuary by 
every one who killed one of these dread foes, to secure the 
bounty promised by the Town. 

If the weather permitted, all tarried at the door to read 
the notices posted thereon. Documents of many sorts found 
place there: town ordinances enacted at the last town meeting; 
the latest laws of the General Court relating to public debts, 
fixing the penalty for selling fire-arms to Indians, or ordering 
the inspection of pipe-staves; or some scandalous libel against 
the good name of some citizen ; or Joseph Rolandson 's humble 
retraction in his own handwriting before the Ipswich Court, 
which is still preserved in the Court papers in Salem. More 
than a passing look was given the law against Sabbath- 
breaking by parents and youth. A quaint interest attaches 
to one of these laws, which was published from the meeting 
house doors. It was enacted in June, 1653. 

"Upon information of soundry abuses and misdemeanors, 
committed by soundry persons on the Lord's day, not only by 
children playing in the streets, and other places, but by youths, 
majds, and other persons, both straingers and others, uncivily 
walking the streetes and fields, travailing from towne to towne, 
going on shipboard, frequenting coinon houses and other places, 
to drinck, sport and otherwise to mispend that pretjous tyme, 
which things tend much to the dishonor of God, the reproach 
of religion, greiving the souls of God's servants, and the pro- 
phanation of the holy Sabbath: Therefore, ordered that no 
children, youths, majds, or other persons shall transgresse 
in the like kind on penaltje of being reputed greate provokers 
of the highest displeasure of Almighty God, and further incurring 
the poenaltje hereafter expressed, namely, that the parents and 
governors of all children about seven years old (not that we 
aproove younger children in evill) for the first offence in that 
kind, shall be admonished, for a second offence shall pay as a 
fine 5s, and for a third, 10-^ Youths and mayds above 14 
years old shall first be admonished, for the second, 5^ etc. " 

"This to be understood of such offences as shall be com- 
itted during the daylight of the Lord's day. This law is to be 
transcribed by the constable of each towne, and posted uppon 


the inoetiiiji; howse doorc, there to remajn the space of one 
month at l(>ast." 

With minds chily impi'essed with tiie solenmity of the day 
and honr, with gnilty reniend)rance of Ho;ht and wanton con- 
(.hict on other Sabbaths perhajjs, no lonii;er to be permitted by 
watchful constables, they entered. A middle aisle divided the 
interior into two equal parts. There were no pews, only benches, 
and the usage of the day required that the women should sit 
on one side and the men on the other. 

The interior was bare and cheerless. No plaster nor paint 
relieved the roughness and rawness of walls and roof of that 
first meeting house, and even the pulpit, destitute of fine finish 
or coloring, we may presume, was furnished only with Bible 
and Psalm-book, and the hour-glass, which revealed the 
length of the sermon to the eye of every worshipper. Neither 
carpet nor cushion was there, but a floor of hewn timber not 
over smooth. No sweet-toned organ invited to worship. There 
were instead the rattle of scabbards, the clank of muskets. 
Every man above eighteen years of age, except the magistrates 
and ministers, by command of the General Court, came with 
his musket or other firearms, and duly equipped with match, 
powder and bullets. The fear of Indian invasion was always 
upon them, and sentinels fully armed paced their beat without. 

There was semblance of an armed garrison rather than of 
peaceful worshippers. Nevertheless, great formality attended 
the gathering. Rude as the benches were, there might be no 
random choice of seats. In no stately edifice of modern days 
is there such rigidly aristocratic principle openly avowed. 
Official station, education, family connection, wealth, were 
carefully considered, and social rank was delicately adjusted. 
So we are sure that on those first benches sat Mrs. Winthrop, 
Mrs. Rogers, and Mrs. Norton, the wdves of dominies, Dame 
Dudley and her daughters, Ann, the wife of Simon Bradstreet, 
and Patience, the wife of Daniel Denison, Madame Symonds, 
Saltonstall's young bride, Muriel, just from the motherland, 
and behind them, the wives and daughters of the lesser gentry 
and substantial yeomen. Last, of all were the poorer ones and 


Across the aisle sat the men, John Winthrop and the good 
Governor, his father, now and then, Richard Saltonstall, Giles 
Firmin, the physician, and son-in-law of Nath. Ward, Symonds 
and Denison, the magistrates, gruff Dudley and gentle Brad- 
street, the Appletons, and all the rest. It was a notable assem- 
bly, remarkable for fine learning, for high character, for wise 
statesmanship, for grand devotion. Not a few of them grew 
hoary-headed in high and honorable public station, as govern- 
ors and magistrates, commissioners and soldiers, and guided 
the affairs of the infant Commonwealth so well that their names 
are written in gold. 

In the pulpit, clad in black Geneva gown and skullcap 
and ])ure white bands sat the pastor, Thomas Parker, or Na- 
thaniel Ward, or Nathaniel Rogers and John Norton, pastor and 
teacher, and below them, on a raised seat the deacons and ruling 
elders had their place of honor. Thomas Lechford, in his 
Plaine Dealing, describes the order of worship in Boston. It 
was substantially the same in old Ipswich, no doubt. 

"Every Sabbath, or Lord's day, they came together at 
Boston, by wringing of a bell, about nine of the clock or before. 
The Pastor begins with a solemn prayer continuing about a 
quarter of an houre. The Teacher then readeth and expound- 
eth a chapter, then a Psalm is sung, which every one of the ruling 
Elders dictates, after that the Pastor preacheth a sermon, and 
sometimes extempore exhorts. Then the Teacher concludes 
with prayer and a blessing." Once a month the sacrament 
was administered, non-communicants withdrawing. About 
two in the afternoon a second service began, in which the 
Teacher had the sermon, and the Pastor conducted the other 
exercises. This was followed by the baptism of children, "by 
washing or sprinkling," and then the contribution, after the 
preacher had earnestly exhorted to liberality. 

"The magistrates and chief gentlemen first and then the 
Elders," says Lechford, "and all the congregation of men 
and most of them that are not of the church, all single persons, 
widows and women in the absence of their husbands, come up 
one after another, one way, and bring their offerings to the 
Deacon at his seate, and put it into a box of wood for the pur- 
pose, if it be money or papers, — if it be any other chattle, then 


set it or lay it down before the Deacons, and so passe anollier 
way to their seats again. I have seen a faire gilt cwp with a 
cover offered there by one,which is stiH used at the Communion." 
After this, new members were a(hnitted, matters of offence 
were h(>ard, and sometimes it was very late before the bene- 
diction was pronounced. Happily, at snuset, the day was 
done, and Puritan l)oys and girls, to say naught of men and 
women, in their hearts rejoiced that the iron restraints of the 
Sabbath were broken. 

Their psalm singing was curious, and wonderful. Their 
tunes for hymns were few — York, St. Ann's, Martyrs and the 
like. We make ourselves merry over the crudities and mon- 
strositi(>s that 2()th century culture^ detects in praise and 

Nevertheless, a sul)lin)e earnestness characterized it all. 
Stress of weather mattered little. Cold could not affright nor 
heat coiKjucn-, nor rain dishearten. That order adopted in 
1642 "for the making and constant keeping of the meeting 
house tite" reveals the intrusion of the rain within tf) the 
discomfort of bared heads and the injury of Sabba-day clothing, 
but none might stay away. Only one suggestion of creature 
comfort relieves the utter desolation of the wintry Sabbath. 
It has been assumed as a universal truth that there were no 
fires, and it is beyond a doubt that later in the century, and 
down to the beginning of the nineteenth century ,there were no 
means of warming save the footstoves. But the original con- 
tract, still preserved, between John Pickering and the Town of 
Salem in 1638, to build an addition to the meeting house, spec- 
ifies "one catted chimney of 12 foot long and 4 foot in height 
above the top of the building, the back whereof is to be of 
brick or stone;." If the Salem people had a chinniojy large 
enough for ami)le warmth in 1638, the Ipswich folk would soon 
have indulged in the same. What pity, that Puritan self ab- 
negation frowned the fireplace out of countenance at the out- 
set and compelled two centuries nearly of worship at risk of 
health and life ! 

Stern and forbidding that olden worship seems to us, but 
beneath all the sternness of Sabbath laws and usages, and 
the martyr-hke torturing of the flesh, we catch sight of a rare 


nobility of purpose. .Simple, unswerving fidelity to Conscience 
and the Holy Book compelled those men to make their Sabbath 
what it was. We reverence them, and that bare hill-top is 
forever sanctified by their worship. 

As 3^ears went on, the old meeting house became not onh' 
out of repair but too small in size. In 1643, the young men 
and youths had permission to set up a gallery. The doom of 
the old house was sealed in 1646, and it was sold to Thomas 
Firman for fifty shillings in December to be removed by the 
following September. Various records seem to indicate that 
the new house was built in much more leisurely fashion than 
was contemplated when this vote was passed. It was not till 
Feb. 13, 1651-2, that the Town agreed with George Norton 
"to ground-sell the Meeting House and to leave doors and walls 
both for clapboards and dabing," for which he was to receive 
12'' a foot, the Town drawing the timber and underpinning it; 
and again in Oct., 1653, ''to laye four gutters to the meeting 
house of large pyne trees, — and the house closed sufficiently — 
to cover the ground sells about the house, to make a sheet for 
the turret window and cover for the upper scuttell hole." Other 
allusions indicate that the new house was built in the prevailing 
style of the time, of which a fine example remains in the "Old 
Ship" church at Hingham. It was square, with a hip roof, and 
a turret or belfry at the apex, so that the bell-rope hung down 
in the center of the audience room. It was shingled and clap- 
boarded, with glass windows of small diamond panes, set in 
lead, and was furnished with galleries. 

The matter of seating accommodation was frequently be- 
fore the Town. In 1660, certain seats were ordered built and 
repaired in the galleries, also at the two corners of the meeting 
house and under the gallery for women. The question of 
greater and less dignity, carrying with it the question of higher 
or lower seat, became so sharp and vexing that, in 1663, the 
delicate and unenviable task of "seating the congregation" 
was laid upon the Selectmen. Yet more seats were ordered in 
the galleries in 1674, and in 1675 came a most startling inno- 
vation, even permission to Francis Wainwright, one of the 
most conspicuous citizens "to set up a pue six foot square or 
so much as amounts to it between the two seats and the stairs 


on the North side." This vote was recognized as so revolution- 
ary' of ancient usage that the Town Record bears the entry: 
"I consent to the setting up of a square pew in the place 
al)()V(\said to come out as far as the midst of the seate, wherein 
John liurnam's wife setts." 

Daniel Denison. 

Fortified thus by the approval of the Autocrat of the Town, 
the first pew in old Ipswich was forthwith erected, and the loca- 
tion against the wall of the meeting house, rather than in some 
central spot, continued to be fashionable for a century. The 
Wainwright family was no longer separated but sat in a cos}- 
group in the grand new pew. 

A few years afterward. Major Samuel Appleton received 
permission to erect a pew in the east corner "not exceeding 
two short seats in breadth, near the middle of the window in 
the length, at his own charge, relinquishing his right in his 
wives seat." At the next Town meeting, Feb., 1680-1, Doctor 
Dane, Nath. Treadwell, William Hodgkins, Sen., Andrew 
Dymond, Thomas Lull, Thomas Dennis, Thomas Hart and 
Samuel Hunt united in a petition for liberty to "raise the 
hindmost seate in the norwest syde of the Meeting House two 
foote higher than it now is, for there wives to sitt in," and it 
was granted. That lofty row of eight ladies of the second 
order of social rank was a conspicuous ofTset against the pre- 
tensions of the family pew. 

The love of high seats reached the gallery as well, and Sar- 
gent and his son, and others had liberty to raise the 

hindmost seat in the gallery, called the boys' gallery. Higher 
still, the soaring ambition of the good folk reached. Some- 
where in the meeting house there had been a magazine to store 
the town's powder, well up among the beams it has been thought; 
and it was voted in 1681-2 that the Town would ' ' build a seate 
between where the old Powder room was and the gallery." 
That lofty bird's nest against the wall was accounted so hon- 
orable that the Town proceeded to vote, that Mrs. Cobbet, wife 
of the minister "shall have a seate there if she please." John 
Harris and John Staniford had permission as well to put up 
some boards to break off the wind from the seat where their 
wives sat. 


Pew by pew, encroachment was made upon the central 
space after the walls were lined, but a century elapsed before 
the transformation was complete, and the old benches com- 
pletely disappeared. It is a curious illustration of the vagaries 
of fashion that the central floor space, originally the most select, 
fell into discredit when the pew system became popular, and 
became the resort of the poor and those of middle rank. In 
our own day, the wall has been altogether abandoned in its 
turn, and the central floor has regained its pristine honor. 

Coincident with the building of the new and larger house 
of worship, new and peculiar trials began to appear, because 
of the disorderly behavior of the compulsory worshippers. 
The first hint of any disturbance is in connection with the 
family dogs. As early as 1641, the Prudential men of the 
Town ordered that no dog should come into the meeting house 
on Sabbath days or lecture days between twelve and three 
o'clock. Why they were so obnoxious during the afternoon 
service, and not in the morning, we are left to our wits to dis- 
cover. Certain it is, that from very early times, the dog had 
been legislated against as an undesirable attendant. In old 
English towns, the dog-whipper was a regular functionary, 
and a curious old law of the time of Edgar quoted by Mr. Charles 
Francis Adams^ specifies that "parish priests were to see to it 
that no dog should enter church, nor yet more a swine, if it 
could possibly be prevented." Shortly after we have a curious 
revelation of the weakness of the flesh among the Puritans 

Mrs. Earle in her "Sabbath in Puritan New England" 
quotes from the Journal of one Obadiah Turner of Lynn : 

"June 3:1646 — Allen Bridges hath bin chose to wake ye 
sleepers in meeting. And being much proude of his place, 
must needs have a fox taile fixed to ye ende of a long staff 
wherewith he may brush ye faces of them yt will have napps 
in time of discourse, likewise a sharp thorne whereby he may 
prick such as be most sound. On ye last Lord his day, as hee 
strutted about ye meeting house, he did spy Mr. Tomlins 
sleeping with much comfort, hys head kept steadie by being 
in ye corner, and his hand grasping ye rail. And soe spying, 

1 Three Episodes, ii, 744. 


Allen (lid (luickly thrust his staff behind Dame Ballard and 
give him a grievous prick upon ye hand. Whereupon Mr. 
Tomlins did spring vpp mch above ye fioore, and with terrible 
force strike hys hand against ye wall: and also, to ye great 
wonder of all, prophanlie exclaim in a loud voice, curse ye 
woodchuck, he dreaming so it seemed yt a woodchuck had 
seized and bit his hand. But on coming to know where he was, 
and ye greate scandall he had committed, he seemed much 
abashed, but did not speak. And I think he will not soon again 
goe to sleepe in meeting." 

Eventually, in some towns, the fox-tail and thorne were 
deemed insufficient, and a "cage" was built on the meeting- 
House Green, in which the persistent sleeper was ignominiously 
imprisoned, the object of public ridicule. 

But there were worse disorders than the snoring of sleepers 
in the old meeting house on the hill. In 1654, Edward Brydges 
had a legal admonition for disorder in the meeting house, and 
in that same year disorderliness had become so general and so 
offensive that the General Court took the matter in hand, and 
gave liberty to the officers of the congregation and the Selectmen 
of Towns to appoint one or two persons, "to reform all such 
disordered persons, in the congregations or elsewhere about 
the meeting houses." Our Town proceeded, in 1657, to avail 
itself of the new statute, and appointed Thos. Burnam and 
Symon Tompson to keep a watchful eye upon the youth — 
and none too soon — for John Averill had been before the Ips- 
wich Court in 1656 for striking Thomas Twigs in the meeting 
house "in the time of public ordinances on the Sabbath." 

For many years there was a vigorous spirit of disorder that 
must have marred the solemnity of many Sabbaths. The 
grouping of all the young men and boys together was the pro- 
lific cause of constant disorder. Sometimes the disturbance 
was violent, as when Thomas Bragg and Edward Cogswell 
fought together in the meeting house "on the Lord's day^ in 
time of exercise" in the year, 1670, for which they were fined 
10^ apiece, or when Stephen Cross struck another worshipper. 
Two young misses, Elizabeth Hunt and Abigail Burnam, so 
disturbed public service one Sunday in 1674, that they were 
arraigned before the Court, and their fathers admonished to 


reprove them becomingly, and Sam. Hunt Jr. was admonished 
and fined for his light behaviour. 

Old Salem in 1676 wrestled with the unruliness of the boys 
in this fashion: "all ye boyes of ye towne, are and shall be 
appointed to sitt upon ye three pair of stairs in ye meeting 
house, on ye Lord's day, and Wm. Lord is appointed to look 
after ye boys yt sitte upn ye pulpit stairs. Reuben Guppy is 
to look and order soe many of ye boyes as may be convenient, 
and if any are unruly, to present their names as the law directs." 

But "disorderly carriages" increased still to the sorrow of all 
godly worshippers, and, in 1677, in accordance with a precept 
from the General Court, a new office, that of tithingraan, was 
created, and 24 men, good and true, including some of the 
most prominent citizens were chosen by the Selectmen. 

The tithingman was a most important functionary. His 
business extended much beyond the meeting house and disorder 
therein. To each officer was assigned the oversight of ten 
families, hence the name, though the origin of the office itself is 
found in the Saxon times of Old England. 

Within his special precinct, he was instructed by common 
agreement of the town officers in 1681, "to see that children 
and servants be taught to read and instructed in the capitall 
laws and Catechism as the Law p'vides, and that the Selectmen 
as they shall desire y'" goe with y"' to any persons to attend 
that dutye and where there is deficiency in any they are to 
inspect that the Laws be attended." 

Furthermore, the law enjoined them "to inspect dis- 
orderly persons, and to p'sent the names of single persons that 
live out from under family government — to enter ordinaries 
and inspect them" — and "whatever else tends to irreligion." 

They were to admonish all offenders, and if this proved in- 
effectual they were bound to make complaint to the Court. 
One tithingman, at least, pressed the law to the letter, as the 
Court Record bears witness under the date April 10, 1683 : 

"William Knowlton upon complaint of John Edwards, 
tithingman, against him for keeping a pack of gaming cards 
in his house, is sentenced according to law to pay a fine of 5*^." 
Upon his submission the Court ordered that upon "satisfying 
the informer his part as the law provides, and paying 20® to 
the Treasurer and fees, the rest be respitted." 


Two men of the united forces of selectmen, tithingmen and 
constables were "to look after the youth upon Sabbath dayes 
in their towns." 

That business of "seating the congregation" was prolific 
of heart-burnings and constant disorder. Distracted by their 
trials, the Deacons complained to the Selectmen in 1681, of the 
disturbance of p'sns in the meeting house "in not sitting where 
placed, and others crowding into seats to hinder those placed 
in there places." To quell these outbreaks, 5"* a day was or- 
dered as a fine for sitting in the wrong places. 

The final establishment of the pew system proved the solvent 
of all difficulties. Families sat together, the children and 
youth were distributed and were under the eye of their parents 
and the burning issues of early days were at rest forever. 



Constant danger "from plots and conspiracies of the heathen 
amongst us," as the Indians were frequently styled, likelihood 
of rupture with the mother country at a very early date, and 
anticipations of trouble with the French, produced feverish 
anxiety throughout the Colony for many years, and oiu- an- 
cient town, in common with the other communities, must have 
seemed like a warlike camp rather than a peaceful settlement, 
undertaken for the sake of securing liberty of worship and re- 
ligious belief. 

One episode of the very earliest times convinces u^ that 
their anxiety was well grounded. Rev. Thomas Cobbet, the 
minister of Ipswich, in a paper entitled, "New England's De- 
Uverances," relates, as follows: "About five or six yeares after 
(an intended attack upon 'Nahumkeick' by the Indians), in the 
first planting of Ipswich (as a credible man informs me, namely, 
Quartermaster Perkins) the Tarratines or Easterly Indians had 
a design to cut them off at the first, when they had but between 
20 and 30 men, old and young belonging to the place (and that 
instant most of the men had gone into bay about their occa- 
sions, not hearing thereof). It was thus one Robin, a friendly 
Indian, came to this John Perkins, then a young man then 
living in a little hut upon his father's island on this side of 
Jeofrye's Neck, and told him that on such a Thursday morning 
early, there would come four Indians to draw him to goe down 
the Hill to the water side, to trick with them, which if he did, he 
and all neare him would be cut off; for there were 40 burchen 
canowes, would lie out of sight, in the brow of the Hill, full of 
Armed Indians for that purpose: of this he forthwith acquaints 
Mr. John Winthrop, who then lived there, in a house near the 
water, who advised him if such Indians came, to carry it rug- 
gedly toward them, and when their backs were turned to strike 
up the drum he had with him beside his two muskets, and then 



(llschar2;o thcni ; that those six or eight young men, who were 
in tlio marshes hard by a mowing haveing their guns each of 
them ready charged l)y them, might take the Alarmc and the 
Indians would perceive theyr plot was discovered and haste 
away to sea againe; which was accordingly so acted and tooke 
like effect ; for he told me that presently after he discovered 40 
such canowes sheare off from under the Hill and make as fast 
as they could to sea. And no doubt many godly hearts were 
lifted up to heaven for deliverance, both in that deliverance at 
Salem, and this at Ipswich."^ 

As a precaution against such surprise a constant watch was 
maintained at night by the constables. Every adult male of 
each family above the age of eighteen, including "sons, servants 
and sojourners," was liable to this service. From the last of 
March to the last of September the streets and all exposed lo- 
calities were patrolled from half an hour after sunset to half 
an hour before sun rise. 2 

For the convenience of the night watch a watch house was 
built, about the year 1645, near the meeting house, in which a 
fire was kept. All who were abroad after ten o'clock at night 
were likely to be challenged by the watch, and summoned to 
explain where they were going and what their business was, and 
if they failed to satisfy the inquisitive night-guard, they were 
liable to arrest and detention at the watch house, or "courte 
of guard" till morning. ^ 

An elaborate military organization was also provided for. 
The law of 1630 required training on every Saturday, but in 
1634, the requirements were modified so that train bands met 
only once a month, with July and August excepted. The mi- 
litia was organized, in 1636, into three regiments. The first 
included the men of Boston and vicinity, under Governor Win- 
throp as Colonel, and Thomas Dudley, Esq. as Lieut. Colonel. 
The second was composed of the train bands of Saugus, Salem, 
Ipswich and Newbury and was commanded by bluff John Endi- 
cott of Salem, and our patron, John Winthrop, Jr., as Lieut. Col. 

More definite local organization was completed in 1645,when 

' Perkiiirt Family Genealoffy, p. 8. 

2 Mh88. Records, 1047, vol. II, p. 2"i4. 

3 Mass. Records, 1645, vol. II, p. 130; 1652, vol. ill, p. 282. 


Mr. Symon Bradstreet, Captain Denison, Ensign John Whit- 
tingham, and others, were allowed by the General Court to be 
called "ye military company of Ipswich, N- wbiiry, Rowley, 
Salisbury, and Hampton,"' with liberty to assemble as often 
as they pleased, in Ipswich, Newbury and Rowley. The Row- 
ley company, however, organized in 1646, and the Ipswich sol- 
diers probably lost their eastern contingent at that time. 

Denison, we presume, was head and front in this movement. 
Winthrop and Saltonstall both outranked him at the outset 
the former holding the rank of Lieut. Colonel, as we have men- 
tioned and the latter, that of Sergeant-Major in Endicott's reg- 
iment. But, as early as 1634, Denison 's skill in military affairs 
was recognized by his appointment in connection with Mr. 
Nicholas Easton and Mr. Dummer on the board of local over- 
seers of powder, shot and all other ammunition. 2 Muskets, 
bandoleers, and rests lately arrived from England were held in 
charge by them as a common stock. He rose rapidly to the 
first place. 

How much quaint and picturesque association attaches to 
the stated training days of the olden time! Our level South 
Common was the training field. Thither all the able-bodied 
men resorted with their arms and accoutrements, and every 
boy and many a Puritan maid, to see the fine display. The 
minister was there in gown and bands to open the training 
with prayer. The first citizens were in the ranks or among the 
officers. Denison was there as Captain of the host, Whitting- 
ham as Ensign, Thomas Howlett as one of the petty officers. 

A motley company it must have been! Side by side, stood 
the lad of eighteen and the old graybeard, still obliged to train 
if the infirmities of age did not incapacitate him. "All Scots- 
men, Negers and Indians inhabiting with or servants to EngHsh'' 
were pressed into the ranks. ^ There is no hint of uniforms, so 
they came probably in their leather doublets and breeches, or 
suits of linsey-woolsey, or in the smart attire of the wealthier 
folk, with hats or caps, long boots or shoes as circumstances or 
choice determined. 

1 Maes. Records, vol II, p. 111. 

2 Mass. Records, vol I, p. 125. 

3 Mass. Records, 1652, vol. Ill, p. 268. 


Nevertheless, the essentials of military effectiveness were 
niinutely refi-arcled. On ev. ry training day, in the forenoon and 
aflernoon, tiie roll was called and every absence noted by 
the Clerk of the train band, and twice a year he inspected the 
equipments to see if every soldier had a pound of powder, 20 
bullets, two fathom of slow match, with musk(^t, sword, bando- 
leers and rest. Every man was recpiired to have as well a 
priming wire, a worm and scourer.' 

The armament was motley and curious. Muskets or "bastard 
muskets" were the only firearm but they might vary in length 
from three feet nine inches to four feet three inches, and unless 
the short guns were duly apportioned to tall men and the long 
guns to short ones, the topmost line of battle was very undu- 
lating. Prior to the year 1645, it is likely that the long six foot 
fowling piece and the muskets with "4 foote barrell" which 
were sent over in the earliest shipments of arms also found place. 

These firearms were all clumsy and inefficient. The ancient 
matchlock pattern was most common. A crooked iron lever 
occupied the place of the modern hammer, to the end of which 
a piece of slow match was fastened. By a pin-gear of simple 
nature, pressure on the trigger brought the match accurately 
down on the open powder pan, the lid of which had been pre- 
viously thrown back by the hand. As the match burned rather 
freely, several yards were needed for extended service and it was 
wound i-ound the musket and the body of the soldier. Rain 
extinguished the smoking match, and spoiled the powder ; 
wind blew the powder from the pan. The matchlock musket 
was so long and heavy, that it could not be held to the shoul- 
der, so a crotched stick called a rest was thrust into the ground 
to support it. Resting the barrel in the fork, the Puritan sol- 
dier took his deliberate aim, and when wind or rain did not pre- 
vent, discharged his weapon. The bastard or shorter-barreled 
muskets were many of them fittcnl with a snaphance lock a 
near approach to the ffint-lock of Revolutionary days, and 
were a far better weapon. 

Swords formed pa of the equipment, probably of the dag- 
ger pattern, which might be attached to the musket, bayonet 

J Mass. Uecovds, vol. II, pp. 118 and 119. 


fashion. Bandolc^ers, broad leather straps, to hold the am- 
munition, were worn over the shoulder. One third of the train 
band was permitted to carry pikes, instead of muskets. The 
pike was a long wooden staff, surmounted by a steel head with 
a variety of sharp edges, for wounding by thrusting and with- 
drawing, a weapon of no mean value, even against the clumsy 
and unreliable firearms. 

Corslets or costlets, to protect the body, and helmets, were 
required to be worn by pikemen even at trainings, and in time 
of service, a buff coat of leather, thick enough to resist the slash 
of a sword, was worn under the armor. John I>eigh of the Ar- 
gilla road, the ancient owner of the field still known as "Leigh's 
meadow," owned such a coat. Corslets and head pieces are 
frequently mentioned in the inventories of this early period. 
Twenty suits of armor were sent over in the first ships, by the 
officers of the Company. 

Each suit included "coslett, breast, back, culet. gorgett, 
tases, and hed piece, varnished all black, with leathers and 
buckles." The gorget was a crescent shaped plate, worn over 
the breast. The culet protected the throat. The tases were 
a series of narrow overlapping plates, that were attached to a 
lining of leather and covered the thighs. The low price of these 
suits, 17 shillings, indicates that they were of leather or thin 
metal or some other cheap matsrial. Some of these full suits 
or scattered pieces may have found proud place in these festal 
training displays. Drum, flag and halberds for the sergeants 
completed the brave show, and thus equipped the ancient train 
band lined up against the old stone wall, marched and counter- 
marched up and down the Green, wheeled, filed, faced, loaded 
and fired for many hours. 

Boys were sometimes pressed into line and formed a com- 
pany by themselves. A statute of 1645 required that all boys 
between the ages of ten and sixteen, with the consent of their 
parents, should be instructed by some military officer or ex- 
perienced soldier upon the usual training days, ' 'in ye exercise 
of arms, as small guns, half-pikes and bows and arrows." 

A horse troop was organized in the Colony in 1648, and a 
company of troopers was well established in our own town in 
1655. Mr. John Appleton was its famous Captain and John 


Whipple its Cornet in 1668. This was the culminating glory 
of the militia. It was an aristocratic body of great pretensions. 
None could be members, who did not pay tax on a hundred 
pounds of estate. Great must have been the display, when 
that choice troop of Ipswich nobility pranced and curvetted 
and invited public admiration by that gay, swaggering spirit, 
that ran easily to riot and disorder, and is easily discerned as 
the secret cause of the ordinance, forbidding that troopers and 
soldiers shall remain in arms and "vainly expend their time and 
powder by inordinate shooting, on the day or night after their 

It is not strange that the citizen soldiery should have proved 
itself quite unsoldierlike not only in this, "inordinate shooting," 
but in neglect of training and sundry breaches of military eti- 
quette. Some offences were punished by fine, and the fines 
were expended in buying an "ensign, or drum, or halberds, or 
candle or wood for their court of guard or powder and arms for 
the poorer sort." Neglect of training might be punished in 
ways various and fantastical, "by either ryding the wooden 
horse, or by bilboes, or lying neck and heels, or acknowledg- 
ment at the head of the company."^ The last was the most 
frequent sentence, and one of these acknowledgments remains. 
Erasmus James of Marblehead brought suit against Richard 
Glass for defamation of character, and the Court ordered that 
"on the next training day at the head of the company, at such 
time as the Captain or Chief officer in the field shall permit, if 
any training day be within fourteen days at ye place, or else 
upon the next Lord's day following before ye congregation at 
Marblehead," Glass should offer the following: 

"I, Richard Glass do hereby before God and his people here 
assembled owne and confesse that I have in my words, calling 
Erasmus James, cheating rogue, one dyde rogue, one dyde dog; 
sinned against God and wickedly abused the said James, of 
whom I had no reason to say, and do from my heart beg pardon 
of God, and of said James, whom I have justly offended in my 
words, hopeing to be hereafter more watchfull over the rash- 
ness of my heart and tongue and action." 

1 Mass. Records, 1663, vol. iv, part 2, p. 97. 

2 Mass. Records, 1672, vol. iv, part 2, p. 51). 


More than once, irrepressible Joseph Fowler was disrespect- 
ful to the haughty Denison, and for each offence in 1647 and 
in 1648, he was summoned to the head of the company, and 
then and there made humble acknowledgment in such terms 
as the Major required. Denison 's wounded honor may have 
been avenged, but Fowler's roystering suffered no lasting check. 

But let it not be thought that the soldiering of the early 
days began and ended in the training field. There was much 
serious business. 

The honored Governor VVinthrop came to town in June 
1637 and the soldiers of Ipswich met him on the road from 
Salem, relieved that escort, and guarded him on his way, 
and on his return, "to show their respect to their governor, and 
also for his safety, in regard it was reported the Pequods were 
come in his way."^ Those fierce and warlike Indians from Con- 
necticut were greatly feared and the settlers were ever on the 
alert to prevent surprise. The military officers were ordered 
"to maintain watch and ward every day, to cause all men to 
bring their arms to the meeting house, and see that no person 
travelled above a mile from his dwelling, except where houses 
were near together, without some arms." At last the summons 
to arms came, and in April, 1637, seventeen young men marched 
away over the road to Salem to join the little army. Six 
more followed in May. Most of their names have been pre- 
served : 

William Whitred Robert Filbrick 

Andrew Story John Andrews 

John Burnam Robert Castel 

Robert Cross Edward Lumas ' 

Palmer Tingley William Fuller, gunsmith 

William Swyndon John Wedgwood 

Francis Wainwright Thomas Shermans 

Wainwright performed prodigies of valor. He pursued 
some of the Pequods until his ammunition was expciided- 
Then they turned upon him and he clubbed his nuisket, and 
laid on so long and so well that he broke his gun, but slew two 

1 Winthrop's History of New Eugljind, voL I, p. 271. 
- Town Records. 


of the enemy, whose heads he brought in triumph to the camp. 
Wedgwood was wounded and left a captive. Sherman also re- 
ceived a wound in the neck. 

In October, the war was over, and a day of Thanksgiving 
was ordered for God's great mercy in subduing "the Pecoits" 
and bringing the soldiers in safety. For this campaign they 
were paid 20'' a month for privates, 30^ for sergeants, besides 
their rations. 

In 1642, suspicion was raised against Passaconaway, the 
Sagamore of the Merrimac, as being partner to a general plot 
among the Indians to cut off the English. It was ordered by 
the General Court that public alarm should be given by dis- 
tinctly discharging three muskets, or the continued beat of the 
drum, at night, or firing the beacon or discharging a piece of 
ordnance at night. All sentinels were immediately to go to 
all houses in their neighborhood, crying. Arm! Arm! and all 
women and children and the old and infirm were to hurry with- 
in the fort, where the ammunition was to be guarded.' 

More than once, perhaps, the drake which the Town had 
received, sent forth its warning note, sentinels hurried up and 
down, and a wild rush of pallid faced women and crying chil- 
dren was made to the meeting house, while the men seized 
their arms and sought the foe. 

On a Saturday in the early September of 1642, intense ex- 
citement filled the town. A messenger arrived in hot haste 
with orders that the militia of Ipswich, Rowley, and Newbury 
march at once to disarm Passaconaway, and on the morning of 
the Sabbath, in a heavy rain, the Ipswich soldiers, twenty in 
number, started on the expedition against the wily foe. Hap- 
pily no blood was shed and in due time he delivered up his 

The town settled with the soldiers who had served against 
the Indians on Dec. 4: 1643, paying "12'' a day (allowing for 
the Lord's day in respect of the extremity of the weather) 
and the officers dubble." 

John Perkins 3s. Sergeant Howlett 6s. 

Robert Roberts 3s. John Burnham 3s. 

1 Records, 1642, vol. II, p. 29. 


Humphrey Gilbert 3s. Robert Tilbrick 3s. 

Thomas Perkins 3s. Francis Wainwright 3s. 

Tho : Harris 3s. John Layton 3s. 

Ralph Dix 3s. Daniel Wood 3s. 

Tho: Burnam 3s. William Miller 3s. 

Jeremy Newlande 3s. Richard Hutley 3s. 

Nathaniel Boswell 3s. Jo : Wilds 3s. 

/ Theop : Satchwell 3s. Henry Green 3s. 

On Dee. 25: 1643, the widow Lumpkin, who kept an ordi- 
nary was reimbursed for the provisions she had furnished the 

The general alarm revived again in 1645, on Dec. 19 of that 
year. Denison had become so valuable as a leader that the 
people of the tow^n agreed to pay him every year, £24 7^ to 
retain his services and he remained the local Captain, even 
when he had attained the exalted rank of Major General of the 
Colony. A double military watch, armed with pike and mus- 
ket, was ordered, and a daily scout on the outskirt of each 
town." Thirty soldiers out of every hundred were ordered to 
hold themselves ready to march with knapsacks packed at a 
half hour's warning. 

Again in 1653, tales of a great assembly of thousands of 
Indians at Piscataqua affrighted the community and Denison, 
now Major General, ordered a scout of twenty-seven soldiers 
from Ipswich and Rowley to discover the facts in the case. 
They marched on Friday morning, returned on Monday night, 
and reported no cause for alarm. ^ Despite these frequent 
alarms more than twenty years elapsed before the dreaded In- 
dian war burst upon the Colony. 

1 Mass. Records, 164.^, voL li, p. 122. 

2 Mass. Records, vol. HI, p. 321. 



The year 1660, when Charles II came to the throne, ushered 
in a long period of gloom and struggle in New England. The 
vital matter of a free and independent existence by right of the 
original Charter, was now called in question in the most alarm- 
ing fashion. From the very beginning, the enemies of the 
Colony of Massachusetts Bay had assailed its chartered rights 
Before a year had passed, the Browns, Morton, Gardiner and 
others, who had been dealt with summarily by the authorities, 
backed by Gorges and Mason, who claimed prior grants of 
territory included in the patent, made complaint to the Privy 
Council, "accusing us " as Winthrop wrote, "to intend rebellion, 
to have cast off allegiance, and to be wholly separate from the 
Church and laws of England ; that our ministers and people 
did continually rail against the State, Church and Bishops, 
etc." The alarming news soon came over the ocean that the 
Council planned to send a General Governor, and create a 
special commission for the management of all the Colonies, 
and for the revocation of their charters, with Laud, Archbishop 
V of Canterbury, at its head. The Charter was formally demanded 
on April 10, 1634, and the Magistrates replied that they could 
do nothing without the direction of the Gene al Court, which 
would not meet for two months. 

When the General Court met, it decided that a General 
Governor could not be accepted, and with perfect understand- 
ing of the revolutionary nature of this decision, orders were 
given for the training of citizens in military tactics and the 
erecting of a castle on an island in Boston harbor. An im- 
mediate conflict was saved only by the chaotic condition of 
public affairs in England. 

In 1638, another demand for the Charter called forth a calm 
and well-reasoned reply from Governor Winthrop, which main- 


tained the cause of the Colonists. But plots against their lib- 
erties continued, constant misrepresentations of the arbitrary 
administration of government were made, and, in 1646, the 
scheme was conceived of sending Governor Winthrop and the 
Rev. John Norton of Ipswich, the most scholarly, and ablest of 
the ministers, to England to state the case fairly before the 
Commissioners. Eventually Edward Winslow of the Plym- 
outh colony was sent, and he carried with him a formal decla- 
ration by the General Court. 

"We conceive," the document declared, "that in point of 
government, we have, granted by patent, such full and ample 
power of choosing all officers that shall command and rule 
over us ; of making all laws and rules of our obedience, and of 
a full and final determination of all cases in the administration 
of justice, that no appeal or other ways of interrupting our 
proceedings do lie against us."' 

Winslow was favorably received, and the growing unrest, 
'ulminating speedily in the execution of the King, diverted 
attention from the officers of a remote Colony. Puritanism 
was in the ascendency during the Commonwealth, and there was 
no disposition to tamper with the Puritan Colony. Under the 
Charter signed by Charles I on March 4, 1629, the colonists 
had been granted liberty to elect their own officers; to make 
their own laws; to make war if necessary in their own defence, 
and to exercise all the privileges of English citizens. 

When news that Charles the Second had been crowned King 
arrived, suspicion as to his attitude toward the Colony checked 
any effusive demonstrations of loyalty. No official proclama- 
tion of his sovereignty was made, nor oath of allegiance or- 
dered. It was imderstood that the affairs of the Colony were 
under debate in the royal Councils, that the scheme of send- 
ing a General Governor had been revived, that petitions for 
the redress of grievances had been presented by the Quakers, 
and that the civil and religious liberty were likely to be im- 
paired. 2 

The Navigation laws were applied rigorously to the Colo- 
nies, larger liberty for Quakers and those who were excluded 

1 Wiutlirop's History of New Enul.-iml, ii, iTS-^sS. 
- PaUray's Histoiy of New Ktif-lanil, ii, 448, 

130 IPSWICH, IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. the franchise was ordered, and the relations between 
King and Colony were strained to such degree, that the peace 
of the people was sorely disturbed. The critical juncture of 
alTai's was discussed in General Court, and it was ordered 
in June 1661 : *'For as much as the pr sent condition of our 
affaires in highest concernments call for a dilligent and 
speedy vsc of the best meanes seriously to discusse and rightly 
to vnderstand oin- liberty and duty, thereby to begett vnity 
amongst ourselues in the due observance of obedjenc and 
fidelity vnto the authority of England and our ovne just 
jiriviledges, for the effecting whereof it is ordered by this 
Court that M"* Symon Bradstreete, M"" Samuell Symonds, Maj''. 
Gen. Denison, M'' Danforth, Majo'" W" Hawthorne, Cap* Th" 
Savage, Cap' Edward Johnson, Kliazer Leeshei-, M'' Mather, M'" 
Norton, M'' Cobbet, and M'' Mitchell be and hereby are ap- 
pointed a coinittee, imediately after the disolution or adjourn- 
ment of y*" Court, to meete together in Boston on second day 
next, at twelve of y'' clocke, to consider and debate such 
matter or thing of publicke concernment touching our pat- 
tent, lawes, priviledges and duty to his maj'-^ as they in theire 
wisdome shall judge most expedient, and drawe vp the result 
of theire apphensions, and ])resent the same to the next session 
for consideration, and approbation, that so (if the will of God 
be)wee may speake and act the same thing, becomeing prudent, 
honest, conscientious and faithfull men.'" 

The spiiit that moved so mightily in Samuel Adams and 
Otis and Patrick Henry a century later is felt in these calm but 
determined words, and it breathes in every sentence of the 
Report of this Committee. They affirmed that, under their 
patent, the Governor and Company were a body politic, in fact 
and name, vested w th power to make freemen, and that the 
freemen had power 1o choose their own Ciovernor and other 
officials. Tho}^ affirmed tha the government thus established 
had full power to govern the people, in all ecclesiastical and 
civil affairs, and to defend itself by force of arms against any 
assault, and that any enactment, "prejudicial to the country, 
contrary to any just law of ours, not repugnant to the lawes 

' Mass. Kecorils, vol. iv, part II, j). 24. 


of England, to be an infringement of our right." They declared 
they recognized the duty of allegiance to the King, but they 
affirmed it in very equivocal fashion.' 

The personnel of this Committee is of special interest. Mr. 
Symon Bradstreete, the Chairman, presumably, had been an 
Ipswich citizen from 1635 or 36 to 1644, and the two members 
whose names follow his, Mr. Samuell Symonds and Maj. Gen- 
eral Denison, were Ipswich men. They were both assistants 
of the Colony. Mr. Mather was a minister of Boston, and Mr. 
Norton, after twenty illustrious years in the Church at Ipswich, 
had removed to Boston only five years before to succeed the 
lamented Cotton. Mr Cobbet was in the Ipswich ministry 
and Mr. Mitchell was Pastor at Cambridge. 

Symonds and Denison were large figures already in public 
affairs. The elder of the two, Samuel Symonds, was now sixty- 
six years old; Daniel Denison was forty-nine. Both had been 
conspicuous for many years from family connections, and offi- 
cial station. Symonds married, for his second wife, Martha, 
widow of Daniel Epes, step-daughter of the famous Rev. Hugh 
Peter of Salem, and sister of the second wife of John Winthrop, 
Jr. In May, 1638, the year after he settled in Ipswich, he was 
chosen Deputy to the General Court, and in June, he was ap- 
pointed a magistrate of the Ipswich Court, ^ and was reappoint- 
ed in the three following years. In 1640, he was chosen to 
record sales, mortgages, etc., and was Town Clerk from 1639 
to 1645. His life became busy with public interests of many 
kinds. He served the town as Selectman. He was one of the 
magistrates keeping court at Pascataquack, afterwards Dover; 
and, in 1643, attained the honor of election as an Assistant. 

The Court of Assistants, as it was called, was composed of 
the Governor, Deputy Governor and seven magistrates at this 
time. Its function was to hear and determine all cases of ap- 
peal from the inferior courts, all cases of divorce, all capital 
and criminal cases, "extending to life, member, or banishment." 
It was the Supreme Court of that day. He was a member of 
many important committees; one, in 1648, "to consider the 
articles of confederation with the United Colonies, another in 

1 Mass. Kecords, voL iv, part II, pp. i!4, 25. 
" Mass. Records, 1638, vol.1, p. 227. 


1653, of which he was chah-inaii, to consider the relati(His with 
the Dutch and IiuHans, and ajjain, in 1654, he was Chairman of 
an important committ(M' of three, "to examine, compare, recon- 
cih^ and phice toi!;ether, in good order, all former lawes, both 
printed and written, and make fitt titles and tables for ready 
recourse^ to any })articnhir containtnl in them." In the same 
year, he was on a committee to rei)ly to a letter of Cromwell's. 
He held court at Salisl)uiy, Hampton, Dover, and York, and 
assisted in settling tiie civil affairs at Kittery, and the Isle of 
Shoals. In 1()5S, h ■ was one of the Commissioners to visit the 
country eastward, and receive the submission of the people at 
Black Point, Blue Point, Spurwick and Casco Bay, and xtend 
the jurisdiction of Massachusetts over this region. 

But better than any catalogue of official duties is the letter' 
he wrote to (Jovernor John Winthrop in 1647, in which he dis- 
cussed "what seemes to be God's ende in bringing his {)eople 
hether." He enumerated sundry particulars, to secure liberty 
in worship, "to afford a hiding place for some of his people 
that stood for the truth while the nation was exercised unto 
blood" and last of all, "to be hopefull instruments in God's 
hand to gaine these Indians to Christs Kingdome. Which mercy 
if attained in any considerable measure will make us goe sing- 
ing to our graves ..." A man of tender and sympathetic 
spirit, we judge him, of thoughtful and reverend mind, albeit 
as a magistrate h" had to harden his heart against the wicked. 

Denison, with his wife Patience, daughter of Governor 
Thomas Dudley, came to Ipswich in 1635, in the same year 
that Governor Dudley took up his residence here, and Bradstreet 
and Ann his wife, daughter of Dudley, as well, came shortly 
after. In the first year of his residence, he was honored with 
election as a Deputy to the General Court, and was reelected 
for two more consecutive terms, and repeatedly in later years. 
In 1637, he was numbered with the magistrates who tried Mrs. 
Hutchinson. He became actively interested in town affairs, 
serving it as Town Clerk in 1636, and as Selectman in many 
subsequent years, when the burden of manifold official duties 
pressed heavily upon him. His capacity in military affairs 
was recognized at once, and he was chosen Captain in 1636.2 

' Ancestry of Pris(;illa Baker, by W. S. Appleton, p. 7.5. 
- Mass. Reconis, IfiW, vol. i, p. 1!)1. 


When a general alarm spread through the plantations from the 
report that a conspiracy had been formed among the Indian 
tribes, the General Court in May 1643 ordered that there should 
be a general training of troops, and provision of arms, and that 
Captain Denison, with five others should put the country into 
a posture of war.' 

His military skill was so highly esteemed by his townsmen, 
that £24 7s was voted by the Town on Dec. 19, 1648,"unto Major 
Denison, soe long as he shall be there leader, in way of Gratuit}' 
to encourage him in his military helpfulness unto them." This 
was raised by popular subscription, and the list bears the names 
of one hundred and sixty one men, headed by the worshipful 
magistrates and ministers. ^ 

He attained the distinguished rank of Major General of the 
Colony in 1653, and was chosen again many times. Judicial 
talents, as w^ell, were his. As early as 1636 he was appointed 
one of the Justices for the Quarterly Court held in Ipswich and 
became a Justice of the Inferior Court in 1647. In 1649, 1651, 
1652, he was chosen Speaker by the Deputies in General Court, 
and in 1653, he became an Assistant and remained in that honor- 
able body until death. Ipswich enjoyed the unique honor of 
furnishing two of the nine members of that high Court. 

Special tasks of honor, that required tact and skill, industry 
and mental poise, were laid upon him. 

Cromwell's suggestion that the men of Massachusetts might 
remove to Ireland and establish their commonwealth there, 
was replied to by a letter from Denison and four others asking 
for information and stating the terms on which they might be 
led to remove. When difficulties arose with the Dutch colony 
in New York, he was appointed on a committee to join with 
the Commissioners of the United Colonies, "to draw up the case 
respecting the Dutch and Indians." 

Another delicate and responsible commission was given 
him in May, 1658, when the General Court voted, "that Major 
Gen'i Daniel Denison, diligently peruse, examine and weigh 
every law, and compare them with others of like nature; such 
as are plain and good, free from any just exception, to stand 

1 Mass. Records, vol. II, p. 39. 

2 Town Record. 


without any animadversion as approved. Such as are repealed 
or fit to be repealed, to be so marked and the reasons given; 
such as an* obscure, contradictory or seeming so, to be rectified 
and the emendations prejiared. When there is two or more 
laws about one and tiie same thing, to prepare a draught of one 
law that may comi)i'eiiend the same; to make a plain and easy 
table, and to prepare what els(> may present, in the perusing of 
them, to be necessaiy and useful, and make return at the next 
session of this Court." In a few months the work was done, 
and the volume was printed. Two copies, it is said, are still 

Samuel Symonds and Daniel Denison, then, were a strong 
contribution to that patriotic committee of 1661. The busi- 
ness intrusted to them was of paramount importance, and was 
a theme of much popular discussion. Evidence of this and of 
the deep interest the citizens of Ipswich had in these critical 
affairs of State is afforded by the minute in the Record of the 
General Court, of the sessions which approved the report of 
this Connnittee: "The Court hauing read and considered of 
seuerall petitions presented and subscribed by sundry of our 
freemen and others from Ipswich, Newbury and Sudbury, 
referring to some things as haue binn vnder consideration about 
our compljance w-'' England &c., and as wee cannot but acknowl- 
edge theire care and approove of theire good intencons in most 
things w'^''' haue been presented to our cognizance, so wee also 
must lett them vnderstand that this Court hath not binn alto- 
gether negligent to provide for theire and our owne safety, and 
to manifest our duty and alleagiance vnto his maj'>'', from whom 
wee haue had such a favorable auspect of late, doe therefore 
desire the petitioners will rest sattisfied in what is donne, assur- 
ing themselves this Court will not be wanting in the prosecution 
of such further wajes and meanes as may be most conduceable 
to our owne peace. "2 

Similar reply was given to the petition from Boston of like 
character. Evidently there was a conservative party in all 
these towns, which was averse to any action that might involve 
the colony in a conflict with the throne; and which regarded 

1 Sketch of Ueiiison by Prof. D. D.Shide. 

2 Mass. Records, vol, IV, part II, p. 26. 


the pronounced attitude of the General Court with alarm and 
disapproval The love of liberty showed itself more and more 
decidedly as their liberties were threatened. In view of the 
delicacy of the situation, Mr. Bradstreet and the Rev. John 
Norton were sent to England to represent the Colony in the 
Council debates. They returned in September, 1662, bringing 
word that the King had confirmed their patent, but expected 
that the oath of allegiance should be taken by the Colonists, 
administration of justice should be in his name, that the privi- 
lege of Episcopal worship should be allowed, that all persons 
of good and honest lives should be admitted to the Lord's Sup- 
per, and that all of wisdom and integrity should have liberty 
of voting f o ■ Governor and Assistants. Norton was so much 
depressed by the popular blame that was heaped upon the Com- 
mission that he lived only until the following April, and his 
decease was thought to have been precipitated by this mental 

Answer to this letter was delayed and the King declared 
his purpose of sending over some Commissioners to see how 
the Charter was maintained, and to reconcile the differences 
between them. "The Clarendon Commissioners," as they are 
known, arrived in July 1664. The Governor and General Court 
received them coldly, and made a few conciliatory changes in 
the laws, but replied that the Book of Common Prayer could 
not be admitted, and that they held resolutely to their Charter. 
In some instances the Commission was openly defied. The 
King was informed, and he wrote by Secretary Morrice to Mas- 
sachusetts that it was very evident to him, "that those who 
governed the Colony of Massachusetts . . . did, upon the 
matter, believe that His Majesty had no jurisdiction over them, 
but that all persons must acquiesce in their judgments and 
determinations, how unjust soever, and could not appeal to 
his Majesty." Accordingly he ordered agents to be sent to 

When the General Court met on the 11th of September, 1666, 
to consider the King's letter, after Deputy Governor Willoughby 
had communicated the grounds of his assembling it, 

1 Hutchinson History, 1 :4fit). 


"Itt is oi-derod, that sonic of the reverend elders that are or 
may be in tovvne be desired to be present with the General! Court 
on the niorrow morning- and to begin the Court, & spentl the 
forenoone in prayer.'" 

On the following day, the Court met, and in very solenm 
mood. It was an hour of critical significance, "an occasion, 
which seems one of the most interesting events in the history of 
New England."^ The whole forenoon was spent in j^rayer. 
Mr. Wilson, Mr. Mather, Mr. Symmes, Mr. Whiting, Mr. Corbitt 
(Mr. Cobbet of Ipswich) and Mr. Mitchell prayed. 

On the next day "the petitions from the ports were present- 
ed and a full debate took place."" A petition from Boston 
bearing twenty-six names was read, one from Salem with thii-ty- 
five names, one from Newbury with thirty-nine signatures, and, 
most imposing of all, the Ipswich petition with the names of 
seventy-three citizens. 

These were almost identical, and the Ipswich petition alone 
needs special notice. It was as follows: 

Your petitioners being informed that letters are lately come 
from His Majesty to the Council of this Colony, expressive 
of his ill-resentment of their proceedings in reference to the 
Commissioners lately sent hither, insomuch that his Majesty 
hath thereupon required some principal) persons to be sent 
from here with (command upon their allegiance to attend his 
majesties pleasure, in order to a finall determination of such dif- 
ferences and debates as have happened between his majes'-^"* 
said Commission and the Government here, which declaration 
of His Majestie they cannot but looke upon as a matter of 
such great importance, as it doth justly call for all manner of 
most serious consideration what is to be done in reference 

Wherefore ^'o'' Petitioners that they might neither bee 
wanting to themselves in w*'^ holding any due incouragenl^ 
w*^^'' their concurrence might afford, in so arduous a matter; 
nor to themselves and the Country in being involved by their 
silence, in the dangerous mistakes of persons (however other- 
wise welminded yet) inclining to unsafe if not disloyall princi- 
ples. They desire they may have liberty wdthout offence to 
propose some of their thoughts and feares, about the matter in 
hand, to yo'" serious deliberation. 

1 Mass. Records, vol. iv, part ii, p. 314. 

^Danforth Papers. Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections, ind series, vol. viii, p. 98. 


Yo'" Petitioners humbly conceive, that those who live in 
this age of y*" world are as much as any others concerned in 
that advice of the wise man to keep y'^' King's coiTiandm'^: be- 
cause of y** oath of God, and not to bee hasty to goe out of his 
sight, that doth whatsoever pleaseth him. Wherefore they de- 
sire that seeing his maj*'^ hath allready taken no little despleas- 
ure ag""* us for so seeming to disowne his jurisdiction over us, 
effectuall care maj^ be taken least refusing to attend his mje-'^t'es 
order for the cleering of our right in that particular, we should 
phmge ourselves into greater disfavor and danger. Our re- 
ceiving our charter for the planting of this Colony from his 
Majt'es royall Pleasure with y*" confirmation of y^ same, ob- 
teyned by o'' late Addresse from his Royall Person, sufficiently 
declared this place to bee part of his dominions, and o'selves 
his subjects, the w'*' allso is further testify ed unto by the first 
Govern'" M'" Mathew Cradock his being recorded Juratus '''' 
fide et obedientia before one of the Ma'" of Chauncery, by 
which it is evident, that if any proceedings of o'* have given 
occasion to his Maj*'*' to app'hend that wee believe hee hath 
no jurisdiction over us: What speedy Course has need bee 
taken to free o'selves from the appearance, of so dangerous an 
ofTence & to give his Majt'^ all due satisfaction in that Behalf e. 
Such an assertion yo'" Petitioners conceive would bee no lesse 
derogating from his Maj^'^s hono'" then destructive to y*' welfare 
of this place. It were too much p'sumption for Subjects to 
Lye w"' their Prince upon the points of his Souveraignty & 
jurisdiction. The doubtfuU interpretation of y** words of a 
Patent (which there is no reason to hope, they sh'' ever bee 
construed to the divesting a Soveraigne Prince of his Royalle 
Power, over his naturall subjects and Liege People) they cannot 
but looke upon as too frayl a foundation to build such trans- 
cendent iiTiunities and priviledges upon. Yo'" Petition*^'"'' shall 
never bee unwilling to Acknowledge how much they are bound 
to yo'selves, and others in yo'" capacity for yo'" abimdant paines 
& travayle, for the upholding the Governm* of this Colony and 
maynteyning the Liberties thereof. And they doe hereby ex- 
pressedh' declare themselves ready to run any hazzards w*'' 
you in order to y*^ regular defence and securing y*^ same, and 
are most unwilling to reflect upon the psons of them, they so 
much honor & Respect, by any Vnnecessary manifesting theyr 
dissent from them, in things of another nature. But in a mat- 
ter of so great insight & moment as is this of their duty & al- 
legiance to their Prince wherein the hon'' of Allmighty God the 
credit of y*" Gospell as well as the interest of their owne Per- 
sons & istates are so much concerned they hope and earnestly 
desire that no party will so irresistably carry on any designs 



of SO dangerous consequence as to necessitate their Brethren 
Equally eniiaged w"' them in y'" same undertaking to make 
their pticular Addresse to his Mai*''' and declaration to y'' world 
to cleare themselves from the imputation either of disloyalty 
to the person, or disaffection to the governm* of their lawfull 
Prince & Sovereign. 

Whereupon your Petitioners do humbly entreat that if any 
occasion hath bin given to his Maj*'" so to resent any of o'' 
former proceedings as in his lett'"^ is held forth, that nothing 
of that nature be farther proceeded in, but on y*' contrary that 
seasonable ai)plication bee made to his Majt^'e by meet Persons, 
chosen & sent for that end to cleare o'selves and o'" actings 
from any such construction least otherwise, that w*^'' if duely 
improved might have bin as a cloud of the latter raine, bee 
turned into that which in the conclusion may prove more te - 
rible then the roaring of a Lyon. 

Thus craving yo'" fav'able interpretation of what is here 
humbly p'esented Yo'" Petitioners shall ever bee Engaged to 
thankfulness etc. 

John Appleton 
William Norton 
George Gittings 
John Baker, Sen. 
Francis Wainwright 
Jeremiah Belcher 
Jeremiah Jewet 
John Newmarch 
Henry Bennet 
Will. Story 
John Andrews 
Tho. Wayt 
John Safford 
John Browne 
^Philip Fowler Sen. 
Dan^ Warner 
Walter Roper 
George Smith 
Ez. Woodward v 
WiU. Hodgkin 
John Denison 

Joseph Whipple 
Theophilus Wilson 
Thomas Knowlton 
Samuel Adams 
Freegrace Norton 
Richard Kimball jun. 
Joseph Browne 
Andrew Peeters 
Thomas Lovell 
John Sparkes 
Robert Whitman 
Haniel Bosworth 
John Norton 
Samuell Lord 
Thomas Kimball 
John Kenricke 
Thomas Clarke, jun. 
Thomas Clarke, 3d. 
Simond Tomson 
John Roberts 
Kaleb Kimball 



Rich. Hubbard 
John Perkins 
Jacob Perkins 
Robert Lord, Sen. 
Nathan" Rogers 
Robert Lord, Jun. 
Tho. Harris 
Tho. Low 
Sam'i ingalls 
John Caldwell 
Samuel Rogers 
John Burr 
Robert Day 
Thomas Hart^ 
Ezekiel Rogers 
John Payne 

Anthony Wood 
John Lee 
Nathan^ Piper 
Dan' Davison 
Rich't Walker 
John Whipple, jun. 
Moses Pengrey 
John Gittings 
Sam' Gittings 
Robert Colburn Sen. 
John Whipple,3*'u« 
Thos. Clark, Sen. 
William Mover 
Thomas Newman 
John Woodham 

Only seventy-two names appear on the copy, preserved in 
the Archives of Massachusetts, from which this list is made.^ 

In the debate that followed, the Ipswich magistrates took 
a prominent part. Denison siding with Bradstreet, stood for 
the kingly prerogative, and advised submission to the King. 
Governor Bellingham, Deputy Governor Willoughby, Mr. Sy- 
monds and Mr. Hathorne "stood stiffly for the chartered rights. 
They expressed the common sentiment, which did not require 
to be further urged by Danforth, Leverett and the others like- 
minded."^ A reply to Secretary Morrice's letter was finally 
adopted : 

"We have in all humility given our reasons, why we could 
not submit to the Commissioners and their mandates the last 
year, which we understand lie before his majesty — the sub- 
stance whereof we have not to add, and therefore cannot ex- 
pect that the ablest persons among us could be in a capacity 
to declare our cause more fully." 

1 Inserterl in a list in Danforth Papers. 
' Mass. Arcliives, book 10(5, leaf 172. 

■■* Palfray'B History of New England, II, p. 6-27, note. The abstract of the debate is 
in Danforth Papers. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 2nd series, vol. viii, p. 98-101. 


"We must, therefore, commit this our great concernment 
unto Ahnighty God praying and hoping that his Majesty, (a 
prince of so great clemency) will consider the state and con- 
dition of his poor and afflicted subjects at such a time, being in 
imminent danger by the public enemies of our nation, and that 
in a wilderness far remote from relief.'"^ 

Two days aftei'ward,on the 19th of September, "Major Den- 
nison declared his dissent from the letter to be sent to Secretary 
Morrice as not being i)roportionate to the end desired and he 
hopes, intended, and lU^sired it might be entered, viz., due sat- 
isfaction to his majesty, and the preservation of the peace and 
li])erty of this Colony."^ His strenuous attitude may explain 
the length of the Ipswich petition, and the earlier petition of 
1661. The Court did not relish the tone of these petitions, and 
"finding that tlie peticoners doe therein vn justly charge, threat- 
en & reflect vpon this Court, to the dishono'' of the members 
thereof, — " 

"It is ordered, that Captaine William Gerrish of Newbery, 
Cap' John Apleton of Ipswich, M''. Edmond Batter of Salem," 
and four from Boston, " all of them principall persons in the 
say'' petitions . . . be by the secretary warned to attend 
this Court in October next to answer for the same."" 

It was proposed to call each one of them singly, and take 
his answer in writing. A series of questions was drawn up, 
to be proposed to them, the last of which was "Who was the 
inditer or framer of these petitions, and what arguments were 
used to draw or fear men to subscribe?' ' 

It was the evident intention of the Covn-t to sift the matter 
to the bottom, and bring the gnilty parties to justice. No 
further record of these proceedings has been preserved, but the 
fact that the parties appeared, and that there was warm discus- 
sion as to the propriety of their action is established inci- 
dentally in a very interesting way. 

On October 17th, Captain John Appleton appeared before 
the General Court bearing the following document 

' Danfortli I'ai)crs. 

2 Mass. Records, vol. iv, part ii, i>. 318. 


The Answar of iis whose names are hearto Subscribed to what Is 
charged upon us by y'' honored Generall Court As by ther 
Summons Appeares. 

(1) As to ye Substance & purport of y^' petition for w^h you' 
petioners are In question they must proffess they neyther doe 
nor can dare recede from It. besides other obhgations of contience 
& prudence Some of y"i have taken y'' oath of allegeance with 
many other y'' members of y^ honored General Corte Soe Httle 
while since cannot be forgotten by them nor can y'' be of noe 
Signification to y" you"" petitioners can avouch y* according 
to ther Contiens And best perswasion ther reall desire of y'' good 
of y'' Generall Court & every Member of it, of y'^ whole Contry 
tt Collony as of ye Continuance of or Libertys Granted by his 
Majestic in o^ Charter was y'' Sole Reason why they have peti- 
tioned & upon y*' Same Grounds cannot recall it. 

(2) You'' petitioners doe most Seriousely profess it to be con- 
trary to thei'' Judgem"t & intent in ther petition to cast any 
aspertion upon y" honored Generall Court or any member therof 
or to Express y^' least disrespect or disafection to y'' whole or 
any of it being sensible of y'' duty to Authority And therfore 
pleade not Guilty as to their dessighne in ther petition, yet 
being Seriouse : as to y" matter of y'' petition and scoape therof 
as y'" Case Requires: you^" petitioners were more Carefull ther- 
aboute then Curiouse as for Any Gramaticall Criticismes w^h 
they might presume the Generall Court would not be most 
observant of at such a tyme & in such a Case, whearein y'' matt"" 
abundantly swallowes up any Circumstance and therfore pleade 
for y® Candor of y*^ Generall Court in over looking what you"" 
petitioners might not soe narrowly looke into upon y® acco* 
already given ^ that they would not Strein Expressions to En- 
forc a bad Construction from y™ no^ yet would you"" petitioners 
be understood to acknowledge Guilt As to y^ Expressions more 
then in thir Intentions, they can but Guess at what maye be 
anything capable of harsh Interpretation & therfore shall give 
ther owne in all 3^^' passages which maye to any seeme Suspit- 
iouse upon w'*' y'' Charge Conteined in ye Summons maye pos- 
sibly Be Grounded. 

(3) As to y'" Expressions following viz Being Involved by 
ther Silence In the dangerouse mistakes of psons otherwise 
well mynded Inclined to unsafe if not disloyall principalis &c* 
And agayne desire y' noe pty will soe Irresistably carry on any 
dessighne of soe dangerouse Consequence In Answar heareunto 
you"" petitioners Crave y«" mentioning of thos many petitions 
ye Scoape wheareof ye Generall Court Cannot forgett, pre- 
sented In October 1664^ besides ye fame ther was of Croudes 

1 See printed Records of the Colony of Massachusetts, vol. iv, part ii, pp. 136, 137. 


of petitions then ready to be Exhibited to this Court of yp same 
tennor ^ith thos & yoiii" petitioners desire this honored Court 
to Understand Thos passages mentioned o^ any of y" hke nature 
in ye petition to have Reffrence unto such petitions o^petioners 
whome although they honor & Respect yet they cannot concurr 
with y"' in ther apprehension of y'' (psent Case & not to y Gen- 
erall Court; A: tliat you maye be pleased with good Reason soe 
to understand you"" petitioners begg of y^ honored Court not 
to allow such an interpretation of ye petition as should make 
it Controdict it selfe And to weigh with thos former this Ex- 
pression Necessaryly referring to y^ Courte viz That they would ■ 
not be wanting in with holding any due Encouragement y* 
their concurrence might afforde in soe a'"duouse A matter you^ 
petitioners Conceave a Concurrence w^^ ye Generall Courte 
Intended is inconsistante w**' A Charging of it o^" reflecting 
upon it. ffurther you^" petitioners make their address to y^ 
Generall Courte as Supplicants lV- therfore it maye be improb- 
able yt should be Charged on y™ wh was sued unto by them. 

[4] As to y* in ye petition upon w^h ye Charge of threatening 
must be Grounded namely necessitating their brethen & Equally 
Engaged w*^ them, (kc You^ petitioners answar Is y* it is im- 
propper for thos y* speake Supplications to Intend threatenings 
ye Sollicitouseness in ye petion to avoide inconveniency not 
desired but y*' maye in case be Judged necessary is noe Comina- 
tion; faithfull advertisem"*^ of danger argues noe will o^" pur- 
pose of procuring but preventing it; you'" petioners in those 
words doe butt suppose what necessity y^ highest of Lawes 
maye enforce & affirme what themselves are unbelieving to 
wheh can be noe threatening You^ petioners with others need 
not have been at ye trouble of troubling this honored Court 
but have waited ye ^ceedings of it, and accordingly have 
acted privately in such a waye as Is specified withoute ye 
proposing of such a danger to ye Consideration of ye Courte 
weh their Ingenuity & respect to ye publique good & Intrest of 
ye whole would not allow for w^h you»" petitioners presume 
they may not suffer. 

17 October 1666. 
Capt. Jno Apleton Gave in this as his pticular 
Ans. tho it be writt in the plurall number 
it being so Intended then but now he gives 
it in his singular Capacity and to that he 
he desires to stand unto. E. R. S. 

The Court took no action, simply ordering the papers to be 
filed, but not recorded. The persons warned to attend were 
discharged. When the next General Court met on the 15th 


of May 1667, Ipswich returned Captain John Appleton and 
Mr. Wm. Goodhue as her deputies. Appleton had been Deputy 
for several years prior to 1666, but had not been elected in 
the year the Petition was sent. The fact that he had headed 
the list of the Ipswich petitioners aroused the indignation of the 
Court, and it forthwith refused to receive him and sent word 
of its action to Ipswich. 

May 16: 1667 ^ ^. ^ , . u a i 

The deputyes of the Gen" Covu't finding Capt. John Apple- 
ton to be returned as a deputy for the Towne of Ipswich & 
that upon his presentation thereunto, some question is niade 
of his capacitie for that service by reason of some expressions 
in the petition by him signed the tendency whereof hath mani- 
festly breathed forth some unfaythfulness to the Government 
here established, as by the Generall Courts result on examina- 
tion thereof may appeare, & that in the management^ **\7'^''! 
he hath not retracted the sd offensive expressions but Justify ed 
himself under p'-tence of his good Intentions, nor hath he here 
in the debate thereof taken any blame to himself e but rather 
Impute blame to this House, Justifying himself e m all by his 
good Intentions, as afforesaid, the p'-mises considered, the de- 
putyes doe hereby declare the sd. Capt. Appleton to be no htt 
Member of theire body, and that the freemen of Ipswich may 
on a legall warninge proceed to the choyce of another, whereby 
the liberties of the freemen may not be Infringed nor the Privi- 
ledges of this house be Invaded. 

Voted by the deputvs by way of answer to the freemen ot 

Tn^wich " William Torrey. 

ipswicii ^^j^^.^X 

Ipswich resented the affront to her dignity and straightway 
made reply to the Court : 

"The humble Petition of the freemen of the Towne of Ips- 
wich to the Hon. Gen^ Court now assembled at Boston. 

May it please this honW« Court to understand that whereas 
according to the allowed priviledges and stated libertye and m 
attendance unto and pursuance of the laws specihed . . 

Wee the freemen of Ipswich have orderly and formally 
elected Capt. John Appleton (for that hee hath allways approved 
himself unto us a Gentleman fully orthodox m his judgment 
as to matters of fayth and points of Religion professed amongst 
us, right good, honest pious and prudent m his conversation, 

iMass. Archives, book 106, leaf 112. 


true and firmly faithfull as to the interest of the Colony, and 
Government thereof); to negotiate for us in these publick af- 
faires, wherein o'selves as others are concerned, as a member 
of y'" House of Deputyes and whereas ye saytl Cap*. Ap})leton 
(although not forward yet) was pleased to Gratify us with the 
suscejition of the burthen of such service & trust, and accord- 
ingly to that end Repayred to the Hon'' Court and was there 
disaccepted and thence dismissed unto o"" great grief (if not to 
()'■ damage by virtue of the second law) . . . especially so that 
we cannot understand what y'' reasons of such rejection were, 
nor that it was y'' act of the Co''' entire according to w' is inti- 
mated as requisite in the Law aforesayd 

Your Petitioners are bold hmiibly to crave of this hon. Co'* 
that y'' sd Capt. Appleton may yet have his admission as a 
member of- the House of Deputies for us, therein to discharge 
the trust committed to him by us. But if there bee cause to y" 
(iontrary appearing to y" hon'"'' Co'"' to whose determination wee 
ar(^ l)ound to submit, yet to the end wee may not bee in any 
capacity of jealouseye (which we would most religiouslye de- 
cline) of any disregard to us, partiality or non-attendance to 
ye Laws established anongst us, that we looke upon as o'" 
sanctuary of safety & a mutuall bond unto all, w''' upon no 
pretext or interest . . . may be violate. We further therefore 
most humbly entreat of this hon'"'' Co'"' that y"" would be pleased 
to favo"" us with the information of the grounds of the proce- 
dure in this case, and y'" Petitioners shall be bound ever to pray 

Voted at a meeting of the freemen on the 27"' of May, 1667, 
that this petition be sent unto the Gen" Ct. 
as attest 

Robert Lord Clerk. ^ 

To which, reply was made: 

In Answ'" to this Peticcon, The mag'^ App'hend its meet 
that Cap' Jno. Appleton be admitted or continued in his trust 
as a Deputy of this Court, in behalfe of the ffreemen of Ips- 
wich, or that a just reason of his exclusion be rendred to the 
Court, that so there may be no just ground of dissattisfaccon 
given by this co\irt to the freemen of this Jurisdiccon. The 
magisf" have past this their brethren the deputy* hereto con- 
senting. Euw. Rawson, Secret. 

The deputyes consent not hereto 
28: 3'' 67. William Tokrey Cleric. 

1 Mass. Archives, book 106, leaf \dA. 


However Capt. Appleton was elected a Deputy the next 
year, and no objection was made to him. Lord Clarendon 
soon fell from power. The annoying interferences of the King 
and his advisers ceased, and the sharp political discussions and 
anxious fears which prevailed in Ipswich and in the colony 
were put aside for a time. 

The incident was thought of sufficient importance to be 
mentioned by Samuel Mavericke in a letter to Lord Arlington, 
Oct. 16, 1667. Writing of the session of the General Court, he 
says: "The first act they did was the expelling Capt" Appleton 
of Ipswich who was chosen Deputy for that towne; the crime 
laid to his charge was the subscription (to) that Loyall Pe- 
tioon presented to the last Court of which coppies have been 
sent to your Lord."i 

It is an interesting episode as well as evidence of the warm 
support that Denison had in Ipswich, in his loyalist attitude. 
Samuel Symonds was aggressive in his opposition to this con- 
servative spirit. Many of his fellow citizens no doubt sided 
with him, and partisan feeling must have run high. 

1 The Loyal Petition of Klfifi, by W. S. Appletou, p. 10. 



The ancient record book of the Grammar School contains 
tlie item, probably copied from some earlier source: "1636. 
A Grammar School is set up but does not succeed." The failure 
was but temporary, and an incentive to a more determined 
effort. [^Two lines of the Town Record chronicle the simple but 
impressive vote of the Town Meeting then assembled: 

The First third day of the 9^" 1642 

It is granted that there shal be a free Schole. 

Side by side with this luminous record, it should be written 
that, in the summer of that same year, William Hubbard of 
Ipswich, the son of William Hubbard, in his twenty-first year, 
"was one of that remarkable group of nine young men whom 
Harvard College sent forth in 1642, as the first specimens of high 
culture achieved in the woods of America."* 

How the young student had been fitted for the College is 
left to our conjecture, but we conceive that in the little com- 
munity, which was adorned with five students of Emman- 
uel, and Winthrop of Trinity, there was no lack of guides and 
instructors. It may have been that the honor that came to 
Ipswich of having one of her sons in the first class that gradu- 
ated from their beloved college, impelled her to the resolve to 
have a free school in her midst. 

The preliminary vote of 1642 was followed by that of the 
third of October, 1643, that eleven pounds per year shall be 
raised, as the Committee shall determine. "And that there shal 
be seven free Schollars,or soe many as the Feoffees(to be chosen) 
from tyme to tyme shall order, soe as the numb, exceed not 

The ^hool was estabhshed, and Lionel Chute, we presume 

' M.C. Tyler: History of Ainericiin Literature, vol. I, \>. 13:?. 


was the schoolmaster. He had purchased the house and land 
of WilUam Bartholomew on East Street, "P*day 8"' mo. called 
October. 1639"/ and may have been practising his profession 
in some quiet way. He died in November, 1645,^ leaving his 
house to his wife, Rose, and his books and other goods to his 
son James.'' 

The profound popular concern for the best educational op- 
portunities is reflected in the vote passed by the General Court 
in 1644, requesting the Deputies and Elders in every town to 
use their influence so that every family allow one peck of corn 
or 12d. for the College. The value of the College was em- 
phasized afresh to the good people of Ipswich by the gradua- 
tion of James Ward, younger son of the Rev. Nathaniel Ward, 
in the class of 1645. One mischievous prank had brought 
upon him the censure of the college authorities. He was pub- 
licly whipped by the President, and suffered other penalties, 
but he saw the folly of his misdeed, was pardoned and be- 
came a man of honor and usefulness.^ 

Again in 1649, an Ipswich boy of eighteen took his degree 
at the College Commencement, perhaps the first of the graduates 
from the Ipswich free school, John Rogers, son of the pastor. 
A brilliant student he must have been, for he added at once to 
the linguistic attainments, that fitted for the ministry, a prac- 
tical knowledge of medicine, and began a few years later, the 
double work in his native towm, of preacher and physician. 
In his mature years, he was destined for the Presidency of the 
College, the first of her graduates to attain that high honor. 

William Hubbard's second son, Richard, entered college 
the same year that young Rogers graduated, and Joseph Row- 
landson, son of Thomas Rowlandson, the only graduate from 
Harvard in 1652, had finished his Freshman year. One epi- 
sode of Rowlandson's college course remains. Being vexed 
by certain matters, he resorted to the device, not uncommon 
in his day, of posting on the Meeting House in Ipswich near the 
close of his Junior year, "a scandalous lybell",^ in which he 

1 Town Record. 

- Felt's History of Ipswich, p. 157. 

•' Ipswich Deeds, vol. I, p. 50. 

J Sibley's Harvard Graduates, vol. I, p. 121. 

* Reprinted in full in Sibley's Harvard Graduates, vol. I, pp. 311-316. /^ 


vented his spleen upon the individuals who had aggrieved him. 
He paid d(^arly for this deed of rashness. In his mature years, 
he became the minister of Lancaster. His house was burned 
l)y the Indians, and his wife carried into captivity. Her 
pathetic narrative' is a classic of the time. 

The l})swich Granmiar School had become a pride to the 
Town, though the name of its master was never recorded. 
I^ut. in the year 1650, the broadminded citizens, with note- 
worthy ambition, called to the position of schoolmaster, the 
most eminent teacher in New England, P^zekiel Cheever. He 
was l)orn in I;ondon about 1615, had taken his degree at 
Ennuanuel, and had taught with brilliant success at New 
Haven. His Latin Grammar, "The Accidence," is supposed to 
have been written at New Haven. President Josiah Quincy 
wrote of this famous book, "a work which was used for more 
than a century in the schools of New England, as the first ele- 
mentary book for learners of the Latin language, which held 
its place in some of the most eminent of those schools nearly, if 
not quite, to the end of the last (the 18"') century, which has 
passed through at least twenty editions in this country ; which 
was the subject of the successive labor and improvement of a 
man, who spent seventy years in the business of instruction, 
and whose fame is second to that of no schoolmaster New Eng- 
land has ever produced, requires no additional testimony to its 
worth or its merits."^ 

He came to Ipswich in December, 1650,^ and the Town was 
moved at once to generous provision for the School. All 
"that Neck beyond Chebacco River and the rest of the ground 
up to Gloucester line" was given to the School in 1650. * It was 
leased forever to John Cogswell, Jr., his heirs and assigns, for 
£14 a year, £4 in butter and cheese, £5 in pork and beef, and 
£5 in corn at the current price. ^ 

On Jan. 26, 1652, the Town voted "For the better aiding 
of the schoole and the affaires thereof, Mr. Samuel Symonds 
Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, Mr. Jonathan Norton, Major Daniel 

1 NiiiTative of Mrs. Mary Rowlanrlson. 

- Historical and Genealogical Register, vol. xxxill, p. IfU. 

3 Cotton Mather: Funeral Sermon. 

* Town Record. 

<> Felt: p. 83, from Records of the Grammar School. 


Dennison, Mr. Robert Paine, Mr. William Paine, Mr. William 
Huljbard, Dea. John Whipple and Mr. Wm. Bartholomew, 
weare chosen a committee to receive all such sums of money, 
as have and shall be given toward the buildina; or maintaining 
of a Grammar schoole and schoole master, and to disburse and 
dispose such sums as are given to provide a schoole house and 
schoole master's house, either in buildings, or purchasing the 
same house with all convenient speed, and such sums of money 
parcels of land, rentes or annuities, as are or shall be given to- 
wards the maintenance of a schoole master, they shall receive 
and dispose of to the schoole master, that they shall call or 
choose to that office from time to time, towards his mainte- 
nance, which they shall have power to enlarge by appointing 
from yeare to yeare what each scholler shall yearly or quarterly 
pay or proportionably, who shall allso have full power to regu- 
late all matters concerning the schoole master and schollers, 
as in their wisdome they think meet from time to time, who 
shall allso consider the best way to make provision for teaching 
to write and cast accounts." 

Mr. Robert Payne proceeded at once to purchase a house 
and two acres of land of Richard Coy, attorney for Samuel 
Heifer, for the use of the school master.^ This lot w^as bounded 
by the present County Road, Poplar St. and Argilla Road, 
including the present Payne St. and land occupied by the Cogs- 
well School House, Mr. F. T. Goodhue's store, and other build- 
ings." In the succeeding year, Mr. Payne "att his own proper 
cost & charge" built an edifice for a grammar school, which 
was erected upon part of the land purchased. Various ancient 
deeds make it evident that it stood in the corner lot, bounded 
by County Road and Poplar St. Mr. Paine held title to this 
estate until 1683, when he conveyed it to the Feoffees.^ 

There Mr. Cheever made his home. Thither, as his wife 
and mother of his motherless children, he brought Ellen Lathrop 
sister of Captain Thomas Lathrop of Bloody Brook remem- 
brance, and a daughter and three sons were born there.'* 

' Il>8\vich Deeds, vol. v, p. 269. 

- Publications of the Ipswich Historical Society, Xo. IX, A History of the old 
ArgillaRoad, pp. 6 and 7. 
^ Iliswich Deeds, vol. v, p. 263. 
■* Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxiii, p. 18o. 

150 ipswi(;h, in the Massachusetts bay colony. 

Cotton Mather was one of his pupils in his later years, and 
in his Funeral Sermon bore loving witness to "his piety and 
his care to infuse documents of piety into the scholars under 
his charge, that he might carry them with him to the heavenly 
world. He constantly prayed with us every day and cate- 
chised us every week, and let fall such holy counsels upon us : 
he took so many occasions to make speeches to us that should 
make us afraid of sin, and of incurring the fearful judgments 
of God for sin, that I do not propose him for emulation." 

Rev. John Barnard of Marblehead was a pupil of his old 
age in the Boston Latin School. I "remember once," he said, 
"in making a piece of Latin, my master found fault with the 
syntax of one word, which was not so used by me heedlessly 
but designedly, and therefore I told him there was a plain gram- 
mar rule for it. He angrily replied there was no such rule. I 
took the grammar and showed the rule to him. Then he smil- 
ingly said, 'Thou art a brave boy, I had forgot it', and no 
wonder, for he was then above eighty years old."^ 

"When Scholars had so far profited at the Grammar Schools, 
that they could Read any Classical Author into English, and 
readily make and speak true Latin, and Write it in Verse as 
well as Prose; and perfectly Decline the Paradigms of Nouns 
and Verbs in the Greek Tongue, they were judged capable of 
Admission in Harvard College."^ 

This was the substance, then, of the course of study in the 
Ipswich Grammar School, though room was made probably 
for the elementary studies in reading, writing and arithmetic. 
The School became famous, and many boys came for their prep- 
aration for College. So many Ipswich boys graduated from 
Harvard in those years, that we are sure of the names of some 
who were trained by Mr. Cheever. 

Robert Paine, son of the Elder, who had dealt so generously 
with the School was graduated in the Harvard class of 1656. 
He was a preacher, and was the foreman of the grand jury 
that brought in some of the later indictments in the witch- 
craft trials. His classmate, John Emerson, son of Thomas 
Emerson, was for many years the minister at Gloucester. 

1 nistorical and (ienealoijical Register, xxxiil, p. 181. 
' Cotton Mather: Magnalia, Book iv, §4. 


Four of his Ipswich scholars were of the Harvard class of 
1659. Nathaniel Saltonstall, the oldest son of Richard and 
Muriel chose the ministry for his profession and was settled 
in Haverhill, where he married Elizabeth, the daughter of Rev. 
John Ward and granddaughter of Nathaniel Ward. His son was 
graduated from the College in due time, and from that day 
to this there has never been a break. "There is no family but 
the Saltonstall, which has sent seven successive generations, 
all in the male line, to Harvard University."^ Ezekiel Rogers, 
son of the Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, died at the early age of 
thirty-six. Samuel Belcher, son of Jeremy, preached at the 
Isles of Shoals from 1660 to 1672, when ill health compelled his 
resignation. He resumed his ministry, settling with the First 
Church in West Newbury in 1698, and continued until 1711, 
when he returned to Ipswich. The fourth member of this 
class was his son Samuel Cheever, born at New Haven in 1639, 
who preached all his life at Marblehead. 

In the class of 1660, were William Whittingham, son of the 
merchant John Whittingham of Boston, and Martha, daughter 
of W"\ Hubbard, and his brother Richard, who entered, but 
did not graduate, and both were probably fitted by the Ips- 
wich schoolmaster. Simon Bradstreet, son of Simon and Ann 
Bradstreet, the minister of New London, of the same class, re- 
corded in his Diary that upon his father's removal to Andover 
he was placed in Mr. Cheever 's school. 

Samuel Symonds, son of the Deputy Governor and Samuel 
Cobbet, son of the minister, Thomas Cobbet, were of the class 
of 1663, and scholars of the Grammar School. Both were in- 
tended for the ministry by their parents, but both refused 
and turned to secular employn^ents. Samuel Bishop, son of 
Thomas, a merchant of the town, took his degree in 1665, and 
was the last, probably, of the Cheever pupils, as the school- 
master removed to Charlestown, in November 1661. He 
taught there nine years, and was then called to the Latin school 
in Boston, where he taught till his death. 

Shortly before Mr. Cheever 's removal in the year 1660, the 
fund of the Grammar School was greatly enlarged through the 

1 Sibley: Harvard Graduates, vol. ii, p. 1. 


bequest by Mr. William Paine of Little Neck, which is still held 
by the Feoffees, and the. income derived from it is still appropri- 
ated for the Manning school. Mr. Thomas Andrews was chosen 
as Mr. Cheever's successor and maintained the high reputation 
of the School until his death on Nov. 27, 1683, and the Granmiar 
School boys came forth in honor from the College. In 1669, 
there were the brothers, Samuel and Daniel Epes, sons of Daniel 
and Elizabeth, the daughter of Deputy Governor Symonds, 
the latter of whom was a famous schoolmaster in Salem fo'- 
many years. In 1671, William Adams, son of William Adams, 
completed his course. His Diary reveals a brave struggle with 
poverty, which cost him many pangs. Once he walked from 
Cambridge to Ipswich, and, returning on his uncle Daniel Epes's 
horse, he lost his way in Charlestown woods, and lay out all 
night completely bewildered. He became the Pastor at Ded- 
ham. In the same class was John Norton, son of William and 
nephew of Rev. John Norton, who was ordained colleague with 
Rev. Peter Hobar: of Hingham, and preached in the meeting 
house known as the "Old Ship," which was opened for public 
worship on the 8th of January 1681-2. 

Thus through the medium of the College, the Town was con- 
stantly sending the choicest of her youth into the ministry, 
and the Ipswich church was destined to share richly in the good 
fruit of her early and high regard for the best education. 

Upon the death of Nathaniel Rogers, Thomas Cobbet was 
called from Lynn to occupy the vacant pulpit. He had been 
a student at Oxford, and he was the last of the English Univers- 
ity men to fill the Ipswich pastorate. He was ])rominent in 
all ecclesiastical affairs, wrote many books and pamphlets of 
a controversial sort, and discharged his duty in all civil matters 
with zeal. As a preacher, he may not have excelled, if the 
iudgment of one of his Lynn parish is to be credited, who was 
brought to the bar of the Quarter Sessions Court for affirming 
he had as lief hear a dog bark as Mr. Cobbet preach. But 
Cotton Mather extols his maste y of public prayer. He wrote 
"a Large, Nervous, Golden Discourse of Prayer." . . . "Of 
all the Books written by Mr. Cobbet none deserves more to be 
Read by the World, oi- to Live till the General Burning of the 
World, than that of Prayer. And indeed Prayer, the Subject 


SO Experimentally, and therefore Judiciously, therefore Profit- 
ably, therein handled, was not the least of those things, for 
which Mr. Cobbet was Remarkable. He was a very Praying 
Man, and his Prayers were not more observable throughout New 
England, for the Argumentative, the Importunate, and I had 
almost said. Filially Familiar, Strains of them, than for the 
wonderful Successes that attended them. . . . That Golden 
Chain one End whereof is tied unto the Tongue of Man, the other 
End unto the Ear of God (which is as Just, as Old, a Resem- 
bling of Prayer) our Cobbet was always pulling at, and he often 
pull'd unto such Marvellous purpose, that the Neighbours were 
almost ready to sing of him, as Claudian did upon the prosper- 
ous Prayers of Theodosius, 

O Nimium Dilecte Deo."^ 

At the beginning of his pastorate, Mr. Cobbet received 
as his colleague, William Hubbard, the Harvard graduate of 
1642, the first in the line of Harvard men and of Ipswich men 
in the famous pulpit of the Ipswich church. Mr. Hubbard's 
homestead was on the sightly knoll now^ owned and occupied 
by Mr. Gustavus Kinsman.^ He dwelt here we are sure in 
later years, until his involved financial condition compelled 
him to sell the paternal inheritance. His ministry was emi- 
nent for its literary fruitfulness. In 1677, he pubhshed a 
"Narrative of the Troubles with the Indians in New England," 
of which Prof. M. C. Tyler observes, 'Tf, in the seventeenth cen- 
tury was produced in America any prose work which, for its 
almost universal diffusion among the people, deserves the name 
of an American classic, it is this work."^ It is still recognized 
as the best of the old chronicles of this period. 

His "General History of New England from the Discovery 
to 1680" was left in manuscript and was first printed in 1815 
by the Massachusetts Historical Society. He borrowed so 
largely from Morton's New England Memorial and Winthrop's 
Journal, that this work can scarcely be considered as m re than 

1 A remarkalile instance of answer to prayer, as it was regarded, occurred (iuring 
King Philip's war, when his son was in captivity. 

2 Publications of the Ipswich Historical Society, No. ix, History of the Old Argilla 
Road, pp. 7-9. 

3 History of American Literature, vol. I, p. 13.S. 


a compilation. Nevertheless, Mr. Hubbard was a large figu e 
in his day, far superior to Mr. Cobbet in gifts and attainments. 
One thoughtful critic has declared that he "certainly was for 
many years the most eminent minister in the county of Essex, 
equal to any in the province for learning and candour; and 
superior to all his contemporaries as a writer."* 

Mr. Hubbard invited his brothe: -in-law, the scholarly John 
Rogers, son of Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, of the Harvard class of 
1649, to be his associate in the ministry. Mr. Rogers continued 
the practice of medicine with his pulpit work, and gained em- 
inence for his literary attainments. This busy, many-sided man 
was reckoned far above the ordinary, and, in 1677, on the death 
of Leonard Hoar, he was chosen President of Harvard. He 
declined this honor and Urian Oakes was elected, but on the 
death of Mr. Oakes, he was elected again, and was solenndy 
inaugurated on the 12th of August, 1683. Commencement 
day of the next year fell on the first day of July, an occasion 
of special interest to Mr. Rogers, as the first Commencement 
of his Presidency, and the graduation day of his eldest son John, 
and the young John Denison, son of Rev. John Denison, and 
grandson of Major General Denison and Deputy Governor Sy- 
monds. He was taken sick suddenly at Commencement time 
and died on the following day, July 2, 1684, widely and sin- 
cerely lamented. He was laid in the old burying-ground in 
Cambridge, under the shadow of the College, and the high 
sounding Latin and Greek epitaph carved upon his headstone 
still recounts his virtues: " a treasury of benevolence, a store- 
house of theologic learning, a library of the choicest literature, a 
living system of medicine, an embodiment of integrity, a re- 
pository of faith, a pattern of Christian sympathy, a garner of 
all virtues." 

This scholarly man added to his scientific and theologic 
attainments a fine taste and capacity for poetry. It has al- 
ready been remarked that Ann Bradstreet, during her residence 
in Ipswich, attained renown as the first poet of the New World. 
It i's a singular and noteworthy fact that the two men of the 
following generation, whose poetry is worth recognition, were 

1 J.Eliot: Biogi'Miiliicat Dii'tioiiiiry. 


Ipswich men. President John Rogers was only a boy of four- 
teen when Ann Bradstreet removed to Andover, and could have 
received no direct personal impression from her genius. John 
Norton, the Hingham Pastor, was twenty years younger than 
Rogei*s. Both were admirers of her muse, and both were moved 
to poetry to voice their regret at her death. 

Professor Tyler finds in Mr. Rogers's poem addressed to Anne 
Bradstreet, his only poem, "a monument of the keen enthusiasm 
which the writings of that admirable woman awakened among 
the bright, young scholars of New England during the latter 
part of her own life and for some years afterward."^ 

"Though in one place the poem lapses into a conceit that 
is gross . . . upon the whole it is very noble : it is of high and 
sustained imaginative expression: it shows, likewise that this 
Puritan scholar, of our little college in the New England wilder- 
ness, had not only conversed to good purpose with the classics 
of pagan antiquity, but had even dared to overleap the barriers 
interposed by his own sect between themselves and the more 
dreadful Christian classics of the Elizabethan singers: 

"Madam, twice through the Muses' grove I walked, 
Under your blissful bowers I shrouding there. 
It seemed with nymphs of Helicon I talked ; 
For there those sweet-lipped sisters sporting were; 
Apollo with his sacred lute sate by ; 
On high they made their heavenly sonnets fly; 
Posies around they strewed, of sweetest poesy. 

Twice have T drunk the iicctar of your lines, 
Which high sublimed my mean-born fantasy, 
Flushed with these streams of your Maronian wines. 
Above myself rapt to an ecstasy, 
Methought I was upon Mount Hybla's top. 
There where I might those fragrant floweis lop. 
Whence did sweet odors flow and honey-spangles drop."^ 

John Norton published only an election sermon in 1708 and 
in 1678 a poem occasioned by the death of Ann Bradstreet. 
"It is this poem, 'A Funeral Elogy upon that pattern and patron 

1 History of American Literature, vol. II, p. 13. 

2 For tlie wliole poem, see the Works of Ann Bradstreet, edited by John Har- 
vard Ellis. 


of virtue.' that will preserve for him a hio;h and permanent 
memory among the few real singers of our colonial time. We 
know not what else he did in verse, but certainly the force and 
beauty that are in this little poem could not have been caught 
at one grasp of the hand."^ 

"Some do for anguish weep: for anger, I. 
That Ignorance should live and Art should die, 
Black, fatal, dismal, inauspicious day! 

I^e it the first of miseries to all. 
Or last of life defamed for funeral, 
When this day yearly comes, let every one 
Cast in their urn the black and dismal stone, 
Succeeding years, as they their circuit go, 
Leap o'er this day, as a sad time of woe. 

Virtue ne'er dies: time will a poet raise. 

Born under better stars, shall sing thy praise. 

Praise her who list, yet he shall be a delator; 

For Art ne'er feigned, nor Nature framed, a better. 

Her virtues were so great, that they do raise, 

A work to trouble fame, astonish praise. 

Beneath her feet, pale Envy bites her chain. 
And Poison-Malice whets her sting in vain. 
Let e\ery laurel, every myrtle-bough. 
Be stript for leaves to adorn and load her brow: 

Victorious wreaths, which 'cause they never fade. 

Wise elder times for kings and poets made. 

Let not her happy memory e 'er lack 

Its worth in Fame's eternal almanac. 

Which none shall read, but straight their loss deplore, 

And blame their fates they were not born before. "- 

Mr. Cobbet died in 1686, and Mr. Hubbard invited his 
nephew, John Rogers, son of the President, and John Denison, 
to assist him in the ministry, but Denison was frail in health, and 

1 M. C. Tyler: History of American Literature, vol. ii, j). 9. 

^ The whole poem is in The Works of Ann UnidHtreut, edited by .lohn Harvard 


died in 1689, in the twenty-fourth year of his age, leaving a 
widow Elizabeth, only daughter of Nathaniel Saltonstall, and 
sister of his classmate, Gurdon Saltonstall, and a son John, who 
graduated from Harvard in the class of 1710. John Rogers 
continued in his ministry until his tleath in 1745 in his eightieth 
year, having as the associate of his later years, his son 
Nathaniel, a graduate in the Harvard class of 1721. Mr. Hub- 
bard prolonged his service until 1703, when his colleague, Jabez 
Fitch, of the class of 1694 succeeded him, and died on Sept. 14, 
1704, at the venerable age of eighty-three. 

The good work of the Grammar School, carried on by Thomas 
Andrews until 1683, was continued by Noadiah Russell until 
1687. Francis Wainwright, son of the merchant of the same 
name, and Daniel Rogers, son of the late President, took their 
Harvard degrees in 1686. Wainwright became a merchant, 
a Representative in General Court, and a Colonel in the I'ort 
Royal expedition. Rogers became the Teacher of his old school, 
and remained in it until 1716, fitting fifteen young men in that 
time for the College.^ In after years, he became Justice of the 
Quarter Sessions Court and Register of Probate, and lost his 
life in tragic fashion on the Salisbury marshes^ in 1722. 

The third son of the President to take academic honors, 
Nathaniel, graduated in 1687, became minister at Portsmouth, 
where he died in 1723. Wm. Paine was among the graduates 
of 1689, Rev. John Wade in the class of 1693, Doctor John 
Perkins in the class of 1695, and Rev. Francis Goodhue, son of 
Capt. Wilham, in the class of 1699, who died in 1707. Rev. 
Jeremiah Wise son of Rev. John Wise of Chebacco rounded out 
the century in the class of 1700. 

Thus the Grammar School made liberal contribution to the 
ranks of broad-minded and scholarly men in the learned profes- 
sions, and in business life, and the debt of gratitude that was 
due to Harvard College is abundantly recognized in the regular 
rates that were raised by taxation for the relief of the College. 
Seven pounds six shillings and seven pence were appropriated 
in 1664 and in 1665. In 1677, the General Court sent a letter 
to our town, praying for a subscription for the new brick build- 

' Sibley's Harvard Graduates, voL ill. 

- Publications of Ipswich Historical Society, xi, p. 35. 


ing, which lagged for want of funds, and in 1681, a committee 
was appointed to gather up what was behind for the College, 
and John Dutch's sloop was laden with seventy-eight and a 
half bushels of corn and thirty one and tliree quarters of malt, 
valued at £19 15s. for the College.^ 

Grave compUcations in political affairs, the heavy financial 
burdens resulting from King Philip's war, the tense strain in- 
duced by the renewed attacks upon the Charter, the convulsed 
social condition of the Ursurpation period, were not allowed to 
cool the interest of Ipswich in the struggling College. Through 
all these troubled years-, the vSchool did its work, sending many 
up to the College, and many more into business and polit- 
ical life, and Ipswich had her reward in the high standard of 
her citizenship, her patriotic devotion to the noblest ideals, her 
prosperous and powerful place in the Colony. 

1 Felt'8 Hifitory of Ipswich, pp. 92, 93. 


KING Philip's war. 

Since the year 1653, there had been no fear of Indian assaults. 
The settlers went to work in the fields, or assembled for public 
worship, and journeys were made over the lonely roads through 
the forests without suspicion of danger. But, at last, there 
were signs of an approaching rupture in the peaceful relations 
between the English and the Indians. A chief of commanding 
influence, Metacun, the son of Massasoit, known commonly 
by his English name, Philip, dwelt at Mount Hope, near the 
present town of Bristol, Rhode Island. He had sold his tribal 
lands so extensively, that his people began to feel the pressure 
of civilization. The settlers had dealt unfairly in many in- 
stances in their traffic with the natives. They had deprived 
them of their arms, on pretence of treachery, and had occupied 
their lands without purchase. Brooding over his wrongs, Philip 
organized a plot for the extermination of his dangerous neigh- 
bor's. It was discovered by a Christian Indian, who reported it 
to the authorities of Plymouth Colony. Philip condemned the 
informer to death, and he was slain in January, 1674. Three 
Indians were brought to trial for the crime and sentenced to 
death. Two of them were executed in June, 1675, and Philip 
began at once to plan for his revenge. 

On the 24th of June, 1675, the first blow was struck. The 
town of Swansea in the Plymouth colony was attacked and eight 
or nine of the English were slain. A foot company under Cap- 
tain Daniel Henchman and Captain Thomas Prentice with a 
troop of horse were dispatched from Boston toward Mount Hope 
on the 26th. The state of affairs was critical and with true 
Puritan reverence, the 29th of June was set apart as a day of 
humiliation and prayer. The troops met the enemy near 
Swansea and some lives were lost on both sides. It soon became 
evident that a general Indian uprising was imminent. On the 



14th of July Meiulon, about 36 miles from Boston and within 
the bounds of the Massachusetts Colony, was assailed and four 
or five of the settlers were killed, and on Au.u. 2'"* the fvdl 
horrors of an Indian war were revealed in the bloody affair 
at Brookfield. 

Captain Edward Hutchinson, accompanied by his troopers, 
and some of the men of Brookfield went to the place agreed on 
with the Indians for a conference, near the town of Brookfield, 
and not meeting them there, pushed on to find them. In 
a narrow defile, shut in by a rocky hill on one side and a swamp 
on the other, they were suddenly fired on, and in the short, sharp 
fight that followed eight were slain. Retreating to the town, 
they made their stand in the garrison house. The Indians 
assailed them hotly with loud yells. One young man, the son 
of WilUam Pritchard, who had been slain in the morning, was 
killed while venturing away from the garrison. They cut off 
his head, tossed it about in plain sight of the beleaguered settlers, 
and then set it on a pole against the door of his father's house. 
The Indians endeavored repeatedly to burn the garrison house, 
and, after several unsuccessful attempts, were just completing a 
long cart filled with combustibles, and provided with poles, with 
which they could push it against the house. A providential 
shower wet the kindling-wood so thoroughly that it would not 
burn readily. 

The news of this affair must have caused many a pang in 
Ipswich. A plantation six miles square, near Quabaug Ponds, 
had been granted by the General Court in 1660 to some persons 
of Ipswich, if twenty families and an approved minister be there 
in three years. In 1667, on the 15^'' of May, the Court voted 
that the time be extended for a year from the next midsummer, 
as only six or seven families had settled there. John Warner 
and William Pritchard removed from Ipswich to the new set- 
tlement in the year it was granted, and Captain John Ayres 
was a resident there in 1672.' Other Ipswich folk may have 
migrated thither, and the tale of the tragic death of Ayres and 
the Pritchards, and the sufferings of their families in the 
garrison house made the war vividl}'' real and terrible. 

In the year 1675, the Essex regiment was commanded by 

1 Felt'e History of Ipswich, pp. 75, 76. 

KING Philip's war. 161 

Major Denison. The Ipswich company had for its officers, Dcn- 
ison as Captain, Samuel Appleton as Lieutenant and Thomas 
Burnham as Ensign. The first Essex troop, recruited in 
Salem and vicinity, and the second Essex troop, which was 
composed of Ipswich and Newbury men, were also attached to 
this regiment. 

Of Denison, it has already been said that his mihtary skill 
was so highly esteemed, that he had been elected Major General 
of the Colony's forces. Lieutenant Samuel Appleton was 
brother of Captain John. Their father, Samuel, had emigrated 
from Little Waldingfield in England to Ipswich about 1636, and 
had taken a place of honor at once in his new home. He was 
chosen Deputy in 1637. 

John, his elder son, born in 1622, began his public career in 
1656, when he was chosen Deputy to the General Court. He was 
continued by successive yearly elections until 1664, and was 
elected again in 1665 and 1667, 1669 to 1671, and 1674 to 1678. 
Samuel, two years younger, attained public notice more slowly. 
He was forty-six years old when he was chosen Deputy for the 
first time, succeeding his brother. From 1669 to 1671, both 
brothers were members of the Court, and Samuel was again in 
office in 1673 and 1675. From this year to the end of his life, 
we shall find him a conspicuous figure in all affairs of the 
highest moment. 

Another resident of Ipswich, the Reverend William Hubbard> 
is of great interest, as the Historian of the Indian wars. His 
intimate knowledge of all the events of King Philip's war, and 
his close personal friendship with Denison, Appleton, Whipple 
and all the soldiers of Ipswich, fitted him for his work in rare 

Upon the breaking out of the war, Denison had been ap- 
pointed commander-in-chief of the Massachusetts troops. His 
commission is an interesting document, and the Instructions 
that were sent him are an admirable epitome of the spirit of 
the times, which insisted on the utmost regard for the offices 
of religion even under the most trying circumstances.^ 

As the General was prevented by sickness from taking the 
field. Major Thomas Savage was appointed to the command of 

>Mass. Archives, book G7, leaves 206, 208. 


the active ()i)erati()ns.' Denison, however, directed the move- 
ments of th(^ troops. In the latter part of July a levy of troops 
had IxMMi made in Essex County^ and immediately after the 
disaster at Brookfield, Captain T^athrop of Salem was sent 
with a company from Salem and the neighborinsz; towns, in- 
cluding som(> from Ipswich. Captain Beers also marched from 
Watertown with his command. The troo]:)s gathered at Brook- 
fieUl and Hadley, but no body of Indians was discovered. Many 
towns were threatened and the soldiers were kept on the move. 
With the beginning of September, the war was pressed 
most vigorously along the Connecticut River. On the first 
of that month, Deerfield was burned and one man killed. Two 
or three days later,'' the Indians attacked Squakeag, now North- 
field, where they killed nine or ten of the jieople. The next 
day Captain Beers, with thirty-six men, marched to relieve the 
garrison at Squakeag, not hearing of the disaster of the day 
before, and was ambuscaded by a large number of Indians. 
He made a brave defence, but after a valiant fight, he and about 
twenty of his men were slain. Rev. William Hubbard, in his 
History of the Indian Wars, remarks, in this connection, "Here 
the barbarous Villians showed their insolent Rage and Cruelty, 
more than ever before, cutting off the Heads of some of the 
Slain, and fixing them upon Poles near the Highway; and not 
ordy so, but one (if no more) was found with a Chain hooked 
into his under Jaw, and so hung up on the Bow of a Tree ( 'tis 
feared he was hung up alive) by which Means they thought to 
daunt and discourage any that might come to their Relief, 
and also to terrifie those that should be Spectators with the Be- 
holding so sad an object; insomuch that Major Treat with his 
Company, going up two days after, to fetch ofT the Residue of 
the Garrison, were solemnly affected with that doleful Sight, 
which made them make the more Haste to bring down the Gar- 
rison, not waiting for any Opportunity to take Revenge upon 
the Enemy, having but an hundred with him, too few for such a 
purpose. Captain Appleton going up after him, met him com- 
ing down, and would willingly have persuaded them, to have 

• Mass. .\rcliivc8, book (57, leaf -207. 

" Bort^e, Soldiers of King I'liilip's War, p. 128. 

^ Bodge, Soldiers of King Philip's War, p. 32, says Sept. 2. 

KING Philip's war. 163 

turned back, to sec if they could have made any Spoil upon the 
Enemy; but the greatest Part advised to the Contrary, so that 
they were all forced to return with what they could carry 
away leaving the Rest for a Booty to the Enemy, who shall ere 
long pay a sad Reckoning for their Robberies and Cruelties, in 
the Time appointed." 

This is the first mention of Captain Samuel A])|)leton in 
this neighborhood. He had taken the field with his com- 
pany about the first of September, it is connnonly tliought, 
and he and his Ipswich soldiers had a grewsome beginning of 
their warfare, marching over the road lined with the dismem- 
bered bodies of their fellow soldiers, and the smoking ruins of 
the farms. It was a valiant beginning withal, of which we are 
proud, when Captain Appleton, amid these depressing suiround- 
ings, urged his superior officer to turn back and attack the 
enemy. Other counsels prevailed, and the troops were distrib- 
uted as garrisons at Northampton, Hatfield, Deerfield and Had- 
ley. Captain Appleton was stationed at Deerfield^ and arrived 
there about the tenth of September. 

On the 17th of August, Gen. Denison sent orders from 
Boston to Major Richard Waldron to proceed to Pennicook 
(Concord), "supposed to be the genall Randevous of ye enemy 
where you may expect to meet Capt. Mosely, who is ordered 
thither." He instructed him to take a chirurgeon with him, and 
informed him that the main body of the soldiers was at Hadley."- 

On Sunday the 12tii of September, the soldiers and set- 
tlers at Deerfield gathered for worship in the stockade. Re- 
turning, the north garrison was ambuscaded, with the loss of 
one man captured. Appleton rallied his men and attacked 
them and drove them off, but the north fort had been plun- 
dered and set on fire, and much of the settlers' stock stolen. 
As he had not force enough to guard the forts and engage in 
offensive operations, the Indians still hung round insultingly 
and burned two more houses. 

" Red tape and a storm prevented action that night, but 
the next night a party of volunteers, with a few from Hadley, 
and 'some of Lathrop's men' came up to the relief of our town. 

1 Sheldon, History of Deerfleld, vol. I, p. 98. 
"- Mass. Archives, book 67, leaf '241. 


On tlic iiioniiTic; of 'J^uosday, the 14th, the united forces under 
A])])le(()n marched to Pine Hill. Spies had doubtless reported 
the arrival of j-einforcements, and the Indians had all fled."^ 

It was decided that Deerfield sliould be abandoned, and as 
there was a lar<i;e amount of corn already threshed, it was load- 
ed on carts and Captain Lathrop was detailed to guard the teams 
on their way to Hadley. No Indians were known to be in the 
neighborhood. Upon September IS^'i, Hubbard writes, "that 
most fatal Day, the Saddest that ever befel New England, as 
the Company were marching along with the Carts (it may be 
too securely) never ajiprehending Danger so near, were sudden- 
ly set upon, and almost all cut off (not above seven or eight 
escaping)." The ambuscade was cunningly placed at Muddy 
Brook, and while the line of march was strung out in crossing, 
the deadly attack was made. Captain Lathrop was wholly un- 
suspicious of danger, "which gross Mistake of his, wasthe Ruine 
of a choice Company of young Men, the very Flower of the 
County of Essex, all called out of the Towns belonging to that 
County, none of which w(>r(; ashamed to speak with the enemy 
in the Gate; their dear Relations at Home mourning for them, 
like Rachel for her Children, and would not be comforted, not 
only because they were not, but because they were so miserably 
lost." The number of the slain, including Captain Lathrop, 
as reported by Rev. John Russell of Hadley in a letter written 
shortly afterward, was seventy-one. Only a few escaped. 
Among the dead, were several Ipswich men, Thomas Hobbs, 
Caleb Kimball, John Littlehale,^ Thomas Manninge, Thomas 
Mentor, and Jacob Wainwright. They were all buried in a 
single grave near the place where they fell. 

The Ipswich Historian, Rev. Mr. Hubbard, narrates, "As 
Captain Moscly came upon the Indians in the Morning, he found 
them stripping the Slain, amongst whom was one Robert Dutch 
of Ipswich, having been sorely wounded by a Bullet that rased 
to his Skull, and then mauled by the Indian Hatchets, was left 
for dead by the Salvages, and stript by them of all but his skin ; 
yet when Captain Mosely came near, he almost miraculously, 

' Sliclilon, HiBtory of Deerfleld, I, p. 100. 

Mn the Ipswich (leefls, vol. iv, 54, "the Inventory of the estate of .John I^ittle- 
halc, being slane with Capt. Latlirop," is recorded in full. 

KING Philip's war. 165 

as one raised from the Dead, came towards the English, to 
their no small Amazement, by whom being received and 
cloathed, he was carried off to the next Garrison, and is living 
and in perfect Health at this Day. May he be to the Friends 
and Relations of the Rest of the Slain an Emblem of their more 
perfect Resurection at the last Day, to receive their Crowns 
among the Rest of the Martyrs that have laid down and ven- 
tured their Lives, as a Testimony to the Truth of their Religion , 
as well as Love to their Country." 

Captain Appleton and his Ipswich company seem to have 
been stationed at Hadley, and his value as a military leader was 
becoming more and more evident to the Council of the Col- 
ony. Instructions were sent to Captain Wayte : 

"The Council do order and appoint Captain John Wayte to 
conduct the 120 men appointed to rendevooze at Marlborough 
the 28th day of this instant September & to deliver them unto 
the order of Maio"" John Pincheon, Commander in Cheefe in the 
County of Hampshire, & it is further ordered y* in case Cap- 
tain Samuel Appleton should be com away from those parts 
then the said Captain Wait is ordered to take the conduct and 
chardge of a Company of 100 men under Maic John Pincheon, 
but in case Captain Apleton do abide there then Captain Wait 
is forthwith to returne Backe unles Maic Pincheon see cause 
to returne him upon y^ service of the country. 

past E. R. S. 24 Sept. 1675 

It is ordered that there be a commission issued forth to 
Capt. Samuel Appleton to Command a foot Company of 100 
men In the service of y^ country. But in case hee should be 
com away from those parts then that Capt. Waite is to have (a) 
like commission. 

past 24 Sept. 1675 

Ordered By y*" Council y* y'' Commissary Jn" Morse deliver 
Mr. Thomas Welden snaphant nuisket."^ 

Capt. Appleton already held a local commission as Captain 
of the Ipswich company. He undoubtedly received the new 
commission, as he continued to act with Major Pynchon. 

1 Mass. Archives, book 67, leaf -JfiS. 


On iho 26tli of ScptcMiilxM', the Indians appeared at Spring- 
field and bin-ned Major Pynchon's barns and ()utl)uildings. 
He was then at Hadley, and the report of these losses, following 
cl()s(^ upon the reverse at Bloody Brook, completely unnerved 
him. He wrote from Hadley to the Council on Sept. 30th, 
pleading for r(4ease from his command as he was so distracted 
about his liome affairs and reporting that two of the settlers 
had been killed at Northampton. He added in a postscript 
"Capt. Appleton is a man y^ is desirous to doe something in 
this day of distress; being very sensible of y^ cause & people 
of God at stake: & is much to be comended & incouraged & 
u])on yt acct. to be p'ferred before many yt dare not Jeopard 
there Lives in y^ high Places of y^ field."' 

Major Pynchon's high regard for Captain Appleton may 
have been due to long acquaintance. The wife of the Major 
was Margaret, daughter of the Rev. Wm. Hubbard, and in an 
old deed of the Hubbard property, the seven acre field, from 
which the house had disappeared, is called "Pinchon's Close," 
and the name is remembered by one of our oldest residents in 
that neighborhood.^ 

On the 5th of October, Captain Mosely wrote from Hadley, 
"Majo"" Pinchon is gone with Cap*" Apleton and Cap'" Sill w^^ 
a company of above 190 souldi'^^"^ They hurried to Spring- 
field but found the town in flames, and the Indians already fletl. 
Major Pynchon's grist mills, Rev. Mr. Glover's Parsonage 
with his valuable library, and nearly all the buildings were 
destroyed. Rev. John Russell wrote a letter which described 
the disaster, and lamented that Hadley would be the next to 
drink the bitter cup. "Perhaps," he wrote, "the impowring 
of some man or men, as the Honor^'i Major or Captain Appleton, 
or both to direct and order us fortifications might not be un- 
usefull."4 Completely broken down by these disasters. Major 
Pynchon wrote to CJovernor Leverett describing the pitiful con- 
dition of affairs, and praying that a more competent commander 
be chosen. 

1 Mass. Ar<-,liives, book (IT, leiives 273, 274. 

2 Publi(;ati(>ii8 of the Ipswicli Historicil Society, IX, p. 8. 
•■■■ Mass. An^liives, book (17, leaf 281. 

•• Mass. Archives, book 67, leaves 28S, 289. 

KING Philip's war. 167 

Springfield, Oct. S, 1675. 
Honored S"", 

I desired M^" Russel to give yo" an acc^ of y^ sore stroake 
upon Pore distressed Springfeild, w^'i I hope will excuse my 
late doeing of it. On y^ 4*^ of Oct. o'' soldiers w^^ were at Spring- 
feild, I had called all off, leaving none to secure y^ Towne, y 
comissioners order was so strict. That Night, word was sent to 
us that 500 Indians were about Springfeild, intending to destroy 
it; so yt y^ 5^^ of Oct. wtt about 200 of o'' soldiers, I marched 
down to Springfeild where we found all in flames, about 30 
dwelling houses burnt downe, & 24 or 25 Barnes, my Corn 
Mille, Sawmill & other Buildings. Generally, men's hay ik corne 
is Burnt, & many men, whose houses stand, had their goods 
burnt in other houses w^'h they had caryed y^^too: Leift. 
Cooper & 2 more slayne, & 4 psons wounded, 2 of W^^ are 
doubtf ull of their Recovery. The L'' hath made us to drink deepe 
of the cup of sorrow. I desire we may Considcn- y^^ oppcraticjn 
of his hand & what he speakes. Yet that y^ Towne did not 
utterly perish is cause of grt Thankfulness. 

As soone as o'' forces appeared, y^ Indians all tlrew off so y* 
wee saw none of y'": — sent out scouts y' Night it y*' next day, 
but discovered none neither can we sattisfye o'selves wh^h way 
they are gon, their Tracts being many ways. We thiidc they 
are gon dowaie y" River. O'" last discovery was of a Considerable 
Tract upwards. O'' indeavors here are to secure y" houses Si 
Corne y* is left. Providence hath obstructed o"" goeing out w^^ 
y« Army & w^ can be done I am at a great loss: O'" People are 
under grt discouragement. Talk of Leaving y Place; we need 
y orders *fe direction about it. If it be deserted, how wofully 
doe we yield & incourage o'' insolent enymy, & how doth it 
make way for y<' giving up of all y^ Towns above : If it be held 
it must be by strength ct many soldiers, and how to have pro- 
vision, I meane bread for want of a Mille, is difficult: y^ Soldiers 
here already complaine on y* aec*, although W(^ have flesh 
enough; & this very trouble, I meane noe Mille, will drive many 
C" Inhabitants away, especially those y* have noe corne, & 
many of them noe houses, w<=h fills & throngs up every Roome 
of those yt have to go there w^^ ye soldiers (w^h yet we can- 
not be w'hout) now increasing o^ Numbers: so y* indeed it is 
very uncomfortable living here & for my owne pticular it were 
far better for me to goe away, than bee here where I have not 
anything left, I meane noe corne, neither Indian nor English, 
and noe means to keepe one beast here, nor can I have Releife 
in this Towne, because so many are destitute. But I resolve to 
attend what God calls me to, & to stick to it as long as I can, 
& though I have such gr* loss of my comforts, yet to doe what 


I can for dofonding ye Place. I hope G*^' will make up in him- 
self what is wanting in y" creature, to mee & to us all. 

This day a Post is sent up from Hartford, to call off Major 
Treat w^^ a p*^ of his soldiers, from InteUigence they have of 
a pty of Indians lying ag* Wethersfeild on y^ East side of y^ 
River. So y*^ matters of action here doe linger exceedingly, 
w'"'' makes me wonder what y*' 1/' intends with his People; 
Strange Providences diverting us in all o'hopt^full designes; & 
yf^l/' giving o])portunity to y^ l*]nymy to do us niischiefe,& then 
hiding of y'" and answering all o'' Prayers by Terrible things 
in righteousness. 

S'", I am not capable of holding any Comand, being more 
& more unfit & almost confounded in my understanding: the 
Iv' direct y Pitch on a meeter pson than ever I was : according 
to Liberty fro'" y" Councill, I shall devolve all upon Cap* Apple- 
ton, ludess Major Treat return againe, when y"" shall give yo^ 
orders as shall be most meete to yo^ selves. 

To speake my thoughts, all these Townes ought to be Gar- 
risoned, as I have formerly hinted, and had I bin left to my- 
selfe, should, I think, have done y*, \v^^ possibly might have 
prevented this damage. But y^ express order to doe as I did 
was by y wise directing hand of God, who knew it best for us, 
& herein we must acquiess. 

And truly to goe out after y Indians in y** swamps & thickets 
is to hassard all o'" men, unless we knew where they keepe, w^^ 
is altogether unknowne to us, & God hides fro"' us, for ends best 
known to himself. 

I have many tymes thought y* y*' winter were y^ tyme to 
fall on y"^, but there are such difhcultys y* I shall leave it, yet 
suggest it to consideration. I will not further trouble y"" at p'' 
sent, but earnestly crave y prayers for y«' L'l'^ undertaking for 
us, & sanctifying all his stroakes to us. 

I remain, y unworthy serv* 

John Pynchon. 

We are in gr* hassard if we doe but stir out, for fear to be 
shot downe by some sculking Indians. M"". Glover had all his 
Bookes Burnt, not so much as a Bible saved; a gr* loss, for he 
had some choise Bookes & many.i 

The Council had already replied on October 4''', very cour- 
teously and sympathetically, to his earlier request, relieving 
him of his command and conunissioning Captain Appleton in 
his place. 

iMas'j. Archives, book 67, leaves 286, 287. 

KING Philip's war. 169 

Honoured Si""^ 

Your letter dat Sept. 29 wee received and although wee 
could have desired your continuance in that trust committed 
to you as coiTiander over o^ forces in y^ p*«, yet considering your 
great importunity y® I'easons alledged wee cann but greatly 
simpathize with you in ye present despensatiou of Divine Prov- 
idence towards your family in yoiu* absence and have ordered 
Capt. Apelton to take the charge as Comander in Cheife over 
the united forces whiles in o^" Colony, and uppon a removall of 
the seat of Warr the Comanders to take place according to (the) 
appoyntment of y^ Commissioners. 

Inclosed in this letter to Major Pynchon was Captain Apple- 
ton's commission as Commander-in-chief. 


Capt. Appleton, 

The Councill have seriously considered the earnest desires 
of major Pynchon & the great affliction upon him & his family, 
& have at last consented to his request to dismiss him from 
the cheefe coiiiand over the Army in those parts, and have 
thought meet, upon mature thoughts, to comitt the cheefe co- 
iuand unto yourselfe, beeing perswaded that God hath endeow- 
ed you with a spirit and ability to manage that affayre; & 
for the Better inabling you to yo^ imploy, we have sent the 
Councill's order Inclosed to Major Pynchon to bee given you; 
and wee reffer you to the Instructions given him for yo"" direction 
ordering you from time to time to give us advise of all occurr- 
ences, & if you need any further orders & instructions, they 
shall be given you as y^' matter shall require. So coinitting you 
to the Lord, desireing his presence with you and lilessing upon 
you, wee remaine: 

Your friends and servants. 
Boston, 4*^ of October, 

Captain Samuel Appleton, 
Commander in chiefe at the head quarters at Hadley. 

The position to which he was called was full of difficulty. 
The Indians had ravaged the country so sorely and had inflict- 
ed such terrible losses upon the forces sent against them, that 
a general feeling of discouragement prevailed. The authority 

1 Mass. Ai'chives, book 67, leaf -280. 


vested in him was not supreme. The Connecticut Colony sent 
soldiers into the field, under Major Treat, who looked for his 
direction to the Joint Commissioners of tiie three Colonies, or 
the Council of Connecticut. Friction between the two officers 
was inevitable under such a system. The choice of Captain 
Appleton under these circumstances reveals the confidence of 
the Council in his prudence, skill and ('om-a'>;(>. He had carried 
himself so bravely in the campaign, that all turned to him 
as the man for the iiour. 

His first letter to Governor Leverett is of special interest, 
as revealing his modest sense of incapacity for the momentous 
requirements of his office, and his dissent from the order of the 
Council that the soldiers be not used for garrison duty in the 
neighboring towns. Major Treat's absence was a great em- 
barrassment to him. 

capt. appleton to governor leverett.* 

Oct. 12, 1675. 
Right Worpfi 

Yors by Leift. Upham I received; as alsoe that of Octob"" 
Qth from yo^s: together w^^ the order from ye Commission'"*, 
concerning the number & order of managem* of the forces in 
these parts. In reference whereto, I humbly p''sent two t-hings 
to yC consideration; ffirst, as to the ordering the chiefc comand 
to one of such an inferior capacity, the very thoughts of it were 
and are to me such matter of trouble A: humiliation, as that I 
know not how to induce my spirit to any Complyance therew*h, 
lest it should prove matter of detriment and not help to the 
publitiue, ffrom W^ nothinge should have moved me but y^ 
Consideration of y« p''sent exigence, together w**^ the remem- 
brance of that duty I owe to yo^s: and the comon concerns; 
unto w^^h i\iQ Honoe'i Major having added his sorrowfull com- 
plaints, for wch there was such abundant & manef(\st cause. 
It was indeede an hart breaking thinge to me, & forced me 
against my own spirit to yeild to y^' improvem* to y whole of 
my small talent in yo^ service, untill I might send to yorselves 
(W^h now I doe) to intreate that there may be speedily an ap- 
pointm* of some other more able to y^ worke, and likely to ob- 
tain ye desired end. I humbly intreate 5'0'" most serious con- 
ideration and help heiiii. 

' Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 3. 

KING Philip's war. 171 

Secondly, my humble request is that j^ou would be pleased 
to revise that part of yo"" own and the Hono'"'^! Commission '•■' 
order, w^h doth strictly prohibite the fixeing of any of o'' 
souldiers in garrison. I doubt not but y^ reasons inducing 
hereto were weighty; which notwf'\standing, we finde the atten- 
dence here extreamly hazzardous to ye losse of o"" Towns (w^^ 
is ye loss of all) as appears both by y*' lamentable experience 
we have had at Springfield, as also by what is obvious to the 
eye of each man's reason. The thoughts hereof putt us to 
great straights. Most willingly would we attend y^ expresse 
letter of yo"" order, & yet cannot but tremble at the thoughts 
of exposing the Towns to mine. Be pleased, as seasonably 
as may be, to give us yo*" resolve herin. 

As to the state of poor desolate S}:)ringfeild, to whose releife 
we came (tho w^^^ a march that had putt all o^" men into a most 
violent sweate, and was more than they could well bear) too late, 
their conditione is indeede most afflicted, there being about thirty 
three houses and twenty-five barns burnt, and about fifteene 
houses left unburnt. The people are full of fear & staggering 
in their thoughts, as to their keeping or leaving of the place. 
They whose houses & provisons are consumed incline to leave 
the place, as thinking they can better labor for a livcing in places 
of lesse danger then that where now they are; hence seeme un- 
willing to stay, except they might freely share in the Corn & 
provision w<^h ig remaining and preserved by the sword. I can- 
not but think it conducible to the publike (& for ought I see, 
to the private) interest y*^ the place be kept; there being corn 
and provision enough and to spare for the sustenance of the 
persons whose number is Considerable and cannot be maintained 
elswhere w* out more than almcist any place can afford to their 
releife. The worth of the place is also Considerable, and the 
holding of it will give nmch incouragement and help to others; 
and the quitting of it great discouragem* to others, and hazzard 
to or passage from one place to another; it being so vast a dis- 
tance from Hadley to any other Town on this side the River. 

I have, in regard of p'sent distresse of y^ poor people, ad- 
ventured to leave Capt Sill there, to be ordered by the Hono^d 
Major untill further orders be received. What hazzard I run 
I am not insensible, but do rather chuse to adventure hazzard 
to myselfe than to y^ ]3ublike, and so draw myselfe to yo'" 
worps: mercy in so doing. 

We are at p^sent in a broken posture, uncapa]:)le of any great 
action, by reason of Major Treat his absence; who upon a re- 
port of Indians lower down the River about Hartford, was 
(while I was absent) recalled by y^ Councill of Connecticutt, 
upon the eighth of this instant, & is not yet returned, nor doe 
I know how it is w*^ him nor when he is like to return. We 


have sent to y^ Coimcill of Connecticiitt sijjnifying y' C Col- 
ony having bin mindful to conipleate their numbers, we do 
earnestly intreate and expect his speedy returne, and y' ye 
Ainunition now at Hartford & needed l^y us may be brought 
up under their guard. Hereto we have not yet received answer. 

In the account of Springfeild houses we only p''sented y" 
number of them on the East side of the River & y*^ in the Town 
platt ; ffor in all on the West side <.V: in the outskirts on y^ East 
side, there are about sixty houses standing, and much Corn 
in & about them, w^h coming into the Indian hands will yield 
great support to them. We have bin considering ye making 
of a boate or boats, & finde it not adviseable; ffirst, because 
the River is not Navigable, & so none made here can be had 
up ; Secondly, should we make any above the falls, there must 
be an army to guard the workmen in the worke; Thirdly, we 
finde exceeding hard, by any provision, to secure o"" men in the 
boats, by reason y* ye high banks of ye River give ye enemy so 
great advantage of shooting downward upon us; And lastly, 
as we must follow the enemy where he will goe, we must either 
leave a very strong guard upon o^ boats or lose them perhaps as 
soon as mad(\ There being now come in sixty men imder Capt. 
Poole and Lieft. Upham, and we needing Comanders, especially 
part of or men being now at Springfeild & we not daring to send 
all thither, we have retained Capt. Poole to comand these sixty 
men untill further orders be given. 

We are but this evening come up from Springfeild, and are 
applying o 'selves pJ'sently to ye sending out scouts for ye dis- 
covery of the enemy, y* so the Lord assisting, we may w^h these 
forces that we have, be making some onsett upon him, to do 
some things for ye glory of God and releife of his distressed 
people : the sence of w^h is so much upon my hart, y * I count 
not my life too dear to venture in any motion wherein I can 
persuade myselfe I may be in a way of his Providence, and ex- 
pect his gracious p'"sence, wt^out w^h all o^ indeavo''*' are vaine. 
We confide, we shall not, cannot faile of ye steady & continued 
lifting up of ye hands and harts of all God's precious ones, y*- 
so o'' Israel may in his time prevail against this cursed Amaleck ; 
against whom I beleeve the Lord will have war forever untill 
he have destroyed them. With him I desire to leave o''s : & all ye 
concern and so doing to remain 

Yo"" servant obliged to duty, 

Samuel Appleton. 

I communicated thoughts w*h Major Pynchon, about y® 
garrison placeing at Brookfeild; And alth^ we judge it would 
be some releife & comfort to c messengers going Post, yet con- 

KING Philip's war. 173 

sidering the great charge w^h must necessarily be expended 
upon it, and that they have no winter provision there for the 
keeping of horses, wthout much use of w°^ we see not how they 
can subsist, we have not seene cause to order any garrison 
thither, nor (for ought yet appears) shall doe, except we have 
some special direction from yoi^.s: for it. 

We also finde y* these three Towns being but small, and 
having sustained much losse in their crop by reason of ye war, 
and had much expense of what hath bin gath(n-ed here, both by 
the souldiers and by those come into them from the places that 
are already deserted, are like to finde the work of sustaining 
ye army too hard for y'"; and therefore we app''hend it will be 
adviseable and necessary to send to Connecticutt to afford 
some help as may be needed from some of their Plantations. 

Capt Mosely makes p^sontm* of his humble services to yo"" 
worp: whereto the scribe also desires to subjoin the tender of 
his own. 

These ffor the Worship'^ John Leverett, Esq., 
Governor of the Massachusetts at Boston. 

Captain Appleton's letter to the Council of Connecticut, to 
which he refers, has not been preserved but the reply of that 
body is on record : 

the council of connecticut to samuel appleton.^ 

Hartford, Octob^ 12th 1675. 
Honord S"": 

Uppon the occasion of the tidings of the enimyes movinge 
down towards our quarters, and report made of Trecks neer 
Hartford, & Intimation of some scoutinge Indians seen about 
us : It being a time & place not onely of the Councell, but also 
of the General Court's sitting heer: We could doe noe less than 
call hither Major Treat with a guard with him ; for better secur- 
inge these Towns, while they are now makeing some flankers 
&c : as is done above in your Towns, that soe we might not 
lye altogether naked at home, when soe many of our men are 
or may be abroad in pursuit of the warr: yet are all those 
soldiers heer kept ready to move when and where there may 
be opportunity to doe God and y" countrey best services, in 
conjunction with a sufficient force sent from the Massachusets 
and Plymoth such as may be competent to grapple with the 
enimy in his rapacity; and to assault him in his head quarters 

1 Appleton Memorial, p. 111. 


or where they may meet with liis force abroad. Besides guard- 
inge these Towns, we have heer in like readiness about one 
hunch-ed M()h(>af;s it Pecjuots, which we keep iipi)on ciiari>;e at 
Majoi" I^viH'hon's desire to attend the like service: but we see 
not cause to send them further ujjvvards to char<i; those Towns, 
or be a cumber to them untill there be thorow preparation for 
some immediate expedition to be attempted. Yet have we noe 
assurance to keep them heer longe under noe improvement, 
neither are they willinge to move farther without some of our 
English to conduct and direct their motion: ffor which end 
we have brought liither Ca])t" Jn": Mason in whome they take 
great(\st contc^iit: These things we thought good to communicate 
to yourselves previously wayting for a sjx'cdy return of what 
is adviseable by you heerin, or anything else respecting the 
state of these affayres, and what is understood of the enimyes 
plac(^ or motion, and how many English are come or cominge. 
Now the good Lord y** (tod of armyes apear in his own time for 
salvation to his people: which in the doe us(> of means with 
christian courage and fedulity seasonably aplyed is yet hoped 

Gent"; By your affectionate 

ffreinds & servants the Councill 
of Conecticott; pr their order. 

Signed, John Allyn, Secr'y. 
Vera copia. 

This letter did not reach Captain Appleton until the 16th 
as appears from the letter of that date. Meanwhile , he had 
written again, on October 14th, declaring the "obstructive 
difficultyes," which necessitated his repeated appeals. 


Hadley, October y^ 14™ 1675. 
Right Worship" 

Haveing received comission and orders from our Councill, 
together with ye order of the Comissioners of the united collonies 
respectinge the management of ye joynt forces raised & miited 
for the prosecutinge the war against the barbarous enemy in 
the westerly plantations uppon Connecticott : and having, after 
the sad diversion given us by the mischiefe done at Springfield, 
been ai)lying ourselves to the pursuit of the enemy: we have 
mett with some obstructive difhcultycs heerin which occasions 

t Mass. Archives, book 68, leal' 10. 

KING Philip's war. 175 

and necessitates our present aplication to yourselves. The 
matter of difficulty is, ffirst, the absenc of our honored ffreintl 
and assistant, Major Treat with his Company: whose being 
called of without any order from the Comissioners,or agreement 
of the Councill upon the place, we know not how to reconcile 
with y« order of the Comissioners for the prosecutinge the warr. 

Secondly, haveing this morninge (upon our resolve of a mo- 
tion), summoned Leift. Seely with his whole comjmny to apear 
at our head quarters forthwith to attend the publick service 
of the country, we fayled heerof ; for the said Leift. apearing 
himself without his company, excused there non-apearance by 
his doubting o"" comission to bear him out : Thereby it comes 
to passe that we Vjeing heer with y^ full numbers required to 
the proportion belonging to our Collony, find our way as to any 
regular motion ol^structed. Our aplication to your selves is to 
Intreat ct call up})on you for the removall of the said obstruction, 
with all possible speede, both by the sending up the honored 
Major Treat forthwith, & by removing all matter of difficulty 
that is or may be with those that are heer for the service. 

We have received Intelligence of a suply of ammunition, 
clothing and other necessaries for our armey, sent to Hartford; 
we Intreat your help for the conveyanc of the same hither, 
there being the opertunity of a guard by Major Treat his com- 
pany 's coming up, and our necessity calling for the same with 
ye first y* may be. 

We trust we need not provoke you to use the utmost ex- 
pedition heerin, your selves knowing the vast expenses of the 
whole, together with y*' dayly hazzards, and the difficulty of 
the season which may soon render all action unfeizable. 

We beg your candid acceptanc and Improvement heerof, 
so as may be to the promoting of the publick Interest; wherto 
adding our hearty prayers, & the presentment of most cordial 
respects & humble service to your Worp^: and all of you respect- 
ively, I take leave & remain 

Your Worps most humble servant, 
Vera copia. Samuel Appleton, Comd^ in Chiefe. 

This for the Worshipfull William Leet, Esc}., Deputy Gov- 
enor at Connecticut, or to y^ worshipfull John Allyn, Esq., to 
be communicated to y^ council at Hartford. 

Deprived of the cooperation of Major Treat, with another 
Connecticut officer insubordinate, in need of the stores of am- 
munition, clothing and other necessaries for his army, which 


were detained at Hartford, Captain Appleton's impetuous 
spirit was cliafed and fretted. A swift post bore his letter to 
Hartford and tlie next day a reply came from the Council of 

thk council of connecticut to samuel appleton.* 

Hartford, Oct. 15""': 1675. 

Yours of ()ctol)er y^ 14'^> came to us this day, who doe well 
resent the courage^ and readiness therin nianifest(>d to be in 
action agaynst the eriimy, and doe thither refer the urgent en- 
vitations to have our forces joyned to yours, according to the 
Commissioner's order, and doe refer you to the long lyinge of 
our full number of our forces with you before yours were ready, 
as a demonstration of our forwardness in this good cause; but 
further to sattisfy all scruples, you may please to understand 
that oui- Councel's calling for Major Treat (from the place where 
he lay in garrison) hither with y« party that came with him, 
was the apearance of the eniniy in these parts as was reported, 
unreadiness of your full number and Major Pynchon's per- 
mission therof,and some other occasions we had with the Major 
not convenient heer to mention, and sine his cominge we have 
received intelligence from the Reverend Mr. James Fitch of 
Norwich that Phillip with four hundred men, had determined 
this day to fall uppon Norwich, with Importunate request of 
some ayd to prevent it; where uppon we could not but comply 
so far as to send forty of those men, who marched away the 
last night before your letter came, and y® Pequott and Moheage 
Indians who were heer ready with ours to come to you, returned 
home to defend their own Interest, which indeavour is soe con- 
sonant to ye grand design as we think, you will not be unsat- 
tisfyed therein. We have ordered their speedy return unless 
the enimy be there, and expect them at the beginning of the 
next week ; onely this we further advise you that by a letter 
from Mr. Stanton, he sayth he hath Intelligenc that Phillip in- 
tends to fall uppon the Moheags & Pequots, and that the Nar- 
ragansetts make great preparation for warr, and other matters 
that have a looke as If treble were next like to fall in these south- 
ern parts. Now if your Intelligenc concurr and lead you to 
march southwards, and you signify the same, and save our 
forces their March upwards, they will be ready to Joyn with you 
in the most convenient place; but if you have Intelligenc of 
the enimyes continuanc in those parts, and by your scouts doe 
make a full discovery of him, and will resolve to march with 

1 Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 11. 

KING Philip's war. 177 

your whole luiniber of thre hundred forth, we desire you will 
speedily signify the same to us, that so we may comply with 
you therin. We have not to ad but our respects to you, & 
our prayers to God for his presenc with you, and that we are 
S'" your affectionate friends, 

The Generall Court of Conecticott, 
pr their order; signed, John Allyn, Secr'y. 
postscrip : The ammunition & part of the cloathes you desire, 
were taken hence by Major Pynchon's order, yesterday to 

It was a tart and discouraging retort to his earnest appeal 
for Major Treat and his soldiers, but Captain Appleton replied 
with fine dignity, giving the alarming reports of the presence 
of the Indians very near him, and repeating his request for 
reenforcement and for the supplies at Hartford. 


OcTo: 16: 1675. 

Worshipful! S'"'^: 

This day I received yours of Octobr; 12 signifiing y^ reason 
of Major Treat being called off: as alsoe ye readiness he is in 
to be sent upon the publick service agayn. Before the receipt 
heerof, I signified to you, by a letter bearing date Octo^r; 15th 
our desire and need of Major Treat his return with your whole 
number of men belonging to your Colony. Heer are from our 
Colony the full of the proportion belonging to us, & to ye 
makeing up of the 500 men, so y* heer is the reality of things 
done, tho we heer know not y^ reason of Plimouth's not bearing 
a share in it. You, we doubt not, also understand y^ order of 
the Comissioners of the United Collonies, for y^ management of 
the forces joyntly raised which we looke at as y^ rule of our pro- 
cedure; however, in y^ exigency, by reason of the desolation 
at Springfield, and in the absenc of Major Treat with your forces, 
(wherby we are incapacitated from attending ye publick orders) 
there hath been some digression till y® return of your forces. 

By scouts sent forth last night, we understand that the en- 
imy is very neer us; many of them at Deerfield, and many on 
this side within a few miles of Hatfield : wherby we have been 
alarumed once A: again. A: are in constant danger. I was this 

1 Mass. ArcliiveB, book G8, leaf 19. 


day propariufi; to .send to Springfield for the anmnuiition, l)iit 
by a sudden alaruni diverted : And tlie neer aproach of the enimy 
makes us apprehensive of the Inconvenience of sending any of 
our forces (especially in the absenc of yours) far ofT; which 
occasions me again to Intreat y« spedy return of the Honor'' 
Major Treat with his forces, as also to request your help in this 
time of need, that Major Treat his company may help us up 
with what they can possible of the necessaiyes for our souldiers, 
which we hear are at Hartford; and also with y« annnunition or 
some considerable jmrt of it, which is at Springfield. We, by 
reason of the .straite we are in, deferr our sendinge till we see 
how far you can grattify us heerin. I Intreat your answer, 
with all possible speed. 

Sine the writing heerof, our post is come with yours of the 
15*^ of octo^^r presenting new d' fiu'ther matter of humiliation 
& fear. Oh that it might be a provocation & incitement to 
strengthen faith, and cause us to flee to y^ rock yt is higher y" 
ourselves. The Lord our God is a present help in time of trouble ; 
now is the tim(> of our Jacob's trouble. O that faith may say 
he shall be saved from It. We have most certayn Information 
that y® Indians are this evening discovered within a mile of Hat- 
field, which we expect to have assaulted, either this night or in 
the morninge, and therefore are now in the night hasting over 
to Hatfield to their defenc. We greatly need the company & 
help of all our forces now. And I trust should the forces be 
brought together, I shall be as ready to attend the Commis- 
sioners orders, as your officers or any others shall ; it being my 
concern, both with respect to the publick Interest & my own. 
Our hast will not pmitt us to Inlarg. We commend you with 
ourselves to y^ great keeper of Israel, whose everlasting armes 
are underneath his distressed ones in their most low estate, & 
in him remaine 

S^s; Your worships most 

assured ffreind & serv* 

Samuel Appleton. 
Vera copia. 

About the same time, the Council of Massachusetts wrote, 
giving him larger liberty in the use of his troops, and recom- 
mending that he forbid Major Treat to withdraw again. There 
is a touch of the grotesque in their ord(n- to this trained 
soldier that he beware of massing his troops in a "huddle." 

KING Philip's war. 179 


Boston: Octob". 15: 1675. 
Capt. Appleton, 

Yclast came to ns the 14'hi]istant, whcrby we are well sat- 
isfy' with yC acceptance of the charge comitted to yon, not 
tU)nbting of yo^ care and dilligence therin, and therfore for the 
present yon ninst not expect any alteration. We are apt to 
think our orders are not rightly understood, as that you instance 
in, about fixing of garrisons. It was judged here that having 
furnished a body of 500 men, a considerable Stretch, and a very 
great charge for the defence of one part of the country (other 
parts being not only in danger, but actually assaulted and 
spoyled and Suffering the Same calamityes that they should 
(especially the season favoring) be employed in feild service, to 
witt, in prosecuting the enemy to their ({uarters, and not to ex- 
pect him at the townes only, wherin we know very well that our 
forces must, at times, have their quarters, which if you call gar- 
risons, you mistake us, we never expecting our soldiers should 
continually keep the feild. We know they must have their re- 
cruits and relaxations, but intended not nor consider^ there 
could be a necessity of keeping fixed garrisons to the particular 
towns : for while such a number of soldiers are abroad, we would 
hope (if prudently employed) the inhabitants might be a suf- 
ficient guard to their respective Towns, and this was the utmost 
intent of the order. We cannot but further intimate that incase 
your soldiers living in their quarters, and you see cause to make 
any expedition, there is noe reason to draw all your forces to 
one towne, but that the most convenient place be appoynted 
for the Rendevouze of yo"" forces, whether in town or feild. 
Wee are very sensible of the great losse sustained at .Springfield 
and are of the same oppinion with you, that it is not advisable 
to have it deserted, and would hope that the inhabitants of all- 
most 100 houses might be able to defend the maine of the re- 
mainder, while the Army is employed abroad. We must leave 
much to yo"" prudence with the councill of yo'' chief coinanders, 
without attendance to popular insinuations; and you must at- 
tend yor orders so as never to practice contrary theronto; but 
you may and ought, according to right reason, to interpritt and 
understand all orders in the largest and most extensive signifi- 
cation, for the welfare and security of those under yo'' comand 
and care. We have taken notice of Major Treat's Retreate, upon 
the order of the Councill of Conecticote, of which we are very 
sensable, and have represented the same to Conecticote, and 

I Mass. Archives, book 08, leaves 13, 14. 


doc advise you, if ho return, to lett him or any others know 
tliey may not depart, nor withch-aw from under yo"" command, 
whilst in our jurisdiction, without express orders from the 
Commissioners of the United Collonys, or yo'' particular licence, 
with consent of yo"" chief officers. 

Wee are satisfyed in your deserting Qua])ague,and sup])osed 
the order taken b}^ the Commissioners for supply of victualls 
from Hartford will be efTectuall. We desire and hope wee shall 
not be wanting to second yo^ endeavors by our hearty suppli- 
cations to our God, the father of mercyes, to pitty, pardon, 
heale and help us, in this our distressed estate. 
Remaining, Sir, 

Yc" assured friends, 

Ed. Rawson, Secretary, 
by order of the Council. 

We cannot but advise you in yo^ marches, to keep good dis- 
tance between your partyes of men, that you be not sur- 
prised in a huddle, and that in bushy places (if you fear not 
by such discovery to loose yo"" design) that you fire the woods 
before you. 

Captain Appleton wrote again to Governor Leverett, narra- 
ting in detail the distracting condition of affairs, the insubordi- 
nation of a Connecticut officer, his correspondence with the Con- 
necticut authorities and his own unwearied and courageous 
exertions in the field. 

capt. appleton to governor leverett.^ 

Hadley, Octo: 17, 1675. 
Right Worpfii 

I thought it convenient and necessary to give you a p^sent 
account of o"" state & posture, that so yo^s: might thereby be 
the better capacitated both to send orders to us, & to know 
how to act towards others, as the case doth require. 

On Tuesday, Octo: 12, we left Springfeild & came y^ night 
to Hadley, neer 30 mile. On y*' 13'h <.'(: 14*^ we used all diligence 
to make discovery of y® enemy by Scouts, but by reason of y*^ 
distance of the way from hence to Squakeheage," et y*" timerous- 
nesse of ye scouts, it turned to little account ; thereupon I found 
it very difficult to know what to doe. Major Treat was gone 

' IMasB. Archives, book (iS, leaves -li, 23. 
- North field. 

KING Philip's war. 181 

from us, and when like to return, we knew not. Oin- orders 
were to leave no men in garrison, but keepe all for a feild armye, 
w^^ was to expose the Towns to manefest hazzard. To sitt 
still and do nothinge is to tire o^s: and spoyle o"" souldiers, and 
to ruin y" country by y^ insupportable burden and charge. All 
things layd together, I thought it best to goe forth after the 
enemy w^^ C p'sent forces. This once resolved, I sent forth 
warrants on y^ 14*^ instant early in the morning to Capt. Mosely, 
& Capt. (as he is called) Seely at Hatfeild and Northampton 
to repair forthw^^ to y^ head-quarters, y^ we might be ready for 
service. Capt. Mosely was accordingly w^h us, wt'^ his whole 
company very speedily. Capt. Seely\ after a Consideral)le time, 
came w*kiut his company, excused their absence by his want 
of Coinision. His comission he produced, ct upon debate about 
it, seemed satisfyed; expressing y*^ his purpose was to attend 
any ord"" y * should be given ; I wrote another warrant and gave 
into his hand, to appear w^^ his company w^h are about 50 men, 
the next morning ; but in y^ night he sent a messenger to me, 
w'li a note about intillegence from Major Treat to stay till 
further orders iVc. I p'sently posted away letters to ye Councill 
at Hartford, declaring to y™ how the worke was obstructed 
by absence of Major Treat, (whose company indeede I much 
desired, he approving himself e while ^\^^ us a worthy gentleman, 
and a discreete and incouraging CoiTiander) & by absence (in- 
deede) of Capt. Seely, and those few that were w^^ him. The 
copy of my letter to y^ Councill & of my warrants to Capt. 
Seely, and his returns to me, I send you here all of them in- 

This morning, Octo : 16 : I received a letter sent first to Majo^" 
Pynchon & from Springfeild hither, from y^ Councill at Hart- 
ford, dated Octo: 12: w^'h I also send y^ copy of wherljy you 
will perceive y* they seem to make some excuse, and sticke at 
y want of forces here from Plimouth, wherin I am not so fitted 
to return y™ an answer as perhaps I might be, for want of under- 
standing the specialties of agreement between the Hono-'t' Coin- 
issionrs of the United Colonies ; only thus much seemes evident, 
that they all agreed th"" number should be 500 ; the W^^ is 
made up by C" Colony and Connecticute though there be none 
from Plimouth, so y* we see the reallity of the thinge is done, 
though we know not the reas(jn of Plimouth their not bearing 
a share in it. _ 

By a letter from Major Pynchon, we imderstand y* the Ani- 
unitioniscome up to Springfeild, wc^ I am p^sently sending for. 
This likewise informs of an old Indian Squaw taken at Spring- 

• Capt. Seely was statioued at Northampton with a company of Connecticut 


field, who tells y* the Indians who burnt y' town lodged about 
six miles off y Town; some men went forth, found 24 fires and 
some plunder. 8hee saith there came of ye enemy 270; that 
the enemy in all are 600. The place where they keepe is at 
Coassit (as is supposed) about 50 miles above Hadley. 

After ye sending my letters to Hartford, I drew forth o"" 
own men, all but Capt. Seely's (who are neer sixty) intending 
to march up to Sqhakheage. We had not marched above a 
mile or two, ere we received intelligence by post y* y^ enemy 
was by his track discovered to be in great numbers on y" West 
side of the River. We pi'sently changed o"" course, and hasted 
over the River. It was after sunsett ere we gote out of Hatfield. 
We marched some miles, and in ye darke saw a gun fired, and 
heard its report & o'" scouts saw and heard this gun. Some hIso 
sd they heard a noise of Indians. My purpose was now to march 
to Deerfield, but upon what we discovered, o"" officers, especially 
Capt. Mosely, were very app'hensive of danger to the Towns 
here if we should march up. This being often p''ssd and I 
alone for proceeding, none of the Connecticute men w*"^ us, nor 
any left in the Towns of Hadley and Hatfield, & night threat- 
ening rain and tempest, I yeilded, against my own inclination 
to return to o"" quarters, wh we did late in the night. This 
morning we und'stand by scouts that there is certainly a 
great number of y<^ enemy at Deerfield and some of them 
much neerer. 

This evening we have received a letter from y^ Gen ''all Court 
at Hartford, whcrby I perceive its very uncertain when we are 
like to have their forces again. In very truth, I am in straites 
on every side. To leave y^ Towns without any help, is to leave 
y™ to apparent mine. To supply w*^ any except now in y" 
absenc of Connecticute, is hardly reconcilable with y^ order of 
ye Coiliissioners. This evening late, I am assaulted w^^ a most 
vehement and affectionate reciuest from Northampton, (who 
have already w'^ them about 50 of Capt. Seely 's men) y' I would 
afford y'" a little more help, they fearing to be assaulted p'sently. 
And at ye same time while these are speaking, Capt. Mosely 
informs y* ye enemy is this evening discovered wt'»in a mile of 
Hatfield, and that he verily expects to be assaulted there too- 
morrow; w*"'^ I am so sensible of yt I account it m^y duty p'^sent- 
ly to repair thither, now at 10 or 11 of ye clocke in the night, 
some of the forces having already passed the River. Nor are 
we w'^out app'hension of Hatfield's &: Hadley 's danger at the 
same time, where, w"' respect to the wounded men & ye Town, 
I strive w''» my self e to leave about twenty men or but few more, 
tho ye Indians were yesterday discovered within five or six 
miles; and we are necessitated to send so many of them for 
Posts (on weh account six are at this pi'sent) and other occasions, 

KING Philip's war. 183 

as makes y™ less than their little selves. I desire in all, to ap- 
prove myselfe to the Lord, and faithfully to his people's interest, 
so as I perswade mys: would most reach and take yo"" harts 
were you pi'sent. 

I crave yo"" candid acceptance of what comes from a hart 
devoted to yo^ service; & yo-" speedy, seasonable return to what 
I have written, w^^ waiting for, I leave the whole matter w>h 
the wise ordering, and remaine 

Yor Worps: most humble serv^ 

Samuel Appleton. 

Hoping for y^ Return of o'' Post from yo'"s: and y* o'' going 
forth last night might p'^oduce something of Consequence, we 
delayed the sending away this letter a day. But Providence hath 
denyed o^" expectation & desires in both. Our Post is not come 
in, and we have wearied o^s.-w^^ a tedious night and morning's 
march, w'^^out making any discovery of y^ enemy. Thus y 
liOrd orders all things wisely, holily and well. May we but see 
and close w^'^ the goodnesse of his will, and waite for the work- 
ing of all things together. It shall be peace at ye latter end, to 
all y^ love Tiod y^ are perfect ones, ffor W^^ praying & waiting, 
I am vo"" servant as above. 

S. A. 

Octo: 17: afternoone. 

These for the Worp^' John Leverett, Esq., 
Governor of the Massachusett in Boston. 
Hast — Hast — Post-Hast. 

Two days later, the apprehensions of Indian assault were 
realized. On the 19th of October, an attack was made upon 
Hatfield, but Appleton had foreseen the danger and provided 
for it. Mr. Hubbard gives a vivid narrative of the fight: 

"But according to the good Providence of Almighty God 
Major Treat was newly returned to Northampton, Cajitain 
Mosely and Captain Poole were then garrisoning the said Hat- 
field, and Captain Appleton for the like End c}uartering at Had- 
ly, when on the sudden seven or eight hundred of the Enemy 
came upon the Town in all Quarters, having first killed or taken 
two or three Scouts belonging to the Town, and seven more be- 
longing to Captain Mosely his company: But they were so well 
entertained on all Hands where they attempted to break in 
upon the Town, that they found it too hot for them. Major 


Apploton with <;r('at Coviraf2;c (lofeiulin<i- one End of the Town, 
and Captain Mosely as stoutly niaintainino; th(; Middle, and 
Captain Pool the other end; that they were by the Resolution 
of the English instantly beaten off, without doing much harm. 
Captain Appleton's Sergeant* was mortally wounded just by 
his side, another liullet passing through his own Hair, by that 
Whisper telling him that Death was very near but did no other 

This was the first decisive defeat inflicted upon the Indians. 
Major Ai)pleton's official report would be a valuable document. 
Unfortunately it has not been preserved. 

Winter was now near at hand, and a letter from the Council 
of Massachusetts, dated Oct. 23, intimated that he might ex- 
pect orders to return with his troops at an early date. A second 
letter from the Council, dated November 1st, informed him 
that a speedy decision would be made wath reference to his con- 
tinuance in the field, and re-affirmed his authority, which seems 
to have been constantly called in question by the leaders of 
the confederate forces. 


Boston, Nov. l^t 1675. 
Capt. Api)leton, 

Yours of October 29 is newly come to our hands, <Si renews 
ou"" exercising thoughts whilst wee peruse that relation of the 
present posture of matters w"^ you, which you send us, wherein 
wee desire to owne the souvraigne hand of God, <t to ly low 
before him. Tomorrow, y" Comissionrs of the Colonies are to 
meete a.gaine, & the General Court of this Colony the day after. 
Wee shall not faile to hasten such resolves as to yourself, and 
the forces & plantations with you, as the Lord may Graciously 
guide unto. In the meantime, that w^e may not occasion you"" 
further feares, wee send back your Post wt^ all speede. If 
Connect! cot will be under no order but what they please to 
give themselves, wee thinke it \vili be to little purpose to depend 
long upon theire motions, or at all to solicit their assistance at 
that rate they now offer the same; Only you are by no means, 
by any act of yours, to wave the order of the Comissioners 

' Kreegfiice Norton. He died at Hadley soon after. 
'' Appleton Jleniorial, p. 121. 

KING Philip's war. 185 

but to Assert your Authority thereby, it being fully & cleerely 
founded upon their last act, whereby they leave it to each Col- 
ony to appoint the Comander in ciiiefe of theire own forces, 
who is expressly to be in coiTiand over the joint forces of all 
the Colonies, where their service is appointed in the same Col- 
ony. If Major Treat doe again withdraw, then our advice 
and order is, that if no aparent & notable advantage offer 
itself of Going forth to seeke or set upon the enemy, you cheifely 
mannage the forces under you^ coinand as may be best for the 
p^sent securing of those Towns untill you heare from us againe : 
Wee are very sensible that the season passeth swiftly away, 
and are therefore resolved to put no long delays upon you, so 
that you may expect speedy orders from us. Supplies for the 
souldiers shall be forthwith sent. You write that you had con- 
stituted cornet Poole, to be Captain of that Company whereof 
Leiften'Uphamis I^eiften*. Wee would put you in minde that 
you will find yo^" comission doth not Impower you to constitute 
officers as a Generall;onlyin Case superior officers fall in the warr, 
the next officer may succeed in course untill further order: And 
when you see cause to recoiiiend any meet person to have a 
coinission, wee shall have a due regard thereunto. 

W^'i our respects to you, and coinending you to the speciall 
Guidance tl- blessing of the Almighty, who only is able to furnish 
youwt'Mvisdom & courage to Cioein & out, carrying you through 
& above all the difficulties you may meet, wee remayne, 

Yo'" very loving ffriends. 

The Gen^i Court of y^ Massachusetts, 
by their order, 

Edward Rawson, Secretary. 

These for Captain Samuel Appleton, Commander in cheife, 
at his head quarters, at Hadley o"" Elsewhere. Haste — Post- 

The Commissioners of the United Colonies, Massachusetts, 
Connecticut, and Plymouth, met in Boston on Nov. 2, 1675, 
and chose the Hon. Josiah Winslow, Esq. Governor of Plymouth 
Colony, commander-in-chief over the united forces to be raised 
at once for an attack upon the Narragansett Indians, and it 
was agreed that the second in command should be appointed 
by the General Court or Council of Connecticut while the forces 
were in their colony. Major Appleton might, with reason, have 
resented the appointment of one who had taken no active part 


in the war, to the chief command, especially since the Commis- 
sioners departed from their own precedent in selecting a Ply- 
month colony man, though the seat of war was to be in Connec- 
ticut. We may detect the cause of this action in the ill-concealed 
jealousy of Appleton on the part of the Coimecticut Council. 
He was not informed, apparently, of this action, and waited im- 
patiently their decision. On November 10th he wrote again 
to Governor Leverett. His letter gives a moving picture of 
the loneliness and hardness of his position, and his sense of utter 
discouragement. The camp was full of bickering and jealousy. 
The Council had not dealt fairly with him. Winter was at 


Hadley, Nov. lO"' 1675. 
Right Worpfii, 

By the receipt of yo»'* bearing date Nov. 1^*, it is given me to 
understand y* I am speedily to exi)ect fiuiher orders from yo''^: 
wh^h I am dayly looking for, and shall, ace: to my capacity en- 
deavo"" attendance to. Hereto you are pleased to adde yo"" 
reproofe of my going beyond Coinissio in constituting Cornet 
Poole, Captaine. I humbly crave yo^ pardon for what of trans- 
gression is therin, wh'^'i had I looked at as such, I should by 
no means have adventured on. But as y" state of ths: was 
\\^^ me, I looked at it as my worke, and y* whc^ I was in a sort 
necessitated to ; ffor to all my men have I had but one capt", 
nor no orders from yo'^ how I should obtain any; yet yo"" ex- 
presse orders & coins to me were to advise w^^ my Captains, 
wh^^* I ought not to interprett so as to imply a contradiction, 
if in any rationall way I might reconcile them; and I saw no 
other but this, wli"'^ likewise I saw him that coinanded in chiefe 
before me practise. You may please to consider the hard and 
discouraging state of yo"": servant, upon whom you have cast y* 
heavy work, y* others more able have groaned so hard under as 
to occasion y Excellency to grant them a release. And to me, 
the difficulties in regard of the enemy are increased; the in- 
tanglements in o'' treaty of o^ Confederates (who are furnished 
wth a Councill of 11 or 12, chosen by their Gen^all Court, among 
whom are two ministers, men of abilities cV: learning) are such 
as are too intricate for me to be alone in, besides the dayly 
emergencies y' neede Counsell. Now for me to be in such 

• Mjiew. Arcliives, book 6S, leaven 51-52. 

KING Philip's war. 187 

straites, & have no counsell, or to be ordered to consult my 
captains, & have no Captains nor liberty to make any, is y* 
whf'h is beyond my ability w'h best advantages; but much more 
too hard being thus left alone A: my hands wea,kned by being 
imder yo^ frown. You exprcsse y* should I recomend any meete 
person to yo's: you should have a due regard thereto. Be 
pleased to remind y^ in my last, (if I mistake not) I did by an 
expresse to yC's: comend y" said person as the most meete man 
ace: to what judgment I could make, for yo"" & y^ countryes 
service ; yet yo's : neither approve him, nor give reason against 
him, nor appoint any other. I intreate yo^ serious & tender 
consideration of the p'lnises, and yo^ putting forth yo^ helping 
hand to the support of yo^ servant so sensible of ye weight of 
ye worke cV: ye discouraging difficulties therin y* had not ye 
fear of God w^ ye tender sence of duty to yo^s : and to ye publike 
overawed me, I had, instead of this apology, acquainted you 
wth my sinking under ye burthen too heavy for me. But I 
would not do any thinge y * might be grevious to yo'"s : or discour- 
aging to others in such a day of distresse. I therfore hold on 
it go forward tho but heavily. I have p'"sented to yo"" Worps: 
the whole of this case respecting Capt. Poole, to whom I have 
given a comission under my hand. I intreate yo"" favorable 
Resolve therin, yet whatever is from yo's: shall , I trust, silence 
all concerned in the p'lnises. 

As to or motions since my last to you, you may please to 
und'stand y* having bin alarmed to Northampton, Octo 29*11, 
upon ye Indians surprizing two men it a boy, of whe^^ I then 
wrote you word, on the 30*^ we Resolved to march to Hatfield 
ye evening after sabbath, Octo 31st, ^ go yt night to go up 
to Deerfield. But on ye 30*^ at night, I was called out of, bed 
by messengers from Hatfeild, informing yt their scouts had 
just then upon a sandy hill, wt^in a mile of ye Town, discovered 
man ye tracts of Indians, and neer ye same place they heard 
Indians speaking one to another ; Not long after another mes- 
senger informing yt their cattell came violently running into 
Town, so yt they feared a p'"sent assault. Ifnediately I gathered 
my men wth all silence, and passed the River, abode there ye 
sabbath, it sixty of Major Treat's men came to me. In the 
evening after the sabbath, the Major was coming to me by Had- 
ley; but while he was at Hadley, about midnight there was an 
alarum at Northampton wh<^'i recalled him thither. On Mon- 
day Nov. I'^t^ went about ten or twelve miles into the woods, 
searching the chesnutt mountains where the enemy was thought 
to be, but found him not. Tuesday I visited Major Treat, & 
we agreed on Wednesday night to march to Deerfield, o^ scouts 
informing us of many fires seen that way : accordingly we went 
up by night, but could make no discovery of the enemy y* night, 


nor in ()■■ ran,<iin<2; all the next day; wo came home late in y^ 
night. Next morning, Nov. 5"\ we had news from Northamp- 
ton yt ye enemy had almost taken a man c^ boy at plowin North- 
ampton Meadow. We p'sently repaired thither and spent that 
day and the next in searching those woods, but wt^ovit discov- 
ering the enemy. These two days last past have not bin fitt 
for action, by reason of the unseasonable weather. Nov. 6''', 
Major Treat desired my consent to draw off his men to seeke 
the enemy in their parts, and y* I would take order to garrison 
Westfeild. We a])pointed a nuH-ting of o'' Councill on Monday, 
at w'"'^ ye s'' Major (l(H'lai-ed y^ he did d(\sire y* their men at West- 
feild might be called off thence, for that he could not quiet them 
any longer, nor would his orders bear their continuance there ; 
it being also against the order of the Coinissionrs. He also plead- 
ed y* his men y' were at Northampton, might be by me ordered, 
or at least permitted, to remove thence, y* they might discover 
the enemy elsewhere, perhaps in their coasts. My answer was, 
yt for ye men at Westfeild, they were placed there by order. I had 
called them off when I saw neede of them, & they would not 
obey and now at this p^sent time, there was no occasion to draw 
out all or forces into the ffield, and therefore I did not see cause 
at p'"sent to call them off, nor could either order or permitt the 
others to remove, having no evidence y* y^ enemy was removed, 
much lesse whither. At last I gave my answer in writing, wh^h 
1 send you here inclosed. We enquired whether we were all 
one army or no. To this the answer was dubious; Ijut their 
major answered we were all one according to y^ order of y^ 
CoiTiissionrs, to which they seemed generally to consent; but 
hereby we know not whether w^e be one or two; ffor how shall 
we know when they judge us to be according to y^ ord'of y^ 
Coiiiission'"*' & when not, and so when we be one and when two. 
It seems uncouth y* their judging o"" actions to be, or not to be, 
according to such an order, should alter o^ Being. Such things 
may argue us a faulty or faultlesse army, guilty or guiltlesse, 
but not make us one or two. But upon such doubtful terms 
we stand. In o'' discourse this was much turned, that it appeared 
not y^ it was y^ Coiiiission'"^ act, y^ each Colony might chuse 
their coiiiander in cheife, & there being no Copy of such order 
sent up, But y® plea insisted on is, that tho each Colony have 
power to chuse the Commander in Cheife while in their Colony, 
yet it appears not that they have power, when one is chosen or 
appointed by the Cofnission''* (as Major Fynchon was) to lay 
aside him and chuse another in his room, while he is in being 
and capable of the service. This seems to be an abiding doubt 
& not easily removeable. 

To what they objected of my keeping men in garrison at 
Westfeild and Springfield being against y® act of ye Coiiiis- 

KING Philip's war. 189 

sion''^, my answer was that I did not place them there; Second- 
ly, I called y™ off, and they refused to obey; Thirdly, Major 
Treat and all his, upon their last appearance, have declared 
wth one consent y* they did not account or whole 500 men, 
they all together, a sufficient strength then (tho formerly it 
was) to pursue the enemy on both sides of the River: and also 
yt they judged we had not sufficient strength w*'' out them at 
Springfeild,_& Westfeild and Major Treat plainly declared y* 
it was against his conscience to draw off those men from 
Westfeild, whereby the people should be exposed to such ap- 
parent and almost Inevitable ruine. Hereupon, I forebore to call 
them off, yet declaring once and again y* I was ready to call 
them at a day's warning, whenever the service called for it, and 
would doe it pi'sently, did they judge y* wee stood in neede 
of them, or if y^ want of y'" w*^ us would be improved as 
an objection against us, for not attending the order. Hence 
I pleade they were not fixed in garrison, contrary to the true 
meaning & intent of the order. We wait w^'^ expectation for 
orders how to behave o^selves. The enemy is not discovered 
of late here, nor do wee know yt he is removed, tho many 
guesse so; some think to Ausitimock, a place upon Stratford 
River, where we hear much corn was planted this Springe, 
& w°h lies wth advantage to make incursions thence upon 
many towns in Connecticute; others thinke they are drawn 
off to Narrogansett, and that there the nest of them is, and 
thence they have had their supplies of provision & ainunition; 
others apprehend them yet lurking neer at hand, and waiting 
an opportunity to surprize us unawares, remembering how a 
little before the assault at Hatfeild, they disappeared so long 
yt some then concluded and strongly pleaded they were re- 

Winter comes fast U])on us, & we find y* however we be 
disposed of, yet there will be a necessity of sending home many 
of o'' horses, or else the Towns here will be undone ; the war 
hath so hindered their getting of hay & so many cattell are come 
in from the places y* are desolated, y^ many are like to perish. 
One cow is already offred for wintring another. I trust y^ if 
we be called off hence, yo's : will order what forces shall be left 
in each of these Towns for their preservation, and y* such offi- 
cers may be left over y™ as may keepe them under due govern- 
ment. My thoughts have bin y* it might be most convenient 
yt Connecticute men garrison Springfeild & Westfeild, as being 
neer to them & so their men may more easily be supplyed w^h 
necessaries, w^^ can hardly be sent from these three Towns, being 
already so much exhausted w*"^ y" entertainment of the souldiers. 

1 have wt'i the l^osts sent down Capt : Poole, who is able to 
make a more particular & full relation of things w^h he hath 


scene and heard, than I can send l)y writino;. Shonkl you order 
my continuance here, 1 shall n(>(Mle his Company and heli), and 
his men are not easily satisfyed w''^ his absence from them. 
I leave the matter wholly to yo"- wisdome. 

I have expelled out of y« army David Bennet, chirnrjiion. 
for his quarrelsome & rebellious Carriage, but so y* (seeing o'' 
Court Martiall, by reason of Connecticute men's not being one 
w>'i us, is weak & lyable to som(> (piestion) T have left y^ rat- 
ifying or disannulling y^ main part of his sentence to yo's : I have 
not further to adde but y^ comending yo's: and all yo'' Counsells 
to ye blessing of y^ most High ; and so doing remain 
gr yor Worps: most liumble servant, 

Samuel Appletox. 

Our p'^sent Posts are Sergeant James Johnson, and Nathaniel 
Warner of Hadley, and Sergeant John Throp. 

These ffor the Woi'pf^' John Leverett, Esq., 
Governor of the Massachusetts at J^oston. 

The "further orders" which he awaited from the Governor 
and Council were not forthcoming, and Major Appleton pro- 
ceeded at last on his own responsibility to issue the following 


To ye Inhabitants of Springfield, Westfield, Northampton, 
Hadley, & Hatfield, & to all y^ Indwellers, & soejourners in all 
& each of them I, Samuel Appleton, l^eing betrusted with y^ 
conduct of ye Army heer, and alsoe with y^ care of fortifyinge 
& sccuringe these Townes, doe declare, 

That whereas in this time of trouble & danger, ye Honor^ 
Generall Court & ye whole Countrey have expressed great care 
& natural! tenderness towards these plantations, for securinge 
& preserving of them as parts and members of the whole from 
the rage of the cruel enimy, and doe still manifest ye same in 
continuing forces heer for ye defenc thereof: It would be 
too unequall, Irrationall, and unnaturall y*^^ Inhabitants ik 
Indwellers who have been willing in i'nnos of peace, to suck ye 
sweet of that blessing poured out upon the whole and each 
particular, should now desert ye whole it ye parts: It is there- 
fore heerby ordered that noe person shall remove from or desert 
any of these Towns, soe long as forces are continued heer for 

' Mass. Archives, book 08, leaf M. 

KING Philip's war. 191 

their defence, without liberty under y^ hand of y Command'' 
in Chiefe; nor shall any goe out of the Townes without a pass 
under y^ hand of y^ Command'" in Chiefe: Heerof noe man is 
to fayl uppon hazzard of the displeasure of the Gennerall Court, 
& such penalty as they or y<' Councill shall Impose : And If any 
be attemjitinge or preparinge to depart otherwise, all officers 
civill & Millitary are heerby Injpowered & required to prohibit 
their departure, and alsoe to secure them & their estates, and 
bring them to y" Chief Officers. I doe further declare, that 
whatever officer or officers shall draw off any forces out of this 
Jurisdiction without order from the Commissioners, or y^ Joynt 
Counsell of the chiefe officers, & license of y^ Command^ in 
Chiefe of the Army ; their soe doing is a breach of the Articles 
of Confederation of y^ united Collonyes. 

Given at My head quarters at Hadley, y^ 12'*' of Novemb'' 

P"" Samuel Appleton, 

Coin in Chief. 

Undoubted reference is made in the last sentence of this 
Proclamation to the restiveness of the Connecticut troops under 
Major Treat. The Council of Connecticut was informed at 
once of this action of the Commander-in-chief and made its 
resentment manifest in the following letter, curt in its address 
and bitter in its tone: 

the council of connecticut to samuel appleton.^ 
Hartford, Nov: 15: 1675. 

It is noe small greife of heart to us, that in this hour of dis- 
tress, wherein God seems to frown upon us, (this among the rest 
being none of the smallest) that instead of a candid complyance 
& setting our selves as one man agaynst y^ connnon enimy, 
studying all wayes of loveing & amicable complyance, we find 
little less than a tendency in your actions to render us contem]5t- 
ible; we doe not judge it a time to stand soe much upon punct- 
ilioes of honour t*c suprcam command, & that soe absolutely 
taken on yom-selfe that our officers are not worthy to be of yoiu- 
Councill in these affayres, but rejected t*e only serve to waytc 
your positive commands, without being loveingly Informed of 
your power soe to command, & y^ rationallity of your motions : 
Your soe highly Insistinge uppon the acts of y^ Commissioners, 

1 Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 56. 


A: studyino; to lay y lin^acli of articles iippon us, shall not deter 
us from solicitous att(Muliu^' what may be for y** good of y whole, 
not doubting but our actions will be found as consonant to ye 
acts and true Intents of y" Commissioners as yours; for it was 
never Intended by their acts that our souldiers should be kept 
meei'ly (or indeed not at all) to garrison your Towns, (that be- 
longs properly to your Collonye) but to be in a vigorous pursuit 
of ye enimy, <t soe, as a confederate army, to be kept together 
in Joynt Councill & motion : soe far as this is attended, Ave have 
ordered our forces to attend you as chiefe in that Collonye; but 
if onely or maynly garrisoning be y^ worke you will attend, we 
have reserved our forces to be at our disposall, & you will find 
that in one of y® last acts of y^ Commissioners, the management 
is left to ye respective Councils of the Collonyes. We have great 
complaints from our soldiers, how weary they are of lying still, 
& how })urthensome they are to ye people, and like to loose most 
of their horses. If not themselves too, and doe serve to noe other 
end than to distress their freinds & undoe themselves; & you 
have so(^ managed your matters in such a separate way as breeds 
such animosities as will be (if not speedily prevented) much to 
God's dishonor & the publick prejudice; we thought meet 
therefore, to advise you to a more candid complyance & con- 
sult with our officers. In whome we repose great trust, that if 
indeed any real service for God & his people in pursuit of the 
enimy apears, you may agree to attend it, and Indeavor ut- 
most amicalile complyance therin : but if nothing, or little else 
than garrisoninge those Towns be ye worke, then having enough 
of your own to doe, that you grant your loveinge complyance 
for their return, as Judging their worke as necessary at home; 
but if you refuse, and noe further order from the Commissioners 
come suddenly, we shall take ye boldness to come to such re- 
solves as we Judg most conduceable to common safety, & that 
notwithstanding your strict proclimations; and yet shall not 
doubt but to show ourselves faithfull as to our confederation. 
We shall not further ad at present, but commending you to 
god, remain 

Your afTectionate ffriends. 

ye Councill of Connecticot, 
pr their order. 
Vera copia. John Allyn, Secy. 


These ffor Capt. Sam^ Appleton. at his head quarters in 

Major Appleton smarted under the lash, but replied in a 
letter of extraordinary calmness, and dignity, answering the 

KING Philip's war. 193 

charges made against him with fairness and pleading for a char- 
itable construction of his acts. Great nobilitj^ of character 
is revealed in every word from first to last. 

samuel appleton to the council of connecticut. ^ 

Hadley, Novembj-; 17: 1675. 
Hon^d S>-^: 

It was no small comfort to me in reading your Lines of Nov : 
15: to think I was nothing conscious to myself of any wilfuU 
transgression or gross error, nor doe I fear that any will be able 
to demonstrate me soe: I have not stood uppon punctilios 
& honours, nor acted with a studious tendency to render you 
contemptible; and therfore to represent me as soe doinge 
seemes not charitable: I profess otherwise, & if my profession 
be not sincere, I am soe much a stranger to my heart & actions : 
To make a true narrative of the state of things & all momentous 
occurrents, is soe plain a duty of those y* are betrusted with 
publick concerns, that I doubt not you expect it from those 
to whome you have committed y** command of your forces : And 
therfore for soe doinge. I hope you will not looke at me as Culpable : 
And of other crimes, I know not that you can justly accuse me: 
That your officers are not worthy to be of my counsell but re- 
jected, and onely to waite my positive Commands &c. is far 
from my thoughts or Intentionall actings. I desire to honour 
their persons & worthy Indowments where apearinge, and have 
given testimony thereto: True, where y^ question hath been 
who are of my Councill, I have with due respects & honor to 
the persons of men of worth, asserted my orders; yet I may 
say there hath been carriage among them not tending to their 
honour, but might have exposed them (if not tenderly dealt with) 
to more suffering than a little : My studious Indeavour to respect 
& attend y^ orders of y** Commissioners, is my special duty, 
and y*' more your actions are consonant heerto, y^ more com- 
mendations I shall Indeavour to give them : yet to my plainess 
its ever more acceptable to see the thing done. It is not to be 
expected but that people, where y® seat of war is, should be 
distressed. I wish none of yours may give occasion to think 
that they are willing to ad to distresses. As to y^ return of 
your men, I should gladly comply with your desire therein, 
might I doe it with discharge of my trust ; but not knowing y * 
ye enimy is gone nor whither, and haveing aprehensions from 
your Information & our own, that y^ enimy is Likely to be at 

1 Mass. Archives., book 68, leaf aS. 


Narragausett, where also we have reason to think the warr may 
sucUlenly break out, I may not (without most weighty ground) 
doe anything that, should we be presentl}' called thither, may 
render us more unready for ye speedy answering of such a call, 
^'our advice to a more candid complyance A: consult with your 
officers, I am willing to take in the best part, and trust that it 
will apear that I have been far from acting in a separate way, 
or aproveing any such acting: whatever is represented to you 
otherwise, I hope, when you have heard with both ears, you 
will perceive to be misrepresented. 1 have not fixed your nor 
our men in Garrisons. I called them forth uppon the first opper- 
tunity to field service, & am ready soe to doe as occasion shall 
present: And may I find a Htle of that loveing i^- amicable com- 
plyance you speake of: I am willing to offer any of my procla- 
mations (tho called strict) to a fair and o])en examination cV: 
judgment: A little time 1 hope will show us plainly our way; 
meanwhile let us rather waite than stund)l(' in y^ darke. or goe 
backward when it is not soe easy to return. 


I am not without feelinge some smart in your Lines, tho 
I would not be over tender, or ready to complain: I beg your 
charitable construction of what may seem to your wisdome 
to apear otherwise than I have been able to discern, professing 
myself to be one studious of action, & of uniting therin for y« 
common good : The Lord grant us all (if it be his will) to think, 
speak, & doe the same things for y^ advance of his glory, & 
ye attainment of his peoples safety, which is y^ serious prayer 
& endeavor of him who is, with due respects to you all, 

Your assured ffreind & servant, 

Samuel Appleton. 
Honr*^' S^'s: 

Some of yours heer have, out of a Letter, acquainted 
me with some reports & suspitions of Indian enimyes to y^ 
westward : but its not of soe much weight to me, because I 
understand that y^ Letter hath been with your^: and in yours 
to me, I perceive not that you take any notice of it. 

These ffor ye Worpii William Leete, Esq., Depy. Gov. 
Or to ye Worp" John Allyn, Esqr. 

To be communicated to ye Councill at Hartford. 
Vera copia. 

Harassed by the constant imi)ortunities of the Connecticut 
soldiers, and the C'ouncil of that Colony, a Council of War was 

KING Philip's war. 195 

held at Northampton on the very day he wrote this letter. 
Major Applcton still refused to give permission to any to with- 
draw without the order of the Council. But as all those who 
met in Council were against him, he was obliged to yield, and 
he issued a reluctant permission to Major Treat to move with 
his forces downward on the next Friday morning, as the enemy 
had probably moved that way. 

He wrote to Governor Leverett on November 19th, that 
he had receivetl no instructions since November 1st. He nar- 
rated the exigences of the situation, due to the approach of 
winter, and his final decision to dismiss Major Treat. 


Hadley, Nov. 19: 1675. 
Right Worpf": 

In yo^ last to me bearing date Nov. l^*, yo^ doubled assurance 
of speedy ord'"" to me have kept me in a constant and now tedious 
and thoughtful expectation thereof. Full fourteen days are 
now past since the arrival of our last Post, and yet we have no 
word nor signification from you. Winter is upon us. Necessity 
(w'^h knows no law) enforceth us to dispose of ourselves. If we 
stay here and our horses remain in y^ field, they will be fitt for 
no^service, yea, I fear how we shall gett them home. If we 
take them to dry meate, we undo the inhabitants, hay being 
so very scarce, their cattell will perish. And we have in expec- 
tation of ord^'s, already stayd to extremity. Since o"" last we can 
discover no enemy, nor hear whither he is gone. Connecticute 
men have been beyond measure impatient of being stayed here 
sometimes pleading for liberty to be gone, sometimes seeming 
as if they would be gone w'^out it. Nothing but unquietness 
and discontent at their stay, striving by all means to gain my 
consent for their removall which I still withhold expecting to 
hear from yo^s: About y^ 12th instant they informed me yt they 
had intelligence from Owenequo, Uncas his son, y< Philip boast- 
ed he was a lOOOd strong, intended to send 600 against the 
Massachusetts, and 400 against those in Connecticute, but w^^ 
all signifying yt if I should desire them to move toward Mendon, 
they were expressly forbidden to goe w*i» me, except we had 
certain intelligence that the whole body of the enemy was there, 
and except I would march w^h my full 300. I told their Major 

1 A)>iJleton Memorial, p. 132. 


they did but instruct me how to answer them, should they call 
me to their parts. There is talk of a great festival meetine; of 
Indians at a place neer Stratford. What they are, or whether 
they may be counted or pursued as enemies, we know not. The 
people in these Towns, especially y^ younger sort, have showed 
themselves soe ready to desert the Towns, some already gone 
others talking of and ))''paring for it, so as I counted mys: ne- 
cessitated to ])rohibit them by a proclimation, till I might hear 
from vol's : i t being so cross to the safety and good of the whole, 
yt ye i)lantations should have their own inhabitants desert them, 
and y Country be necessitated to send men to guard them, o'" 
else expose them to ruine. I therein ventured to the utmost 
extent of your order. I beseech your pardon in, and orders 
about it, as also how to behave ourselves; whom to leave here 
and under what command. 

Together with the proclimation I thought mete, ace: to 
your orders, to declare to Major Treat that his drawing off his 
forces was against the articles of confederation. A copy of this 
and their declaration upon it, I send you here inclosed. I de- 
layed them as long as possibly I could; But, at aCouncill Nov. 
17th, they pressed so hard andTthe oeople complaining so sadly 
of the burthen of their stay.*"and those I had with me to Counsel 
being all: against me, I was forced to permit their going, except 
some orders from y" Coiiiission''s or yo's: came by the 19th 
in the morning: so y* tomorrow morning they are preparing 
to goe homeward by permission, on the terms expressed in y^ 
writing here inclosed. As also I herewith send a copy of the 
letter I received from the Council of Connecticute, w^^ the an- 
swer I returned thereto. However they are pleased to expresse, 
my great trouble hath bin their acting in a separate way, con- 
cerning w<^h I have much more to say than I can now write. I 
humbly intreate yo"" speeding away a post to us without any 
delay; we are wholly at a losse till then. I have not further to 
adde, but p^snt of humble service to yo*" Worp: and the rest 
respectively, and so to remain 

Yo'' Worps: ever to be commanded 

Samuel Appleton. 

The posts sent down are Thomas Hovey and Robert Simson. 

On the same day that he wrote, he began the distribution 
of the Massachusetts troops among the exposed towns. Twenty- 
nine soldiers under Captain Aaron Cooke were stationed at 
West field. Twenty-nine were sent to Springfield under com- 
mand of Major Pynchon.^ Leift. Clarke and twenty-six men 

' Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 66. 

KING Philip's war. 197 

were left at Northampton, thirty at Hadley commanded by 
Captain Jonathan Poole, and thirty-six at Hatfield, with 
Leift. Allice. 

Having made this provision for the defence of the frontier 
towns, Major Appleton marched home, probably about No- 
vember 24th. A feeling of comfortable security filled the 
town, when the Major and his soldiers returned. A few weeks 
before, the Indians had appeared at Salisbury, and General 
Denison marched thither with his troops. The outposts at Tops- 
field and Andover were greatly alarmed at seeing Indians, as 
they supposed. "It is hardly imaginable," Denison wrote from 
Ipswich on the 28th of October, "the panick fear that is upon 
our upland plantations, and scattered places, respecting their 
habitations."* The General Court on October 13th had ordered 
a guard of two men, appointed by General Denison or the chief 
commander of the town of Ipswich, to keep watch at Deputy 
Governor Symonds's Argilla farm, as it was "so remote from 
neighbours, and he so much necessitated to be on the country's 

No doubt the distracted people slept more soundly, and 
gathered hope and strength. But the interval of calm was 
short. Scarcely had Appleton and his men returned from their 
campaign, when they were summoned into the field for a united 
assault upon the Narragansett Indians in their stronghold. 
Though his distinguished services would seem to us sufficient 
reason for his appointment to the chief command of the army 
of a thousand men, that was now raised from the colonies of 
Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Connecticut, he readily accepted 
a subordinate position. 

The Massachusetts complement of soldiers was 527, and 
Major Appleton was appointed to command this regiment, as 
well as his own company.'^ A fresh impressment was necessary, 
and it is not strange that the hardships of military service in 
mid-winter and the peculiar dangers and horrors of the war 
with the Indians, should have terrified many of the colonists. 
Many, who were impressed, hid away and it was with no small 
difficulty that the full quota was secured. Especial interest 

> Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 30. 
" Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 91. 


attaches to the following letter, written by General Denison, 
which reveals the strain put u])on our own Town to meet the 
heavy demands of the War. 


In obedience to your late order for the imj^ressinc; of 185 
souldiers wee have listed the persons underwritten who are fitted 
with arms, ammunition & cloaths as the order directs only you 
may please to understand y* some of the persons now returned 
have withdrawn themselves, Although warning hath been left 
at the places of their abode & their parents required to be ready 
to go in their steads if their sons should faile. Wee have also 
(lest the services should be neglected) warned other men to up the number of 28 which is our town's proportion, if 
any of these now retiu-n(Ml should faile. 

Moses Pengry Jonathan Fantum 

John Denison Sami' Hmit Jun^ 

John Perkins John Thomas 

Sam^i Perkins Abram Fitz 

Abrain Knolton Richard Bidford 

Thomas Faussee Thomas Killom 

Lewis Zachariah Isaac Cuinins 

John Ijovel Richard Pasmore 

Sami' Peirce Richard Prior 

Sam'i Smith George Timpson 

Andrew Burle,y Peter Lurvey 

Thomas Dow Benjamin Newman 1 

Thomas French Wi"m Hodgskin I 

John Knolton Samuel Taylor j 

These thi-ee last very Lusty young men were under a late press 
c^' not discharged but required to attend when called, have by the 
artifice of their parents absconded for the present though their 
parents have beene required to bring them foorth or be ready 
themselves to march. Wee have not 3 abler, lustier young 
fellows in ourtowne and few exceeding them in the country nor 
may be better spared. I have not further to trouble you but 
presenting my services to yourselves & the rest of the magis- 


V'' humble servant 
Salem, Novem. 30: 1G75. Daniel Denison. 

These three eventually appeared and acquitted themselves 
with honor, and one of them, Samuel Taylor, fell in the 

'Mass. Archives, book 68: leaf 71. 



assault_^upon the Indian stronghold. Many a home must have 
been saddened by the voluntary enlistment or the impressment 
of the young men, and great honor is due to the parents, who 
willingly gave up their sons, and to the seasoned veterans, and 
the new soldiers, who went with them to receive their baptism 
of fire. 

Major Appleton marched away on the eighth of December 
probably, as the whole Massachusetts force mustered on Ded- 
ham Plain on the ninth. There were five companies, commanded 
by Captains Mosely, Gardner, Davenport, Oliver and Johnson, 
beside the company of which Major Appleton was Captain. 

A list of Major Appletoii's company, of which Jeremiah 
Swain was Lieutenant, is preserved in the state Archives, and 
is transcribed in fulL^ It included soldiers from many towns, 
but the place of residence is not given. 

Sergt Ezek. Woodward 
Sergt John Whitcher 
Sergt Francis Young 
Sergt Daniel Ringe 
Corp, John Pengillie 
Corp. James Brarley 
Clark Philemon Deane 
Trump. John Wheeler 
Josiah Bridges 
Thomas Wayte 
Thomas Sparks 
Abiell Saddler 
Gershom Browne 
Israel Henricks 
Thomas Tennie 
Thomas Hazon 
Robert Dounes 
Richard Briar 
Joseph Richardson 
Thomas Chase 
William Williams 
Thomas Abbey 
John Rayment 

Robert Leach 
Samuel Hubbart 
Anthonie Williams 
Steven Buttler 
Samuel Verry 
William Wainwright 
Samuel Foster 
Robert Simson 
Israeli Thorne 
Samuel Person 
John Newhall 
Timothie Breed 
Samuel Pipin 
Phillip Matoon 
Nath Wood 
Robert Sibbly 
Will Webb 
Joseph Eaton 
Roger Vicar 
Arthur Neale 
Isaack Ellirie 
Ben Chadwell 
John Davis 

1 Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 97. 



Samuel Brabrook 
Isaach Ilsley 
Roger Markes 
Ben Leingdon 
John Reylie 
Steven Gulliver 
Daniel] Hall 
Solomon Watts 
Eliezer Flagg 
John Warner 
Thomas Firman 
Will Knowlton 
Nath Masters 
Michale Parrich 
Thomas Davis 
Caleb Richardson 
John Boyenton 
Seth Story 
Ben Webbster 
Edward Ardaway 
Samuel Russ 
Silvester Haz 
Will Russel 
Sam Peirce 
Sam Buttrick 
Ephraim Cutter 
George Stedman 
Edmond Sheffeild 
Roger Joans 

Those yt are wanting 

John Ford 
Thomas Parloe 
John Davis 
Robert Peas 

The men y* are now listed 

Moses Pengrie 
John Denison 
John Perkins 
Abraham Knowlton 
Lewis Zachriah 
John Lovwell 
Sam Peirce^ 
George Stimson 
Thomas Dow 
Thomas French 
Sam Hunt 
John Thomas 
Abraham Fitts 
Richard Bedford 
Thomas Killam 
Isaach Cummins 
Richard Partsmore 
Richard Priar 
Ben Newman 
Will Hodgkins 
Sam Taylor 
Amos Goddin 
Samuel Perkins 
Peter Emons 

Nath Emerson 


Zacheus Newmarsh 

John Hobkins 

John Sticknie 

Joseph Jewet 

Joshua Boyenton 

John Leyton 

John Jackson 

Will Browne 

1 Occurs in list of old soldiers. 

KING Philip's war. 


Caleb Jackson 

Sam Tyler 
Thomas Palmer 
Joseph Bigsby 
Symond Go win 
Daniel Somersby 
Samuell Lovewell 
Steven Sweet 
Israh Ross 
Sam Poore 
Henry Poore 
Christopher Bartlet 
Edmond Browne 
Jonathan Emerie 

Christopher Kenniston 
Christopher Cole 

John Straton 

John Harvey 

George Maier 

Nicolaz Rollings 

Thomas Roggers 

Cornelius Davis 

Jonathan Clarke 

Will Sayward 

William Warrin 

John Shepard 

John Guylie 

Morgain Joanes 

61 new men 
75 old souldiers 


Many Ipswich men were in that little army beside the group 
of newly impressed, whose names have been given. Moses 
Pengry, son of the salt-maker, whose house still stands at the 
foot of Summer street, John Denison, John Andrews and Abiel 
Saddler had been with Lathrop in the slaughter at Bloody 
Brook. Sergt. Daniel Ringe was a survivor of that fatal day. 
Philemon Deane, Clerk of the Company, had been in the fall 
campaign, and many familiar names appear in the roll of the 
"old soldiers." 

Major Appleton led his force on that winter's day, Decem- 
ber 9th, a long march of twenty-seven miles to "Woodcoks", 
now Attleboro, and another day brought them to Seaconck. 
On December 14th, as his scouts had brought in some Indians, 
he led his troops, foot and horse, on a detour into the Indian 
country, and burned a hundred and fifty wigwams, killed seven 
of the enemy and brought in eight prisoners.' 

As the army advanced, several of the soldiers, straggling 
from their companies, were slain by roving bands of Indians. 
To prevent this, Major Appleton stationed some of the compa- 
nies three miles from headquarters, to guard all approaches. 

1 Capt. Oliver's Narrative. 


The Ipswich company was located tlius, on the 15th of Decem- 
ber, when an attack was made and several of the soldiers killed.' 

By the 18*'' of December, the Connecticut and Plymouth 
soldiers had joined the Massachusetts regiment, and as provi- 
sions were scarce and the cold was sharp, an advance was made 
at once. A heavy snowstorm cam(! on. There was no shelter 
for officers or common soldiers, and after a long and trying 
march, they lay down in the snow, "finding no other Defense 
all that Night, save the open Air, nor other covering than a 
cold and moist fleece of snow." At daylight the march was 
resumed, and Rev. Mr. Hubl:)ard, recording the substance of 
many conversations no doubt, with the Major and his men, in- 
forms us that "they marched from the break of the next day, 
December 19*'^, till one of the Clock in the Afternoon, without 
either Fire to warm them, or Respite to take any Food save 
what they could chew on their March." They wallowed through 
snow, two or three feet deep, with many frostbitten in their 
hands and feet, fourteen or fifteen miles to the edge of a 
swamp, wliere their Indian guides affirmed the Narragansetts 
had their stronghold. Captain Mosely and Captain Davenport 
led the van, Captain Gardner and Captain Johnson followed, 
Major Appleton and Captain Oliver brought up the rear of the 
Massachusetts force. The Plymouth soldiers with General 
Winslow marched in the centre, and the Connecticut men under 
Major Treat formed the rear guard of the little army. 

Notwithstanding the hardshi]is of theii' march, the soldiers 
rushed impetuously into the swamp, without waiting the word 
of command, and pursued the Indians, who had shown them- 
selves, to the fort, which had been built on an island, and strong- 
ly defended with an impassable palisado of logs, stuck upright, 
and a dense hedge. At one corner only there was a gap, where 
a single tree, placed horizontally formed the only defence, but 
a kind of l)lockhouse had been built over against this, for its 
defence. A rush was made at this point, but it was met with 
a deadly fire from the block-house. Captain Johnson fell dead at 
the entrance, and Captain Davenport, a few steps within. Re- 
treating a little, all fell on their faces that the hot fire might 

1 Ciipt. Oliver's Narrative. 

KING Philip's war. 203 

spend itself a little. Our Ipswich historian, Mr. Hubbard, says 
that at this crisis, "two companies Ijeing brought up besides 
the four that first marched up, they animated one another to 
make another assault, one of the Commanders crying out, 'They 
run ! they run !' which did so encourage the Soldiers that they 
presently entered a main." These two companies, undoubtedly , 
were those led by Major Appleton and Caj^tain Oliver, and an old 
record remains that John Raymond of Middleborough, who is 
credited to Major Appleton 's company, was the first to enter 
the fort. The Indians held their ground with great determi- 
nation, but after several hours of sharp fighting, their wigwams 
were set on fire, anil they were put to rout with great slaughter. 

It was a dearly bought victory. Three of the six Massa- 
chusetts Captains, Davenport, Gardner and Johnson, and three 
Connecticut captains lay dead, and many officers and men were 
wounded. All had behaved with the greatest gallantry, but 
Hubbard singles out the Major of the Massachusetts regiment 
and Captain Mosely for special commendation. The short win- 
ter day was spent before the battle was done, and as the In- 
dian fort was deemed an unsafe camp, the desperate alterna- 
tive remained of marching back to the nearest settlement, full 
fifteen or sixteen miles, after night had fallen. Bearing thei 
dead, and helping the wounded, the survivors struggled back. 
The horrors of that night march pass imagination. Many of 
the wounded perished by the way, and the strongest were com- 
pletely spent before a safe shelter was reached. Four of Major 
Appleton 's soldiers were killed, vSamuel Taylor of Ipswich, 
Isaac Ellery of Gloucester, Daniel Rolfe of Newbury and Samuel 
Tyler of Rowley. Eighteen were wounded, including John 
Denison, George Timson, and Thomas Dow of Ipswich.' 

Providentially the battle was fought and the retreat made 
on the 19th of December. A great snowstorm set in on the day 
following, succeeded by a great thaw. While they remained in 
camp, fresh impressments of troops were made, and on Jan- 
uary 10*'', "Fresh Supplies of Soldiers came up from Boston, 
wading through a sharp Storm of Snow that bit some of them 
by the Heels with the Frost." A contemporary writer records 

1 Mase. Archives book 68, leaf 1(4. 


that eleven were frozen to death. ^ A second body of recruits 
was sent to Major Appleton a little later, and among them was 
James Foord of Ipswich, a soldici' in tlie company of Captain 
Samuel Brocklebank of Ro\vl(\y who had taken the field early 
in Januaiy. ^ By the hitter part of the month, the weather grew 
milder and the ))ursuit of the Indians began. It continued as 
far as Quabaug, but no decisive action was possible with the 
wily foe. Provisions were scant, and men and horses were 
sorely pinched with himger. Many of the horses were killed 
and eaten and the campaign was long remembered as the Hun- 
gry March. The soldiers arrived honu^ early in February, and 
Major Appleton seems to have retired from active service. 

Within a week after their return, the weary soldiers, scarcely 
recruited from the exhausting ordeal of the Hungry March, were 
again in the field. Alarming reports had come of the disaster 
at Lancaster. The minister of the town, Jose]3h Rowlandson, 
was an Ipswich man, whose father's house was near the meet- 
ing house on Meeting House Hill. The older folk of Ipswich 
remembered him well, and the tale of the assault upon his 
home in his absence, the massacre of many gathered there, and 
the capture of his wife and children, added fresh horror to the 
war. Mrs. Rowlandson was finally released, and her Narrative 
of her captivity reveals a most pathetic and dreadful experi- 

Medfield was soon burned, and on February 25th, Wey- 
mouth was partly destroyed. In March, Groton was surprised 
and burnt, and the inhabitants fled in terror, abandoning the 
settlement. Wrentham was abandoned in similar fashion. The 
Indians moved rapidly from point to point; small parties 
appeared suddenly in the most unexpected localities, killing 
a man or two, and then disappearing, "skulking up and down 
in swamps and Holes, to assault any that occasionally looked 
never so little into the woods. "^ The towns in the Connecticut 
valley were panic-struck. 

A new army was immediately ordered, and fresh levies of 
foot and horse soldiers were ordered by the General Court on 
the 21st of February. Cornet John Whipple of Ipswich, who 

1 Uodge, SoIdiL'iB of Kinjf Pliilip's War, p. 201. 

2 Hubbard, ludian Wars. 

KING Philip's war. 205 

had already served with honor in the earlier campaigns, was 
made Captain of the new troop of horse, and Major General 
Denison was ordered to Marlborough to dispose the soldiers 
gathered there under the several captains, and take charge of 
the campaign.' Captain Brocklebank, of Rowley, was placed 
in command of the Marlborough garrison. 

Alarming reports were soon brought to Ipswich of the ap- 
proach of marauding bands. General Denison was at home, 
and his letter of the 19th of March to Secretary Rawson, reveals 
a time of alarm and nervous apprehension of an attack, in 
which his presence must have been a source of great comfort 
to the community. 2 

Mr. Secretary : — 

I received your intelligence, the substance whereof I had 2 
hours before by y^ way of Billerica and Andover together with 
certaine intelligence, that the eneni}^ is passed Merrimack, their 
tracks found yesterday at Wamesit and 2 of their scouts, this 
morning at Andover, whojby 2 posts one in the night <k again 
this day about 2 of the clocke importune for help, as doth Hav- 
eril & Major Pike for Norfolk. I am w^h great difficulty sending 
up 60 men this night under Capt. Appleton to Andover, who 
will also take this opportunity if not prevented, to attend the 
Council order for survay of the townes of this county who are 
sufficiently alarmed. Did not I judge my presence here more 
necessary than anything I could contribute there, I would most 
willingly embrace the opportunity, were it but for ease. 

I suppose this will excuse me to the Council, whatever it 
will to ye people. I hope my brother Bradstreet will publish 
my excuse, had he writ I might have ordered some of his best 
things to have been brought of from Andover. I am in extrem- 
ity of hast at sun-sett despatching the souldiers to the great 
dissatisfaction of the towne. Let God arise and our enemies 
shall be scattered. 

Yr Humble Servant, Daniel Denison. 

Ips. March 19, at six at night, 1675. 

if Capt. Appleton returne w^^ 

good news, & it be necessary for 

me to come, if I understand 

it I shall attend, tho: our Court 

should be next weeke. 

1 Mass. Records, voL v, p. 75. 

2 Mass. Archives, Book 68, Leaf 1C5. 


pray ray Brother Bradstreet to coniend to tlie Council 
that many of our towne souljcr.s that are now under Capt. Cook, 
intended for Capt. Sill to be a fiuard for myself & the Commission- 
ers will be extremely wronged if they l)e kept out, hoping they 
should have had favor for a speedy r(>turne, some of their 
occasions & familyes will extreainely suffer, as Samuel Ingols 
a farmer with a great family, Mr. Tli" Wade cV: div(n'S others 
indeed the most of Ipswich and one of Rowle\', l.eifteiiant 

The arrival of the two galloping post riders, the hasty as- 
sembling of troops, their march at sunset, the discontent of 
the town in being left defenceless, made the day memorable. 
Ca])tain John Ajjpleton is un(loul)tedly the Captain A])pleton 
mentioned, as he had been apjiointed Chairman of the Commit- 
tee on Defence^ for the County. His sixty men were proba- 
bly the train band of the Town, and there must have been great 
distress through that long March night in numy homes. The 
regular night watch was kept with redouliled diligence, and at 
early dawn the scouts and pickets were sent out. A few hours 
would suffice to bring the dreaded foe from Andover or Haver- 
hill, and at any moment the war whoop might sound and the 
assault be made. But the hours wore on, no alarm was given, 
and gradually confidence returned to the distressed town. 

Instant care was now given to fortifying the eastern towns. 
The Quixotic scheme of building a line of fence or stockado or 
stone fort was seriously proposed. It was to be eight feet high 
and extend from Charles River, where it was navigable, to Con- 
cord RiA^er in Billerica, about twelve miles, reaching from pond 
to pond, and ending at Merrimack River. It was ordered by the 
Council that "the several towns that fall within this tract, viz., 
Salem, Charlestown, Cambridge, Watertown, Ipswich, Newbury, 
Wooburne, Maldon, Billerekey, Gloster, Beverly, Wenhani, 
Manchester, Bradford, Meadford . . . each choose one able & fitt 
man to meet at Cambridge on last day of March at 8 o'clock 
in the morning, «fe thence proceed to siu'vey the line & how it 
should be built, maintained & defended." ^ 

The men of Topsfield questioned the wisdom of this order 
and recommended that as they were already divided into four 
garrisons and four companies, it would be best for some man 

» Mass. Archives, hook 68, leaf ]72. 

KING Phillip's war. 207 

or men to be assigned to order each company. The citizens 
of Rowley apprehended that the cost would be very great, and 
hoped that they would not be compelled to send out men to 
garrison towns beyond the line.^ The action of Ipswich coin- 
cided in spirit, but is expressed curiously and wonderfully. 2 

Ipswich, March 23, 1675/6 
At a meeting of the Selekt men of Ipswich March 23'' 

We having taken Into Considderation what the Honored 
C<Hmsell dede propounde unto us as to the fortyfing from 
Meramacke River and so to Charles River our answer is this 
thing being alltogether darke to us (as to the feasableness of 
it for the end propounded) wee leave it to the Consideration of 
thoos that are wiser then ourselves and also we thinke the 
dificullty of ataning it to be doune at such a time as this is to 
be soo great and as to fensing or fortinge doe thinke it will 
moste conduce to our publike saftye to have a sufficent com- 
pany that may Range backward and forward as the Honered 
Counsill shall think meatte. 

George Giddings 
John Dane 
John Denison 
Nathaniel Wells 
Simon Stage 

Beverly had already planned four fortifications, three of 
which were built, "at or near all which fortifications we have 
watches kept and have apointed to each garrison o^" fortifica- 
tion a competent number of our inhabitants, into w^hich in case 
of alarm or invasion they are to repair for the security of them- 
selves and families. "3 Salem had established general garrisons in 
exposed places, and had begun a substantial wall to reach from 
river to river.'* 

The Committee for Essex County to view the towns and 
report their measures for defence, included many interesting 
items in their report.-^ 

1 Mass. Arcliives, book 68, leaf 17.5. 

2 Mass. Archives, book 6S, leaf 176. 

3 Mass. Archives, book 6i^, leaf 178. 
*Mas8. Archives, book 68, leaf 182. 

^ Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 184. 


"At Newberry wee find seavrall of y^ rcmoat houses fort- 
ified & y towne In a way of fortification as appears from their 

"Att Rowley, Wee finde soo many Garrisons aUroddy made 
w'l w"i o' they have farther ordc will bee sufficient for y^ Secure- 
ing of all ye Inhabitants" 

"Att Ipswich Wee find y^ there are 8oe many (larrisons 
as may Secure all y<^ out houses, and for y^ 1'owne a Generall 
fortification w^h is allmost compleated." 

Signed. Salem John Appleton 

29tii March 1675-6. John Putnam 

Thomas Chandler 

The fortification, we know, was around the meeting house, 
and a family tradition locates one of the garrison houses near 
the River not far from the residence of Mr. George E. Barnard. 
The same provision for keeping watch and ward, and for de- 
fence in case of attack, was doubtless made as in other towns. 
Every able-bodied man was trained and disciplined. Every 
family was anxious. Meanwhile the men at the front were eager 
for release. Captain Brocklebank had written from Marlbor- 
ough to General Denison, and the General's letter to the Sec- 
retary, under the date of March 27th, reveals the reasonable 
complaint of the excellent Captain. He had written that he 
and his company had been in the country's service ever since 
the first of January at Narragansett, and "within one weeke 
after their return were sent out againe having neither time nor 
money (save a fortnights pay upon their march) to recruite them- 
selves." "I am therefore sollicitous," the General concludes, 
"for many of them that out of a respect to myself went willing- 
ly hoping for a speedy returne to their families." Spring was 
at hand and the planting of their fields required their presence. ^ 

On the 28th of March, Captain Brocklebank wrote again, 
reporting an attack on Marlborough, and the burning of many 
houses and barns. ^ He was not relieved, however, and re- 
main(>d at his post in command of the garrison. 

( )n the first of April, Major Savage, in a letter of instructions, 
remarked, "touching that rebuke of God upon Captain Whipple 
& y« poore people at Si)ringfield, it is matter of great shame 

1 Mass. Archives, book (i.i, leaf 179. 

2 Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 180. 

KING Philip's war. 209 

and humbling to us."i Evidently our trooper was held respon- 
sible for the reverse in that quarter. Soon after, he began 
the homeward march. At Quabaug (Brookfield), the order 
from the Council to make an attack upon the Indians at Wachu- 
set was discussed in a council of war. It was decided to be im- 
possible under the circumstances, and Captain Whipple seems 
justified in his stand against it, as he reported that half of his 
troop was not able to march, and the other half had but one 
day's provision for six days' march. 2 Sixteen men under Lieu- 
tenant Flood petitioned for leave to go home and plant for 
the support of their families, as their poor horses were nearly 
worn out. Two of the Ipswich troopers, Thomas Numan and 
Nathaniell Adams, were of this group. 3 

Captain J^rocklebank remained at Marlborough, which was 
assailed and set on fire a second time, and on April 21st, the 
neighboring town of Sudbury was surprised. Captain Wads- 
worth was sent from Boston with "fifty soldiers to relieve the 
Marlborough garrison. They made a hurried march of twenty- 
five miles, reaching Marlborough at night. Finding that the 
enemy was at Sudbury ten miles away, without allowing them- 
selves time for rest, they hastened thither, Captain Brockle- 
bank and some of the garrison, accompanying them. Near 
Sudbury, they met a small body of Indians, who withdrew at 
their approach and lured them into the woods. There a great 
body assailed them. The weary soldiers made a brave defence, 
but they were hopelessly outnumbered. Captain Wadsworth 
fell, and Captain Brocklebank, whom Mr. Hubbard characterizes 
as "a choice spirited Man, much lamented by the Town of Row- 
ley, to which he belonged." More than thirty soldiers, it is 
believed, were slain, as they were making their retreat from the 
hilltop, where they had made a brave stand for four hours. 
This was the last great tragedy of the War. Later operations 
against the Indians were uniformly successful. On August 12, 
1676, Philip was slain at Mount Hope. 

Exultation over the death of the dreaded chief had hardly 

1 Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 192. 
- Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 23.5. 
= Mass. Archives, book 68, leaf 246. 


spent itsolf when hostilities began at the Eastward. Many of 
the Indians, who had been scattered by the successful tactics 
on the Connecticut, made their way to the Indian tribo^s in the 
neighborhood of Casco Bay, and incited them to rise against 
the white men. Hostilities began there in September, 1676, and 
atta(;ks were soon made on Oyster River and J)urham, N. H., 
and Exeter. An old man was shot down on the road to Hamp- 
ton. York suffered on the 26th of Sept(Mnber, and the whole 
country about the Piscataqua was in alarm. Men, women and 
little children were killed and scalped, houses and barns burned, 
and cattle driven away. 

(leneral Denison was commander-in-chief, and Major Ha- 
thorne led the forces in the field. Again Ipswich became the cen- 
tre of activity. One of Denison 's letters, directed to some offi- 
cer at the front, indicates the constant alarms, which disturbed 
the Town. 


Yours of the 27 instant came to my hands about 10 at 
night being then in Bed & very ill yet notwithstanding by 
l)rcak of day I got up, though then in a feverish distemper to 
. . . the contents thereof to the deputy & Major Hathorne, 
but by reason of their distant lodgings could not understand 
their minds till they judged it impossible for them to reach 
Boston till late at night. 

Ipswich, Sept. 28 at 9 mor. 

Mr. Hubbard gives a distressing account of the outrages 
committed by the Indians in the neighborhood of the Kenne- 
beck river. The whole country was a scene of desolation, houses 
burned, crops destroyed, and many lives lost. Early in Octo- 
ber, the alarming tidings came that the settlement at Cape 
Neddick had been burned. The smoke from the burning might 
have been seen perhaps from our Town Hill or Castle Hill. 
The hearts of our Ipswich people might well have failed them. 

Major Hathorne had hurried away from Ipswich to defend 
the settlements at York and further Eastward. His letter of 
Oct. 2, 1676, brought word of the disaster at Cape Neddick, 
and, on the next day. General Denison wrote that he was send- 

KING Philip's war. 211 

'ng forward aniniuiiition and supplies for his troops.' The 
trains of creaking wagons, laden with these supplies, guarded 
by soldiery, dragging through our Town, the arrival and depart- 
ure of troops, the galloping haste of post-riders with dispatches 
to the commander-in-chief, nuist have disturbed the peace of 
the community constantly. Major Appleton was drawn once 
more into the public service and dispatched to the Eastward 
under orders, dated October 19th, to take charge of all the 
forces.^ He seems to have declined this responsibility how- 
ever, as the order was rescinded. 

A vigorous march was made to Ossipee, where it was reported 
there was a great gathering of Indians. It was a fruitless move 
in its direct result, but indirectly it may have been the im-. 
polling cause that led Mugg, one of the Indian chiefs, to desire 
peace. He demanded and received a "Letter of safe conduct" 
from Governor Leverett, and started for Boston. General Deni- 
son was at Portsmouth and met the Indian, but declined the re- 
sponsibility of making terms with him and sent him on by land 
to Boston. He stopped in Ipswich and paid his respects to the 
minister, Mr. Thomas Gobbet, whose son was then in captivity 
among the Indians at the Eastward. Mr. Hubbard, who was 
associated with Mr. Gobbet in the ministry, very likely saw the 
famous chief, and perhaps conversed with him for he had been 
much with the English and was well acquainted with the lan- 

The monotonous chronicles of his History might have been 
marvelously enlivened, if he had but recorded in detail that 
picturesque event, when the Indian, who was held responsible 
for the horrors of the Eastern war, whose name was a watch- 
word of fear and hate, appeared in the Town, and went his 
way down High street, to Mr. Gobbet's homo. No visitor to 
Ipswich, we may well believe, was ever the object of greater cu- 
riosity and awe. To Mr. Gobbet, it was an occasion of tragic in- 
terest. His son, Thomas, had been captured by the Indians, in 
October, but had not been injured, and tidings of his capture 
had been sent his friends, with demand for a ransom. Not 

' Mass. Arcliives, book 6',), leaves 6G, f>7. 
2 Mass. Archives, book 6U, leaf 70. 


relying upon schemes for' release, the Pastor, "all the Time of 
his Son's Captivity, together with his Friends, wrestled with 
God, in their daily Prayers for his Release." > The coming of 
Mugg must lijive seemed providential, and great pressure must 
have been brought to bear upon the chief to secure his release. 

He made fair promises and went his way to Boston, where 
ho ma(h' a formal Covenant and Agreement with the Governor 
in the name of Madockawando and Chebartina. Sachems of 
Penobscot. He bound himself, in return for favoi's promised 
by the (iovernor, tos(>cure the release of all the English captives, 
and pledged that he would remain as a hostage until the captives 
were delivered. 

Having been sent to the Maine coast on a vessel, he arrived 
at the Penobscot early in Deceml)er. There, l)y a happy circum- 
stance, he met Tliomas Col)l)et. Taking the young num l)y his 
hand and calling him by name, Mugg told him he had been at 
his father's house ("which was November the first or second b(!- 
fore, as he passed through Ipswitch to Boston") and had prom- 
ised to send liim home as soon as he returned. The Sachem de- 
manded a ransom, "not imderstanding before that his Father 
was a great Preachman as they used to call it." Whereupon 
he was shown a fine coat, and he then consented to his release. 
He arrived in Boston on Christmas Day, and was soon at home. 

Mr. Hubbard heard from his own lips undoubtedly the stir- 
ring narrative which his History preserves. "Amongst all the 
Prisoners at that Time taken," he observes, "the said Thomas 
Cobbit seemed to have had the hardest Portion: For besides 
the desperate Dangers that he escaped before he was taken, 
First, by a Bullet, shot through his Wast-coat, Secondly, by a 
drunken Indian, who had a knife at his Throat to cut it, when 
his hands were bound: When the Indians came to share the 
Prisoners amongst them, he fell into the Hands of one of the 
ruggedest Fellows, by whom within a few days after his sur- 
prizal, he was carryed first from Black-point to Shipscot River 
in the Ketch, which the Indians made them to sayl for them 
into the said River, from thence he was forced to travel with 
his Pateroon four or five Miles overland to Damariscotta, 

' Hubbard, Indian Wars. 

KING Philip's war. 213 

where he was compelled to row, or paddle in a Caiioo about 
fifty-five Miles farther to Penobscot, and there taking leave 
of all his English Friends and Acquaintance at least for the Win- 
ter, he was put to paddle a Canoo up fifty or sixty Miles farther 
Eastward to an Island called Mount Desart, where his Pater- 
oon used to keep his Winter Station, and to appoint his hunt- 
ing Voyages: and in that Desart-like Condition was the poor 
young Man forced to continue nine Weeks in the service of a 
Salvage Miscreant, who sometimes would tyranize over him, 
because he could not understand his Language and, for Want 
thereof, might occasion him to miss of his Game, or the like. 
Whatever Sickness he was obnoxious unto, by Change of Dyet, 
or other Account, he could expect no other Allowance than 
the wigwam will afford. If Joseph be in the Prison so long as 
God is with him there, he shall be preserved, and in due time 

At the end of the nine weeks the Indian had spent all his 
ammunition, and sent young Cobbet down the Penobscot to get 
a fresh supply, and he happened there just in time to meet Mugg. 
Once while traveling in Mount Desert, Mr. Cobbet's senses had 
been suddenly benumbed and he fell helpless upon the snow, 
but the Indians fortunately missed him in time, and went 
back and carried him to a wigwam. "At another Time, the 
Salvage Villain, whose Prisoner he was so long as he had strong 
Liquor, for five Days together was so drimk that he was like 
a furious mad Beast, so as none durst come near him, his 
Squaws he almost brained in one of those drunken Fits." 

" The said Thomas was forced to get out of his Sight into 
the Woods all that Night for Fear of being mischiefed by him : 
where making a Fire he kept himself alive. The Squaws being 
by God's special Providence so inclined to Pity that they came 
to him daily with Victuals, by which Means he was at that Time 
also preserved. All which put together makes his Deliverance 
the more remarkable, as an Answer of Prayer." 

Rev. Mr. Cobbet was so impressed with the evident answer 
to his prayers, that he wrote a Narrative, detailing the dangers 
and deliverances of his son,^ and many a pious heart in the 

iNew England Hist, and Gen. Register vil, pp. 216, 217. 


Ipswich C'liur(^li was strengthened to new faith in God in those 
dark and troublous times, by the sight of the young man, safe 
an-i sound among them. 

Notwithstanding this Covenant between Mugg and the Gov- 
ernor, signed on November 6, 1676, the war was not ended. No 
further active operations were undertaken however, as the 
winter was close at hand. This policy of delay was very irri- 
tating to the worthy Deputy Governor, Mr. Samuel 8ymonds, 
and a vigorous letter of his, written to some official, dated at 
Ips\vi(!h, January 22, 1670, sununoned to instant action. He 
urged immediate operations at the East before spring came, 
when tile leaves would render ambuscades easy, and the canoes 
could move readily with the Indians. "If it cost £1000 now, it 
would cost £10,000 in the end to repair damages," he declared. 

"The desire and expectation of the Townes hereabout is 
for it, for some of Rowley, Haverhill, Newbury, having had 
occasion to be with me have expressed as much, <k scarce a 
man of another mind (that I can pi'ceive)" 

"From Salem to the East will count themselves unsafe (at 
present) if they be left alone till the Spring. "^ 

The Deputy Governor seems to have voiced the public senti- 
ment. An expedition was dispatched to the East under Major 
Walderne early in February, but it accomplished little and 
arrived back in Boston on the 11th of March. The Indians 
resumed hostilities in April. Again came the call for soldiers 
and again the dauntless men of Ipswich had their place in the 
little army that was hurried to the front. The enemy was 
close at hand in Wells, York, and Portsmouth, but the decisive 
event of the campaign happened at Black Point, where Cap- 
tain Lovett's company was led into an ambuscade and he and 
about forty of his command were slain. Dr. Barton of Salem, 
th(^ surgeon, reported among the casualties of this engagement 
probably, Israel Hunewell of Ipswich wounded in the leg and 
shoulder, and among the slain were four Ipswich men, James 
Burbee, Sam" J'ooler, In'' Poland and Thomas Burns. ^ 

Major Robert Pike of Salisbury wrote on the 8th of July, 
1677, that Simon a notorious Indian leader in many cruel at- 

> Mass. ArcliiveH, book (i!), leaf 9i». 
» Mass. Arcliives, book (!9, leaf 137. 

KING Philip's war. 215 

tacks was in the neighborhood. Captain Garish had come 
over with Captain Appleton, and " Captain Whiple showed me 
a commition in Captain Apleton's hand to bring over a parte 
of horse & foott to join with ours." "Captain Apleton mad 
som dout how the whole party would comodiously pceed in 
our woods the foot not able to keep to the pace of the horse, 
nor ye horse wilHng to y^ slow motion of y^ foott." 

The danger Hne came no nearer, however. Peace settled 
gradually upon the community wearied and worn with so 
many alarms. The strain upon the life of the Colony had been 
intense. The financial burden of equipping tro(jps, maintaining 
them in the field, and meeting losses occasioned by the burn- 
ing of houses and of whole towns was most oppressive. The 
drain upon the young life was exhausting. Scarcely a family 
could have escaped the anxiety due to the presence of some 
member in the field, or the grief over his death. In New- 
bury, the first impressment was made on August 5, 1675, of nine 
men and fourteen days' provisions. On August 6th, seven 
more were impressed and fourteen days' provisions, and an 
equal number on August 27th, with fourteen days' provisions 
and twenty three horses, saddles and bridles. Two men and 
two days' provisions, on September 23rd, five men, ten days' 
provisions, and twenty-three horses, saddles and bridles, on 
September 27th, and a single man on September 29th, completed 
another month's impressments. In December, for the Nar- 
ragansett campaign, twenty-four men were impressed, making a 
total of forty-eight men and forty-six horses i for the year. 
Ipswich was obliged to bear an equal burden at least. The ex- 
pectation of assault was constant and distressing. 

The tone of moral sentiment became morbid and abnormal. 
Recognizing in the calamities that were heaped upon them, the 
chastisement of a wise and holy God, the General Court, assem- 
bled in November, 1675, enacted a series of laws, full of minute 
and painful requisitions. 

Children were to be watched over and catechised more care- 
fully by the elders. The wearing of long hair by men, and wo- 
men 's vain habit of cutting and curling their hair were forbid- 
den. Excessive elegance of male and female apparel was put 

I Coffin: Hist, of Newbury, p. 117. 


imdor the ban. Quakers were jvisited with fresh restrictions 
Th(^ turning of the l^acks of wor8hi])pers u])oii the minister be- 
fore the service was fully (Mided was condemned, and more 
strict watch was to be kept ovei- children and youth in the 
meeting house. The sin of idleness was dealt with and exces- 
sive prices for merchandise or for labor were restrained. All 
the freshness and playfulness of childhood and youth were 
view(Ml with abhorrence by these Furitan legislators. The Sab- 
bath day and every day was made irksome. Even the camp 
of the soldiers was put under minute supervision. We have 
already recalled the extraordinary regulations issued at the be- 
ginning of the war. They were rigorously observed. Jonathan 
AthcM'ton, a soldier under Captain Henchman, was sentenced 
to lose a fortnight's pay for profanation of the Sabbath at 
Concord. He testified that as his shoes were too big from 
constantly being in water and dew, he cut a piece out of an old 
hat to put in them; and as the cartridges in his bag had be- 
come worn with travel so that they lost their powder, he emp- 
tied them.i This was the whole offence for which he was fined 
so heavily. 

But in the treatment of the Indians, there was an excess of 
virulent hate that is painful, though not surprising. Allowance 
must be made for the natural hatred roused by the craft and 
cruelties of the Indians, and their ingratitude for kind treat- 
ment, yet a fair minded man like Major Ciookin found much 
to blame in the unrighteous dealings of the English with this 
inferior race. Two hundred were captured by craft at Dover, 
though no crime was proved against them, and sold into slav- 
ery. King Philip's son, a lad of tender years was sent to Bar- 
badoes as a slave. Twenty shillings bounty was offered for 
every Indian scalp and forty shillings for every prisoner, in the 
Eastern campaign-. 

Captain Mosely captured an Indian woman early in the war, 
and in the postscript of his letter to the Governor, he wrote: 
"This aforesaid Indian was ordered to be torn in peeces by Doggs 
and she was soe dealt withall.^ Mr. Drake, in his Notes to 

• Mass. Archives, book 6it, leaf 29. 

* Mass. Archives, l)ook (!9, leaf l'2',l. 

' Uodge: Soldiers iu Kiug Philip's War, p. 69. 

KING Philip's war. 217 

Hubbard 's History, quotes from a deposition of Robert Roules 
of Marblehead, that some Indians captured a ketch near Cape 
Sable and obliged the crew to sail it for them. Rising sud- 
denly against their captors they bound them and sailed for 
Marblehead. On taking their prisoners on shore the whole 
Town flocked about them, especially the women. They soon 
overpowered their keepers, "got the Indians into their own 
Hands, and with Stones and Billets, and what not else, made an 
end of them."i 

Such shocking cruelties were probably too frequent The 
Indian captives were apportioned among the soldiery as the 
spoils of war. Captain John Whipple's estate was inventoried 
in 1683, and among the items, we find "LawTence y^ Indian, at 
£4." He was undoubtedly a slave, captured in this campaign, 2 
and it is likely there were others, brought home by officers from 
the war. Major Appleton bought three captives, and Samuel 
Symonds, Esq, paid £5 for an Indian boy and girl. 3 

The contribution of Ipswich to the army was notable. Gen- 
eral Denison was th commander-in-chief of all the forces of the 
Colony. Major Appleton brought the first campaign to a vic- 
torious close, and by his decisive repulse of the Indians at Hat- 
field and elsewhere saved not only the Connecticut towns from 
destruction, but delivered the Colony from their invasions. 
His services in the Narragansett winter campaign were of great 
value. Mr. Bodge, in his "Soldiers in King Philip's War" 
quotes the judgment of a critic whose name is not mentioned : 
"Of all the military commanders of this war I must consider 
Major Appleton the ablest, and the tide of warfare in the west- 
ern towns turned towards safe and successful methods from the 
time of his appointment to the command. I should place 
Major Treat of Connecticut, next to him, and perhaps in the 
same position he would have been equal." Captain John 
Whipple was a prominent officer in the first company of troopers 
that took the field, and was assigned to the command of another 
company in the following spring. Captain John Appleton, 
brother of Samuel, while not in the army, was undoubtedly 

1 Hubbard, Indian Wars, II, p. 237. 

^ Publications of Ipswicli Hist. Soc, x, p. 29. 

3 Bodge, Soldiers of King Pliilip's War, p. 480. 


conspicuous in garrison service and in sliort dashes to points 
of danger. 

The list of soldiers cannot he determined with assurance 
of perfect accuracy. No enlistment rolls are preserved in the 
Archives of the State, and the Town Records make no mention 
of impressments and give no names of soldiers. 

In the Massachusetts Archives, the Roll of Major Appleton's 
Company is preserved and I )(niison's letter, with a list of those 
impressed on Nov. 30, 1675. Chief reliance is placed, however, 
on the invaluable work of Rev. George M. Bodge, entitled "Sol- 
diers in King Philip's War." He has incorporated in this work 
a minute and admirable comjiilation of the account books of 
Mr. John Hull, Treasurer-at-war of Massachusetts Colony from 
1675 to 1678. The record of payments for military service 
here preserved has made it possible for a list of soldiers to be 
constructed, and this great work has been accomplished by 
Mr. Bodge with painstaking care. 

Careful comparison has been made of the list of soldiers 
in various companies with the list of the men of Ipswich, who 
took the oath of allegiance to Charles the Second in 1678, and 
the following list of names has been compiled, which may be 
presumed to be sul)stantially correct. The similarity of certain 
family names in many towns, and the absence of middle names 
render absolute identification in every case, impossible. Rev. 
Joseph B. Felt^ in his History of Ipswich, Essex, and Hamilton, 
published in 1834, and hisappendixto Edward Everett's oration 
at Bloody Brook, claims some for Ipswich, who cannot be 
vouched for by any authority now known, and in some in- 
stances he seems to have been in error. When these names have 
been inserted they have been credited to him. 

Natlumiel Adanii*, Trooper under Lieut. Flood or Floyd. Captain 

Henchman's Company, campaign of .spring 
of 1676, near Connecticut river. 

Simon Adam.s, Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter 

campaign. Captain Brocklebank's Company. 

Alexander Alhor, Assignment of wages to Ipswich. Credited at gar- 

rison at Quabaug, July 24, 1676. 

John Andrews, Credited in Captain Lathrop's Company, Feb. 29, 

1675-6. Trooper, in Major Appleton 's Company. 
Narragansett winter campaign. 



Thomas Andrews, 

Richard Bidford, 

Job Bishop, 

Samuel Bishop, 

Christopher BoUes, 
Thomas Bray, 
Richard Briar, 

Josiah Briggs, 

John Browne, 
James Burbee, 
Andrew Burley, 

James Burnam, 

Thomas Burns, 
Samuel Chapman, 

John Chub, 
Josiah Clark, 

Isaac Cumins, 

Philemon Deane, 

John Denison, 

Thomas Dennis, 
Thomas Dow, 

Robert Dutch, 

John Edwards, 

Trooper, in Captain Whipple's Company. Credited 
Aug. 24: 1676. 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich Feb. 24, 1676-7. No 
service specified. 

Trooper, in Captain Willard's Company. Credited 
July 24; 1676. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. 

Captain Appleton's Company, Narragansett win- 
ter campaign. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. Captain Lathrop's 
Company, at Bloody Brook. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. 

Killed at Black Point. 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 

Trooper, in Major Appleton's Company, Narra- 
gansett winter campaign. 

Killed at Black Point. 

Trooper, in Captain Whipple's Company. Cred- 
ited June 24, 1676; Aug. 24, 1676. 

Credited at garrison at Hadley, June 24, 1676. 

Captain Brocklebank's Company. Credited at 
Marlboro garrison, June 24, 1676. 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 

Clerk, Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett 
winter campaign. 

Captain Lathrop's Company at Bloody Brook. 
Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 
Wounded in the battle. 

Credited at Marlboro garrison, June 24, 1676. 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 
Wounded in the battle. 

Captain Lathrop's Company at Bloody Brook. 
Wounded and left for dead. Major Appleton's 
Company. Credited Dec. 10, 1675. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich, Nov. 24, 1676. No 
service specified. 



Nathaniel Emerson, 
Peter Kinoiis, 

JonatliMii Fantuiii, 

Thomas Faussee, 
Ephraim Felh)ws, 

Isaac Fellows, 

Joseph Fellows, 
Abram Fitz or Fitts, 

James Foord, 

Thomas Frenoli, 
Samuel Guldings, 

John Gilbert, 

Aiyos Gourdine, 

also spelled Gaudea, 
Goddin, Gody. 

Simon Grow, 
Thomas Hobl)s, 

William Hodgskin, 

Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett win- 
ter campaign. 
Major Appleton 's Company, Narragansett winter 

campaign. Captain Gardiner's Company. Cred- 
ited Feb. 16, 1675-6. 
Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton '.s 

Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 

(Japtain lirocklebank's Company. 
Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's 

Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 
Trooper, in Captain Paige's Company; credited 

Sept. 3, 1675. Captain Whipple's Company ; 

credited Aug. 24, 1676. 
Captain Willard's Company. Credited, July 24, 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. 
Impressed Nov. 30 1675. Major Appleton's 

Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 
Trooper, in Captain Paige's Company, Mt. Hope 

campaign. Credited Sept. 3, 1675. Major 

Appleton's Company, ('aptain Brocklebank 's 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's 

C'ompany, Narragansett winter campaign. 
Trooper, in Captain Paige's Company, Mt. 

Hope campaign; credited Sept. 3, 1675. 

Captain Whipple's Company; credited Aug. 

24, 1676 
Wage-; assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. 

I Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett win- 
ter campaign. Captain Gardner's Company 
I Credited Feb. 29, 1675-6, and July 24, 1676. 

Captain Brocklebank 's Company. Credited at 
Marlboro garrison, June 24, 1676. 

Captain Lathrop's Company; killed at Bloody 
Brook, Sept. 18, 1675. Felt (Appendix to Ed- 
ward Everett's Address at Bloody Brook) says 
he belonged in Ipswich. He also credits John 
Hobs to Ipswich but he was impressed in New- 
bury, Aug. 5, 1675 (Coffin's History of New- 
bury, page 117). 

Impressed Nov, 30, 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 



Israeli Hunewell, 
Samuel Hunt, Jr. 

Samuel Itigols, 

Joseph Jacobs, 
Richard Jacobs, 

Thomas Jaques, 
Jeremiah Jewett, 
Joseph Jewett, 

Thomas Killom, 

Caleb Kimball, 

Abraham Knowlton, 

John Knowlton, 

John Lambert, 
Nathaniel Lampson, 
Richard Lewis, 
John Leyton, 

John Line or Lind, 

Lead in allegiance list. 
John Littlehale, 

Nathaniel Lord, 
Jolin Lovel, 

Jonathan Lummus, 
Peter Lurvey, 

Thomas Manning, 

Joseph Marshall, 

Wounded in leg and shoulder at Black Point. 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 

Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter 
campaign. Major Willard's Company. Credited 
July 24, 1676. 

Captain Poole's Company. Credited Aug. 24, 

Lieutenant and Captain, probably of Ipswich. 
Captain Brocklebank 's Company. Credited 
Aug. 24, 1676. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. 

Major Appleton 's Company, Narragansett winter 
campaign, ('aptain Gardner's Company. Cred- 
ited Feb. 29, 1675-6. 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 

Captain Lathrop's Company. Killed at Bloody 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Com- 
pany, Narragansett winter campaign. 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. 

Major Appleton 's Company, Narragansett winter 

Captain Willard's Company. Credited Aug. 24 

Captain Lathrop's Company. Killed at Bloody 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's Com- 
pany, Narragansett winter campaign. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 

Captain Lathrop's Company. Killed at Bloody 
Brook. Felt credits to Ipswich. 

Captain Prentice's Company, Mt. Hope campaign. 


Thomas Meritor, 
Edward Ncland, 

Hciijainiii Newman, 
Tliomas Newman, 

Zacchcus Newmarsh 

Richard Pasmore, 
or Partsmore 

Samuel Peirce, 

John Pengilly, 

Aaron Pengry, 
John Pengry, 
Moses Pengry, 

Isaac Perkins, 
John Perkins, 

Samuel Perkins, 

Andrew Peters, 
Tiiomas Philips, 
Samuel Pipin, 
Pipper, in alle- 
giance list 
Increase Poland, 
Samuell Pooler, 
Edmond Potter, 

Ca))tain Lathrop's ('ompany. Killed at Bloody 
Brook. Felt credits to Ipswi(;h. 

Major Applct.on's Company, Narragansett winter 
campaign. Trooper, in (Captain Whipple's 
Company; credited Aug. 24, 1676. 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's 
(Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 

Caj)tain Paige's Company, Mt. Hope campaign 
Septeml)er, 167.5. Trooper under Lieutenant 
Flood or Floyd. Capt. Henchman's Co. Cam- 
paign of spring of 1676 near the Connecticut 

Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. Cap- 
tain Wheeler's Co. ; credited at Groton garrison 
June 24: 1676. 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major .4ppleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 
Captain Brocklebank 's Company. 

Corporal, Major Appleton's Company, Narragan- 
sett winter campaign. Captain Poole's Com- 
pany. Credited, Aug. 24. 1676. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. 

Impressed Nov. 30: 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 

Credited at Quabaug garrison, July 24: 1676. 

Impressed Nov. 30: 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 

Captain Sill's Company; credited Nov. 1675. 
Impressed Nov. 30: 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 
Captain Brocldebank 's Company. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich No service specified. 

Credited at Quabaug garrison, Aug. 24. 1676. 

Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter 

Killed at Black Point. 
Killed at Black Point. 

Trooper, in Major Appleton's Company, Narra 
gansett winter campaign. 

KING Philip's war. 


Jolm Potter, 
Richard Prior, 
Joseph Proctor, 

William Quarles, 
Daniel Hinge, 

Nathaniel Rogers, 

Tsrah Ross, 

Era Rost, in alle- 
giance list. 

Abiel Saddler, 

Joseph Safford, 

Thomas Scott, 
Samuel Smith, 

Thomas Smith, 
Thomas Sparks, 

Samuel Stevens, 

George Stimson, 

Seth Story, 

William Story, 
Samuel Taylor, 

John Thomas, 
Jonathan Wade, 

Captain Wheeler's Company. Credited at Gro- 
ton garrison, June 24: 167G. 

Impressed Nov. 30: 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 

Trooper, in Captain Paige's Company, Mt. Hope 
campaign; credited Sept. 3- 1()75. Captain 
Henchman's Company; credited July 24: 1676. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified- 

Captain Lathrop's Company at Bloody Brook. 
Sergeant, Major Appleton's Company, Narra- 
gansett winter campaign. 

Made a verbal will, when going in a troop against 
the Indians in 1676. See Felt, page 164. 

Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter 

Captain Lathrop's Company at Bloody Brook. 

Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett win- 
ter campaign. 

Trooper, in Captain Paige's Company, Mt. Hope 
campaign. Credited Sept. 31 : 1675. 

Killed at Northfield. 

Impressed Nov. 30. 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. 

Major Appleton 's Company, Narragansett winter 
campaign. Captain Poole's Company. Credited 
June 1676 

Captain Lathrop's Company. Killed at Bloody 
Brook. Felt credits to Ipswich, but Coffin(His- 
tory of Newbury, page 389) says he was a resi- 
dent of Newbury. 

Impressed Nov. 30: 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign 
Wounded in the Fort fight. 

Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified. 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton 's Com- 
pany, Narragansett winter campaign. Killed 
at the Fort fight. 

Impressed Nov. 30, 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 

Wages assigned to Ipswich. No service specified 


Tlioiiia.s Wade 

Izall Warden. 

Francis Wainwriiilit. 

Jacol) \\'aiiiwriglit. 

Thomas Wayte. 

Beiijainiii Webster. 
John Whipple. 

Nathaniel Wood. 
Francis Young 

Lewis Zacliariah 

Marched to Ando\er with Capt. Appleton, Aug 

19: 1675. 
Trooper, Capt. Paige's Company, Mt. Hope cam- 
paign. Credited Sept. S: 1675. Sergeant, .Major 

Appleton's Company, iXarragansett winter cam- 

Credited at Billerica garri.son. April 21: 1670. 

Sept 23: 1676. 
Capt.Iiathrop's Co. Killed at Bloodv Hmok Sei)t- 

18: 1675. 
Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter 

Capt. Gardiner's Co. Credited Feb. 29: 1675-6. 
Lieut. Capt. Paige's Co. Mt. Hope campaign. 

Credited Sept. 3: 1675. Captain of a Special 

Troop. Feb. 1675-6. 
Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter 

('apt. Lathrop's Company, August, 1675. Trooper, 
in Captain Paige's Company, Mt. Hope cam- 
paign. Credited Sept. 3: 1675. Sergeant, in 
Major Appleton's Company, Narragansett winter 

Impressed Nov. 30: 1675. Major Appleton's 
Company, Narragansett winter campaign. 

i\v^2 ^. 



Before the Indian war was over, another attack on the civil 
liberties of the Colony began to be evident. Its mercantile condi- 
tion was prosperous. Ships were built, the products of the 
forests and fisheries were sent to many foreign ports, and large 
imports were returned. The Navigation Laws were not enforced, 
it was claimed, and natural irritation was aroused among the 
merchants and manufacturers of England, whose goods were 
not purchased by the Colonies. Massachusetts was "the most 
prejudicial plantation to the kingdom" it was affirmed, because 
of its sharp competition in exports with the mother countr}'. 

The sturdy independence of the Colony was a constant 
affront to the King. Gov. Leverett had been a captain of horse 
under Cromwell, and his dislike of royalty was not concealed. 
The neglect of the General Court to reply to the King's letter 
in 1666 was still remembered. 

The King and Court naturally resented the disrespect of the 
Colony. The merchants clamored for repressive action. The 
Mason and Gorges faction was always ready to press its claims. 
This grievance reached back over many years. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges had secured a charter in 1639, consti- 
tuting him Lord Proprietary of the Province of Maine, bounded 
by the Piscataqua, the Kennebec and the Ocean. A few towns 
were settled, and a show was made of settling a colony. His 
eldest son, John, made no attempt to establish his supposed 
rights, but John's son, Ferdinando, claimed authority. The 
Province of Maine, however, was annexed to Massachusetts by 
the choice of the various settlements between the years 1652 
and 1658. The Attorney General of England declared in 1675 
that Gorges had a good title to the Province, and the same offi- 
cial confirmed the title of Robert Mason to New Hampshire. 



As early as Maroh, 1622, Capt. John Mason had ol)taino(l a 
jirant of tlic lands lying between the little river, which flows into 
the ocean at Naunikeaj^, now Salem, and the Merrimac. When 
Sir Henry Rosewell, John Endicott and others obtained their 
grant in 1628, it extended from the Atlantic to the Western 
Ocean, and from a line three miles north of the Merrimac to a 
line three miles south of the Charles. It was evident that the 
lattM- charter, under which the Massachusetts Colony was set- 
tled, included the territory, which had been already ceded to 
Mason. Mason's son, John, was a principal member and Sec- 
retary of the Council for New England, and he used all his in- 
fluence until his death to secure the annulling of the Massachu- 
setts Bay Charter. The decision of the Attorney General, that 
his son, Robert, had a valid title was a decisive victory for the 
persistent claimant. 

On the tenth of June, 1676, a ship arrived in Boston, bring- 
ing Edward Randolph, who had come as a special messenger 
from the King with a letter to the turbulent Colony. The fact 
that he was a relative of Robert Mason was ominous of impend- 
ing harm. This letter accjuainted the magistrates with the 
charges made by Gorges and Mason, of "the wTongs and usur- 
pations of Massachusetts," and the ill-respect they showed His 
Majesty, and demanded that agents should be sent over to 
answer these charges. Randolph was dealt with very cava- 
lierly by the bluff old Governor, and soon returned to England, 
but Bulkeley and Stoughton followed him at once as agents 
from the Colony. 

Upon his arrival, Randolph published a report of his two 
months' observations in New England, entitled, "An Answer 
to several Heads of Inquiry concerning the Present State of New 
England." 1 Though he was a prejudiced observer, his remarks 
on the civil-laws, the small number of the freemen (only about 
one sixth of the adult male population), the military force, the 
economical resources and employments, are of great interest. 
But chief interest attaches to his declaration concerning the 
government. "Among the Magistrates," he WTote "some are 
good men and well affected to his Majesty, and would be well 

' Hutchinson Collection, p. 477 et seq. 


satisfied to have his Majesty's authority in a better manner 
estabhshed; but the major part are of different principles, hav- 
ing been in the government from the time they formed them- 
selves into a commonwealth. These direct and manage all 
affairs as they please; of which number are Mr. Leverett, Gov- 
ernor; Mr. Symonds, Deputy Governor; Mr. Danforth,Mr. Tyng, 
Major Clarke, and Major Hathorne . . . The most popular and 
well principled men are Major Denison, Mr. Hradstrcet and 
Mr. Dudley in the Magistracy; and of military men Major Sav- 
age, Captains Curwin, Saltonstall, Brattle, Richards, Gillam, 
Mosely, Majory, Champernoon, Shapleigh, l^hillips, with many 
others who only wait for an opportunity to express their duty 
to his Majesty."! 

Randolph's characterization of Denison, J^radstreet and 
Dudley, as "i'"]"iJ'"' ^"<1 ^^'^11 princii^led men," marks them as 
royalists, who had little sympathy with the sturdy colonials, 
who stood for their independence of King and mother land. 
Denison 's attitude in the critical moments of the year 1666, it 
will be remembered, was conspicuously at variance with the 
dominant feeling, and his aristocratic tendencies became more 
and more pronounced as the conflict grew more evident. Dep- 
uty Governor tSynjonds was equally stiuxly and uncompromis- 
ing as the advocate of liberty and independence. Around these 
as leaders, two distinct political parties, we may believe, grew 
up in our Town of Ipswich. 

The omission of one name among the military men is of more 
than passing moment, that of Major Appleton. His brilliant 
military record, far above that of any of those whom Randolph 
mentions, had not been forgotten in the few months that had 
elapsed, since the eventful conflicts at Hatfield and Hadley and 
the Narragansett fort. Randolph's silence with reference to him 
is more than suggestive that Major Appleton stood with his 
townsman, the Deputy Governor, in pronounced and fearless 
opposition to the Crown, and that he was already an object of 
suspicion and prejudice. 

The agents replied to Randolph's charges, l)ut it was not 
easy to allay the irritation of the King and his Councillors. An 

I Hutchinson Collection, pp. 477-501. 


imjiorativc order was issued that an oath of allegiance to the 
King should be taken at once, and the (General Court issued 
orders that every man sixteen years old and upwards should 
take tlu* oath. This was accomplished in October of the year 
1678. As a further rebuke of the pretensions of the Colonists 
in disregarding the Navigation Laws, Randolph was appointed 
('ollector of the Port of Boston. He arrived in New York 
December 7, 1679. 

The time seemed auspicious for the advancement of the 
errand on which he came. Samuel Symonds, the Deputy (iov- 
ernor, had died in October, 1678, and the General Court had 
voted twenty pounds "to take care for an honno''ble & decent in- 
terment." ^ (Governor Leverett survived a few months and 
died on March 16, 1679. Simon Bradstreet, then seventy-six 
years old, succeeded in the governorship, a man of far less force 
than Leverett, and always inclined to pacific measiu-es, and 
Thomas Danforth became Deputy Governor. Randolph pro- 
ceeded at once to enforce the Navigation Laws, and was met 
with resistance and even personal abuse. He wrote the King 
particularly of the disloyal sentiments that prevailed, recom- 
mended a writ of quo warranto against the Charter, and em- 
barked again for England on March 15, 1681. 

Upon his arrival, he attacked the Colonists bitterly, and 
advised that a writ of quo warranto be issued against the Charter, 
and that a Governor General be appointed over the Colonies. 
He returned again in October, 1681, with enlarged powers, 
bearing another letter from the King, very vehement in its 
tone, upbraiding the Colonists with many misdeeds. 

He reverted to the independent spirit manifest in the Colony 
from the beginning, blamed them for the shelter afforded the 
regicide judges, for the persecution of Quakers, for their course 
in refusing the Mason and Gorges claim, for their conduct to- 
ward the Clarendon Commissioners, their evasion of the Naiv- 
gation Laws, and their obstruction of his own work. He declared 
his intention to proceed at an early date to annul the Charter. 

This letter created a profound impression, and the General 

^ ' I ul"The3 Ancestry of Priscilla Baker" by W. S. Appleton, there is a full acc ount of 
Symonds's ancestry and his posterity, i He left a large estate valued at £'2103 6s. lOd. 


Court chose two agents, Joseph Dudley and John Richards, to 
proceed to England and present their acts in a more favorable 
light. The laws were revised, naval officers appointed, and 
assurance was given that henceforth the Acts of Navigation 
should be enforced to the letter. The agents were instructed 
to expose the injustice of Robert Mason's exorbitant claim, and 
to consent to nothing that would infringe the liberties and priv- 
ileges granted by their Charter. 

The Mason claim was of vital concern to IpswichJ^and the 
other towns included in the original grant. John Mason had 
presented his letter to the General Coiu't on the 4th of January, 
1680-81, and it was read in full. On the 11*^ of January, the 
Court voted that a copy of this letter be delivered to Major Gen- 
eral Denison and the magistrates of Essex County, and that all 
tertenants (terre - tenants, i.e. land tenants) within the precinct 
of the claim be convened at Ipswich or Newbury as speedily 
as possible. 

This convention was held at Ipswich on the second Wed- 
nesday in February, 1680-81. i The inhabitants of Beverly 
drew up a petition at once which was presented at the adjourned 
session of the General Court on February 22, 1680-81, which 
declared they had owned their lands for fifty years, and defend- 
ed them against the Indians in the late war at a cost of twelve 
English lives and hundreds of pounds in money. Robert Mason 
had never expended a penny, and they made their plea that the 
trial of his claims should be in the Massachusetts Courts and not 
in England. 2 

In May, a letter was dispatched by the General Court to Sir 
Lionel Jenkins, one of the King's Secretaries of State, which 
recited the action taken }jy the Court, and added that neither 
they nor those that owned lands within Mr. Mason's claim 
knew his bounds or limits. 

Another petition addressed to the King was drawn up by 
the "Inhabitants of Glocester, alias Cape Ann, and other 
places adjacent," and presented to the General Court on the 
16th of February, 1681-82.3 They claimed rightful title to 

' Records of Beverly. 

- Mass. Archives, book .3, leaves 28, 29. Recoriis of Beverlj'. 

3 Mass. Records, book 5. pp. 335-337. 


their lands upon the grant of the General Court, under the Char- 
ter of the Massachusetts Hay Colony, and their purchase from 
the natives. If Mr. Mason should persist in his claims, they 
begged the King to direct him to make his claim in the Courts 
of justice hei-e (established. This was signed by representatives 
from (iloucc^ster, Rowley, Newbury and other towns, and by 
fifteen Ijjswich men : 

Jn" Perkins The: Burnam 

Dani: Kpps Moses Pengrey, Sen. 

Jonath: Wade, Sen. Jn^ Whipple 

Willjam Coodhue Samuel Appleton 

Samuel Rogers Tho : Cobbet, Sen. 

Symon Stacje Willjam Hubbard 

Tho: Knoulton John Rogers 
Jn" Appleton 

The Court ordered on the 17«h of March, "that Mr. Jonathan 
Wade, S: Mr. Daniel Epps, both of Ipswich, doe take speedy 
care that the addresse framed to his majt'^ in the name & on 
the behalf e of the inhabitants & proprietors of Cape Ann, and 
places adjacent, be imparted vnto the sayd inhabitants by call- 
ing them together and taking the su1)scriptions therevnto of such 
(k so many as may be convenient to signify their generall consent 
to the sayd addresse, w^^ being done, the above sajd gent" are 
desired cV' ordered to remitt the sajd address to the Govno^" & 
Council, to be coiiiitted to our messengers for England." i 

It was a matter of intense moment to Ipswich. If this 
claim should be maintained, everv man's title to the lands he 
had imjirove(l, and the houses and barns he had erected, would 
be worthless and he would be at the mercy of the new posses- 
sor. At this juncture, one of the selectmen, Thomas Lovell, 
had a personal conference with Mr. Mason, and recommended 
that his demands be recognized. The action of the Town was 
spirited, and the Record speaks no uncertain sound. 

At a generall Towne meeting this 27 of November 1682. 
Upon information that Thomas Lovell hath beene with Mr. 

1 Mass. Records, l>ook ■'), p. 340. 


Masson about compliance being one of the Selectmen a 

it hath beene made appears that he hath sugested to some as 
if it were best to comply with him, w"^ is as hath been de- 
clared to betray the trust comitted to him. The Towne gen- 
erally voted to lay the sd. Thomas Lovell asyd & exclud him 
for being a Selectman and Capt. John Appleton was chosen to 
be a Selectman his roome for the rest of the year.i 

A committee seems to have met in January, 1682-3 to de- 
liberate on this vexed cjuestion, as the committee expenses are 
mentioned in the Town Record. 

A letter from Governor Bradstreet to Sir Tjionel Jenkins, 
dated March 24, 1682-3, acknowledged the receipt of the King's 
letter with reference to the Mason claims, and of another letter 
from Mr. Mason in which he abated his original claims, and de- 
manded the possession of all the common and unimproved lands 
within the bounds specified ; and also demanded to be admitted 
to the Courts to prosecute his rights. To this the Coiu't had 
replied that every acre of land was occupied and improved, 
and that the privilege of the Courts had always been open to 
him. 2 

Mason's claim for admission to the Courts of law was hon- 
ored forthwith, and on March 30, 1683. it was ordered "that 
Wn™ Stoiighton Esq. Peter Bulkley Esq. Jn" Hall P]sq., together 
w^^ such other magistrates in Essex as are vnconcernetl in M^" 
Mason's case, be the persons to keepe the County Court there 
for the tryall of those cases that referr to the clajme, of M^" 
Mason in that county." 

Another convention, preparatory to this Court met in Ips- 
wich on the last Tuesday of March. ^ Repeated search has been 
made for the records of this Court, but no trace of them has 
been found, and it is hardly possible that they exist. Indeed 
there is no positive knowledge that the case was ever called for 
trial. Mr. Felt in his History of Ipswich, Page 127, cites the 
vote of the General Court on May 16, 1683, as evidence in point, 
in which "John Wales & Content Mason, his daughter, relict 

1 Town Records. 

2 Mass. Records, book 5, pp. 388, 389. 
^ Beverly Records. 


of John Mason" are empowered to make sale and confirm deeds 
as her husband had been authorized to do. But this John 
Mason, was of Dorchester, and the Court had empowered him, 
May 27, 1682, to make sale as an executor of the estate of 
Jane Burg, some time wife of John Gurnell.i 

He affirms as well, though he gives no authority for the 
stat(Mnent, that the Mason claim was cstal)lished, and that 
some paid a quit-rent of two shillings a year for every house 
built on the land included in this grant. The eminent anti- 
quarian, Mr. John Ward Dean, in his work on Capt. John Mason, 
in the Publications of the Prince Society, concludes his study of 
this episode, "It is probable that the people were never dis- 
tur])ed in the possession of their lands." 

But the Mason claim was not the only matter that troubled 
the citizens of Ipswich in these stirring years. Randolph was 
tireless in his attacks on the Charter of the Colony. He drew 
up "Articles of high Misdemeanor, exhibited against a faction 
in the generall court, sitting in Boston, 15 Feb. 1681, viz. against 
Tho. Danforth, Dan. Gookin, Mr. Saltonstall, Sam. Nowell, 
Mr. Richards, Mr. Davy, Mr. Gidney, Mr. Appleton, magistrates, 
and against John Fisher," and some fourteen other deputies. ^ 
He chai'ged them with refusal to admit the royal letters patent 
erecting the office of elector, with refusal to repeal laws, con- 
trary to the laws of England, with continuing to coin money, etc. 

This was the third session of the General Court, that was 
elected in May, 1081. Major Samuel Appleton had been chosen 
an Assistant for the first time at this election, after several 
consecutive years in the House of Deputies. His name occurs 
last in the list, as the new member of that body was always 
enrolled at the foot. 

The full Court of Assistants, at this time, included the Gov- 
ernor, Simon Bradstreet, the Deputy Governor, Thomas Dan- 
forth and eighteen Assistants. The lower House numbered 

Randolph specified eight magistrates, including the Deputy 
Governor, and fifteen deputies as factious and seditious. It 
would seem that the popular party, as we may call it, the party 

1 Mane. Hccords, liook .5, p. 35i). 
- Hutcliiusou I'apei'B, Vol. II, Prince Society Pub. p. '266. 



that was most strenuous in its demands for the largest liberty 
and fullest independence of Great Britain, so far as these names 
indicate, had a numerical minority both in the Court of Assis- 
tants and the House of Deputies. The venerable Governor, and 
General Denison, were conspicuous in their devotion to the con- 
servative party. The Ipswich deputies, Mr. William Goodhue, 
Senior, and Mr. Jonathan Wade, were not named by Randolph, 
and were presumably in sympathy with the same party. In- 
deed, unless the political complection of our Town had changed 
materially, since Capt. John Appleton headed the long list of 
seventy three loyal petitioners in 1664, Ipswich was still a 
stronghold of loyalty, and the aristocratic Denison voiced the 
sentiment of the Town. 

For many years, the second Assistant from Ipswich, Deputy 
Governor Symonds, had been a pronounced liberal, and when 
Major Appleton became a magistrate, it is evident that he ident- 
ified himself from the first with that wing. 

The long contention between the King and the Colony, in 
which Randolph was always the aggressive antagonist of the 
liberals, culminated in a decree of the Court of Chancery, June 
21, 1684, which vacated the Charter. 

"Massachusetts, as a body politic, was now no more. The 
elaborate fabric, that had been fifty-four years in building was 
levelled with the dust. The hopes of the fathers were found 
to have been merely dreams. It seemed that their brave strug- 
gles had brought no result. The honored ally of the Protector 
of England lay under the feet of King Charles the Second. It 
was on the Charter granted to Roswell and his associates, Gov- 
ernor and Company of Massachusetts Bay, that the structure 
of the cherished institutions of Massachusetts, religious and 
civil, had been reared. The abrogation of that charter swept 
the whole away. Massachusetts, in English law, was again 
what it had been before James the First made a grant of it to 
the Council for New England. It belonged to the King of Eng- 
land, by virtue of the discovery of the Cabots."i 

A private letter to Joseph Dudley brought the fatal tidings 
on September tenth, but official news did not arrive until Jan. 

1 Palfray, History of New England, vol. ill, p. 394. 


28, 1684-5. On that date, the Governor announced the fact 
to the General Court, which at once a])pointed the twelfth of 
March, as a day of sohMun humiliation throughout the Colony, 
"in view of our present sad and awfull circumstances, i^ the 
increasing tokens of the Lord's tlispleasure against us." 

A request was sent to the Towns to express their minds with 
reference to giving up the Charter, as Randolph had represented 
that they were willing to do this. A Town-meeting was held 
in Ipswich to take action on this request. The record is as 
follows : — 

1685: Feb. 11"^ 

The Deputies desiring to know the town 's mind w"' Respect 
to the papers, that Mr. Randolph left, whether they weare will- 
ing to make a free resignation, as in the Declaration; 

There was not one person that voted when tryed if they 
were willing. 

It was also voted that all those that are desirous to retaine 
the priviledges granted in the Charter ik confermed by his Royall 
Majesty now reigneing should manifest the same by holding 
up their hands, which vote was unanimous on the affirmative. 
None when tryed appeared in the Negative. 

The other Towns voted in similar fashion. 

An humble address to the King's most excellent Majesty 
was also drawn up and adopted. There was no talk of resist- 
ance. Many years before, in the Colony's infancy, an a])peal 
to arms was at once proposed, wh(Mi the Charter seemed in dan- 
ger. In 1664, the Colony dared the King's displeasure, well 
knowing what it might cost. But now its spirit seemed broken. 
The exhausting war with the Indians had left a depleted treas- 
ury and sorrowful memories of j)i-ecious lives lost. There was 
no longer a powerful party in England, whose help could be 
relied on. The King was supreme. "In 1683, the Constitutional 
ojiposition which had held Charles so long in check lay crushed 
at his feet." "The strength of the Country party had been 
broken by the reaction against Shaftsbury's projects, and by 
the flight and death of its more prominent leaders. What- 
ever strength it retained lay chiefly in the towns, and these were 
now attacked by writs of 'quo warranto,' which called on them 


to show cause why their charters should not be declared forfeited 
on the ground of the abuse of their privileges. A few verdicts 
on the side of the Crown brought about a general surrender of 
municipal liberties, and the grant of fresh charters, in which 
all but ultraloyalists were carefully excluded from their corpo- 
rations, placed the representations of the boroughs in the hands 
of the Crown." 1 

Resistance to the King, under such circumstances, in a feeble 
colony, was inconceivable. The only hope lay in securing some 
abatement of these extreme measures, by such an humble 
appeal. Charles the Second died before he had decided on any 
plan of action against the Colony, and was succeeded on Feb. 
6, 1684-5 by James the Second. In obedience to the royal 
Proclamation, he was proclaimed King on the 20'^ of April in 
"the high street in Boston," — "the hono'"ble Govno"", Dep*. 
Govno'', & Assistants, on horseback, w*^ thousands of people, a 
troope of horse, eight foote companys, drums beating, trumpets 
sounding," .... "by Edward Rawson, secret, on horseback, 
& Jno Greene, marshall gene^l, taking it from him, to the great 
joy & loud aclamations of the people, and a seventy peec of 
ordinanc next after the volleys of horse & foote. "- 

These effusive demonstrations of loyalty, so striking in 
their contrast with the phlegmatic indifference of the General 
Court at the Restoration, were followed by an humble petition 
to the new King, adopted on the twenty-fourth of July, which 
implored pardon for their faults, and a gracious continuance 
of their liberties according to their Charter. Nothing was ac- 
complished, however, and in May, by royal conuuission, Joseph 
Dudley, son of Governor Thomas Dudley, was appointed Presi- 
dent of the Council of eighteen, which supplanted the General 
Court. Its members were all appointed by the Crown, and 
popular election of a governing body was at an end. Governor 
Bradstreet, Nathaniel Saltonstall of the Magistrates, and Dudley 
Bradstreet, son of the Governor, lately a Deputy, declined mem- 
bership in the new Council. Four onl}^ of the former Assistants 
accepted places in the new government. All the other mem- 
bers of the General Court were reduced at once to jjrivate life. 

The Council proceeded at once to appoint Justices of the 

1 Green, Short History of the English people. 

2 Mass. Records, vol. 5, p. 474. 


Peace in the various Counties > and it is presumable that the 
Justices were all men in favor with Dudley and Randolph. 
The Essex justices were William Brown, Jun. John Hathorne, 
John Woodbridge, John Appleton, Sen., Richard Dummer and 
Daniel Epps. On June 14, 1686, Mr. John Appleton was ap- 
pointed Clerk of the Court of Pleas for the County of Essex 
holden at Ipswich. i 

The administration of justice was provided for, petition was 
made to the King for authority to establish a mint, and the 
President took oath to observe the Navigation Laws. The 
Records of the Council show that few of the members of the 
Council took pains to attend its sessions. Dudley, Randolph 
and half a dozen others transacted the public business, and 
very shortly, Randolph began to complain that he was ill-treated 
by the President. 

Evidences of popular discontent soon appeared. The first 
intimation of a rebellious spirit arose in connection with a pub- 
lic Fast day, proclaimed by the President and Council. The 
entry in the Council Record, under the date July 21, 1686, 
mentions that a letter has been sent to Bartholomew Gedney, 
Esq., "with orders for his repairing to Rowley or Ipswich to 
covent before him and the Justices of the County, such persons 
there as refused to observe the late publique Fast appointed 
by the President & Councill." On July 30th, several depositions 
against John Gold of Topsfield for speaking seditious words 
against the Government, were presented by Major Gedney. He 
entered into £200 bond to appear on the next Thursday after- 
noon. He was brought before the President and Council on 
the fifth of August, "and witnesses proved that he had spoken 
treasonable words on or about the 11th of July". He was com- 
mitted to jail in Boston, and Thursday, the 19th, was set for the 
trial of Gold and other prisoners. He was found guilty on Aug- 
ust 25'i», when, "considering the poverty of his family," he 
was fined £50 and the charges of prosecution, "the remainder 
of the fine to be respitted." He was ordered released on giving 
bond for good behavior. He seems to have found it impossible 
to pay his fine, and probably remained in jail. On Sept. 25th, 

1 Records of the Council, pp.C, 41. 


it was reduced to £20, and on Nov. 9, he was discharged of his 
bond for good behavior, i 

This was the prelude to the more serious pohtical upheaval 
of the Andros period, and it possesses a singular and prophetic 
interest. Topsfield, Rowley and Ipswich were recognized as 
hostile to the new government, at its very beginning. Their 
jealousy of the new authority that commanded them to keep 
a public Fast day, which led them to break from their pious 
habits of many years, was a fit forerunner of the more deter- 
mined refusal to pay a tax, in the levying of which they had no 

Dudley's government lasted only until December, 1686. On 
the twelfth of that month, the frigate. Rose, dropped anchor 
in Boston harbor, and Sir Edmund Andros, attended by sixty 
red-coats landed. He was escorted to the Town House, at the 
head of King, now State Street, where he caused his commis- 
sion to be read, and at once assumed the functions of Governor. 
The oath of office was administered to eight Councillors. In 
January, a tax of a penny on a pound was ordered, to afford a 
revenue. This edict revealed the arbitrary character of 
Andres's regime. From its settlement, the Colony had always 
apportioned its own taxes, according to the necessities of the 
time. The representatives of the Towns had debated all finan- 
cial measures in General Court, and the Town meetings had 
decided the local rate. By "An Act for the Continuing and 
Establishing of several Rates, Duties and Imposts," which was 
passed by the Council early in March, 1686-7, this ancient 
and orderly method was summarily abrogated. 

This Act "provided that every year, beginning four months 
after its enactment, the Treasurer should send his warrant to 
the Constable and Selectmen of every town, requiring the in- 
habitants to choose a taxing commissioner; that the Commis- 
sioner and the Selectmen should in the next following month 
make a list of persons and a valuation of estates within their 
respective towns ; that in the next month after this, the Com- 
missioners for the towns in each County should meet at their 
respective county-towns and compare and correct their respec- 

1 Council Records. 


tive lists to be forwardcMl to the Treasurer, and that he should 
thereupon issue his warrant to the Constables to collect the 
taxes, so assessed, within t{>n weeks. And eveiy Connnissioner 
or Selectman neglecting to perform this duty was punishable 
by a fine."i 

Nothing could have been more exasperating to theColonists, 
yet the hopelessness of resistance led to submission in some of 
the Towns. Boston chose the Tax Commissioner at a Town 
meeting held on July 25th. Salem, Manchester, Newbury, and 
Marblehead obeyed the warrant. But other towns of Essex 
County refused, and there was resistance elsewhere. The An- 
dres government took action at once. The first to feel the weight 
of the Council's displeasure was the Town Clerk of Taunton. 
At a session of the Governor and Council on the 31st of August, 
1687, "Shadrack Wilbore, Clerk of the Towne of Taunton, being 
by the M(\sseriger brought before^ the Board and Examined about 
a scandalous, factious and seditious writeing sent from the 
said Town to the sd. Treasurer in answer to his warr* for the 
publique rate signed by him as Clerk, he owned the same and 
declared it to be the act of the Town." 

"Ordered that the said Shadrach Wilbore be bound over 
to answer for the same att the next Superior Court to be 
holden in Bristoll."2 Justice Thomas Leonard was suspended 
from his office because he was present at the Town meeting and 
did not hinder the same. The constables were bound over for 
neglect of their duty in not obeying the Treasurer's warrant. 

The Ipswich Town meeting was held on August 23, 1687. 
But on the night before, there was a meeting of the Selectmen 
and other leading citizens at the house of Mr. John Applcton, 
Junior, the Town Clerk, at which the course of action that they 
would advise the Town to adopt, was discussed. The Selectmen 
were Lieut. John Andrews, Moderator, Lieut. Thomas Burnam, 
Mr. John Whipple, Quar* Robert Kinsman, Serg* Thos. Harte, 
Mr. John Appleton, Jun. and Nath^ Treadwell.3 These were 
all present, it is likely, and beside them, there were two of the 
reverend Pastors, William Hubbard, Pastor of the Ipswich 

1 raUray, Hist, of Xew England, vol. Ill, p. 5-20. Footnote. 

2 Council Record, p. 137. 

3 Town Records. 


church, and John Wise, Pastor of the church at Chebacco, now 
Essex, Constable Thomas French, Nehemiah Jewett, Wilham 
Goodhue, Jun., William Howlett, Simon Stace, and others, some 
twelve or fourteen in all.^ 

Constable French read the warrant. They all agreed that 
this "warrant-act" for raising a revenue, abridged their liberties 
as EngHshmen. They "did Discourse & Conclude y* it was 
not y** town 's Dutie any wayes to Assist y* ill Methode of Raising 
mony w*out a Generall Assembly, w^^ was apparently intended 
by above said S^ Edmund & his Councill."2 

The next day in Town meeting, Mr. Wise spoke vigorously 
against taxation without a vote of their representative assembly. 
He said, "we had a good God tt a good king and Should Do 
well to stand for o"" previledges." William Howlett spoke in 
the same fashion, Mr. Andrews and Mr. Appleton. The citizens 
responded to these appeals, and by a seemingly unanimous vote 
declined to choose a Commissioner. The record of this meeting 
is brief. Apparently no other business was transacted. But the 
few sentences are remarkable for their clear and heroic utter- 
ance of the principle that they would not consent to taxation 
without representation. 

At a Legall Towne Meeting August 23'' 1687 Assembled by 
vertue of an order from John Usher Esq. Treas^r for choosing 
a Commissi'" to join w^^ y^ Selectmen to assess y^ Inhabitants 
according to an act of his Excellency, y^ Governor & Counsell, 
for Levying rates. 

Then considering that the s'' act doth infringe their Liberty 
as Free borne English subjects of his Majest'^ by interf earing 
wth ye statutory Laws of the Land, By wh it is enacted, that 
no taxes shall be Levied on y® Subjects wt^out consent of an 
assembly chosen by y^ Freeholders for assessing y^ same. 

They do therefore vote, that they are not willing to choose 
a Conmiisser for such an end, w^^out s'' priviledges. 

And morover consent not that the Selectmen do proseed to 
lay out any such rate, until it be appointed by a Generall As- 
sembly, concurring w^^ ye Governer^ and Counsell, Voted by the 
whole assembly twisse. 

1 See Depositions of Appleton, French and otliers. Mass. Archives, book 127 
leaf 102. 

2 Complaints of Great Wrongs. Mass. Archives, tjook 35^1eaf 139. 


The vot(^ of the iiu^etiiig was forwarded by the Clerk, John 
Api)letoii, Junior, to Mr. Usher, and then a vigorous effort was 
made by certain citizens of the Town to influence th(^ vote; of 
the neigldioring towns. The Topsfield ine(>ting was hehJ on 
the 80"' of August. A document in the State Archives,' gives 
th(^ names of those that were prescuit. Nineteen names are 
recorded. Against the name of Sanuiel Howlett, the (comment 
is made in parenthesis"(p moted y^ paper)." One Ipswich man 
is included in the list. 

sup])osed to be the p'son that 

braught a Seditious paper into 

ye meeting, w^'i was read A: l)y 
him p moted." 

"William Howlett^ 

The Rowley meeting was held on Aug. olst, and Caleb 
Boynton seems to have been the messenger to carry the tid- 
ings of the Ipswich vote to that town. 2 

The determined attitude of Ipswich regarding its own tax, 
and its evident propagandism of its obnoxious tenets in other 
towns roused Andros and his Council to instant action. Next 
to Boston, Ipswich was, perhaps, the most important town in 
the Colony. 3 Boston, as we have observed, made no opposition 
to the oppressive warrant. Salem yielded to its demand. The 
high-handed course of this influential community made it a 
target for official wrath. 

"Att a generall Sessions of ye Peace Held att Ipswich Sept. 
14; 1687," Joseph Dudley and Peter Bulkeley, members of the 
Council sitting as Magistrates, formal proceedings were begun 
against the refractory towns. The first action was upon the 
Ipswich record.4 

On complaint of John Usher Esq. Treasurer & Capt. Francis 
Nicholson Esq. both of y" Councill of an Entry in y^ Towne 
Booke of Ipswich in y^ Custody of Lieut. John Aplton Towne 
Clarke, who gave a copy of y^ same. 

This Court ord'^ yt ye Orriginal record with y^ Booke where- 
in sd entry is to be forthwith Secured & ]:»ut into y^ hands of 

' Book 127, leaf 105. 

" Mass. Archives, book 35, leaf V17. 

3 Palfray, Hist, of New Eiislanfi, in, p. .5-25. 

* Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 92. 


Capt. John Aplton & Capt. Daniel Eppes his Majesties Justices 
of ye Peace till further order. Copia vera of ye Court Record 

attest. S"-. Sewall, Clerk. 

On the 16*^ of September, the Selectmen of several tov^^ns 
appeared before this Court. N. Browne and J. Bailey, Selectmen 
ofSahsbury appeared before Peter Bulkeley Arm., and recog- 
nized to appear at Boston before the Governor and Council on 
Sept. 21st; and on the same day, John Bailey and Jacob Bailey, 
Joseph Jewett and Joseph Chaplin of Rowley appeared before 
Joseph Dudley, and recognized in £100 to appear before the 
Governor on the same date.^ 

Robert Kinsman, Thomas Hart, Nathaniel Treadwell, and 
John Whipple, Selectmen, Simon Wood and John Harris, 
Constables, all of Ipswich gave similar recognizances and the 
Town gave its bond that they should appear in Boston at the 
specified time. 3 John Stevens and Benjamin Stevens, Select- 
men of Salisbury, were also bound over. 

The most conspicuous of the opponents of the Governor's 
warrant were dealt with in more summary fashion. Warrants 
for their arrest were issued, and the first was against the Con- 
stable, Moderator and Clerk of Ipswich.-^ 

Sir Edmund Andros K^t Capt. General & Governor in Cheife 
of his Majtys Territory & Dominion of New England. To Joseph 
Smith messenger, 

Whereas I have received Information that Thomas French 
Constal)le of Ipswich in y^ County of Essex Jn" Andrews of y^ 
same i)lace & John Appleton of ye same place Vt clerk with divers 
others Disaffected & evil Desposed persons within ye sd Town 
as yett unknown on ye 23'^ day of August last past being mett 
& assembled together att Ipswich aforesd Did in a most fac- 
tious & Seditious & Contemptuous manner then & there vote & 
agree that they were not willing nor would not Choose a Com- 
missioner as by a Warrant From Jn^ Usher Esq. his Majesties 
Treasurer & Receiver General in p suanco of ye laws of this his 
Majt'es Dominion to ye Constable & Selectmen of ye sd Town 
directed was required to be Done w* the vote or agreement of 

^ Mass. Archives, book 127, leaves 90, 97. 

2 Mass. Archives, ijouk 127, leaf 98. 

3 Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 92. 
* Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 93. 


them the sd Thomas French Jii" Andrews & .In" Appleton & 
others as aforesaid was then & their by their Consent & dii-ection 
by him the sd Jn" Appleton as Clerk of y^ sd Town putt into 
vvritinfi & published Contrary to & in high Contempt of his majties 
Laws tt Government here established, these are therefore in 
his Majt'es Name to Charge & Command you that immediately 
you take into you'' Custody the bodyes of y^ Thomas French 
Jn" Andrews A: Jn" A]ipleton & them safely keep & bring to this 
place soe that you may have them before me in Council to An- 
swer ye premises & what else shall l)e ( )bj(»cte(l against them oi- 
either of them on his Majt'^s Beb.ahe. 

And all Justices of y^ I'eace Sheriffs Constables t'(: other 
officers both Millitary & Civill & all other persons whatsoever are 
hereby strictly Charged & Required to be Ayding & Assisting 
to you therein as Occasion A: for soe doeing this will be unto you 
ct tliem a Sufficient Warr't. 

Given under my hand A: scale att Boston the lo*'^ day of 
September in y^S'^ year of his Maj''«''^ Reign annocjue Dom. 1GS7. 

On the following day, SepjL 16th, a warrant was issued for the 
arrest of John Wise of Chebacco, Clerk, and William Hewlett 
of Ipswich, Husbandman, which specified^ "that they the said 
John Wise and William Howlett Did particularly Excite and 
Stir up his Majesties Subjects to Refractory ness and Disobed- 
ience contrary to and in high contempt of his Majt^'^^ Laws and 
Government here established." 

Rev. John Wise was the)i in his thirty-sixth year. He was 
the son of Joseph Wise of Roxbury, was graduated at Harvard 
College in 1673, and in 1680, began preaching in Ipswich, in the 
Chebacco parish. He was ordained on August 12, 1683. In 
his young manhood he was a famous wrestler. The tradition 
still abides in his old parish of one of his deeds of prowess. 
Capt. John Chandler of Andover had vanquished every oppo- 
nent in his own neighborhood and came to invite atrial of strength 
with the worthy pastor. Mr. Wise finally consented, and after 
a brief struggle, pitched his antagonist over the wall into the 
highway; whereupon, his vancpiished rival looked over and in 
a good natured way, invited him to throw his horse over also. 
To his athletic powers, he added unusual strength of intellect. 

He was a natural leader of men, and it is a fine tribute to 

' Mass. Archives, book 1'27, leaf 103. 


his personality, that two of his parishioners stood with him in 
his bold protest. Lieut. John Andrews was his friend and near 
neighbor, William Goodhue, Jr. was of the same neighborhood. 

Mr. Appleton was the son of Capt. John Appleton, the signer 
of the petition of 1664, and Deputy in the General Court. The 
son and father are frequently confounded. Capt. John was 
one of the Justices of Essex Coimty under the Dudley Govern- 
ment, and was a firm loyalist. His son, the Lieutenant, Se- 
lectman and Town Clerk, was the sufferer. 

Thomas French was one of the Constables. Official con- 
nection with the town meeting involved him with Mr. Andrews, 
Mr. Appleton and Mr. Kinsman, in the legal prosecutions. Mr. 
Wise and Mr. Goodhue were not office-bearers. 

Appleton, Andrews and French seem to have been examined 
at once by Andros, and the substance of their testimony is em- 
bodied in the brief notes, preserved in the Archives. ^ 

John Appleton being examined before y" Gov. owned y^ 
paper signed by him as y« vote of y^ towne of Ipswich 

that he wrote it as he was directed by y« moderator Jn" An- 

that att a meetint!; of ye Selectmen before ye Generall meet- 
ing of ye Town the Warr^ was read eV: tliere was ab* 12 or 14 psons 
present amongst which Mr. Hubbart Mr. Wise Mr. French Con- 
stable Jn" Andrews Robt. Kinsman Nath. Tredwell Jn^ Whip- 
ple & himselfe selectmen they all Declared that y warrant 
act for ye Revenue which they then likewise read did abridge 
them of their Libty as Enghshmen that Mr. Wise was present 
at the towne meeting & spoak agt receiving money without an 

John Andrews Moderator owned y^ Paper signed by Jn" 
Appleton Ck. to be ye Vote of 3^6 towne but sayd y" Clerk was 
ordered to draw up a writing & he went out from ye meeting & 
did it & when read was approved. 

Thomas French Constable owned ye Paper signed by Jn" 
Appleton Ck. to be y^ vote of ye towne when he was present & 
that ye Returned a Coppy thereof to ye Treasurer & voted for 
it in ye town meeting. 

says that ye Moderator Mr Appleton & Mr Wise spoak in ye 
meeting that ye night before ye town Meeting ye Warr* was 
read by him in y presence of y" Selectmen Mr. Hubbart min- 
ister Mr. Wise Minister Nehemiah Jewett & others. Know 
not of ye drawing up of ye Vote where it was done or by whom. 

* MasB. Archives, book 127, leaf 102. 


If we interpret the drift of this testimony aright, the spe- 
cial grievance against Ipswich was, not the simple act of re- 
fusing to elect a Tax-Commissioner, but the drawing up of the 
result of that meeting in a document, which was published 
abroad, and used as an incentive to similar action in other 

We may presume that these warrants were served at once, 
and the arrest of the minister of Chebacco and his associates 
was sufficient ground for the panic that prevailed at this time 
in this vicinity, among all, who were concerned in resistance to 
authority and the increasing boldness of the public prosecutors. 
The Topsfield Selectmen were moved to humble and profuse 
apology. Indeed, the petition of Captain How, one of the 
Selectmen, is an extraordinar}?- specimen of terror-stricken sup- 

To his Excilcncy the Governor^ 
Right honered 

The htuuble Peticion of John How humbly slieweth 
that I ^"^ acnolidging that I have grevously transgressed in 
having anything to doe in that act or ansers maed by the Towne 
of Toixsficld to the Treshurer's warent and espachally in being 
perswaded to wright anything so Contrary to my Judgment for 
which I am hartely sorry acnolidging that I have justly deserved 
Condigne Punishment, for the same. I fall Downe at your 
feet humbly baiging your marcy and humbly intreating his 
excilancy the Governor to pardon me this one: Promising for 
time to come to Approve myselfe faithfull in all Respacts to his 
Excilancy the Governor and Government baring oppen Testi- 
mony against all Rabbell that shall anny waies oppose the same 
and that shall not welingly submit to that Good and Gracious 
Governer that his Majeste hath here settled hoping that I shall 
Radily perswaed the gratest part of the Towne of Topsfield 
humbly to acnolidge & Radily to Reforme what they have done 

I prostrate my selfc and Rcmaine his Excilancys himibell 
peticinor with all hinnbcll submetion 

John How 
Dat ye 16th Sept. 1687. 

Encouraged by the arrest of Mr. Wise, perhaps, Philip Nell- 
son, of Rowley, Justice of the Peace, proceeded to make return 

• M.nsri. Archives, V)ook 127, leaf 109. 


to the Governor, "that the Reverend Mr. Samuel Philhps pastor 
of the Church of Christ in Rowley hath some time in the month 
of May last past rased an evill report of Squire Randolph one 
of his Majesties Councell, in terming him or calling him a wicked 
man and did blame Ensigne Plats for keeping company with 
wicked men and did nominate Squire Randolph and at the same 
time say that he was a wicked man and that he had got an 
office thereby, and other words to like efTect.' 

This return was made on the 19th of September, and the 
Justice explained the tardiness of his accusation, that there had 
been differences between the Pastor and himself, but that in the 
changed condition of affairs the charges against the minister 
had been revived and publicly repeated. Happily the attack 
upon Mr. Phillips was followed by no criminal proceedings, but 
it is suggestive of the disturbed and unnatural tone of common 

But the greatest shock these troublous times had brought 
thus far to the people of Ipswich and of Essex County was the 
warrant, that was signed on the 19th of September, for the arrest 
of three of the Magistrates of the government, now overthrown, 
Dudley Bradstreet, Samuel Appleton and Nathaniel Saltonstall . 
The common ground of comjilaint was voiced in the charge 
against Mr. Bradstreet, son of Governor Bradstreet & Town 
Clerk of Andover,^ "a person factiously and seditiously In- 
clyned & Disaffected to his Majties Government as one who 
hath Endeavored to ahenate y^ harts of his maties Subjects 
from ye Same Contrary to his Duty & Allegiance & in Contempt 
of his Maties Laws & authority her published." 

"The like to Thomas Larkin for Samuel Appleton of Ips- 
wich & Wm. Howlett, to Joshua Brodbank for Nathaniel 
Saltingstall of Haverhill." 

These dignitaries were arrested, but they were not imprisoned. 
Mr. Bradstreet was kept in custody at Capt. Page's house in 
the Garrison at Boston, as his petition offered a few days later 
informs us. Mr. Appleton was in charge of the messenger, 
Thomas Larkin. He had taken no part in the meetings at 
Ipswich. The charges against him were of a general nature, as 
Randolph had previously made. 

1 Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 117. 

2 Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 116. 


Public indignation must have been at fever heat on Sept. 21st, 
when the Governor and Council met and the officers of the 
Towns appeared for trial. .Tac<^]j Morrill and Joshua Bayly, 
Constables of Salisbury, William Hutchins, of Bradford, John 
Pierson and John Dresser, Selectmen of Rowley, John Wise, 
Robert Kinsman, John Appleton, John Andrews, John(Thomas) 
French, Wm. Rayment and Wm Goodhue were arraigned. 

The official Record of the Council simply states that these 
men "committed for refusing to pay their rates . . . and 
making and publishing factious iV: seditious votes & writeings — 
were this day severally examined in Council. Ordered that 
they stand Committed untill they have their tryalls at Boston 
by special comicon, which his Excell" will please to issue forth the 
next week." But from depositions, made at a later date, and 
other documents, we gather that Mr. Wise, at least, did not sub- 
mit tamely to the indignities put upon him. Mr. Mason, a 
member of the Council, declared that the accused had no more 
privileges left than not to be sold as slaves. "Mr. West, the 
Deputy Secretary declared to some of us that we were a factious 
People & had no Previlege left us. The Gov^nr S"" E^' Andros 
said to some of us By way of Ridicule, Whether we thought if Jac 
& Tom should tell the king w*^ moneyes he must have for y^ use 
of his Govmt Implying that y^ People of the Countree were 
but a parcell of Ignorant Jacks & Toms." 

To these officials, Mr. Wise replied that they, as Englishmen, 
had privileges according to Magna Charta, and he reported 
afterwards what passed between the members of the Council 
and himself, though they seem to have sat with closed doors. 
The officials were greatly offended, and visited their displeasure 
upon several, including one of the most prominent citizens of 
Ipswich, Mr. Francis Wainwright. His "Humble Petition" af- 
fords surprising evidence of the tyrannous denial of free speech, 
which the Andros governjiient claimed as its prerogative, and 
the spirit of abject submission that ruled the hour. 

The Humble Petition of P'rancis Wainwright. i 
Humbly sheweth 

Whereas y Pef hath inconsiderately rehearsed & repeated 
some words or expressions proceeding from M"" John Wise which 

1 Mass. Arcliives, l)ook li", leaf lfi'2. 


he declared to have passed from John West Esq. at the time of 
sd Wise his examination befor(> y' Excellency and Councill, upon 
his asserting the priviledges of Englishmen according to Magna 
Charta, It Vas replyed to him that wee had no further priv- 
ilege reserved saveing to be exempted from being sold for slaves 
or to that effect. 

Yr Pet'- is heartily sorry that he should be so imprudent 
and unadvised a.s to receive and repeat any such Report 
or expressions, not considering the evill consequence or 
tendency thereof: being farjrom designing any harm 
th(M-eiu or causeing any comotion or disturbance but 
would judge himself e of folly and rashness. And humbly 
prays yo^ Ex^ys and Councills favorable construction of 
his weakness & rashness therein. And prays y' forgive- 
ness, hopeing it will caution him to more care & circum- 
spection for future. 

And as in duty bound shall for e\^er pray. 

Francis Wainwright 

Boston, 24 Sept. 1687. 

Nathaniel Williams and Joshua Winsor also stood bound i to 
answer for "rehearsing & divulging some words reflecting upon 
John West, Esq. said to be reported by Mr. John Wise, as pro- 
ceeding from sd West at the time of sd. Wise's examination." 

From the deposition of Thomas French, it appears that he, 
and his associates, as well, we may suppose, were taken to Bos- 
ton when arrested, examined by the Governor, and then com- 
mitted to the stone jail in Boston, where they were kept until 
their examination before the Council, and then returned to it, 
awaiting their trial. Mr. Wise probably suffered the same lot. 
Two days after he had shown such courageous bearing before 
the Governor, at his examination, the hardship of prison life 
began to weigh upon his spirits, and he addressed a humorous, 
but not 'wholly intelligible plea to the Governor:— 2 

To his Excellencie & Counsell now sitting I do Humbly Begg 
your Honours Licenc Being very much Disadvantaged on the 
account of my Naturall Rest Here wher I a^" I have had But 
Little Sleep Sine I have Been your Prisoner Here in Towne the 
place Being so full of Company. 

I dare not Be prolix at this time I shall be Ready In the 

> Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 206. 
2 Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 158. 


Daytime to Attend the ])lcasur(' of the ('ouiiccU this is the ut- 
most that your 

Hon'"'* are troubled w< from Ilim 
who is for (irace & favoui- A 
retitiniier Amongst Royall Dust 
A: your Prisoner 

John Wise 
23 Sept. 1GS7. 

This conununication was followed by another a few days 
later, which was drawn up by Mr. Wise very evidently, pray- 
ing for release on bail. 

Tile liumble Petition^ of John Wise John Appleton William 
Raymond .lolm Andrews Thomas French Jacob Muzzill (Mor- 
rill) Joshua Hayley William Hutchins John Pearson John Dres- 
ser Robert Kinsman William (ioodluie. 
Humbly Sheweth 

That its no less afflictive than uncomfortable unto yo"" Pef« 
to be confined and detained at so considerable distance from their 
Familys and occasions which they are very sensible must needs 
deeply suffer by their long absence: most of y^"" Pef^ Improve- 
ment & livelihood depending u])()n Husbandry and the Season 
of the year drawing on which will necessai'ily require their at- 
tendance and help in the gathering in their Indian Harvest & 
for the support and provision for their Familys in the ensueing 

Yr Pefs therefore humbly Pray y°^ Excellencys Favour 
in admitting them to bail and to grant their Enlarge- 
ment upon their giveing in Security to appear and answer 
what shall be objected against them and either of them 
respectively at such time ct place as yo^ Excellency shall 
please to direct cV: order which they shall acknowlege 
with humble thankfulness and as in duty bound for ever 
From His Maj^ies John Wise 
Prison in Boston John Appleton 
27 Sept. 1687. ^ 

The Governor was not disposed to grant this request, and 
on the following day, Mr. Wise and his Ipswich fellow-prisoners 
addressed another petition for favor. It is a surprising and a 

1 Mass. Archives, book 1'27, leaf 1()4. 


disappointing document, and indicates a complete breaking 
down of the fine high spirit, which had characterized these ad- 
vocates of liberty and democracy. The matter that chiefly 
surprises us, and arouses the keenest regret, is that Mr. Wise 
and the other Ipswich men acted in this, independently of the 
citizens of the other towns, who were imprisoned with them. 

To his Excellency the Governour and Councill of his Majesties 
Territory & Dominion of New England.! 
The humble Petition of the Selectmen and other of the In- 
habitants of the Town of Ipswich 
May it Please y^r Excellency 

It is our great sorrow That for want of due consideration and 
prudent conduct wee have by any of our inadvertent and rash 
actions unhappily precipitated and involved our Selves in so 
great inconvenience and mischiefe as justly to fall under yo"" 
Exc^s displeasure and give any occasion to be represented as dis- 
loyall or in the least disaffected unto his Majesties Government 
as now Established amongst us by his Royal Coiiiission unto 
which we do and shall yield our willing Subjection and dutyfull 
Observance and upon all occasions give such demonstration and 
Testimony of our Allegiance and duty to our Sovereign as may 
bespeak us good & Loyal Subjects. 

Wee humbly Pray yor Exc^^ and Councills favour in the 
pardon and passing over our Offence in the neglect of y°^ 
Comand by M^ Treasurer^ warrant directed unto us with- 
out any severe animadversion thereupon hopeing you 
will please to impute it rather to our ignorance than Ob- 
stinacy in neither of which we would persist And 
though in respect of time being now elapsed we cannot 
precisely comply with the execution and performance 
of the sd warrant yet may we obtein y Exc^^ and 
Councills Favour we shall in our respective stations & 
capacitys to our utmost endeavour a speedy prosecution 
& effecting of the worke & service therein required in the 
makeing a List & Assessment of the persons & Estate 
of our Town and transmit the same unto the Treasurer 
And as in duty bound Shall forever pray. 

/John Appleton Jno Wise 

John Andrews Thomas French 

J Robert Kinsman 
Selectmen i Nathaniel Tredwell 
Thomas Hart 
^JoHN Whipple 
Boston, 28 September 1687 

1 MasB. Archives, book|127,'leaf 147. 


Humble as this apology was, it failed of its end. No release 
was p-anted even upon bail. J)iscouraged by the hopelessness 
of the situation, Capt. John Andrews was the next to sue for 
favor in an individual petition of the fourth of October, i which 
recites tiiat his "long confinement and the hardshi]js of a Prison 
have very sensible Effects upon his weake and crazey l^ody, 
which is attended with many Infirmities of old Age, etc.," and 
loss in his business, and makes appeal for the privilege of visit- 
ing his family on giving bail. There is no evidence that this 
was granted. These submissions were made by many of the 
accused. John Peirson of Rowley made his on the 29th of Sep- 
tember,- Christopher Osgood and John Osgood of Andover 
on the 13th of October and again on the 15th of October.-^ Wil- 
liam Hutchins of Bradford presented his apology for an irreg- 
ular list of estates made in ignorance of the law. ■* 

Meanwhile a warrant was issued against Samuel Appleton of 
I^yim, son of Major Samuel, the most determined in tone of any 
that remain: 

To the Sheriff of the Co. of Essex^ 

Whereas sevcrall speciall warrants have been late- 
ly issued forth for y^ apprehending of Samuel Appleton of Lynn 
to answer to severall matters of High Misde- 
meanor therein mentioned the Execution of wh hath been Hin- 
dred by his y^ sd Sam^i Appletons Hideing & absconding him- 
self & being informed that he now privily lurks & lyes 'hide 
within ye sd County these are therefore in His Maj^^ys name to 
Charge & Command yo" to make dilligent Search & Enquiry 
for ye sd Sam. Appleton in any house & place where y^ shall be 
informed or suspect him to be & to break open any doore or 
doores where ye shall suspect him to lye hide or be concealed 

within ye sd County 

Oct. 5: 1687 

No record remains of his trial, and it may be that Mr. Apple- 
ton eluded the search of the sheriff altogether. 

Recurring to the arrest of the three magistrates, it is inter- 

1 Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 1S4. 

2 MasB. Archives, book 127, leaf 170. 

3 Mass. Archives book 127, leaf 208. 

* Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 1S7. 
' Mass. Arcliives, book 127, leaf 148. 


esting to note the effect of their mild imprisonment. A few 
days after his arrest, Mr. Dudley Bradstreet petitioned the Gov- 
ernor. 1 

Whereas y'"" Excellency hath been pleased to Command 
me to his Majest'^ Garrison heer in Boston as a prisoner, 
.... suffer me to come speedily to trial or take bond for 
my appearance." 

This was followed by an humble petition, which professed 
his great sorrow for his misconduct, and as this was not received 
favorably, he addressed another appeal^, as he understood that 
his former submission was not regarded as sufficient by Andros. 
He declared: 

That he doth from his heart profess liims(>lf to be ready to 
confess the error and Crime in its largest Circumstances and 
Lattitude into which his inadvertency and Indiscretion hath 
brought him with all the Ingenuity that the truth of the 
matter will permit him. And that he most humbly Prayes that 
yor Excellf^y will soe farr favour yo^ Poor Petition"" and his occa- 
sions at home to accept such vSufficient Bayle as shall be offered 
for his good abearance and appearance att what Court your 
Excellency Shall appoynt, humbly thanking yof E]xcellency for 
the favour of Capt. Page's house hitherto and he shall ever 

Dudley Bradstreet 

By decree of the Council, he was released on October 5th, 
upon giving a bond of a thousand pounds for good behaviour. 

Mr. Saltonstall made his deposition, ^ when the Colony made 
its charges against Andros and his associates, that he was arrest- 
ed on the 21st of September, and that he was put under £1000 
bond for good behavior, and that he was "damnified in all 7£ 
15s. in money." "I was detained in all fifteen days." 

As to our townsman. Major Samuel Appleton, most fortu- 
nately we have explicit record. 

1 Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 165. 

* Mass. Archives, book 127, leaves 160 and 181. 

* Mass. Archives, book 127, leaf 147. 


At a Council' held in lioston on Wednesday the J 9"' (A' Oct- 
ober 1687.1 

His I^jxcellency S"" Edmund Andros Knight 
William Stoughton ^ Jlichard Arnold \ 

John Usher [■ ]vs(irs. i^idward Randolph V Escjrs 

Nathan Clark ) Francis Nicholson ) 

Major Sanuiel Api)leton of Ijiswich being comitted to ye 
Custody of a Messenger for being a factious and seditious per- 
son and disaffected to y(; GovernnuMit eV now brought before 
ye Council it was ordered 

That hce continue committed until he give sufficient surety 
by Recognizance in the sum of One Thousand Pounds to appear 
at the next Superior Court to be holden in Salem to answer 
what shall be objected against him & in the meane tyme to be 
of good behavior 

Jjy oi'dei- in Council 

John West, Sec. 
That this is a true coppie of 
the order of Council by w^h 
M*" Appleton (now under my custody 
as messenger) is to be discharged, 

Thomas JjARking. 

Major Appleton might have regained his freedom by giving 
bond, as his fellow-magistrates. But he scorned even the ap- 
pearance of submission. He had made no petition for bail, 
and he refused to make any apology. He continued in the 
same defiant mood, Wherevipon he was brought before the 
Council again on October 30th, and action was taken as follows,2 

Whereas by an order of this board Dat ye 19th of S^er past 
it was ordered y* Majr Samll Appleton y^ in ye Custody of ye 
Messinger Should Stand Committed untill he gives sufficient 
security to appeare at y^ next Superior Court to be holden at 
Salem in the County of Essex and in the meantime to be of good 
behavior and whereas Intimations hath been this day given to 
this board by Tho^ Larkin Messinger yt ye sd SamU Appleton 
hath refused to comply with ye sd order but is still in his Custody 
and that he is and hath l)een at great charge & trouble to looke 
after & provide for him for which he also refuseth to pay him 

' Mass. Archives, hook Vll, leaf 213. 
2 Mass. Archives, hook 127, leaf 266. 


any fees or other satisfaction praying y t if y^ board thinck fitt he 
may be elsewhere Secured. It is therefore ordered y*' y^ sd 
Sam" Appleton be by y© sd messinger delivered into the Custody 
of y'' Sheriff of y« County of Suffolk where by warrant from this 
board he is to remaine and be kept in ye common Goale untill 
he give Sufficient Security in a thousand Pounds for his good 
behaviour untill y® next Superior Court to be holden at Salem 
aforesaid & for his appearance at ye sd Courte A: pay ye Mes- 
singer fees & charges aforesaid. 

By order in Councill 

John West D. Sec^ 

However, according to his own deposition, ^ he was not im- 
prisoned at this time, but kept under a guard of soldiers until 
December 9th, when, still continuing obdurate, he was sent to 
the common jail, where he was kept in a vile cell and refused 
the liberty of the jail yard until the 9th of March. Then he 
was summoned before the Superior Court in Salem, and released, 
upon giving his bond to appear at the next session of the Court. 
During this long and trying imprisonment, he made repeated 
demands for release on a Writ of Habeas Corpus, which were 
refused, and also petitioned for larger liberty in the jail. One of 
these petitions remains, and it bespeaks a bold spirit, which 
asks for clemency but acknowledges no guilt. 

The humble Peticon2 of Sam^i Appleton humbly sheweth 
that whereas y"r humble Peticon'' being very aged and weak in 
body and Confined in a Close Prison having not the freedom 
to Praye himselfe to have the liberty of the yard 

Therefore humbly prays yourhono'"^ to take his agedness and 
weakness into Consideration and exact an'Act of Clemency and 
license him an Enlargement he suffering much by reason of the 
Season of the year in his health 

And he will as in Duty bound for ever pray 
From Boston Goal 
Ja^iy the 18th 

Sam^^ Appleton 

Some fifteen days of detention were sufficient to compel 
the submission of Mr. Bradstreet and Mr. Saltonstall, but 

iMass. Archives, book 35, leai 148. 
2 Mass. Archives, booli 128, leaf 'il. 


the heroic Appleton refused the privilege of release under bond, 
and for more than five months in all, was a prisoner, three of 
which were spent in close confinement in the stone jail of Boston, 
in a smoky and ill-odored room, treated as a common felon, 
although no definite accusation had been brought against him. 
In the old town of York, Maine, the ancient stone jail still stands. 
It contains a few rooms, lighted with small and heavily barred 
windows, each provided with a small fireplace. The bare stone 
walls and floor are damp and forbidding. In some such dis- 
mal and repellent quarters, shut up with criminals perchance, 
for the ])olitical prisoners were released before he was imprisoned, 
the brave soldier of King Philip's War, the honored Magistrate, 
for Conscience sake, suffered these indignities and made his pro- 
test against the enormities of the Usurpation. 

Mr. Wise and the other Ipswich men were arraigned before 
a special session of the Court of Oyer and Terminer on the 24"! 
of October. They were all found guilty, and returned to jail, 
where they lay twenty one days awaiting sentence. They were 
then fined heavily, deprived of civil privileges, and released 
under a bond of good behavior. 

After the Andros government fell, they signed a deposition, 
narrating vividly the full story of the wantonness of this mock 
trial as they regarded it, and the heavy penalties passed upon 
them. This and other documents are reserved until the closing 
passages of the Andros Usurpation are considered in chronolog- 
ical order. 

Under the terms of his sentence, Mr. Wise was unable to 
preach after his release. By an act of Executive clemency he 
was relieved of this disability. 

By his Excellency.! 

Whereas John Wise, Minister of Chebacco, was in a Sentence 
late given in his Maj. Court of Oyer & Terminer Holden at Boston 
ye 24f'» day of ( )ctober and Susjiended from preaching publiquely 
& privately dureing my displeasure as by ye Record of ye sd 
Court may appear these are to Certifi(> that upon ye hvnnble 
petition of ye sd J^o Wise & Application of severall worthy 
persons in his behalfe I Doe hereby forgive & enlarge him ye sd 

1 Mass. Arcliives. Hutchinson Papei'B, book •24'2 : leaf 341. 


jno Wise from that part of ye sd sentence Inhibiting ye Exercise 
of his Ministry Given luider my hand att Boston ye 24'^^h day of 
November 1687. 

E. H. 

Ipswich submitted to the warrant, chose her tax commis- 
sioner, and on November 24, 1687, John Harris and Simon 
Wood, Constables, received a receipt ^ for £136 9s. lid. in full 
for the country rate of the Town for the use of John Usher,Esq. 

Essex County bore the brunt of the battle with Andros on 
the question of the tax, but she shared with the other towns 
of the Colony the distress incident to the vacating of all land 
titles by the loss of the Charter. The title of any property 
was likely to be called in question by the representatives of the 
Crown. The people of Lynn were aggrieved by repeated claims 
of Randolph to the peninsula of Nahant. The Council ordered 
any persons, who had claims, to show reason why Randolph's 
petition should not be granted. The Town replied that it had 
been divided, occupied and fenced for fifty years, and protested 
against Randolph's demand. 2 Philip Nelson, Justice of Row- 
ley, the pliant tool of the new government, petitioned that his 
title might be confirmed in his house, barn, fourteen acres of 
upland and other property. ^ Any landholder might be called 
upon to take a patent for his possessions. 

"Had not an happy Revolution happened in England, and 
so in New England, in all probability those few ill men would 
have squeezed more out of the poorer sort of people there than 
half their Estates are worth by forcing them to take patents. 
Major Smith can tell them that an Estate not worth 2001. had 
more than 501. demanded for a patent for it."'* Any attempt 
to maintain a title was likely to be visited with insult and abuse. 
Excessive fees were charged for probating of wills. 

Plymouth yielded her independence to the Usurper and the 
Charter of Connecticut was taken away in October, 1687. An- 
dros went to Maine to pacify the Indians whose attitude was 

1 Town Record. 

2 Mass. Archives, book 127, leaves 172-174. 

3 Mass. Arcliives, book 127, leaf 159. 

* "The Revolutiou in New England justified." 


unfriendly, and in the spring of 1689, he led an expedition against 
them but to no purpose. His unpopularity was increased by 
evil reports that he had furnished the Indians with ammunition, 
that they might rise against the English. Bitter resentment 
was roused by his leading the colonial soldiers into the Maine 
wilderness in a winter campaign. When he passed through 
Ipswich in March on his way to Boston, his welcome must have 
been cool in the extreme. ^ Tidings had already reached our 
Town, which had suffered so much at his hands, by the Proc- 
lamation which Andros had issued on January 10**^ while at 
Pemaquid, that Prince William of Orange was planning a de- 
scent upon England to wrest the throne from King James. Hope 
that the end of his tyranny was at hand was supplanting the 
apathy and humiliation of the early months of his rule. A ship 
arrived in Boston on April 4, 1689, with news that the Prince 
had landed in England. The result was unknown, and no other 
arrival brought any later tidings. But the people could not be 
restrained. For two weeks they waited and then they burst all 
bounds. On the morning of April 18th, the drums beat througli 
the town at nine o'clock. Randolph and many of the Andros 
set were seized and thrown into the same jail that had held so 
many of their victims. Andros, himself, would have been taken 
if he had not taken refuge at Fort Hill. The military marched 
up King, now State Street, escorting the venerable Bradstreet, 
Governor, and Danforth, the Deputy-Governor, under the old 
Charter, and some of the old Assistants. 

About noon, the gentlemen who had been conferring to- 
gether in the Council-Chamber appeared in the eastern gallery 
of the Town House, at the head of King Street, and there read to 
the assembled people what was entitled a "Declaration of the 
Gentlemen, Merchants and Inhabitants of Boston and the 
Covmtry adjacent. "2 Governor Hutchinson, in his History (vol. 
I, p. 339), followed by Palfray, attributes this document to Cot- 
ton Mather, who had composed it, it is believed, in anticipation 
of such an uprising. This Declaration charged Andros and his 
associates with malicious oppression of the people, with extor- 

1 "The Revolution in New England justified." Aftidiivit of Rev. Mr. HiRginson. 
'^ Palfray, Hist, of NewEngland, ill : 577, ■'i7H.— Tlie Dei-laration is printed in The 
Andros Tracts, Pub. by the Prince Society, Vol. 1, p. 11 and following. 


tioiiate fees for probate, "and what Laws they made it as was 
impossible for us to know, as dangerous for us to break; but 
we shall leave the Men of Ipswich and of Plimouth (among 
others) to tell the story of the kindness which has been shown 
them upon this account." 

Proceeding then to the language used toward Mr. Wise and 
the Ipswich men, in their examination, the Declaration con- 
tinued : 

"It was now plainly affirmed, both by some in open Council, 
and by the same in private converse, that the people in New 
England were all slaves, and the only Difference between them 
and slaves is their not being boughtt and sold; and it was a 
maxim delivered in open Court unto us by one of the Council!, 
that we must not think the Priviledges of English men would 
follow us to the end of the world. Accordingly we have been 
treated with multiplied contradictions to Magna Charta, the 
rights of which we laid claims unto. Persons who did butpeace- 
ably object against the raising of Taxes without an assembly 
have been for it fined, some twenty, some thirty, and others 
fifty Pounds." 

The refusal of writs of Habeas Corpus, the nullifying of land 
titles, the arousing of another Indian war were dwelt upon, and 
it concluded: — 

"We do therefore seize upon the Persons of those few 111 Men 
which have been (next to our Sins) the grand authors of our 


Thus in the earliest moment of that determined uprising, 
the sufferings of Ipswich men came first to mind. The im- 
passioned words of the minister of Chebacco in the Ipswich 
Town Meeting, and then before Andros, as he proclaimed the 
inalienable rights of Englishmen under Magna Charta, his noble 
reply to the mocking jeers of the Coimcillors that they were all 
slaves, that they did have privileges of which none could defraud 
them, had sunk deeply into the hearts of the people, and in the 
first moment of the reassertion of popular liberties, they afforded 
the finest and highest expression of the motive that stirred them 
to revolution. 

Andros surrendered before night, and Dudley was taken 
shortly after. A provisional government with Bradstreet at 


its head was oriianized at once. A convention of (lcl('s;ates 
from tlu> Towns wassninmoncd, which mot on May 2"'', and voted 
in favor of resuming tlie o\d o;ov(>rnment. The Council of Safety 
hesitat(Ml, however, and waited the assendihng of a new conven- 
tion with express instructions from the Towns. In conunon 
with the majority of Towns, Ipswich voted in favor of reassump- 
tion of th-e Glrrri-ter,! and this poHcy was acUiptcd in the con- 
vention held on May 24*^. The (lovernor and Magistrates de- 
posed at the accession of Dudley, resumed their offices and they 
and the delegates recently elected formed the (leneral Court. 
It was a bold proceeding. If King James had defeated the 
Prince of Orange, the lives of the leaders in this violent over- 
throw of the royal government woukl have been forfeited, be- 
yond a doubt. 

Tidings from England were awaited with nervous anxiety. 
At last a ship arrived from England on May 2G">, with an order 
to the authorities to proclaim William and Mary, King and 
Queen. "Never," says Palfrey, 2 ''since the Mayflower groped 
her way into Plymouth Harbor, had a message froui the parent 
country been received in New England with such joy. Never 
had such a pageant as, three days after, expressed the prevailing 
happiness, been seen in Massachusetts . From far and near the 
people flocked into Boston; the government, attended by the 
principal gentlemen of the capital and the towns around, passed 
in procession on horseback through the thoroughfares ; the reg- 
iment of the town, and companies of horse and foot from the 
country, lent their pomp to the show; there was a great tlinner 
at the Town House for the better sort; wine was served out in 
the streets ; and the evening was made noisy with acclamations, 
till the bell rang at nine o'clock, and families met to thank God 
at the domestic altar for causing the great sorrow to pass away, 
and giving a Protestant King and Queen to England." 

Action was taken at once toward the formulating of Articles 
of Impeachment against Andros and his Government. All who 
were aggrieved by their ill-treatment were instructed to draw 
up depositions, making a full statement of the facts. Major 
Appleton was desired to get the Ipswich depositions fairly writ- 

1 Mass. Archives, book 107, leaf 53. 
- Hist, of New England, ill: 589. 


ten and signed by the deponents, and to administer their oaths 
to them. These depositions afford a clear view of the exaspera- 
ting chsregard of the fvmdamental principles of Law and Jnstice 
by the Andros government and the reign of Anarchy and Terror. 
The men of Ipswich were quick in their response. Constable 
French filed his statement within a few days after the order was 

An accomiti of Thomas French of Ipswich, who received 
injuries under late government undr Sur Edmon Andrus who 
sant for me by won Joseph Smith bayly with a warant under 
8ur admon andrus hand who brought mo to bostan to the gov- 
erners hous sum time in Saptandier 87 whoo examined me of 
many things and if I was not at M^ Appletons & the meting the 
which I owned as about the worant sant by John Usher whether 
it was not as warents w^or ishewd out of former treasurers Dad 
in former government I answered no with other discours to long 
here to tell then he sant for too files of red cots and commited 
me to the stone haus for aleven dayes in the meanwhile we were 
examined by the Counsell and after that I was sent to prison 
with a Commitment for high misdemeanors before the counsell 
and not aladged in won partickular what and there I remained 
til a court of eyr and termoni was eld where I was trid upon life 
and death for high treason against the King and nothing provid 
of that nature. 

and then I was fined feftene pound and the Court charge 
came to sixtene more with other charges which amounted to 
fourty pound beside twenty weckes imprisonment 

I was then Constable and 
to borrow the munnies and pay interest the same I hope it will 
be considred. 

item to the sherev for the Hberty of the yard 01 — 00 — 00 

to my fine 15—00—00 

court charges 16 — 10 — 00 

to the bayley 02—10—00 

to for feese 01—05—00 

to masy for hous rant 03 — 00 — 00 

with cost for my 03—00-00 

Thomas French. 

27 May, 1689. 

1 Mass. Archives, book 107, leaf 60. 


Mr. Wise, and the others who suffered with him, presented 
two statements. The first, filed in May, had especial reference 
to the allusions to them in the Declaration, which was read 
from the balcony of the Town House, and afterward printed and 

To the Councill of Essex i 

This may serve to signifie that severall of the towno of Ips- 
wich In Essex In N-England to Geather w^h the sul)scril)ers liave 
(imdo'' y Late Governm*^^ of S^" E'^ Andros) been Damnified In o"" 
P^sons <k Estates Severall Hundred yea Thousand Pounds most 
wickedly yea w^^^out ct Contrary to All I^aws Reason <k Equitie 
as we hope for opportunity unde^ the Shelter of Law to Evinc 
more publeqly and Sufficiently Against Severall p^sons of the 
Late Govmt as were nextly the Authf^ of Such Mischief to us. 

And Some of us Can Give In Testimonie that P'"sons of ye 
Late GoVmt Declare us to be not much happier then slaves 
viz Mr Mason In open Councill said That we had no more Previ- 
ledg Left us then not to be Sould f'" Slaves all the Council mani- 
fested Concent by their Silenc. 

^ Mr. D. S.2 West Declared to some of us that we . . .A Fac- 
tious People & had no Previledge Left us. 

The Govnr gr gd Andros said to Some of us By way of 
Ridicule whether we thought if Jac & Tom sell the King w* 
moneyes he must have for y^ use of his Govm* Implying that 
ye People of the Countrie were but a parcell of Ignorant Jacks 
& Toms and that He & his Crew had the Imediate dispose of 
o^ fortunes and we were to be put to bedlam for mad-men as 
not knowing how to use our estate w" we had Gotten it tho 
■vyth never so much Prudenc pains and frugalitie. 

We offer to Defend Especially ye maine parts of the 5*^ & 
6*h parts in ye Declaration made in ord'" to ye Apprehension of 
S'" Edmund & his Creatures 

and so Subscribe 

Jxo Wise 
Jn" Appleton 
Jno Andrews 
Datted this 27*^ 3^ 1689 Rob* Kinsman ' 

William Goodhew 
Thos French 

This was followed by a fuller and more particular "Com- 
plaint," which is of great value, as it contains a summary of 

» Mass. Archives, book 242, leaf 371. 
2 Deputy Secretary. 


the judicial proceedings, the imprisonments and fines, which 
are known only through this document. The records of the 
Court of Oyer and Terminer, before which they were tried, have 
never been found. 

Complaints' of Great wrongs done undk ye III Governm'" of 
S" Edmond Androsse Govern'' in N-England in y" Year 1687. 

We^^John Wise John Andrews Sen. Robt. Kinsman William 
Goodhew Jun^ all of Ipswich in N-England in ye Countie of 
Essex about the 22"*^ Day of August in ye year above Named 
were w*-^ severall principall Inhabitants of^the towne of Ipswich 
Mett at Mr John Appletons & ther did Discourse & Conclude yt 
it was not ye townes Dutie any wayes to Assist y^ ill Methode 
of Raising money w* out a General! Assembly wh was appar- 
ently intended by above said S"" Edmund & his Councill as wit- 
riesse a Late Act Issued out by them for such a purpose. 
, |The next day in a Gen", towne meetting of ye Inhabitants 
of Ipswich wee ye above named John Wise Jn" Andrews Robt 
Kinsman William Goodhew w* ye rest of ye Towne y" met 
(none contradicting) Gave o^ assent to ye vote y" made. 

Ye Ground of o^ trouble o^" Crime was ye Coppie trans- 
mitted to ye Councill viz. At a Legall Towne meeting Aug^t 
23 assembled by vertue of an order from Jn^ Usher Esq^ Treas- 
ure for choosing a Comissionr to Joyn w^ ye Selectmen to Assese 
ye Inhabitants according to an act of His Excell'® ye Govn"" ct 
Councill for Laying of Rates ye Towne y" Consid'ing yt ye s<^ 
act doth Infringe yi^" Libertie as free-borne English subjects of 
his Majestie by Interfeiring w*^ ye Statute Lawe of ye Land by 
weh it was Enacted y^ no taxes Should be Levyed on ye Subjects 
w* out Consent of an Assembly Choasen by ye free-holders for 
Assesing of ye Same, they Do therfore Vote y^ they are not 
willing to Choose a Comission for such an End w*^ out s<^ Previ- 
ledge : & more over Consent not y*^ ye Selectmen do proceed to 
Lay any Such Rate until it be appointed by a Gen'^ Assembly 
concurring w* ye Govn^ & Councill. 

We ye Complainants w^ M^" Jn" Appleton & Tho^ French 
all of Ipswich were brought to Answer for sd vote out of o"" 
owne Countie 30'e or 40'e miles into Suffolk & in Boston kept 
in Goal only for Contempt & high misdemean"" as o^" Mittimus 
Specefies and upon Demand denyed ye previledge of j an habeas 
Corpus and from prison over-Ruled to Answer at a Court of 
oyer & Termini in Boston afore said. 

Our Judges were M^ Joseph Dudly of Roxbury in Suffolk 
in N-England Mr Stoughton of Dorchester John Usher of Bos- 

1 Mass. ArcUlves, book 35, leaf 139. 


ton Treasure He y^ officiates as Clerk & Attorny in ye Case 
is GeorK Farewell. 

The Jurors only 12^^ men, and most of them as is Said non- 
free holders of any J. and in y" Colony, some of y'" strangers 
& foreigners (as we suppose) Geathered up to Serve y" present 

In C Defenc was peaded ye Repeal of ye Law of Assesm^^: 
upon also ye mag* Charta of England & ye Statute Lawes y* 
Secure ye Subjects properties & Estate & c^ to wh was Replyed 
by one of ye Judges ye Rest by Silenc assenting ; y t we must not 
think ye Lawes of England follow us to ye Ende of ye Earth 
or whether we went and ye same P^Son (Jno Wise abovesaid 
testifies) Declared in open Councill upon Examination of said 
Wise Mr. Wise you have no more previledges Left you y" 
not to be Sould for Slaves, & no man in Councill Contradicted. 
By such Lawes o"" Try all & troubles began & Ended. 

Mr. Uudly afore s^^ Cheif-Judge to Close up ye Debate *t 
Tryall trimes up a Speech y* pleased himself (we Suppose) more 
yn ye people amongst many other Remarkable Passages to this 
purpose he bespeakes ye Juryes obedience who (we suppose) 
were very well preinclined viz. I am Glad (says he) ther be so 
many worthie Gentlemen of ye Jury so capable to do ye king 
Service and we Expect a good verdict from you Seeing ye 
matter hath been So sufficiently proved against ye Criminalls. 

Note — The Evidence in ye Case as to ye Substanc of it was 
yt we too bouldly Endaived to perswade o'"selves we were 
Englishman & und"" Previledges; and y* we were all six of us 
afores'^ at y* towne meeting of Ipswich afore s^; and as ye wit- 
nesse Supposed we assented to the fore s'' vote; and also y* 
Jn" Wise made a Speech at ye Same time & said we had a 
good God & a Good king, and Should Do well to stand for o"" 

previledges Jury Returned us all Six Guiltie being all in 

volved in the same Information. 

We were Remanded from verdict to prison and ther kept 
one & twentie Days for Judgt; y^ to Mr Dudlyes approbation 
as Judge Stoughton Sd this Sentence was passed viz, 

Jn'^ Wise: Suspended from ye ministeriall function; fine 50"^ 
mony, & pay Cost; 1000'^ bontl for ye good behav one year. 

Jno Appleton : not to bear office ; fine 50^'^ mony ; pay ye cost ; 
lOOO'b bond for ye Good behav one year. 

Jno Andrews: not to bear office, fine 30'i^ "^ony, pay ye Cost; 
500"^ Bond for ye Good Behav one year. 

Rob* Kinsman: not to bear office: fine 20"^ niony, pay 
Cost ; 5001b bond for ye Good Behav one year. 

William Goodhcw:not to bear office: fine 20'^' mony, pay 
Cost; 500"J Bond for Good Behav one year. 


Tho^ French: not to bear office: fine 15'^ mony, pay Cost: 
500"3 for Good behav one year. 

The total fees of this Case upon one Single Information 
Demanded by Farewell above sd: amounts to about 101"'. 17^-0. 
who demanded of us Singly about 16"' 19"^ 6*'; y*^ Cost of prose- 

The fines added make up this two hundred eightie ct six 
pounds, seventeen shillings money. 

Sum Total is 286-17-0 

To all w^ we may ad a Large acct; of other fees of Messen- 
engers prison Charges & mony for Bonds and transcripts of 

Exhausted by thos 111 men one way and another to ye val- 
ine of three or foure Schoar pounds besides our Expense of 
time it Imprisonmt. 

We judge the Total Charge for one Case & Tryall und"" 
one Single Information Involving us Six men above sd; In 
Expense of time & monyes of us and or Relations for our 
necessary Succour & Support to Amount to more: but no less 
then four hundred pounds, Mony. 

400'b-00«-00'' Mony— 

Too Tedious to Illustrate more amply at this time & So 
we conclude 

John Wise: John Andrews Sen^: William Goodhew Jun"": 
Tho*^ French And Robert Kinsman 

These fower persons first named apeared y" twentieth of 
December and Robert Kinsman appeared ye one and twenty of 
one thousand six hundred eighty nine a^"'' gave in their testi- 
monies upon oath into Mr Sam" Appleton Assis*- for y^ Colony 
of ye Massachusetts in New England. 

The third principal deposition filed by the Ipswich author- 
ities and one of the weightiest of all was that of Major Apple- 
ton. The literary style indicates the work of Mr. Wise. 

The Information^ & Deposition of Samuel Appleton Sev« in 
y" County of Essex in N. Engl. 

That our late Govern^ S"" Edmund Andros did on the 20'^* 
day of Septembe"" 1687 Send his Warrant by Tho: Larkin 
Messenger for ye takeing into his Custody ye body of him ye 
said Appleton upon a pretended information of his factious & 
seditious inclinations and disaffection to his Maj^'e^ lawes & 

I Mass. Archives, book 35, leaf 148. 


authority here established and that he had Endeavoured to 
ahenate the harts of his Maj*'^^ subjects from ye Govern'' by 
virtue of which he was Seized and brought to Boston and 
had before S"" Edmond in Council and without y^ appearance 
of any Informer or Information yea without y^ Charge of any 
Crime was comitted y^ hands of y" s'' Larkin and afterward to 
a Guard of Souldiers & kept prisoner until y^ 9^^ day of De- 
cemb"" following at w^ time S'' Edmond was pleased to Coinit 
him sd Appleton to the Coinon Goal in a Stinkeing Smoakey 
Room to the Impareing of his health and Indangcring of his 
life and this notwithstanding his frequent desire of such en- 
largement as is seldom or never denied to any but Traytors & 
Felons (their Accustomed Fees being by him offered) yea not 
withstanding his repeated demands of ye benefit of y^ act of 
Habeas Corpus he was kept under Confinement in that uncom- 
fortable place to his great cost and damage untill y" Superior 
Court houlden at Salem March ye 7^^ 1687 when &] whereupon 
Entring into Bond of one thousand pounds for appearance at 
ye next Superior Court to be held at Salem aforesd to answer 
&c and in ye meane time to be of good behaviou'' with ye pay- 
ment of unreasonable fees Extorted from him (which were ye 
hard & only conditions offered by the Judges) he was dismissed 
till ye next Court and to have his bond continued for about six 
months longer although there did never appear anything 
against him. 

The Records of the Superior Court, which was held in 
Salem for the trjdng of this and other cases, have never been 
found. It seems probable that no further action was taken, 
as no allusion was ever made to other proceedings. 

From the mass of evidence thus accumulated, a Com- 
mittee of Seven, appointed in December, 1689, formulated 
charges! against Andros and the other members of his govern- 

The first in the long series of charges against Gov. Andros, 
against Dudley and against Randolph was 

"Mr. John Wise, minister, John Andrews Sen., Robt. Kins- 
man, W"^ Goodhew Junr. Tho. French. These prove their 
damage for their being unwilling for Sir Edmond Andros 
rayseing money on the people without the consent of the 
people, but Improved upon Contrary to Magna Carta. " 

' Mas8. Archives, book 35, leaves 264, et setj. reprinted in The Andros Tracts of tlie 
Prince Society Pub.Vol. I, pp. 149-172. 


The fifty-first charge against Andros was 

"His warrant in Coimcill to Confine Major Appleton to the 

common prison and that without any crime done by him, 

a most hellish way to undoe men." 

John Appleton Junior's name does not appear, but his sen- 
tence and fine were included in the general complaint of the 
seventy-fifth article. 

Immediately after the overthrow of Andros, a number of 
pamphlets appeared, written chiefly by the friends of the pop- 
ular movement, which dealt vigorously with the policy of the 
late government. The first was Nath. Byfield's "An Account 
of the Late Revolution in New England, together with the 
Declaration of the Gentlemen, Merchants and Inhabitants, 
of Boston, and the Country adjacent, April 18: 1689. "i This 
was published in June of the same j-ear. Two months only had 
elapsed since the Declaration was read from the balcony of the 
Town House, and the picturesque narrative of the events of 
those memorable April days can be accepted as an authorita- 
tive record. The prominent place accorded the Ipswich men 
has been noted already. 

In the year 1690, John Palmer, a member of the Andros 
Council, and a Judge, published in London, "An Impartial 
Account of the State of New England, or the Late Govern- 
ment there Vindicated. "2 

This was a reply to the "Declaration, which the Faction set 
forth, when they Overturned that Government." It is an in- 
genious and carefully reasoned plea, and its refutation of many 
of the extreme and unreasonable charges may be accepted as 
credible. After maintaining that the Charter was rightly for- 
feited, and that the sole authority reverted to the Crown, he 
discusses the charges made by Mr. Wise and Mr. Appleton. 

' ' That the privileges of Magna Charia and other Liberties 
of English-men were denied them, is a thing which can never 
be made appear; however, admitting it, I have sufficiently dis- 
cussed that Point in the Third Article. By the Persons said 
to be severely Fined for peaceably objecting against raising of 

^Published In The Andros tracts of the Prince Society, vol. I. 
2 Published In The Androa Tracts, vol. 1. 

266 irswicH, in the Massachusetts bay colony. 

Taxes without an Assembly, I conjecture are meant the Ipswich- 
men, who were so far from a peaceable objecting, that they 
assembled themselves in a riotous manner, and by an Instru- 
ment conceived in Writing, did Associate and oblige themselves 
to stand by each other in opposition to the Government, and by 
their example, influenced their Neighbours to do the like. And 
this by the Law is esteemeci an Offence of that Nature, that is 
next door to Rebellion; for which they were Indicted, Tryed 
and Convicted, either by Verdict or their own Confession." 

Palmer's declaration as to the character of the writing drawn 
up at the Town Meeting differs from Mr. Wise's sworn state- 
ment in the "Complaint," and the entry in the Town Record. 
It is alluded to invariably as a dignified and statesmanlike 
affirmation of the principle of no taxation without repre- 
sentation as the ground of the Town's action. His statement 
that the Town Meeting was a disorderly gathering, and that 
they bound themselves to stand by each other has never been 
(tonfirmed, and is to be attributed to his personal enmity. 

Regarding Major Appleton, he observes "That any one hath 
been Imprisoned, without being charged with Crime or Misde- 
meanor, is an Allegation which I dare be bold to say, can 
never be proved; I have heard indeed an Habeas Corpus de- 
manded upon the Statute of the 31 C. 2, was denied in Major 
Appleton' s Case, (who was one of ihe Ipswich-men before men- 
tioned ;) but let any considering Man peruse the Act, and I believe 
he will be easily convinced that it is particularly limitted to 
the Kingdom of England; besides, he was committed only be- 
cause he would not find Sureties for the good Behavior, and 
the question was not whether he should be Bailed ; for upon 
finding the said Sureties, he must have been discharged of 
course ; so that it was not the want of an Habeas Corpus de- 
tain'd him in Prison, but his own wilful and obstinate Humour." 

Wilful and obstinate ! How History repeats itself ! John 
Fiske, in his Essay on "The Last Royal Governor of Massa- 
chusetts," Gov. Hutchinson, remarks, "He felt that all the 
^troubles were due to the unreasonable obstinacy of a few such 
men as James Otis and Samuel Adams, and that if these men 
could be defeated, the general sense of the people would be 
in favour of peace and quiet." Nobler praise of the valiant 


soldier, suffering the annoyance and hardship of Boston Jail all 
winter for Conscience sake, cannot be conceived. Palmer's 
pamphlet called out "The Revolution in New England Justi- 
fied," i by E. R. and S. S. (undoubtedly Edward Rawson, the 
Secretary of the General Court and Samuel Sewall, afterwards 
Chief Justice) in 1691. The "Ipswich-matter" was regarded of 
such importance that the whole "Complaint" is printed in full, 
as its own refutation of the insinuations of Judge Palmer. In 
Increase Mather's "Narrative of the Miseries of New England,"^ 
the Ipswich men had honored place. 

Thus, in the current thought of the time, the honor that was 
due our Town of Ipswich for the sturdy resistance to the en- 
croachment upon the privileges of the citizens of the Colony, 
was paid freely and generously. It was recognized that Ipswich 
had done what Boston and Salem and all the other large towns 
dared not do. It was seen that her resistance was made on the 
large issue of no taxation without representation. There w^as 
no victorious appeal to arms as in 1775, there was no oratory 
nor popular excitement. In a quiet way, in an evening gather- 
ing, and a Puritan Town Meeting, and before tribunals of 
justice, the great principle, affirmed in Magna Charta, the 
foundation of the Hberties of Englishmen, was maintained 
clearly and steadfastly by the minister of Cliebacco. Had that 
sentiment aroused such might}' enthusiasm in Wise's time as it 
did when it fell from the lips of Patrick Henry and Samuel 
Adams, he and his high minded associates might not have been 
left to the tender mercies of the Law. Confined in Boston Jail, 
conscious that a large party in the Colony w^as not in sympathy 
with their bold defiance of the Crown, unsustained by the great 
popular sympathy that nerved the Revolutionary leaders to 
their task, it is not strange that their hearts failed them and 
they sued for pardon. But the principle for which they suf- 
fered was not and could not be withdrawn, and was lifted into 
a glorious prominence, which could never be dimmed. Wise 
declared the principle in words, and Samuel Appleton, that fac- 
tious and seditious resistant of royal encroachment upon the 

1 Published in The Andros Tracts, vol. i. 
' Published in The Andros Tracts, vol. II. 


popular liberties for years before the odious tax was imposed, 
by his long imprisonment, from which his fellow magistrates 
shrank, bore noble witness to his devotion to the people's 

The Town seal of Ipswich bears tiie legend, "the birth-place 
of American Independence, 1687." Technically, perhaps, the 
claim may be disputed. The men of Watcrtown refused to pay 
their part in a tax, assessed upon the town in 1631, to build a 
palisade inland from Charles River, because they were not rep- 
resented in the body which imposed the tax. New Amsterdam 
refused to pay the taxes levied arbitrarily by Stuyvesant, the 
Dutch governor, in 1653, and in 1667, when the English had 
conquered it, and Gov. Lovelace had imposed a tax for pur- 
poses of defence, eight villages remonstrated at once. Southold, 
Southampton and Easthampton consented provided they had 
the privileges of New England towns. Huntington replied, "We 
are deprived of the liberties of Englishmen." Jamaica declared 
it a disfranchisement, contrary to the law of the English na- 
tion. Flushing and Hempstead were equally resolute. ^ In Vir- 
ginia, the conflict between prerogative and popular rights 
culminated in the Great Rebellion, led by Nathaniel Bacon, in 
1676. English troops were first introduced to quell this rising 
of the people against royahst rule, and twenty-two were hanged. 2 
Massachusetts had already denied the authority of Parliament 
in 1678, " they not being represented in Parliament." 

When the Quakers had estaljlished themselves in West New 
Jersey, 1678-1680, the Duke of York exacted customs from 
every vessel ascending the Delaware. This they refused, de- 
claring, "By this we are assessed without law and excluded 
from our English right of common consent to taxes. "^ Penn- 
sylvania was founded on the principle of equal rights for all, 
and the people to rule itself. When a subservient Council had 
ordered a tax in New Hampshire in 1684, the farmers of Exe- 
ter drove off the sheriff with clubs, and their wives stood ready 
with scalding water to prevent any attachment of property ; 
and at Hampton, he was beaten, robbed of his sword, seated 

1 Bancroft, Hist. United States, vol. ii, p. 321. 

2 Bancroft, Hist. United States, vol. ii, p. 222 vt al. 
' Bancroft, Hist. United States, vol. II, p. 361. 


upon a horse, with a rope round his neck and driven out of 
the province.! 

But the Ipswich protest was nevertheless a manly affirma- 
tion of the great principle of the right of self government, 
that was never absent from the minds of the colonists, that 
had been maintained at cost of blood already in Virginia. It 
was made deliberately, in a dark and threatening time, when a 
Royal Governor with English troops at his command required 

For many anxious months, her citizens were the victims of 
the royal government. She suffered far more than any other 
community, and her sufferings may fairly be called the birth 
pangs of the new life of independence. 

The true value of this episode is likely to be forgotten. The 
modern critical school pays no honor to the prophets. There 
is a tendency to belittle the beliefs and events of the Past. In 
his Essay, "The Deeper Significance of the Boston Tea Party," 
John Fiske called a halt to the prevalent disposition among a 
certain type of scholars, to decry the Boston Massacre and the 
Tea Party as acts of mere mob violence, as an extreme reaction 
from the earlier indiscriminate eulogy of every word and deed 
of that critical period. We may reply in the same spirit to 
the defence of Andros and the belittling of the refusal to pay 
the penny in the pound, in Mr. W. H. Whitmore's Memoir of 
Andros in the Andros Tracts of the Prince Society. It may be 
that he was an upright and honorable man of large adminis- 
trative ability, who roused no more hostility than any other 
governor would have done under the existing circumstances. 
The question is not of men, but of principles, and the mainte- 
nance of the principle that was affirmed by the Ipswich-men 
was and ever will be, heroic and statesmanlike. The loving 
tribute of Rufus Choate, who was born in the neighborhood, 
where Wise and Andrews and Goodhue lived, must still be 
counted wise and well deserved. In his oration on the Two 
Hundredth anniversary of the Town, 1834, he exclaimed: 

"These men, says Pitkin, who is not remarkable for enthu- 
siasm, may justly claim a distinguished rank among the patriots 

1 Bancroft, Hist. United States, vol. ii, pp. 118, 119. 


of America. You, their townsmen, their children, may well 
be proud of tlicm; prouder still, but more grateful than proud, 
that a full town-meeting of the free-men of Ii)swich adopted, 
unanimously, that declaration of right, and refused to collect 
or {)ay the tax, which would have made them slaves. The 
principle of that vote was precisely the same on which Hamp- 
den resisted an imposition of Charles First, and on which 
Samuel Adams and Hancock and Warren resisted the Stamp 
Act, the principle that if any power but the people can tax 
the people, there is an end of liberty." 

"In this the darkest day that New England ever saw, it is 
grateful to ])ause and commemorate an act of this town of 
Ipswich: which deserves, I think, an honorable place in the 
universal history of liberty." 

In his lecture before the Mercantile Library Association at 
Boston on March 14, 1849, Mr. Choate again eulogized the Ips- 
wich resistance. 

"In running over Mr. Macaulay's survey of the last two 
years of James the Second, it is peculiar to see how the whole 
system of English tyranny reproduces itself and re-enacts itself 
year by year. Here in Massachusetts, the same revolution 
that saved one saved exactly the other. On a stage less splen- 
did and conspicuous, surrounded by scenery something less 
brilliant and historical, by actors something less renowned, 
commemorated by a less brilliant contemporaneous literature, 
the same great cause of man was pleading here as there. In 
that same year of 1687, which saw Oxford and Cambridge 
standing disrobed of their Charters before James the Second, 
and turned in spite of themselves into Papists, there was wit- 
nessed a transaction at Ipswich, which I recall with much 
pleasure . . . Extremum hunc mihi." 

"In that darkest hour of our history; our whole colonial 
legislature abolished; our whole civil power grasped by Sir 
Edmund Andros; our whole adopted law swept away by a 
stroke of the pen of the king; the principles of justice silenced; 
every man's title to his farm requiring to be confirmed by a 
fine; those little democracies, the towns, annihilated by a law 
forbidding them to meet more than once a year, and that 
simply for the election of town officers; the gun announcing to 
Boston that a standing army was quartered there, and over- 
awing the liberty of the inhabitants; at that moment of peril. 
Sir Edmund Andros was pleased to lay a tax, and to apportion 
it upon the towns, and thereupon to ordain that they should 
assemble and make choice of a commissioner and that a board 
should be constituted for the assessment of the tax upon them- 

"The meeting of the town of Ipswich, second only to Boston 









L^» »^ ^s 



' ^ 






hB^k-' '^^^H 









ill size, in wealth and in population, was to be held on the 23^ 
of August, 1687. On the evening before that day, the Rev. 
John Wise, minister of the town of Ipswich,^ and several other 
inhabitants of Ipswich, met in what would now be called a 
preparatory caucus, at the house of John Appleton, brother- of 
Samuel Ai)pleton, one of the most distinguished persons of 
that time, the ancestor of more than one family of Applotons 
in a direct line; divines, lawyers, merchants, and physicians, 
the ornaments of your profession and of mine, and of all pro- 

"In that little preparatory caucus— I read from the record 
— it was discoursed and concluded that it was not the town's 
duty to consent to that method of raising money. The next 
day they attended in town meeting. Mr. Wise made a speech 
enforcing these doctrines, and thereupon the meeting spread 
upon its records this vote . . ." 

"This was circulated in manuscript through the County of 
Essex, it being illegal to print documents of this kind. Other 
towns refused to pay their tax. And although Mr. Appleton 
was convicted of misdemeanor by a jury of Boston, who, as 
has well been said by one of the historians of the time, were 
foreigners, and held confined under bonds, yet this manuscript 
appreciably kept alive that feeling which declared James de- 
posed from the throne before it was known that James had 
taken flight; and enforced by the thunder of Faneuil Hall, and 
by the thunder of Bunker Hill, re-proclaimed the same prin- 
ciple of English hberty which had long slumbered in the breasts 
of the people." 

"I hold that this scene, this incident, and these actors, de- 
serve a record in the old history of human rights. I shall not 
admit that Oxford and Cambridge, standing for their charters, 
though Isaac Newton was one of the academicians, were 
personally more beautiful than John Wise speaking to the free- 
men of Ipswich, and they responding, he a graduate of Har- 
vard College, celebrated in law as well as in literature and 
Dogmas of his own profession, the author of two tracts upon 
Congregationalism, personally brave, an advocate of liberty of 
conscience — a doctrine which it was no trifle to hold — and 
by all men's confession better fitted than Sir William Phips 
to conduct the Government. On that grave stone over his 
remains, and over which I have hung hundreds of times, it 
states that "in learning and talents he shone above his contem- 

1 Minister of the Chebacco Parish now Essex. 
2 At the house of Lieut. John Appleton, son of John, who was Ijrother of Samuel. 

272 ipswich, in the massachusetts bay colony. 


Reference may here be made to the frcciueiitly repeated as- 
sertion that Major Appleton evaded the messenger sent to arrest 
him and secreted himself in Lynn. Mr. Lewis, in his History of 
Lynn, recalls a tradition that the Major, while in hiding, was 
wont to address the people of the neighborhood from a high 
rock, near the site of the ancient iron-works, which is called 
Appleton 's Pulpit. A bronze tablet has been fixed in this rock 
bearing the inscription: 












Some confirmation of this tradition may be found in the fact 
that although the warrant for the arrest of Bradstreet,Saltonstall 
and Appleton was issued on Sept. 19th, and Bradstreet and Sal- 
tonstall were arrested at once, and Bradstreet was released on 
Oct. 5th, Major Appleton was not arraigned before the Council 
until Oct. 19*^. On Oct. 5*^, the warrant was issued for the 
arrest of Samuel Appleton of Lynn, who was then hiding from 
the officers of the law as the warrant declares, and had been 
previoush'" summoned. This is the only allusion to Samuel 
Appleton of Lynn, as involved in these troubles, and he was 
never arrested, so far as we know. From this, it might be in- 
ferred, that Major Appleton had secreted himself in Lynn, and 
the warrant specified ''Samuel Appleton of Lynn" to insure his 

But the testimon}^ of Major Appleton in his sworn deposition 
is, that he was arrested on the 20*^ of September, and continued 
in custody until his final release. 

Larkin, the messenger to whom the warrant was issued, had 
him in charge, when he was brought before the Council, while 


Joshua Broadbank was the messenger charged with the arrest 
of Samuel Appleton of Lynn. 

Samuel Appleton, son of the Major, was a resident of Lynn 
from 1680 to 1688, and the owner of the iron works near the so- 
called Pulpit. He is undoubtedly the person against whom the 
warrant was issued on Oct. 5th. The tradition that a fugitive 
from justice should openly harangue the people from this high 
ledge is in itself improbable, and without historic value. But 
if there be a fragment of truth in this tradition, it must be re- 
ferred to some unknown episode in the life of Samuel Appleton of 



The legal machinery at the outset was very simple. The 
Governor and his Assistants constituted at once the legislative 
and the judicial power. They enacted laws and arraigned and 
punished offenders. Thus we find that august body in 1630, 
adopting statesmanlike measures to secure the orderly settle- 
ment of the Colony, and ordering the squatter settlers to remove 
from Agawam; then, proceeding to order Thomas Morton of 
Mount Wollaston to be set in the bilboes and sent a prisoner to 
England for his un-Puritan courses. They set a price upon 
labor. "Carpenters, joyners, masons, bricklayers, sawyers, 
clapboard ryvcrs, thatchers, mowers, tylars and wheelwrights," 
were forbidden to take more than two shillings a day and every 
one was forbidden to give more, under penalty of 10s. to taker 
and giver. If their meat and drink were provided, their wages 
must not exceed 16^ a day. 

They made an example of Robert Clough by ordering his 
strong water taken from him for occasioning disorder, drunken- 
ness and misdemeanor, by his unwise sale of it. Richard Duffy 
a servant of Sir Richard Saltonstall, was sentenced to be whipped 
for misdemeanor toward his master, and the great Sir Richard 
in his turn, was called to account for letting his cows hurt Sag- 
amore John's corn, and ordered to give him a hogshead of corn 
in requital. John Shotswell was fined eleven shillings in Sept. 
1633, "for distemping himself with drink at Agawam," and 
Robert Coles, for his excesses was fined and "enjoined to stand 
with a white sheet of paper on his back wherein A Drunkard 
shall be written in great letters, as long as the Court thinks 
meet. ' ' John Lee was sentenced to be whipped and fined for 
calling Mr. Ludlowe, "false-hearted knave and hard-hearted 
knave, heavy friend etc." 

The selling of ammunition to Indians was forbidden under 
penalty of branding in one cheek, laws for the preservation of 



good timber were enacted, and tobacco takers were taken under 

The Governor and his Assistants, in 1636, to secure the dis- 
patch of public business, ordered four Courts to be held every 
quarter. One of these Courts was to hold its session in Ipswich 
and include Newbury within its jurisdiction. It was to be 
known as the Quarter Sessions Court, and it was provided that 
the magistrates, who lived in the vicinity, should sit as judges. 
Our Ipswich magistrates were Mr. Dudley, Mr. Dummer, Mr. 
Bradstreet, Mr. Saltonstall and Mr. Spencer. Mr. Symonds, 
Mr. Woodbridge and Mr. Hubbard were made eligible as judges 
in 1638. Denison attained the ermine later. This lower Court 
had power to try all civil causes, "whereof the debt or damage 
did not exceed £10, and all criminal causes not concerning life, 
member or banishment." Right of appeal to the Great and 
General Court was allowed. 

The Kings arms were straightway erected in old Ipswich,and 
Ipswich jCeuTt was ready for its task. The original Records 
remain, and they afford most instructive and entertaining in- 
sight into the practical working of the Puritanic legal code. In 
the course of sixty years, a great variety of cases came before 
this tribunal for adjudication, some trivial, some ridiculous, 
many of weighty significance then but insignificant now, many 
fraught with sad reminders of stern delusions, but all illustra- 
tive of the tone and spirit of a Puritan town. 

The dignity of the Court itself was of intense moment to the 
Magistrates, and any reflection upon it was instantly rebuked. 
Mr. Jonathan Wade, one of the leading citizens, made some 
speeches, "afronting the Court" in 1645, for which he was 
summoned to trial and fined sixteen shiUings. John Broad- 
street, a man of meaner position, for similar misdemeanor, was 
sentenced to sit an hour in the stocks. Ezekiel Woodward and 
Thomas Bishop were obliged to make public acknowledgment 
of this fault at the next lecture day. 

Sundry offences against the awful sanctity of the Church 
and the Sabbath were dealt with, summarily. In the year 
1647, the Town was plaintiff in suits against Thos. Rohngson, 
who lived close by the present Agawam House, and Robert 
Roberts, for refusing to pay the rate required of them toward 


the expense of the new meeting-house. Rolingson paid in the 
end his 40^. and 17*2'^ more for costs. The Town was advised 
to compound with Roberts for 16^. Joseph Fowler's spiteful 
charge that there were Hars in the church, secured for him a 
place in the stocks, and Thomas Scott paid a fine for refusing 
to learn his catechism. Humphrey Griffin was fined 10^ for 
unloading barley on the Sabbath before sunset, and John Leigh 
escaped punishment for working in the swamp on the Lord's 
Day, only by proving that it was done to stop the fire from harm- 
ing himself and his neighbors. 

Disturbers of the public worship on the liOrd's day met 
their just deserts. In 1654, Edward Brydges had a legal ad- 
monition for disorder in the meeting house. In that same 
year, disorderliness had become so general and so offensive that 
the General Court took the matter in hand, and gave liberty 
to the officers of the congregation and the Selectmen of Towns 
to appoint one or two persons, 'Ho reform all such disordered 
persons in the congregations, or elsewhere about the meeting 
houses." Our Town proceeded in 1657 to avail itself of the 
new statute, and appointed Thos. Burnham and Symon Tomp- 
son to keep a watchful eye upon the youth, and none too soon, 
for John Averill had been before the Ipswich Court in 1656 for 
striking Thomas Twigs in the meeting house, "in the time of 
public ordinances on the Sabbath. ' ' 

For many years there was a vigorous spirit of disorder that 
must have marred the solemnity of many Sabbaths. The 
grouping of the j^oung men and boys together was the prolific 
source of constant disorder. Sometimes the distm-bance was 
violent, as when Thomas Bragg and Edward Cogswell fought 
together in the meeting house ' ' on the I^ord's day in time of ex- 
ercise" in the year 1670, for which they were fined 10^ apiece, 
or when Stephen Cross struck another worshipper. 

Two young misses, Elizabeth Hunt and Abigail Burnam, 
so disturbed public service one Sunda}^ in 1674, that they were 
arraigned before the Court, and their fathers admonished to 
reprove them becomingly, and Sam. Hunt Jr. was admonished 
and fined for his light behaviour. 

Old Salem in 1676 wrestled with the unruliness of the boys 
in this fashion : 


"all ye boyes of 3^e towne are and shall be appointed to sitt 
upon ye three pair of stairs in ye meeting house on ye Lord's 
day, and W™ Lord is appointed to look after ye boys y* sitte 
upon ye pulpit stairs. Reuben Guppy is to look and order 
soe many of ye boyes as may be convenient, and if any are 
unruly to present their names as the law directs."! 

But ' ' disorderly carriages ' ' increased still to the sorrow of 
all godly worshippers, and in 1657, in accordance with a pre- 
cept from the General Court, a new office was created, that of 
Tithingman, and 24 men, good and true, including some of the 
most prominent citizens, were chosen by the Selectmen. The 
tithingman was a most important functionary. His business 
extended much beyond the meeting house and disorder therein. 
To each officer was assigned the oversight of ten families, hence 
the name, though the origin of the office itself is found in the 
Saxon times of old England. 

Within his special precinct, he was instructed by common 
agreement of the Town officers in 1681, "to see that children 
and servants be taught to read and instructed in the capitall 
laws, and Catechism as the law p'vides, and that the Selectmen 
as they shall desire y™ goe with j^ to any persons to attend 
their dutye and where there is deficiency in any they are to 
inspect that the Laws be attended." 

Furthermore, the Law enjoined them "to inspect disorderly 
persons, and to p'sent the names of single persons that live out 
from under family government — to enter ordinaries and inspect 
them" — and "whatever else tends to irreligion. ' ' 

They were to admonish all offenders, and if this proved inef- 
fectual, they were bound to make complaint to the Court. One 
Tithingman at least, pressed the law to the letter, as the Court 
Record bears witness, under the date April 10, 1683. 

"William Knowlton upon complaint of John Edwards 
tithingman against him for keeping a pack of gaming cards in 
his house is sentenced according to Law to pay a fine of £5." 
Upon his submission, the Court ordered that "upon satisfying 
the informer his part as the law provides and paying 20^ to the 
Treasurer and fees the rest be respitted. ' ' 

Habitual neglecters were fined for their misconduct. Widow 

1 "The Sabbath in Puritan Times," by Mrs. A. M. Earle, p. 55. 


Goodhue was thus dealt with in 1647 and Tlios. Lovell in 1671, 
and again in 1674. Thos. Lovell and Thos. Lovell, Jan., lived 
within a few rods, under the very droppings of the sanctuary. 
Their neglect was a rank offence, for which they paid a fine. Roger 
Darby and his wife, who lived in High St. close by the old 
Caleb Lord house, were warned, fined and dealt with harshly for 
similar fault. Some of these, if not all, were Quakers. A notable 
group of these enthusiasts faced the Court in September, 1658. 
Samuel Shattuck, celebrated in Whittier's poem, "The King's 
Missive," "having been apprehended by the constable two 
Lord's Days at the Quaker meeting and two days absence 
from the pubhc meeting" was fined 30^. Nicolas Phelps was 
fined the same sum for equal offence. Joshua Buffum, for a sin- 
gle Sabbath's absence was fined 15^, "And for persisting still in 
their course and opinion as Quakers, the sentence of the Court 
is, these three be committed to the House of Correction, there 
to be kept until they give security to renovmce their opinions 
or remove themselves out of the jurisdiction." 

The intense interest that centred in these trials is wholly 
beyond our imagination. The first law against that "cursed 
set of heretics" called Quakers, enacted in 1656, forbade any 
captain to land them. Any individual of that sect was to be 
committed at once to the House of Correction, to be severely 
whipped on his or her entrance, and kept constantly at work, 
and none were suffered to speak with them. The next year, 
it was ordered that any Quaker, coming again into this juris- 
diction, should have one of his ears cut off; for another offence, 
he should lose the other ear, and every Quaker woman should 
be severely whipped; for a third offence, the tongue was to be 
bored through with a hot iron. Ere long, sentence of death 
was ordered and executed in several cases at Boston. It was 
further decreed in 1661, that "any wandering Quakers be ap- 
prehended, stripped naked from the middle upward, tied to 
cart's-tayle and whipped thro the town." Persistently return- 
ing, they were to be branded with the letter R on the left shoulder. 
The repressive laws against this obnoxious sect were in full 
swing then, when Shattuck and his friends were brought to the 
bar of the Ipswich Court. Many of the Quakers had been 
guilty of great excesses in their assaults on the established wor- 


ship. Open interruptions of the service, and noisy demonstra- 
tions outside the meeting-house, were frequently made. Popular 
opinion was bitterly against them. We may imagine that the 
Court room was crowded with an eager company, hushed to 
deathly stillness, when Shattuck, Phelps and Buffum, wearing 
their hats before the dignitaries, unless removed by the con- 
stable, were examined, convicted, and sent to prison, there to 
be whipped, fed on bread and water, and made to work hard 
on the hemp and flax, always provided by the Master. 

They suffered a month in prison, and there were others with 
them, lyawrence Southwick and Cassandra, his wife, and Josiah 
Southwick. Then came the order from the General Court 
that they all be brought to Boston, and commanded to depart 
out of this jurisdiction under a penalty of banishment, if they 
remained. They all had been confined in Boston prison some 
years before, and no document has more pathetic interest than 
the petition to the General Com-t for release, which they drew 
up while in prison, which is still preserved among the old 
Court papers in Salem. 

It was written apparently by Cassandra Southwick, and 
bears the signature of each. It is dated, "from ye house of 
bondage in Boston, wherein we are made captives by the will of 
man, although in measure made free by ye Son. John 8: 36 
in which we quietly rest, this 16^^ 5°i° 1648." 

Against this same group, the General Court pronounced in 
1659, that "if anyone is found within this jurisdiction after the 
8*^ of June next, he shall be arrested, and if found guilty, put 
to death." 

Whittier's muse has made them all immortal. He has ex- 
tolled Samuel Shattuck 's bluff and fearless audience with the 
Governor, when the accession of Charles II had given the Qua- 
kers temporary advantage, and portrayed with loving fidelity 
the tender womanliness of Cassandra, condemned to be banished 
but escaping this fate, because no shipmaster would bear her 
away. No wonder the gentle poet's ire is roused at the savage 
violence vented on Lydia Wardwell, a modest and virtuous 
maiden, who was driven to frenzied excess by her convictions 
of duty, and went naked into the meeting house at Newbury. 
For this, she was arraigned in 1663, was condemned forthwith 


to be tied to the fence post of the tavern where the Court sat, 
and was sorely lashed with twenty or thirty cruel stripes. i 

Happily affairs of lesser weight relieved the bitterness of 
these Quaker trials. Groups of elderly citizens appeared from 
time to time and prayed to be excused from training because 
of their years and infirmities, or sought exemption from the 
night-watch. Sometimes release from military service was 
freely granted as in the case of John Leigh, in his 70th year; 
sometimes a money rate was imposed for the release. It was 
6^. a year in the case of Robert Day. 

Anon, anxious good wives and daughters were summoned to 
answer for wearing a gay silk scarf or a silk hood, or some over- 
proud commoner for his brave display of silver lace, and they 
were sentenced to pay a fine unless it was proved that the wearer 
or husband or father was worth £200. 

When the terrors of King Philip's war bluest upon the Colony, 
the General Coiu't discerned in it the rebukes of Almighty God, 
and straightway it issued fresh edicts against some flagrant 
abuses. Children were to be cared for and catechised more 
diligently. Check was placed on the pride that was evident in 
that "long hair like women's haire is worn by some men, either 
their own or other's hair, made into periwiggs; and by some 
weomen wearing borders of hayre and their cutting, curling and 
imodest laying out their haire, especially among the younger 

The evil of pride in apparel was assailed, particularly "cost- 
liness in the poorer sort and vajne, new, strainge fashions, wi*^ 
naked breast and armes or as it were, pinioned wi*^ the ad- 
dition of superstitious ribbons both in hajre and apparel." 

These laws bore hardly upon the belles of Ipswich, and some 
of the lighter minded wives and mothers. At the September 
session of the Court in 1675, in obedience to the summons of 
the Constable, Arthur Abbott's wife for the offense of wearing 
a silk hood and scarf, Benedict Pulcifer's wife on a similar charge, 
the two daughters of Haniell Bosworth, the cowherd, Margaret 
Lambert, and the wives of John Kindrick, Thomas Knowlton, 
and Obadiah Bridges, all appeared and paid dearly for their 
ribbons and gew-gaws and "imodest laying out of their hajre." 

1 Coffin's History of Newbury, p 56. 


Now and then, some of the most eminent citizens were 
brought to Court for overcharging in mercantile transactions. 
Mr Jonathan Wade, for "expensive prices in selUng grindstones 
and other tilings" had to pay a fine of £5 and mtness fees m 
1658 Mr Robert Pavne, the Elder of the Church and the Patron 
of the Grammar School, and the Town Clerk, William Bartholo- 
mew, were similarly fined. 

Family jars were adjusted. Mark Quilter was put under 
£10 bonds in 1664 to be ''of good behaviour toward all persons, 
but especially his wife." Daniel Black and wife were^both 
condemned to be set in the stocks, with instructions not to mis- 
call each other" while in hmbo. Mary Bidgood was ordered 
to Eno-land to Hve with her husband. Elizabeth Fanmng, wife 
of William Fanning of Newbury, being proved to be a common 
scold was sentenced "to be sett in a ducking stool and dipt 
over head and ears three times in some convenient place m 
ye river at Newbury on ye next lecture-day after lecture. ' John 
Tellison was duly punished for tying his wife to the bed post 
xvith a plow chain to keep her at home. Humphrey Griffin s 
difficulty with his mother-in-law led to two prosecutions; she 
was fined for cursing and reviling her son-in-law, and he for re- 
viling her The woes of the bond-servant were also avenged. 
Philip Fowler abused a boy bound out to him, Richard Parker 
by name, "by hanging him up by the heels as butchers do beasts 
for the slaughter." The Court cautioned him and charged the 

cost of the trial. 

The traffic in strong water and its various effects engaged the 
attention of the tribunal constantly. The earUest hcense to 
sell was granted Robert Roberts by the Court of Assistants m 
1635 1 Men of the highest reputation soon sought hke liberty 
Mr Robert Payne, Mr. Bartholomew, and Jeremy Belcher all 
received license in 1652. Deacon Moses Pengry kept an ordi- 
nary and dispensed spirit. Corporal John Andrews, mn-keeper 
at the White Horse in High street, frequently disturbed the 
public peace. A petition signed by many of the most proni- 
inent citizens led the Court to decline to renew his license, by its 
complaint of sundry offences. The original document after 
many years of travel, came into the possession of D. 1 . Appleton, 

1 Felt, p.m. 


Esq., and was given by him to tlie Ipswich Historical 
Society. Deacon Pengry was authorized to keep an ordinary in 
place of Andrews, and Andrews's spite is easily detected in the 
petty mischief of "pulling down the signe of Moses Pengry, 
(a licensed vender of strong water) and Mr. Brown, his gate and 
dore, and Lieut. Sam. Appleton his gate," for which he was duly 
arraigned. Daniel Ringe was licensed to keep an ordinary in 
1661 but "not to draw beer above a penny a quart, and to pro- 
vide meate for men and cattell." John Perkins, Andrew Peeters 
and John Whipple were licensed in 1662, the last to sell not less 
than a quart at a time and none to be drunk in his house. All 
were bound "not to sell by retail to any but men of family, 
and of good repute, nor sell any after sun sett; and that they 
shall be ready to give account of what liquors they sell by retail, 
the quantity, time antl to whom." Mr. Jonathan Wade was 
also licensed. 

Still the traffic grew, and in the year 1692, hcenses were 
granted to John Spark, Mr. Francis Wainwright, Mr. John 
Wain Wright, Francis Wainwright, Jr., Capt. Daniel Wicom, Mr. 
Abraham Perkins, Mr. Goodhue Sen. and Mr. Michael Farley, 
Sen. Despite the selection of men of the best character for 
dealers, and all restrictions and limitations upon the trade, evil 
results abounded. Cases of drunkenness were frequently before 
the Court. One of the most curious was that of Humphrey 
Griffin, who was indicted by the Grand Jury for 'being drunk, as 
it appeared "by his gesster, evile words, falling off his horse 
twice (or oftener) and his breath senting much of strong liquor." 
Over indulgence, no doubt, explains Shoreborne Wilson's "ry- 
baldry speech" for which he sat half an hour in the stocks. 
Poor Mark Quilter's domestic infelicities sprang from this source 
and many a misdemeanor was traceable to this as its responsible 

Rev. Mr. Hubbard was the victim of his graceless servant, 
Peter Leycross, who, acting in league with Jonas Gregory, the 
public whipper, and Symon Woods, made repeated depredations 
upon the minister's wine cellar, stealing five gallons at one time. 
They also stole his fat sheep and sold them, but were apprehend- 
ed at last making merry over the ministerial wine at Gregory's 
and were sentenced to be whipped or pay a fine. 


The tobacco habit was severely frowned upon. Thos. Parell 
was fined 10^ for taking tobacco out of doors and near a house 
in 1654. Richard Hutten for smoking tobacco in the street on 
the Sabbath day paid 10^ and costs and Nathaniel Treadwell's 
"pype" publicly used cost him more than it was worth, manifold. 
Still, tradition has it that the Rev. Nath. Rogers was an 
inveterate user of the mahgned herb. 

Some rollicking pranks of the olden time have been preserved 
through the medium of these old Court Records, the tearing up 
of bridges, the annoying and abusing of the night watch, and 
the consummate mischievousness of Thomas and John Manning 
in putting a calf down toper Mark Quilter's chimney, and abus- 
ing him in his barn and yard. Jonathan Piatt's name is rescued 
from oblivion as the gay Lothario, who endeavored "to draw 
away the affections of Mr. Rogers, his mayd," and was judged 
to have broken the law and was fined 5«. Card playing was an 
offence for which a merry group of four paid 5^ a piece in 1664. 
There were liars and thieves in the old days, but a he was 
a costly luxury, and a thief found the way of the transgressor 
very hard. Mark Symonds paid for one He 10^ and for "3 
other untruths" 5« apiece. John Broadstreet was so unfortu- 
nate as to be indicted in 1652 "for supposition of haveing famd- 
iarity with the devil." It was proved only that he had told a 
he but as it was his second offence, he was sentenced to pay a 
fine of 20« or be whipped. Jeffry SkeUing was whipped for 
divers lies and Goodwife Haffield was fined 20« for taking the 
name of God in vain to witness to a lie. Simple theft sent Abner 
Ordway, the blacksmith by the Mill Dam, to the stocks. A 
more aggravated case caused Obadiah Rich of Salem to be 
branded in the forehead here in Ipswich with the letter B, to 
be fined treble damages, and to be sent to Salem to be severely 
whipped. Like penalty was laid upon Henry Spencer. 

Thus, offenders of every grade came and went, and some so 
frequently that their names become familiar. Joseph Fowler, 
the lawless and defiant insulter of magistrates, assailant of 
watchmen, brawling disturber of the pubhc peace, was a peren- 
nial culprit. So were Francis Jordan, the public whipper before 
Gregory's time. Corporal John Andrews and Mark Qmlter. 
The Quaker, Roger Darby and his wife were often there. 


Long and tedious as the Sabbath day was made by the pro- 
tracted public services and home catechisings, om- Puritan an- 
cestors deemed it necessary to set apart another day in the week 
for religious exercises, to secure a proper degree of public piety. 

Thursday was the day chosen, and the weekly Lecture was 
the important event of that day. All work and amusement 
were prohibited, and attendance on the sanctuary was compul- 
sory as on the Sabbath. Larger liberty of theme was permitted 
the minister, however, and many matters of public order were 
vigorously pressed. 

The day was often utilized for special town-meetings or 
Selectmen's meetings, after the service. Advantage was taken 
of the gathering of the people for the public administration of 
justice, and many an offender expiated some misdoing by an 
oral confession of his sin to the congregation, or by a written 
apology, which was read from the desk. Joseph Muzzey was 
thus made conspicuous in 1651, and he was obliged to make 
such acknowledgment as the Court appointed. 

Richard Smith had a difficulty with the officers of the Town 
in 1645 and was so indiscreet as to say, "Though Father, Son & 
Holy Ghost were against him, yet he had the victory" or to 
this purpose. For this, he was sentenced to "make acknowledg- 
ment of this blasphemy" or pay a fine in addition to the 40" 
already levied. 

In 1667, John Andrews met the deserved frown of all good 
Christians, when he acknowledged his part in the indecent dis- 
honor to the Sagamore's bones. Twenty years later, he be- 
came one of our town heroes when he joined with Pastor John 
Wise and his famous company in resisting the Andros tax, and 
suffered for his boldness. The summary rebuke of that scape- 
grace prank may have brought the youth to that better man- 
hood. Ezekiel Woodward and Thomas Bishop, a well-known 
merchant and trader, made public apologies that year for af- 
fronting the magistrates. 

Offences that were regarded as specially heinous were pun- 
ished not merely by whipping, and sometimes with branding 
with hot irons, but with public exposure on the lecture day. 
Sarah Row, a woman of unchaste life and violent behavior, was 
sentenced in 1673 "to stand all the time of the meeting, from 



the last bell-ringing, on a high place where the master of the 
House of Correction shall appoint in open view of the congre- 
gation with a faire white paper m'itten in faire capitall letters," 
specifying her offence; and in 1674, Thomas Knowlton might 
have been seen standing openly with a paper on his breast in- 
scribed, in capital letters, ''for makeing disturbance in the 
meeting." Two sisters, guilty of an unnatural crime, were com 
pelled to face the pitiless scorn of the congregation, standing 
or sitting on a high stool, with the tale of their infamy written 
upon them, in 1681. 

A touch of the grotesque is discerned in the case of Elizabeth 
Perkins, wife of Luke, who was presented by the Grand Jury 
in 1681 for many ''most opprobious and scandalous words of an 
high nature ag^t Mr. Cobbitt and her husband's natural parents, 
and others of his relations, which was proved and in part owned." 
"That a due testimony may be borne against such a viru- 
lent, reprochfull and wicked tongued woman, this Court doth 
sentence said Elizabeth to be severely whipped on her naked 
body, and to stand or sitt the next Lecture day in some open 
place in the public meeting house at Ipswich, and when the 
Court shall direct, the whole time of the service with a paper 
pinned on her head, written in capital letters 'for reproching 
ministers, parents & relations.' " The corporal punishment was 
remitted for a 3£ fine, but the remainder of the sentence was 
no doubt executed. 

"Reproaching ministers," was an offence that engaged the 
wisdom of the General Court as early as 1646, and it decreed 
that the offender should "pay a fine or stand two hours openly 
on a block four feet high on a lecture day, with a paper fixed on 
the breast with the inscription 'a wanton Gospeller.' " 

Presumptuous speeches were often made. John Cross slan- 
dered Mr. Rogers, and Thomas Cross dared to say of Rev. John 
Norton that he taught what was false. He also reproached 
the ordinance of baptism and said that if he had children, he 
would not have them play the fool. Wilham Winter said that 
Mr. Cobbet in his teaching lied against his own Conscience, and 
one of his Lynn parishioners had suffered for declaring, "he 
had as Uef hear a dog bark as Mr. Cobbett preach. ' ' For these 
affronts, due apologies were made. 


Criminals under sentence of death, were brought to the 
public Lecture. Judge Se wall records : "Jan. 16: 1700-1. At 
Ipswich, Mr. Rogers preached the lecture from Luke 1 : 76, about 
ministerial preparation for Christ. Sung the nine first verses 
of the 132'^ Psalm. Mr. Rogers praie'd for the prisoner of death, 
the Newbury woman, who was there in her chains. ' ' This was 
the last sermon, he adds, that was preached in the old meeting 

Evil doers met the public eye, without as well as within. 
Hard by the meeting house, were the whipping post and stocks, 
and prison, all on the level Green, on which the meeting house 
of the First Church stands today. The site of the last whip- 
ping post is marked by the elm tree nearest the meeting house 
on the east corner. It was frequently ordered that the pun- 
ishment of the lash or the stocks should be inflicted on the lec- 
ture day, and the scene which Hawthorne depicts, when the 
Boston congregation issued from the meeting house, and was 
shocked by the sight of Rev. Arthur Dimmesdale acknowledg- 
ing his sin on the scaffold, was enacted frequently, with humbler 
personages bearing their public shame. 

Thus in 1647, roystering Joseph Fowler, often at fault, was 
sentenced to pay a considerable fine or sit in the stocks some 
lecture day, for saying there were liars in the church and won- 
dering they were not cast out, "and if one would lye soundly 
he was fit for the church," or Shoreborne Wilson, a man of fre- 
quent misdeeds, for some ' ' rybaldry speech. ' ' There, in deserved 
disgrace, one lecture day in 1667, sat several giddy young 
men, Stephen Cross, Wm. Andrews and Joseph Giddings, for 
pulling up bridges and other misdemeanors at the windmill. 

Thus religious and civil affairs were closely interlocked. 
Ministerial dignity was maintained by judicial enactment. Neg- 
lect or disorder in the meeting house was an offence against 
the civil statute. Breaking of the Sabbath was punished by 
the Law and taxes for ministerial support and all church ex- 
penses were collected by the constable under legal process. 
Religion was only requiting its debt to Law, when it made the 
solemn gathering for worship the occasion of terrible punish- 
ment of misdocrs and branded the law breaker with open shame. 



It was a matter of common iDelief in England as well as in the 
Colonies on this side of the Atlantic, that Satan and his angels 
were actively engaged in assaulting the kingdom of the Lord 
Jesus Christ, and disturbing the peace of mankind. To attain 
this end, the Devil made persuasive overtures to men and wo- 
men, and those who listened to his beguilement were endued 
with supernatural powers of working mischief upon all, whom 
they wished to injure. It was an age of credulous belief in 
ghosts and spectres, supernatural manifestations and extra- 
ordinary events, and the actual existence of witches, who had 
familiarity with the Devil, and did his bidding, was not doubted 
in the least degree. 

That the good people of Ipswich had conceived a strong 
suspicion of the evil character of one of their townsmen, John 
Broadstreet, as early as the year 1652, is made painfully evident 
by the entry in the Record of the Court, that was "held at Ips- 
wich 28tt (7) 1652. 

"John Broadstreet upon his p^sentnit of the last court for 
suspition of haveing familiarity wt^ the devill upon examyna- 
tion of the case they found he had tould a lye : w^h was a 
second & being convicted once before the Court setts a fine of 
20s or else to be whipt. Edw. Coborne is surety for the pay- 
ment of the fine and fees of court." 

Happily for the accused, popular excitement had not been 
aroused, and the judicious moderation of the Judges saved him 
from a severe sentence. A more violent treatment of a sus- 
pected witch was manifested in Salisbury in 1656, when Goody 
Cole, of Hampton, whose name is preserved in Whittier's "The 
Changeling" was arraigned on suspicion of witchcraft. A wit- 
ness testified, that thirteen years before she had bewitched 
Goodwife Masten's child, changing it into an ape. 



The Coiistal:)le of Salisbiuy, Richard Orinesby, made his de- 
position i"that beiiifj; aboiite to stripp Eunice Cole to bee whipt 

. . . looking uppon her brests under one of her brests . . . 
I saw a blew thino; . . . hanging downwards about three (piarters 
of an inch long not very thick." 

This excrescence was proof positive of witchcraft, and the 
accused instantly pulled or scratched it off, incurring grave 
suspicion of Satanic power. She was probably whipped at that 
time, but she was not sentenced to Boston Jail until 1673, when 
she was tried for having familiarity with the Devil. The story 
of her release from Ipswich jail may be an invention of the 

At the Court held at Ipswich, the 30th of March, 1680, Abel 
Powell was put on trial. Several neighbors bore witness of 
uncanny happenings in their households. The andirons leaped 
into the great kettle, the spinning wheel was turned upside down, 
strange and terrifying noises disturbed the quiet of the night, 
and many objects moved without hands, through closed doors. 
A great variety of family mishaps were all laid to his charge, 
but he was acquitted of witchcraft. In the same year, Elizabeth 
Morse was found guilty of having familiarity with the Devil by 
the Court of Assistants in Boston, on May 20th^ and on the 27*^ 
of May, "after ye lecture, the Governor pronounced sentence," 
of hanging. She was reprieved however, on June l^t mitil the 
October session, and allowed to return to her home in Newbury, 
' 'Provided she gee not above sixteen Rods from hir owne house, 
& land at any time except to the meeting house in Newbery 
nor remove from the place Appointed hir by the minister & 
selectmen to sitt in whilst there. "2 General Denison sat as one 
of the Judges during her trial and reprieve. 

Twelve years elapsed, and no record occurs of any such trials. 
Then the storm burst in awful violence. Some young girls of 
Salem Village, now Dan vers, began to act in strange ways, creep- 
ing under chairs and stools, distorting their faces, and muttering 
unintelligible jargon. The physicians could not explain their 
l^ehavior, and one of them, it is said, suggested that they 

1 Witclicralt Record. 

- Record ol' Court of Assistants. 


might be bewitched. As some of the girls belono-ed in the family 
of Rev. Mr. Parris, Pastor of the Church in Salem Village, he 
invited several of the neighboring ministers to join mth him in 
keeping a solemn day of prayer at his house. During these 
exercises, one of the girls about eleven years old, seemed to be 
thrown into convulsion fits. The others were soon similarly 
affected, and began to say that they saw, while in their fits, cer- 
tain persons pinching or sticking pins into them, or otherwise 
torturing them. The first person named by them was Tituba, 
an Indian servant in the minister's household, and she confessed 
that the Devil urged her to sign a book, and to harm the children. 
She was committed to prison. Two others were soon accused. 
"Sarah Good, who had long been counted a melancholy or dis- 
tracted woman; and one Osborn, an old bed-ridden woman; 
which two were persons so ill thought of, that the accusation 
was the more readily believed." i 

Ten persons were soon afiflicted and they began to charge the 
practice of witchcraft upon their neighbors and friends. The 
venerable Rebecca Nurse, mother of a large family and of es- 
tablished Christian character, was charged with bewitching them. 
She was arraigned in the meeting house before the Justices, and 
her accusers, uttering piercing shrieks, declared that she bit or 
stamped upon them. She protested her innocence, and made 
piteous appeal to God to help her, but she was sentenced to 
prison, and goodwife Corey at the same time. Little Doroth}'' 
Good, the five year old daughter of Sarah Good, already under 
arrest, was named as a witch, as well. The number of the ac- 
cused increased so rapidly that the Court of Assistants convened 
in Salem on the 11th of April, 1692, to administer justice. It 
was a day of the most thrilling interest to Ipswich. The 
Deputy Governor, Thomas Danforth, and six Assistants, in- 
cluding our honored townsman, Major Samuel Appleton, were 
the Judges, and among the accused were John Proctor and 
Ehzabeth, his wife, formerly residents of the Chebacco Parish. 
Jolm Proctor and his wife, Sarah Cloyce, Rebecca Nurse, 
Martha Corey, and little Dorothy Good were all sent to Boston 

1 Robert Calef, " More Wonders of tlie Invisible World." 
* Court Records. 


Most persistent endeavor was made in behalf of the Proctors. 
Rev. John Wise drew up a petition, which was signed by a goodly 
number of the most prominent men of the Chebacco Parish. 

The Humble & Sincere Declaration of us Subscribers, In- 
habitants in IpsAvich on y" behalf of o^ Neighb^'s Jno Proctor & 
his wife now in Trouble & und^ Suspition of Witchcraft — Too 
the Hon^able Court of Assistants now sitting In Boston 

Honied & Right Worshipfull 
The fore sd John Procter may have great reason to Justifie the 
Divine Sovereigntie of God under those Severe Remarqs of 
Providence upon his Peace & Hon^ und^ a due reflection upon 
his life past And so the best of us have reason to Adoar the Great 
Pittie and Indulgence of Gods Providence that we are not ex- 
posed to the utmost shame y* the Divill can Invent undr the 
p^missions of Sovereigntie tho not for y^ sin fore named y^ for 
our many Transgretions for we do at present suppose that it 
may be A Method w^^ in the Seveerer But just Transactions of 
the Infinite Majestie of God y*^ he sometimes may permitt Sathan 
to p'"sonate Dissemble & therby abuse innocents & such as Do 
in the fear of God Defie the Devill and all his works. The 
Great Rage he is p^mitted to attempt holy Job w^h The abuse 
he does the famous Samuel in Disquieting his silent Dust by 
Shaddowing his venerable p'son in answer to the Charms of 
Witchcraft & other instances from Good hands may be Arg*^ 
Besides the unsearcheable foot stepps of Gods Judgements y* 
are brought to Light every morning y* Astonish o^" weaker 
Reasons. To teach us Adoration Trembling & Dependance &c 

We must not Trouble your Hon^s by Being Tedious. There- 
fore we being Smitten with the Notice of what hath happened 
we Reccon it wt^^in the Duties of o^ Charitie that Teacheth us 
to do as we would be done by to offer thus much for the Clear- 
ing of or Neighb''® Innocencie: viz. That we never had the 
least knowledge of such a Nefarious wickedness in o^" said 
Neighbours since they have been w^Mn o^' acquaintance. 
Neigther doe we remember any such thoughts in us conceiving 
them or any action by them or either of them Directly tending 
that way no more than might be in the lives of any other p^sons 
of the Clearest Reputation as to any such Evills. What God 
may have left them to we cannot Go into Gods pavilions 
Cloathed w^^ Cloudes of Darkness Round About. 

But as to what we have ever seen or heard of them upon o^" 
consciences we Judge them Innocent of the crime objected. 

His Breading hath been amongst us and was of Religious 


Parents in o"" place and by reason of Relations & Properties wi^in 
or Towne hath had constant intercourse with us. 

We speak upon o^ p^sonall acquaintance and observation: 
and so leave our neighbours and this our Testimonie on their 
behalfe to the wise thoughts of y Honours &tc 

Subscribe &tc. 
John Wise 
William Story Senr William Cogswell 

Regenalld Foster Jonathan Cogswell 

Thonis Chote John Cogswell ju^ 

John Burnham S'" John Cogswell 

William Thomsom Thomas Andrews 

Tho. Low senr Joseph Andrews 

Isaac Foster Benjamin Marshall 

John Burnam junr John Andrews jr 

William Goodhue William Buslin 

Isaac Perkins William Andrews 

Nathaniell Perkins John Andrews 

Thomas Wilkins John Chote se^ 

William Cogswell Joseph Proctor 

Thomas Varny Samuel Giddings 

John Ffellows Joseph Eveleth '- 

James White 

Twenty of the neighbors in Salem Village, where the Proctors 
had their home, joined in a petition, affirming "that to our ap- 
prehension they lived a Christian life in their family and were 
ever ready to helpe such as stood in need of their helpe." Against 
this burden of sober and credible evidence, Mary Warren testi- 
fied that Mrs. Proctor had poppets or dolls, which she pricked, 
and instantly she herself had been pricked. Goodwife Proctor 
had also threatened her with hot tongs. But the most whim- 
sical, yet dreadful evidence was the reported declaration of the 
apparitions of those who had lain in their graves for years, that 
she had killed them for various trifling reasons. This evidence 
prevailed and the good woman was sentenced to death. This 
spectral evidence was easily produced, and was unanswerable. 
The purest characters were no proof against the infamous 
charge of murder, and crimes of every kind. Those accused as 
witches were subjected to the same treatment allotted to felons, 
and were viewed with horror and fear. Even when they had 
been locked in the dungeons of the prisons, those who testified 


against them, declared that they were still pricked and tor- 
mented by the prisoners. Sir William Phips arrived in May, 
with his commission as Governor under King William. It 
was said that the first order issued by him, required that irons 
should be put upon those in prison. ^ Mr. Jonathan Gary of 
Gharlestown Avrote that his wife was carried to Gambridge 
prison and that the jailer put irons on her legs that weighed 
about eight pounds. 

The early trials of the accused were before the Gourt of 
Assistants, of which Major Samuel Appleton was a member, but 
a special Gommission of Oyer and Terminer was issued to several 
Justices, which began its sittings on June 2^^^. Major Appleton 
had no j^art in the deliberations of this Gourt, which proceeded 
at once to pass severe sentence upon the reputed witches. Brid- 
get Bishop, who had long been under suspicion, was tried and 
condemned to death on the 8*^^ of June, and on June 10**^ she 
was hanged. 

The Judges, the Ministers of Salem and vicinity, and the most 
enlightened citizens were sure that the powers of darkness were 
leagued against them. It was declared that the Devil had met 
with a great gathering of witches, and had declared that Ghrist's 
kingdom must be broken down. He declared that the Judg- 
ment Day and the Resurrection were abolished and all punish- 
ment for sin. He promised ease and comfort to those who 
would serve him, and a sacrament was then administered by 
him, with red bread and a liquid, red as blood. The severest 
measures were necessary, to repel these assaults. 

The Gourt met again on June 30*^^, and Sarah Good, Re- 
becca Nurse, and Elizabeth How, wife of James How of the 
Linebrook Parish, and others were put on trial. 

The evidence was of the usual absurd character, Sarah 
Good had been confined in Ipswich jail. Joseph Herrick, the 
Gonstable of Salem, testified that she had been committed to his 
charge to carry to Ipswich. That night, he affirmed, he had a guard 
over her in his own house, and she disappeared for a time, 
bare foot and bare legged, and went and afflicted Elizabeth Hub- 
bard. Her arm was blood}^ in the morning. Samuel Braybrook 

1 Calef. More Wonders of the Invisible World. 


said that while carrying her to Ipswich/'she leapt off her horse 
3 times, which was between 12 & 3 of the clock." 

Elizabeth How was charged with causing the death of sun- 
dry cattle and horses, and with being one of a company, who 
had knelt down by the bank of the river at Newbury Falls, and 
worshipped the Devil, and had then been baptized by him. The 
accused were all condemned and were all executed on July 19*^. 

Ipswich had her full share of the horrors of that mem- 
orable summer. Sarah Buckley, wife of William Buckley, 
formerly a resident of Ipswich, was accused, and the venerable 
Pastor, WiUiam Hubbard, had grace enough and courage 
enough to make a bold endeavor to save her, at a time when all 
were beside themselves with fear. 

Mr. Hubbard's CertifRcate. 

These are to certifye whom it may or shall concerne that I 
have known Sarah y^ wife of William Buckly of Salem Village 
more or lesse ever since she was brought out of England w^h is 
above fifty years agoe and during all y* time I never knew nor 
heard of any evill in her carriage or conversation unbecoming a 
Christian: likewise she was bred up by Christian parents all y^ 
time she lived here att Ipswich I further Satisfye yt y sd Sarah 
was admitted as a member into y^ church of Ipswich above 
forty yeares since and that I never heard from others or ob- 
served by my selfe anything of her that was inconsistent with 
her profession or unsuitable to Christianity either in word deed 
or conversation and am straingly surprized that any person 
should speake or thinke of her as one worthy to be suspected of 
any such crime that she is now charged with in testimony hereof 
I have here sett my hand this 20* of June, 1692. 

William Hubbard. 

Old Rachel Clenton, who lived in a little house near Mr. Clark 
AbeU's, by the Mill Dam, was arrested. Constable Joseph Fuller 
served the warrant and his personal account with the County 
is preserved. 

Joseph Fuller acct; Joseph fuller as constable for 
vs ye yere 1692 for seasing of 

County. Rachell Clenton & bring of har 

before Justis According to war- 
rant. 1 — 


for tending y® Court of oyer & 

termener Is — 00 at Salem ten 

days 1—0—0 

Constaball Choat for seaseing 

of goody penne & carreing of 

har to Sallem & bring of hur 0—8 — 9 

back to ipswich Goall from 

Sallem by vertii of a mittimas 

with one ^" man to assistance 

for tending at ye Court of Oyer 

& turmener two weeks 1^ — — 

1692 James fuller & nathaniell 

fuller thre dayes a pese at Salem 

being sumoned to give evidence 

Against Rachell Clenton at y^ 

Court of Oyer & Termina. 0—12—0 

To the Constable's account, may be added the charges of 
Thomas Manning, the gmismith, who hved on the house lot, 
now occupied by the residence of the late William Kinsman, 
opposite the Parsonage of the South Church. 

Thomas Manning his accompte of work done by him for y^ 
County of in y^ yere 1692. 

the mending & pouting one [putting on] 

Rachell's fetters 00—01—06 

to John houwardi 1 pare of fetters 00 — 05 — 00 

to John Jackshon sener 1 pare of fetters 00 — 05 — 00 

to John Jackshon JunrJ- 1 pare of fetters 00 — 05 — 00 


John Proctor and Elizabeth, with four others, were tried by 
the Court on August 5**^. Mention has already been made of 
the petitions in his favor. While lying in Salem Prison, Mr. 
Proctor addressed a letter to Rev. Cotton Mather and other 
ministers. He implored their ''favourable assistance of this 
our humble petition to his excellency, that if it be possible our 
innocent blood may be spared, which undoubtedly otherwise 
will be shed, if the Lord doth not mercifully step in ; the magis- 

i William Howard of Turkey Shore, owner of the " Howard house " a son 
•lohn. John Jackson died before 1648, leaving a widow at least. There is no direct 
evidence that these were suspected witches, but it is liighly i)robable. 


trates, ministers, juries, and all the people in general, being so 
much enraged and incensed against us by the delusion of the 
devil, which we can term no other, by reason we know in our 
own consciences we are all innocent persons." "My son William 
Proctor, when he was examined, because he would not confess 
that he was guilty, when he was innocent, they tied him neck 
and heels till the blood gushed out at his nose, and would have 
kept him so twenty-four hours, if one, more merciful than the 
rest, had not taken pity on him, and caused him to be unbound." 

He prayed, therefore, that if they could not have their trials 
in Boston, some other magistrates might hold court in Salem. 

But all was of no avail, and he was condemned to death. 
He was hanged on August lO^^ii, pleading to the last moment for 
a little respite, saying that he was not fit to die. Mrs. Proctor 
was reprieved and eventually pardoned. 

Ipswich prison was filled with the accused. Among them 
was Mary Easty, the wife of Isaac Easty of Topsfield, and sister 
of Rebecca Nurse. She petitioned the Court to proceed with 
caution, as many self-confessed witches had belied themselves. 
"I was confined a whole month on the same account that I am 
now condemned, and then cleared by the afflicted persons as 
some of your honors know; and in two days time I was cried out 
upon by them again, and have been confined, and now am con- 
demned to die. The Lord above knows my innocence then 
and likewise doth now, as at the great day will be known by 
men and angels. I petition to your honors not for my own life, 
for I know I must die, and my appointed time is set; but the 
liOrd he knows if it be possible that no more innocent blood be 
shed, which undoubtedly cannot be avoided in the way and 
course you go in".i 

The prison keeper, Thomas Fossie and Elizabeth, his wife, 
testified that they "saw no evil carriage or deportment while 
confined in Ipswich jail." She was carried to execution with 
her fellow-prisoners, Martha Corey, Ann Pudeater, and five 
other unfortunates. "When she took her last farewell of her 
husband, children and friends," "she was, as is reported by them 
present, as serious, religious, distinct and affectionate as could 
well be exprest, drawing tears from the eyes of almost all present." 

> Calef, More Wonders of the Invisible World. 


Giles Corey, was taken from Ipswich prison, where he made 
his will, as Judge Sewall mentions in his Diary, to Salem, and 
there pressed to death by heavy weights upon his chest, be- 
cause he refused to plead. Thus the towns-folk of old Ipswich 
came to know the poor sufferers of that dark time. 

Robert Lord, the blacksmith, who lived and plied his trade 
on the site of the Samuel Baker house on High street, presented 
his bill in July 1692. 

Itt m for making fouer payer of Iron ffetters and tow payer 
of hand Cuffs and putting them on to ye legs and hands of Good- 
wife Cloys, Estes, Bromidg and Green all att one pound aleven 
Shillings money. £ s d 

RoBT Lord, Smith 

Isaac Littlehale charged the County in 1692 "for 18 pound of 
iron yt was prest from Isaack Little Alle for feetters for ye prison- 
ers at a 4d a pound" — 6 — 

John Harris, the Deputy Sheriff, had charge of transporting 
the prisoners, and his account with the County reveals many 
sorrowful journeys of the reputed witches, through the streets 
from the Prison to Salem Court or Gallows Hill. 

An account from John Harris sherife 
deputy of sondry charges at y® Corts of Iran 
terminar held at Sallem in y^ yere 1692 

lb s d 

Itt presing a hores & man to assist in carrie- 
ing of Sary Good from Ipswich goalie to 
Sallem 0—8—0 

Itt, for going to Sallem to carry a Return of 
y® Juriars of Ipswich & Rowley & Attend- 
ing ye siting — 4 — 

Itt. for a man & horse y* was prest to Re- 
move Sary good & child ffrom ipswich to 
Sallem 7—6 

Itt. for pressing of hores & man to gard me 
with ye wife of John willes & ye widdow 
pudeater from Ipswich to Salem myself & ' 

gard 9 — 6 

Itt. for tending ye Court at y® second siting 4 — 





Itt. for prouiding a Jury to make search upon 
Cori & his wife & Clenton Easty : hore : Cloiss : 
& mrs bradbury 

Itt. Tendina; y^ Court on a Jurnnient August 
y« 2d 1692 from Tuesday till Satterday 

Ttt. for expenc & Time to git 3 paire of feHers 

made for y^ two Jacksons & John howard 2 — 

Itt. for Removeing of howard & ye two Jack- 
sons & Joseph emmons from Ipswich Goall 
to Sallem & thare Tending y^ Courts plea- 
sure thre dayes till three of them was 
sent back to ipswich Goall by me which time 
of thre dayes for mysellfe & exspenc for 
Thos V* assisted me in yi sarues 06—00 

for presing of men & horses for This designe 02—00 

Itt for bringing of m^s bradbury from Sallem to 

ipswich goall & a man to assist me 4 — 

as attest John Harris, deputy sheref 

In the midst of these distracting events, a new and unique 
outburst of Satanic rage revealed itself. Gloucester was invaded 
by a spectral company of Indians and French. Coming 
out of the swamps, or corn-fields, sometimes singly, again in a 
group, they approached the garrison. Usually the guns of the 
soldiers missed fire, but when the guns were discharged the 
bullets had no effect. Their speech was in an unknown tongue. 
They carried guns and real bullets shot from them were dug out 
of the trees. The alarm became so great that Major Appleton 
sent about sixty men on the 18^1^ of July ''for the Townes As- 
sistance under these inexplicable Alarms, which they had suf- 
fered night and day for about a Fortnight together." John 
Day testified that he "went in Company with Ipswich and Glou- 
cester Forces, to a Garrison about Two Miles and a half from 
the Town: and News being brought in, that Guns went off in a 
Swamp not far from the Garrison, some of the Men with him- 
self, ran to discover what they could ; and when he came to the 
Head of the Swamp, he saw a Man with a blue Shirt, and bushy 
black Hair, run out of the Swamp, and into the Woods: he ran 
after him with all speed, and came several times within shot of 
him; but the Woods being thick he could not obtain his design 


of Shooting him; at length he was at once gone out of sight; 
and when afterwards he went to l(K)k f(^i- his Track, he could 
find none, though it were a low miry 1 'lace that he ran over."i 

Rev. John Emerson wrote to Cotton Mather, at his request, 
a brief account of these appearances. He says, "I hope the 
Substance of what is Written will be enough to satisfie all Ra- 
tional Persons, that Glocester was not Alarumed last Summer 
for above a Fortnight together by real P>ench and Indians, but 
that the Devil and his Agents were the cause of all the Molesta- 
tion which at this time befel the Town; in the name of whose 
Inhabitants I would take upon me to Entreat your Earnest 
Prayers to the Father of Mercies, that those Apparitions may 
not prove the sad Omens of some future and more horrible 
Molestations to them." Mather himself appends to Mr. Emer- 
son's narrative, ''I know the most considerate Gentlemen in 
the Neighborhood, unto this Day (1702) beheve this whole 
matter to have been a Prodigious Piece of the Strange Descent 
from the Invisible World, then made upon other Parts of 
the Country." 

In the early autumn of 1692, Andover was convulsed with 
a fresh outbreak of the current delusion. Many accused them- 
selves of riding on poles through the air. Parents believed their 
children were witches and husbands suspected their wives. 
Some of these who fomented the trouble, were sent for from 
Gloucester, and their accusations caused the imprisonment of 
four women, two of whom came to Ipswich prison. In Novem- 
ber, Lieut. Stephens of Gloucester, believing that his sister was 
bewitched, sent for them again. On their way, passing over 
Ipswich bridge, they met with an old woman and instantly fell 
into their fits.2 But by this time, calmer judgments began to 
prevail. It was plain that the lives of ministers and magistrates, 
as well as the simpler folk, were in deadly peril, if these baseless 
accusations were permitted. The determined act of a gentleman 
of Boston, in beginning a suit of a thousand pounds damage 
against the Andover people, who accused him, helped to steady 
the popular mind. 

On January 3, 1692-3, by virtue of an act of the General 

1 Mather's Magnalia, book vii, Article xviii. 
^Calef, More Wonders of the Invisible World. 



Court, the first Superior Court, called the "Court of Assizes 
and General Goal Delivery" was convened at Salem. The 
Grand Jury included Mr. Robert Paine, Mr. Richard Smith and 
Mr. Thomas Boarman of Ipswich, and on the "Jury for Tryalls", 
were Ensign Thos. Jacob, Sargt Nathaniel Emerson, Sen., Mr. 
Jacob Perkins, Jr., Mr. Matthew Whipple Sen., John Pengery, 
Seth Story, Thos. Edwards and John Lamson. 

The Grand Jury, of which Mr. Paine was foreman, found 
nothing against thirty who were indicted for witchcraft, and 
true bills against twenty six. Of those on trial, three only 
were found guilty, and sentenced to death. These were the 
last to suffer. Nineteen were hanged and Giles Corey had been 
pressed to death; John Proctor and Elizabeth How had per- 
ished, but other Ipswich folk, Ehzabeth Proctor, Rachel Clen- 
ton and Sarah Buckley had escaped. 

Attempts to make amends for the irreparable harm soon 
began to be made. Twelve ministers of the County of Essex, 
including William Hubbard, John Rogers, Jabez Fitch, and 
John Wise, petitioned the General Court in July 1703, to clear 
the names of the accused and relieve those who had suffered. 
In 1711, the legal disabilities resulting from the witchcraft 
executions and imprisonments were removed and damages 
awarded to the survivors and the families of the dead. John 
Appleton, Esquire, of Andres fame, and Nehemiah Jewett, 
Esquire, who had been a member of the House sixteen times and 
thrice its speaker, were members of this committee. 

Ipswich had suffered grievously in the grim ordeal, but as 
compared with every other important town in the County, she 
had been favored indeed. None of her citizens, except Eliz- 
abeth How from the Linebrook Parish, near to Topsfield, were 
executed, and those that were accused were not condemned. 
No such dehrium as afflicted Salem, Beverly, Wenham, Andover, 
Salisbury, Gloucester, and Newbury was ever manifest here. 
And the* reason of this fine composure and steadiness of mind 
is not hard to find. All the ministers put themselves on record 
as out of sympathy with the popular delusion, and Mr. Hubbard 
and Mr. Wise made formal appeals for the accused. Major 
Appleton, though an Assistant, and a Magistrate at the first 
trial, had no further connection with the matter, and his dis- 


appearance from the scene may be interpreted as indicating that 
his broad and well balanced mind condemned this travesty of 
Justice. The same judicious and far seeing temper that made 
Ipswich the leader of the Colony in the Ursupation period, pre- 
served her balance in the wild excitement of the Witchcraft 



The trouble with the Eastern Indians, which had been re- 
newed in the last year of the Andros government, broke out 
afresh in 1689. In that year, on June 27*^, an attack was 
made upon Cocheco, now Dover by night. Twenty-three of the 
settlers were killed and twenty-nine taken captive. The house 
of Major Walden, who had been prominent in the war with the 
Indians at the Eastward, was attacked. The old soldier defend- 
ed himself bravely but was cruelly tortured and finally killed 
with his own sword. ^ 

Word was speedily brought of this massacre, and hasty 
preparations were made to defend the Towns, and send relief 
to those that had been already assailed. Major Appleton came 
again to the front, and his letter of July first discloses the great 
anxiety and forebodings of disaster which prevailed. 

May it please yr hon^ss 
We are continualy receiving information of the increase of ye 
enemys Numbers We hear Capt. Broughton was last Saturday 
Shott down going to Nichewanick (now Berwick). 

As for ourselves I find great heaviness in our peoples motion 
we have not one man come fr" Lynn & are informed from Capt. 
Marshall that none ^v•ill come: From Salem we have but 6 men 
wherefore I am necessitated to crave further Assist" & Di- 
rection from y hon^s & shall remain 

y Honors humble servant 
Sam^i Appleton. 
Ips. July 1 : 1689. 

Major Appleton took the field at once and marched lo Co- 
checo (now Dover), though the distressing condition of his 

1 Bodge: Soldiers in King Philip's War, pp. 81,i-:?17. Parknian: Krnuce ;md Eng- 
land in North America, vol. 6, pp. 32-34. 
* Mass. Archives, book 107, leaf 1.57. 



family affairs rendered any long absence impossible. His let- 
ter, dated Cocheco, 14*^ July. 1689, is full of interest. 

Much Hond. 

I have ys of !!**» Inst, wherein you are j^leased to Advise 
(u)jon my removall) to leave the imprest men here under ye 
C'onduct of Lift Greenleaf now you may please to know yt of 
Imprest men here are only 10 from Salem & 6 from Rowley 
well with the 20 that came last make but 36 and Mr Greenleaf 
not being hero knew not his inclination to this affair & should 
I leave those 36 they are soe unable would doe but little ser- 
vice, for Newbury men here are none those that came were 
Volenteers and forth w^^ more will return home so that I hum- 
bly propose in order to serving the people that are here left 
& pf'serving the place that an addition of 14 men to these 36 
wth Discreet Conduct ma}^ suffice at p^sent for this place w^h 
I beg yor Hours to Considr and favour me with an answer forth- 
with for besides the Afflicting providence of God upon my 
family before I came from home in bereaving me of 2 chil- 
dren I have just now advize of the Death of a third together 
with the indisposition of my wife & the Extraordinaiy illness 
of another of my children all which necessitates my hasting 
home however I am so desposed to the Defence of the Coun- 
try and the preservation of this place in order to it y^am very 
unwilling to give y^ people of this place any Discouragement 
by my removall till I have yo"" Hon^s Answare here to w^h I 
humbly pray you to hasten w^^ all Expedition and if you see 
cause to send yo^ possetive order for the stay of these men of 
Salem & Rowle}^ that were imprest men who are full of Ex- 
pectation of returning home w**^ me as to the enemy we have 
had no appearance of any Considerable number but Sundery 
Skulking rougues are Daily Seen both here at Kittery & Oyster 
River o»' Employment here hath been to rang the Woods and 
to guard & assist the people in getting in there corn W^^^ we are 
still Daily psuping this w^^ i-^y Himible Service is all at present 
from you'' 

Humble serv* 

Sam'i Appleton. 

He had returned, and the Ipswich and Newbury men with 
him, before the 22n<i of July, as appears from the request made 
by the people of Rowley on that date, that the soldiers from 


Rowley, "left by Capt. Appleton at Cocheco" might be sent 

On the 8*^11 of August, Capt. Simon Willard with a company 
of soldiers arrived, and remained here until the 2nd of Sep- 
tember. They were quartered upon the inns of Abraham Per- 
kins and John Sparks, and in the following February, the 
worthy tavern keepers petitioned the General Court, that as 
they were ''entertained with good wholsom diet as beefe, pork 
and mutton, well dressed to y^ satisfaction of both officers and 
souldiers who gave us many thanks for theire kind entertain- 
ment when they went from us" — "having sett as low a prise as 
we could possibly doe to witt six pence a meale for dinners and 
suppers beside the greate Expense of fyerwood candle and 
other smaller matters we mention not," they were entitled to 
more than three pence a meal which was proposed. 2 

As the month of August drew to its close, the Eastern 
Indians assailed the settlements, and Major Swayne with seven 
or eight Massachusetts companies marched, 3 passing through 
Ipswich we may suppose. On the 19*^1 of August, an alarm 
from Havei'hill caused the quick departure of the Ipswich troop 
of horse.4 A certificates of the election of Mr. Symond Stace, 
Lieutenant, and Mr. Nehemiah Jewet, Insigne, of the "foote 
Companie on the North Side of y" River in Ipswich" on the 
30th of September, 1689, shows that there was a separate Com- 
pany for the men of the South side. 

The troops were disbanded in November, but in the follow- 
ing February, 1689-90, hostilities were resumed with great vigor. 
War had been declared by England against France. A com- 
pany of French and Indians made a descent upon Schenectady 
and killed about sixty of the inhabitants, and on the 18*^ of 
March, a similar band suddenly assaulted Salmon Falls. Thirty 
were slain and fifty were carried away captives. f' 

A letter of Governor Bradstreet to the Earl of Shrewsbury re- 
veals the double danger that threatened these seaboard towns. 

I Mass. Archives, book'107, leaf iiii. 

• Mass. Archives, booli^35 leaf 233. 

3 Magnalia, book vii, article v. 

^ Kelt, Hist, of Ipswich, p. 147, Robert Pike's Diary. 

^ Mass. Archives, book 35, leaf 3.t. 

^ Magnalia, book vii, article vi. 


■'Our Coast is invested by French Privateers and Pirates which 
put us to no small trouble and chari>e to secure our shipping 
and seaports against their invasion." i It was i-eported on 
the 14ti» of May, that Salem had repaired the fort at Winter 
Island and built a breast-work at another })lace.- 

A pressing and alarming message was sent to the towns of 
this vicinity by Capt. Noyes, of Newbuiy. 

To the Conunitteo of Militia of Rowley, I])s\vich, Wenham 
& Salem. 3 

These are to infornie you that Capt. Greenliefe hath sent 
lor more Men we have ace* that the Enemie are Newrnerous 
&. desperate A: kills & destroys Men Woenien t^- Children & thro 
them in heapes it is suspitious they liaA'e Attackt Portsmouth 

pray Consider the Distress A: Nessessety of the Country (V: 
Send what helpe you can we have sent a hundred men Out of 
our Towne 

Thos Noyes Capt 
dated May 29th 1690 

The barbarities of the Indians, as related in detail by Cotton 
Mather in his Magnalia, were not exaggerated by Capt. Noyes. 
Men, women and little children were treated with the most in- 
human and revolting cruelties, and death was welcomed as a 
relief from torment. As the French were partners in this, it 
was decided that a bold stroke should be struck at the French 

A fleet of se\en vessels, manned by two hundred and eighty- 
eight men, and bearing four or five lumdred militia drafted for 
the purpose,-^ was placed under the command of Sir William 
Phips, a native of Maine, who had won wealth and a title by his 
recovery of an immense treasure from an old Spanish galleon, 
sunk in West Indian waters. The little fleet sailed from Nan- 
tasket,on April 28, 1690, and arrived at Port Royal (now Annap- 
olis) on May 11*^. No resistance was made. J'he fort was 
destroyed, the garrison sent away, and the Province was de- 

1 Ernest Myrand: Sir Wni Phi))* devant (^ue))ec, \>. 183. 

- Mass. Archives, book 36, leaf 58. 

' Mass. Archive^;, book 36 leaf. 89. 

■* Parknian ; France and England in North America, vol. V, p. 23G. 


clared an appendage of the British crown. But the victory- 
was merely spectacular. No troops could Ije spared to hold the 
Province, and Phips sailed back at once, arriving in Boston on 
the 20th of May.i 

Occasional descents upon the French coast were made, how- 
ever, and Capt. John Alden in the sloop Mary, of Boston, cap- 
tured a barque, of about twenty three tons Ijurden, called the 
Speedwell, on April 1, 1691, at Port Royal. It was proved that 
this barque had belonged to Giles Cowes of Ipswich, and had 
been captured by the French about eighteen months before. 
It was adjudged a lawful pri;';e by the Court of Assistants. 2 

Encouraged by the success at Port Royal, the New England 
Colonies and New York united in preparing a nuich stronger 
expedition against Quebec. While ships and men were being 
gathered, a band of Indians appeared at Exeter, on July 4*^, 
and killed eight men while mowing. They advanced as far as 
Amesbury, where Captain Foot was tortured to death, and 
two others slain. Three houses were burned and many cattle 
were butchered. In a few days, this band of savages killed 
forty English settlers. ^ 

These cruelties made the determination to exact reprisal 
more eager. A strong fleet was gathered at Boston. An order 
was issued on the 18*^ of July, that detachments from the sev- 
eral regiments of the militia be made, to make up 2300 men, 
and Major Samuel Ajipleton^ was assigned to the command of a 
company of 308. Nathaniel Rust, of Ipswich, had already been 
appointed Quartermaster for this expedition. '^ Sir Win Phips 
was assigned to the chief command, and IJeut. Cien. Major 
John Walley of Barnstable was next in rank. Major Appleton, 
Captain Cross, and Captain Samuel Ward, credited to Ipswich, 
were among the officers, and Captain John Cold of Topsfield. 
Rev. John Wise of Chebacco and three other ministei's were 
assigned to the expedition as chaplains. 

After man}^ delays, the fleet of thirty-two shi])s and tenders 
sailed from Boston on the 9*^* of August, and a land force started 

1 Magnalia, book vii, article viii. 

- Record Court of Assistants. 

' Magnalia, book vii, article xi. 

■• Son of Major Samuel Appleton of King- Pliili|)'s War. 

= Felt : Hiet. of Ipswich, 147. 


from Albany to proceed by way of Lake Champlain. It was 
the most powerful force that had ever been gathered in the 
Colony, and there were great hopes of a decisive blow. But no 
failure could have been more complete. The land force failed 
to meet Phips, and his own assault was nerveless and impotent. 

Mr. Wise wrote a narrative, ^^ which describes his own vigor- 
ous endeavors to urge on his superiors, and the cowardice and 
inefficiency of Major Walley and others. A few skirmishes were 
engaged in, one of which, Mr. Wise affirmed, might have opened 
the way to the capture of Quebec. The weather grew cold, 
and the soldiers suffered much from frost bites. Small-pox ap- 
peared and Phips withdrew his fleet, which arrived in Boston 
about the middle of November. A complete list of the soldiers 
engaged in this disastrous attempt upon Quebec seems to be im- 
possible. Mr. Ernest Myrand, of Quebec, made diligent search 
through all the records, both published and in manuscript, in 
French and English. His monograph, "Sir Wm. Phips Devant 
Quebec" (Quebec, 1893), contains probably as much infor- 
mation as is likely to be gathered. 

Many Ipswich men suffered from wounds and exposure. 
Richard Bridges had his feet frozen, and died of gangrene, after 
three months of excruciating pain. His widow received a grant 
of 40 louis sterling. Thomas Patteman, of Captain Cross's 
company, froze one foot. John Andersen was wounded in the 
foot. Thomas Hovej^ froze both feet on the return of the fleet. 
William Paisley was wounded and Sergeant Freeman Clark, of 
Capt. March's company. Most prominent of all was Major 
Samuel Ward, credited to Ipswich, but who seems to have 
been a resident of Marblehead,who died of his wounds after the 
expedition returned. 

Another assault was made upon York in January, 1690-1, in 
which Rev. Shubael Dummer was slain; and in June, 1691, the 
town of Wells was beseiged unsuccessfully by a large force of 
French and Indians. Fourteen men had been levied upon Ips- 
wich on June 2, 1691,2 for the defence of Wells, and they may 
have had part in the brave defence. In the fall of that year, 
Robert, son of Rev. John Halo. Avrote, that Ipswich was still 
preserved, but she had lost many. 

' IM-iiited in full in the Appendix. 
- Felt: of Ipswich, p. 14S. 


Happily for the Colony distressed by the terrors of the witch- 
craft delusion in 1692, the year 1693 was comparatively free 
from inroads of the Indians. 

As Cotton Mather wrote, "A years Breathing time, was a 
great Favour of Heaven to a country quite out of Bnj^th with 
numberless Calamities." A treaty of peace w^^ signed in 
August, and there was hope and expectation of an end of 
horrors. But the love of bloodshed was too deeply fixed in the 
savage nature. In July, 1694, Oyster River was again assailed, 
and fourteen massacred in a single house. The Piscataqua 
country and (jroton were ravaged afresh. Joseph Pike of New- 
bury, the Deputy Sheriff of Essex, while travelling on Sept. 4''' 
between Amesbury and Haverhill, with one Long, fell into an 
ambuscade and perished. Kittery and Haverhill suffered. 
Again a few months of comparative quiet ensued, but the sum- 
mer of 1695 brought the old fears and alarms. The frontier 
towns, Exeter, Kittery, Billerica, were visited and more lives 
were lost, and on October 7*^, the neighboring town of New- 
bury was invaded. The Indians entered the house of John 
Brown and carried away nine persons. Capt. Greenleaf pursued 
and retook the captives, but before they parted from them, 
their captors struck them on the head with their clubs. Ex- 
cept one lad who was struck upon the shoulders, every one of 
them died from brain disease in the course of a year.^ 

The summer of 1696 found the Indians again busy with 
their butcheries. On the 6*^ of July, the commissioned offi- 
cers of the Essex Middle Regiment, and the commissioned offi- 
cers of the Town of Newbury met, at Ipswich, to discuss the 
situation. After due deliberation, they petitioned the General 
Court for a guard to watch the Merrimac River, by day and 
night for three months, from Newbury up as far as Dunstable, 
until the harvest could be gathered. This was signed by John 
Whipple and other Ipswich men, and Daniel Peiroe apjjended 
his approval. 

"May it please your Honors, I have Perused the above Pe- 
tition & Considering that that mischiefe that was done at New- 

1 lNra>;nalia: book VII, articles xx-xxiv. 


bury cV: at Rowley when Benjamin Goodritlgi was killed i^- his 
family carried away A: that it is certainly known it is the ould 
Road way of the Indians when they come from the Eastward 
in to Newbury, Rowley & Ipswich, we do count it very Rational 

With the Indians as near as Rowley, the issue of that Coun- 
cil of war must have been awaited with the keenest interest. 

The alarm of a French invasion was renewed in 1697. The 
forts were repaired, manned and provisioned, and companies 
of minute men were enrolled. Five hundred men under Cap- 
tain March of Newbury were sent down to the Kennebec. ^ 
The Essex Regiment received orders to be ready at a moment's 
notice, on Feb. 5*^,4 and on April 3^,5 in a battle at sea with 
the French, an Ipswich sailor, William Wade, son of Thomas 
and Elizabeth Wade, was slain. 

In March of that year, a band of Indians attacked a Hav- 
erhill house and carried away Hannah Dustan, with her infant 
of a week old, and her nurse. They soon dashed out the brains 
of the baby against a tree, and tomahawked the captives as 
soon as they lagged by the way. Mrs. Dustan and her com- 
panion were able to keep up with their captors for a hundred 
and fift}'" miles through the wilderness. They were claimed by 
an Indian family, which consisted of two stout men, three 
women and seven children. As they approached Penacook, 
(now Concord), the Indians told the women that when they 
reached the Indian camp in that neighborhood, they would 
be stripped, scourged and compelled to run thegauntlet. Driven 
to frenzy, these women resolved to escape at any cost. On 
the morning of April 30^^^ a little before daybreak, Mrs. Dus- 
tan roused her nurse and an English lad, held captive with 
them. They armed themselves with the hatchets of the In- 
dians, and killed them where they lay. Only one squaw es- 
caped sorely wounded, and a boy, whou) they had spared in- 

' On Oct. 23, l(i'.)l)oi-91, Niles Hist, of riiclian .•iml Freucli \Va.v». Mass. Hist. Soc. 
Pub. Series 3, Vol. 6, p. 237. 

- Mass. Archives, book 70, leaf 285. 

■' Palfray, Hist, of New England iv: 157. 

< Felt, Hist, of Ipswich, p. 148. 

6 Town Records. 


tending to take with them, awoke and ran away. They took 
the scalps of ten, and bronght them with them on their long 
and perilous homeward journey. ^ A bounty of fifty pounds 
was voted them for this bloody deed, and the statue of Han- 
nah Dustan stands to-day in the pubhc square of the City of 
Haverhill, Six of the Indians, who were killed and scalped in 
their wigwams were children, and Mrs. Dustan was the mother 
of a large family. Her deed of blood, to which she was driven 
by fear and a natural desire for revenge, reveals the fierce 
hatred of the English toward the Indians, and the bitterness 
of life in those years of anguish. 

It has been already remarked that the official Rolls and 
Records of these years of war with the Indians and French 
have not been preserved. We are dependent wholly upon 
chance records of many kinds for a clew to the names of the 
soldiers. The most important of these incidental documents is 
due to the grant made by the General Court of sections of land 
to the soldiers or their heirs, who served in the expedition 
against Canada. The Ipswich men received a grant originally 
of the township, now known as New Ipswich, in New Hamp- 
shire. As this was found to be outside of Massachusetts, the 
grantees withdrew for the most part, and a new grant was 
made, known as Ipswich-Canada, now the town of Winchen- 
don. The following list of Grantees probably includes the 
names of all who went from I{)swich. 

"At a Meeting of the Committee appointed by the General 
Court for the Province of Massachusetts Bay in New England 
to lay out a Township of the contents of six miles square, in 
answer to a petition of Abraham Tilton and other Officers & 
Soldiers in the expedition to Canada Anno 1690, the following 
persons were admitted as Grantees of said Township and gave 
bonds to fulfil the Courts Orders thereon. "2 

"Ipswich April 13th 1735." 


Rights entered on. 




Thomas Berry Esq. 


^ Magnalia. book vii , article xxv. 
2 From History of Wincliendon. 



Rights entered on. 

Husband & Father 

Brother John 
Brother Jacob 

Uncle Benedictus 
Father Moses 

Brother William 
Brother Thomas 
Uncle Joseph 
Brother John 
Uncle Donison 

Wife's Father 
Father's Servant 
Uncle Joseph 


Hepresentiitives. Abode. 

Jonathan Wad(» Esq. Ipswich 
John Harris " 

Thomas Hovey " 

Abraham Perkins " 

Widow Rachel Rust 
Abraham Tilton '' 

l^enjamin White " 

Samuel Poland " 

Thomas Lufkin " 

Thomas Lufkin is iiext " 

friend to Mary Lufkin. 
Ebenezer Pulcephur 
Jabez Sweet 
Solomon Giddinge 
Joseph Goodhue 
John Ring 
William Haskell 
Pjcnjamin Chad well 
Edward Neland 
Nathaniel Rogers as guar- " 

dian to Jno Denison 
John Martin " 

Isaac Knowlton " 

John Thompson " 

John Wood in the room of '' 

and by the consent of 

his Father /p^ 

John Downing b}^ Edward Boston 

Eveleth his Attorney 




( d 


Thomas Perrin 



David Low 


Uncle Moses Pierce 

Moses Wells 


Brother Thomas 

George Hart 



William Cogswell 


Brother Elisha 

Thomas Tredwell 


Brother Benjamin 

John Jewett Jun 



Robert Cross 



Rights entered on. 

Father Whipple 
Uncle Freeman 
Brother George 
Dil Caldwill 

Brother William 


John Ayers 

Thomas Metcalf 




Uncle Isaac 
Major Ward 
Uncle Samuel 
Uncle Edmond 
Brother Aaron 
Uncle Cheny 
Rob't Nelson 
Math Hooker 
Uncle Saund 

Representatives. Abode. 

Adam Cogswell Ipswich 

Benjamin Chad well " 

the Hon Simonds Epes '' 

Nathaniel Clark 
Nathaniel Clark ' 

f Capt Edward Eveleth at " 

< the request of Diling- 

V- ham Caldwill 
Nathaniel Caldwell 
Henry Wise " 

Thomas Norton Jun at " 
the request of Sam 
Ayers a petitioner 
John Ross " 

Isaac Geddenge , ^ " 

( Edward Eveleth at the " 

^ request of Jas Metcalf 

'^ a petitioner. 
Moses Davis " 

Ephraim Fitts " 

Thomas Boardman '' 

Edward Chapman " 

John Cxoodhue " 

Abraham Foster Jun " 

Dr Nicholas Noyps 
John Pindar 
Nathaniel Lord 
Samuel Ingalls 
Moses Kemball 
John Leighton 
Joseph Ann able 
Widow Mary Hooker 
I Thomas Lord Jun at his 
) Father's Jno Lord request 



The above named Proprietors met on the Sl^t day of May 
and chose Thomas Norton, Jr., a graduate of Harvard and Pre- 



ceptor of the Grammar School in Ipswich as the Clerk, and 
Thomas Berry Moderator. 

The Proprietors held several meetings at the house of Mr. 
Nath'^ Tredwell, inn -holder in Ipswich, at which important busi- 
ness was done. 

Nov. 4 1736. The rights were drawn by each Proprietor 
according to the plan reported. This was the first division. 

In 1742, a second division of lots was voted; but it does 
not appear to have been made before 1761. 

The Vital Statistics of the Town enable us to identify some 
of the soldiers from Ipswich in the expedition to Quebec, whose 
family connection is given in the preceding list, though the 
full name is not mentioned. Others can not be determined 
with confidence, and the clew is so slight in some cases that 
no attempt has been made to suggest the names. The names 
of some, found in other lists, are not mentioned in the land 
grant. So far as the list of soldiers can be determined with an 
approximation to accuracy, it is as follows: 

John Anderson, wounded in Benjamin Jewett 

the foot 

Major Samuel Appleton Aaron Kimball 
John Aj^ers 

Samuel Lord? 

Thomas Berry David Low 

Richard Bridees. feet frozen Jacob Lufldn 

and died 

John Lufkin 

Dillingham Caldwell 

William Caldwell 

Joseph Chadwell?, uncle of 

Adam Cogswell 
Jonathan Cogswell?, father of 

Capt. Robert Cross 
Sergeant Freeman Clark 
George Clark 

Thomas Metcalf 

John Neland 
Robert Nelson 

William Paisley, wounded 
Thomas Patteman, froze one 


Abraham Perkins 


Moses Davis 
John Denison 
Nathaniel Downing 

Abraham Fitts?, grandfather 
of Ephraim 

Giddings^ father of 

Giddings, father of 

William Goodhue 

John Harris 

Thomas Hart 

Haskell, father of 

Nathaniel Hooker 
Thomas Hovey, froze both 


Thomas Perrin 
Moses Pierce 
Simon Pinder 
Samuel Poland 
Benedictus Pulcifer 

Thomas Ringe 
John Ross 

Nathaniel Rust, Quarter 

Moses Sweet 
David Thompson 
Abraham Tilton 
Elisha Treadwell 

Jonathan Wade 


Benjamin White 

Rev. John Wise, chaplain 

Joseph Wood? 

Edmond Ingalls 




Prefatory Note. 

The original allotment of lands in house lots, indicating the 
dwelling-places of the earliest settlers, is a theme of especial 
interest to genealogists, and all who love antiquarian lore. The 
list of grants preserved in the Town Record is unusually full, 
and many allusions to transfers of ownership also occur. Be- 
ginning with these entries, a careful study of the successive 
ownerships has been made in the Registry of Deeds of Essex 
County and in the Registry of Probate. 

The historical chapters of this work ended with the close 
of the seventeenth century. A study of topography, however, 
can not be concluded at this period. The satisfactory identi- 
fication of early locations can be accomplished only by an 
unbroken record of successive ownerships to the present time, 
or to a comparatively recent and well-remembered date. 

This work has been undertaken in the thickly settled portions 
of the Town, on the old streets and lanes. The names of the 
early citizens which have become familiar through the historical 
studies that have preceded, are thus associated with the locali- 
ties where they lived. The history of the ancient houses, which 
still remain, and of many of more recent date, will be sketched 

A series of diagrams has been prepared by our townsman, 
Mr. John W. Nourse, a skilful surveyor and an enthusiastic 
antiquarian student. These diagrams have been constructed 
from the ancient records, and indicate the relative location of 
the earliest known owners. Dimensions are rarely given in the 
original grants, or in early deeds, and the shape of the lots can 
only be approximated. Great care has been taken to ensure ac- 
curacy of location, but in some instances, the data are meagre 
and confusing. Two ancient maps of a rude sort have been pre- 
served and are reproduced. 



To make the sketch of land ownership of permanent value, 
constant citations of deeds and wills are made. These are incor- 
porated in the text, to facilitate comparison with the original 
authorities by investigators, and to furnish a foundation for 
more detailed investigation. Five old Record books, which 
were written in this town, but are now in the Essex Co. Registry 
in Salem, are cited, as ''Ipswich Deeds." In all other cases, 
the references are to the number of the volume, and the leaf, 
on which the entry is made, in the Essex County Records. 

On pages 14 and 15, reference has already been made to 
the earliest streets and lanes, and their names. These names 
will be used in the following pages, as well as the more famil- 
iar ones in present use. 

Th(i house lots will be considered in regular order, and, by 
the aid of the Index and the Diagrams, any particular lot or 
dwelling may be found, it is hoped, without difhculty. 



John Cogswell. 

( Diagram 1 . ) 

The original grant was eight acres, but in all these earl}^ assignments, 
the measure was not exact, and compass directions were often very uncer- 
tain. Edward Lumas or Lummus, who lived on the corner of Baker's 
Lane and Scott's Lane conveyed his homestead and lands to his son, 
Jonathan, May 25, 1682 (Ips. Deeds 4: 466). The estate included twelve 
acres, "which said land I purchased of Mr. Cogswell, now deceased." 
His will mentions that this land was on the other side of the street from his 
house. The Cogswell house had disappeared. Samuel Lummus sold his 
neighbor, Joseph Quilter, one acre adjoining Jonathan's land, Dec. 19, 
1684. Jonathan Lummus and Joseph Quilter exchanged lands and Quilter 
received foiu- acres adjoining his own, Jan. 18, 1696-7 (13:258). Lummus 
also sold Quilter more land in the "Ten Acre lot," in 1712(26:119) . John 
and Jonathan Creesy of Rowle}', heirs of Joseph Quilter, sold his estate, in- 
cluding twelve acres on the south side of Scott's Lane, to Doctor Samuel 
Wallis April 4, 1724 (43: 117). Moses Smith, an heir of the Wallis estate, 
conveyed one and one half acres, "at a place called the Ten Acres" to 
John Cole Jewett, whose wife was an heir, April 17; 1789 (157: 163). Jewett 
sold to Daniel Kimball, Dec. 7, 1793 (158: 133). Daniel Kimball con- 
veyed the lot, then known as the "Gravel Pit Lot," to his nephew, Capt. 
Robert Kimball, Dec. 6, 1833(274: 152), and Kimball sold a house lot, 
from this lot, bounded by the Gravel Pit to William Haskell, Nov. 6, 1847 
(401 : 98). He built the house which still stands. 

Another acre and a half lot, bounded northwest by the Jewett lot, in 
the "Ten Acres" was sold by the widow Sarah Rust to Nathaniel Rust, 
Dec. 5, 1792 (158: 219). Nath. Rust sold to Jabez Farley, Feb. 2, 1809 
(187: 2); Farley to Capt. Robert Kimball, Oct. 26, 1836 (295:65), and the 
lot was included in the larger lot sold by Captain Kimball to Daniel Cogs- 
well, Feb. 9, 1842 (329: 292). This lot may include the Banner house 
lot, and indicates probably the southeast bound of the John Cogswell grant. 

Humphrey Bradstreet and Allen Perley. 

(Diagram 1.) 

No deeds of these lots have been found, but the Allen Perley lot is well 
located by a clause in the record of the grant to Mark Quilter. His house 
was on the knoll near the engine house of the Burke Factory, where the re- 
mains of the cellar could be seen some years ago. This house lot was 
"over against Allin Perley, ' ' and Perley 's lot was probably near the Town 
land, adjoining the Peatfield house. Bradstreet 's land was bounded by 



the Cogswell lot on the northwest and lay between that and Perley's. 
Michael Farley owned several acres here at an early period, and his heirs 

Michael Farley and Dea. Jeremiah Perkins owned it and Jabez Farley 
and Aaron Perkins divided the large field in 1798. Perkins received the 
four acre lot, fronting on the Lane thirty-four rods and fifteen links, July 
16, 1798 (167: 234), and Farley, the five acre lot, in the rear of this (168: 
125). The widow, Susanna Farley, sold to Daniel Cogswell, July 30, 1839 

The Aaron Perkins land came into the possession of Col. Joseph Hodg- 
kins, and he sold to the Town a three quarter acre lot for a gravel pit, June 
10, 1824 (238: 225). Gilbert Conant acquired possession of the remainder 
of the lot and sold a half interest to Dr. George Chad wick May 17, 1836 
(302:32). Conant and Chadwick sold one and one half acres to Robert 
Kimball Oct. 28, 1836 (295: 66), who sold to Daniel Cogswell, wdth other 
land as already mentioned, Feb. 9, 1842. Dr. Chadwick sold his interest 
in the remainder of the lot to the Town, Jan. 24, 1843 (335: 135) and Wil- 
liam Conant sold his interest, Jan. 25, 1843 (336: 31). This provided the 
Towai a new gravel pit, and the old pit, which had furnished road material 
for many j^ears was probably abandoned. The Town sold an acre and a half 
to Daniel Cogswell, Feb. 6, 1843 (336: 231). His heirs sold a house lot to 
Mary Peatfield, wife of Sanford Peatfield, Nov. 1, 1866 (717: 250) and Mr. 
Peatfield built and occupied the house, now owned by Mr. J. I. Horton. 
They sold another lot to Thomas Banner, on the same date (737: 213) and 
he built a dwelling. The Town still owns the balance of the lot, except the 
piece sold to Mr. Peatfield to enlarge his lot in the rear, March 2, 1869 

Thomas Scott and Richard Haffield. 


Scott owned a iiouse lot of three acres, half of whicii was bought of 
Richard Haffield, the whole bounded southeast by a house lot of Thomas 
French and northwest by Allen Perley. No record of a house remains , 
nor of the sale or conveyance of the lot. Michael Farley owned it in 1718. 
Palatiah and Joan Kinsman, William and Hannah Mansfield conveyed 
their interest in the estate of their father, Michael Farley, included in the 
widow's thirds, to Nathaniel Farley, " three-quarters of an acre in the 
Close in Scott's Lane," Oct. 5, 1764 (125: 236). Daniel Farley .succeeded 
to the o\\aiership and conveyed six acres to Joseph Farley, Sept. 28, 1801 
(169: 126). The widow, Hannah Mansfield, sold one and three quarters 
acres, including the site of the Elisha Perkins house to Farley, April 10, 
1802 (173: 164). A mortgage deed of Joseph to Joseph Farley, Jim., de- 
scribes an estate of nine acres, Dec. 1, 1836 (294: 140). Joseph, Jr., divided 
the estate. He sold a lot, with a frontage of 58 ft. 6in. to Jacob Manning, 
Feb. 12, 1847 (390: 111). He built the house, and Nathaniel L. Manning 
sold half, the other half being owned Ijy Joseph and Ebenezer Cogswell, 
to Elisha Perkins, March 21, 1849 (409: 178). It is now owned by the 


B. & M. R. R. Dr. Joseph N. Ames bought a lot with 100 ft. front, July 
30, 1845 (397: 248). He built the House of many Gables, and his widow 
sold to Jabez Mann, March 4, 1864 (666 : 161) . Michael Ready bought the 
next lot, 75 ft. on the Street, April 27, 1860 (607: 206) and moved the Capt. 
John Lord house from the site of Hon. C. A. Say ward's present residence. 
Luke Murray bought a similar lot Dec. 21, 1860 (616: 287) and Patrick 
Riley, a lot with 150 ft. front, completing the sale of the Farley land, 
March 30, 1861 (621: 188). The Thomas Scott grant coincided with the 
southeast line of the Elisha Perkins lot. 

Thomas French. 

(Diagram 1.) 
He had a house on this lot, which was inherited by his son Thomas, 
the Constable of the Town, who was arrested with the Andros resistants, 
and was imprisoned and fined for his participation in that affair. John 
Stiles and Mary, and Esther French, seamster, all of Boxford, sold Dr. 
SamuelWallis "the homestead of our father French, two acres" Aug. 1, 
1718 (34: 198). The widow, Sarah Rust, daughter and heir of Wallis, 
sold this lot to Nathaniel Rust, bounded west by Nath. Farley, Jan. 4, 
1794 (158: 219). Rust sold to Aaron Kimball, and he conveyed to Robert 
KimbaU, and Ebenezer 3d, March 1, 1814 (203: 32). Ebenezer conveyed 
his interest to Robert, Sept. 29, 1836 (295: 68) and it is called the "Rust 
lot, ' ' in a conveyance (291 : 289). Captain Robert Kimball sold this lot, 
with the sale to the Eastern Rail Road Co. of the whole corner, Oct. 21, 
1836(295:116). The Joseph Farley southeast bound, which was the 
northwest bound of the Rust lot, was 58 ft. 6 in. from James F. Mann's 
corner bound. This establishes the exact location of the Thomas French 
homestead. It covered the site of the pumping station and land adjacent. 

Robert Muzzey. 

(Diagram 1.) 

This lot was united at a very early date with the Richard Jacob lot 
and will be considered with it. 

Richard Jacob. 

(Diagram 1.) 
His house lot was "neare the Mill Street, "having "a house lott of 
Robert Mussey's on the northwest, on the south and southeast, the high- 
way to the common (Topsfield Road), it being about one acre, half, and 
eight rods, at the northeast end butting upon the Mill Street." On 
March 25, 1678-9, Simon Adams, a weaver, conveyed to John Kimball, 
wheelwright, a house and land, "which lyeth next and doth adjoyn with 
Capt. Appleton,his land toward ye and next unto Ensign French, 
his land, toward the norwest . . . which said house and land was my 
father, Will Adams, his homestead" (14: 118). The Muzzey lot had been 
absorbed at this time. John Kimball sold to Moses, his fourth .son, on 


the occasion of his marriage with Susannah Goodhue, his house and orchard, 
and an acre of land, March 28, 1696 (12: 8). It continued in the Kim- 
ball family. Aaron and Daniel were in possession in 1803 (192: 214). 
Daniel conveyed "the homestead where I now live," with about a quarter 
of an acre, to his nephew Robert Kimball, Dec. 6, 1833 (274: 152), and 
Aaron conveyed his interest to Robert, April 18, 1836 (291: 289). Cap- 
tain Kimball sold the homestead, and his lot adjoining, the "Rust lot" 
about three acres, to the Eastern Raih-oad Co., Oct. 12, 1836 (295: 116). 
The old mansion, which stood about on the site of the present Station, 
and a venerable elm of majestic size, were removed, when the railroad 
was built. 

Moses Kimball sold to his son, Moses, Jr., a small lot, about six and 
one half rods, abutting on Col. Appleton's line, May 1, 1728 (51: 62). It 
passed into the ownership of George Dutch, then of Exeter, who sold a 
house, barn, and a quarter of an acre to Arthur Abbott, March 25, 1746 
(91 : 45). Abbott sold to James Chnton, Jan. 4, 1769 (125: 192). James 
Clinton, fisherman, sold to James Clinton of Wiscasset, the east side of this 
house, Feb. 12, 1794 (161: 8) and John Lord Jr. sold a half to Michael 
Farley, Aug. 20, 1797(162: 239). Farley sold to Aaron Smith Jr., Feb. 
28, 1798 (170: 65) and Smith to the Eastern R. R., Oct. 12, 1836 (295: 
116). A plan of the railroad, made in 1836, shows that Smith's house stood 
where the excavation for the track was made. 

John Appleton. 

(Diagram 1.) 
John was the elder son of Samuel, the emigrant from Little Walding- 
field. Samuel Appleton received a grant on the opposite side of the Tops- 
field Road, and may have owned land on the northwest side as well, and 
had his home there. But his son, Captain John, is the first of the famity, 
whose ownership and occupancy in 1678 are established by the deeds of the 
Kimball lot. In the division of his estate, Captain John devised to his 
son, John, "all that piece of land behind my mansion house, and behind 
my great barn, bounded by the fence adjoyning to the house and barn, 
about six acres, together with the dwelling house my son John Appleton 
lately built, and a small barn near therunto, ... it being all the land I 
have in that side the way (except the land my mansion house stands upon 
and my great barn and yard and garden, which are excepted being given 
to John and Samuel together. ' ' 

March 13, 1688-9(9:231). 

This record is of great value. John Appleton, Junior, was a conspicu- 
ous figure in the Andros Resistance. This deed recites that he liad lately 
built a house on this property, near his father's. The mansion of John 
Senior may be located very nearly by the bequest of Col. Appleton to his 
son Nathaniel, "the old house and barn that was formerly my father Apple- 
ton's the land to extend northward from the said house twenty feet, and 



SO to run from the highway over the hill to the Turtle pond ' ' (Pro. Rec. 
324: 1-2, Dec. 10, 1739). 

The inventory of Daniel Appleton, Esq., son of Col. Joliii, in 1762 (Pro. 
Rec. 340:96) included "the old house, with about four acres of land, . . . 
which was formerly the Hon. John Appleton Esq. ' ' 

The old house and four acres were sold by the administrator to John 
Treadwell, Sept. 16, 1765 (116: 170). The Treadwell heirs sold to John 
Sparhawk Appleton of Salem, tliree acres, twenty-six poles, and buildings, 
Aug. 30, 1821 (228: 11), who also bought four acres adjoining, without a 
house, of \%ddow Elizabeth Rogers, Aug. 8, 1821 (227: 220). The admin- 
istrator of J. S. Appleton sold Joseph Farley, the two properties, Nov. 10, 
1825(243:32). Joseph quitclaimed to Michael Farley, seven and one- 
half acres and dweUing, as "boimded by Aaron Smith's land northeast," 
April 11, 1826 (243: 31). Joseph Farley inherited, and built a new house, 
and his administrators sold to J. Choate Underbill, Oct. 25, 1871 (845: 11). 
In 1840 (Jan. 20) the widow EUzabeth Farley, Eimice and Ehzabeth C. 
Farley sold to the Eastern R.R. "about three acres, "adjoining that which 
the Raih-oad Co. bought of Robert Kimball (319: 12). 

On this lot Lieut. John Appleton must have built his new house about 
1687, and the older house of his father can probably be identified with 
the one which stood on a knoll to the westward, the cellar of which was 
discovered while gravel was being dug some jears since. The earlier house 
disappeared, and no trace of it remains in the familj^ deeds, which were 
recorded. The old house of his father, alluded to in Daniel Appleton's 
inventor}', is in all likelihood the house built in 1687 or thereabout. This 
house was owned and occupied by the TreadweUs, and in 1836, there was 
a bam standing close to the line. The house had then disappeared, but 
Jklr. Francis H. Wade, now eighty-fi^•e years old, remembers distinctly 
that in his boyhood, an old house stood on this lot, and that the chimney 
feU in, making a complete ruin of the house. This old mansion, it may be 
presumed, was the place of the famous gathering on the evening of August 
22, 1687. 

The Railroad Co. sold this three acre lot, acquired from the Michael 
Farley estate, to Abraham H. Bond, April 19, 1842 (331 : 163). Bond sold 
to James Lang, Nov. 7, 1847 (390: 148). Lang built the house now stand- 
ing, the larger one to the westward, and bought of the Railroad Co. the 
land near the track, June 24, 1851 (489: 250). He sold to S. P. Crocker, 
May 11, 1857 (561: 205). Henry A. True of Marion, Ohio, sold Mary B. 
Vose, the same that S. P. Crocker conveyed to him, Oct. 22, 1860 (729: 
245, Aug. 10, 1867), and Mrs. Vose sold to J. C. Underbill, house and three 
acres, Oct. 18, 1879 (1030: 214). 

Samuel Appleton. 

(Diagram 1.) 
He received a grant of eight acres, adjoining the property of the 
Historical Society, but he had a large farm "containing, foure hundred 
and sixty acres, more or less, medow and upland as it lyeth, bounded by 


the River commonly called the Mile brook on the northeast and by the 
great River on the northwest, on the west in part by the Land of Wil- 
liam Warener and by a swamp on the southeast, and partly also at the 
same end, by the Land of Hugh Sherrat" ("entered into the Town hooke — 
the 20th of December, 1638 "). This great farm has always remained in his 
family, except some small portions, most of which have been repurchased 
by his descendants. His son, Major Samuel, built a saw mill on Mile River 
near the bridge. It is the only estate probably in our Town, which has 
descended without break to the present generation. 

Mr. Appleton agreed to make a cart-bridge over the swamp toward the 
miU and keep it in repair for seven years, for which he received in re- 
turn one and one-half acres adjoining "his six acre lot" and running to 
the brook (1639). He built a malt-house on the lot in 1641, and, as he 
promised, "to malt such corn as shall be brought to him from the people of 
this town at such rates as shall be thought equal from time to time, ' ' it 
was voted, that "no man (except for himself) is to have any made else- 
where for the space of five years now next ensueing. ' ' Captain John 
Appleton succeeded to the ownership of this lot, and gave his son, 
Samuel, the house in which he lived, a piece of land behind the malt- 
house, with a two-thirds interest in the malt-house. To his son, John, he 
gave a two and one-half acre lot, next to the Historical Society property, 
bounded [on the other side by his malt-house lot, the malt-house being 
near the Une, March 13, 1688-9 (9 : 231). 

The house, alluded to as occupied by Samuel, may be located perhaps 
by a cellar, which is remembered, on a knoll, about opposite the J. C. 
Underhill house. 

A five and three quarter acre lot of the Appleton land, on the south 
side of Topsfield road , was sold by^John Appleton Jr. , to Moses Kimball 
Jr., March 21, 1737(76: 85). Here he made his home and the property 
descending from father to son, is now in possession of Rev. John C. 
Kimball. The old mansion was removed a few rods, when the present 
Kimball house was built, '^ but is sound and strong today. 

The Malt House lot was sold to John Treadwell by the administrator 
of Daniel Appleton 's estate. It was inherited by Mrs. Joseph Hodgkins, 
and by Samuel Wade, who sold to the R. R. Co. and the railroad was built 
across it. A portion of the original Appleton grant is occupied by the 
Peatfield house, now owned by Mr. Gustavus Kinsman. 

John Fawn. 

(Diagram 1.) 

"Granted to Mr. Fawne, a house lott, adjoyning to Mr. Appleton six 
acres near the Mill" (Town Record, under date. The 13th of January, 
1637). The Town' Clerk, Robert Lord, certifies that he has made "a true 
copie out of the old)Towne booke. ' ' The date of the grant itself probably 
preceded this record several years. A subsequent record is — "Granted 
Mr. Samuel Appleton, by the company of freemen, as followeth Im- 
primis, Eight acres of Land, more or less, as it lyeth above the Mill, bounded 


on the Southeast by the Town River, also having a house lott, formerly 
granted to John Fawn, on the northeast, also on the northwest the high- 
way leading into the Common. ' ' "Entered into the Towne booke, foho, 
16, the 20th of December, 1638. ' ' Mr. Fawn therefore had removed from 
Town before Dec. 20, 1638, but he had already built a house on the lot, 
as he gave a quitclaim deed of house and land, two acres, to John Whipple, 
Oct. 10, 1650 (Ips. Deeds 1: 89). Mr. Whipple was in occupancy, how- 
ever, as early" as 1642, as appears from the Vote of that year, "Ordered 
John Whipple' should cause the fence to be made between the house late 
Capt. Denison's, and the sayd John Whipple, namely — on the side next 
Capt. Denison. ' ' 

The house built by John Fawn is undoubtedly the western part of the 
House of the Historical Society. John Whipple, the Elder of the Church, 
was one of the foremost men of the Town. We may believe that his dwell- 
ing was frequented by the principal citizens. His early neighbor, Denison, 
Winthrop and Dudley, Simon Bradstreet and Ann, the poetess, Symonds 
and Saltonstall, Ward and Norton and all the eminent people of the time 
doubtless crossed the tlireshold and enjoyed the good cheer of the great 
fireplaces. Major Samuel Appleton would naturally have visited his fellow 
soldier. Major Jolin Whipple. The house is recognized as the finest speci- 
men of the early colonial architecture. ^ 

Elder Jolin Whipple bequeathed the estate to his son, John, m his will, 
presented in Court Sept. 28, 1669 (Fro. Records). Captain John was suc- 
ceeded by Major John Whipple, commander of a horse troop m Kmg 
Philip's War, who bequeathed it to his daughter, Mary, wife of Benjamin 
Crocker (Pro. Records, 313: 458), 1722. Benjamin Crocker bequeathed 
to his son Dea. John Crocker (Pro. Rec. 343: 481). Deacon John left 
the house, excepting certain rooms, to his son, John. His brother, Joseph, 
succeeded to the ownership, and the administrator of Joseph Crocker, 
sold to Joseph Hodgkins, who had married for his third wife, Mrs. Lydia 
Treadwell relict of Elisha Treadwell, and daughter of Dea. John Crocker. 
Col Hodgkins was a distinguished soldier of the Revolution and made his 
home here until his death. The heirs sold the house and an acre and eleven 
rods to Caleb K. Moore, (3ct. 31 1833 (271:164) and the residue of the 
estate, an acre and eleven rods, to James Estes, Aug. 11 1841, bounded 
then by the land of Joseph Farley, now occupied by the Mill storehouse, 
by the River, and land of Samuel Wade (326: 215). Moore sold to Abra- 
ham Bond, October 7, 1841 (327:157) and his son, James^ W. Bond sold 
to the Ipswich Historical Society. May 12, 1898 (1549: 6) and JiUy 26, 
1899 (1584:266). 

Jeremiah Belcher. 

(Diagram 1.) 

He owned a house lot between John Whipple and the River He was 
the occupant of the house on this lot in 1652 (Ips. Deeds 1 : 240). Mary 

r An exhaustive study of this house and the laud is coutaiued in l^^^lf^l'^f^']' 
of the Ipswich Historical Society, No. x and The Essex Antiquarian Vol. vi. No. .. 

p. 14. 


Belcher, the widow of the above, sold to Samuel Belcher, her son, and the 
lot was bounded by ' ' the Grist Mill River east, Mr. John Appleton 's south, 
Mr. John AVhipple's north, the other part bounded by the way to said land 
in part, and partly by land Major Gen. Denison set a cow house or hovel on, 
which Mr. Samuel Belcher hath now built upon," Nov. 11, 1692 (49: 251). 
William Brackenbury owned in 1728, and William Brackenbury of North 
Carolina sold to Nathaniel Farley, " Brackenbury 's lot," April 30, 1771 
(129:112). It was included in the assets of the Ipswich Mills, and passed 
into the liands of the present corporation. 

Daniel Denison. 

(DiagraiQ 1.) 

Young Daniel Denison, then twenty-three years old, received the grant 
of the two acre lot, adjoining John Fawn's, wliich extended to Union 
street and back toward the Mill, and in 1635 he had already built his 
house, and fenced the lot with palings. 

Denison sold to Humphrey Griffin in 1641, Jan. 19 (Ips. Deeds 1: 2). 
Griffin sold to John Burnham, and Burnham to Anthony Potter, 1-4-1648, 
(Ips. Deeds 1: 67). Potter sold to Jolui Safford, blacksmith, and it 
was then "bounded with highways round," Jan. 29, 1661 (Ips. Deeds, 2: 
53), the first mention of Saltonstall Street. He reserved, however, a part 
of the property, and sold it later to Samuel Belcher. It was bounded by 
the house lot of Jeremiah Belcher and with the River on the south, April 
1672 (Ips. Deeds 3: 223.) This explains why Denison's land is described 
as ' ' coming to the scirt of the hill next the swamp. ' ' It abutted on the 
River and the marshy land near the bank. In fact, the approach to the 
Mill, which stood about where the Stone Mill now is, was by way of Union 
, Street, and was so wet and miry, that, in 1639, Mr. Appleton agreed to 
make a sufficient cart-bridge over the swamp toward the Mill and to repair 
it for seven years, for which he was to receive an acre and half of land. 
As late as 1711, the Town Record alludes to Mr. Farley's bridge, that leads 
to his mill. The lot remained in the possession of the Safford family many 
years. In the final division among the heirs, the lot on the corner of Sal- 
tonstall St. fell to Joseph Safford, and he sold a small building to Edward 
Brown, a taimer. May 28, 1737 (82:16). Brown built a modest house 
and sold to George Newman, a weaver, Feb. 20, 1738 (83:62). Newman 
purchased a small addition to his lot of Thomas Safford, June 9, 1753 (99: 
359), and disposed of the northeast end of the house to Michael Newman, 
mariner, July 11, 1778 (138: 171). Edward KiUam and others, residu- 
ary legatees of Abraham Killam of Beverly, sold the property, "the same 
formerly occupied by Michael Newman" to John Jewett, Feb. 25, 1853 
(474: 95). 

Jewett transferred it to liis sister, Hannah J. Haskell, wife of Daniel 
Haskell, Oct. 25, 1858 (577: 186). She conveyed it back to liim Sept. 4, 
1868 (754: 232) and on the same day, he sold to the Ipswich Mills. The 
Ipswich Mills removed the original house and built the fine mansion for 
the use of its Superintendent. It was sold to James J. Goodrich, Nov. 9, 


1870 (812: 8) who finished the house, and by him, to J. G. Freeman, Dec. 
13, 1883 (1122: 31); by Freeman, to the Manufacturer's Fire and Marine 
Insurance Co. Feb. 1884 (1123: 172), and by that Corporation to Dr. 
Yorick G. Hurd, May 15, 1884 (1129: 220). It is now owned by the 
widow of the kite Geo. R. Bancroft. 

The main portion of the Safford estate, reaching from the Lindberg 
house to the house of the widow Bancroft, fell to Simeon Safford, a black- 
smith, as his father was. He had a shop near the Street on the land 
now owned by John J. SuUivan. The site of the original homestead 
cannot be determined. The administrators of Simeon Safford sold Joseph 
Farley, Safford 's interest in a half acre with buildings, July 25, 1829 
(294: 160). Farley was the President of the Ipswich Manufacturing Co. 
and his personal affairs were much involved with the affairs of the 
Company. He transferred this lot to the Company, Dec. 8 1836 (294: 
153), and it was conveyed with other assets of the Company to the Dane 
Manufacturing Co., Sept. 1, 1846 (463: 252), and was sold by that Corpo- 
ration to Capt. John Lord 3d, Sept. 1, 1846 (396: 236). The old Safford 
dwelling was still standing. The deed also provided, "that a lot of land 
on the highest part at or near where the old Reservoir, erected by the 
E. R. R. stood, be reserved for the purpose of erecting a new reservoir 
for the same railroad, & for digging for pipes from the Stone Factory of 
Grantees across said land to the depot." The reason of this was that 
originally the Mill pumped water from the River into a reservoir on this 
spot, from which pipes were laid to the station to supply water to the loco- 

Capt. Lord built the present dwelling in 1847. The property came 
into the possession of the Manufacturer's Fire & Marine Insurance Co., 
and was sold at auction. The house and the land adjoining it were pur- 
chased by Mr. John J. Sullivan, the present owner, May 13, 1881 (1058: 
213), and the remainder of the land, by the late Curtis Damon, andSamuel 

On Union St. as well, the Saftord lot was gradually diminished. In- 
deed the first lot sold was that which John Hovey bought, a weaver, who 
had a shop on the land. He acquired a quarter of an acre, June 16, 1708 
(27:39), and on May 21, 1712, Sarah Safford, the widow of Jolin, and 
Thomas, his son, sold Michael Farley, Junior, a piece between John 
Hovey and Mesheck Farley, the father of Michael (25: 142). The John 
Hovey lot, enlarged to half an acre, was sold by Jacob Martin of London- 
derry to Samuel McFarland, June 26, 1786(145: 307) and the latter to 
Enoch Pearson, clothier, June 30, 1786 (145: 307). 

Pearson had previously bought Simeon Safford 's house and barn on 
the corner of Union and Saltonstall Sts. with a quarter acre, Jan. 2, 1779 
(139: 206). This lot abutted on the Hurd and Sullivan properties. Pear- 
son acquired houses and lands and bequeathed the homestead he occupied 
to his widow and son Enoch; the other half acre lot on Union St. separated 
from his homestead by a section of the Safford land, he bestowed upon 


liis daughter, Haiiuah, wife of John Holmes Harris, for whom he had 
built the house on this lot (Pro. Rec. 383 : 612, April 13, 1813). The widow 
Harris sold part of her homestead to Daniel Haskell Jr., May 7, 1844 (34.5: 
104), who built a house, and occupied it until 18.52, when he sold to Edward 
Andrews of Binghampton, Dec. 2,5, 1852 (471: .59) who settled it on Char- 
lotte Andrews for life (471: 60). John Holmes Harris, son of Hannah, 
sold the homestead to Joseph Spiller, May 7, 1853 (477 : 220). Both houses 
are still in place. The Enoch Pearson homestead was owned later by 
Jeremiah Lord and then by James Damon. The last lot, separating the 
two parts of the Enoch Pearson property, is owned by Mr. Newhall. 

Mesheck Farley. 

(Diagram 1.) 
The Denison lot did not reach to the present Union Street, but was 
bounded by an open Common, where the Lindberg and Blake houses now 
stand. This remained until John SafJord's ownership. In 1683, Mr. 
Farley and his son Mesheck petitioned for a small piece of land, some eight 
or nine rods, to build a small dwelling, "in the vacant land near the end of 
John Safford's orchard, "and the request was granted. The occasion of 
this is interesting. Mesheck Farley and Sarah Burnham. daughter of Lieut. 
Thos. Burnham Jr., were intending marriage, and their fathers had cove- 
nanted to give the young couple a start in the world. Mr. Farley agreed 
to provide the land and half the expense Lieut. Burnham should incur 
in building the house. The marriage occurred on August 6, 1684, the 
bride having just turned her twentieth year, and in 1686, aU the conditions 
having been fulfilled, the house built and paid for, the final deeds were 
passed (13:108). Generations of Parleys made their home here, though 
the present house can scarcely be older than the Revolutionary period. 
Gen. Michael Farley, conspicuous for his civil and military service, Delegate 
to the Provincial Congress at Concord, and a citizen of sterling ciuality, 
made his home here, and plied his vocation as a tanner on this spot, and 
land owned by him on Market Street. Susanna, the widow of Robert 
Farley sold to Samuel S. Farrington, June 20, 1833 (272: 18), and by an 
execution against Farrington, John S. Williams of Salem acquired posses- 
sion Feb. 23, 1838 (Exec. No. 8, 188). His widow, Mehitable O. WiUiams 
conveyed it to John Brown of Ossipee, Jan. 1, 1850 (421:237) who sold 
to Jacob Brown. April 23, 1851 (451: 119). Francis Q., William G. and 
Jacob F. Brown sold to Abigail S. Blake, wife of Samuel Blake May 1, 
1865 (684: 56). Her heirs sold to Mr. David Grady, 

On November 9, 1764, John Farley sold Nathaniel Heard a house, 
part of a barn, and a small lot, on which it would seem he had built a dwell- 
ing (115: 113). Thomas Dennis sold to Nathaniel Heard, distiller, the 
homestead of liis father, Nathaniel Heard, Senior, March 25, 1831 (259: 
127). Nathaniel Heard sold to Samuel P. Guilford, blacksmith, on the 
same date (301 : 260). Mr. Guilford tore down the old house ,which stood 
on a high bank, and built the present dwelling. He also built and owned 


the blacksmith shop opposite, now owned by J. Albert Smith. The admin- 
istrator of the Guilford estate sold to Marcus Lindberg, May 1 , 1858 (571 : 
84). The Farley land surrounded this lot originally on every side, but 
Jacob Brown sold Capt. John Lord Jr., the strip that intervened between 
his property and this, Sept. 15, 1853 (490: 173). A tradition of the Farley 
family survives, to the effect that when the embargo was laid upon tea, 
and excitement ran high over the tea-ships in Boston harbor, the patri- 
otic Gen. Michael would not allow the hated herb any place in his house, 
but his good wife craved her soothing cup, and was wont to slip over to 
her neighbor, Dame Heard, and enjoy with her the forbidden privilege. 

The Mill and the Mill Garden. 

(Diagram 1.) 

The Grist Mill and the "Garden, ' 'which is often mentioned, were owned 
by the Worshipful Mr. Saltonstall. He built the first mill about on the 
site of the old stone mill. He had a monopoly of the business and there 
was much complaint for many years of the inadequacy of the accoinmoda- 
tion afforded. It was proposed seriously to dam the river near the present 
Green St. Bridge and build another mill there. There was dissatisfaction 
with the miller as well, and Mr. Saltonstall sent over a new miller in 1675, 
Mr. Michael Farley. Anticipating his coming Mr. Saltonstall bought of 
Samuel Belcher about six rods of the land he had bought of Potter, and 
built a house for the miller. This house is probably the one that stood 
on a triangular lot, which is now covered by the large mill building. 

The Saltonstall family held an interest in the mill until 1729. On 
April 2nd of that year, Richard and Nathaniel Saltonstall sold John Waite 
Jr., clothier, and Samuel Dutch, bricklayer, their interest in the MiU Gar- 
den, in a dwelling and stable, in two grist mills, one fulling mill, one saw 
mill, and a forty rod tract near the mill (55: 62). Dutch sold his interest to 
Waite Dec. 1, 1729 (56: 156). John Waite conveyed to his brother Jona- 
dab, a part of the Mill Pastui-e, and sold the remainder of his half interest, 
in land and mills to Philemon Dean, Dec. 1, 1736, who sold in turn to Benj. 
Dutch, Aug. 15, 1746 (89: 150). The Jonadab Waite lot, continued in the 
Waite Family and is still owned and occupied by the heirs of Abram D. 
Waite ,who erected the brick dwelling. The old house it is said, was near 
the river. 

Benjamin Dutch sold half the Mill Pasture to Michael Farley, "the 
other half now belonging to Nathaniel Farley of Ipswich" "beginning by 
Jonadab Wait, by the road northeast and northwest to a private way to 
the mills, and by said way to the River, reserving my interest in the part 
fenced in by Jonadab Waite in 1754," April 12, 1755(101 : 2.54). Nathaniel 
Farley acquired an interest in the grist mills. The fulling mill became the 
property of Anthony Loney and John Pinder,who sold to Enoch Pearson, 
the fulling mill "near the southeast end of the grist miU belonging to Benja- 
min Dutch and Nathaniel Farley" (139 : 205, 206, 1772 and 1773). The full- 
ing mill probably went out of use as the hand weaving in the weavers' 


shops all about the Town gave place to factories with power looms. Far- 
ley 's Mills ground the grist for many years. Joseph Farley, son of Nathan- 
iel was moved to more ambitious employment, and built the old stone mill 
for the manufacture of cotton cloth. Felt says that it began operations 
in 1880. In 1832 it had 3000 spindles and fiO looms. It spun No 30 to 
32 yarn, used 80,000 lbs. of cotton, made 4r)0,000 yards of cloth a year, 
worth from nine and a half to ten cents. It employed on an average 
18 males and 63 females. 

The enterprise became involved, as has been mentioned already. Far- 
ley conveyed his property to the Mill Co. Dec. 8, 1836 (294: 153). 
The Manufacturing Co. sold to the Dane Manufacturing Co., Sept. 7, 1846 
(463: 252). The Dane Manufacturing Co. sold to Augustine Heard, June 
1, 1852 (463: 254). The plant was purchased by Mr. Amos A. Lawrence 
(605: 139; 631: 214; 711: 18) who transferred it to the Ipswich Mills Co., 
Jan. 16, 1868 (738: 253). Mr. Lawrence removed the cotton machinery 
and began the inanufacture of hosiery. The business was conducted at 
a loss, but the secret of successful manufacture was acquired eventually 
and the Mill Corporation entered on a career of prosperity, which has never 
been interrupted. 

Reverting again to the "Garden at the Mill" or the "Mill Pasture," in 
settling Gen. Farley's estate, there was assigned his son Jabez,his tan-yard, 
and part of the Mill Garden, with the slaughter house upon it, bounded 
northeast by John Wait and south by the great ditch, — the rest of this 
pasture, an acre, was bestowed upon hissonjohn, 1794 (Pro. Rec. 363:296). 
John Farley sold his portion to his brother, Jabez, Aug. 3,1795 (159: 163). 
Jabez sold a building lot, abutting on John Waite to Moses Lord, Jr., 
Aug. 1, 1797 (171: 201). He built the house that now occupies the lot. 
His heirs sold to Joseph L. Ross, Dec. 15, 1834 (286: 284), and the Ross 
heirs still own. 

A second lot was purchased by Aaron Jewett, and inherited by Joseph 
T. Dodge, who married his daughter. Dodge sold part of his holding to 
Joseph L. Ross, Sept. 12, 1866 (713: 6) and the rest to Jenness Towle, Sept. 
14, 1865 (689: 149) and Towle sold a shop etc. to John P. Holland, Oct. 20, 

A third lot was sold by Jabez Farley, with his bark mill and tannery 
to Samuel S. Farrington, Feb. 18, 1828 (248: 43). Suits against him resulted 
in the conveyance of his property to Robert Farley and George W. Heard, 
who sold to Woodbridge Adams, Oct. 1, 1840 (320: 274). Woodbridge 
Adams conveyed the same to his son Washington, May 22, 1849 (412: 284) 
and Washington Adams to Benjamin Newman, Sept. 9, 1865(695: 36). 
Mr. Newman sold John A. Johnson, land for his shoe factory, Jan. 20, 1870 
(791 : 52). The residue of the Mill Pasture included in the estate of Enoch 
Pearson was apportioned his daughter Elizabeth Farley, and descended to 
her daughter Lucy M. Farley, who sold to James Damon, June 4, 1866 
(742: 172). 


William Fuller. 

(Diagram 1.) 
John Saunders received the original grant of this lot, but the Town 
Clerk's record under April 20, 1635, mentions that William Fuller had "a 
houselott he bought of John Samiders lyinge on the Mill Streete, having 
Mr. Seawall's house lott on the East, and Mr. Saltonstall's garden at the 
Mill on the South." In 1649, Thomas Clark received a grant of land in 
"exchange for a lott that lies at bridge-foot which he bought of William 
Fuller." It is evident that the Town took the Fuller lot to make the ap- 
proach to the "cart-bridge" which spanned the River where the Choate 
bridge stands today. The first bridge was built in 1646, and prior to that 
time all travel across the river by horses or wheeled vehicles was at various 
ford-ways, which wiU be considered in their appropriate places. The Town 
retained ownership of some part of this land atleast, and there was a public 
way to the River over it. Part of the land was eventually occupied by a 
houselot,and Mrs. Elizabeth Brown was in possession in 1792. In that year 
Dr. John Manning was granted a piece of land for a woolen manufactory, 
"in front 6 ft. from Mrs. Ehzabeth Brown's house, to extend 50 ft. front 
toward the well, and one foot on the wall, and to extend 30 ft. in back 
toward the River." Dr. Manning built his factory, but asked for more 
room the next year, desiring the place occupied by Mrs. Brown's house, 
and stipulating that a passage way to the river, 24 ft. wide, should be left 
on the westerly end of the building. In 1794, the Town granted him 40 
ft. of ground and flats, provided he would build a wall from the north 
corner of the northerly arch of the bridge, strong enough to ward off the 
ice, and that he satisfy Elizabeth Brown for the grotmd where her house 
stands. The factory was operated for a few years, apparently without 
profit. Dr. Manning sold Ammi Smith the northwest end of the build- 
ing, Dec. 5, 1816 (212: 168), another section, Dec. 5, 1818 (218: 251). 
and the rest was conveyed to Smith by the administrator, Oct. 31, 1825 
(241:260). Sarah Whitney and others, representing the "Massachusetts 
Woolen Manufactory," finally sold their interest to Stephen Coburn, 
June 11, 1847 (384: 269). The Post Office, and various stores occupied 
the building, which was finally destroyed by fire. The lot was purchased 
by Wesley K.Bell, May 24, 1869(773:252), who sold to Joseph Wait, 
May 25, 1869. Wait sold half the Coburn lot to Col. Luther Caldwell, 
June 17, 1869 (775:143) and the remauider to Mrs. Almira F. Caldwell, 
Aug. 23, 1869 (780:118). Col. Caldwell erected at once the bushiess block 
that bears his name. 

Henry Sewall. 

(Diagram 1.) 

Henry Sewall, or Sea well or Say well, was the grantee of the sightly 
three acre lot, which includes the Parsonage and Seminary lots and Mr. 
T. F. Cogswell's homestead. Its southeast bound was the Ipswich River 
and William Fuller's lot (Ips. Deeds 1 : 14). Mr. Sewall was chiefly distin- 


guished for his famous son, Samuel Sewall, the Judge of later days, and 
for his irritable temper, which brought him into frequent collisions with 
the authorities, and frequent arraignments before the Quarter Sessions 
Court. He removed to Newbury, and Mr. Samuel Symonds, coming to 
town to make his residence, bought this lot on the Gth day of the 1st month 
of 1637, with the house, and about the same time he received a grant of a 
farm of five hundred acres, since called Olliver's, a planting lot of six 
acres, and forty acres on the "hethermost side of Sagamore hill." He 
also bought the Argilla farm of three hundred and twenty acres, and land 
on the South side (Ips. Deeds 1: 13). Here this distinguished Judge and 
Deputy Governor made his home for the rest of his long and useful life. 
After his death, the estate was divided. The lower part, including an 
acre and a half, extending to the River on the south, was sold by Wm. 
Symonds, son of the Dep. Governor, to Jonathan Wade. It was a house 
lot, and the residence of Mr. Symonds was on the part reserved, April 16, 
1679 (Ips. Deeds 4: 267). It was sold by Jonathan and Thomas, sons of 
Jonathan Wade, to Elihu Wardell, who had married their sister, Elizabeth, 
still unimproved, March 1, 1701 (30: 152). Wardell built a residence 
here, and in 1716 (Nov. 20) sold his grandson, Samuel Dutch, a lot on 
the west side of his estate, eight rods front on the Street, and four rods 
deep (30: 150). His son, Elihu Wardell, sold his father's house and land, 
about an acre, to Benjamin Dutch, March 2, 1719-20 (37: 106), and Dutch 
bought of Sanmel Dutch the 32 rod lot, that had been sold out of the 
original estate, April 27, 1719 (37- 108). Benjamin Dutch, saddler, sold 
the whole acre and a half lot, with house, barn, etc. to Arthur Abbott, 
cordwainer, March 6, 1723 (42: 248). Arthur Abbott sold a lot, abutting 
on the highway near the Bridge, about forty-eight rods, to Samuel Williams, 
March 29, 1726 (59: 199). The WiUiams lot came into the possession of 
Benjamin Dutch who sold it with a house and barn, to Nathaniel Souther, 
Mar. 1, 1756 (103: 225) andhe sold to Wm. Dodge, July 26, 1763 (120: 190). 
It was owned by Daniel Newman in 1766, and by Daniel Noyes later. 
Daniel Noyes sold a small piece near the Great Stone Bridge, out of 
his land to Wm. Dennis, peruke-maker. May 24, 1768 (130: 221) and 
Nathaniel D. Dutch sold to Daniel Dutch of Salem the house and land, 
that abutted on Deacon Knowlton's, which is still remembered by some 
as the old Dutch House, May 15, 1815 (206:263). Luther Parks of 
Boston sold to Augustine Heard, the same estate, which Daniel Dutch 
conveyed to Sally Parks, Priscilla and Mary Dutch in 1830 (257: 251), 
with all the buildings, Sept. 15, 1847(390: 111). 

Mr. Abbott sold another lot, east of that sold to Samuel Williams, to 
Thom"* Cross, 5, 1727 (51: 181). Cross sold to John Leighton, June 
7, 1732 (73 : 19). Leighton sold the lot with house and barn to John Powers 
Nov. 16, 1747 (95: 186). Joj^nh Low, baker, succeeded to the ownership 
and mortgaged "the dwelling ho;"!e, which I lately built and now live 
in" "on the King's highway" to Tyler Porter of Wenham, Nov. 30, 1744 
(137: 90). Porter foreclosed and sold to Den con Thomas Knowlton. 


peruke-maker, a house and an acre of land Oct. 11, 1791 (154: 120). 
Thomas Knowlton sold to Charles Kimball, Treasurer of the Ipswich 
Academy, Dec. 20, 1825, and forty shares at $50 each had been subscribed 
at that date (407 : 264). The Academy was built a little to the east of the 
old Knowlton house. After a period of indifferent success, the building 
was leased to Miss Zilpah Grant, who opened a Female Seminary. Mary 
Lyon was associated with her, and the School came into great favor. Miss 
Lyon withdrew, and after some years. Prof. John P. Cowles and his wife 
Eunice (Caldwell) Cowles, who had been a pupil in the School and a suc- 
cessful teacher, leased the building and continued the Seminary, which 
attained great prosperity under their charge. Prof. Cowles eventually 
purchased the building and the Dutch lot adjoining, and removed the 
old buildings. The brick block was erected after his decease, when the 
property was sold. 

The Arthur Abbott homestead was inherited by his son Philip Abbott, 
who sold the house and land, to Robert Wallis, Jan. 17, 1799 (171: 65), 
and he to Dr. Thomas Manning ,who built the mansion, now used as the 
Parsonage of the First Church, Jan. 17, 1799 (185: 146). He had already 
sold Dr. Jolm Manning land in the rear, April 20, 1793 (167: 132). 

The remainder of the Dep. Governor's lot, including his mansion, was 
in the possession of Mrs. John Rogers, in 1701, as is shown by the 
deed of Wade to Wardell. Mr. Hammatt records that John Rogers kept 
a tavern in 1694 with the sign of "The Black Horse." It was conveyed 
by John Rogers, saddler, to his son, Benjamin, Dec. 3, 1721 (38:215). Ben- 
jamin Rogers divided the lot. The house and land, he sold to Ammi 
Ruhami Wise, shopkeeper, son of the eminent Rev. John Wise of Chebacco, 
Dec. 4, 1723 (41 : 218). The remainder, a lot 44 feet on the Street and 46 ft. 
deep, bounded by Dutch's land on the west, he had sold to Patrick Farrin, 
chirurgeon, Dec. 14, 1722 (39: 224). Farrin sold this small lot to Nathaniel 
Smith, bounded by Arthur Abbott, west, June 1, 1733 (63: 169), and on 
Dec. 23, 1742, Wise's house, shop, etc., then occupied by John Whitaker, 
peruke-maker, were sold by execution for debt, to John Smith and Thomas 
Newman (84: 90). Nathaniel Smith, son of Nathaniel, in a deed drawn 
Dec. 14, 1781 (139: 79), recites that his mother, Hannah, widow, devised 
her grandchildren, WilHam and Elizabeth Homans, one-half her dwelling- 
house, and in codicil made provision that he should convey to the same 
all his right and title in the shop and land adjoyning, formerly his father's, 
Nathaniel Smith, and conveys to them the piece his father bought of Farrin. 
The Wise house and lot had thus come into the possession of the Smiths 
and the original Rogers lot, reunited, was sold by Wilham and Elizabeth 
Homans of Beverly to Stephen Lord, tailor, and Jeremiah Ross, (Cabinet- 
maker, June 26, 1798 (164: 263). Lord sold his interest to Ross, Aug. 
30, 1798 (188: 35) and Ross sold to Dr. Thomas Manning, Nov. 14, 1799 
(188: 36). Dr. Manning sold to Stephen Lord again, Feb. 1810 (212: 211) ; 
Lord sold to Joseph Wait, Jan. 8, 1817 (212: 211), and his heirs, to Mr. 
Theodore F. Cogswell. Mr. Cogswell removed the old house and built the 


iiiaiision he now occupies. His lot occupies the eastern end of the original 
Dep. Gov. Synionds's estate. 

The ledge in front of the old Seminary building was occupied by a 
house and shop for many years. In 1733, John Stacey, being incapable 
of labor, presented a petition to the Town, setting forth "that there is a 
convenience on the northerly side of the Rock by Ebenezer Smith's, for 
setting an house upon" and "praying he may obtain a grant for setting 
a house for selling cakes and ale etc. for his livelihood." This singular 
request was granted and he built a house accordingly. Mis widow, Je- 
mima, sold the house and land on the Rock, to John Wood, and he con- 
veyed at once to Samuel Ross, blacksmith, April 29, 17.37 (75: 88). Sam- 
uel Ross built a blacksmith shop, and carried on his trade. He sold his 
dweUing, barn and blacksmith's shop to Samuel Ross Jim., and Joseph 
Lakeman Ross, Oct. 3, 1794 (160: 105). Joseph Lakeman Ross, it has 
been said, bougiit the Moses Lord house in 1831, and removed tlie dwelling 
from tlie ledge to a place on that lot where it still stands next to the Jolm 
Holland estate. 

William White. 

(Diagram 1.) 

The next lot, east or northeast of Mr. Symonds's lot was owned by Wm. 
White, in 1637, when Symonds bought his town-house. White sold his 
house and lot to Ralph Dix, fisherman, 26^^ 4th 1648 (Ips. Deeds 1: 36). 
Thomas Manning had it later and sold to John Appleton and Samuel 
Appleton, Oct. 14, 1653 (Ips. Deeds 1: 131). The Appletons exchanged 
this lot for the adjoining three acre lot, with house, barn, etc. with John 
Woodam, bricklayer, and Mary his wife, "as it now lieth bounded and 
fenced to the ledge of rocks next the meeting house green, from the 
corner of the lane from the meeting house green leading to the river, 
etc.," May 20, 1653 (Ips. Deeds 1: 132 and 154). The property passed 
into the hands of Thomas Bishop. 

When Bishop died, he left a dwelling house, two barns, wash-house 
etc., and about six acres of land. His will specified that, after his wife's 
decease, his son Samuel should enjoy his dwelling, with that wherein John 
Sparks dwelt. It was a house for two families and Sparks apparently 
kept an imi. But he was warned out and bouglit the land across the Street 
and in 1671, Samuel Bishop, and his mother Margaret, had their license 
to sell liquors renewed, while a special petition of the citizens procured 
for John Sparks for the first time his license to sell. But the business 
did not prosper, apparently, and Samuel sold the property, then occupied 
by his brotlier Thomas and himself, to Simon Lynde of Boston. The land 
was boimded by Reginald Foster and Capt. Appleton, east, and the 
Deputy Governor, west, and included the land originally owned by 
White, Dix, and others, June 6, 1673 (Ips. Deeds 3: 268). 

Hannah Bigg of Boston, widow and executrix of John Bigg, and one 
of the (laughters of Mr. Simon Lynd of Boston. decea.sed, sold Symonds 


Epes, this property, with a house and land adjoining (in the rear appar- 
ently), formerly occupied by one Mr. Berry, a dyer, Oct. 8, 1691 (Ips. 
Deeds 5:423). Major Symonds Epes was son of Daniel Epes of 'Castle 
Hill. His mother, Elizabeth, was Dep. Gov. Symonds's daughter, and his 
grandmother liecame the Governor's wife. His brothers, Samuel and 
Daniel, were Harvard graduates. Daniel was the eminent Salem school 
master. The Major was a Justice, as well, and meml^er of the Governor's 
Council, 1724-1734. His daughter Elizabetli marrried Edward Eveleth, 
and the same year they were married, he sold Eveleth his homestead. 
It now included eight acres and was bounded by Saddler Rogers'sland, and 
Col. Jo. Appleton's, Dec. 5, 1715 (29:273). Daniel Eveleth, .son of 
Edward, sold to Nathaniel Treadwell, Nov. 3, 1761 (109: 278). It was 
inherited by Moses Treadwell. The land reached down to the Cove, and 
included a portion of the County property about the House of Correction. 

Moses Treadwell sold the County of Essex, a piece of land 28 ft. square, 
at the north corner of his homestead. May 27, 1816 (215: 242). The widow 
Susanna Kendall, sold a plot 23 l)y 28 ft., May 2S, 1816 (215: 241) and 
the County proceeded to erect the brick building, used for a Probate Office 
for many years. ^ It was sold by the County to Agawam Lodge of Odd 
Fellows, Dec. 26, 1867 (739: 246). The Treadwell heirs sold the house 
and land to the Trustees of the Public Library, July 11, 1865 (686: 160) 
and the Lil)rary building was built on this lot. 

After the extension of County Street and the stone bridge were built, 
four and three quarters acres adjoining the House of Correction lot were 
sold by the Treadwell heirs to Aaron Cogswell, April 23, 1862 (636:287- 
288). He sold to the County, May 5, 1862 (636: 289). 

John Jackson. 

(Diagram 1.) 

The lot on the corner of Green St. and the Green was granted apparently 
to John Hassall, but Jackson was in possession in 1647. Wm. White mar- 
ried his widow, Catherine, and appropriated his belongings, and in due 
time, they sold to John West, who sold to John Woodam a dwelling-house 
and lot, also a house lot of an acre, also another half acre lot, June 28, 1649 
(Ips. Deeds 1: 65). Woodam also owned part of a house lot, bought of 
Thomas Manning, a portion of Mr. Symonds's house lot, which was conveyed 
by him to secure perpetual maintenance of the division fence, 13-8-1653 
(Ips. Deeds 1: 127). All this property, except the small corner lot, was 
exchanged with the Appletons, as has been mentioned. The extreme 
corner, a four rod lot with house, he sold to John Procter Sen. and William 
Fellows, bounded southeast by ' ' Ma.ster Appleton 's lot, ' ' Aug. 23, 1666 (Ips. 
Deeds 4: 75). Joseph and Benjamin Procter, sons of John, deceased, sold 
their interest to the executors of Fellows, Dec. 21, 1676 (Ips. Deeds 4:75-6). 
Ephraim, Samuel and Ruth Fellows, widow of Joseph, sold the lot, to 

' For a history of tlie building see Publicatious ot tlie Ipswich Historical Society, 
Xo, n. 


William Fellows, Jan. 7, 1694 (29: 136). Fellows sold to Major Epes 
March 29, 1708, and Epes sold to John Whipple, Philemon Dean and 
Joseph Whipple, committee. The bounds are interesting — "on the S. E. 
side the Appleton lot, the S. W. end, land of Epes, on N. W. side, the 
Green, extending almost to the Great Rock behind the Town House, and 
on the N. E. end by the highway, commonly called the Major's Lane, etc". , 
Mar. 15, 1713 (39: 219). The Great Rock is remembered, a lofty pinnacle, 
which was blasted down many years ago. The name, Major's lane, ap- 
plied to Green St., may have l)een derived from Major Gen. Denison, who 
lived on the east side of the lane or from Major Samuel Appleton, who 
may luive lived on the lot adjoining the corner. It is fre(iuently called 
" Master Appleton's lot," as if the dweller then were a schoolmaster. In 
1700, some lots for horsesheds were granted on Meeting House Green 
"against the orchard fence where Mr, Samuel Appleton lives, beginning 
about two rods from ye lane corner upwards to Mr. Appleton's Barn,"' 

The Hon. John Appleton, Judge of Probate, owned the whole corner, 
including a small house, and, by his will, provided that his widow should 
liave the use of this portion of his estate, but it was bestowed eventually 
on his daughters, Elizabeth, the wife of Rev. Jabez Fitch, then of Ports- 
mouth and Margaret, ^Adfe of Edward Augustus Holyoke, President of 
Harvard College. The wiU specifies that it was "known by the name of 
Louds and Fosters Lotts, bounded by the land of Mr. Edward Eveleth 
on the south, the River on the east, the highway on north and north- 
west" (Pro. Records 324: 1,2, 1739). Mr. Holyoke, acting for the owners, 
conveyed this land to John Smith and Jolm Hodgkins. Smith purchased 
three and one half acres with a small dwelling abutting on the Green and 
Green Lane, and Hodgkins had three and one half acres, now included in 
the County land, bounded on the east by a half acre " belonging to Daniel 
Appleton, lying between the afore granted premises and the River, " April 
15, 1756 (103:85,86). 

Capt. John Smith, who was a man of wealth, and o'waied Smith's Island, 
Fish Island, Candlewood Island, and had interests in Grape Island, devised 
this corner lot to his son, Samuel, and made provision for his education 
at college, 1768 (345: 30). 2 Samuel, then a Physician, at Hampton, sold 
to Ephraini Kendall, April 29, 1782 (139: 135). In the settlement of the 
Kendall estate, this plot was assigned to Ruth, wife of George Jenkins, 
and they sold to Moses Treadwell, May 25, 1825 (238: 104). The heirs of 
Moses Treadwell conveyed to Charles Kimball, Aug. 23, 1845 (358: 208), 
who sold to Essex County, July 10, 1847 (385: 112). In 1860, County 
St. was laid out across the County land and the stone bridge by the Lower 
Mill was built. As this cut off part of the County land, the County sold 
the corner, 233 ft. on Green St. and 283 ft. deep, to N. P . Wait, W. H. Graves, 
and J. M. Wellington for the Methodist Church, July 16, 1859 (591: 24). 
Mr. Wait purchased the lot on the corner and erected his dwelling there. 

' They occupied probably the aiicieiit four roil lumse lot, which Williiini Fellows 
conveyed to n Committee of the Town appjireutly, in 1708 as mentioned above. 
" Pro.Rec. 


Robert Kinsman, Samuel Hall, Richard Brown, William Avery. 

(Diagram 1.) 

We observed that in John Appleton's will, mention was made of the 
Loud and Foster lots, which were included in the seven acres he left to his 
daughters. The name of Foster helps to locate a house of the earliest 
times as it is probably Reginald Foster, whose lot is meant, and Reginald 
Foster's lot is frequently given as a bound of the Appleton. 

On the 27th of July, 1G38, Richard Lumpkin sold John Tuttell, a 
house and lot . "near the great Cove of the Town River, with Wm. Avery's 
lot on the southwest, Robert Kinsman's lot on the northwest, the Town 
River on the southeast, houselot of Samuel Hall's on east (t. e. northeast) 
the house built by Richard Brown now of Newbury, sold to Mr. Richard 
Saltonstall, and sold by him to Lumpkin." John Tuttell sold this to 
Reginald Foster, 26 Sept. 1638, "lying near the great Cove, beneath the 
Falls of the Town River" (Town Record, 1638). 

In the record of grants, Robert Kinsman had an acre, with Richard 
Lumkin's houselot on the southwest and John Jackson on the west. John 
Jackson, we know, owned the lot on the corner of Green Lane and Meet- 
ing House Green. 

In 1653, the deed of John Woodam to John and Samuel Appleton, of 
a house and three acres describes the lot, "from the corner of the lane afore- 
said to the house lot of Reonald Foster, and so over to the house lot of 
the widow Averill, and thence to the corner of the rockwall aforesaid 
♦next the Meeting House Green" (Ips. Deeds 1 : 132 and 154). 

The widow Averill was also the eastern abutter of a neighboring lot, 
which Thomas Manning had sold the Appletons. The lot may be located 
in a general way on the Cove, not far from the County St. Bridge, and the 
Lumpkin-Foster house stood next toward the east. The Foster lot ex- 
tended out to Green Lane in 1653, though it had no such bound in 1638, 
and the acre lot of Robert Kinsman had probably been added to the origi- 
nal lot. How was access had to the Averill lot and these others? Again, 
in 1691, when the Simon Lynde estate was sold to Symonds Epes, the 
six acres in this lot were bounded by the Meeting House Green north, the 
River south, Reginald Foster and Captain .\ppleton east, and the 
deed of sale included another house and lot, formerly in the occupation 
of Mr. Berry (a dyer), which was bounded by Capt. Appleton's northeast 
and on all other sides by the six acres (Ips. Deeds 5: 423). 

There was some public way to these rear lots by the Cove. Possible 
reference to this way may be found in the record of Mar. 1685, that Thomas 
Low bought of the Town, "two acres with a town way through it, bounded 
by his own land southerly, by tlie Conmion northeast, Goodman Reginald 
Foster's southeast, and Robert Kinsman's southwest." This may have 
been in Chebacco, however. More definite allusion to an old way along the 
Cove is found in the deed of sale of a piece of land, about half an acre, 
which still belonged to the Commoners in 1722. By vote of Mar. 21 , 1722, 
a Committee of the Town was instructed to sell several parcels, belonging 


to the Commoners, and this lot was sold by them to Daniel Appleton. 
bounded by Col. Jolin Appleton 's land on one side, the River on the other, 
Green Lane east and Edward Eveleth's land west, April 25, 1723(42:25). 
Appleton sold this to Abner Harris, Dec. 7, 1757 (106: 241). Harris's 
administrator sold to John Hodgkins 4th, May 24, 1787 (155: 190), and 
Moses Treadwell sold an acre lot, including this, to James Safford, April 
7, 1818, "reserving any right that the Town of Ipswich may have of tow- 
ing or tracking vessels or boats up and down the river, or passing over 
the land for that purpose" (222: 202). Evidently there was an ancient 
way, continuous from Water St. and houses were built along its course. 
More than this. Green Lane was anciently known as Bridge Lane. Thomas 
Scott had a house lot "lying to the lane called Bridge Lane, near the meet- 
ing house, ' ' the house lot of Philip Fowler, southeast and Humphrey Brad- 
street northwest (Town Record 1640). This lot was on the corner of 
County St. and Green St. where the Baker house stands. But there was 
never a bridge at the foot of this Street until a few years ago, and there was 
beyond doubt a foot-bridge that crossed the river, where the Island on 
which the saw mill stands, made an easy span. Foot-travel was by way 
of the Lane, and this ancient river path, over the foot-bridge to the South 
side. In later years, John Hodgkins 's will bestowed his three and one half 
acres on the widow, his son John Jr. and his daughters Elizabeth Perkins 
and Salome Dennis, 1797 (Pro. Rec. 367: 504). 

John Dennis and Salome sold their one and one half acre lot to Essex 
Co. in 1803 (173:98) and the Stone Jail was built on this land. Isaac 
Stanwood, grandson of Hodgkins, inherited another lot, which he sold to 
Isaac Stanwood Jr., an acre, Dec. 11, 1817 (217: 42) and he to the County, 
Nov. 15, 1850 (438: 187). This was northwest of the Jail. Jolin Perkins 
inherited his mother 's portion, and sold one and one quarter acres to James 
Safford, on the southeast side of the Jail, May 18, 1822 (229: 270). Safford 's 
earlier purchase from Treadwell has been mentioned. He built his modest 
house by the River, but disposed of his land in 1833, Feb. 1, to Frederic 
Mitchell (268 : 45) . Mitchell sold to the County, May 1 , 1834, reserving the 
spot occupied by Safford's house (275: 21). ^ This was removed across the 
way to another lot owned by the County, and the sixteen poles of land were 
transferred to the County, Mar. 1 , 1859 (584 : 177). The land of the Tread- 
well estate which bounded the County land on the south was purchased as 
has been already said, of Aaron Cogswell, who boiight of the Treadwell 
heirs in 1862. (636:287-289). 

William Warner. 

(Diagram 2.) 
Returning to the ancient Bridge Street or Scott's Lane, we find that 
the land now included in the freight yard of the B. & M. R.R. and the house 
lot occupied by tlie "Stocker' ' house was granted as house lots at the begin- 
ning of the settlement. 

' The House of Correction was built ou this lot. 

D I A G R A r^i Mo Z 


The acre lot on the corner of the Lane, known as Baker's Lane, was 
granted to Wni. Warner, 1636. Edward Chapman owned in 1667 and sold 
Edward Lummus "my dwelling house wherein sd Lummns dwells" with 
barn and one and one quarter acres, "the Street called Mill St. toward 
southwest, and the house and land of widow Stacy southeast," March 2, 
1667 (Ips. Deeds 5: 190). Edward Lomas conveyed to his son, Jonathan, 
his homestead, house, barn and an acre of land, and twelve acres purchased 
of Mr. Cogswell, May 25, 1682 (Ips. Deeds 4: 466). His will (Ips. Deeds 
4: 476) states that the twelve acres were on the opposite side of the 
Street. Jonathan Liimas sold Daniel Rogers, schoolmaster, "the house 
in which he now dwells" with two acres, Thos. Wait's homestead south- 
east, June 18, 1712 (25:1). 

This lot came into the possession of the Waits. Marv Wait sold 
Robert Stocker Jr., a half acre, March 12, 1792 (155: 191) on which he 
built the house still called the Stocker house. Mary R. Kimball, the 
widow of John Stalker, sold to George B. Brown, the lot on which he 
buUt a grist mill, Jan. 12, 1881 (1055: 187). She sold the house and 
land to Bridget Murray, Oct. 11, 1881 (1069: 261). 

Symon Stace. 

(Diagram 2.) 
Symon Stace received a grant of the lot on the southeast of Warner in 
1637. His son, Symon, we infer from previous mention of the "widow 
Stace," sold the house, barn, and an acre of land to Thomas Waite, 
Feb. 7, 1673 (Ips. Deeds 3: 297). This lot was united with the Warner 
lot, as has been stated. 

Mark Quilter. 

(Diagram 2.) 
An acre lot, described as "opposite Allen Perley's," was granted to 
Mark Quilter, and recorded in 1638. His son, Joseph, succeeded and his 
heirs sold a house and six acres of land to Dr. Samuel WaUis, April 4, 
1724 (43: 117). His daughter, the Avidow Sarah Rust, inherited and her 
heirs in turn. Jolin Cole Jewett and his wife, Elizabeth, quitclaimed their 
interest in the buildings and three acres "known as Quilter 's lot" to Moses 
Smith, April 17, 1789(157: 163). It is now included in the B. & M. R.R. 
land and the Burke shoe factory lot. The cellar was near the brick build- 
ing of tlie Burke factory. 

John Wyatt. 

(Diagram 2.) 

He owned a house lot in 1638 and the Town Record describes it as 
"lying in Bridge Street and butting upon the south end upon the same 
street, having a house lott of Mr. Norton's on the east, and a house lott 
of Mark Quilters on the west. ' ' It was included in the Quilter lot in 1717. 


John Norton. 

(Diagram 2.) 
The Rev. John Norton, Teacher of the Ipswich Church, received a 
grant of three acres, called a "house lot" in the record of grants, but later 
"a pasture." It was a low swampy lot, and could never have been used 
for building purposes. It was on "the lower side of the Mill St.," with 
the Street southwest, Christopher Osgood northeast, John Wyatt northwest, 
and "southeast by the several house lots of Richard Lumkin, Robert 
Crane and the 3d lot ungranted." This was inherited by William Norton, 
l^rother of John, and conveyed by him to his son, the Reverend John 
Norton, Pastor at Hingham, Sept. 28, 1682 (Ips. Deeds 4: 469). Joseph 
Quilter acquired possession and conveyed to Michael Farley, measuring 15 
rods on the street, in exchange for another lot, Sept. 20, 1710 (22: 204). 
John Treadwell owned in 1753. Capt. Jolm Lord owned, and Wm. G. 


Richard Lumkin. 

(Diagram 2.) 

Referring to the bounds of the Norton pasture, it will be seen that, 
in 1638, there were three lots on Market St., as it is now called, owned by 
Richard Lumkin, Robert Crane, and one unassigned. The Robert Crane 
lot, as will be seen, is probably identical with the Daniel Warner lot of 
later years. Lumkin cannot be definitely located, but probably owned 
the corner, known familiarly as Damon's Corner. Daniel Warner owned 
this lot in 1682 and Isaac Littlehale was its possessor in 1710 (22: 204) 
John Littlehale of Dracut transferred to Joseph Littlehale of Gloucester 
"the estate in Ipswich by virtue of my father's will, on the occasion of 
the death of my brother James Littlehale," March 1, 1727-8 (51: 37). 

Joseph Littlehale sold Emerson Cogswell, an acre with house and barn, 
Dec. 2, 1731 (98: 151). Cogswell mortgaged to Samuel Grant and widow 
Anne Holmes, Dec. 8, 1753 (100: 219). The mortgagees conveyed it to 
Thomas Burnham, Jan. 30, 1760 (108: 79) and it continued in the Burn- 
ham family until 1833, when Chas. Kimball, administrator of Thomas Burn- 
ham, sold the equity of redemption of a mortgage to George W. Heard, 
Oct. 10, 1833 (282 : 163) . George W. Heard sold to George Warner, a frame 
work knitter, March 15, 1836 (289: 175) and Warner to Caleb K. Moore, 
bounded on the southwest by "Back Lane," August 14,1838(307:269). 
Moore sold part of the lot to James and Sanford Peatfield, Nov. 6, 1840(321 : 
150). They erected the brick building which was used by a Company for 
the manufacture of machine knit goods. It is now known as Hayes Tavern. 
The Peatfield lot also included the land occupied by the Gas Works. Moore 
mortgaged to Jeremiah Smith, June 28, 1855 (515: 188) and surrendered 
the property to him June 30, 1857 (554: 220). Smith sold to Curtis Damon, 
July 19, 1865 (649: 56). Mr. Damon removed to this corner the old Court 


House which stood near the Meeting House of the Methodist church. It 
was burned some years ago. 

The small lot of John B. Lamson was bought by him from Jeremiah 
Smith, May li, 1858 (570: 226). The building on the premises was moved 
there, and the low and wet nature of the location is indicated by the fact, 
that the building was set up on blocks, and workmen walked under the 
building thus supported, in building up the foundation. An open spring 
on this lot was used for watering cattle, but the water in the well on the 
spot is now some fourteen feet below the street level. The whole neighbor, 
hood was very low, and the meadow land adjoining, now drained and oc- 
cupied, was originally a swamp of alders. 

The lot on Market St. next the corner, perhaps a part of the original 
corner lot, was sold by John Warner, administrator of his father, John 
Warner, to Samuel Waite, clothier, with a house and barn on the half acre 
lot, March 20, 1735 (92: 73). Arthur Abbott sold Thos. Burnham "all 
that messuage I lately bought of Samuel Waite," June 7, 1744 (92: 65). 
Judith, widow of Thomas Burnham 4th and other heirs, sold to Moses 
Goodhue, March 2, 1793 (158: 115). Goodhue sold to Joseph Chapman, 
with 77 ft. frontage, Oct. 1, 1812 (198: 211), and the widow Hannah Chap- 
man to James Damon, Nov. 2, 1866 (714: 1). Mr. Damon sold a strip of 
this estate to Josiah H. Mann, March 23, 1867 (722: 29) and a small piece 
more the next year (768: 265). Mr. Mann erected a building and sold to 
Harriet E. Lord, wife of Daniel Lord, March 27, 1870 (874: 154). The 
remainder of the Chapman lot was inherited by Fred Damon and sold by 
his widow to Mrs. Aim Hayes, July 2, 1885 (1153: 112). She conveyed 
to Isaac J. and Jolm M. Potter, April 24, 1886 (1172: 74) and they to George 
G. Young, who erected the building, April 18, 1890 (1275: 255). 

The lot now occupied by the blacksmith shop was originally part of 
the Warner- Waite lot. During Burnham 's ownership of it, he sold a 
half acre to Nathaniel Heard, whose homestead was on the site of the Lind- 
berg house. Thomas Dennis sold this to his sister Mary Dennis, "the 
same conveyed by Thomas Burnham 3d to Nathaniel Heard, on May 13, 
1797" May 12, 1831 (262: 40). Mary Dennis sold to Gilbert Conant, Nov. 
17, 1834 (289: 180). Conant sold to Daniel P. Nourse, Aug. 27, 1836 (298: 
105), Nourse to Samuel P. Guilford, May 21, 1844 (343: 261). Guilford 
built and occupied the Lindberg house and also the blacksmith shop on 
this site, now owned by J. Albert Smith. 

Robert Crane. 

(Diagram 2.) 
The lot on Market St. which was granted to Robert Crane, was 
owned by Daniel Warner in 1666. Part of tlie lot was sold by Philemon 
Warner, a half acre with dweUing, blacksmith's shop and barn, to Jona- 
than Prince, Sept. 8, 1710 (21: 227). Prince disposed of the property to 
John Heard Jun., May 1, 1776 (134: 262.) John Heard, Junior, the son 
of John, presumably, sold part of the homestead to Moses Lord Jr., chair 


maker, Dec. 21, 1790 (152: 239) the -widow Abigail Heard occupying a 
tenement in the house. Nathaniel Heard, administrator of John Heard 
Jr., sold the southwest end of the dwelUng to Richard Manning, clotliier, 
Oct. 10,1798(164: 151). Aaron Kimball acquired an interest in the estate 
prior to 1797, and Captain Robert Kimball purchased of William Heard, 
the same that he had bought of Moses Lord, by deed of April 18, 1835, 
May 11, 1836 (291 : 290). Captain Kimball built the present dwelling, now 
owned and occupied by his heirs. One portion of the original house was 
removed by Ephraim Harris, the builder of the new structure, to his own 
land on Mineral St., and incorporated in the house that stands on the 
north corner of Mineral and Central Sts. 

Daniel Warner conveyed to his son in law Edmund Heard and his 
daughter, Elizabeth, wife of Heard, the use of the northeast end of his house 
and provided that after his decease, "all my said dwelling house and out- 
houses, that shall be then standing upon the house lott that was my 
unckles, reserving still the privilege of the right of commonage, and the 
most of the house lot that was Robert Crane's, . . . provided he pay 10£ 
each to his son, W'iUiam Warner and his daughters, Abigail and Susanna," 
Sept. 10, 1675 (Ips. Deeds 4:45). Edmimd Heard built a new house on 
the estate prior to 1715, as the conveyances reveal. He left tliree sons, 
Edmund, Nathaniel and Daniel. Edmund, "having purchased by right 
of redemption all the estate of my honored father, Edmund Heard, deceased, 
and part of the same belonging to my brothers Nathaniel and Daniel," 
conveyed to Nathaniel, "the southwest end of the old dwelling house 
where he now dwells and half ye shop and one third part of the land or 
homestead." This old house stood on the site of the Jeremiah Smith 
house, and the land included, measured 3^ rods 6 ft. from Jonathan 
Prince's, now Kimball's, line. To Daniel, he conveyed the northeast end 
of the house he then occupied, "the old house," with equal part of shop 
and land, and the same frontage, Sept. 12, 1715 (30: 80). The new house 
he reserved for himself. 

Dan el Heard sold his interest in the old Edmund Heard house to 
Nathaniel, May 1, 1758. Samuel, son of Deacon Daniel Heard, inherited 
a portion from his son Benjamin Heard, and sold a part of the house to 
Samuel, Jr., and Ebenezer Heard, May 19, 1803 (174: 228, 229). John 
Heard sold Gilbert Conant, a schoohnaster, the house and half an acre, 
July 15, 1834 (289: 179). Conant conveyed to Capt. Joseph Gardner, July 
1, 1843 (338: 188); Gardner to the widow Elizabeth Boardman, July 24, 
1852 (465: 16) ; her heirs to Jeremiah Smith, July 21, 1862 (641 : 42). The 
present dwelling cannot be identified with the old house, but the date of 
its erection is not known. Edmund Heard sold his house, probably the 
one built as we have mentioned, before 1715, to Jabez Treadwell, cooper, 
Nov. 23, 1761 (119: 117). His heirs sold to Jabez Farley, Jan. 20, 1792 
(154: 167) and the estate remained in the Farley ownership until its 
recent purchase by Mr. John W. Goodhue. 

Edmimd Heard sold Robert Potter, a tailor, a small plot, about 2^ 


i^iuH- ? 



L k:« 1« v; '•>'■•;.* 1 = ■ 

I -.r=J 5s V-* ■* - * '-; 






h. ' 


, I ^i.^* 


An ancient map, made in 1717, showing the houses and house 
lots on Market Street and Washington Street, and the ancient 
foot-way, which had been obstructed by Capt. Beamsley 
Perkins. Photographed from the original, now in the posses- 
sion of the Essex Institute. 

The long note appended to the map is as follows: 
Some part of this draught was done by rule so as to be suffi- 
cient to shew wliat was it petioned for. Manning's lot, in 
wliich is the compass, as record said, bath Sherard's lot nor east- 
erly, the highway so westerly, which must needs be ment the 
way leading from Scot's Lane up to Quilter's house and barn, 
which barn stands on Manning's lot and so according to the 
draught runs into the lane called Finder's lane (by Graves land) 
comes into the broad common called Meeting House green, where 
the meeting house is. These lots here marked out and the houses 
on them lying southeasterly of the way petioned for were .set as 
was accounted when granted for number of acres, but being much 
more may not suit right standing by what here is done by rule, 
for that was done to signify how far to the meeting house it is 
either to go in the lane by Baker's or in Scot's Lane up to the 
meeting house further than in the way petioned for, for from the 
brook against French's comer it is thirty rods that the way is 
stop't, 22 rod of ye thirty is fenced out and apple trees in some 
part set where we used the way to go to meeting, as our prede- 
cessors did before us, without molestation which 30 rods is in 
the possession of Captain Beamsley Perkins, who it is molests us 
the lots of Proctor and Ausgood being in his possession. And 
the squared loggs that were laid over the brook and the low 
watery mirey ground to the brook have been taken from thence. 
Then this draught does but only signify such a way for a foot 
way in ancient times granted and used by a considerable num- 
ber of the town inhabitants, but now deny'd to be and molested 
therein by Captain Beamsley Perkins. 
(A second map of the same territory is inserted at page .349.) 


rods on the Street, and -i or 5 rods deep, beyond the brook, the spot occu- 
pied by the Ezekiel Peabody house, April 7, 1717 (51: 159). On May 5th 
1726, Potter petitioned the Town for a grant of "a small piece of land in 
front of Edmund Heard's land, on the N E. side of Heard's Brook, to 
sit a house partly thereon. ' ' The Town granted a lot that extended 10 ft. 
from Edmund Heard's land next to the Brook, "and 6 feet from the said 
front forms the dividing line between the said Heard and Mr. Wainwright's 
land, and so on a straight line on the highway" (Town Record). The 
line of the ancient street was very uncertain, it would seem, to admit of 
so large a piece being taken from the highway. Robert Potter did not 
build the house he had planned when he secured the enlargement of his 
lot, but sold it to Thomas Cross, June 3, 1732 (68: 246). Cross did 
build a dwelling but disposed of the house and the 12 rods of land 
to George Dutch, Dec. 4, 1735 (71 : 1). Dutch sold the northeast half of his 
dwelling to Daniel Leighton, March 14, 1740 (87: 152), and Leighton sold 
the same to Daniel Heard Junior, March 9, 1742 (87: 149). He enlarged 
the lot by a quarter acre, purchased of the Richard Rogers estate adjoin- 
ing, Oct. 19, 1744 (87: 153). Elizabeth, widow of Daniel Heard and John, 
their son, sold the property, "the garden and homestead of Mr. Daniel 
Heard, deceased, the husband of Elizabeth and father of John," to John 
Jewett, whitesmith, March 12, 1798 (165: 81). John Jewett, Jun., of Row- 
ley sold the same to Samuel Smith, April 1 , 1802 (169 : 250), and at Smith 's 
decease, Charles Simonds sold to Ezekiel Peabody, cordwainer, reserving 
the dower of the widow Hannah, Aug. 6, 1817 (215: 167). This estate 
includes the land on which the clothing store of Mr. Robert Jordan stands. 
The present dwelling is evidently not the original one. 

John Proctor and Christopher Osgood. 

(Diagram 2.) 
In 1635, Christopher Osgood had received a grant, bounded by John 
Proctor south, John Robinson north, Wm. Fuller east, the swamp west. He 
bequeathed his house and land to his son Christopher, April 19, 1650 (Ips. 
Deeds 1:77). He removed "to Andover, and sold the homestead a house 
and four acres, "neare to the brook running into the Mill River," to 
Thomas Metcalfe, Oct. 2, 1666 (Ips. Deeds 3: 108). Metcalfe sold Isaac 
Littlehale, blacksmith, 17 rods, "at the uppermost corner of my home- 
stead," "adjoyning to the land of John Sparks," March 1, 1690 (Ips. 
Deeds 5: 588). Littlehale located however, on the Damon corner, and the 
lot reverted to the original estate. Metcalfe sold his whole property, about 
six acres, including the low land in the rear, to Jacob Davis, a potter by 
trade, Nov. 21, 1699 (16: 97). The potter, Davis, sold "a certain parcel of 
upland ground" about an acre and a half, to Col. John Appleton,the Lieut, 
of Andros times, now become a Colonel and Judge of Probate, Feb. 25, 
1707 (22: 144), and the balance of the estate, five and a half acres and 
buildings to Capt. Beamsley Perkins, April 17, 1710 (21: 170). The Cap- 
tain carried matters with a high hand. An ancient footway led from Scott's 


Lane across his rear land, up the hill to Loney 's Lane. He obstructed this 
way and forbade travel and the matter was carried to Court. A rude map 
of the region was drawn and presented to the magistrates in 1717. The 
original has escaped destruction and a reproduction will be inserted 
when the narrative has proceeded farther. A note appended to this map 
states that the Perkins lot included the original Proctor and Osgood lots. 

Dr. John Perkins, son and heir of Capt. Beamsley, sold his estate, re- 
serving an eighth of an acre on Col. Appleton's line, to John Wainwright, 
April 13, 1725 (49: 231). This small lot, with other property, the Dr., then 
a resident of Boston, sold to his son. Dr. Nathaniel Perkins, also of Boston, 
Dec. 1, 1740 (80: 302). Wainwright 's administrator sold to Richard 
Rogers, "a dwelling house and land in present possession of Mrs. Cliristian 
Wainwright," about five and a half acres. May 6, 1741 (80; 302) and Dr. 
Perkins sold his eighth of an acre to Rogers, Oct. 14, 1741 (80: 303). 
Rogers, or his widow and admhiistratrix, Mary Rogers, sold the house and 
a quarter acre abutting on the Heard property, to Samuel Wainwright, son 
of John, before 1744, though no record of the deed was made. Elizabeth 
Wainwright, daughter of Samuel, conveyed to Dr. Parker Clark, of New- 
buryport, her house and quarter acre bequeathed her by her mother. May 
1788 (155: 199). She also became the wife of Dr. Clark, who took up his 
abode in the dwelling thus provided. Dr. Clark sold the house and land to 
John Baker, Jr., Sept. 15, 1798 (164: 169). His heir, Manasseh Brown, re- 
moved the old house to the Topsfield road, where it was afterwards burned. 
The new house erected is still the property of his heirs, and the estate 
includes the office building of Hon. Chas. A. Sayward and the dry-goods 
store of W. S. Russell and Son. 

The widow Mary Rogers sold the four acres remaining without any 
buildings to Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, Pastor of the First Church, March 1, 
1744 (89: 36) and he sold to Benjamin Dutch April 4, 1753 (104: 78). 
Dutchbuilt ahouse which was subsequently enlarged, andsold to Nathaniel 
Perley , ' ' the whole of the westerly new dwelling house with chamber and 
garret in the west end of the old dwelling, both of which houses are joined 
together," June S, 1778 (138: 6). Rev. Ebenezer Dutch of Bradford sold 
to Richard Dummer Jewett, trader, " the west lower room of the old 
dwelling of my father, Benjamin Dutch, part of the garden, also the shop 
and storehouse near said house, " " formerly called by the name of fore 
yard," June 8, 1795(159: 117) and Samuel Bacon and others, heirs of 
Nathaniel Perley, sold to Lucy, wife of Richard D. Jewett, the whole in- 
terest of Perley in the house and land, March 2, 1798 (163: 171). The old 
house, with its two front doors, which stood on the site of the present 
dwelling, owned and occupied by the Jewett heirs, is remembered by the 
older folk. 

John Appleton. 

(Diagram 2.) 
On that part of the old Christopher Osgood lot, which Col. Appleton 
purchased, in 1707, he erected his mansion, which has suffered remodellings 




and additions, and wears a very modern look, despite its age. He bequeathed 
it to his sou Daniel (Pro. Rec. 324: 1, 2, approved Dec. 10, 1739). Ehz- 
abeth Appleton, daughter of Daniel, married Rev. John Walley, first Pastor 
of the South Church. Mr. Walley and the other heirs sold the Appleton 
homestead, the house andtwoacres, to Daniel Noyes, Jan. 19, 1768(121:239). 
The house was a three storied affair, and much decayed when Mr. Noyes 
bought it. He removed the upper story, put in new windows and window 
frames, and repaired it thoroughly. Wilham Dodge purchased the estate. 
His widow married Mr. Abraham Hammatt, the Antiquarian. Her daugh- 
ter Wilhelmina, the wife of Dr. Asahel Wildes, inherited, and the Wildes 
heirs sold to the present owner, Mr. M. B. Philipp of New York. Mr. Noyes 
sold a building lot, abutting on Benjamin Dutch, to William Dennis, 
a peruke-maker, May 24, 1768 (130: 221). The heirs of Dennis sold the 
house and its quarter acre lot to William Heard, Nov. 5, 1827 (248: 46). 
The cellar of this house is on the vacant lot, corner of Central and North 
Main Sts. The house was burned in the fire that swept Central St. 

William Fuller. 

(Diagram 2.) 

William Fuller's grant was next to Christopher Osgood's on the north- 
east by the record of 1635. Wilham Fuller, gunsmith, was ' ' lately possessed 
of one house lot, half an acre of ground, to which he added one house lot, 
haK an acre more, also a parcel in the same place bought of Christopher 
Osgood, all which as they lye together, being about five roods, the high- 
way to the Mill on east and southeast, the house lot of Thos. Rowlinson 
northeast, the land of Christopher Osgood south and southwest touching 
upon the house lot of Hugh Sherrat, north." This lot, with one small 
dwelling, he sold to John Knowlton, shoemaker, Oct. 1639 (Town Record). 
The Fuller-Knowlton lot came into the possession of William White, who 
sold two acres here.with "house, barn, orchard, garden and parrocke or in- 
closure of earable land adjoyning, ' ' to John Sparks, ' ' Biskett Baker, ' ' Feb. 
15, 1671 (Ips. Deeds 3: 216). Samuel Graves abutted on the northeast, 
Thomas Medcalfe southwest. Sparks had served as an apprentice with 
Obadiah Woods, a ' 'biskett baker" on East St. and had kept an ordinary 
leased of Thomas Bishop near where the Public Library stands. He had 
received his finst license for a year in Sept. 1671 to sell "beere at a penny a 
quart, provided he entertain no Town inhabitants, in the night, nor suffer 
to bring wine or liquor to be drunk in his house" (Records Ipswich Quarter 
Sessions Court). Here he kept a famous hostelry for twenty years. Judge 
Sewall on his circuits tasted its good cheer, and many a man of renown 
tarried about its wellspread board. Officers and soldiers were quartered 
here in time of danger from Indian attacks. 

As the location of this ancient ordinary has been discussed our study 
of this locality may be extended beyond the ordinary limit. Sparks 
sold his property here to Col. John Wainwright, Maj^ 1, 1691(12: 118) 
described as a messuage or tenement, bake-house and barn. The dwelling 


was not included, nor was the acreage the same. Sparks bought two acres 
and sold one and a half. These are always approximate measurements, 
and the identity of the land is determined by the abutters mentioned in the 
deed, John Potter on the east, Thomas Medcalf on the west, etc. Tliirteen 
years later, March 12, 1704-5, Jolni Roper sold Col. Wainwright, "a dwell- 
ing house . . . formerly in possession of Mr. John Sparks, now in possession 
of Mary, widow of John, and also two roods of ground which sometime since 
I bought of Thomas Medcalf of Ipswicli, adjoining the land on which the 
house stands" (IS: 16). It seems that Sparks remained in occupancy of 
his house after the sale, and when Col. Wainwright sold his estate of about 
three acres here to Deacon Nathaniel Knowlton, Feb. 6, 1707-8, he specified 
that there were two messuages or tenements, one of which was in occupancy 
of Thomas Smith, innholder, and the other was occupied by the widow 
Mary Sparks, " which she is to possess during her natural life, with agarden 
plot as it is now fenced in, and is situate at the southeast corner of said 
tenement" (20: 145). There was consideration also of an annuity payable 
to the widow Sparks by John Smith, cordwainer, and Thomas Smith, cooper- 
Deacon Knowlton sold Ephraim Smith, son of Thomas Smith, tailor, a lot 
on the northeast side, abutting on John Potter, and on the same day, Nov. 
20, 1710, he sold to Ebenezer Smith, a small dweUing house and land, on the 
southwest side bordering on Col. John Appleton (now owned by Mr. Philipp) 
with six rods frontage, about three (juarters of an acre. On Nov. 30, he 
sold the middle lot, containing an acre, with house and land to John Smith, 
shoemaker (23 : 22 and 23). The lot sold Ebenezer Smith was the same that 
the widow Sparks occupied. The "small house" may be the same that is 
mentioned in Wm. Fuller's deed of sale. 

Ebenezer Smith owned this lot thirty seven years and when he sold 
he deeded half a dwelling house, land, etc. with line running through the 
front door, with privilege of a cartway on the northeast end, and a spring 
in the cellar, to Ebenezer Stanwood, peruke maker. Evidently he built 
the house now occupied jjy Mr. Chas. A. Brown, during his ownership 
(90:203). Smith sold Stanwood 20 rods more July 5, 1748 (93:184). 
Stanwood sold to Daniel Rogers, 1766 (120: 81). It was bequeathed by 
him to his son, Daniel A. Rogers (Pro. Rec. 391: 63). Rogers sold his 
title to a half of this property to Moses Lord, July 5, 1833 (271: 39), and 
other heirs sold the other half to Steven Warner, Aug. 21, 1835 (338: 253). 
Warner sold to Thomas Lord of Boston, July 5, 1845 (640: 290), and it 
was .sold by him to Benjamin C. Browai, father of the present owner in 1862 
(640: 291). The other half, devised by Daniel Rogers to his four daughters, 
was sold by their attorney to MarkR. Jewett of Rowley, May 13,1840 (318: 
247). The assignee of Jewett, in insolvency, quitclaimed to John N. Ells- 
worth, Oct. 1,1844 (356: 57). Thus the southwest limit of the original 
Wm. Fuller grant is determined, and the location of the John Sparks 
dwelling, which disappeared when Ebenezer Stanwood built the present 

Before Ebenezer Smith .sold his house to Stanwood, he had sold a lot, 



with fifty feet frontage, to Daniel Tilton, March 1, 1732-3 (68: 149) Tilton 
sold to Christian Wainwright, June 2, 1741 (80: 295). In 1748 (June 22), 
this lot with a house was conveyed by Christian Waniwright, widow of 
John, to Daniel Staniford, Nathaniel Treadwell, abutting on the northeast 
(90 ■ '^39) Dumnier Jewett purchased from the estate of Staniford. Thom- 
as Manning, guardian of the widow, Mary Thorndike,' sold the house and 
land to Jacob Lord, Oct. 16, 1820 (231 : 123) ; Lord to Capt. Wm. Haskell 
in 1826 C>40- 299) : Haskell to Samuel N. Baker, in 1832 (263: 131) ; Baker 
to the widows, Hannah and -\nn Brown, Aug. 21, 1837 (302: 24) ; and they, 
to Joseph Baker, April 29, 1845 (355: 215). Mr. Baker owned the Tread- 
weU property adjoining. He sold the house, which occupied the lot, and 
it was removed to the corner of Market and Saltonstall Sts. It was torn 
down by the Historical Society, after the corner was purchased. 

John Smith di^^ded his lot. His house, a tavern, as he is called ' ' Tav- 
erner " with a half acre, he sold to Jacob Boardman, March 28, 1734 (69: 
198) ' This "house" can hardly be identified with the "bakehouse of 
John Sparks. If John Sparks occupied his "bakehouse" as his ordinary, it 
had probably disappeared by this time, as no mention of such a bmlding 
occurs It may be the same that is now owned and occupied by Miss Lucy 
Slade Lord. Boardman sold to Patrick Farrin, barber ^'^ P^^f ^'ISJ^^^^' ^^f 
James McCreelis,lately removed from Marblehead, April 19, 1.36 68: 16o 
Bv diAdsion,' McCreelis received the house, and Farrin the northeast half 
with a new^shop, a cartway 13 ft. wide between house and shop being 
reserved^or access to the back land. McCreehs sold the house and a 
quarter acre of land, 84^ ft. frontage, to Nathaniel Treadwell, innholder, 
Spnt 114 1737 (73: 256), and Farrin sold his three quarter acre, 63 ft. 
frontrto James Macom of Marblehead, May 2, 1737 (73: 62) Macom 
sold o Anthony Loney, April 11. 1739 (77: 273). Loney sold to Nath- 
aniel TreadweU, May 15, 1742 (84:263). Jacob TreadweU inher ted 
from his father, Nathaniel, and his admmistrator sold to Moses Tread- 
weU, the house and land, "being all that said deceased owned in 
that place, commonly called the old Tavern ot," Aug. 0,^5(208^ 
110).' The executors of the Moses Treadwell f^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^f^ 

^nd land to Joseph Baker of ^-^'.'^]' ^'^'^'^ ''\]f'f^^^ 
heirs of Joseph Baker sold to Mrs. Lizzie G. Hayes (1176. 159) .Mrs. Hayes 
to George K Dodge, July 2, 1888 (1227: 508); Dodge to Mrs. Lois Hardy, 
May 4, 1897 (1514 11), who transferred to Miss Lucy Slade Lord, the pres- 

"* ™'smith, the Taverner, sold the rest of his lot about a quarter of 
an acre to Edward Eveleth, March 9, 1732 (68: 177). Eveleth sold to 
Ws McCreehs Sept. 10, 1736 (73: 193), and McCreehs to James Gordon 
orBoston Oct 9 1737. Gordon built a house and sold house and and 

Dei:::; j::!;es Foster of the South Church, the first Postmaster June 
20,1759(106:206). John Hodgkins of Bath sold Moses Treadwell the 

'^Mary Stauifoid ..amed. flrst, Uu.nmer Jewett and after his death, Lavkin 


lot formerly owned by James Foster," Aug. 12, 1817 (213: 175). Tread- 
well's executors sold part of this to Timothy Souther (275: 186), who mort- 
gaged to Otis Holmes, Jan. 1, 1835 (278: 277). Holmes foreclosed the 
mortgage, March 1, 1842 (329: 240), and sold to Stephen Coburn, April 
15, 1845 (357: 298). He erected the house, which is still owned and occu- 
pied by his daughter. Miss Lucy C. Coburn. The Deacon Foster house 
with land was sold by the executors of Treadwell to Elisha Perkins (276: 
286), and by him to Charles Kimball, July 28, 1834 (276: 287). He built 
the house, now the property of the Trustees of the Manning School, on 
the site of the old dwelling. 

The eastern end of tlie old Sparks homestead was sold by Ephraim 
Smith to his mother, Martha Smith, Dee. 8, 1713 (29: 67), and Thomas 
Smith sold the same, as the deed expressly declared, to Aaron Potter, cooper, 
Feb. 17, 1723 (42: 166). Benjamin Dutch came into possession of a part 
of this very soon and probably built the house. He conveyed his estate 
to his sons Benjamin and Nathaniel, March 12, 1741 (83: 126) and Benja- 
min sold his interest to Nathaniel, Jan. 16, 1750 (101: 38). John Man- 
ning became owner of an interest in the Nathaniel Dutch property, and 
sold the north half to Nathan Jaques, May 2, 1807 (ISl: 181). Daniel 
Dutch sold the south half to Robert Farley, Aug. 29, 1833, and Farley to 
Col. Cliarles Kimball, June 28, 1834 (276: 288). The deed describes the 
property, "being one half the homestead formerly of Benjamin Dutch, 
which by a deed bearing date, March 12, 1741, he conveyed to his sons 
Nathaniel and Benjamin, the estate being the same which was owned by 
Nathaniel Dutch and which was conveyed to me by Daniel Dutch, Aug. 
29, 1833." This marks the eastern boundary of the old Fuller-Sparks 
Wainwright property. The old Dutch house or Jaques house has been 
torn down within a few months by the Trustees of the Manning School, 
who have erected a new business edifice on its site. 

John Covington. 

(Diagram 2.) 

The western corner of North Main St. and Loney's Lane was granted 
to John Covington. This appears from the entry of Hugh Sherrat's house 
lot of an acre with a house, the location of which can be easily identified 
on "Finder's lane," in the rear of the Agawam House and property of 
the Trustees etc. It was bounded southeast by the house lot formerly 
granted John Covington, now in the possession of Thomas Rowlinson, 
and the house-lot formerly granted William Fuller southwest (Town 
Record 1639). 

Rowlinson 's lot became the property of Jane Kenning, and at her 
decease, Theophilus Wilson and his wife, Elizabeth, sold to Samuel Graves, 
hatter, the dwelling and half acre of land "which was the house of Jane 
Kenning, lately deceased, "near the meeting house, bounded by the house 
of John Knowlton on the southwest end and John Wyatts, northeast with 
Goodman Pritchett, who then owned the Sherrat lot, northwest, Dec. 1, 



1654 (Ips. Deeds 1:210). Graves sold to Anthony Potter, Jan. 26, 1673 
(Ips. Deeds 4: 483), and in 1691, it was occupied by John Potter (deed of 
John Sparks, 12: 118). In 1723, it was the homestead of Aaron Potter 
(42:166). Ebenezer Potter of Kensington sold an acre and a half with 
buildings to Thomas Pickard,i May 22, 1788 (148: 257). 

He sold to John Hodgkins, Jr.. Oct. 13, 1797 (162: 248). Hodg- 
kins sold a half of this lot with house to Nath. Treadwell, 3d, innkeeper, 
Sept. 26, 1806 (179: 140), who kept an inn here for many years. He 
sold his tavern-house, barn, stables, etc., to Moses Treadwell, Feb. 9, 1818 
(216: 13). It was owned later by Frederic Mitchell and then by William 
G. Brown, and, in its remodelled form, serves the public as the Agawam 

"The northeast half of the Potter close so called," was conveyed 
by Joseph Manning to his brother Tliomas, March 10, 1802 (170: 185). 
Thomas conveyed the north part of the lotto Wm. Oakes, "for Sarah F. 
Treadwell, a minor under 21," the balance being sold to Wm. Sutton, Nov. 
7, 1835 (287: 281). Mr. Oakes sold the corner of Loney 's Lane and North 
Main St. to Samuel Newman, and on the same day, he sold the other part 
of his lot, adjoining Mitchell's, to Wm. Pulcifer, Sept. 21, 1836 (293: 140). 
Elizabeth Boardman, widow, sold Josiah Caldwell, the north part of the 
brick building, Dec. 23, 1845 (362: 190), and Catherine Underhill and 
others conveyed land with brick and other ouildings to Josiah Dudley 
and W. H. Kinsman, April 9,1878(995:225). 

Hugh Sherrat. 

(Diagram 2.) 
This house lot became the property of John Pritchett, as has been al- 
ready mentioned in connection with the Covington lot. It was included in 
the Taverner Smith's lot, before 1717. 


Loney 's Lane, as it has been called, but formerly Pinder's Lane, was 
originally an open thoroughfare which descended the hill back of the North 
Main Street lots. Seventy-two years ago, an old map shows a way that 
passed between the house of Charles W. Brown and Miss Lucy Slade Lord's 
and connected with this. But this was not of ancient date. Originally the 
old Finder Lane crossed the present Central St. and led across the low land 
to the ancient Bridge street. Allusion to this has already been made in the 
notes on Capt. Beamsley Perkins, and two ancient maps made on that 
occasion are inserted here. While destitute of artistic merit, they define 
every house-lot and building of any importance, and give the name of owner 
or occupant, from Potter's liouse to the corner of Scott's Lane and Mineral 
St. The quaint reflection, ' ' Had there been a little more room in this side, 

iPotter marte a similar conveyance to Dr. Josepli Manninjr, Nov. ;jO. 1797, and Dr. 
Manning conveyed half to Jolin Hoiljrkins Jr., May i', 179!» (166: .521. 


jointed as to keep out all creatures from doing any damage to the laud of 
mineforever more", "a square piece out of my homestead 4^ rods each 
way, bounded nortlienst by High St., southeast by Common St. leading 
Bostonwards. " April 2, 1715 (27: 141). 

Lovell sold the remaining acre and a half, with a dwelling to Stephen 
Perkins, shopkeeper, and James Brown, yeoman, in 1721, Oct. 5 (39: 61). 
The house lot abutted on High St. and on North Main St. as the 
Shannon lot included only the corner of his land. It was bounded south- 
east and southwest upon land of his brother, Alexander Lovell, "till it 
comes to land now in possession of Samuel Graves." Thomas and Alex- 
ander Lovell had pre\'iously sold Stephen Perkins, mariner, an acre and 
a half of mowing ground in the rear of the house lot, fronting on High St. 
(36: 209). Perkins and Brown divided the land. Brown retained the 
house and land on North Main St. Perkins had the quarter acre front- 
ing on High St. and £80, Jan. 31, 1722 (39; 230). James Brown's estate 
fell to his heirs, Elizabeth, wife of Samuel Sawyer, Kunice, afterward wife 
of Timothy Thornton, Elizabeth, wife of Capt. Piobert Perkins and 
Sarah. Sawyer and his wife quitclaimed to the others their right in 
the dwelling, March 12, 1760 (111: 94). He seems to have built a house 
on part of the lot, however, as he sold a half acre and dwelling to Ephraim 
Kendall, Nov. 26,1771 (129: 215). This continued in the Kendall fam- 
ily until Mr. Harry K. Dodge bought the homestead of the widow Mar- 
garet S. Kendall, of her heirs, March 27, 1886. He tore down the old 
house and erected his present dwelling. 

The other heirs of James Brown held the Town property in common 
until 1773, when Timothy Thornton, for Eunice his wife, petitioned for 
a division. The estate included a fifty acre farm in Candlewood, pasture 
lands, and two houses with a three quarter acre lot in the center of the 
Town. Captain Robert Perkins, in behalf of his wife, Elizabeth, and their 
minor children received one house, adjoining the Kendall estate, Feb. 
1773 (131: 213). Benjamin Perkins of Eaton, N. H., sold the southwest 
half of the house, excepting such part as was set off to Sarah, the widow of 
Capt. Robert, to Thomas Kimball, who already was in possession of the 
other half, March 4, 1803 (172: 156). John Kimball and other heirs sold 
to Thomas Morley, June 7, 1854 (498: 40), and lie, to James Damon, Aug. 
5, 1866 (719: 1). Mr. Damon took down the old dwelling and built the 
house now owned by the heirs of Frederick Willcomb. 

The other house, assigned to Timothy Thornton, was inherited by 
James Brown Thornton and Thomas G. Thornton. James sold his half, 
the northeast end, to John Hodgkins 3d, June 30, 1796 (164: 222). Thomas 
had already sold his half to Capt. Aaron Staniford, Jan. 31, 1791 (156: 242). 
Hodgkins sold a piece of land, bounded l>y the Street and Nathaniel Smith's 
garden, to Nathaniel Treadwell 3d, Feb. 8, 1799 (163: 272). His part of 
the house he sold to Benjamin Glazier, Oct. 18, 1800 (168: 46). The heirs 
of Capt. Staniford sold to Thomas Morley, June 20, 1845 (355: 298). He 
cut off his end of the long house, turned it end to the street and made it 


into a separate dwellini;; on part of the land, adjoining the Damon estate. 
The Glazier house became the property of Albert P. Hills, and is used in 
part for the Hills' grocery. 

On the lot, which Treadwell I)ought of Hodgkins, he seems to have 
built a store, as is evident from his deed of sale to Joseph Hale, March 5, 
1799 (163: 272) although only a month after his purchase. The heirs of 
Joseph Hale sold the land, store and a house, to Ebenezer Burnham, Oct. 
21, 1831(271: 153). Ebenezer Burnham sold the same to another Joseph 
Hale, of a later generation,Oct. 18, 1851 (452: 63) and Hale sold to Sylvanus 
Caldwell, May 10, 1854(513:96). Other heirs of Sylvanus Caldwell 
conveyed their interest to their sister, Emeline Farley, wife of Nathaniel 
R. Farley, June 23, 1871 (831: 120). The dwelling was not built earlier 
than 1799. 

The corner lot, sold by Lovell to Shannon, as we have seen, was sold 
by Shannon, then of Portsmouth, to Francis Clark of Salem, 74§ ft. on the 
highway, "leading from ye meeting-house up to ye dwelling house that 
was formerly Col. Francis Wainwright's, deceased, and now in tenure and 
occupation of Samuel Staniford," Sept. 27, 1716 (30: 178). Clark sold 
to Thomas Calton or Carleton Jr., of Salem, Oct. 8, 1726 (48: 155), who 
sold in turn to Richard Rogers, still 4^ rods on each street, Feb. 4, 1728 
(51: 245). Capt. Rogers built a house, and made his home here imtil his 
death. The house still occupies the corner, but it stood originally on the 
line of the sidewalk, and nearly on the same level. An old time buffet or 
"bow fat," of very beautiful design, remains in the west front room. An 
execution for debt was made against the widow Rogers by Joseph Green 
and Isaac Wallcer of Boston, mercliants, July 28, 1747 (91: 24). The lot 
is descriljed as bovmded northwest by Lovell's Close, and it is mentioned 
that Rogers occupied the house at the time of his death. Rev. Nathaniel 
Rogers, who owned and occupied the old Manse, now the property of 
Mr. John B. Brown, became the purchaser, Aug. 10, 1747 (97: 45). 
Mr. Rogers sold to Joseph How, April 16, 1759 (109: 2.50); How to Sarah 
Jewett, Jan. 5, 1762 (111: 6.5). Nathaniel Smith succeeded to the 
ownership, and his heirs. 

This property was conveyed by Sarah Jane and Nancy M. Kent to 
Joseph Wait, and by him to Richard Dodge, Oct. 6, 1852. On Dec. 14, 
1854, Manning Dodge sold Richard T. Dodge the smaller house on the 
same lot on High St. 


High Street was called High Street from ancient times. But it was 
also known as "ye Hill Street. ' ' the great Street, the broad Street, the long 
Street, and sometimes, as tlic King 's highway. Beyond tlie burying ground, 
the name West-end was anciently used, and East -end for tlie eastern sec- 
tion. The former title has been lost but the latter is preser\ed in the 
name East Street. ' ' Puddin Street, ' ' survives as an old nickname, deri\ed 
from the mischie\ous fun of the High Street boys who stole a pudding 
from an oven, and kicked it as a foot-ball up and down the road. 


William White. 

(Diagram 2.) 
White owned the corner, known familiarly as "Dodge's Comer." 
This lot has been considered already on North Main Street. 

William Goodhue. 

(Diagram 2.) 

He received a grant of a house lot, next to William White. His name, 
however, has no further cormection with the lot. It was included in part, 
at least, in the LoveU lot, already considered. Tlie Lovells sold to Capt. 
Stephen Perkms, an acre and a half of mowing ground on High Street. 
The Perkins heirs sold "LoveU 's Lot, ' ' one and a half acres to Col. Thomas 
Berry, the Autocrat of his time, Magistrate, Military leader. Physician and 
Statesman. He lived on the site of the late Joseph Ross 's residence. He 
bought this lot, Oct. 10, 1741 (102: 287), and his widow, Elizabeth, sold it 
Jan. 2, 1764 (113: 91) to Daniel Lord. Nathaniel Lord came into posses- 
sion. Nathaniel Smith acquired part of tliis original lot, by purchase from 
Daniel Rogers, a quarter acre, Oct. 9, 1790 (153: 259), which he sold to his 
son. Dr. Nathaniel, Nov. 1803(172:275). Mark R. Jewett sold an acre 
and an eighth of acre to William Oakes, the famous naturalist, who owned 
and occupied the present Rectory, Jan. 20, 1832 (266:253). It was pur- 
chased by Mr. Joseph Ross, who built the residence owned and occupied 
by his son, Joseph F. Ross. The remainder of this lot was owned by 
Dr. John Manning, then by Dr. Thomas Manning, then by Joseph Manning, 
of Charleston, South Carolina. Joseph E. Manning of Boston sold one 
half of the "Hay Scale Lot, ' ' the northwest half, to Joseph Ross, Sept. 10, 
1856 (538: 59), and the other half to James H. Staniford, May 24, 1858 
(571: 49), who sold to Mr. Ross, Sept. 13, 1859 (596: 15). On this the 
residence of his son, Frederick G. Ross, was built and the small office 
building. ^ 

Solomon Martin and John Hassell. 

(Diagram 2.) 
Martin may have acquired the lot granted to William Goodhue, but 
no record of the sale of Goodhue's lot is preserved. Definite location of 
Martin 's lot, is made, however, by his deed of sale of the house lot, "where- 
in George Palmer and wife now dwell, ' ' the house and lot of John Hassell 
northwest, the land and liouse of Thomas Lovell southeast, to Thomas 
Lovell, May 7, 1652 (Ips. Deeds 1: 117). Martin was then a resident of 
Andover. John Hassell was the original grantee of his lot. It was ac- 
quired by Pliilip Fowler, who sold Roger Darby, "sope-boyler" his dwell- 
ing and two acres, on the ' ' south side of tlie Street, commonly called Hill 
St., " bounded by John Brown's house lot on the west, Jan. 16, 1672 (Ips. 
Deeds 4 : 74) . The Darbys or Derbys were Quakers, much persecuted for 
their faith. They removed to Salem and sold their estate to William 
Stewart, March 25, 1692 (Ips. Deeds 5: 492). William Payne of Boston, 
and Elizabeth, his wife, only daughter and heir of Wm. Stewart, sold to 


Rev. Jabez Fitch, the Pastor of the First Church, July 7, 1704 (17: 34). 
Mr. Fitch increased his frontage by a rod on the back .side of the, 
bought of Francis Young, his neiglibor on that side, May 5, 1708 (26: 2H8). 
He also purchased the Solomon Martin lot of the Lovolls, Dec. 28, 1719 
(36: 202). When he removed to Portsmouth, he sold his property here 
to Job Harris, Nov. 22, 1727 (46: 151), and two and three quar- 
ters acres, bounded east on Stephen Perkins. Harris sold IS rods in the 
corner of the estate with the house to Caleb and Daniel Lord, March 25, 
1751 (120: 41), and it still remains in that familj'. The house stands on 
the north comer of High and Manning Streets. 

Job Harris sold his son John, the .southern half of his dwelling, Jan. 6. 
1770 (129: 29). This was the old house, now known as the Jacob Manning 
house on the corner of Manning St., and was probably erected by Harris be- 
fore 1751, when he sold the older mansion to the Lords. At their father's 
death, John received tliis liouso and the western half of the land, and James, 
his brother, the eastern part., April 4, 1772 (131 : 124). John Harris sold his 
land (two acres) and house to the Town, July 10, 1795 (166: 106). It was 
occupied as the Town Poor House, imtil the Poor Farm was purchased. 
The Town then sold the "work house" and land to Jacob Manning Jr., 
May 10, 1818 (224: 176), and the long, yellow house is known still by his 
name. He built the house between the work house and Mr. George A. 
Lord 's. 

The James Harris homestead, Iniilt about 1772, was .sold b}' his heirs 
to Thomas Staniford Ross, May 1 5, 1 826 (241 : 227) and by him to his father 
Thomas Ross, Jan. 29, 1830 (254: 274). It was then owaied by Aaron P. 
Ross, who sold Mr. George Augustus Lord, the land on which he built his 
residence. May 2, 1857 (551: 229). The remainder of the estate with the 
old house, was purchased by Mr. William S. Russell, who removed the 
James Harris homestead and built his new house on the site. These houses 
probably occupy the original lot, sold by Martin to Lovell. The ancient 
house, sold to Deacon Caleb Lord is probably the same that was o^\Tied by 
Mr. Fitch, and by the Stew^arts as w-cll, and it may have been built by 
Philip Fowler, or by John Hassell, the original grantee. In any case Mr. 
and Mrs. Stewart, whether they were dwelling here before they purchased, 
or elsewhere, were favored with a visit from John Dvmton, the book-pedler, 
who came to Ipswich in the course of his saddle-bag peregrinations, in 1685 
or 1 686. The gos.sipy letter, he wTote his wife, affords a rare glimpse of an 
old Ipswich home, and a complimentary description of the personal appear- 
ance of his entertainers. 

"My Landlady, Mrs. Wilkiiis, having a sister at Tp.swich which she 
had not seen for a gi-eat while, ]\Irs. Comfort, her daugliter (a yoiuig gentle- 
woman equally happy in tlie perfections both of her body and mind), had 
a great desire to see her aunt, having never been at her house, nor in that 
part of the country; which Philaret having a desire to see. and being never 
backward to accomodate the Fair Sex, prefers his service to wait upon 
her thither, which was readily accepted by tlie young lady, who felt herself 


safe under his protection. Nor were her parents less willing to trust lier 
with him. All things being ready for our ramble, I took my fair one up 
behind me and rid on our way, I and my Fair Fellow Traveller to Mr. Stew- 
ard 's whose wife was Mrs. Comfort 's own Aunt : whose Joy to see her Niece 
at Ipswich was sufficiently Expressed by the Noble Reception we met with 
and the Treatment we found there; which far outdid whate'er we could 
have thought. And tho myself was but a stranger to them, yet the 
extraordinary civility and respect they shewed me, gave me reason enough 
to thmk I was very welcome. It was late when we came thither, and we 
were both very weary, which yet would not excuse us from the trouble of 
a very splendid supper, before I was permitted to go to bed ; which was got 
ready in so short a time as would have made us think, had we not known 
the contrarj^, that it had been ready provided against we came. Though 
our supper was extraordinary yet I had so great a desire to go to bed, as 
made it to me a troublesome piece of kindness. But this being happily 
over, I took my leave of my Fellow Traveller, and was conducted to my 
apartment by Mrs. Stewart herself, whose character I shant attempt to- 
night, being so weary, but reserve till to-morrow morning. Only I must 
let you know that my apartment was so noble and the furniture so suitable 
to it, that I doubt not but even the King himself has oftentimes been con- 
tented with a worser lodging. 

"Having reposed mj^self all night upon a bed of Down, I slept so very 
soundly that the Sun, who lay not on so soft a bed as I, had got the start 
of me, and risen before me; but was so kind however as to make me one 
of his first visits, and to give me the bon .tour; on which I straight got up 
and dressed myself, having a mind to look about me and see where I was: 
and having took a view of Ipswich, I found it to be situated by a river, 
whose first rise from a Lake or Pond was twenty miles up, breaking of its 
course through a hideous swamp for many miles, a harbor for bears; it 
issueth forth into a large bay, where thej^ fish for whales, due East over 
against the Island of Sholes, a great place for fishing. The mouth of that 
river is barred. It is a good haven to^vai. Their Meeting House or church 
is built very beautifully. There is a store of orchards and gardens about 
it, and good land for Cattel and husbandry'. 

"But I remember I promised to give you Mrs. Stewards Character, & 
if I hadn't yet, gratitude and justice would exact it of me. Her stature is 
of a middle size, fit for a woman. Her face is stiU the magazine of beauty, 
whence she may fetch artillery enough to Womid a thousand lovers; and 
when she was about 18, perliaps there never was a face more sweet and 
charmmg — nor could it weU be otherwise, since now at 33, aU you call 
sweet and ravishing is in her Face; which it is as great a Pleasure to behold 
as a perpetual simshine without any clouds at all ; and yet all this sweetness is 
joined with such attractive vertue as draws all to a certain distance and 
there detains them with reverence and admiration, none ever daring to 
approach her nigher, or having power to go farther off. She's so obliging, 
courteous and civil as if those qualities were only born with her, and rested 


in her bosom as their centre. Her speech and her Behaviour is so gentle, 
sweet and affable, tliat whatsoever men may talk of magick therein none 
cliarms but she. So good a wife she is, she frames her nature to her hus- 
band 's: the hyacinth follows not the Sun more willingly, than .slie lier hu.s- 
band's pleasure. Her household is her charge. Her care to that makes 
her but seldom a non-resident. Her pride is to be neat and cleanly, and 
her thirst not to be Prodigal. And to conclude is both wise and religious, 
which makes her all I have said before. 

"In the next place I suppose yoiu-self will thuik it reasonable that 
unto Mrs. Stewards I should add her husband's Character: worth 
and goodness do well merit. As to his stature tis inclming to tall: and 
as to his aspect, if all the lineaments of a sincere and honest hearted man 
were lost out of the world, they might be all retrieved bj^ looking on his 
face. He's one whose bovmty is limited by reason, not by ostentation; 
and to make it last he deals discreetly; as we so we our land not by the 
sack but by the handful. He is so smcere and upright that his word and 
his meaning never shake hands and part, but always go together. His 
mind is alwaj'S so serene that that thunder but rocks him asleep which 
breaks other men's slumbers. His thoughts have an aim as high as heaven, 
tlio their residence be in the Valley of an humble heart. He is not much 
given to talk, tho he knows how to do it as well as any man. He loves his 
friend, and will do anything for hun except it be to wink at his faults, of 
which he will be alwajs a severe reprover. He is so good a husband that 
he is worthy of the wife he enjoys, and would even make a bad wife good 
by his example. 

' 'Ipswich is a coimtry town not very large, and when a stranger arrives, 
tis quickly Icnowii to every one. It is no wonder then that the next day 
after our arrival the news of it was carried to JVIr. Hubbard, the Minister 
of the town, who hearing that I was the person that had brought over a 
great Venture of Learning, did me the honor of making me a visit at Mr. 
Steward's, where I lay, and afterwards kindly invited me and my fellow 
traveller to his own house, where he was pleased to give us ver)* handsome 
entertainment. His writing of the History of Indian Warrs shews hime 
to be a person of good parts and understanding. He is a sober, grave and 
well accomplished man — a good preacher (as all the town affirm, for 
I didn 't hear aim) and one that lives accordmg to his preaching. 

"The next day I was for another ramble in which Mr. Steward was 
pleas'd to accompany me. And the place we went to was a to^m call'd 
Rowley, lying six mUes North-East from Ipswich, where most of the In- 
habitants had been Clothiers. There was that Day a great Game of Foot 
Ball to be playd, whicli was the occasion of our going thither: There was 
anotlier Tovm that playd against them, as is sometimes Common in Eng- 
land: but they played with their bare feet which I thought was very odd: 
but was upon a broad Sandy Shoar free from Stones, which made it more 
easie. Neither were they so apt to trip up one anothers heels, and quarrel 
as I have seen em in England." 


William Cartwright. 

(Diagram 2.) 
Cartwright was the original grantee, apparently, of the lot which 
Thomas Brigden of Charlestown, cooper, sold, with a house, to John Wood- 
am, bricklayer, in 1659 (Ips. Deeds 1 : 224). Woodam sold to John Brown, 
in 1663 (Ips. Deeds 2: 194). Brown sold Thomas Lull the northeast part of 
his lot and Robert Paine, the northwest, March 20, 1674-5 (Ips. Deeds 3 :335) , 
and Paine sold his holding to Lull, Aug. 31, 1677 (Ips. Deeds 4: 111). Lull 
sold the lot to Robert Lord, March 15, 1677 (Ips. Deeds 4: 165), who be- 
queathed it to his son, Nathaniel (1683 Pro. Rec. 304: 16-18). Francis 
Young was the owner, in Mr. Fitch's time, as we have seen, and Young 
conveyed this and other property to his son-in-law, John Knowlton, June 
15, 1713 (35: 106). The widow, Rebecca Knowlton, owned in 1721 (39: 
100) and Nathaniel Lord, by his will made in 1818, bequeathed the east end 
of his dwelling to his widow, and the west end to his son, Nathaniel Lord 
3d (Pro. Rec. 393: 37). Heirs of the family still own it. The adjoining 
house on the west is built on a part of the original estate. 

Philip Call. 

(Diagram 2.) 
Philip Call owned a house on this lot in 1659, and, by the deed of 
Woodam to Brown of the adjoining lot, in 1663, he was still in possession. 
Brown's deed of the abutting lot to Paine, gives the owner of this lot as 
Philip Call's widow, Mary, then the wife of Henry Bennet. Nathaniel 
Lord sold this lot to his son-in-law, Joseph Bolles, March 29, 1710 (26: 176). 
BoUes also bought of Joseph Fowler, owner of the abutting lot, a house 
and an acre of land, March 5, 1722 (42: 79). Charles Bolles sold his grand- 
son, John Manning 3d, surgeon, an acre and house, bounded by Nathaniel 
Lord east, and Capt. Ebenezer Lord west, the estate of his deceased father, 
Jan. 16, 1786 (161: 55). Dr. Manning sold the western part of the lot 
with a house, that he probably built, to Daniel Lord 3d, April 23, 1798 (163 : 
117), and the heirs of Lord sold to Abraham Caldwell, whose heirs still 
own the property. Dr. Manning sold the eastern part and house to Ammi 
R. Smith, April 25, 1798 (163: 117). Smith bought a small piece of Na- 
thaniel Lord 3d on the east of his lot, Dec. 9, 1820 (225: 219). Abby H. 
Smith, the executor of Samuel R. Smith sold this estate to John G. Cald- 
well, being the same conveyed to him by Zenas Cushing in 1850, July 25, 
1876 (958: 194). The Caldwell heirs still own. 

Henry Archer. 

(Diagram 2.) 

Henry Archer seems to have been the original grantee of the lot, 

which Jolin Andrews sold to Mr. Richard Dummer, a house and house 

lot of about an acre, with tliree acres more of pasture land adjoining, "which 

said house and land is situate, lying and being in Hill St. . . . called by the 


name of the AVhite Horse," land of Richard Wattles, northwest, house and 
land of Philip Call, southeast, May 14, 1659 (Ips. Deeds 1 : 231). The White 
Horse inn was the occasion of much contention among the good people of 
the town. Corporal John Andrews offended the sensibiUties of his neigh- 
bors by keeping open doors or open bar until past nine o'clock, encourag- 
ing young men in devious ways. A petition of protest against the renewal 
of his license was presented to the Court, and his license was renewed onlv 
"until Salem Court." At the Court in Salem in June, 1658, a second 
petition from the citizens was filed. 

"The Court liaving considered of the petetion of many of the In- 
liabitants of Ipswich, with one formerly presented to ye Court at Ipswich, 
together with y* complaint and information of divers strangers for want 
of needfuU and convenient acomodation and entertaynment at the other 
ordinarye and the intymation of the selectmen of the need of two in that 
town, have thought meet to license Corporal Andrews to keepe an ordinary 
for the entertayment of strangers only till the next Court at Ipswich, 
and not longer, provided that the Inhabitants doe at the sayd Court 
present some meet pson to keepe an ordinary their w ch will accept of 
the same and the Court sliall approve off, only he hath liberty in tliat 
tyme to sell wyne and beere to townsman out of dores. ' ' 

Deacon Moses Pengry was nominated as a suitable person, and re- 
ceived his license on Sept. 7, 1658, and Andrews was permitted to con- 
tinue his ordinary until the following March. The Corporal proved to 
be a stubborn and refractory character. The Court Record of April 28, 
1659, reveals his misdeeds. 

"Corporal John Andrews for several misdemeanors complayned of to 
this Court viz. for selling wine by retail without license upon pretence 
selling by the gallon and three gallons, and yet drawing it by the pint 
and quarte, and for entertaj'ning Townsmen at unseasonable tymes, as 
after nine of the clock, and for entertayning men's sonn's and enter- 
tayning strangers as an ordinary and this after prohibition of the Court 
to keepe an ordinary. The sentence of the Court is that he is fined 20"* 
and to bound to his good beheavior till the ne.xt Court held at Ipswich. ' ' 

Another charge was brought against him on the same docket, on 
which he was also sentenced. 

"Corporal John Andrews stands bound to ye Treserer of this County 
in the sum of fiftye pound upon condition the saj'd John Andrews shall 
appeare at the next Court held at Ipswich to answer to what shall be 
objected against him about a vehement suspition of severall misde- 
meanors and facts as pulling down the signe of Moses Pengry and his 
gate and Mr. Browne his gate and dore and Lieut. Sam. Appleton his 
gate. ' ' 

The petition which is reproduced is evidently the second one, which 
was presented on Jmie 4, 1658, at the Salem Court. It was found by Mr. 
Daniel Fuller .\ppleton in an Antiquary's store in New York City and 
presented by him to the Historical Society. 



The humble peticon of sundry of y^ Inhabitants of y^ Towne of Ips- 
wich whose names 

are subscribed 

That whereas at y" hist Court held at Ipswich, there was presented to 
[ ] Hon** Court, a serious and earnest request upon weighty 

grounds for removin and suppressing one of y*' Ordinaryes, found to be 
many wayes prejudicial! [ ] good of the place wdiich peticon 

found such acceptance with this Hon. [ ] as tliey where pleased 

to grant and continue no longer leave and liberty for [ ] contin- 

uance of y*" said Ordinary, then to this next Court at Salem. We are 
emboldened and encouraged (the causes of our greivances still continuing 
and increasing) to entreat this Hond Court to recall and review our 
former request and supplications tenderd to them in y' particular. And 
according to our hopes then conceived, no longer to continue or grant any 
license for upholding and keeping y^ same ordinary. Which we verily 
believe will be an affectual meanes for y« remooving of much sin and evill 
and minister cause of joy and thanksgiving to many of gods people, 
amongst us. 

San\uell Appleton Sen'' 
Marke Simonds 
Tho Smith 
John Appleton 
Samuell Appleton 
William Adams Sen. 
Edward Chapman? 

Robert Payne 

John Whipple Senior 

William Goodhue 

Moses Pengry 

Richard Kimball Sen. 
William Bartholomew 
Ezekiel Cheever 
Anthony Potter 
Reginold Foster 
Thomas Nowlton? 
Jacob Perkins 
John Warner 
Edward Thomas 
Edward Browne 
Robert Day 
William Adams Juii. 
Daniel Warner 

Mathew Whipple 
Tho. Stace 
John Adams 

Andrews sold his establishment, and John Paine was in possession 
in 1671, by the deed of the adjoining property and Philip Fowler in 1678. 
Philip sold his son, Joseph, his dwelhng house, barns, shop and orchard, 
"which I have owned since 1677, ' ' extending to the ditch that parted from 
Philip's land, April 2, 1715 (27: 132), and Joseph Fowler sold to Jeremiah 
Lord, Jan. 7, 1723, 74 rods, the rest of the original lot that remained after 
his sale to Joseph BoUes (43: 106). Jeremiah Lord sold the east half of his 

■on /»<;',.„v;^. 


«t /"-A t /■ "^ - ic'i- Ybc 

Q^- L. <I^ . 


dwelling to his son, Jeremiah Jr., May 30, 1757 (121: 22). He enlarged 
his lot by the purchase of 2 rods 10 ft. front of theWm. Caldwell estate, 
adjoining on the southwest, July 11, 1763(124: 1). He inherited the remain- 
der probably, and was succeeded by his son, P]benezer Lord, 1771 (Pro. 
Rec. 347: 153). Another Ebenezer inherited and Luther, son of Ebenezer, 
whose heirs still own. 

Richard Wattles. 

(Diagram 2.) 
Richard Wattles was the earliest owner, of whom there is record, of the 
next lot, northwest. He is mentioned in a deed of the adjoining property 
in 1G53, and sold in 1GG3, his house and an acreof land "intheHill St." to 
Henry Hussell of Marblehead, April 18(Ips. Deeds 2: 149). Russell, "sope- 
boyler," sold to Margaret Bishop, Oct. 13, 1671 (Ips. Deeds 3: 301) and 
Margaret, and her son, Samuel, joint executors of Thomas Bishop, .sold 
to Thomas Lull, March 14, 1678 (Ips. Deeds 4: 140). Wm. Caldwell mar- 
ried a daughter of Lull, and after Lull 's decease, his daughter Elizabeth, 
wife of William Herbert, sold Caldwell, her brother-in-law, half the home- 
stead, bounded nt)rthwest by John Holland, Nov. 21, 1733 (Familj- Deeds), 
and on July 10, 1753, Elizabeth Herbert, then a widow, conveyed to him 
the balance, then bovmded northwest by Daniel Ringe. The estate was in- 
herited by Benjamin, son of Wm. who sold his son, Nathaniel, one half of 
the property, Jan. 28, 1805 (Family Deeds). Nathaniel inherited the re- 
mainder of the property, and it is now owoied by his heirs. 

Richard Bidgood. 

(Diagram 2.) 

Two acres here were owned originally by Richard Bidgood, then by 
Robert Paine and Jolm Whipple. They sold a and land to Mr. Wm. 
Norton, and he sold to WiUiam English of Boston, shoemaker, Dec. 9, 1653 
(Ips. Deeds 5: 41). Bonest Norton sold to Thomas Lull, the house and 
land given him by his father, Wm. Norton, deceased, April 9, 1695 (1 1 : 121). 
Lull conveyed it to John Holland, May 22, 1708 (23: 9). John Holland, 
son of John, sold the east half of the estate of his father, abutting on Cald- 
well, to Daniel Ringe, "and ye house as it is now finisht standing there, " 
Nov. 6, 1742 (84: 201). John Holland and George NewTnan, the executors 
of the will of their mother Elizabeth, sold Ringe the other half of the prop- 
erty, with a house, Jan. 31, 1743 (86: 31). The language of the deeds seems 
to imply that the house sold in 1742 was just completed at that time, while 
the other was the original homestead. Daniel Ringe sold the northwest 
comer to his son John, beginning at the south comer of his land, where 
his shop .stands (he was a chaise maker), Oct. 19, 1793 (168: 12). The 
widow Ringe, who died about a century ago, gave a homestead to her 
son, and daughter, Anna, wife of Elisha Newman. It is said that they 
built the house still known as the Ringe house. Nathaniel Caldwell 
married the daughter of Elisha Newman, who became heir of half the 


Paine 's land, Feb. 26, 1668 (Ips. Deeds 3: 153). This deed is of especial 
interest, showing that at that period the thoroughfare variously known as 
Scott's Lane or Bridge Lane or Mill St. reached only a little beyond the 
corner of the present Mineral St. Mr. Hubbard transferred the property, 
containing eight acres, with house," barns, stables, sellers, out houses etc." 
on the 16th of the following February 1668-9 to John Perkins (Ips. Deeds 
3: 126). Perkins sold his son Samuel half an acre, on Baker's Lane, with 
John Day's lot on the south; the lot alluded to as occupied once by the 
widow Rofe,May 14, 1679 (Ips. Deeds 4:285) ; and to Samuel Moses a small 
lot, 2 rods 4 ft. wide, 5 rods 4 ft. deep ,abutting on High St. and the Mar- 
shall Robert Lord's land, Nov. 20, 1682 (Ips. Deeds 5: 176). Moses built a 
house, which he mortgaged to Mr. Joseph Bridgham of Boston, March 16, 
1685 (Ips. Deeds 5: 186). John Allen Jr., of Marblehead sold this house and 
the quarter acre of land, "formerly Samuel Moses late of Ipswich" "in ye 
long street so called" bounded by land of Mr. Abraham Perkins to Ed- 
ward Eveleth,Nov. 15,1708(21: 19) and Eveleth sold to Jonas Clay, March 
14, 1716 (36: 165). Claysold to Mager or Major Gould, an acre of land and 
a house, Feb. 7, 1729(61: 92). Mager Gould Jr. bought the northeast end 
on April 22,1755(104: 4) and inherited the remainder and it continued in 
the Gould ownership until Elizabeth Holland, alias Gage, sold to Abigail, 
wife of Frederic Porter, May 18, 1821 (277: 29). She quitclaimed her 
right in the dwelling of her late brother, Daniel Gould, as conveyed by his 
wiU. This estate is now occupied by John Dudley Harris, though the resi- 
dence is modern. 

Abraham Perkins sold his son, Stephen, a house and three acres on the 
corner of Scott's Lane and the present Liberty Street, bounded by the 
land of Mrs. Hannah Perkins, widow, March 13, 1721-2 (40: 18). John 
Perkins, brother of Stephen, sold him the house and three acres, fronting on 
High St. "now occvipied by Hon. mother, Mrs. Hannah Perkins," Feb. 2, 
1722 (41 : 25). Doctor Jolui Perkins inherited the estate and his executor 
sold to Michael Farley, tamier, a two acre lot, on April 2, 1760 (109: 181). 
Scott's lane was the southwest bound. The Jolm Day lot was then owned 
by Richard Farrin. The original Marshall Lord property was then owned 
by Samuel Lord 3d, of the same family line. Elizabeth Lowater, 
daughter of Capt. Stephen Perkins, and Daniel Giddings held some of 
the original Perkins land. Stephen Lowater, son of Elizabeth (Perkins) 
Lowater, sold tliree acres with a house adjoining the Gould pi-operty to 
Samuel, James and Nathaniel Foster of Boston, Jan. 28, 1788(147: 120). 
They were already owners, probably by inheritance, of the balance of the 
Perkins property, some three acres, and they conveyed the whole estate, 
six and one half acres with buildings, to John Harris, July 7, 1795 (164: 
236). Col. Nathaniel Harris inherited a portion. He acquired the Gould 
property as well and occupied the old house, which was burned about 1858, 
when a fire swept off a number of buildings in this neighborhood. Nathaniel 
Harris sold two acres with buildings on the west of his homestead to Ed- 
ward Harris (May 14, 1816) (209: 159), who had akeady purchased a small 


piece from Lakeman adjoining. Edward sold two and a (|uarter acres with 
buildings as the deed says, "set off to him from his father John Harris's 
estate," to Mark R. Jewett, March 5, 1833 (269: 76) whose heirs are still 
in possession. 

Mark Symonds. 

(Diagram 2.) 

The remainder of the land in this square Avas ownied originally by Mark 
Symonds. His executor, John Aires, sold a house and three acres, to Edward 
Chapman, son in law of Symonds, Nov. 24, 1659 (Ips. Deeds 3: 351). Chap- 
man sold his son, John, a house and 10 rods on the comer, bounded by his 
land on two sides, Sept. 1677 (Ips. Deeds 4: 153). Samuel Chapman ac- 
quired the balance of the estate. Samuel sold an acre on the northeast side 
to his neighbor, .\braham Perkins, to enlarge his property, June 23, 1687 
(7: 152); an acre and house, fronting on the Street, to SamuelAVood, Dec. 
2, 16S7 (12: 119); and an acre and a quarter of land in the rear, to 
Thomas Lull Jr., Dec. 6, 1687 (8: 100). John Chapman sold his corner 
and house, his land increased now to 40 rods, to Caleb and John Kiml)all, 
April 6, 1719 (36: 22) and they sold the same to John Wood, on April 8, 
1719 (35 : 156). By this purchase John became next neighbor to his father, 
Samuel Wood, and inherited his property (50: 253). John Wood's widow, 
Martha, was allotted the northeast part of his estate, boimded by the Capt. 
Stephen Perkins' land, and measuring 4^ rods on High St., Nov. 19, 1752 
(Pro. Rec. 331: 126). Retire Bacon and his wife Margaret acquired pos- 
session, and sold a house and one and a half acres, the whole of the John 
Wood estate probably, to Isaac Marthi, Aug. 7, 1765(117: 29). Martin sold 
to John Lakeman, Oct. 31, 1765(126: 43), the northeast comer of the prop- 
erty abutting on Nathaniel Foster, and another piece on April 19, 1773 
(160: 159). It was owned by Nathaniel Lord, and by his son, Abraham, 
and the northwest part is still in possession of his heirs. 

The triangular plot, now ownied and occupied by Mr. Thomas H. 
Lord , affords an interesting study. Up to this point, we have seen that 
the lands had been granted in small lots, at the beginning of the settle- 
ment. But in this locality, a considerable tract between the Aaron Lord 
property and the corner occupied by the Burnham grocery was still unim- 
proved. On May 19, 1687, the Town granted Francis Young, about 16 ft. 
of land in breadth from the stonewall, against Sanmel Chapman's land, 
and 26 ft. long to set a cattle barn on etc. He had already built a house, 
it would seem, and on Jan. 19, 1693/4, he was granted a small piece, 
near his house, bordering on Lamberds, southeast to Thomas Lull, and on 
Jan. 15, 1694-5, the Town gave a clear title to the squatter, some 
15 rods of Town Common, part of which he had taken and inclosed by his, and now bounded southeast by Sanuiel Wood's land, and southwest 
by a narrow piece of land lately sold Thomas Lull Jr. Lull had bought an 
acre and a quarter and 29 rods of Samuel Chapman, as has been men- 
tioned, and this probably included in part what is now Central St. and the 
Erastus Clark property etc. A cellar was discovered when Mr. Clark erected 


his buildings which belonged probably to Lull's house. The Town had 
granted him a small piece bordering on "Lamberds" southeast in Aug. 
1693. Nathaniel Lord, Thomas Safford and Thomas Lull representing the 
proprietors, sold Lull, Jr., "a certain corner of land, known by the name of 
Lamberd's corner, in the South part of Turkey Hill Eighth and ye Eighth 
next Rowley half an acre & 32 rods, bounded northeast upon Thomas Lull 
Jr. 's land, southeast Capt. Stephen Perkins land, west and northwest upon 
y" highway, being 10 rods ^ wide at y"^ northeast end and 2 rods wide at 
southwest end," Dec. 27, 1726 (75: 128). This included the land on the 
east side of the present Liberty St. apparently, and was still included in 
the divisions into which the Common lands had been divided. 

Young's son-in-law, John Knowlton , Jr. , took the property, having 
assumed his father-in-law's debts, June 1.5,1713(35:106). His widow, 
Rebecca, sold to Joseph Smith, Jan. 10, 1719-20(37: 118). Smith exchanged 
this for another property with Nathaniel Knowlton, now 20 rods, bounded 
north and northwest by the County Road and the way to Thomas Lull's, 
by land of Thomas Lull's south, and Samuel Wood's land southeast, Sept. 
25, 1724 (51: 135). Encroachments were made so easily that five rods 
could have been added by setting out his bounds. Knowlton sold the house 
and 20 rods to Daniel Choate, Nov. 5, 1728(51 : 136). Daniel Choate, a son 
perhaps of the former Daniel, conveyed the southeast half of his homestead 
to his daughter, Mary Choate Feb. 10, 1808 (187: 25). 

This deed mentions for the first time the road that now separates this 
property from the Aaron Lord property, and it defines the bounds as about 
6 rods on this way. It must have been a mere cart-path, however for in 
the division of Abraham Lord's estate in 1808, it is bounded northwest 
by Daniel Choate. Mary Choate received the rest, and sold the whole to 
Robert Stone, March 29, 1822 (237: 27). His mortgagee, Moses Shatswell, 
sold to Asa Lord, March 29, 1826 (241 : 160). Mr. Lord enlarged the build- 
ings to their present form. 

The spot now occupied by the Payne School house is remembered by 
our old citizens as a knoll or small hill, on which a small house stood, near 
the front fence of the school yard. This was also part of the Conunon 
land and was granted to Aaron Day. John and Lucy Lefavour of Marble- 
head, heirs of Day presumably, sold William Lakeman, Jr., "a certain 
piece of land granted to Aaron Day, cabinet-maker, by the commoners, 
with a small dwelling, being at the southwest corner of the Town's land of 
Little Hill, so called, thence running southwest to Scott's Lane, to the 
road leading to Linebrook Parish, thence about 7 rods northwest on the 
road leading to Linebrook, then northeast on the back lane to the Town 
land first mentioned," Jan. 1796 (160: 159). It was Gander Hill, in later 
years, and the reason of this name may be found in the title "Goose Pas- 
ture," of a piece of pastureland on the other side of Boxford road, in the in- 
ventory of John Wood 's estate. The committee of the proprietors of the 
"Turkey Hill Eight and ye Eight next Rowley," sold Wood for £11, a 
three quarter acre lot, which may be included in the field used as a ball- 

hk;h strf:kt, west side. 367 

ground, now owned by Mr. Thomas H. Lord, "the Highway to be left full 
2 rods and a half wide from y"" proprietor's fence as it now stands," May 
21, 1736 (75: 208). The school house stood near the present Hose House 
sixty years ago, and was moved to the present spot and enlarged after the 
Hill had been levelled. 

John Brewer. 

(Diagram 2.) 

From the corner, now occupied by Mr. Nathaniel Burnham's grocery, 
to the railroad crossing, lots were assigned and houses built at the begin- 
ning of the settlement. This corner was known as early as 1728, and prob- 
ably much before, as Brewer's Corner. In Feb. 1662, the constables 
were "ordered to pay John Brewer 20s. for charges he is out about build- 
ing the fort," and on Oct. 2, 1683, John Bruer was chosen Town Clerk 
and instructed to copy the two old Town Books (Town Records). In 
1728, the Town granted "the first or Town Parish" "the land lying 
and being between Bruer's Corner, and the dwelling house of Thomas Lull, 
so as not to obstruct and hinder a good high-way.'" The Brewer house 
lot was of goodly size, and Mr. Brewer sold it in several pieces. To Daniel 
Low, he sold a quarter of an acre on the comer, with a dwelling, and the 
land on Boxford road extended to the ditch that drains the lands, June 
13, 1717 (32: 237). A lot on the northwest side, abutting on ' 'the widdow 
Setchwell," and bounded by the County Road northeast and the "County 
Road leading to Topsfield or however otherwise," he sold to Capt. Stephen 
Perkins at about the same time (32: 172). Francis Sawyer was in posses- 
sion of the intervening tract in 1734, and he may have bought it when the 
others made their purchases. Sawyer and his wife, Susanna, being admin- 
istratrix of Daniel Low, mariner, sold the Low homestead on the corner 
to Samuel Williams, saddler, on Dec. 5, 1743 (89: 142). It came later into 
the hands of Nathaniel Hart. The executors of Sarah Hart sold to Hannah 
Goodhue, widow, the east part of the present dwelling, June 10, 1805 (177: 
44) and Isaac Kimball sold the western end to Jonathan Haskell, with a 
quarter acre, Jan. 11, 1817 (238: 236). These owners are still remem- 
bered. The house is of venerable age, but it is doubtful if it is the original 
Brewer house. 

The middle part of the Brewer lot came into Francis Sawyer's posses- 
sion, we have said. The executors of Capt. Perkins sold him their inter- 
est in the third division, abutting on the Shatswell property, June 27, 1734 
(81: 257). Sawyer sold Moses Lord, chair-maker and turner, "a certain 
messuage near a place called Bryer's Corner, from Nathaniel Hart's land 
by the County Road, 4 rods 7h ft.," to Shatswell's line, Nov. 3, 1757(113: 
206) and on Dec. 21, 1770, he sold Lord the rear land, which was not 
included in the earlier sale (128: 189). Lord built the ancient house 

'The I'arisli still ownss a pasture in the rear of the hmiselots near the railroad 
track, but it does not correspond to tliis description. It may be that this grant was 
exchanged for the one still owned. 


that still stands, probably about the year 1757. It was o-wTied later by 
his sons Jacob and Moses, and Jacob sold his interest to his brother, July 
21, 1818 (217: 255). It was owned at a later date by John Lane. Some- 
time later than 1770 part of this homestead was sold to Joseph Smith, and 
his house was built between the Moses Lord and Shatswell houses. It 
disappeared many years ago. 

John Shatswell. 

(Diagram 2.) 
John Shatswell was one of the earliest grantees, and under date, April 
20, 1635, he is mentioned as owning six acres of ground, where his house is 
built, between Mr. Wade's house lot east and Mr. Firman's on the west, 
Goodman Webster's lot, northeast. I cannot identify this with the present 
Shatswell location. This early grant was on the north side of the highway 
wherever it was, and if another house lot bounded it on the northeast it 
could not be located on High St. as the lots on the other side of the high- 
way are on the hill side. On the 21 May, 16S5, John Day bought one and 
a half acres and the line was laid, "from said Daye's fence corner by his 
brick house," near Mr. Tuttle's and Richard Shatswell 's. The Day lot, 
which still shows the refuse bricks of an ancient brickyard, is probably in- 
cluded in the western part of Mr. John Cogswell's pasture on the Linebrook 
road. It touched on the land of Shatswell and Tuttle. Shatswell may 
have been in possession many years at this time. The estate was divided 
between the sons John and Richard in 1695, and it was bounded by 
Brewer's land east and Mrs. Tuttle's west (24: 40). Its later history is 
given under that of the adjoining lot. 

Simon Tuttle. 

(Diagram 2.) 
The lot, called Mrs. Tuttle's, adjoining Shatswell on the west was sold 
by "Stephen Minot of Boston, Stephen Minot, Jr., son of Steplien by Sarah, 
his wife late deceased, eldest daughter of Francis Wainwright deceased, 
and Samuel Waldo of Boston and Lucy his wife, youngest daughter of 
Francis Wainwright," being "the house and land 2 acres, inherited from 
Simon Tuttle," to Francis' Goodhue, Dec. 6, 1732 (66 : 255). Goodhue sold 
it to Joseph Fowler, Feb. 19, 1745 (94: 247) and the heirs of Fowler sold 
an acre and a half, probably the whole of the same lot, to Nathaniel and 
Moses Shat.swell, March 25, 1807 (236 : 309) . It is still owned by the Shats- 
well heirs. The east end of the house was sold to Capt. John Lord, in 1824. 
The family tradition is that the original house was burned. When Capt. 
John, great grandfather of the John and Nathaniel of today, was to be 
married, the western end was built, and the three families, who then occu- 
pied it, made common use of the single long and narrow kitchen, with its 
one capacious fireplace. In later years, the three houses on the west 
have been built on the Shatswell land. 


The neighboring Fowler property has been a family inheritance for 
generations. It was originally in the Tuttle family, and Simon Tuttle 
sold a house and one and three quarter acres to Joseph Fowler, carpenter, 
June 30, 1720 (39: 118). He bought the adjoining land in 1745, and for 
more than sixty years, both estates remained in the Fowler family. The 
original lot, bought in 1720, still belongs to the Fowler heirs. The original 
trade of the Fowlers was tanning, and it is said that some of the old vats 
were foiuid manv years ago on the lower end of this lot. The gambrel 
roofed house, now" on the spot, old "Sir" Smith used to say, was moved 
from Mineral Street to this spot, perhaps a century ago. 

John Cooley. 

(Diagram 2.) 
The two venerable houses beyond the Fowler location are on the ancient 
house lot of John Cooley, who was in possession in 1638. Richard Kimball, 
then of Wenham, sold to Caleli Kimball, the house, late John Cooky's, 
deceased, bounded by Simon Tuttle southeast, Robert Day .southwest, 
Thomas Smith northwest and the Street, southeast (by error for northeast) 
in 1665 (Ips. Deeds 4: 257). Caleb, probably the son of Caleb, conveyed 
to his son John, a third of the homestead, containing two acres m aU, 
"on that side of the homestead next Simon Tuttle 's, 4 rods 6 ft. and a 
half next the Street, ' ' on June 1 , 1715 (36 : 23) . The residue of his estate, 
Caleb bequeathed to his son Benjamin (Pro. Rec. 320: 261-3), Feb. 28, 
1736 Lieut. Jeremiah Kimball succeeded to the John Kimball estate, and 
at his death, the northwest part was allotted to his widow, and the north- 
east to his eldest son, Jeremiah (Pro. Rec. 351 : 458, 1765). His son, Jere- 
miah, inherited it, and in the division of his estate, it was aUotted to his 
sons, Jonathan C. and Charles, March 25, 1831 (264: 103), who sold to 
Thomas Stamford, Oct. 3, 1832 (266: 246). This ancient dwelhng was prob- 
ably built bv John Kimball, soon after the year 1715. 

" The other part of the estate was sold by Benjamin Kimball, son per- 
haps of the earlier Benjamin, to Capt. Daniel Goodhue, March 1, 1775 
(160: 54). But it returned to its old family hne. Capt. Goodhue sold it 
to Jeremiah Kimball Jr., with an acre of land, June 25, 1801 (170: 24) He 
sold to William Heard, Dec. 7, 1819 (228:197)and Heard to Aliraham Lord, 
Dec 6 1827 (246: 306). It is impossible to determine when the ancient 
dwelling was built, but it was probably erected long before the Revolution- 
ary \N'ar. 

Thomas Smith. 

(DiaRiani 2.) 

The Town Record, under 1638, credits Tliomas Smith with a house 
lot of an acre, at the west end of HighSt., the house lot of John Cooley on 
the southeast "and the Common, near the Common fence gate, on the 


northwest. ' ' This was the end of tlie Town, and beyond was the great un- 
granted area of unimproved Common land, in which all householders had 
rights of pasturage and fuel. A fence was built around the Town, to de- 
fine the limits of the Common land, and to prevent cattle from straying 
into it unguarded. Tlie gate that gave admittance to the Commons, we 
are informed, was near Smith's house. 

Thomas Smith, shoemaker, sold his acre and a half lot to Thomas Dow, 
a soldier under Major Appleton and wounded in the Great Swamp Fight, 
March 9, 1676-7 (Ips. Deeds 4: S3). In his deed of Feb. 4, 1691, Thomas 
Dow states that his brother Jeremiah, was associated with himself in the 
purchase of the lot, that they built the dwelling together, and that he con- 
veys his interest to his brother (50: 130). It was bounded by Caleb Kim- 
ball and John Day. ' ' But all other ways doth adjoin (as it is also bounded) 
by the said Ipswich Common." Jeremiah's will, probated June, 1723 
(Pro. Rec. 313: 639-40) gave a yearly stipend of £4 a year to his widow 
provided she relinquished her claim upon the estate, and gave the real 
estate to his only child, Margaret, not yet eighteen years old. Margaret 
made an early marriage and on Nov. 2, 1727, Henry Greenleaf, her husband, 
and Margaret, sold the homestead to Benjamin Dutch, "bounded north- 
west partly on the Town's Pasture and partly upon a highway to sd. 
Pasture" (49: 250). Dutch sold it to her mother, the widow Susanna 
Dow, Jan. 3, 1728 (51 : 222). Susanna Dow's will mentions her daughter, 
Margaret Lull (Pro. Rec. 329: 19, 20 Oct. 1749). The Town Record in- 
forms us that John Lull and "the widd" Margaret Greenleaf " both of 
Ipswich, were published the 8th of December, 1733. Deeds of the adjoin- 
ing property mention John Lull as the owaier of this estate, and it came 
to him by his wife. David Lord succeeded to the property, and his grand- 
son, George Harris, is the present owner. In digging the cellar for a barn, 
Mr. Harris hit upon the fovrndation of an ancient chimney, and the old well. 
This defines the location undoubtedly, of the house, the brothers Thomas 
and Jeremiah Dow built in 1676. 

John Kimball. 

(Diagram 2.) 

After the Common lands were distributed, and the Common fence 
ceased to be, John Kimball acquired possession of a lot, beyond the Smith- 
Dow location. On May 25, 1752, he deeded to his son, John, "the south- 
east half of my lot of land, on which my said son John's house and barn 
now stand, together with the orchard & buildings on the premises, bounded 
east on the lane leading to the Parsonage Pasture, south on said Parsonage 
Pasture (101: 141)." The house still stands, and near the house on the 
east, a lane leads over the railroad track to the Parsonage Pasture, which 
is still enjoyed by the old First Parish. The property was inherited by 
Charles Lord and by Eben Kimball his son-in-law. 


from Green's Point lload to East St. 

William Merchant. 

C Diagram 2.) 
Crossing to the north side of the old Higliwav, the stately mansion, 
now owned by Russell heirs and Mr. Austin Tv. Lord, is in itself, evidence 
that people of substance built their comfortable houses against the hill side 
On or near this spot at an early period lived William Merchant. At his 
death, he left a widow and a daughter Marj^ his only child, wife of Henry 
Osborn, between whom the Court divided the estate. The widow be- 
queathed her portion to her daughter, at her decease, for the benefit of 
her daughter's children. On April 20, 1694, Henry Osborn conveyed the 
estate to his son, John, on condition of being supported by him (11 : 147). 
On Nov. 29, 170.5, Peter Barbour of Boston, sold James Lord, the west side 
of this estate, bounded northwest l)y Major Wainwright (21: 188), and 
John Bartlet of Newbury sold Lord the other half, July 4, 1709 (21 : 140) 
It seems to have passed from Lord's hands temporarily, perhaps by mort- 
gage, as Anthony Lowden deeded to James Lord, the house where he now 
lives and two acres, bounded by Thomas Safford northwest, June 26, 1730 
(57: 20). James Lord, by his will, bequeathed his real estate to his son 
James, 1734; and this James, in turn, sold to his son, James Jr., laborer, 
the west end of his dwelling, April 24, 1762 (132: 209). James Lord sold 
to Samuel Sawyer, April 13, 1789 (159: 2.50). Sawj'er sold to Benjamin 
Lord and Henry Russell. Upon the death of Mr. Lord, his administrator 
sold his half to John Lord, 4th, grandfather of the present owner. May 16, 
1819 (247: 195). The mansion cannot be the original dwelHng upon this 
site, but its architecture denotes probably a century and a half. Henry 
Russell and his wife, Katherine Sutton, came here to dwell in Jan. 1787, 
it is said. They lived fifty six years together. He died, Dec. 16, 1843, 
aged eighty-six ; she, on Dec. 17, aged seventy- eight, and the two coffins 
lay side by side, and were buried in a single grave. Nine of their children 
grew to mature age. 

Thomas Safford. 

(DiaKraiii 2.) 

To the northwest of this house lot, as the deeds recite, was another* 
which was owned by Major Wainwright in 1705. At a later date, it was 
owned by Thomas Safford, blacksmith, who conveyed to his son, Daniel, one 
half his dwelling and land, and his "shop where y" Loome standeth with 
y« Loome and all my weaver's tackling," July 19, 1733 (66: 162). Daniel 
left a widow and son Ebenezer, to whom it was given (Pro. Rec. 389: 91, 92 
March 1816). The stone gate posts, beyond the Russell house, mark the 
entrance to this almost forgotten homestead. 


Simon Adams. 

(Diagram 2.) 

Next to the Russell-Lord mansion, we find the house owned by John 
Lane, and still in possession of his heirs. Henry Russell made deed of the 
house and 30 rods of land to Mary and Sarah Russell, Jan. 18, 1802 (170: 
172). Much earlier, it was in the possession of Simon Adams, who is located 
here by ancient deeds of the adjoining (Jewett) property in 1707 and 1742, 
and Daniel Adams, 1761 , but the pedigree is obscure. 

William Whitred. 

(Diagram 2.) 
Under the date, 1639, it is mentioned in the Town Record, that William 
Whitred had sold Thomas Smith, his house lot in the Street called West 
end, William Furrier southwest, another lot of Whitred 's northeast, 
which was formerly granted to William Siinmons, and sold by him to 
Whitred. Thomas Smith sold Aaron Pengry, one and one half acres and 
a house, bounded northwest by the widow Marchant, and southeast by 
other land of Pengry's, May 31, 1671 (Ips. Deeds 3: 205). John Pengry 
sold the same to Philip Fowler, bounded northwest by Simon Adams, May 
11, 1707 (20: 105). Philip Fowler conA^eyed to his son Benjamin, "the 
house now occupied by him," March 5, 1715 (30* 13), and Benjamin sold 
to Francis Goodhue Dec. 14, 1733 (64: 215). Goodhue sold to Josiah 
Martin, with Simon Adams's homestead nortliwest, Feb. 4, 1742(82: 223). 
Samuel Lord 3d and Lucy quitclaimed to Daniel Giddinge their interest 
(one-seventh) in the estate of their father, Josiah Martin, Aug. 1, 1761, 
and Giddinge probably gained possession (109: 225). John Cole Jewett 
owned it in 1767, by deed of the adjoining property, and his children sold 
to David Lord, Jan. 28, 1813 (255: 202). Phihp Lord owned in 1830. 
and Nathan Jewett, 1835. No trace of the ancient dwelling remains. 

William Symmons. 

(Diagram 2.) 
The Town Record, as cited under Wm . Whitred, states that Symmons 
sold this lot to Whitred. It was owned by Aaron Pengiy, in 1671. George 
Smith of Portsmouth, sold it, three quarters of an acre of upland, to Caleb 
Kimball Jr., March 23, 1710-11 (35: 113). Wilham Kimball succeeded 
him, and was proprietor in 1760. Nathaniel Haraden of Gloucester and 
Mary sold it to Nathan Low March 23, 1764 (114: 269), and in 1767, May 
8, Nathan Low sold it to Daniel Lord Jr. (127 : 80). Daniel Lord and others 
sold to Moses Jewett, Jan. 28, 1830 (286: 117) ; Moses to Moses Jr., May 8, 
1835; and Moses Jr., to Joseph Wait, Oct. 1, 1835 (286: 118). It is now 
in possession of the Jewetts, but there is no old house. 


Robert Lord. 

(Diagram 2.) 
The adjoining lot seems to have been owned by Robert Lord and his 
heirs so d to Thomas, their brother, April 27, 1714 (39: 216). but the .den- 
til ation is not certain. On Jan. G, 1727, Thomas Nason, laborer, Robert 
Ifd E ther, singlewoman, quitclaimed their right in the estate of th.r 
ather, Will be Nason, to their brother WiUibe, for mother 
Id ac.e (56- 161). Esther and Martha sold their mterest to W dhbe, 
9^1760( 09- 27) Wilhbe Nason sold to John Lord, felt-n.aker. 
WU 7 1 60 (110 183) ■ the heirs of John Lord to Sewall P. Jewett. Jan. 
23' l8lolnd Sctall P. t^ MarU R. Jewett, March 19, 1831 (260: 1111 The 
Jewetts still own. 

Richard KimbalL 

(Diagram 2.) 

Richard Khnball received a house lot, adjoining Goodman Simons in 
the original apportionment, and it was recorded in 1637. He may have 
been the original owner of the two lots, which John cmn-.yed to mchard 
mn ball in 1696 (12: 114). Certainly Richard Kimball owned the ot 
^t ollr, Ld in his will, probated Dec. 25, 1752, ^^ ^^^^^^f^, 
real estate to his son Richard and daughter Ehzabeth bo h "-nor. 33 L 
107). Ehzabeth married Philip Lord,' and, after Ins deah, s^.e so d one 
eighth of an acre and part of her house to Jolm Kuuball Jr Dec. 25 180 , 
(18^ 147) ; the same that John Lane Jr. sold to BenjammFewkes March 
2 lS3-> (%4- 87) This house, now owned and occupied by Mr. Nathan- 
iel'Burnlim,wasbuiltprobablybyPhilipLord. Anarrowdrift-^^^^^^ 
path bounds this property on the west. It is mentioned 11 th^ deeds o 
^t vicinity for two hundred years. Originally it turned to the right 
and ran along the hillside to the Cemetery, bounding the house lots on the 
ZJr Riclwd Kimball sold the original KimbaU house .vitl. a half acre 
to Isaac Lord, felt-maker, Feb. 26, 1784 (142: 213). and ^ -beth Loi d 
sold him a small piece. Dec. 5. 1805 (180: 219). Isaac bequeathed his prop 
^r ty to his nephew Joseph, whose heirs owi. the house now standing, but 
the original house stood on the site of Mr. Thomas H. Lord's, and was oc- 
cupied by his widow, when it had fallen into a very rmnous condition. 

Alexander Knight. 

(Diagram 2.) 

Alexander Knight o.^ed the house lot east of Kitfriftl Thir" 
him, John Gamage, was in possession. Richard Kimball bought a th rd 
of the lot. on the east side, and sold it to 1- «- Richard Feb^ 9^56 
(28: 205) ; but Richard 2nd sold it back to Jolm Gamage Maj «' ' "l^;^^; 
91) Wm. Gamage, executor of the will of his uncle, John, ^^^"^^ 
and barn and one and one half acres to ^^^^ Perkms Oct. .^6^^ 
92). Jacob Perkins sold to Deacon Nathaniel Kimball of the bouth Churc li. 

siu> marrie.i Nath. Warner, pub. Nov. 1-2, 17(58; tUeu I'lulip Lor.l. pu.,. ^ 

an. 1, 1TT4. 


Feb. 17, 17.57 (103: 235). It continued in the same family, and was set off 
to Jonathan, in 1820 (Pro. Rec. 396: 145-148). Deacon John Kimball oc. 
cupied the house for many years. The architecture denotes age, and it 
was probabl}^ built a century and a half ago. 

Allen Perley. 

(Diagram 2.) 
Allen Perley, the original grantee, sold his house and land to Walter 
Roper, Sept. 3, 1652 (Ips. Deeds 2: 44). John Roper succeeded, then 
Benjamin Dutch. Dutch sold the northwest half of the homestead, two 
acres in all, lately of John Roper, to John Brown, 4th, Feb. 3, 1737 (77: 33), 
and the northeast half to Nathaniel Lord, June 16, 1741 (84: 202). Lydia 
Thornton, widow, sold half an old house, bequeathed her by her former 
husband, Mr. John Brown, to Nathaniel Lord, hatter, Jan. 23, 1796 (181: 
237). Nathaniel thus came into possession of the whole. At his decease, 
the northwest half went to the heirs of Abraham and the southeast half to 
Isaac, sons of Nathaniel (Pro. Rec. 379: 62, 1800). Isaac succeeded to the 
whole, eventually. His son, Levi, inherited, and Levi's son, George, now 
owns. The old house stood about 30 ft. further back. Levi Lord tore 
down the northeast half, moved the northwest half forward, and built a 
new half on the northeast side about 1847. 

George Smith. 

(Diagram 2.) 
The lot next the Burying ground M^as owned by George Smith. Ae 
his death, his son, Samuel, received the northeast side and Thomas tht 
northwest. Samuel sold his half to Nathaniel Caldwell, 1713 (30: 43). The 
administrator of John Caldwell sold the property to Jeremiah Day, May 20, 
1793(159:20). Benjamin Kimball was a later owner. Thomas Smith 
sold his interest to Andrew Smith, May 24, 1787 (146: 307). This old 
house disappeared many years ago. The first allusion to the small gambrel- 
roofed house near the burying ground is the conveyance by Eunice Ripley, 
widow, to William Gould, Sept. 16, 1811 (196: 10). 

John Cross. 

(Diagram 2.) 

The ' ' buryinge place ' ' was agreed upon as the westward limit of the 
settlement in 1634 (Town Records). The first lot eastward was assigned 
to Jolm Cross, with six acres on the hill adjoining. Richard Kimball Sen. 
owned here in 1671. It was inherited by his son-in-law, Simon Adams, 
and sold by him to Shoreborne Wilson, with house and barn, June 6, 1698 
(13: 88). Half an acre had previously been sold to the Town to enlarge 
the burying-place. During Wilson's ownership, the Town enlarged the 
burying-place again by buying "a quarter and half a quarter of an acre," 
April 3, 1707. The balance was sold by him to Daniel Rogers, the School- 


master and Judge, July 18, 1709 (21 : 102). Rogers sold to Capt. Stephen 
Perkins, Sept. 15, 1715 (27: 205). The Perkms heirs sold to Edward Eve- 
leth, Feb. 13, 1734 (70: 143), and he to Natlianiel Caldwell, Dec. 3, 1735 
(70: 243). John Caldwell, son of Nathaniel, inherited his real estate (Pro. 
Rec. 322: 365, 1738). Thomas Cross sold the same to James Fo.ster, Nov. 
10, 1741 (82: 247), and this deed gives the boundary on the north .side, "ex- 
tending one rod from the back side of the house towards the Town Hill, on 
land lately deeded to the Parish for a burying place. " This was the third 
encroachment on the burying-ground, and nothing remained of the original 
two acre lot but the narrow strip separating the cemetery from the street. 
Mr. Foster lived in the house till his death, and liis iieirs sold to Isaac Martin 
of Gloucester (1 10: 21). Martin sold to John Lawson the (juarter acre lot, 
witli house and well, Nov. 15, 1769 (127: 11), who sold in turn to Samuel 
Lord 3d, Oct. 1, 1772 (122: 209). Small as the lot was it was divided again. 
Eight years after he boiight it, Mr. Lord sold about eight square rods witii 
half the house, the northwest lialf, to Jonathan and William Galloway, Dec. 
25, 1780 (138: 278). The Galloway heirs sold to Andrew Russell, cabinet- 
maker, April 20, 1847 (399: 54). He lived across the way, in part of the 
Ephraim Harris house, and had his shop for cabinet making on this side. 
The old ( Jalloway house in ruinous condition is remembered by the old 
people on High St. Andrew Russell sold to Francis and Lisette Ross, 
July 17, 1867 (744: 254). The cabinet shop was remodelled into a dwell- 
ing and is now occupied by Mr. Timothy B. Ross, the present owner. Tlie 
northeast half of the old house was sold by Samuel Lord Jr., to Polley 
Choate, seamstress, June 5, 1790 (168: 25). She sold to Nathaniel Tread- 
well, and he to Elisha Gould, Dec. 28, 1811 (208: 39). Gould sold to Tim- 
othy Ross Jr., Oct. 11, 1814 (207: 51). When Samuel Lord 3d Ijought, 
the eastern bound was the Lummus property, but when Samuel Lord Jr. 
sold to Polley Choate, this lot was bounded by Robert Stone's land. This 
was part therefore of the Samuel Lord 3d property. Robert Stone sold 
to William Robbins, Nov. 3, 1807 (182: 292) ; RoblDins to Timothy Harris 
of Rowley, July 8, 1812 (199: 29): Timothy and Daniel Harris to Daniel 
Caldwell, April 16, 1828 (252: 65), and he to William W. Jr., on Dec. 
13, 1851 (466: 43). The heirs of Rust own and occupy the estate. The 
house is first mentioned in Stone's deed, 1807. 

Thomas Dudley. 

(Diagram 2.) 
"Given and granted to Thomas Dudley Esq. in October, 1635," "one 
parcell of ground containing about nine acres lyeing between Goodman 
Cross on the West and a lott intended to Mr. Broadstreet on the East. I'p- 
on parcell of wch. nine acres, Mr. Dudley hath built an house," with otlier 
lands, "all which premises aforesayd, with the house built thereon and 
the palinge sett up thereon, the sayd Tiios. Dudley Esq. hath .sold to Mr. 
Hubbard and his heirs &tc.' '(Town Record). Thos. Dudley is the redoubt- 


able Governor Dudley, who removed his residence from Cambridge at this 
time, and removed to Roxbury a few years later. 

"Mr." Hubbard is undoubtedly Mr. William Hubbard, a prominent char- 
acter in our early town history. Feoffee, Deputy to General Court, and 
Justice of the Quarterly Court. He removed to Boston about 1662. He 
died in 1670, leaving tliree sons,Wiliiam, the Pastor of the Ipswich church 
and Historian of the Indian wars, Richard and Nathaniel. Johnson's 
tribute to him was, "a learned man, being well read in State matters, of a 
very affable and humble behaviour, who hath expended much of his estate 
to helpe on this worke. Altho he be slow in speech, yet is hee dowiiright 
for the businesse."(Felt, Hist, of Ips., p. 75). His son, Richard, sold Symon 
Stacy the dwelling, and nine acres of laud, bounded by High Street on the 
southwest, by Richard Kemball's land on the northwest, and Robert Col- 
lins on the southeast, July 5, 1671 (Ips. Deeds 3: 253). This house-lot was 
the largest ever granted by the Town, and its size alone would identify it 
with the Dudley lot. 

The administrators of Captain Stacy, William Baker and John Stani- 
ford, sold the homestead, bounded west by "Shoarborn" Wilson and east 
by Sergeant Robert Lord, to Jonathan Lvunmus, Sen., June 18, 1712 (24: 
236). Lummus bequeathed his lands to his son Jonathan, by his will, ap- 
proved Aug. 17, 1728 (Pro. Rec. 316: 378-80). He bequeathed his son 
Daniel, ' 'a, small piece of land out of my homestead adjoining to his home- 
stead, to make him a convenient way to his barn, and so to extend from 
the northerly end of his homestead, tmtil it come to the cross fence as it 
now stands, ' ' and ' ' the residue of the real estate, save a part of the house 
reserved for Margaret his daughter, to his son Jonathan." Approved 
gept. 25, 1769 (Pro. Rec. 345: 529-531). Jonathan, the third successive 
owner bearing this name, bequeathed the ancestral property, to his 
nephews, Isaac and Daniel (will approved, June 7, 1791) (Pro. Rec. 360: 

Isaac quitclaimed to Daniel his interest in the western half of the 
estate, with half of the house, April 9, 1799 (217: 19), and a piece of land 
at the west corner of the homestead, beginning at an elmtree by the road, 
3 rods, 13 feet north to the barn, 6 rods 14 feet west to the burying ground. 
Daniel was the son of Daniel mentioned in the will of the first Jonathan 
as his son. His father had already sold him one-half of his house and barn 
with a half acre of land, April 4, 1770 (129 : 16). 

The Committee appointed to divide the estate of Daniel Lummus, 
son of the first Daniel, assigned to the widow, Anna, the eastern half of 
the Daniel Lummus homestead, bounded by land of Samuel Baker; to his 
son Daniel, the other half of the homestead, and to his daughter Anna, 
wife of John Hodgkins, Jr., the eastern half of the house now known as the 
Low house. May 4, 1813 (Pro. Rec. 383 : 622) ; at his mother's death, Daniel 
received her half of the house, and at his death (about 1843) his sister, Mrs. 
Anna Hodgkins, inherited it. She bequeathed it to her daughter, Mary 
wife of George Willett. She left it to her children, George A. and Mary E 


Willett,wife of George Tozer. George Willett had sold a strip of land on the 
southeast corner, thirty-four by sixty-four feet, to Sophia A. Tyler, wife 
of James 8. Tyler, June 2, 1873 (886: 62). Mr. Tyler removed the house 
t hat stood on the site of Mr. John A. Johnson 's present residence, and placed 
it on this lot. The home.stead is owned still l)y CJeorge A. Willett and 
WiUiam H. Tozer. The house is prol)ahly the original, built by Daniel 
Lummus before 1769. 

Isaac Lvunmus bequeathed the western half of the old Jonathan Lum- 
mus homestead to his nephews John and Abraham, sons of Wm. Lummus 
(approved 1849) (Pro. Rec. 415: 16). Abram Lummus, son of Abraham, 
and other heirs sold to John C. Low, May 1 2, 1882, and it is described as still 
containing eight acres moreor less (1 1 13 : 99). It was sold by him to John 
H. Hrown, and by Mr. Brown to Chester W. Bamford. The house, which has 
lately l)een remodelled, was built in all probability during the lAunnms 
ownership. The small piece adjoining the Wallis Rust land was sold by 
Capt. Jolm Hodgkins to his son John (451: 204), and sold by Caroline E. 
Hodgkins to Olive R. Ross, Nov. 5, 1869 (811 : 211). I am aware that 
some transfers of minor importance have been stated in a general way. 
My purpose is, not to establish the legal title of present owners, but to 
show that the original Lummus estate had a frontage on High St. from 
the Wallis property to the Samuel Baker estate, and that this is the 
identical nine acre grant to Governor Thomas Dudley. 

Daniel Rolfe. 

(Diagram 2.) 

The next grant was in possession of . . . Rofe or Rolfe (Caldwell Rec- 
ords) in 1652 and Robert Collings, in 1654 (Ips. Deeds 2: 128). Abraham 
Perkins sold to Robert Lord, Sen. "my dwelling house, barn etc. and three 
and three quarters acres of land, which I lately purchased of Robert Collins 
of Haverhill," bounded by Simon Stacy on the west and John Caldwell on 
the east, April 11, 1682 "(15: 115). The will of Robert Lord Sen., pro- 
bated in 1683, bequeathed "to my youngest son, Nathaniel, my dwelling, 
barn, land wth the close I purchased of Thos. Lull which lieth on the other 
side of ye street . . . whereas I am out £40 for ye house I bought of Abra- 
ham Perkins, my will is that my grandchild, Robert Lord, Tertius, paying 
of y"" £40 to me or my heirs, shall have said house, in which sd Robert now 
dweUs (Pro. Rec. 304: 16, 18)." 

Robert Lord, blacksmith, left his estate to his son Samuel and his six 
daughters, by his will approved in 1735 (Pro. Rec. 320: 177-178). Sanuiel 
Lord Sen., blacksmith, left certain lands to his only son Samuel, aiid men- 
tions that the rest of his real estate was entailed by his father. His will 
was approved in 1755 (Pro. Rec. 333: 217. 352). In 1765, the estate was 
finally divided (Pro. Rec. 343: 499). The widow received her dower, which 
I do not find recorded. The remaining two-thirds of the dwelling and so 
much of the land adjoining "to begin at the corner by Daniel Caldwell's 


land so running northwest by sd road 57 feet to a stake, thence across the 
middle of the well up the Hill ward 65 feet to a stake, thence on a square 
65 feet to a stake, thence on a square 55 feet to Daniel Caldwell's land," 
and a two acre piece above the widow's thirds, were assigned to the daugh- 
ter Mary Lord. About 136 poles in the homestead, between the part 
assigned to Mary Lord and the Luinmus property, was assigned to Samuel 
Lord. Martha and Abigail received other portions of the estate. 

Samuel Lord, the fourth, and others, legal heirs of Samuel Lord, black- 
smith, sold to Samuel Baker, felt-maker, their father's homestead, with 
5 rods 4 feet frontage, extending from the Lummus land to the well, Jan. 
14, 1775 (140: 40). Samuel Baker left the southeast half to the children 
of his son John Baker, the other half after his widow's decease to his 
daughter Elizabeth and Mary (Pro. Rec. 392: 1). 

Mary Lord sold to her brother-in-law, Elijah Boynton, husband of 
Martha, her share with all the upper part of the dwelling, Dec. 7, 1772, 
(131: 118). Elijah Boynton sold the same to Dr. John Manning, Aug. 14, 
1782 (140: 23). Samuel Lord, 3d, and Mary sold Samuel Lord, 4tli, about 
six rods and half a house, "beginning at the highway opposite the middle 
of the chimney of the house, on a line through the middle of the chimney, ' ' 
etc., April 23, 1784 (137: 212). Samuel Lord, 4th, conveyed the same to 
Jolm Manning, Jan. 8, 1787 (146: 200) and Dr. Manning thus became sole 
owner. He sold to Thomas Dodge Jr., Oct. 3, 1796 (161: 69); Dodge, 
then of Londonderry, to John Cooper of Newburyport, Feb. 13, 1815 (206: 
177); Cooper to Elizabeth Jewett, wife of Mark R. Jewett, March 8, 1828 
(269: 74) ; the Jewetts to William Russell, June 5, 1833 (307: 256). Lewis 
Titcomb and Sarah sold to Martha S. Russell, a small piece on the corner 
of the lot, where a felt-maker or hatter's shop stood, June 9, 1851 (486 : 20) . 

Martha S. Russell sold to Daniel S. Russell, May 17, 1866 (704: 300). 
He reconveyed it to Martha S. Russell, Nov. 13, 1872, (869: 52) and she 
sold it on the same date to Carlton Copp (869: 52). He sold to Mary A. 
Rutherford, the present owner, Oct. 6, 1894 (1424: 482). The house now 
stands end to the street, but the deed of Samuel Lord, 4th, to Doctor Man- 
ning in 1784 specifies a line of division, which shows that the old Samuel 
Lord house stood with its front to the street. If the present building is 
the same, a remodelling is evident. 

John Jackson — Simon Bradstreet. 

(Diagram 2.) 

It was specified in the record of Dudley's grant and sale, that this 
land lay between Goodman Cross's and "a lot intended for Mr. Broad- 

The earliest owners of this adjoining lot, however, who are known to 
us, are Daniel Rolfe, who occupied or owned in 1652 and Robert Collins, 
who was in possession in 1654. Bradstreet may have owned this lot and 
the adjoining one, or, it may be, he never owned the immediately adjoin- 


ing lot, but settled on the one next beyond, wliirh came into the possession 
of the Caldwell family at a very early period. 

The one conclusive link of evidence that connects Bradstreet's name 
with this lot, is the record of Edward Brown's house-lot, of one acre, that 
it was bounded southeast by the lot granted to William l^artholomew and 
northwest liy the house-lot now in possession of Mr. Simon Bradstreet 
(1639) (Town Records). It was granted originally to John Jackson, as his 
lot was " on the side of the hill next to Eciward Brown's at six rod's 
broad" (1637). 

In connection with this record of Edward Brown 's house-lot the deed 
of Richard Jietts, published in the Caldwell Records, is of conclusive 

"This present wrighting wittnesseth that Richard Betts of Ipswich 
and Joana his wife, of Ipswich in the Comity of Essex for and yn consider- 
ation of thirty pounds by bill and otherwise in hand payd before the seale- 
ing heereof Have Granted Bargayned, & Sould and bye these presents doe 
fuUj' Grant, Bargayne and Sell vnto Cornelius Waldo of the same Town and 
County, Marchant, all that his dwelling-house situate and being in Ipswich, 
aforesayd, with all the yards, fences and lands about it, haveing the house 
and land of Edward Browne toward the southeast, the house and land late 
.... Rofes (Daniel Rolfe?) toward the norwest, abutting on the street 
toward the southwest, and on the land of Thomas Lovell, toward the Nor- 
east, etc. etc., 

this 14th of September, 1652" 

Cornelius Waldo sold to Jolui Caldwell for £26 "the house I bought 
of Richard Betts the land of Edward Brown southeast, the street south- 
west, house and land of Robert CoUings, northwest." Aug. 31, 1654 (Ips. 
Deeds 2: 128). 

Thus it appears that Bradstreet was bounded by Edward 
Brown in 1639, 'and that Betts, Waldo and Caldwell, were bounded l)y the 
same in 1652 and 1654, and that the Bradstreet lot is identical with the 

It is generally believed that Mr. Bradstreet removed to Andover in 
1644. He was certainly resident there in 1647 as the deed of William. 
Symons to Simon Bradstreet of Andover, makes evident (Ips. Deeds 1 : 35) 

John Caldwell's will was proved Sept. 28, 1692 (Pro. Rec. 303: 84-85; 
Inven. 154). It gave his wife Sarah the use and improvement of all the 
estate during her widowhood, with the privilege of disposing of it or any 
part of it for her necessity, and if she married again, she should have her 
third part. After her decease, his son John was to have a double part, 
i. e. two parts out of eight, with the dwelling house if he desired it, paying 
to his brothers and sisters what belonged to them. 

The widow made her will as follows : 

"having for many years past had supply of her son Dillingham Cald- 
well, for ye supply of her necessities, & dureing her naturall life not know- 
ing how or where boet better supplied and taken care of, he and his wife 


being att all times ready to supply his necessities." As he had advanced 
her £100 she deeded him the dwelling, barn, etc., 

' ' with all the said homestead containing one acre more or less, bounded 
by Street on one end, the other end by land of Lovels formerly, ye one 
side bounded by land of Robert Lord, ye other side by land formerly Joseph 
Brown's, except during sd Sarali's natural life, yt the use and Improvement 
of yt end of ye dwelling house wherein she keeps and lodges" (19 January 
1709). John Caldwell quitclaimed to Dillingham. The widow died Jan. 
26, 1721-2, aged 87. 

Dillingham Caldwell was a weaver by trade, and a man of influence 
and wealth. He died May 3, 1745, aged 79 years. His will, dated Dec. 21, 
1742 (Pro. Rec. 326: 290-2), left his widow the improvement of the east- 
erly end of the dwelling, and provided for her maintenance very quaintly : 

"also I give unto my wife yearly and every year she shall remain my 
widow, ten bushells of Indian corn, two bushells of Rie, two liushells of 
Malt, one hundred poimds of pork, eighty pounds of beef, one barrel of 
cyder, a milch cow that shall be kept for her use, winter and sunmier, and 
the calf such cow may bring, and four ewes kept for her use, summer and 
winter, and ye lambs such ews may bring, and six pounds of Flax Year, and 
so many apples as she shall want for her own use, and sufficient firewood 
for her use, brought to her door, cut and carried into her room, where we 
now dwell. Also two gallons of oyl. ' ' 

The estate, real and personal, not otherwise bestowed, was given to 
his son Daniel. He died childless and the house and land became the prop- 
erty of John, his only brother, and his heirs, Daniel, John and Elizabeth, 
wife of Capt. John Grow. 

John Caldwell Jun. sold to his son Daniel Caldwell Jun., mariner, the 
northwest end of the house, and anvindivided half of the land, Oct. 31, 1797 
(164: 233). He was lost, probably on Ipswich bar, in November, 1804, at 
the age of 34 years, leaving two minor children, Daniel, six years old, and 
David H., 17 mos., who inherited his estate (Pro. Rec. 376: 117; 373: 421)- 
Daniel died when about twenty years old, and David H. inherited his half. 
David sold or transferred liis interest to Daniel Smith, who died insane, 
but bought it back again, and his widow, Emmeline, sold it to Charlotte 
M. Jones, wife of William Jones and daughter of Elizabeth (Caldwell), 
Grow, the daughter of John, Feb. 4, 1868 (759: 136). 

John Caldwell occupied the eastern end of the house until his death, 
and his unmarried daughters, Lucy and Mary, made it their home until 
their death. Mary died Jan. 26, 1861, aged 84, and Lucy died in April 
1868, aged 85. Their niece, Eliza, daughter of Elizal)eth Caldwell and 
Capt. John Grow, lived with them and received this part of the house at 
their death. She married Charles Dodge, and her interest in the house 
fell to her daughter, Harriet Lord Rogers Dodge. 

The age of the venerable mansion is uncertain. It cannot be assumed 
with any confidence that it is the original Bradstreet home. Unless there 
is positive reason for believing it to be of such great antiquity, the proba- 


bilities of tlie case point to a lesser age. A significant item in its liistory 
is that Ricliard Betts sold for £30 in 16.52, and John Caldwell bought of 
Waldo for £26 in 1654. His will was pnjved Sept. 28, 1692, and the inven- 
tory of tlie estate included 

House and lands at home and three acres of land, £109-0-0 

Oxen, cows, horses, sheep and swine, 4()_0-0 

Implements of Imsbandry, carts, plows, 4j^_0-0 

Bedsteads, bedding linen, 19_S-0 

The three "acres of land" are identical probably with "foure acres 
be it more or less, within the Common fields, neare unto Muddy River," 
which he bought of William Buckley and Sarali, his wife, Aug. 31, 16.57 for 
£7, and which Buckley bought of Thomas Manning (Caldwell Records,]). 6). 
The liomestead was valued then at al)Out £100, and for this sum the widow 
sold it to her son Dillingham. There is nothing to indicate any especial 
depreciation of the currency in the valuations of stock, tools, etc. in tlio 
inventory and the only way to explain the enhancement of value from 
£26 in 1654 to £100 a half century afterward is to assume that John Cald" 
well replaced the house he bought, the house owned and occupied by the 
Bradstreets, with a new one of far greater ^-alue. But there seems no room 
for doubt that the Brad.street home was on or near this spot, and the tablet 
has'been located with confidence. 

Edward Brown. 

(Diagram 2.) 

The Edward Brown lot of one acre, soutlieast from Bradstreet, lias al- 
ready been mentioned. He had a son John, who resided in Wapping, 
England, in 1683, when he sold land in the common fields left by his 
father Edward, (Ips. Deeds 4: 533). The widow Sarah Caldwell's deed to 
Dillingham gives the eastern bovnid "land formerly Jo.seph Brown's." 
From the Probate Records, we learn that Joseph Brown died before 1694, 
and that his estate was Jivided to his sons, John and Benjamin (Pro. Rec. 
313: 559, .560), in 1721. 

John Bro-WTi, Turner, granted in his will, proved in 1758, to Elizal)eth, 
liis wife, "all the household goods she brought to me, and all the liimen shee 
liath made since I married her to l)e at her Disposal;" to his son .John, the 
improvement of the two lower rooms and the northeast fhamber and .some 
real estate; to his daughter Esther Adams, and the children of his daugiiter 
Mary Lord, the household goods; and all the r&sidue of real estate to his 
son Daniel (Pro. Rec. 335: 229). The house, barn and land were valued 
at £60 (Pro. Rec. 336: 17). 

Daniel Brown bequeathed the improvement of his property lo his 
widow Hannah, during her life or until her second marriage. He made his 
nephew, Daniel Smith, his sole heir. The will was approved, Jan. 4, 179<> 
(Pro. Rec. 364: 232). Daniel Smith's will, proved in 1844, provided for 
the division of his estate among his sons, Daniel Brown Smith, Thomas 


and Benjamin, and the Probate Record contains this interesting item: 
' ' Daniel Smith was a Revolutionary pensioner, that he died on the 28th 
day of January, 1844, that he left no widow, and that he left seven children 
and no more, viz. Daniel B., Thomas, Benjamin, Polly Lord, Elizaljeth 
Treadwell, Sarah Perkins, & Anna Kimball, and that they all of them are 
living and each of them is of full age" (Pro. Rec. 412: 315, 310). 

Thomas received the homestead, and occupied it until his death at a 
great age, when he bequeathed it to his nephew Charles Smith, who removed 
the old buildings and built his present residence in the rear of the site of 
the homestead. Daniel B. received a part of the house-lot and built a 
house upon it, which he sold to his son, Nathaniel P. Smith, March 1, 1866 
(707: 16). It is now owned and occupied by his widow. 

William Bartholomew. 

( Diagram 2. ) 

Bartholomew received the grant of this lot apparently, as well as an- 
other on East St. No record of the transfer of this lot can be found, but 
it was owned by tlie Lord family at an early date. Daniel Lord married 
Eunice, the daughter of Mark Haskell, and Haskell conveyed to him the 
house and an acre of land, Feb. 24, 1767 (124: 224). Daniel Lord, whose 
will was probated in 1780 (Pro. Rec. 354: 47), bequeathed the house, the 
southeast half to his widow Eunice Goodhue, the northwest half to his 
nephew, Joseph, son of his brother Nathaniel. Joseph Lord, son of the 
preceding, perhaps, owned the house not many years ago. The Josiah Lord 
property, as it is still known, abutting on the estate just described, was 
owned by Capt. John Lord, and sold by him to Josiah Lord and Richard 
L. Weymouth, March 7, 1827 (247: 180). He inherited from Ebenezer 
Lord Jr., probably, and Ebenezer Jr. inherited from Capt. Ebenezer, 
whose will was probated in 1810 (Pro. Rec. 379: 384). Ebenezer was son 
of Philip, and this estate was probably part of the original estate, which 
liad then been divided into several. 

Robert Lord. 

(Diagram 2.) 
This lot was granted to Robert Lord, but came into the possession of 
Robert Roberts, who sold Thomas Lord, shoemaker, on Feb. 22, 1658, a 
house and ground, })ounded by Thomas Clark southeast, the Street south- 
west and Wm. Bartholomew northwest (Ips. Deeds 2:9). Philip Lord was 
in possession later, and his homestead is alluded to in a deed of the adjoin- 
ing property, Nov. 19, 1738 (81:259). The Philip Lord estate was in- 
herited by his sons. Philip sold to Samuel Lord of Gloucester half a dwelling 
with land, "extending tow feet from ye easterly end of ye house, towards 
my father, Mr. Philip Lord, late of Ipswich, & 2 rods 9 ft. from the north- 
east corner of sd. house towards the barn, then on a square one rod& 6 ft. 
to Samuel Lord Jr. 's land and by said Lord's laud through the chinmey 


to the County Road," about 6 rods, Nov. 1, 1754 (137: 211). Philip 
Lord left two minor sons, John and Ebenezer, upward of fourteen, vnider 
the guardianship of Charles Bolles, May 14,1755 (Pro. liec. 33.3:98). 
Ebenezer may have inherited part of the e.state and Ijuilt the house, 
now owned by heirs of Ross and Lord. 

Samuel Lord 3d sold to Asa Lord, the northwest half of his house, 
with half an acre of land, bounded west byCapt. Ebenezer Lord, Sept. 9 
1797 (167: 275). This old house stood on the site now occupied by Mr. 
John A. Blake's residence and is well remembered by the older people. 
Asa Lord owned the northwest part. Polly Lord had an interest in the 
middle, and Sanuiel Lord, who died in 1813, aged 91, owned the northeast 

The present residence of Mr. John Blake was purchased by him and 
his father, Asher Blake, of Capt. Wm. Lanison, and his wife Maria, daughter 
of Deacon Daniel Bolles Lord, June 1, 1868. The guardian of Daniel B., 
Samuel A. and Ann M. Lord, children of Daniel Bolles Lord, cabinet maker, 
sold to Wm. Lamson, two-fifths of the house and three-quarters of an acre 
of land, late the dwelling of Daniel B. Lord, whicli descended to him from 
his father, Samuel, Dec. 22, 1847. This is identical with the Philip Lord 
homestead of earlier days, and the earlier Robert Lord. The house is of 
the ISth century beyond a doubt. 

Humphrey Vincent and Thomas Clark. 

(Diagram 2.) 
The Robert Lord grant of a house lot was bounded east by Humphrey 
Vincent, in the record made in 1637. The deed of Roberts to Lord Feb. 22, 
1658, gives Thomas Clark on the southeast. The Clark lot, which may have 
been identical with Vincent's grant, was sold by Samuel Symonds to John 
Edwards, the house and land late Wm. Wildes, northeast (should be 
southeast) and land of Robert Lord northwest, July 7, 1668 (Ips. Deeds 
3: 81). John Edwards, the son of John, married Margaret, daughter of 
Thomas Lovell, whose dwelling was on the other side of the street, op- 
posite. Prior to the marriage, in the fashion of the time, the parents cov- 
enanted to provide a home for the young couple. John Edwards bound 
himself to give his dwelling to his son, and Thomas Lovell agreed to give 
the pasture on the hill back of the house, April 1 1, 1693 (11 : 179). L'pon 
the death of Edwards, the estate was divided. Jonathan Whipple and 
others sold to Thomas Berry, their wealthy neighbor, their interest in "the 
dwelling house of our brother & uncle, John Edwards, 87 feet on the 
road from sd. Berry's garden," etc. Nov. 19, 1732 (.59:176). Thomas 
Waite and others, heirs of two-fifths of the real estate of John Edwards 
sold their interest in the homestead, comprising house and one and a 
quarter acres to Francis Sawyer, "also two-fifths of the land to be set 
off on the northwest side of sd. homestead to extend from said Philip 
Lord's homestead 58 or 9 ft. upon the front next the road, then to run 
upthrougli the homestead," Nov. 19, 1738 (81: 259). Joseph Willcomb 


came into possession before 1762, and his heirs and Josiah Kimball 
owned it for many years. 

William Wildes. 

(Diagram 2.) 

The Edwards lot, as we have noted, was bounded southeast by the 
house and land, lately owned by Wm. Wildes, deceased, in 1668. As the 
quitclaim deed of Edward Bishop and others, heirs of Wild or Wildes, 
recites, William gave his lands to his nephew John, son of his brother John, 
and said John, deceased, had made conveyance to John Harris, locksmith. 
The children of John, in this deed, quitclaimed to Harris their interest in 
the house and an acre of land, sold to Harris, Dec. 14, 1685 (15: 119). John 
Harris of Ipswich, tailor, and Samuel Harris of Marblehead, joiner, sold 
to Dr. Thomas Berry, "the dwelling house wherein he now lives," with 
barn, bounded south on the highway about 10 rods, May 16, 1721 (41: 1)- 
Dr. Berry enlarged his lot by the purchase of an acre of orchard land of 
Robert Holmes, bounded north by heirs of John Baker, east by John 
Gaines, southwest and west on a small road that Joseph and Philip Fowler 
improve to their pasture on Town Hill, March 1, 1725-6 (52: 160). Holmes 
bought this orchard (100 rods) of Thomas Lovell, June 14, 1710 (35: 205) 
and Lo\'ell bought of Henry Gould and PhiUp Fowler, his attorney, Dec. 
27, 1677 (Ips. Deeds 4: 136). The deed of Holmes to Berry describes this 
land as "running south to a point." Evidently, a cart-path wound up 
the hill on a slant, and this cut off the frontage of the orchard. 

This ancient private way may be a clew to the understanding of the 
deed of sale, entered April 16, 1638, in the Town Record by Samuel Ap- 
pleton to Thomas Firman, of a house lot bounded south by High St., east 
by Edmund Gardner, and west by "a cross-way leading to the meeting 
house," with house etc. No existing .street could be described in this way, 
and the ancient "cross way" may be identical, with this private way 
that ascended the hill near the residence of the late Josepli Ross. It 
may have been used as a short way to the meeting house by the dwellers 
in the ancient Hog Lane or Brook St. 

Dr. Berry enlarged his lot on the west, as we have noted, by the pur- 
chase of 87 ft. in depth from the Edwards estate in 1731. He acquired 
the farm, now owned by the Town and used as a home for the Poor, 
and Lovell's close, on the other side of the street. He died in 1756, and 
his goodly homestead was divided. The orchard property bought of 
Holmes, one-half acre, measuring 63 ft. from John Gaines, "to land 
formerly used as a private way up the hill, " was sold to Samuel Wil- 
liams, saddler, Feb. 26, 1746 (153: 171). The homestead was sold by the 
son, John Berry (125: 142), and by the widow Berry, Nov. 23, 1762 (123: 
174), including the house, warehouse and 12 acres of land etc. to Dr. John 
Manning Jr. The widow Elizalieth Berry sold part of the Col. Berry home- 
stead, abutting on Joseph Wilcom's land, to Samuel Newman, No\'. 23, 
1762 (120: 84). He built the house which has descended to his heirs and 

"'-'ssMPeff;'^'i?rwit»aB»'^ "'"» = 


is now the residence of Mr. Daniel R. Harris. The original chimney stack 
has been removed. Dr. Manning sold to Samuel Lord 3d, Aug. 22, 1771 
(129: 117), and Manning and Lord both conveyed to widow Abigail 
Berry, land abutting on Newman, with, "part of the real estate of 
Dr. Berry," and hberty to use the cartpath at the east end of the house, 
Sept. 22, 1774 (133:268). 

Samuel Williams built a dwelling on his lot, which was inherited or 
purchased by Joshua Williams, before 17GS. John and Samuel Williams 
sold a quarter acre and half the house to Thomas Ross, saddler, wlio already 
owned the other half, with a small shop, March 24, 1804 (174: 165). This 
old saddlery stood on the east side of the Jo.seph Ross homestead, and many 
remember the saddler, busy with the harnesses of the Stage Company that 
were under his care. 

The New England Lace Manufacturing Company acquired the Dr. 
.Manning property, and for a few years a prosperous business was carried 
on, and many girls and women found employment.^ The Lace Company 
sold its property to Joseph Manning Smith, Nov. 11, 1835 (294: 267); 
Smith to Phihp H. Kimball, April 23, 1847 (381: 107) and Kimball to 
Joseph Ross, one and three quarters acres and buildings, bounded west liy 
land of Samuel Newman, now of L. W. Manning, .\ug. 2, 1853 (481: 130). 
Mr. Ross built the mansion, utihzing the building of the Lace J^actory. He 
bought of Nathaniel L. Manning, a lot with 50 ft. frontage, abutting on 
Ne^\inan, April 26, 1854 (492: 298) and also acquired the Ross home- 
stead and removed the buildings. 

John Gaines. 

(Diagram 2.) 

John Gaynes or Gaines was the first owner we identify with the lot 
now owned by the Episcopal church and occupied as the Rectory. His 
heirs were in occupancy in 1768, as the deed of the Berry estate to Manning 
lias shown. Joseph Fowler Jr. sold the house and one and one half acres 
to Dr. Natlianiel Smith of Boston, July 9, 1803 (172: 248). Smith conveyed 
to Wm. Willcomb, July 2, 1808 (184: 174), the heirs of ^^■illcomb to Caleb 
Oakes, Aug. 6, 1825 (239: 292). William Cakes, a famous naturalist, 
made his home here until his death. The Oakes heirs sold to Elizabeth K. 
Lathrop; she conveyed to Dr. John M. Bradl^ury June 11, 1872 (860: 93). 

Samuel Varnum. 

(Diagram 2.) 

The old Manse, the home of Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, Pastor of the 
First Church, is on the lot sold by Sanmel Varmun Sen. to Edward Deare, 
with a house, April 8, 1665 (Ips. Deeds 2: 246). In 1727, Rev. Nathaniel 
Rogers petitioned tlie town for a grant of "12 or 14 feet to the front of tlie 
land he lately purchased for an lot of the widow Deer, for the more 

'.See Publications of tlic liiswicli lli.storicjil Society xiii. Kiiic 'I'lii cnl. l.acc and 
Hosiery in Ipswicli. 


accommable scituation of his house." The Town granted "13 feet on the 
front of his land next to Mr. Stamford's and 12 feet next to Mr. John 
Gaines out toward the street." He built his fine mansion on this spot 
in that year, 1727, it has always been said. 

Daniel Scott of Boston, physician, and Mary, his wife, John Dutch 
and his wife, Mary, sold Jacob Treadwell two-thirds of the "estate of our 
grandfather, Rev. Nathaniel Rogers," May6, 1778(139: 203). Jacob Tread- 
well sold to Joseph Knight of Newburyport, Aug. 24, 1797 (162: 243). 

Henry Cogswell Knight, of Rowley, sold fourteen twenty-fourths of his 
property, a dwelling and 7 acres, to William M. Rogers and Nathaniel 
Wade, guardian of Antonio Knight, a minor, son of Joseph Knight, sold 
the balance to the same, Dec. 9 and 10, 1813 (202: 275, 276). Rogers 
sold the southeast comer of his homestead, abutting on the Staniford 
heirs to Ammi R. Smith. The lot measured 35 ft. on High St. and 40 
feet deep, and there was a store upon it, March 15, 1817 (212: 276). Isaac 
Bangs and others, mortgagees, sold to Nathaniel Lord Jr., the estate 
Rogers had mortgaged to them, and Rogers executed a conveyance, Jan. 
6, 1820 (222: 108, 109). "Squire" Lord, as he was called, was a promi- 
nent citizen for many years. His son, Otis P., attained distinction as a 
jurist, and Justice of the Supreme Court of the Commonwealth. The 
store, mentioned above, was changed into a dwelling and removed by a 
recent owner of the property. Benjamin Kimball, executor of the estate of 
Otis P. Lord sold the house and land to Samuel H. Baker June 17, 1885 
(1152: 262). Baker sold a small piece to Mrs. Bradbury, who owned the 
Rectory lot, and the rest of the estate, the house and five acres, to Miss 
Jennie T. Cogswell Feb. 12: 1890 (1268: 131), who conveyed to Mr. John 
B. Brown, the present owner. 

Robert Paine. 

(Diagram 3.) 
The lot which included the brick house of the heirs of John Jewett, 
which was recently torn down, and the present estate of Mr. Harry B. 
Brown, was owned originally by Mr. Thomas Brecy, then by Robert Paine, 
"Elder to ye church of Ipswich," a man foremost in zeal for the educa- 
tional advancement of the community. He conveyed his mansion and 
three acres of land, with orchard, garden, etc., to his son Robert, Feb. 12, 

1689 (Ips. Deeds 5:590). Robert Paine Jr. and Elizabeth, sold the dwell- 
ing and two and three quarters acres to Mr. Francis Wainwright, Sept. 30, 

1690 (Ips. Deeds 5:326), reserving a quarter acre which he had bought of 
his father in 1689, on the east corner. Matthew Whipple Jun. and Dorcas 
sold this twenty rod lot to Mr. Wainwright, "the land we had of our father 
Mr. Robert Pain," June 20, 1702 (15:216). 

The Wain Wrights were a famous family. Francis, the immigrant, 
served with great distinction in the Pequot war, in his young manhood. 
He became a prosperous merchant and prominent citizen. He died on 

J) . <x 5 

Mo. 3 




May 19, 1G92. His son, Francis, was graduated at Harvard College in 168G. 
He was the Colonel of a regiment, Town Clerk, Representative in General 
Court, Feoffee and Justice of the General Sessions Court. He died on Aug. 
3, 1711, in the forty-eighth year of his age. 

The deeds do not reveal whether the purchaser of the Payne home- 
stead was Francis Wainwright, Senior, or Francis, Junior, but the latter 
owned and occupied it, and his youngest daughter, Lucy, wife of Samuel 
Waldo of Boston, attorney, sold the house and four and a half acres, then 
in the tenure of Jabez Sweet, to Thomas Staniford, Feb. 28, 1740 (83:4). 

Capt. Thomas Staniford "Gentleman" occupied the house until his 
death. His will was filed Sept. 7, 1778 (Pro. Rec. 353 : 206), and the inven- 
tory of his e.state, filed Dec. 9, 1778(353:316) reveals the furnishings of 
one of the fine mansions of the Revolutionary period, at the inflated values 
that prevailed at that time. Some items are of interest, which specify the 
wardrobe of a gentleman of that day and various articles of furniture. 

The mansion house and 12 acres £3500 - - 

About 1^ acres mowing laud adjoining to Pulcifer's 

(the old Hovey estate on Water St. and Hovey's 

^ Pew In the South Meeting House 
a suit of brown broad cloth 
1 dark col'' homespun coat and jacket 
1 cotton velvet jacket 
a wigg 6/ 2 white jackets 24/ 
a pr. of leather breeches 
a gold ring 36/ gold buttons 2^ pwt. 
watch £18 Sword £16 

a black walnut oval table 
a small black walnut oval table 
a maple oval table 
an old fashioned black walnut table 
a small maple tea table 
an old fashioned oak chest and drawers 
an old desk 
a large looking glass 
a Dutch looking glass 
an old fashioned case of drawers 
6 cane back chairs and one great chair 
6 hour glasses 
3 brass candlesticks 
one bed, bolster, and 2 pillows 
one bed, bolster, and 2 pillows 
(Five other beds, bolsters and pillows, appraised 

from £14 - 14 - to £10 - 3 - 

Blue curtains with muslin linings, vallens, head-cloth, 

teister, curtain rods, under bed, bedstead and cord 

a press bedstead, sacking bottom and curtain rods 

3 - 








£7 - 

6 - 











a brass chafing dish 24-0 

1 stove 10-0 

1^ tons English hay £37 - - 

4 tons and 16 hundred salt hay 48-0-0 

a mare 20-0-0 

a cow 17-0-0 

The total valuation was £5063 -18-1 

Capt. Staniford bequeathed his property to his four children, Mary, 
then the wife of Dummer Jewett, afterwards wife of Larkin Thorndike,' 
John, James and Ebenezer. John Staniford, then of Windham, Conn., 
conveyed his interest in the mansion and a half acre lot, to his brother 
James, April 23, 1779 (145: 82), and his interest in eleven and a half acres 
and a barn, to Richard Dummer Jewett, April 30, 1780 (142: 34). Lucy 
Staniford, widow of Ebenezer, conveyed her interest in the home lot to 
her father, Joseph Fowler, Feb. 15, 1787 (153:92). 

Capt. James Staniford occupied the mansion, which is often alluded 
to as the "old brick," because it had brick ends, and kept an inn. He 
also purchased of Richard Dummer Jewett an undivided half of five and 
three quarters acres of the land adjoining. May 28, 1803 (172: 178). The 
heirs of James Staniford and his son James, sold "the brick house" and 
eight and a half acres to Dr. Thomas Manning, June 10, 1830 (259: 76). 
He sold "the old brick" to his son. Dr. Joseph Manning of Charleston, 
S. C, Dec. 27, 1830 (266: 73) and he conveyed it to John Jewett, Dec. 9, 
1835 (290: 121). Mr. Jewett tore down the old mansion, which was still 
in excellent preservation, and built on its site the brick dwelling, which 
was purchased a few years ago and torn down by Mr. John B. BroAvn and 
Mr. Harry B. Brown. 

The Staniford land, east of the homestead, was sold as house lots. 
James Staniford sold a half of an undivided lot, with sixty-three feet front, 
to Dr. George W. Sawyer, May 10, 1806 (310: 222), and Dr. Sawyer sold 
the same to William Willcomb, June 1, 1808 (184: 175). The widow 
Mary Thorndike sold her half interest in this lot to the widow Susanna 
Willcomb, March 27, 1814 (203:33). On May 20, 1824 (235: 176), the 
widow Willcomb sold her lot to the Trustees of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church. A Meeting House was built, and used by the Society until the 
present edifice was erected. 

The old lot was then sold by the Trustees to Robert Jordan, May 17, 
1862 (639: 104). He bought another piece adjoining, Oct. 5, 1863, and 
a small piece of John Jewett, Nov. 6, 1863 (660: 126). The dwelling he 
erected is now owned by Mr. Harry B. Brown. 

A lot adjoining the Sawyer- Willcomb lot was sold by the wdow 
Thorndike to John H. Dodge, as she mentions in her deed of her interest 
in "Brick House Hill" to Thomas Kimball, April 9, 1814 (203: 77). This 
lot was acquired by James Staniford, whose heirs sold to Joseph Wait, 
June 16, 1830 (259: 235). A lot, measuring forty feet on the front, abut- 

iDummer Jewett and Mary Thorndike, pub. Oct. 11, 1754. 

Larkin Thorndike of Beverly and Mrs. Mary Jewett, pub. Nov. 26, 1791. 

Capt. Matthew Perkins house. Page 389. 

The Hovey house. Page 395, 


ting on the land of Daniel Kussell, was sold by Wait to the Trustees of the 
Methodist Chureh, "with the huildings, the same having been built by 
subscription, and by said Trustees, their committee," May 6, 1831 (259: 
236). This was the Parsonage of the Society as long as the old Meeting 
House was used. It was sold by the Trustees to Moses Spiller, Sept. 20, 
1873 (8S9: 193) and was conveyed by him to his son, Augustine II. Spiller, 
Jan. 19: 1882 (1075: 210). The remainder of the lot was sold by Mr.' 
Wait to William Cakes, July 19, 1830 (300: 233), and by tlie administra- 
trix of the Oakes estate to Daniel L. Uodgkins, June 18, 1849 ((302: 297). 
It is now included in the estate of Mr. Harry B. Brown. 

John Fawn. 

(Diagram 'S). 

The lot on which the ancient house stands, that has been identified 
erroneously with the house of John Fawn, Rev. John Norton and Rev. 
Thomas Cobbet, was granted originally to Mr. John Fawn, sold bv him 
to Tliomas Firman, and by Firman, with a house, to Rev. John Norton 
the Teacher of the Ipswich Church, in 1638 (Town Record). Mr. Norton 
occupied it until he removed to Boston, and it was then occupied and 
eventually purchased by his successor. Rev. Thomas Cobbet. His son 
and heir, John Cobbet, sold the house and three acres to PVancis \Nain- 
wright, June 29, 1696 (11:155). Wainwright sold the house and four 
feet of land on the sides and rear to John Annable, March 9, 1696-7(15: 55). 
The remainder of the three acres, an orchard lot, was sold by Major Wain- 
wright to Capt. Matthew Perkins, Oct. 11, 1701 (17: 108). 

The old Cobbet house, with its four feet of land about it, was sold by 
John Amiable to Wm. Stone, March 16, 1707 (20: 108). It was o^\^^ed 
successively by Robert Holmes and his heirs, Nathaniel March and his 
son, and Daniel Russell, who bought the house and land in 1818. Mrs. 
Susan Lakeman the daughter of Daniel Russell, was born in the old man- 
sion still standing, in 1815. She remembers that it was always said that 
her father tore down an old house close by in 1818, called "the March 
house. ' ' This was the original Norton - Cobbet house. 

The present Daniel Russell house was built so near the site of the old 
Norton-Cobbet house that it covered the ancient well, which is still in the 
cellar, and furnishes water for the neighboring stable. The spot is of 
thrilling interest as the place where Norton lived, and wrote his learned 
works, and where Mr. Cobbet gathered his neighbors for prayer for his 
captive son. Here, too, Mugg, the Indian chief, came to see the Pastor, 
on his way to Boston to confer with the Governor. 

Capt. Matthew Perkins built a house for himself on the orchard lot, 
which he retained. It descended to his daughters and was owned suc- 
cessively by WiUiam Dodge, Sanmel Williams, Benjamin Brown, Jonathan 
Newmarch, Ephraim Kendall, Samuel Sawyer, Richard Sutton, .\braham 
CaldweU and Daniel Russell. The deed of Esther Eldwell for herself and 
her brother Abraham Perkins to Ricliard Sutton, specified that it was the 
homestead of their great grandfather, Capt. Matthew Perkins, July 26, 



1768 (127: 84). The southeast half of the house was owned by Mr. Daniel 
Hodgkins, and he built a new residence on land to the eastward of the 
ancient dwelling, which had been originally used as the barn yard.^ 

John Baker. 

(Diagram 3.) 

John Baker owned, by grant, from the Cobbet property to the corner 
of Brook St.^ or Hog Lane, as it was called. On May 30, 1670, he sold a 
quarter acre on the corner of Brook St. and the highway to John Ivnowlton 
Sen. (Ips. Deeds 4: 171). John Staniford purchased a house lot west of 
this, of John Baker, a quarter acre, extending to Hog Lane, bounded east 
by land of Deacon Thomas Knowlton, now in occupation of Nathan Knowl- 
ton, Sept. 7, 1687 (33: 31). Jolm Baker sold Jolm Baker Junior, a half 
acre out of his lot adjoining Staniford 's, May 31, 1698 (33: 181). To his 
son Thomas, he conveyed the house where he lived and the remainder 
of his land, June 14, 1698 (35: 44). The other heirs of Thomas conveyed 
their interest in the estate of their father to John Baker, Tertius, Dec. 27, 
1727 (59: 206). 

John Baker Junior sold eight acres with buildings, largely land on the 
hillside, to Nathaniel Jones Jr., May 3, 1742 (105: 57). Jones had previously 
bought of Joseph Grow, a house and one and a half acres on Brook St., 
Oct. 22, 1733 (66: 261). Jones sold the northwest end of his dwelling 
and two acres of land, seven rods frontage, to George Newman Jr., weaver, 
March 1, 1756 (105: 56); the rest of his estate was mortgaged to Henry 
Wise, March 27, 1758 (105: 58). Wise foreclosed and sold to John Hender- 
son, Nov. 10, 1763 (114: 244). Henderson sold to Peter Freeman, a small 
dwelling and a quarter acre, Aug. 12, 1760 (160: 192). The heirs of Free- 
man sold to Samuel Cohnan, April 27, 1784 (160: 192) who mortgaged to 
Thomas Manning, Nov. 29, 1816 (212: 149). Manning gained possession 
(218: 244) and sold to Stephen Low, June 26, 1824 (235: 278), who sold 
to Thomas Ross, guardian of John Newmarch, Jan. 19, 1828 (248: 53). 
Newmarch sold to Richard Lakeman. Lakeman built the house, which 
was purchased a little later by his brother, Capt. Eben Lakeman, whose 
heirs still own and occupy it. The old house was located back of the 
present dwelling. 

The northwest part of the Jones estate, sold to Geo. Newman Jr., 
came into the possession of Samuel Eveleth, who sold to Richard Lakeman 
Jr., April 21, 1810 (190: 139). Lakeman sold to Nath. Harris Jr. The 
Harris residence is the old house west of the Lakeman dwelling. Mr. 
Edward W. Choate built his house on a part of the Harris land. 

The half acre lot, sold by John to John Baker Jr., came to Samuel 
Baker, and his widow, Sarah. It was acquired by Ebenezer Staniford, 
March 8, 1806 (177: 201). Staniford mortgaged the house and land to 

1 See a detailed study of tlie Xorton-Cobbet location in the Fiililicatione of the 
Ipswich Historical Society, v: pp. 69—75. 

- Brook Sti'eet was the ancient name of Spring Street. 


Mary Dennis and Lydia Newmarch, in 1813 (201: 118), and liis adminis- 
trator quitclaimed to Mary Dennis and Lydia, formerly the wife of New- 
march, but then the wife of John H. Dodge, Jan. 1818 (222: 175). It is 
still known as the Dodge house. The eastern half of the lot came into 
the possession of Jolm T. Caldwell, who sold to Thomas Sweet, Oct. 31, 
1866 (744: 35), who sold m turn to Moses A. Fellows and Sarah G. Hodg- 
kins, May 9, 1873 (936:1). Mr. Fellows built his dwelling on this spot. 

Capt. Jeremiah Staniford inherited the homestead of his father, Capt. 
John. Daniel Staniford received the homestead (179: 114) and sold to 
Nath. Lord 3d, March 5, 1811 (193: 115). Nath. Lord sold to two women, 
whose names are well remembered, Lucy Fuller and Polly Dole, April 29, 
1837 (301 : 268). The administrator of Lucy Fuller's estate sold to Daniel 
S. Burnham, Aug. 23, 1865 (692: 195). 

The corner lot, sold by Baker to John Knowlton, was acquired by 
Nathaniel Ivnowlton, who sold his house and land to John Caldwell,Feb. 
1, 1689 (Ips. Deeds 5: 404). Caldwell sold to his brother-in-law, Jacob 
CaldweU, half of the house and land, July 11, 1723(42: 185). John Cald- 
well 4th, school master, sold to Philip Hammon Jr., mariner, Feb. 7,1787 
(149: 233). Capt. Hammon or Hammond died at sea, and his widow 
Abigail sold to Capt. Wm. Treadwell, Nov. 5, 1823 (232: 301). His heirs 
are still in possession. The present dwelling was unfinished when Capt. 
Treadwell bought, but much material from the older house was evidently 
used in its construction. 

as it was called in the early times. 

On the west side, beginning with East St., Jolm Baker was the original 
owner of a tract which had its front on East St., and its eastern bound 
was the Lane. The corner lot was sold by him to John Ivnowlton, in 1670, 
and the successive owners of this lot have already been traced. 

The lot which Baker sold to John Staniford in 1687 (33: 31) and 
which has been fully described, was bounded on one side by Hog Lane, 
north of Knowlton 's land. This was owned, as we have already said, by 
several generations of Stanifords, Nath. Lord, Lucy FuUer and Daniel S. 
Burnham. The cottage house north of the TreadweU lot is on this estate. 

Another section of the John Baker land, north of that sold to Stani- 
ford, was retained in the family hne and inherited by Samuel. His widow, 
Lucy married George Newman Jr., and he united with her, as admmis- 
tratrix of her late husband, Samuel Baker, in selling a threequarter acre 
pasture "beginning at Jeremiah Staniford 's land at Hog Lane up said 
lane to Nathaniel Jones land, ' ' to George Newman, May 2, 1758(138: 118), 
and this w-as conveyed to George Newman Jr., May 5, 1758 (138: 119). 
The widow Lucy Newman and Benjamin Warner sold this to Sanmel 
f^ Evely or Eveleth, May 20, 1794 (159: 43). He sold this and his house 
lot on High St. to Richard Lakeman Jr., April 21, 1810 (190: 139) and 
Lakeman to Nathaniel Harris Jr., July 14, 1810 (190: 139). Caleb Lord 


aud the heirs of Nathaniel Harris sold two and a half acres to Abraham C. 
Sherburne, Sept. 12, 1845 (359: 9S) and he sold the same to Essex Covmty, 
"part of the Nathaniel Harris homestead," Sept. 27, 1845 (359: 99). 

The County improved the fine spring on the land and laid a pipe to 
the House of Correction. A new well was sunk some years since to sup- 
plement the springs. 

William Symonds. 

(Diagram 3.) 

North of the Reservoir lot, owned by the County, William Symonds 
owned two house lots. He sold a house and a three quarter acre lot to 
John Woodam, bricklayer, Mr. Baker's land south, his own land north^ 
March 31, 1654 (Ips. Deeds 1 : 158), and his house and an acre lot to Wood- 
am, Dec. 19, 1656 (Ips. Deeds 1 : 183). Joseph Morse had a house and lot, 
which his son John inherited in 1646. John Morse's house lot bounded 
this on the south. Woodam enlarged his lower lot on the north end by 
the addition of a half acre, with an orchard, bought of Edward Xelanp 
"Irishman", 12-10-1664 (Ips. Deeds 4: 76), which Neland had bought 
of Jolm Baker, April 28, 1664 (Ips. Deeds 2: 270). Mary Woodam, relict 
of John, sold the upper house and a qviarter acre lot to Robert Lord, March 
29, 1679 (Ips. Deeds 4: 336). 

The balance of the Woodam lots, and the Robert Lord lot as well 
perhaps, came into the possession of Jolui Grow. In 1722, July 26, there 
was presented to the Town, 

"A petition of Doctor Thomas Berry, shewing as it has been found 
by experience, that a cold bath is of great service to mankind, and there 
being a suitable and convenient place to erect a bath-house at the upper 
end of the spring in Hogg Lane, so called, nigh the house of Jolm Grow, 
praying that the town would please to make a grant to him and his heirs, 
of twenty feet of ground, below the bank at the foot of the upper spring, 
to erect an edifice for the use aforesaid, the Town reserving to themselves 
the whole benefit of the lower great spring, which is no ways to be diverted. ' ' 

The Committee, to which the petition was referred, reported that it 
would be no detriment, ' ' provided he comes not within 24 feet of Grow 's 
wall, also if three of the neighbors make complaint he shall open the spring 
again directly. ' ' The privilege was granted. The lower spring is that 
which the County utilized. This upper spring was further up the Lane_ 
The bath-house was probably built by the roadside. 

John Grow, weaver, "in consideration that our said son, Joseph Grow, 
by the hand of God is deprived of sight and thereby rendered Uncapable 
to labour for a livelyhood, as otherwise he could have done, ' ' conveyed to 
the blind man the southermnost end of his house lot, about a quarter of 
an acre, Feb. 1, 1721-2(41 : 70). Joseph came into possession of his father's 
estate and sold his house and an acre and a half to Nathaniel Jones, Oct. 
22, 1733 (66: 261). Jones sold to Jolui Henderson, Aug. 22, 1751 (96: 191). 
John Henderson, administrator of John Jr., sold two thirds of house and 



Jand on Brook St. to \Villian> Holland, .\pril G, 17.57 (130: 168),and a two 
"re lot on Brook St. to Thomas Staniford, March 5, 17fi() (121 : 69). Stan- 
ford was already the owner of the lot adjoining on the north. 

Alice Perkins, widow of Isaac Perkins, owned "land lymg ah,,ve the 
street called Brook Street, six acres, bounded east by the highway lea.hng 
hntb the planting lots," and sold to Joseph Morse, 15th 4th month 
l(i3.) (Town Re<-ord). Joseph Morse bequeathed the house and lot and 
six ac-;-es he had bought of the widow Perkins and the and lot he 
bought of Thonias Donnan,to his wife, Dorothy,and ^-ther house with 
two acres,and six acres adjoining, to his son, John (Ips. Deeds 1 . IS, 1646). 
John Morse sold Lovell, a house and one and a h.df acres and pa,s- 
ture adjoining, "the pasture a little way from the bars at the end of Brook 
^t "Tan 4 1663 (Ips. Deeds 2: 180 and 181). 

\braham Warr owned a lot north of that which William Symmes 
sold to John Woodam in 1656. The administrator of Warr s estate sold 
three quarters of an acre at the upper end of Brook St. to t rancis \^ung 
Dec 4 1677 (Ips. Deeds 4: 310). Young sold to John Staniford, March 
12 1678-9 (33- 32). Thomas Staniford owned in 1760. when he bought 
th; Henderson' land, and it was included in the eleven acres, which the 
widow Marv Thorndike sold to Thomas Kin.ball. It .s still a part of the 
same estate, now owied by Mr. John B. Brown. 

John Newman. 

(Diagram .3.) 

On the east side of Brook St., Jolm Newman sold to William Goodhue, 

weaver, for twenty shillings, the commonage belonging to h.s dwelling 

"situated and being in Brook Street, alias Hogg ^^:^^^'^^^^;;^ ^^^ 

ing houses of Francis Jordan and Joseph Morse." 1st 2nd 1646 (To^^n 

^''°M that date, then, there were only two houses on the east sixie, as 
Jordan's was on the corner of East Street. But John Warner sold a lot 
between Jordan's ,then occupied by Jeflry Snelhng, -^ Newman s,w^^^^ 
a house, to John Woodam, March 10, 1655 (Ips. Deeds 1: 222) ^^ "od'ini 
Lw tl.; house and a quarter acre lot to Giles Birdley, Jan. 4, 658 ps. 
D^ds 1- 235) This may have been only a part of the lot he bought in 
1655 as' the northern bound of the land he sold to Birdley was a house 
and land belonging to Woodanu Birdley sold to Thomas Knowlton Jr., 
'^vTi6'mi;s. Deeds 3: 18). This deed gives John Newman Sr. as the 
abutte; on the north, and it indicates that Birdley had bought the remain- 
der of Woodam 's land. 

Sergeant Free Grace Norton, of Gapt. Samuel Appleton's Company, 
who was killed at Hatfield, on Oct. 10, 1675, owned the house and lot at 
:^ e tr^e f his death. His administrator sold a half acre^ though no men- 
bn is made of a house, to Thomas Dennis, June 20, 16< . (Ips Deeds 4^ 
lo^ John Dennis owned it in 1708, when John Potter bought the come 
lot (20- 199) and Ensign John Dennis still owned in 1739. He bought 


three acres of pasture land east of the house lot of Jolin Newman, Feb. 23, 
1709-10 (23: 116). The house lots seem to have been bounded on the 
east by a stretch of pasture land, which was owned originally by George 
Farlow, then by Roger Lankton, who had a house about where the late 
David F. Dow's residence stands, and then by Thomas Newman. 

John Dennis or his heirs, sold a house lot abutting on the Hovey lot, 
to John Henderson, as Henderson's heirs owned in 1777. Henderson built 
the house still owned by his heirs. Thomas Caldwell bought the northern 
half of the house with land, and sold to James Smith, July 11, 1796 (163: 
256). John Choate, administrator of Elizabeth, widow of James Smith, 
sold to James Smith, Feb. 21, 1833 (275: 82) whose daughter, Elizabeth, 
wife of Abraham C. Sherburne, inherited, and her heirs still own. The 
southern half of the house and land of Thomas Henderson were sold by 
Joseph Henderson, by order of Probate Court, to Abigail Henderson, July 
6, 1829 (275: 82) and her heirs still own. 

The remainder of the John Dennis land was retained by the family. 
Nathaniel Dennis succeeded to the ownersliip, and Thomas. Thomas 
Dennis sold to Nathaniel A. Millett, April 21, 1860 (604: 185). His heirs 
built the colonial house, a little removed from the street. 

John Newman sold to John Dane Sr. (Ips. Deeds 4: 97, conveyance 
of commonage). Robert Dutch acquired possession and sold to Nathan- 
iel Chapman, a half acre lot, in 1681 (Ips. Deeds 4: 400). Nathaniel Cald- 
well owned in 1709, and a slip of the recorder's pen may have been respon- 
sible for the insertion of Chapman's name, instead of Caldwell's, in the 
deed of 1681. 

Nathaniel Caldwell conveyed to his son John, "my homestead in 
which I now live," a half acre, bounded north by John Newman, March 
30, 1713 (33: 186). John Caldwell sold to his son, John, a half acre, 
"mostly planted with apple trees," March 2, 1717-8 (37: 32). John Den- 
nis sold John Chadwell (an obvious error for Caldwell) a narrow strip on 
the northeast side of his house lot, in 1722 (40: 218). Aaron Caldwell 
owned in 1755. Moses Caldwell sold the lot with a dwelling to Stephen 
Caldwell, May 4, 1824 (236: 210). Stephen Caldwell of Newburyport 
sold to Elizabeth Caldwell, Oct. 4, 1839 (321: 286). David Pulcifer sold 
the same, conveyed to his wife Elizabeth above, to William Burrows, July 
10, 1851 (448:82). 

John Newman Jr. received a grant of a Plum Island lot in 1665 "for 
the house that was Roger Lankton 's "(Town Record). Thomas New- 
man had purchased Lankton 's pasture land in the rear of the lots, and 
Jolm Dane's conveyance of commonage, dated June 1, 1677, of the Burrows 
lot, gave as the northwest bound of that lot, the land of John Newman, 
the son of Thomas Newman, deceased (Ips. Deeds 4: 97). The widow of 
John Newman occupied it in 1717. John Newman and others sold to 
Thomas Dennis, a house and five acres, bounded north by William Harris 
and south, partly on the heirs of John Wainwright, partly on land of En- 
sign Jolin Dennis, and John Caldwell, Nov. 14, 1735 (76: 27). 


On March 24, 1755, John Beunet sold a quarter acre lot, witli a dwell- 
ing, to William Robins, bounded "northeast by Thomas Dennis's cartway 
that leads up the hill," east, as the fence stands by said Dennis and partly 
by Mr. John Dennis, south by Aaron Caldwell's land, March 24, 1755 (un- 
recorded deed in the possession of Mr. Arthur W. Dow). Robins sold 
to Edward Martin, May 30, 1808 (195: 245). Edward Martin sold half 
of the old house and lot "beginning at the middle of the fore-door" to 
David Dow, June 16, 1817 (213: 138). Eunice Dow and others quit- 
claimed to David F. Dow Nov. 7, 1857 (572: 33). The old house had dis- 
appeared, and Mr. Dow built the present dwelling. The ancient well was 
discovered by accident, and was'used again. His heirs still own the estate. 
The Joseph Morse house mentioned in John Newman' s deed of 1646, 
may be identical with Roger Lankton's. No deed of conveyance is 

Francis Jordan. 

(Diagram 'S.) 

The lot on the corner of Brook !St. and East St. seems to have been 
owned by Francis Jordan, though Jeffry Snelling, the Town-Whipper, was 
in occupancy in 1655. Richard Belcher, of Charlestown, sold the house 
and land to John Potter, Dec. 22, 1708; "the messuage or tenement that 
was formerly Francis Jordan's deceased," about 2 acres, "bounded west by 
the lane commonly called Hog Lane, and east by land of John Harris" 
(20: 199). The deed specifies an "old house." The ancient house on this 
lot can scarcely be identified with this, and must have been built subsequent 
to 1708, though the architecture indicates this period. 

Daniel Potter sold the house and lot to Thomas Hovey 3d, fisherman, 
March 31, 1741 (81: 176). At Hovey 's death, half the house and land 
was set off to his widow Rebecca, and the other half was sold by John 
Hovey to Ebenezer Hovey, April 29, 1777 (135: 122). Michael Hodge 
of Newburyport brought suit against Ebenezer Hodge, and execution was 
made upon his estate in favor of Hodge, Aug. 1787 (147: 31). Hodge sold 
to Ebenezer Hovey Jr., July 14, 1796. John Hohnes Hovey quitclaimed 
to Stephen Hovej^, his interest in the house of his father, Ebenezer, "near 
Hovey 's Bridge," July 21, 1827 (247 : 230). 

John H. and Izette Hovey sold the west half of the house to James 
Scott Jr., Oct. 29, 1870 (812: 221). Asa Lord sold the east half of the 
house to Perley Scott, . . . April, 1840(537:227). The ancient house, still a 
comfortable dwelling, is now owned by Mr. James Damon, and Mrs. Edward 
Damon. The Town owned a gravel pit on the east side of the house in 
1840, and used it, as long as the limits of the lot permitted. 

William Symonds and John Warner. 

(Diagram 3.) 
The next original lot was owned by William Symonds, planter. He 
sold to Thomas Harris, fisherman, "my house, wherein I now dwell" with 


two acres, bounded northeast by the house lot, now owned by Harris, 
which he bouglit of John Warner, 1648 (Ips. Deeds 1: 159). 

By the will of Thomas Harris, his estate was divided between his sons, 
John, Ebenezer and William, extending from the Stephen Hovey lot to 
the lot now owned and occupied by the widow of John Roberts. John 
owned the west part, William the east portion. Ebenezer sold William 
half a dwelling and a third of the house lot and orchard, half the barn, 
leantos and shop, and a fourth of the "clay pitt meadow" on the opposite 
side of the street, Feb. 25, 1695 (32: 49). The heirs ol John (WiUiam and 
John) succeeded to his estate. John had the east half and William the 
west, Dec. 22, 1742 (82: 252). 

William Harris sold a piece of land, three rods six feet on the Street, 
tlie line on the east side running north, over the middle of a well, two rods 
eight feet, to John Holmes May 18, 1766(158: 133). Capt. Holmes built 
the house now standing next the Hovey house, which his widow Sarah sold 
Joseph Wait, March 12, 1805 (176: 26). Joseph Wait sold to Elizabeth and 
Polly Ross, singlewomen, the house ' ' which I purchased of Sarah Holmes ' ' 
July 12, 1816 (209: 277). "Polly" Ross kept a "dame store" in the small 
building connected with the house. It was purchased by Aaron H. Sweet, 
whose will, filed Feb. 7, 1860, bequeathed all his property to his widow. 
She conveyed it to Dr. Chas. Cullis, of the Home for Con-sumptives, March 
5, 1880(1033: 145), who sold to Frederic Willcomb, Jan. 31,1885 (1354:216). 

The John Harris property descended to Capt. Stephen Baker, whose 
heirs still own and occupy. 

William Harris, son of Thomas, sold Richard Pulsifer, a lot forty feet 
square, at the southeast corner of his homestead, abutting east on Col. 
Wainwright, April 19, 1704 (18: 72). He sold his son, Wm. Harris Jr., a 
small plot adjoining Pulcifer's, two rods ten feet wide on the street, and 
three rods deep, June 9, 1727 (53: 257), and on this lot, Harris built a 
house. Wm. Harris sold his son Wm. Jun. the northeast half of his home- 
stead, the line running through the well, March 15, 1739 (79: 237) and the 
other half to his daugliter, Sarah Hodgkins, July 15, 1742 (86: 30). Heze- 
kiah Hodgkins and Sarah sold tlieir interest in their father William 's estate 
and the old house thereon to William 3d, Feb. 5, 1747 (93: 144). William 
3d sold the whole of the original estate of his father, save the Pulcifer lot, 
to Richard Harris, Feb. 12, 1757 (103: 228). 

Richard's property came to Samuel, partly by purchase, March 15, 
1805 (179: 150) and Samuel sold to John How Boardman, the whole one 
and a half acres, May 29, 1823 (232: 123). Boardman sold to Joseph Har- 
ris, the west end of the lot, 52 ft. front, the line running through the well 
70 ft. 8 in. deep on Stephen Baker, May 18, 1836 (289: 76). Joseph Harris 
mortgaged the house and land to John How Boardman May 1836 (337: 32), 
and possession was given Dec. 6, 1847 (391: 233). Aaron Cogswell in- 
herited the Boardman estate and sold to Henry F. Dunnels, April 9, 1864 
(667: 135), who sold to Aaron Hubbard one and a half acres, Sept. 22, 1873. 
Mr. Hubbard built the present dwelling on the sightly terrace. The 


ancient Harris house was located in front of this, on the hne of the street. 
David Harris, a Dartmoor prisoner, is remembered as an occupant of this 
old dwelling. 

The Richard Pulcifer lot, forty feet square, with a liouse, passed 
tiirough various hands. Francis Ho\ey sold it to William Stone, Sept. 
(), 179() (171 : 85). His widow sold to lienj. .\verill, .N'ov. S, 1823 (239: 223). 
The house was a small building ,and stood in front of the present dwelling 
that occupies this lot. It was torn down abovit ]8o(). The well of the 
old house is near the street line. 

A lot in the rear of this was sold by Richard Harris to David Harris, 
forty feet wide, one hundred feet deep, with a right of foot-way thither, 
Dec. 28, 1801 (174: 66). Harris l)uilt a house which was occupied later 
by Thomas C. Boardman. This lot was sold l)y the administrator of 
Boardman to Joseph Hovey in IS 13, wliose heirs still own, together with 
the Richard Pulcifer lot. 

William Bartholomew. 

(Diagram \i.) 

Wm. Bartholomew sold the lot granted him here to Lionel Chute 
school-master, Oct. 1, 1639 (Town Record). His son, James, inherited 
and his only son, James, bought the interest of liis "brother Joseph Jewett 
in Rowley" and sold to John Wainwright, three acres and dwelling, Sept. 
20, 1692 (Ips. Deeds 5: .5.51). Waniwriglit was one of the impor- 
tant men of his day. He came into possession of a large estate reaching 
to the wharves, but this original Chute lot may be considered here for 
convenience. Col. John Wainwright 's will was probated in 1708 (Pro. 
Rec. 310 ; 19-21). His estate was valued at the princely figure of £20,000. 
He bequeathed his land to his sons, Samuel and John. Samuel's estate, 
inventoried in 1774, included "four acres of land called Chute's lot." 
In the division of his estate, to \o. .3, was assigned, ' 'Chute's lot so called, 
2 acres 1 qr. 34 rods," bounded nortiieast by Richard Sutton southwest 
l)y Ricliard Harris and widows Legrow and Beal." Tliis was settled on 
Elizabeth, sister of Samuel. (Pro. Rec. 352: 138, 546). 

Dr. Jolin Manning sold Nathaniel Kin.sman a certain piece of pasture 
land, two acres one quarter three rods "being the same that was .set off to 
James Winthrop, admini.strator of Samuel Wintlirop Kscj. estate towards 
justifying due execution in his favor against P^lizabeth Wainwright, and 
whicli was afterwards released l)y said James to \\'illiam ^^'inthrop, and 
l)y said \\'illiani to me, the said John Manning, by an in.strunient dated 
7 June 1792" (1.56: 141, June 1.5, 1792). .lohn Kinsman sold the lotto 
Joseph Hovey, "commonly called the Wainwright lot, being part of the 
real estate of my late honored father, Nathaniel Kinsman, deceased, and 
set off to my late honored mother,^Elizabeth, deceased" (Pro. Rec. 1820). 
Mrs. Rol^erts, daughter of Joseph Hovey. inlierited this ancient house lot 
and a dwelling was built again upon it. This alisolute identification of the 
Chute lot is of great value in determining other locations. 


Thomas Boreman or Boarman. 

(Diagram 3.) 

The lot adjoining Bartholomew's original grant was assigned to 
Thomas Boreman, who had a two acre lot in the East end, with the house 
lot of John Winthrop northeast. Boreman sold this to Philip Long, a 
house and house lot, two acres "in the comon field" bounded east by Mr. 
Wade (Mr. Winthrop had sold his lands here at this time) and west by Mr. 
James Chute, 1647 (Ips. Deeds 1 : 36 & 37). 

Long sold to William Norton (Ips. Deeds 1 : 39 & 41). John, Thomas 
Samuel, Jonathan and Mary, children of Nathaniel Piper, formerly of 
Ipswich, and Tristram Greenlief, husband of Margaret, another child, with 
the advice and consent of their mother, Sarah, some time since married 
to Ezekiel Woodward of Wenham, sold John Wainwright a house and two 
acres, which was their father's, "the land of James Chute, west, and Mr. 
John Wainwright 's homestead east, "June 18, 1690 (Ips. Deeds 5: 314). 
The whole Wainwright property will be considered later. 

John Winthrop. 

(Diagram 3.) 

The house lot of Mr. Winthrop has been located, though without reason, 
on the Argilla road, and the old Thomas Burnham house, now owned by 
Mrs. Perley Lakeman has been called the Winthrop house. An ancient 
house on Castle Hill, built by Capt. Daniel Eppes, has also been attributed 
to Winthrop. Here, however, on East Street, the ancient Records of the 
Town locate him, adjoining Mr. Boreman. It only remains to define the 
limit of the Boreman lot and that abutting on the east side of the Winthrop, 
lot, and thus determine the location of Winthrop. LTnfortvmately the size 
of Mr. Winthrop 's house lot is not specified, and no deed of .sale has been 
preserved. Mr. Wade was the owner after Winthrop, as Boreman 's 
deed to Long makes evident. The same lot with a house was sold by 
Richard Wells of Salisbury to John Johnson, and this deed specifies for 
the first time that the lot contained six acres. As Dudley had a grant of 
nine acres, the leader of the Colony would have been generously remem- 
bered as well 23: 7 - 16.54 (Ips. Deeds 1: 211). The same large lot was 
sold by Wm Buckley to Ehzabeth Bridgham of Boston (the deed mentions 
seven acres) and specifies that it is bounded south by the street and "three 
little parcels on which houses are already built," No^'. 24, 1671 (Ips. Deeds 
3: 197). Buckley had carved out these small lots and sold them. The 
first was that sold to Giles Cowes, a quarter acre, on the southeast corner 
of the large lot, abutting on John Leighton, Aug. 2, 1669 (Ips. Deeds 3: 
127). Another lot was .sold to Thomas Newman Jr. and a third to John 
Barry on the southwest corner, abutting on Nathaniel Piper. Barry sold 
this house and land to John Wainwright, Aug. 6, 1678 (Ips. Deeds 4: 253). 
Mr. Wainwright was living here when he bought the Piper lot, in 1690. 

The large main lot was sold by Jonathan Bridgham of Boston to Fran- 


cis Wainwright, Feb. 27, 1671 (Ips. Deeds 3: 243). He deeded to his son, 
John, "as he promised on his marriage with Elizabeth, daiigliter of Mr. 
Wm. Norton, March 10, 1674-.5" "the house sd. John occupies," bounded 
by John Laji.on, Giles Cowes and Thomas Newiuan on the east and the 
lands which John had already bought of Jolm Barry and tiie Piper heirs, 
April 4, 1691 (Ips. Deeds 5: 444). \N'ainwright bought the Chute home- 
stead in 1692, and thus owned all the land from the Harrises to Leightou's, 
excepting the .small lots of Newman and Cowes. Newman sold to Major 
Francis Wainwright, July 3, 1702 (15: 134) and Stephen Miuot Jr., son- 
in-law of Wainwright, sold it to William Vrine, Nov. 27, 1713 (30: 63). 
Col. John Wainwright was a man of fine quality, Representative, Justice 
of the Sessions Court, and Colonel of a Regiment. The large cellar in the 
center of the lot, still known traditionally as the AN'ainwright lot, marks 
the site of the spacious mansion. The later history of the lot is considered 
in the sketch which follows of the whole Wainwright estate. 

Robert Coles. 

(Diagram 3.) 

The lot adjoining Winthrop's on the east was granted to Robert Coles, 
but he sold to Joseph Medcalf. Medcalf sold the eastern part of his lot 
to Isaac Cimimings, the western to Deacon WiUiam Goodhue, before 1639 
(Town Records). John Leighton was the owner in 1654. He .sold to 
Nath. Treadwell April 16, 1691 (9: 268). Nathaniel Treadwell sold the 
dwelling and three and a half acres l)Ounded eai't by Samuel Taylor to Jolm 
Wainwright, son of John, now decea.sed, Oct. 1, 1710 (23: 33). 

Samuel Taylor then owned the adjoining estate, and Nath. Treadwell, 
his executor and Samuel Treadwell, his legatee, sold the house and an acre 
lot to John Wainwright, Oct. 21, 1710 (22: 216). 

Financial reverses now overtook the ambitious landholder, and he 
made conveyance to Samuel Appleton of Boston, of "sundry messuages 
or house lots, commonly known by the nam&s of Leighton 's lot, Taylor's 
lot, Newman 's liome-stead and the late messuage or house lott of my hon- 
ored grandfather, Francis Wainwright," about fifteen acres, upland, tillage, 
pasture and meadow, Oct. 25, 1726 (47: 144). On Leighton 's lot, the 
deed informs us, there was a new house not fini.shed.* On Newman's home- 
.stead was a dwelling then occupied by Nathaniel Newman and WiUiam 
Roberts. On the lot of Francis Wainwright, his late mansion was in the 
tenure of Henry Spiller. This spacious estate was liounded in part by 
his father's lot, bought of the Piper heirs, adjoining the Samuel Wain- 
wright e.state, now of Roberts, and on the extended to the Richard 
Lakeman estate. 

' This may i)osi*il)ly he itientitied with tlie aiicit'iit portion of tho oUi .Siiwyor 
lioiii-e. The |)anellin>r iK very elal)oratf and is of the s.-ime style as that of tlie Rogers 
Manee, l)uili in 1727, wliicli wa- removed liy >lr..I<ilin U Hrown, and is incorporated 
in tlie cabinet room of the House of the Historical Society. 


Samuel Appleton, described as a resident in Boston, at the time of 
his death, owned the Samuel N. Baker mansion, with other real estate 
in Ipswich. He died in London, and his estate was insolvent. Jasper 
Waters and Jasper Waters Jr., of London, linen drapers, took his estate, 
and sold the spacious East Street property to Francis Cogswell, June 2, 
1733 (65: 146). Only a single mansion house is mentioned in this deed, 
but the land measured twelve acres. 

The Col. John Wainwright estate, called ' ' his homestead ' ' in the deed 
of sale, bounded by Samuel Wainwright west and Francis Cogswell east, 
was sold by Chambers Russell of Charlestown to Francis Sayer (Sawyer) 
May 3, 1746(90: 46). Samuel Sawyer, son of Francis, inherited all his 
real estate and enlarged his inheritance by \^arious purchases, until his 
holding on this side of East St. included all the original Wainwright land, 
except the Samuel Wainwright lot. The Francis Cogswell estate was 
secured by successive purchases from the heirs, and from those to whom 
the heirs had sold (see 159: 249,250:160: 201, 202). He also secured the 
various small lots that had been sold out of the ancient Winthrop estate, 
the lot that has been mentioned as owned by William Vrine, and another 
of Giles Cowes, later John Harris, etc., and the lot then owned by Richard 
Sutton, abutting on the widow John Roberts estate. May 15, 1793 (160: 
202). His ownership, I think, was continuous from the Roberts estate 
to the Richard Lakeman, with lands on the other side the street, and on 
Manning's Neck. This was inherited by his son, James B. Sawyer, and 
at his death it was sold in various small lots to the present owners. His 
house is the only building of any considerable age in this large tract. It 
is a matter of surmise, as to the original owner and builder. Our identi- 
fication of it with the possible new house on the Leighton lot, is rendered 
uncertain by a tradition that bears the ear marks of historic fact, that a 
mansion of superior quality with marble steps, stood on the site of the 
lirocklebank house, and that these marble slabs were shipped by a schooner 
to Boston and used again for building purposes. When the Brocklebank 
house was built, the site of a former residence was revealed. A pavement 
of large heavy bricks was unearthed, where the Brocklebank barn stands. 

Thomas Bishop and William Clark. 

(Diagram ;5.) 

William Clark sold one and a half acres to Thomas Clark, in 1639, 
(Town Record), and on the west of this Was a lot owned by Thomas Bishop, 
in 1639, then by his son, Samuel. These two lots apparently were com- 
l)ined in the three acre lot which was owned Iiy William Hodgkins, then 
by Christopher Hodgkins. Hodgkins sold to Arclielaus Lakeman, bounded 
west by Francis Wainwright, l)y Andrew Burley, May 13, 1718 (34 
207). By the will of Archelaus, his .sons .\rchelaus and Richard received 
the real estate (Pro. March 31, 1746, 326: 547-9.) Archelaus mortgaged 
or sold his half to Richard who became the sole owner, Dec. 6, 1746(90: 


129). Tliis deed gives the eastern abutters as .\iidrew Hurley and Tlionias 
Treadwoll, and Burley seems to have sold land on tiie street to Treadweli. 
Tlie inventory of Richard Lakeman, Oct. 1765 (Fro. Rec. 342: 2.55), in- 
cluded two thirds of the homestead, and a warehouse on the other side 
of the way. His son, Richard, succeeded and rendered a final account 
of his father's estate, as it seems, — a dwelling-house, barn, and about 
three acres of land with an old warehouse June 7, 1790 (Pro. Rec. 360: 385, 
507). Richard Jr. sold half the dwelling to his son Ebenezer Fol). 7, 1823 
(230: 238). It is still kno■^^^l as the Lakeman house. 

John Sanders and John Perkins. 

(DiiiKrani 'A.) 

From the Lakeman place to the comer of the Road to Jeffries' Neck, 
there were two original lots, John Sanders, next to tlie Lakeman place, 
and then John Perkins, the elder, but Perkins bought of Sanders, his lot, 
an acre and three rods, in 1639. He was the first of a long line of John 
Perkinses, which has never been lost, and his lineal descendant of the 
ninth generation, hears the name today. John Perkins had sons, John 
and Jacob. Jacob had sons, John, Jacob and Matthew. Jacob remained 
in the homestead and sold Jacob, called the 3d, who had married John 
Sparks 's daughter, three quarters of an acre for a house lot, Wm. 
Hodgkins southwest, March 23, 1685-6 (8: 51). Jacob, Senior, sold his 
dwelling, bam and orchard to his sons, Jacob and Matthew, March 13, 
1693-4 (9: 271) the new house being northwest. John Perkins, "Tailer" 
and Matthew Perkins, weaver, the sons of Jacob Perkins 3d, then Serg. 
Jacob, agreed to divide the paternal estate. Jacob received the "mansion 
next to ^\-idow Hodgkins" 1695 (13: 108). Jacob Perkins, in his will, pro- 
i>ated 1705(308: 431),l)equeathed his sons, John and Jacob, and his daugh- 
ter, Elizabeth, his houses and lands, and his son Elisha, is also included. 

Matthew, the weaver, had inherited or built a house for himself on 
his portion of his father's estate, but he built a new dwelling which has 
already lieen considered, and gave or sold his old house and half an acre, 
to his son, Matthew Jr., May 26, 1709 (35: 104). 

John Perkins, son of Jacob, then of Norwich, sold his interest in the 
house next to the Hodgkins-Tjakeman lot to Thomas Treadweli Jim.,cord- 
wainer, Oct. 18, 1708 (22: 40) and Matthew executed a like deed, March 
24, 1707-8(21 : 153). Treadweli sold the house, shop, and an acre to Dan- 
iel Lakeman, Nov. 11, 1747 (90: 128). AVm. TiCatherland was in occu- 
pancy in 1791 and Moses Leatherland owned in 1824. The house is not 
even remembered, but its probable site is indicated by the stone wall aiul 
embankment east of the Lakeman house. 

Elisha Perkins, son of Jacob, came into possession of the laii<l adjoin- 
ing. He divided his estate into a nunil)er of small lots. He sold William 
Leatherlanil, who had married his sister, Elizabeth, a lot, four rods front 
three ;uul a half deep, wlierc Lcjitlicrland dwelt, in a new house Elisha 


had built, Nov. 24, 1715(29: 189). John Leatherland, son of Wm., quit- 
claimed his interest in his father's homestead to his brother Jacob, May 
20, 1741 (81: 237). Jacob, then sole owner, enlarged the lot by purchas- 
ing a half acre on the hill back of the house, of Elisha Perkins, July 10, 
1741 (81: 236). Rebecca, his widow and executrix of Jacob Leatherland, 
sold half the house and land to Silvanus Lakeman, March 12, 1754 (160: 
202). Several of these small lots must have been combined in the acre 
of land with a house, which Daniel Rogers sold to Daniel Boardman, ' ' in- 
cluding a well in front of the house, now partly filled up, Boardman to 
keep the fence as agreed by Jacob Leatherland, the original purchaser," 
April 11, 1791 (153: 59). Boardman bought land of Elizabeth Colman, 
widow, and administratrix of Daniel Lakeman, on the hill side. May 24, 
1793 (157: 15) and of Abigail Holland, May 5, 1802. His administrator, 
AsaWiggin, sold the property, two and a quarter acres to Francis H. Board- 
man, who re-conveyed it at once to Wiggin, June 19, 1824 (235: 247). 
This house too was not standing in 1830. It was bounded east by the 
land of Elisha Perkins, in 1791, but Elisha had died in 1781 and his daugh- 
ter Abigail Holland, succeeded to the ownership (Pro. Rec. 354: 380). 

Elisha Perkins sold another small lot, three rods front and three and 
a half back, to Thomas and John Philips, Nov. 18, 1717 (33: 85), but this 
seems to have reverted to him. Another small lot was sold to Arthur 
Abbott, at the northeast corner of his homestead, Feb. 13, 1716 (34: 16), 
but Elisha repurchased and sold a house and a half acre including the same 
site to Solomon Lakeman, Aug. 14, 1724 (44: 35). Lakeman sold the 
estate, a house and three quarters of an acre, to his brother Archelaus, Jan. 
20, 1734 (69: 16). Solomon Lakeman Jr. bought half the house and land 
of the executrix of Archelaus , Jime 4, 1747 (101: 236), and secured the 
rest, as he deeded the whole to Moses Wells Jr. Feb. 19, 1756. John Wells 
and others sold the homestead to Abner Harris, May 29, 1777 (142: 224), 
and his executor' to Edward Martin, June 9, 1785 (143: 187), who conveyed 
it to Mary Martin, singlewoman, April 27, 1796(163: 37). The old house, 
known as the Mary or Molly Martin house, fell into ruin and was torn down. 
A house, owTied by Mr. James S. Glover, occupies the site. 

Beyond the Martin house was the Capt. Matthew Perkins estate. 
The house and some land had come into the possession of Andrew Burley 
Esq., a great landed magnate, prior to his death. His inventory dated 
1753, included "y" house and land that was Capt. Matthew Perkins" 
(Pro. Rec. 335: 419). The estate of his son Andrew included "two acres 
of mowing land sold Jo. Crocker," 1789 (Pro. Rec. 361: 538). This tract 
of mowing land, on which the Matthew Perkins house had stood, was 
bounded by the highway southeast and Edward Martin southwest, Sept. 
29, 1789. Elisha Perkins acquired this lot, and probably built the house. 
Perkins remained in possession of the corner, and at his death, his estate 
was divided. The house and two acres of land fell to his daughter, Abigail 
Holland, 1781 (Pro. Rec. 355: 233). It is now owned and occupied by 
Mr. James S. Glover. 


John Manning, Thomas Hardy, Thomas Howlett and John 

Perkins Jr. 

(Diagrani 3.) 

The tract on the south side of East Street, hounded l)y the liaiie called 
Agawani Avenue and the River, was apportioned among the earliest 
settlers. John Manning received a small house lot, containing three rods, 
on the corner now occupied by the Rust house. This was bounded l)y 
Thomas Howlett 's lot north and Thomas Hardy east. Hardy and How- 
lett came in Winthrop's company. Thomas Boreman had a grant of 
"about a rood in" the street called East end, the of John Per- 
kins, the younger, east, and two lots formerly granted Sergeant Howlett 
and Thomas Hardy south, "the town reserving liberty to digg clay in any 
part of the parcel last granted" (1639). 

Record was made in 1635, that John Perkins Jr. had a house lot of 
an acre, by the River, "Thomas Hardy's and Robt. Andrews's lots on the 
southwest, on which he hath built a house and enclosed it with palings, 
also a fish ware, which he had built." Robert Andrews's lot was by the 
river side, ^vith Thomas Hardy northwest. In 1638, it was in possession 
of George Carr (Town Records). No record of the sale of any of these 
lots is preserved, except perhaps that of John Perkins, Jr. to his son Thomas 
in 1666 dps. Deeds 4: 268). but this is not certain. 

John Newmarch succeeded Hardy, as he received a Plum Island lot in 
1665, "for ye house that was Thomas Hardy." John Newmarch con- 
veyed to John Newmarch Jr., a house and "land from the house to the 
water (probably the Robert Andrews lot) also a pasture that was Thoma.s 
Hardv's," 8-9-1671 (11 : 267). He .sold to Richard Belcher, and Belcher 
to Rev. John Newmarch, minister at Kittery. The latter sold' to Mr. 
John Emerson, "the homestead . . . bought by him of Richard Belcher, 
formerly belonging to John Newmarch Jr., the father of said John, a house 
and one and a qviarter acres, bounded from the north side of the dwelling 
house down to Ipswich River, southerh', viz. the sd. yard before the house 
is so bounded, and sd. Oarchard land is so butted and bounded on both 
sides and one end by land that formerly belonged to John Ne\\Tnarch Sr., 
grandfather of the above John, now in tenure of Zaccheus Newmarch, " 
April 9, 1703 (20: 165). 

The Newmarches had e\idently acquired the lots originally assigned 
to Manning, Andrews and Howlett, and that of John Perkins Jr., prob- 
ablv, as well as Hardv's. Zaccheus Newmarcl\ owned the Isaiah Rogers 
property on the Lane. Martha Newmarch, singlewoman, bequeathed to 
her niece, Hannah Spiller, daughter of her late sister, Hannah Nesvmarch, 
the estate that came to her from her grandfather, Zaccheus Newmarch, 
1816 (Pro. Rec. 388: 433) and Jonathan Spiller of Georgetown conveyed 
to Isaiah and Isaiah .\lbert Rogers a dwelling and 6 acres, April 19, 1851 
(444: 76). 


John Emerson sold the original Andrews land, he had boug;ht. of Rev. 
John Newmarch, to William Lakeman, a fisherman of Smutty Nose Island, 
1704 (16: 131). Margery, widow of Wm. Lakeman, conveyed the home- 
stead to her sons, Tobias and Rilvanus, bounded south by the highway 
that goes to the River, east by the River, west and northwest by Zaccheus 
Newmarch and north and northeast by Newmarch and partly by Thomas 
Sandford, Aug. 3, 1713 (25: 232). Zaccheus Newmarch quitclaimed to 
Tobias and Silvanus Lakeman, land at the east end of the orchard, "and 
so upon a straight line to the west end of sd Lakeman 's . . . then southerly 
to ye River, to ye middle of ye well commonly called Hardy's well, and 
also a drift way by the river side through sd NeTVTnarch's land, unto ye 
king's highway, and also a cartway to ye dwelling house and barn of sd 
Lakeman's, through sd Newmarch's pasture," April 11, 1719 (36: 168). 

This locates the Lakeman homestead on the River side beyond the 
Rogers land, with a right of way over Newmarch's Lane, so called. Tobias 
deeded his share to Silvanus Lakeman, Oct. 5, 1719 (36: 177). Daniel 
Rogers and wife sold to Samuel Sawyer, their interest in the estate of Sil- 
vanus Lakeman, including a piece supposed to contain one and a quarter 
acres," formerly the mansion seat of Silvanus Lakeman deceased," T\ath 
a bam on the same, bounded south by the River and on all other sides 
by John Newmarch, April 22, 1788 (160: 200). James B. Sawyer con- 
veyed his title to land here to Thomas and Hannah Spiller, March 22, 1838 
(305: 31). The ancient Lakeman house had disappeared therefore in 1788. 

Thomas Newmarch owned the land now occupied by the Rust estate, 
James S. Glover's land etc., and sold to his son, Thomas Jr., "that home- 
stead I lately lived on," two and a half acres bounded south by a drift- 
way that leads to John Newmarch's house (the Isaiah Rogers' estate), 
Dec. 24, 1763 (113: 59). Daniel Abbot levied an execution on Thomas 
Newmarch Jr. 's estate, and was awarded a two thirds interest, the land 
being bounded by the late John Newmarch's , July 5, 1798 (163: 184). 
Ebenezer Hovey conveyed this interest to Elizabeth Parker, -widow of 
the Revolutionary soldier, Capt. Gideon Parker, Jan. 31, 1801 (173: 295). 
John Swift of Milton and Elizabeth, his wife, datighter of the widow Parker, 
sold to William L. Rust, May 18, 1833 (270: 198), and it is still known as 
the Rust house. 

The Hobbs house adjoining was built J)y Augustus C. Carey, on land 
purchased of the Rogerses, Nov. 19, 1855 (522: 24) and William L. Rust, 
Aug. 7, 1857 (557: 58). Mortgaged to the Shawmut Mutual Loan and 
Trust Co., it was foreclosed and sold to Lydia Jane, wife of Capt. John 
Hobbs, Jan. 2, 1865 (681 : 32). 

The northern half of the Thomas Newmarch estate was sold to Daniel 
Boardman, who sold to Daniel Cogswell, March 17, 1821 (226: 25); Cogs- 
well to Asa Wiggin, May 10, 1821 (227: 128). It was conveyed by Wiggin 
to Francis Caldwell Jr., April 7, 1825, as Caldwell specified in his deed of 
the same to Richard Lakeman, May 2, 1829 (252: 159). Lydia P. Pulcifer, 


daughter of Lakeman, and others, deeded it to John D. Cross, Marcli 31, 
1842 (358: 86); Cross to T. 11. Grautfield, June 4, 1851 (449: 288); Grant- 
field to Timothy Curran, April 11, 1854 (493: 14) and Curran to James tj. 
Glover, March 9, 1875 (928: 138). 

George Carr received a grant of a half acre liouse lot, bounded by the 
River on the south, by a planting lot of his own on the east, by a planting 
lot of Daniel Clark's north, with liberty to fence as far as low water mark, 
provided he leave a way or passage. He also received a grant of a six acre 
planting lot, bomaded east by John Manning's planting lot, west by Daniel 
Clark's planting lot, south by the River, the other part butting on his 
owil house lot, at the north end bounded by a swamp, running between 
it and the land of John Perkuis the elder. These lots have not been traced 
but they are interesting, as an illustration of the orderly and synnnetrical 
apportionment of the tillage lots in this neighborhood. This locality was 
known as "this neck of land the Town standeth." Mr. John ^^'. Xourse 
is confident that these lots extended across the present way leading to 
Diamond Stage. 

Obadiah Wood. 

(.Diagram '6.) 

This triangular shaped tract was owned by Richard Schofield and 
Ubad'iah Wood, a "biskett-baker, " in 1652, and they may have been ui 
possession from the beginning. Wood owned much the larger part, and 
probably had his house here, though the exact locality can not be deter- 
mined. He sold to William Roe, a fisherman from the Isle of Shoals, ' ' 16 
rods at the lower corner of his house lot, neere Mr. Wade's warehouse by 
the river syde," Dec. 4, 1671 (Ips. Deeds 3: 266). Roe built a house but 
soon was moved to dwell elsewhere, and disposed of it to two other fisher- 
men from the Isle of Shoals, Andrew Diamond and Henry Maine, June 
13, 1673 (Ips. Deeds 3: 267). Nothing more is known of this Henry Maine, 
and his interest was acquired by Diamond. But he is without doubt the 
flesh and blood original of the mythical Harry Maine, whose mysterious 
but unknown crimes brought upon him such awful punishment. He was 
doomed to be chained on Ipswich bar, there to shovel the shifting sands 
forever. When the goodwives of the olden time heard the roar of the 
surf upon the bar, they used to say, "Harry Maine grumbles at his work 
to-day. ' ' 

Obadiah Wood sold more land to Diamond (Ips. Deeds 4: 349) and 
another piece to James King, about eight rods, which King straightway 
sold to Capt. Diamond, May 1, 1679 (Ips. Deeds 4: 260). On April 5, 1708, 
Rev. Theophilus Cotton and Mrs. Elizabeth Diamond, widow of Andrew 


were published and on the 13th of April, 1708, Peter Lewis of Kittery 
and Grace, his wife, sister of Andrew Diamond, conveyed to Mr. Cotton, 
the land and buildings of the deceased (22: 235). Capt. Samuel York 
was the next owner of whom record remains. He sold two small lots front- 
ing on East St. ; one to John Newman, abutting on the west side on land of 
Woods, Jan. 22, 171S-19 (37: 46), and another east of this to Daniel 
Ringe, Oct. 16, 1719 (36: 201) and a lot on Water Street, to Jabesh Sweet, 
April 17, 1713 (25: 267). 

The administrator of Mary York, widow of Samuel, sold the estate, 
a half acre with dwelling, to John Berry, reserving certahi rooms, and the 
land and wharf on the other side of the road, Sept. 10, 1772 (130: 233). 
The rest of the house, and a small piece of land back of the house, were 
sold to Berry the next day (130: 233). Mr. Berry, mariner, sold to Abra- 
ham Dodge, mariner, Aug. 4, 1773 (133: 160). Dodge conveyed it to 
Moses Harris, with the added clause, "thence athwart said highway down 
to the river at Low water mark and south by the River down to the 
Town Landing, and said highway about 60 ft. . . . excepting the high- 
way through the premises," Feb. 13, 1777 (139: 118). Tabitha, the widow 
and administratrix of Moses Harris, sold to Thomas Hodgkins, the house, 
warehouse, one third of the wharf etc., June 26, 1789 (156: 145), and Hodg- 
kins conveyed to Benjamin Averill, May 2, 1793 (156: 149). TheAverill 
ownership continued for many years. The present dwelling is apparently 
not very old. 

Jabesh Sweet built a house on his quarter acre lot, sold by York out 
of the ancient Diamond estate, in 1713. The administrator of Mary Sweet, 
widow of Jabesh, sold to Isaac Dodge, Aug. 29, 1778 (142: 141). Col. 
Dodge sold to Abraham Perkins, tlie southwest half of the dwelling, Dec. 
27, 1779 (138: 112) and the northeast half to David Pulcifer, July 25, 1795 
(159: 205). Beckford Pulcifer inherited and conveyed in turn to David 
Pulcifer, March 7, 1831 (266: 272). Unfortunately for the tradition which 
associates Harry Maine's name with this old dwelling, the oldest part was 
not built until after the year 1713. But it was reputed to be haimted, and 
many manifestations of the presence of some uneasy spirit so alarmed the 
occupants, that all the ministers of the Town assembled there one day 
and prayed, and the uncanny doings ceased. 

The next Water Street lot, part of the Obadiah Wood originally, was 
in the possession of Nathaniel Tuckerman, in 1690. He sold to Richard 
Holland, April 11, 1711 (24: 180). Holland sold to Edward Eveleth, a 
quarter acre, Nov. 2, 1717 (32: 169) and the administrator of Holland to 
William Start, Oct. 6, 1726 (47: 203). George Start of Boxford and others 
sold a house with the land fco Francis Pulcifer, Oct. 24, 1758 (107: 90). 
Pulcifer transferred it to William Galloway, June 21, 1760 (108: 246). 
The same premises were sold by Josiah Caldwell, Steven Stanwood and 
Augustine P. Kimball of Boston, to Josiah Lord, with the buildings thereon 


lately occupied bv Ebeiiezer and William Pulcifer as a wool puller's shop, 
wharf etc., Oct. 26, 1839 (315: 291). Josiah Lord conveyed to Ebenezer 
Pulcifer, Dec. 16, 1847 (391: 148). David Pulcifer conveyed to James 
Damon, land, Imildings and wharf, the same conveyed to him by his father, 
Bickford Pulcifer, also the estate conveyed to his brother Ebenezer Pul- 
cifer, by Josiah Lord, May 24, 1875 (936: 4). The old wool-puller's shop 
was remodelled into the dwelling near the line of the .street. 

Peter Peniwell, mariner, owned a small house lot, west of Xathaniel 
Tuckerman's, which he had bought of Obadiah Wood. He .sold this to 
his "brother" Zaccheus Newmarch, .\ug. 4, 1690 (Ips. Deeds 5: 315). 
Newmarch sold to John Harris, about 40 rods, May 26, 1696 (16: 11). 
John Harris built a house and sold the house and three quarters of an acre 
to Thomas Harris Jr., 1723 (43: 260). Moses Harris sold the same to 
Francis Pulcifer Jr., March 22, 1773(134: 78). Lucy Pulcifer, administra- 
trix of Francis, quitclaimed to John Stanwood, the house and land, the 
homestead of Pulcifer, June 27, 1809 (187: 233). The Stanwood heirs 
still own and occupy. This lot was the western corner of the Obadiah 
Wood land. 

Richard Schofield. 

(Uiagraai 3.) 

The other original lot in this locality was owned by Richard Scho- 
field, leather dresser, before 1652. Richard and Mary, his wife, sold a 
house and land to Moses Pengry, Aug. 26, 1652 (Ips. Deeds 1 : 109). Pen- 
gry sold to Benedict Pulcifer, "the house and orchard, wherein Pulcifer 
dwells," Feb. 7, 1667 Ips. Deeds 3: 140). Benedict Pulcifer conveyed to 
his .son Joseph, Aug. 1, 1709 (25: 138) though Francis Wainwright was 
named as owner in 1690, and in another deed of the adjoining property, 
given in 1696. Capt. Joseph Pulcifer, of Boston, sold Thomas Harris, 
weaver, ' ' his frame of a dwelling house, ' ' with three quartere of an acre 
Nov. 30, 1710 (28: 102). Harris sold Tobias Lakeman, shoreman, twenty- 
six rods, fronting on Water St., July 7, 1718 (37: 41), but retained the re- 
mainder. Ezekiel Hodgkins, administrator of Lakeman, .sold two thirds 
of the dwelling and land to John Hodgkins 4th, Jidy 29, 1757 (106: 81); 
Hodgkins to Joseph Lakeman, Nov. 28, 1760 (107: 147) and the admin- 
istrator of Lakeman to Thomas Newmarch, Nov. 22, 1768 (126: 91). 
Newmarch sold to Nathaniel Mansfield, March 2, 1773 (133: 136). The 
widow Abigail Mansfield, and the old house near the modern dwelling are 
well remembered. 

The Thomas Harris homestead, abutting on Hovey's Lane and East 
St., was in the possession of Thomas Knowlton in 1757. Retire Bacon 
and Margaret his wife, ' 'as she is an heir ' ' (presumably of Thomas Knowl- 
ton) conveyed to Thomas Knowlton Jr., mariner, Feb. 27, 1767 (120: 187), 
and Knowlton sold one and a quarter acres to Samuel Sawyer May 24, 1790 
(159: 249). Sawyer sold to Thomas Hodgkins a strip adjoinmg Hodgkins's 


estate, June 7: 1790 (156: 144). His son, James B. Sawyer, inherited the 
remainder. John Sawyer, nephew of James B., sold to Josiah Caldwell, 
the tract known as "Knowlton's Close" owned formerly by Samuel Saw- 
yer and assigned to him in the division of the estate of his uncle, James 
B. Sawyer, bounded east by land formerly of Capt. Thomas Hodgkius, and 
west by Hovey's Lane, April 9. 1844 (344: 16). 

Caldwell sold the land in house lots. The corner lot on Hovey's 
Lane was conveyed to Tyler Caldwell and by him to Ephraim Grant Jr., 
June 12, 1846 (380: 61). The next lot, eastward, was sold by Josiah 
Caldwell to J. H. VarreU, July 28, 1847 (400: 64), the next to John W. 
Ross, June 1, 1848 (398: 168), the next to John J. Philbrook, Sept. 24, 1847 
(389: 183), the next to John F. Brocklebank, Dec. 1, 1845 (362: 24) and 
the last to John B. Stone, May 21, 1850 (428: 241). This reverted to 
Caldwell (c/. deed to Morris 513: 43). 

Obadiah Wood of Audover conveyed to Abraham Ivnowlton, an acre 
of land, bounded by land of Thomas linowlton west, and his own land 
east, Jmie 3, 1763 (113: 8). John Newman had sold the fourteen rod lot, 
we have already mentioned as purchased of York in 1719 (37: 46) to Knowl- 
ton, Sept. 21, 1723 (42: 242). Wilham LongfeUow of Rowley, an heir of 
Ivnowlton probably, sold the house and twenty rods to Thomas Hodgkins, 
April 28, 1788(147 : 252) and Hodgkins enlarged his lot, we have mentioned, 
by purchase from Samuel Sawyer, who had bought of Thomas Knowlton. 
The heirs of Stephen Hodgkins sold their interest in a house and a third 
of an acre to William WiUcoml), the same that was owned by Thomas 
Hodgkins, May 18, 1839 (341: 283). Wilicomb sold the same to John 
H. Sweet, Feb. 9, 1844 (341: 284). 

Sweet seems to have conveyed the old Thomas Hodgkins house to 
Ebenezer Cogswell, as his sons and heirs, Joseph and Ebenezer Cogswell, 
sold the house to John Morris, a man-of-war's man, remembered by the 
older neighbors, March 20, 1847 (379: 254). Morris bought a piece of land 
adjoining, of John H. Sweet, Aug. 31, 1847 (407: 145) and another piece, 
extending his lot to the lot formerly John B. Stone's, Oct. 15, 1855 (437: 
98). Josiah Caldwell sold Morris the lot, abutting on Brocklebank, April 
27, 1855 (513: 43). The "Morris" house, built soon after 1723 perhaps, 
is now the residence of the heirs of Charles H. Rollins. 

Daniel Ringe built a house on the lot he bought of Capt. York. He 
sold to John'JHolland, Nov. 6, 1742 (126: 235). William Dodge levied an 
execution on the property and gained possession, Nov. 19, 1760 (109: 137). 
Mr. Dodge owned it in 1773, but in 1778, it was owned by Capt. Benjamin 
Davis. Aaron P. Lord acquired it and sold to Ebenezer Cogswell, May 
19, 1842 (343: 284). Mr. Cogswell sold to Caleb Stevens, May 15, 1844 
(345: 115). Later it was the property of Capt. Nathaniel Scott, and finally 
of Mr. John T. Sherburne. 



Richard Hubbard. 

(, Diagram -i.) 

Richard Hubbard owned a goodly two acre tract bounded by Stony 
St., as it was then called, County St. and East St. This, lie sold with a 
house to Ezekiel Rogers, son of Rev. Nathaniel, Jan. 2S, 1074 (Ips. Deeds 
3 : 343). His daughter, Maitha, sold the house and laud to Thomas Dennis, 
May 16, 1685 (Ips. Deeds 5: 133). The deed specifies that it was "over 
against the sd. Dennis's new dwelling house" which was ou the lot now 
owned by the Ignatius Dodge heirs. A succession of Dennises retained 
this property, John, Nathaniel and others, and the old house on the corner 
of County and Sununer Sts. is still known as the Dennis house. 

A half acre ui the "Demiis Close" was acquired by John Hodgkins 
of \\'oolwicli, who sold to Jolui Stanwood, July 1, 1813 and John sold to 
his son, Stephen Stanwood, Oct. 15, 1827 (247: 119). The Stanwoods 
were wool-pullers, and Stephen erected the building, now the store and 
residence of Mr, Lewis E. WiUcomb, for a wool-puhing estabhslunent. 
Traces of the business still remain in the building. Stephen sold to Isaac 
Stanwood, land and building, July 3, 1837 (303: 236) and Stanwood to 
Daniel L. WiUcomb, May 10, 1848 (397: 151). 

Adjoining the Ezekiel Rogers property on East St. was an acre of 
meadow land, caUed the ' ' clay-pitts meadow, ' ' which Jolui Baker owned 
and sold to Thomas Harris, 1665 (Ips. Deeds 3: 23). Harris owned land 
on the other side of the street and had his dweUing there. This meadow 
descended from father to sou. It was owned by John, then by Jolin and 
WiUiam, sous of John, and Jolm sold his part of it to John Jr., Dec. 22, 
1742 (82: 252). John Harris's heirs owned the lot in 1832. His widow, 
Mary, sold the lot, or part of it, to Joseph Wait. 

Joseph ^^'ait sold a lot, measuruig eight rods ten links, on East St., 
to Elizabeth CaldweU, widow of Thomas Caldwell, May 6, 1829 (504: 291). 
She removed a dwelling from another site to this spot, which is owned by 
her heirs. ]\Ir. Wait moved a building used as a wash house, from the 
House of Correction grounds, and remodelled into the dwelling now owned 
and occupied by Mr. Charles W. Hayes. He also bought a building, built 
for a grocery store by James Quimby on the corner of East and County 
Streets, and moved to a place on his lot, in 1850. It is now the residence 
of Mrs. Maria Stone. 

William Harris sold his son in law, Hezekiah Hodgkins, fourteen rods 
"opposite to my homestead on the lower side of the street," March 1, 
1739-40 (79: 15) and another piece at the foot of the lot. May 14, 1742 
(84 : 42) . Jeremiah Staniford, administrator of John Hodgkins Jr., weaver, 


sold the quarter acre, with a small house, to Mary Thorndike, wife of 
Larkiu, Aug. 25, 1794 (160: 21S). Mrs. Thorndike sold to Jeremiah Smith, 
April 25, 1802 (171 : 176) aud Joseph Wait sold him a piece of land adjoin- 
ing "being all the land set ofif in this place, as the dower of the late Sarah 
Hodgkins, widow, deceased," June 2, 1809 (229: 306). Jeremiah Smith 
mortgaged to Ebenezer Sutton, who assigned to Ebenezer Safford. Saf- 
ford levied an execution on the property, and his administrator sold his 
equity to Joseph Wait, March 12: 1832 (268: 74). Rebecca D. Wait, widow 
of Joseph, and others sold to Luther Wait and others, children of Wm. 
R. Wait, the house and land, May 8, 1871 (837: 147). 

Adjoining the Hezekiah Hodgkins homestead, William Harris sold 
a quarter acre to his son, William Jr., March 15, 1739(79: 237). William, 
also known as William 3d, sold to John Spiller, Feb. 13, 1746 (89: 238). 
The widow Mary Spiller was still in occupancy in 1794. Sarah Spiller, 
singlewoman, sold to Levi Hovey, Feb. 28, 1831 (261: 91). The estate 
of Sarah Hovey, widow of Levi, was sold to Luther Wait, March 26, 1872 
(850:262). The house was moved by Mr. Dexter Mclntire to the Pine 
Swamp road, and is still occupied by him as a dwelling. 

John Kendrick. 

(Diagram 3.) 

John Kenrick or Kendrick, a cooper by trade, owned a large lot which 
was bounded by East St., Hovey 's Lane and Water St., in 1665. He sold 
his house and two acres to his son, John, Nov. 30, 1702 (15: 114), but 
father and son united in conveying to Thomas Staniford, an acre and a 
half of the land, fronting on East St. and extending down the lane "to 
four foot from the dwelling house of said John Kendrick Sr., and so close 
along by the garden fence and barn and then reaching down to low water 
mark," Dec. 30, 1706 (21: 54). The next year, the Kendricks sold the 
remainder, with house, barn, shop to Staniford, Dec. 23, 1707 (21: 15). 
The venerable house still standing may be the Kendrick homestead. 

Hannah Staniford and others, heirs of Thomas Staniford, sold a half 
acre, with the large house and barn, to David and Francis Pulcifer, Dec. 
29, 1742 (82: 229). The administrator of David Pulcifer sold the east 
half of the house and land to Francis Hovey, May 13, 1788 (170: 226), and 
Francis Pulcifer sold part of his land to Hovey, May 6, 1799 (171: 35). 
Nathaniel Hovey, heir of John, built the house, now owned by his daughter, 
Mrs. Spencer, on a part of the John Hovey lot. 

Mrs. Mary Thorndike, daughter of Staniford, sold Joseph Hovey two 
acres, part of theorighial Kendrick estate, Feb. 29, 1816 (209: 94). 
Francis Pulcifer sold John Hovey, a quarter acre, "beginning at the cor- 
ner of the road at the head of Hovey 's Lane, so called, southeast by the 
lane to the middle of the house in which Francis Hovey lives," April 
17, 1819 (221: 9). The Hovey heirs still own and occupy part of the 
old mansion, at least. 


Joseph Hovey sold the two acre lot, bought of the widow Thorndike, 
to Benjamin Averill, Oct. 24, 1827 (246: 157) and Averill sold to Stephen 
Baker Jr. and Gilbert Coiiant, April 29, 1836 (289: 180), and it was used 
as a lumber yard. Baker acquired the whole lot. He used as a grocery, 
the storehouse which had been built on tlie east corner of the lot, on East 
Street, opened a way to the river and constructed the wliarf at tlie foot 
of this lane. Mr. Baker sold to Daniel L. Willcomb, .\pril 8, 1846 (366:21). 

Mr. Willcoml) built a small house on the corner of East St. and tiie 
way to the wharf and conveyed it with ten rods of land, adjoining the Levi 
llovey lot, to Augustine Heard, June 5, 1847 (384: 261), and Mr. Heard 
sold it to Frederick Willcomb, Jan. 26, 1867 (724: 281). Mr. Heard bouglit 
the place to afford a home for Mr. Wells, who had served with John Paul 
Jones, on the Bon Homme Richard. 

Daniel L. Willcomb mortgaged the rest of his estate here to Asahel 
H. Wildes, March 19, 1850, and sold to him, Dec. 5, 1851 (4.54: 96). Dr. 
Wildes retained the grocery store building of Stephen Baker, but sold the 
rest of the lot to Lewis Choate, x\pril 1, 1854 (519: 250). Mr. Choate built 
a dwelUug, and opened a shipyard, in which he carried on his trade for 
many years. Tliomas and Mary Dennis sold him thirty-five rods adjoin- 
ing his shipyard, March 27, 1860 (603: 95), and Frederic Willcomb sold 
Mary B., wife of Lewis Choate, the smaU dwelling on the corner of the way, 
March 12, 1870 (793: 194). This lot is now included in the Luther Wait 

The Lewis Choate estate was purchased by Mr. Paul Eames. Mr. 
George D. Wildes, son of Dr. Asahel Wildes, sold the store lauikling to Mr. 
Fred C. Rust, and it is occupied by liim as a dwelling. 

John Keudrick sold a half acre to Stephen Cross, before 1684. This 
lot had its front on W^ater St. Cross built a house and sold house and land 
to Job Bishop, Sept. 8, 1684 (Ips. Deeds 5: 200). The administrator of 
Bishop's estate sold to Richard Goss, fisherman, Nov. 28, 1693 (9: 160). 
Thomas Goss of Gloucester, mortgaged it to Jolm Dennis and Neliemiah 
Jewett, March 2, 1727 (50: 102). It was purchased by Thomas Staniford, 
who owned the adjoining propertj'. In his will, he gave the house and 
land, formerly the property of Richard Goss, to his son Thomas (approved 
Sept. 29, 1740 Pro. Rec. 339: 346-7). It is now included in the Lewis 
Choate estate, but the house has disappeared. 

Thomas Clark. 

(Diagram 3.) 
The lot on the corner of Water St. and Stony St. or Sunnner St., was 
owned by Thomas Clark, as early as 1674. Hubbard's deed to Rogers 
gives Clark and Robert Peirce as tlie southern abutters, but a deed of 
Thomas Clark Sr. conveyed to Samuel Peirce, about a quarter of an acre 
bounded by Job Bisliop on the east, the river southeast, and southwest 
' ' by the tann yard from the River, close to the water-hole, by the beame- 


ing house, and soe on the back side of sd. house to ye upper corner of ye 
tann shed, northwest land of my son Thomas Clark, ' ' March 23, 1686 (Ips. 
Deeds 5: 194). The Town Record, under date of Jan. 11, 1640, mentions 
that liberty was granted Thomas Clark "to set down Tan fatts, at the 
end of the planting lot, upon two rods reserved by the River. ' ' 

John Staniford and Mary, the widow of Samuel Peirce and his admin- 
istratrix, sold the homestead to Freeman Clark, sailor, April 10, 1694 (9: 
274). The widow Mary Peirce became the second wife of the Rev. Wil- 
liam Hubbard, greatly to the affront of the good people of the church and 
parish. His first wife was Margaret, only daughter of the Rev. Nathaniel 
Rogers, and when, in his seventy-third year, he married the widow Peirce, 
it was esteemed unwise, "for though she was a serious, worthy woman, 
she was rather in the lower scenes of life and not sufficiently fitted, as they 
thought, for the Station." In 1710, "Mary Hubbard, alias Peirce, and 
John Hodgkins, who married unto Abigail, only child of Samuel Peirce 
and Abigail," sold three quarters of an acre out of the homestead that 
Peirce owned at his death, to John Dennis, May 15 (23: 115). 

Nathaniel Clark sold James Foster 24 rods, out of the orchard that 
was his father's, on Summer St., April 1720 (38: 62) and 21 rods, which 
was identical, in part at least, with the Freeman Clark estate on Water St., 
April 1, 1728 (66: 120). Foster built a house on Smmner St., and disposed 
of the land on W'ater St., apparently to Benjamin Glazier. Samuel Cald- 
well sold the land with a house to Aaron Sweet, April 9, 1798 (165: 184), 
and the heirs of Aaron conveyed it to Aaron Sweet Jr. with a half acre, 
including the corner lot, June 22, 1840 (320: 92). 

The ancient tannery of the Clarks fell into disuse. The upper part 
of the lot, on Summer St., was apportioned to Thomas Clark Jr., and he 
conveyed an acre and a house to Nathaniel Knowlton, on June 15, 1703 
(15: 179). The lower part, once covered with beam house and tan yard, 
fell to John Clark, and he sold to Thomas Smith, tailor, Jan. 15, 1694 (10: 
136), with a house, barn and a half acre. Solomon Hodgkms and Mary, 
sold Job Harris, half a dwelling ' ' set off to us as heirs of father Thomas 
Smith," Feb. 27, 1728 (51: 277). Harris sold to William Urann, March 
7, 1738 (81: 164), and Thomas Dennis to Samuel Creesy, "my right in 
half a dwelling belonging to William Urann, conveyed to me, Dec. 17, 1755 
(105: 103)" on Dec. 13, 1758 (109: 78). Creesy sold to Sarah Leatherland, 
widow of John, who owned part of the adjoining house, April 3, 1761 (119: 
150). Jacob Kimball sold this lot to Isaac Soward, fisherman, Dec. 21, 
1805 (178: 66), but the house had disappeared. 

James Foster, we have already said, built a house in the lane, known 
later as "Ship Yard Lane." He sold this to Joseph Emmons (79: 16), 
and John Leatherland, on Oct. 29, 1733 (72: 91), and Emmons sold his 
half to John Hodgkhis, Nov. 8, 1738 (81: 65). Sarah Leatherland, widow 
of John, sold her half to John Soward, March 24, 1770 (156: 293). The 
other half was owned by Hodgkins at his death and was assigned to his 
only son, Francis, in 1797 (Pro. Rec. 367: 504). Dr. Francis Hodgkins of 


Sandwich, sold this to John Manning, Dec. 26, 1797 (239: 239). Manning 
sold to Rebecca Soward, wife of John, May 23, 1799(179: 7). Isaac and 
ICunice Stanwood and widow Elizabeth Perkins conveyed their interest 
in the northwest or new part of the dwelling, and also in the small corner 
lot below, to Dr. John Manning, May 9, 1806(239: 2,39), whicii was .sold 
by the administrator of Manning's estate to the widow Sarah Enunons, 
Aug. 2, 1826 (306: 181). John Soward sold the part to his son, 
Moses, March 7, 1817 (213: 105). The honse was partially burned many 
years ago, but it is still known as the "Soward" house. The other houses 
on this side the street between the old Soward house and the Dennis home- 
stead are of modern construction, and are built on the old Dennis land. 


Matthew Whipple and John Norton. 

(Diagram 3.) 

Matthew Whipple was the first owner of two acres on the North Main 
St. side, and his lot was bounded by a lot owned by Rev. John Norton 
north or northeast, and Robert Whitman and John Warner, southeast, 
when the executor of his will sold the estate consisting of a house and barn 
and the two acres to John Anniball, tailor, 1st 10th 1647 (Ips. Deeds 1 : 65). 
The street now called Summer St. was then called Annable's Lane, and 
continued to bear this name till recent times. John, the son of John Anni- 
ball or Annable, sold the home-stead to Francis Wainwright, a house and 
two and three quarters acres, bounded by the highways on three sides, and 
on the south, the heirs of Richard Dutch, 1702 (16 : 36). The Dutch owner- 
ship, as we shall see, comprised the land now owned by Dr. Rus sell, the 
heirs of Ignatius Dodge, James N. Webber and John W. Nourse. Wain- 
wright owned the rest of the square, including the lot granted to Rev. 
John Norton. 

Mr. Wainwright had previously petitioned the Town for a piece of 
land out of the public highway or Common, and a lot, eighteen feet one 
way and twenty-four the other, was apportioned him, "by Goodman 
Annible's stone wall, to set up a small barn and for a sheep yard," March 
4, 1696-7 (Town Record). His mansion occupied the site of the brick 
dwelling on the other side of High St., recently removed, and he .sought 
this sheep yard privilege near at hand. The thoroughfare, now of spacious 
width, was much broader than now, to allow of this and similar encroach- 

Wahiwright's heirs sold a lot on the corner of North Main and 
East Sts., twenty-.sLx rods, to Nathaniel Day, Dec. 12, 1737 (75: 210). 
In the fashion of his time, when land was still to be had for the asking, Mr. 
Day made his petition to the Town, that as the Town had granted Mr. 
A\'ainwriglit a lot eighteen or nineteen feet by twenty-four, in 1697, and 


as he had purchased this of the heirs, as well as a part of the lot extending 
about seventy feet on said front, and as he was about to build a dwelling, 
he asked for more room (Town Record 1737). The house was built and 
stands today in somewhat enlarged form. It is owned by the Hunt and 
Willcomb heirs. Nathaniel Day died and his young widow inherited the 
house. On Nov. 8, 175.5, while she was still in her twenty-sixth year, inten- 
tion of marriage with Isaac Dodge, then twenty-two years old, was pub- 
lished, and the marriage followed in due time. He became a prominent 
citizen. He was a member of the Committee of Correspondence and In- 
spection in the Revolutionary war, and attained a considerable property. 
He died June 25, 1785, and his widow lived only until Sept. 22nd. Col. 
Dodge bought the remainder of the Wainwright land, March 20, 1762 (112: 

He sold a lot on the corner of Annable's Lane, 51 ft. on North Main 
by 100 ft. on the Lane, to John Chapman, March 9, 1769 (126: 68). Chap- 
man was a "leather breeches maker," the only one of that trade in the 
Town, so far as known, but his business warranted his building a spacious 
mansion. It may be that his aml)ition overstepped his means, for he sold 
the new house and land to Capt. Thomas Dodge, Sept. 15, 1773 (132:130). 
Capt. Dodge sold to Capt. Ephraim Kendall, Jan. 19, 1797 (162: 74), and 
Capt. Kendall to Ebenezer and Daniel Russell, March 19, 1S22 (228: 193). 
Daniel Ru.sseirs grandson. Dr. William H. Russell, owns and occupies the 
old mansion. 

Col. Dodge and his wife died as we have seen in the same year. Mrs. 
Dodge retained her ownership in the house and bequeathed the northeast 
end of the dwelhng with land to her daughter Rebecca, the wafe of Major 
Thomas Burnham, and the southwest end to her daughter, Priscilla Dodge, 
with land in the rear (Pro. Rec. 3.58: 521, 1787). In the division of Col. 
Dodge's property, a house lot of an acre, adjoining the house, and fronting 
on North Main, and also on Annable's Lane, was assigned to Rebecca 
Burnham (Pro. Rec. 358: 518). Rebecca Burnham 's half of the house 
was sold by her husband and daughter, Elizabeth D. Burnham, after her 
death, to Joshua Putnam, April 19, 1828 (248: 252). Putnam conveyed 
this to William Ashby of Newburyport, ■ndth a third of an acre which he 
had purchased of Joseph and Daniel L. Willcomb on April 24, 1828 (248: 
252), and Ashby sold to Sanuiel Hunt, Feb. 14, 1849 (408: 16). 

Mr. Hunt .sold a half acre at the foot of his lot on East St. to Foster 
Russell and D. P. Nourse, May 9, 1855 (577: 129). Mr. Russell built the 
house now owned and occupied by his son, Maynard Russell. The heirs 
of Mr. Hunt sold also a building lot to Mrs. Sadie B. Stockwell, upon which 
the dwelling was built, April 27, 1888 (1220: 73) and another to James W. 
Perkins, April 12, 1890 (1275: 447). The line between the Maynard Russell 
property and the lot adjoining on the southeast is probably the ancient 
division between the John Norton land, afterwards Wainwright, and the 
land of Dutch. 

Priscilla Dodge, owner of the southwest half of the house married 


Nathaniel Treadwell. Her sons, Rogers and Nathaniel Dodge TreJidwelh 
sold their interest to Natlianiel Wade (221: 30.5) June 30, 1819 and (209: 
241) April 1.5, 181 (i. Co\. Wade's heirs sold two thirds of the Iioiise to 
Joseph and Daniel L. AMIlconil), April 7, 1.S27, and Jesse Snutli of Salem 
and rriscilla had already conveyed the other third April 4, 1827 (244: 92) 
Josepli erected a new part, alluded to in a ciuitclaini deed to liis brother 
June 28, 1838 (308: 214). Daniel L. Willconib sold the northwest end, 
with blacksmith shop and barn to Melzeard Poor, June 28, 1838 (308: 215) 

The acre house lot was inherited by Elizabeth D. Burnham and .sold 
by her to Manning Dodge and Ebenezer Hus.sell, Aug. 1, 1833 (270: 236) 
and tliey sold a part of this lot, fronting on Annable's Lane or Summer 
St. to Daniel Glazier, July 20, 1835 (281: 287). 

Dodge made an assigmnent to Josiali Caldwell, April 11, 1842 (331 : 80) 
and Caldwell sold Mrs. Sarah Lord, wife of A. P. Lord, a lot fronting on 
North Main St., April 14, 1849 (410 : 106). Ebenezer Ru.ssell had previously 
sold her a quarter acre on North Main St. and Sununer St. adjoining 
this land, Aug. 26, 1843 (339: 7) and on this enlarged plot, .she built 
the dwelling now owned by her .son, James Brown Lord. 

On the Summer St. side of this square, Ebenezer Russell sold a lot 
forty feet front, to Charles C. Cotton, Feb. 27, 1840 (320: 79). The 
built here and the land w^ere conveyed by Cotton to Foster Russell and 
Daniel P. Nourse, Feb. 1841 (329: 202, 203). 

The Glazier property, as has been stated, was a part of the Col. Isaac 
Dodge estate, formerly Wainwright, conveyed Iiy Manning Dodge and 
Ebenezer Russell to Daniel Glazier. Adjoining this, originally a part of 
the Wainwright property probably, was land of Abraham Knowlton, part 
of which was owned later by Col. Joseph Hodgkins, who conveyed his 
interest in a narrow lot to Stephen Low, March 29, 182.5 (238: 22). It is 
still owned by the heirs. 

Know^lton sold half an acre to Charles Smith, Nov. 2, 1793 (157: 65) 
and Capt. John Holmes sold him a quarter of an acre adjoining on the 
.south, Nov. 26, 1793 (157: 65). Charles Smith, then of Londonderry, 
sold this combined lot to his brother Samuel, May 11, 1797 (163: 172), and 
Samuel to F]phraim Kendall, Jr., Aug. 15, 1799 (165: 110). The executors 
of Kendall conveyed it to Foster Russell and Daniel P. Nourse, April 
20, 1848 (472: 198). They divided it into three house lots. They sold 
to Harris, on which he built. April 27, 1848 (518: 236); to Ezra W. 
Lord; and to Nathaniel Treadwell, May 11, 1850 (430: 24) and 
were erected on both lots. 

Robert Whitman and John Warner. 

( DiaKrani '■^. ) 

The remainder of this square was owned originally by Robert AN'liit- 
man and John \\ arner. But Robert Dutcli was in po.s.session earlier than 
1660, as he mortgaged his house and land in that year to Thomas Bisiiop 
(Ips. Deeds 2: 45). He sold a lot to Shoreborne Wilson, a cooper, who 


built a house and cooper's shop on it, and sold to William Searle May 19, 
1663, his lot being bounded by Dutch's on three sides (Ips. Deeds 3: 133). 
Searl sold to Thomas Dennis, Sept. 26, 1663 (8: 69) and Robert Dutch 
sold Thomas Dennis part of his house lot, Nov. 16, 1671 (Ips. Deeds 3:201). 
John Dennis sold to Charles Smith, a house and thirty rods, Feb. 28, 1791 
(156: 91) ; Smith to Jeremiah Goodhue two and a half acres, Feb. 19, 1798 
(165: 140) : Goodhue to Jacob Treadwell, May 11, 1807 (180: 188). Eliza 
Treadwell, daughter of Jacob, married Ignatius Dodge, and her heirs still 
own and occupy. The age of the present dwelling is not known. 

The lot on the corner of Summer and County Sts. came to Benjamin 
Dutch, probably. Elizabeth, daughter of Benjamin and Elizabeth Dutch, 
was born, Sept. 14, 1693 (Town Records). She married Benjamin Studley 
1714 (Town Records) and he is mentioned in occupancy. An old deed 
mentions John Appleton in connection with this lot. His occupancy is 
explained by a quitclaim deed of Benjamin Studley and Elizabeth, his 
wife, "to our honored Fatlier-in-law Mr. John Appleton for all dues and 
demands etc. by virtue of his marrying our mother etc., as she is adminis- 
tratrix of our deceased father, Benjamin Dutch," Sept. 9, 1717 (47: 113). 
Jabez Sweet Jr. married Elizabeth Studley, Feb. 23, 1737 (Town Record). 
He owned the lot, his wife probably inheriting. He sold the house and 
lot, three quarters of an acre to his son, Benjamin, Dec. 29, 1772 (148: 94) ; 
Benjamin Sweet sold a lot on Summer St. out of his estate to Capt. Charles 
Smith, Sept. 14, 1793 (157: 64). It became thus a part of the Charles 
Smith'_^estate which came to Mrs. Eliza Treadwell, who sold it to William 
Treadwell, Sept. 23, 1851 (452: 58). William Treadwell's daughter 
Elizabeth, married James Quimby, who built the house, which was bought 
by James N. Webber. 

Capt. Aaron Sweet, son of Benjamin, bequeathed his homestead to 
his wife, Abigail H. Sweet, who sold to Warren Nourse, Dec. 23, 1862 (1667 : 
478). His son, John W. Nourse, is the present owner. 

The corner lot on East and County Sts. was conveyed by Benjamin 
Dutch to George Robbins, mariner. The deed recites that it was the man- 
sion and homestead of his father, John Dutch, \\'ith one and a half acres. 
It was bounded by the Wainwright land and Thomas Dennis, Nov. 8, 1706 
(18: 212). George "Roberds" sold an acre to John Dennis, Oct. 5, 1709 
(22: 37). Robbins or Roberds sold a quarter acre to John Staniford, Jan. 
18, 1713 (29: 156). Staniford, or his heirs, acquired more of the original 
lot. Jeremiah Staniford bequeathed it to sons Jeremiah and Ebenezer. 
Ebenezer conveyed his part to Mary Dennis, Feb. 17, 1813 (201: 118), and 
the Dennis heirs to Ignatius Dodge, who already owned a portion l)y in- 
heritance from his mother, it is probable. Dodge sold to Joseph Ross, a 
lot, liounded by Maynard Russell on the northwest and Frederic Will- 
comb, southeast, May 6, 1863 (651 : 32) and it was owned later by Abigail 
H. Sweet (658: 45) and William Dawson (722: 14) who sold to John S. 
Glover. The part owned by Jeremiah Staniford was sold by his adminis- 
trators to Nathaniel Lord 3rd, a quarter acre, March 11, 1817 (213: 23) and 
was owned subsequently by Frederick Willcomb, George Russell and his 





Thomas Scott. 

( Diafrrain :i.) 

The corner now oceupied by the WilHam Baker liouse, in part, was 
granted to Thonuiis Scott and tlie record is "an acre for a lot, lying 
to tlie Lane called Bridge Lane, near the meeting house, the lot of 
Philip Fowler on the southeast and tlie house lot granted iivuiiphrey Brad- 
street, on the northeast," 1639. No record of sale remains but it came into 
the possession of Andrew Burley, before 1688 (Ips. Deeds 5: 338). Barley 
bequeathed to his son Andrew "all my housing and land where I now dwell, 
on ye north .side of ye way," Feb. 1717-18. Andrew Burley Jr. became 
the owner of the Turner Hill Farm, the Coleman farm, Howlett's farm, a 
dwelUng, barn, etc., on East St. "ye house and land that was Capt. Mat- 
thew Perkins" on East St., as well as his dwelling and land "up in Towii." 
He divided his estate between his sons, William and Andrew, 17.53 (Pro. 
Rec. 332:63-4). 

To his widow, Hannah, he devised "the improvement of the land and 
buildings, where I now live, — to be yearly procured for her, put in her 
barn, by my executors one load of salt, one load of English hay, also twelve 
bushells of corn, four of rye, four of malt, two hundred pounds of good 
pork, as much beef, thirty of butter, fifty of cheese, twentv of flax from 
the swingle, ten of sheep's wool, and six cords of wood, to be delivered at 
her said dwelling house yearly while she remains my widow, and for the 
same time to find her a horse and chair, to ride to meeting or elsewhere, 
as her occasion requires. I also give her one cow and my iiousehold 
goods" (Pro. Rec. 332: 63). 

The widow Hannah Burley made her liome in the family mansion, 
and at her decease, Andrew sold the estate, including one and a quarter 
acres, to Capt. John Smith, April 1.5, 1760 (110: 73). Capt. Smith 's inven- 
tory (Pro. Rec. 345: 61 1768) included "one house and one acre of Land 
adjoining formerly of Andrew Burley E.sq., £120." He kept a tavern and 
bequeathed his wife, Susanna, "all tavern stores in the house." The resi- 
due of the estate, after specific bequests, was given to his son Charles. 
No deed of sale or conveyance appears, but John Hodgkins was in posses- 
sion in 1791. His two daughters, widow Elizabeth Perkins and Eunice, 
wife of Isaac Stanwood, inherited the house (Pro. Rec. 367: 505). Isaac 
Stanwood Sr. and Eunice convej'ed to Isaac Jr., the life estate which Isaac 
Sr. had in the estate, Sept. 16, 1819 (221: 220). The northwest half of 
the house has always remained in the Perkins family. John and Lucretia 
Perkins .sold to William Baker the corner lot on which he built his house, 
July 13, 1830 (2.57: 275). A great chimney stack has i)een removed, which 
indicated extreme age, and it may be that tlie old mansion was built before 
1688 by Andrew Burley. The house lot, now occupied b)- Mr. George 
Hodgkins, was part of this lot. 


Philip Fowler. 

(Diagram 3.) 

Philip Fowler had a grant of the lot to the southeast of Scott's, but 
in 1655, Deacon Thomas Knowlton was the owner, as deeds of abutting 
property show. Nathaniel Knowlton succeeded and he sold an acre to 
John Knowlton, bounded northwest by "my orchard and land of Burley," 
May 5, 1725 (54: 88). Thomas Hart is alluded to in 1760 as owner, but 
it reverted to the Knowltons and he may have been a tenant merely. 
Sarah Knowlton, widow of Abraham, sold a quarter acre to Isaac Stanwood 
Jr., adjoining his father's land, March 26, 1812 (197: 25), on which he 
built the dwelling still owned by his heirs. The widow Eunice Stanwood 
conveyed to her daughter Eunice, wife of John Caldwell, a house lot, Feb. 
11, 1829 (697: 277). Mr. Caldwell built the house which his daughter Mrs. 
John P. Cowles inherited and occupied. 

A half acre below the Knowlton land was sold by Philip Hammond 
and his son to Dr. John Manning, Jan. 6, 1792 (239: 240) which his ad- 
ministrator sold to Isaac Stanwood, with other land, as the deed mentions 
an acre, Oct. 31, 1825 (245: 287). Mr. Stanwood sold Ira Worcester, a 
house lot, 103 feet front, March 4, 1851 (509: 293) and he had previously 
sold Lewis Choate, a lot, April 15, 1842 (331: 148). 

John Gage. 

(Diagram :?.) 

The next original lot, beginning about on the west line of the Jacob 
Safford house lot, was granted apparently to John Gage. Roger Preston 
acquired it. He sold his house and lot to Reginald Foster, whose original 
location was on the other side of Green Lane, March 11, 1655 (Ips. Deeds 
1: 211). His son Jacob inherited. Jacob conveyed to his son Abraham 
Foster one acre, which he sold to Abraham Perkins, April 6, 1711 (35: 119). 
Nathaniel Perkins owned this acre house lot in 1758. 

Nathaniel sold a lot on Green Lane to Joseph Fowler, July 20, 1776 
(134: 241) and a small lot on the corner of Green Lane and Water Street 
to his brother Joseph, a mariner, Sept. 4, 1780(143: 243). Joseph Perkins 
sold the east half of the house he had built and occupied to Samuel Lake- 
man, Dec. 12, 1782 and Joseph Fowler Jr. sold the lot, bought in 1776, 
to Joseph Perkins Jr. and Samuel Lakeman Jr., Dec. 23, 1782 (143: 243). 
The two halves of this house had a checkered history. The heirs of Joseph 
Perkins sold their interest to Dr. John Manning, and his administrator to 
Joseph Hovey, Oct. 31, 1825 (261: 18). Hovey sold to Elizabeth, wife of 
Levi Young, April 1, 1831 ; Levi Young to Samuel N. Baker, Sept. 26, 1834 
(277: 278) and Baker to Joanna Lakeman, Nov. 5, 1835 (285: 232). 

The other half of the house and the land were sold by Lucy Conner, 
widow, and others, heirs of Samuel Lakeman, to Ira Worcester, June 19, 
1841 (325: 175). Worcester sold to Essex County, May 10, 1843 (378: 17) 
and the Coimty to James and Peely Safford, 90 feet on Green St., March 
1, 1859 (589 : 75). The Safford house was moved from its original location 
by the river side, near the County House, to its present place. The bal- 

41 Q 


f thP Imd WIS sold bv the Countv to Joanna Lakeman McDole, 
:r::ire:d: l^ne^iL other han of the house, March 31. 1859 (586: 58). 
Tl,k house l.!i» Jisanpeared, but the cellar remauis. 

i". tT4 vJL S.M oulv part ot his estate to Fowler aud h,s son 
, V H. i, herited his's house or built for himself on the 

Ser„pa::nr;:,. Hissou f^-^^:^:^^^^ 

Siril toSvilUa^W^^^^^^ 

Thon,asMan„ug July^^ 1829(-^3 J.^ ^^^^^^^_ ,,hninistra.or ot 

rltvettt/llSxIoLs T,.' Jewett and WiUian, 11. Jowett, Sept. 

'''■ 'Z ifthtr i1k\v„s sold by Kuni,. CaUUvell, widow, U, Wijlian, Tread- 
well for, erlv owned by Nathaniel Perkins e,uiteta,med^- h™ ° -'th 
.1 11 ISIS cnn- 147). William Trcadwell conveyed to tlijabetn 
April 13, 1818 (-'»"".■ „ jQ.TO (932- 22), and her admmis- 

Treadwell, wife <^ «■? f'""^'' °;*- '"30 (''56 165) The old house disap- 

're:ir„n;rer'^tet"s;t'dS -1 >- •«« '™"> "-;"- 

X'fi^m tlirold Meethi. House of the First Church when it was ton. 
J ^^;r.r +n the building of the present edifice. 

have said He sold Mose . > ^^^^^ ^ ^48). Jacob 

f d::s1n,e;it"d'b K-^Sut'Li'and Eli.ahe.h, who sold "^ 

Benjamin Glazier April ^^^ ^^^ (10. • 90) a J^^^J.^ ^^,^^, ,^. ,,, 
Benjannn Green, April 1 USOU^^^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^.,^^^,^,,,