IEELAND
FROM THE
RESTORATION TO THE REVOLUTION,
1660 to 1690.
BY
JOHN P. PRENDERGAST,
AUTHOR OF "THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT."
1
LONDON:
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.,
1887.
WM. TYRRELL * C«.
EOOKSFU.ER3,
If KING W. 70RONT*.
>A
ERRATUM.
Page 18, line 6.— For " thirty-six," read "sixteen,"
PREFACE.
Ormonde likens the Restoration to the resurrection,
" when God, beyond our hope (he says), took us all
from banishment, dispersion, and out of the lowest and
most comfortless degree of despair, and restored us to
our country, to our fortune, and to our friends."1 How-
ever true this statement might be for himself and his
family it left the great body of his countrymen
deprived of their lands, who by the Peace of '48, con-
tracted by himself by the authority of King Charles I.,
and adopted and confirmed by Charles II., were to be
pardoned and restored.
A good deal of the secret history of this transaction
not mentioned by Carte, though he had all the docu-
ments before him, is now disclosed. For Carte wrote
a eulogy of Ormonde.
But Ormonde confesses that Ireland was sold to the
Cromwellians, on the ground, no doubt, that thus
only could the King and the royalists be restored.
" If others can (says Ormonde), I cannot forget our
many years wandering abroad, and what we promised
1 To the Countess of Clancarty on the Earl of Clancarty's death. Dated
Moore Park, this 5th of August, 1665, Carte's Life of Ormonde, III.
122.
iv Preface.
to get home, and if not to break those promises be to
want resolution and vigour, I am glad I am without
them/'1
But this confession left him liable to the charge of
neglecting the interests of those that fought in his
army under his own command in Ireland in 1649 and
1650, and in Spain, France, and Flanders, under the
King's Ensigns for seven years from 1652 to 1659,
called Ensignmen, as well as those named specially
for restoration by the King for reasons known to him-
self, called Nominees or Mero Motu men — who were
to be pardoned and restored by the articles of the
Peaces of 1(546 and 1648.
A work on the Restoration Settlement of Ireland is
of more importance even than the Cromwellian Settle-
ment ; and there are more abundant materials for its
elucidation.
But the history of Ireland is distasteful to the
English public.
By the King's Declaration for the Settlement of
Ireland of 30th November, 1660, there was an ela-
borate scheme produced making provision for all
classes of the Irish, some for restoration, as the Inno-
cents, some for deprivation as the Nuncio-tists and the
rejecters of the Peaces of 1646 and 1648. But all
except Innocents were only to be restored after
reprisals found for the Cromwellians in possession.
1 Ormonde to his nephew James Hamilton, ancestor of the Aberoorn
family. November 21st, 16G3. C. P. xlix. 162.
Preface. v
And as there were no reprisals forthcoming there
could be no restoration
The King's Declaration of 30th November, 1660,
made when the Cromwellians did not know their
strength, deals in very different terms with the Irish
than at the end of two years when the Act of Settlement
was passed. In the Declaration the King and his
subjects are restored to each other with wonderful
circumstances of affection and confidence.1 But the
Act of Settlement which confirms the Declaration
meets the reader with a preamble magnifying the
Rebellion and Massacre^ and glorifying the victory of
the King's English Protestant subjects as a victory
and conquest over Irish rebels and enemies, so that
their liberties and lands were wholly at His Majesty's
disposal.2
The conduct of the Thirty-six Commissioners for
executing the King's Declaration of Settlement having
discredited the Declaration by their partiality, a new
Court under five English Commissioners was opened,
limited to one year, for hearing claims of Innocence to
the number of over 8,000. But after sitting and hear-
ing one-sixth of the claimants during seven months,
the previous five months being occupied in framing
rules and waiting for the printing of the Act, the
Court of Innocents was closed on the 21st of August,
1 King's Declaration of 30th November, 1660. Clause I.
8 Preamble to Act of Settlement, passed 27th September, 1662.
b
vi Preface.
1663, and remained so till January, 1666, when a new
Court of Claims was opened for Protestants or English
only (unless a few Irish Proviso-men), with a limit of
three years to hear Adventurers, Soldiers, and Proviso-
men.
The details of the Act of Settlement is a subject of
vast complexity ; and still wants an historian. With-
out elucidation it leaves the history of Ireland a
riddle.
The Restoration Settlement of Ireland might well be
described as a Tragedy in three acts. The King's
Declaration of 30th November 1660, might be
described as the first act. Here all is fair and hope-
ful. Then comes the Act of Settlement of 27th Sep-
tember, 1662, treating the Irish as conquered enemies,
with their lands at the disposal of the conquerors.
But the rights of Innocents were still acknowledged,
and the binding force of the Peace and other engage-
ments. Last, at the end of more than three years,
comes the Act of Explanation, shutting the door of
hope on all Innocents unheard — on the Article-men or
those claiming the conditions of the Peace of 1648 —
on the Ensign-men and the Nominees.
The following lines from a poem addressed to the
Duke of Ormonde, under the title of a Naval Allegory,
by the Registrar of the Irish Court of Admiralty, on his
fourth Lieutenancy of Ireland in 1677, may give some
idea of the many interests involved in the Acts of Set-
tlement and Explanation. After some lines concerning
Preface. vii
Ormonde's earlier Lieutenancies, he compares his
career to the course of a ship
" Amidst a thousand rocks. There lay a sand
Of souldiers' interest (some in command,
Some out). There a dangerous shelfe
Of vext Adventurers and men of pelfe.
Here a strange tide of Innocents sett in,
Which spoiled the fishing, Nocents were so thin.
There Connaught purchasers and transplantees,
Meeting a thousand sort of bold grantees
Made a ground sea. Here came a hazy fog
Of dark provisos which the Act did clog.
There arose clouds of several sorts of men
(Whose names I can't remember one in ten)
Ensigne — Mero motu — Men reprizable —
Nominees — and such as never yet were able
To set their foot on land.
******
Thus we all though late
Came to an anchor in Certificate ;
When having stayed a tide, at length we went
All safe ashore in Letters called Pattent.
Some of the fleet stayed in the bay Decree,
Some hall'd in the open road of Letteree."1
At a time when nothing less than a new Settlement
of Landed Property in Ireland is contemplated by
some, it may be instructive to review some of the
miseries involved in the Settlement at the Restoration.
It is to be hoped that what is here detailed, may make
1 C. P. Ixix. 553.
Vlll
Preface.
those pause who have embraced in their minds any
such ruinous resolutions.
The Cromwellian Settlement, confirmed to a great
extent by the Acts of Settlement, left the country
convulsed by the social revolution it effected, and is
responsible in a great degree for its present condition.
The Old English, foreign by race but of the same
religion as the Irish, and called by some the Later or
Newer Irish, the Butlers, Plunkets, Fitzgeralds,
and others, were all swept into Conn aught with the
Old Irish, and there perished for the most part, and
thus the connecting link between the two races on the
soil of Ireland was destroyed.
In the place of these later Irish another race of the
same religion has grown up and become landed propri-
etors through thrift, and is likely to supply the lost
link. But if they too are to be swept away and a new
settlement of landed property attempted, Ireland will be
in the condition of always settling but never settled.
Mr. Gladstone attempted by an heroic effort to
settle Ireland on the Ulster principle of the three F's,
Fixity of Tenure, Fair Eents, and Free Sale. But his
measures seem only to have unsettled Ireland, and
headstrong men are urging on another social revolu-
tion, with the view of driving out of the island the
only class accustomed to government. If they ground
their argument on the Cromwellian Settlement, it is
an event of over two hundred years' antiquity, and the
common fate of Europe in the dark ages, that of Ire-
Preface. ix
land in the time of Cromwell being no different from
the rest only in being the latest. It must be always
remembered that the present landlords of Ireland had
no hand in the Cromwellian Conquest — that they
rely on the public faith of the Kingdom expressed in
various Acts of the Legislature — that Englishmen
have given their daughters to Irishmen in reliance on
that settlement of property, that Millions of money
have been lent upon it, and that to undo it now
would be a gross breach of faith, and cause Ireland to
remain unsettled perhaps for ages.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PART I.
CHAPTER 1.
Page
The Duke of Ormonde on the unsettled state of Ireland at the
Restoration . ..... 1
The Cromwellians fear King Charles the Second's favour to
the Irish . ..... . . 2
Estates of Irish Royalists, Protestant as well as Catholic, in
the hands of Cromwellian grandees ... 4
Lord Broghill has Blarney Castle . . . ib.
Sir Charles Coote, Tyrellan, the Marquis of Clanricarde's . 5
Sir Theophilus Jones has Lucan ..... G
Dr. Henry Jones, Lynch's Knock, now Summer Hill, near Trim ib.
Henry Cromwell, Portumna Castle and Deer Park . . 7
Commissary General Reynolds, Carrick Castle and Deer Park 8
John Blackwell, Kilcash ...... ib.
Miles Corbett, Malahide Castle . . . . ib.
Colonel Axtell, Bally ragget, Lord Mountgarret's . . ib.
Solicitor General Reynolds surrenders Carrick . . . ib.
Recovery of Kilcash for Colonel Richard Butler . . 9
The Regicides' lands given to the Duke of York . . ib.
Oliver Cromwell's debenture lands in Ratoath and Dunboyne
baronies, County of Meath . . . . .10
How disposed of by Act of Settlement . . . . ib.
Henry Cromwell's debenture lands secured to him . . 11
He assigns his Tipperary lands to the Earls of Cork and Arran ib.
Oliver Cromwell's Meath lands granted to Sir William Russell,
Royalist ...... 12
The Irish Officers rally to the King's Ensigns in Spain and
France and Flanders . . . .13
CHAPTER II.
The Convention of February, 1660 . . 15
Sir Charles Coote's message to the King in Flanders . , ib.
The King's Letter to Gen. Monck from Breda of 14th April, 1660 ib.
Secures the Adventurers and Soldiers their lands . 16
Sir Maurice Eustace shocked at this iniquity . . ib.
The court of 36 Commissioners for executing the King's Declar-
ation of 30th November, 1660 . . . . ib.
xli Contents.
Page
The Court of Claims under the Act of Settlement, of 27th
September, 1662 17
The Four Classes of Restorable Irish, Innocents, Ensignmen,
Article-men, Nominees . 18
The Dowager Viscountess Ikerrin . 19
The Dowager Lady Dunboyne of Kiltinan . ib.
The Instructions for executing the Declaration of 30th Novem-
ber, 1660, with eleven bars to Innocence . . .20
Thomas Wyse of Dungarvan, son of a lunatic . . .21
David Howlin, a lunatic ... ib.
John Lattin, of Morristown, a lunatic with lucid intervals . 22
Stephen Lattin, his son . . . . ib.
Postponed and disappointed Innocents . r ib.
Luke Sedgrave of Killeglan, Co. Meath . .23
John Cheevers of Grangefort, Co. Carlow . ib.
Sir Patrick Barnewall ... .24
Elizabeth, widow of Captain Henry Rochfort, granddaughter
of General Thomas Preston, first Viscount Tara . . 25
The King's holograph letter about Lord Tara's hospitality at
Bruges. ....... ib.
Elizabeth Rochfort, his granddaughter, a widow, bespeaks the
King's pity for the babe in her womb . . .27
Lord Massereene's anger of the Cromwellians at the decrees
of Innocence ....... ib.
Colonel Edward Warren's ...... 28
Sergeant Beverley's ...... ib.
Violence to the servants of the Marchioness Dowager of Clan-
rickarde . . . . . . . ib.
„ of to Lady Susan Taaffe . . . .,29
„ of Dr. Petty 's agents to Patrick Moore of Downstown. ib.
Services of P. Moore (grandfather) to the King . . 30, 32
Sir Audley Mervyn's Puckan Speech, as Speaker of the
Commons . . . . . .32
The Protestant plot and projected rebellion of Cromwellians
in 1663 . .... . . .33
The Court of Irish Innocents closed 21st August, 1663, after
sitting only seven months ..... 34
The final Court of Claims opened on the 4th January, 1666,
to administer the Act of Explanation . . . ib.
A Court for English and Protestants only, unless a few Catholics
or Irish Proviso-men ...... ib.
Over seven thousand Claimants of Innocence left unheard . 34
Cries of widows with children . . . . . ib.
List of Petitioners' names - . .35
Contents. xiii
Page
Orrery on the unheard Claimants of Innocence . • .35
Case of Joan Archer of Corbettstown unheard, with her daughter
wandering as poor pilgrims . • • • . 35, 36
The Ensignmen entitled by treaty made with the French Envoy
at Kilkenny in 1646 to obey their own King's orders • 38
Cardinal Mazarin, to put difficulties in their way, sends many
regiments to Italy ...... 39
Poverty and hard fate of the Ensignmen in London • • 40
Their loyalty makes them quit the French service at the King's
order in 1678 . .... 42
Case of Dermot and Owen McCarthy, Ensignmen
William Fleming, Lord Slane . 44
Major John Neale ... . ib.
Daniel O'Sullivan More ... .45
Donogh M'Fineen (O'Sullivan) . . ib.
Charles, Roger, and Francis Farrell • 46
Lord Castleconnell . .48
Colonel Charles MacCarthy Reagh • 51
Lewis Dempsey, Lord Clanmalier, Article-man . • 52
Walter Tuite of Cullanmore, West Meath, a Nominee . • 54
PART II.
CHAPTER I.
Origin of the Tories ...... 57
Called by Chichester " The White Moors" . . . ib.
The five Septs of Leix transplanted to Munster . . ib.
To demonstrate the ability of the English to effect the Ulster
plantation ....... ib.
Some sent to the King of Poland .... 58
Lord Deputy St. John (1619) would give 10,000 tones to any
foreign prince ...... ib.
The Wexford plantation produces many . . . ib.
These plantations lead up to the Cromwellian Settlement . 59
Broghill's gloomy presages of the Restoration Settlement . ib.
For 30 years after the Restoration Ulster disturbed by tories * 60
Ormonde describes the population of Ulster as the worst
Papists and the worst Protestants in Ireland . . ib.
Primate Plunket (1670) framed rules in a Synod against the
tories ........ 61
The repeal of the Act of Settlement in James the Second's
parliament the cause of the Penal Laws . . . ib.
Statement of Chief Justice Lord Annaly to that effect in 1771 62
xiv Contents.
Pag*
Effect of the Discovery Act (8th of Queen Anne) in animating
the Penal Laws ...... 62
The dispossessed "cosher" on their former tenants . . 63
Daniel O'Keeffe of Dromagh Castle on the Blackwater, and
MaryO'Kelly 64
Presentments (1713) at the Assizes for the Royalties and
Liberty of Tipperary of tories on their keeping . . 67
Ballad about tory hunting . 68
The descendant of the old proprietor wandering with his title
deeds in a pocket-handkerchief . . . ib.
A Letter under Charles the Second's Privy Seal preserved by
a Longford peasant in cotton wool . . . ib.
CHAPTER II.
THE LEINSTER TORIES.
Sir Charles Coote, 2nd Earl of Mountrath . . .70
The Countess Dowager claims Gormanston Castle . . ib.
And to be reprised for Tyrellan, and other Clanricarde lands . 71
The 2nd Earl's contest with his Stepmother . . ib.
With Captain Edward Herbert, for Sir Jasper Herbert's Estate
in King's County . . . . . .72'
With the Costigans . . . . . ib.
Lord Mountrath's Schedule of lands in Queen's and King's
Counties, with names of the old proprietors and of the
Cromwellians he purchased from . . . . 74, n ;
Lewis Lord Clanmalier's lands given to the Earl of Arlington ib.
The Earl forms the King's County lands into the Manor of
Charlestown, and the Queen's County lands into that of
Portarlington ...... 75
Tories on Lord Arlington's lands . . . .76
„ at Leighlin Bridge ..... ib.
„ at St. Margaret's, County Dublin . . ib.
Martin Connor, the Great tory . . . .77
Special Commission to Sir Jerome Alexander, Justice of K.B.,
to try tories, and his special inclination to hang them . ib.
* CHAPTER II I.
MUNSTER TORIES.
Lord Orrery on the tories ...... 7$
„ wishes they were sent to serve in Portugal . ib-
Tipperary and Waterford tories ..... 79
Kerry tories ....... ib.
Colonel Power, the tory . ib.
Contents. xv
CHAPTER IV.
CONN AUGHT TORIES.
Pago
Mayo and Leitrim tories . . . . . .81
The Connaught transplanters of the same religion as the old
proprietors ....... ib.
The transplanted Talbots, Cheeverses, Fitzgeralds, and Belle ws
found families in Connaught . . . . ib.
Jamestown built as another Derry for the Leitrim planters . 82
The Duke of Ormonde's measures against the Connaught
tories . . .... 83
Father Brady's saying about the Duke . . . ib.
Otway, Bishop of Killalla, has a tory beheaded in his courtyard ib.
Colonel Dudley (or Dualtagh) Costello, head of the Connaught
tories . . . . . . 84
His history ... ib.
His Letter of defiance to Lord Dillon of Costello . 86
He burns two baronies .... .88
Orrery furnishes Lord Kingston, President of Connaught, with
a Munster spy ...... ib.
Lord Kingston thought from his appearance it mattered not
whether the spy killed Costello or Costello him . . 89
Costello slain ... . .90
CHAPTER V.
THE ULSTER TORIES.
The rebellion of 1641 breaks out in Ulster by reason of the
plantation . . . . . . .91
The Ulster men Nuncio-tists ..... ib.
Royalist reasons for maintaining the plantation . • 92
Primate Plunket's pity for the Ulster gentry . . . ib.
They become tenants of scraps of their former estates under
Presbyterians ...... 93
Many Ulster gentlemen turn tories . . . ib.
Hatred of the tories to the Primate . . . ib.
And of some Franciscan Friars ..... ib.
The Great tory, Fleming, and the Primate's intervention for
him with Capel, Earl of Essex, Lord Lieutenant . . 94
Levies by the Ulster tories .... . .95
Viscount Charlemont to inquire into their levies . . 96
Some of the New English ordered to answer for their dealings
with tories ... . ib.
xvi Contents.
Page
Ulster the most disturbed province from 1660 to 1698 . . 98
Only three of the Native Gentry restored . . ib., n.
Sir George Acheson on the Ulster tories . • .99
Tories employed to kill one another .... 100
Viscount Charlemont deals with some of the O'Neills to drive
out the Ulster tories . . . . ** .101
He pays Head .Money for tori.es' hea$s ..... . ib.
Lieutenant Mulmurry O'Hossa paid for two heads . . 104
Brings another. dripping with gore to the bench of Fermanagh
Justices at Enniskillen ..... 105
The Duke of Ormonde against the plan of allowing tories to
abjure the realm . . . . . .106
Captain W. Hamilton a Scanderbeg to the Ulster tories . 107
How poor Will came to his end . . .108
A tory at Downpatrick kills the hangman . • . ib.
Redmond O'Hanlon, tjie tory, of the Fews mountains . . 109
Vain attempts to take .him .... . .110
Bishop Jones's plot against Primate Plunket . . .112
The Bishop attempts to engage O'Hanlon iq, his plot . . ib.
Redmond O'Hanlon scorns his design . . . ib.
Two hundred pounds s.et on Redmond's head . . .115
Bishop Jones gets Lynch's Knock (now Summer Hill, Lord
Langford's seat) from Cromwell . . . .116
Primate Plunket's execution . . ... .118
Deborah Annesley and her husband's treaty with Redmond's
family ....... 119
Redmond slain by treachery . . . . .121
The author's visit to Anna-gle-Million . . . .123
Popularly supposed to be Redmond O'Hanlon's cave . . ib.
Leonidas's tomb in the Morea taken by the peasantry for a
Greek tory;s tomb . . . . . .125
PART 1 1 1,
• CHAPTER I.
History of the Three Brennans, tories of the County of Kil-
kenny. . ..... 126
Their arrest in Chester, in November, 1683 . . . ib.
And prison breach ...... . . .127
The Brennans of Edough, now Castlecomer . . . ib.
The O'Brennans allied in early times by intermarriage with
the Fitzpatricks (afterwards Earls of Upper Ossory) . 128
\
Contents. xvii
Page
Sir Christopher Wandesford, Secretary to the Earl of Strafford,
buys Sigginstown (or Jigginstown), near Naas . .129
But yields it up to Strafford, and takes Edough, or Castle-
comer instead . . . . . . ib.
The Brennans employ Lords Mountgarret and Maltravers to
solicit their suit at Whitehall . • . .130
Strafford imprisons one hundred heads of families of Brennans
at Dublin Castle ..... .131
This one of the charges in his impeachment . . .133
By this Wandesforde's conscience is awakened . ' . ib.
He dies broken-hearted 3rd December, 1640 . . . ib.
Provides by his Will a trust for the compensation of the Bren-
nans of Edough . . . . . .134
Castleeomer besieged by the Irish in 1641 . . . ib.
Surrenders on terms not kept by the English . . .135
The Brennans (22 of them) in 1686, obtain a Decree in Chan-
cery on foot of Sir Christopher's Will . . .136
Proceedings of Sir Christopher's grandson to get rid of the
Decree ....... 137
Names of the Brennans, plaintiffs .... ib., n.
The Three Brennans rob £18, 000 in three years . .338
They sail to Wales from Blngsend . . . .140
Are recognised and imprisoned at Chester . . ib.
They break out of jail . . . . . .141
In 1685 rob Kilkenny Castle . . . . .143
Are taken into protection and pay to put down other tories . 145
, CHAPTER II.
The " Wrestling Doctor " and " The Milesian Magazine " .165
Dr. John Brenan, " The Wrestling or Turpentine Doctor " . ib.
Prince of Iveagh and King of all the Wrestlers of all Ireland . ib.
Addresses the Duchess of Richmond, wife of the Lord Lieute-
nant of Ireland, as an equal ..... ib.
Cures patients at the Lying-in Hospital by turpentine of child-
bed fever ....... 146
Mock trial before Judge Norbury for infringing the rights of
Dr. Hopkins ....... ib.
Birth and history of Dr. Brenan . . . . .147
Loses the family property in Carlow Castle and the Castle
hill through Robert Cornwall, attorney . . . ib.
Dr. Brenan's Magazine opposes Watty Cox's Union (or United
Irish) Star ....... 149
Sides with the Anti-Veto party in politics . . . ib.
xviii Contents.
Page
The Catholic Committee and Irish politics in 1812 . . ib.
The " Milesian Magazine " supports the Duke of Richmond,
Lord Lieutenant . . • - .150
And Wellesley Pole, Chief Secretary . . . -> * ib.
Ridicule of the Major's petition and of the Catholic Committee
in " Barny, Barny, buck or doe " . . . ib.
Wellesley Pole's letter against the Catholic Committee charging
them with breach of the. Convention Act • • • 155
The Committee offended at the Duke's appointments of John
Gifford and Dr. P. Duigenan . . ib.
Dr. Brenan's and the Duke's athletics free them from all but
Talla' Hill talk 156
Rev. Dr. Milner, of Winchester and the Veto . . . 157
Dr. Brenan's ballad against the Veto . . . .158
Bishop Coppinger of Cloyne, in 1798 .... ib., n.
Daniel O'Connell (Counsellor Round-about, the Kerry Atticus) 159
His reported death in a duel . . . . ib.
His Harold's Cross Speech . . . . .160
Portrait of O'Connell in Dr. Brenan's review of the Irish Bar . 161
CHAPTER III.
Dr. Brenan and the Dublin doctors . 165
Dr. Clement Archer and Kill Coachee, son of Burn Chapel
Whaley ....... ib.
The Whaley family . . . . . .166
Edward Whaley the Regicide dies a fugitive in America . 166
Henry Whaley, his brother, an adventurer for lands in Ireland,
turns Royalist ...... ib.
Moves the recall of the King in the Convention of February,
1660 . 167
Loses lands worth £20,000, by Clanrickarde's restoration . ib.
Recommended by Parliament at its dissolution in 1666 to
Ormonde's care . . . . . ib.
His only son, John Whaley, marries Susanna, daughter of King
Charles the Second's Dry Nurse . . . ib.
Stories of Buck Whaley ... .168
History of Burn Chapel Whaley . ib.
„ Kill Coachee Whaley . . . . ib.
Prince Hohenlohe's miracles . . . . .170
Mrs. Corbally, of Ranelagh Convent . . . .171
Dr. Brenan's Lines on Prince Hohenlohe . . ib.
Trial of Father Gilmore for wearing a Protestant clerical hat . 173
Epigram on Loyal Sam. Coates, of Beresford's yeomanry corps 177
Contents. xix
CHAPTER IV.
Page
Epitaphs on Fitzmonkey, on Father Haly, and Charley Jalap . 180
CHAPTER V.
Guinness's Heresy Porter and the Catholic Board . . 182
CHAPTER VI.
Poetical pieces — The Widow Malone . . . .184
Mrs. Mill's the Midwife's letter at the Rotunda Hospital, to
Dr. Brenan ....... ib.
CHAPTER VII.
Dr. Brenan's Society for the conversion of Attorneys . .188
CHAPTER VIII.
Difficulty of finding a complete copy of the Milesian Magazine 189
Jasper Joly, LL.D., and his collection of periodical literature
of Ireland . . ib.
Death of Dr. Brenan 193
p IEELAND
FROM THE
RESTORATION TO THE REVOLUTION,
A.D. 1660-1690.
CHAPTER I.
THE UNSETTLED STATE OF IRELAND AT THE
RESTORATION.
IN July, 1662, the Duke of Ormonde came over as
Lord Lieutenant to administer the affairs of Ireland,
" as divided and unsettled a country (to use his own
expression), as is or ever was in Christendom/7 By
the scheme of the Parliament of England, the former
Irish proprietors had been swept from the three other
provinces into Connaught, and their ancient properties
were divided amongst the Cromwellian soldiery. The
lands of Eoyalist Protestants had been some of them
compounded for at two years' purchase, some set out
among the soldiery. The owners of others were
banished like Ormonde, Bramhall, and Sir James Mont-
gomery, together with the chief Catholic Irish leaders
who had been Commanders in the war against the
Parliament.
The Protestant hierarchy was abolished, and the
Bishops' and Hectors' lands set out among the
Cromwellians.
At the Restoration the Protestants were at once
restored.
A
2 Cromwellians fear the King 's
The Irish had to use their influence at Court to
obtain the King's order under Privy Seal for their
repossession.
The Irish Officers, the King's comrades in his ten
years' exile, who had rallied to his ensigns, and given
him credit and dignity by fighting as his soldiers in the
armies of France and Spain, where they made up
a force of ten thousand men, crowded to Whitehall
and pressed him for Letters of Restoration to their
lands, Ormonde, Inchiquin, Anglesey, and other
grandees were at this early stage willing to give certi-
ficates of the services and sufferings of many of these
officers. With these they made their way to their old
homes ; and in many instances got them back ; — for
the Cromwellians had no legal title. They had only
the King's Proclamation of 29th May, 1660, com-
manding that they should not be disturbed until
further order should be given in Parliament. The
King's order under Privy Seal to restore any Irish
proprietor seemed of equal validity with the Proclama-
tion. This roused the ire of the Cromwellians. A
meeting was held in Cashel in August, 1660, by
Colonel Thomas Stanley, Colonels Richard and Peyton
Le Hunte and others, for adopting a petition by the
Cromwellians of the county of Tipperary, " dispersed
with great success, they said, through the whole
kingdom."
It asked for a Parliament to confirm their titles.
They were alarmed at the number of officers of high
quality flocking from abroad, and, notwithstanding the
murders and cruelties done to multitudes of the peti-
tioners' dear brethren, these officers of quality would
have themselves to be accounted the King's best
Favour to ike Irish. 3
subjects ; and not seeming to question, they added,
their restitution to their estates so justly forfeited.
On these, the officers and soldiers had laid out their
all (so ran this petition or declaration), hoping for the
comfortable settlement of themselves and their poster-
ity. It was by mere accident that they had not got
the qualification of a Parliamentary title.
They forwarded this petition or declaration to
Colonel Symon Finch, at Kilcolman, near Nenagh, that
he and his soldiers, planted around him in his barony,
might sign it; and to their good friends Bartholomew
Fookes, and the rest in the barony of Eliogarty and
Ikerrin. It was signing, they added, by multitudes of
the Protestant inhabitants, as well officers civil and
military, as adventurers, soldiers and other planters.
On the other hand, the dispossessed Irish, as their
hopes of restoration began to fail, with wives, sons,
and daughters around them starving, were furnishing
recruits to the bands of tories that, since Cromwell's
time, had gathered in wilds and woods avenging their
wrongs on the possessors of their former properties.
So that Ormonde might well describe Ireland as the
most divided and unsettled country in Christendom.
For nothing in the history of Europe was similar to
the Cromwellian Settlement, except the Conquests
effected by the Northern barbarians in the dark ages
If Augustin Thierry had known the true story of
the Cromwellian Settlement, he need not have selected
the Conquest of England by the Normans for its being
the latest of those conquests, where men deprived of
all that makes life valuable, are seen either resigning
themselves to the sight of strangers sitting as masters
at hearths that had been lately theirs, or frantic with
4 Grandees' Land Greed.
despair and rage, rushing to the mountains or^the
forests to live there in rapine, murder, and indepen-
dence.1
Generals, colonels, captains, and lieutenants of the
Parliamentary forces now claimed the ancient castles
of the royalists and native nobility and gentry of Ire-
land as the residences and property of themselves and
their families. Or an Adventurer — some merchant of
London, or tradesman from a provincial town in Eng-
land— had set himself down with his wife and children,
and servants, in what had lately, and long hefore been,
the home of some old English family of the birth of
Ireland ; some Butler, Fitzgerald, or Plunket, or of
some nobleman or gentleman, Irish by both birth and
blood ; some Kavanagh, M'Carthy, O'Brien, or
O'Keefe. Or, harder still, some of the newer English
of the birth of Ireland ; some planter of James the
First's reign had annexed the estate of his late neigh-
bour and friend ; nay, often his ally by marriage (and
many another's estate besides) to his own already too-
wide domains, bent on making estated gentlemen of all
his sons.
It was thus Broghill possessed himself of the manor
of Blarney, and this many years before the army of
Cromwell were assigned any lands for their arrears.
After some wavering, he joined Cromwell upon his
invasion of Ireland. The Manor of Blarney seems to
have been his price ; for, in every act and ordinance of
Cromwell's Parliament there is always a proviso that
nothing in the act contained should prejudice the right
of Roger Lord Broghill to the Castle and Manor of
1 " Autobiographical Preface to the History of my Historical Works and
Theories," by Angustin Thierry.
Broykill and Blarney. — Sir C. Coote and Tyrellan. 5
Blarney. It was the ancestral seat of Donagh
M'Cartby Viscount Muskerry, afterwards made Earl
of Clancarty, married to Ormonde's eldest sister. It
lay within seven miles of Cork, and Lord Muskerry and
Broghill were neighbours and familiar friends. But
Broghill had the thirst for Irish Confiscations like an
hereditary disease inherent in his blood. He was son
of that first Earl of Cork, who had come over to Ire-
land (as was commonly said) a bare-footed boy, not
sixty years before, yet died the possessor of forfeited
estates extending from the City of Cork eastward to
Youghal, and northward to Lismore. Lord Broghill
was not ashamed in his lust for land to possess himself
of his friend Muskerry's noble castle and demesnes.
In like manner, Sir Charles Coote, first Earl of
Mountrath, and son of the first settler of his name in
Ireland, Provost Martial of Connaught, already largely
/^warded by Queen Elizabeth and King James the
I irst, with the richest pasture land in Eoscommon,
obtained through oppressive purchases from the
wretched Connaught transplantaters, while he was the
Chief Commissioner of the transplantation, some of
these transplanters' lands at a shilling an acre, none
higher than half a crown ; and, amongst other pur-
chases, the Castle and Demesne of Tyrellan, near the
town of Galway, an ancient seat of the Marquis of
Clanricarde.
It was to Tyrellan that he invited Colonel Sadleir,
Governor of Galway, and his officers, to drink a cup
of wine, in the year 1659. Leaving his guests there,
under some excuse, he went by boat with Colonel
Sadleir, to Galway, and induced him to order the gates
to be opened. Sir Charles had a party there ready to
6 Sir Theophilus Jones and Lucan.
cry, " A Coote, a Coote," and, " a Free Parliament,"
the secret rallying cry of the Royalists. Sir Charles had
also Gormanston Castle. And for his greater conveni-
ence in attending the Council Board at Dublin Castle,
had a seven years' lease from Quarter-Master-General
Vernon, of Clontarf Castle. He was greatly dis-
appointed on applying for it to Ormonde, to hear that
it had been given by the King to Colonel Ned Vernon,
the Quarter- Master- General's cousin, as great a darling
of the Royalists as the other was of Cromwell. Ormonde
apologised on the King's behalf, and regretted Sir
Charles had not spoken sooner. Sir Charles replied
in dudgeon, that he always feared what had happened,
that he " should be left in the suds," as he expressively,if
not elegantly, styled it, while attending his duty as
Lord Justice in Ireland.
Colonel Sir Theophilus Jones had Sarsfield's house
and demesne at Lucan. Both Sir Charles Coote and
Sir Theophilus Jones had been Commissioners for
trying and punishing any that should promote the
interest of Charles Stuart. But as has been said or
sung in Hudibras,
" But when the times begin to alter,
None rise so high as from an halter."
Sir Theophilus's brother, Dr. Henry Jones, Bishop
of Clogher, had Lynch's Knock, now known as
Summer Hill, near Trim. It adjoins Dangan, and
was in 1879, taken by the Empress of Austria as
a hunting seat. The Bishop had accepted the
Presbyterian Directory instead of the Book of Common
Prayer, and had in 1654, been a Commissioner to press
the engagement on the Presbyterians of Ulster to be
faithful to a government without a King or House of
Henry Jones, Bishop of Clogher, and Lynch' s Knock. 7
Lords. At Carrickfergus he threatened the Earl 01
ClanbrassillandViscountMontgomeryofArdes,ontheir
refusing to take " the engagement " to be faithful to
the Government as then established without King or
House of Lords, with transplantation of themselves,
families, and tenants to the County of Tipperary.
For by Cromwell's Act for the settling of Ireland,
Protestant royalists, if they had borne arms against the
Parliament were to transplant no less than Irish Papists.
But by an ordinance of 1654, Protestant Delinquents
were at the discretion of the Council, to be allowed to
compound, and the Earl of Clanbrassill and Viscount
Montgomery compounded, — Clanbrassill for £9,000,
and Montgomery for £3,000. But some were refused
that favour. For, Sir James Shaen complained after
the Restoration, that the Cromwellian Commissioners
in setting forth lands to him for the purchases he had
made to the extent of £6,500 of Transplanters' claims
in Connaught, forced him to accept the estates of Sir
George Bingham, Sir Edward Crofton. and others,
"under the notion of Delinquent, uncompounding
Protestants," to the extent of 165,000 acres. But by
the advice of Orrery and others, " as well as out of his
own loyal inclinations," he allowed these Protestants
to enjoy their estates for three years before the
Restoration.
Henry Cromwell had got Portumna Castle and
Deer Park, on the Shannon, in the county of Galway,
with 6,000 acres adjacent, as his inheritance. It was
the ancient chief seat of the Marquis of Clanricarde.
And the "Lord Harry" owned besides 8,000 acres of the
finest land in Meath, and a like quantity in the
neighbourhood of Nenagh, in the County of Tipperary,
8 Henry Cromwell and other Grandees' Land Grants.
set out to him for his own and his father's arrears.
Commissary General John Reynolds, Henry Cromwell's
brother-in-law, was granted Carrick Castle and Deer
Park, the earliest possession of the Earls of Ormonde
in Tipperary. Kilcash, on the southern slope of
Slieve-na-mon, overlooking Carrick, Clonmel, and the
Valley of the Suir, the seat of Ormonde's younger
brother, Eichard Butler, was in the hands of John
Blackwell, the younger, for a public debt due to his
father, part being for the cost of the scaffold for the
execution of King Charles the First. Miles Corbett,
made Chief Baron in the Court of Exchequer in Ire-
land by Cromwell, and one of the Commissioners for
the government of Ireland, had got a lease of Malahide
Castle, the seat of the Talbots from the days of King
John. He had sate in judgment on the King. Colonel
Daniel Axtell was in possession of Ballyragget Castle,
in the County of Kilkenny, the principal mansion of
Viscounts Mountgarret, near kinsmen of the
Ormondes. Axtell commanded the guard of Halber-
tiers at the King's execution.
Most of these lands and mansions were soon restored
to their ancient owners.
Corbett and Axtell were executed as Regicides. Sir
Charles Coote restored Tyrellan at once to Clanri-
carde's successor.
Mr. Solicitor- General Reynolds, who had become
heir to his brother on his shipwreck in 1658, on the
Goodwin Sands, returning from the capture of Mar-
dyke, in Holland, hastened to meet Ormonde and
restore Carrick Castle and Deer Park. And he after-
wards reminded Ormonde how he had said at the
King's Mews, his then residence, what a pleasure it
Oliver and Henry GromwelVs Debenture Lands. 9
was to deal with gentlemen, because of his keeping his
deer park well paled and stocked.
Kilcash was only recovered from Black well for
Colonel Richard Butler, with great difficulty, and hy
the accident that it had not been fully and legally and
formally conveyed by Ormonde's grandfather, Sir
Walter Butler, Earl of Ormonde, and thus the title
descended to the Duke of Ormonde ; and by the Act
of Settlement all Ormonde's lands were to be restored
to him out of hand. He was thus enabled to oust
Black well, and put back his brother Colonel Richard
Butler, into Kilcash.
And here may be mentioned the history of the Irish
estates of Oliver Cromwell, the Protector, and of
Henry Cromwell, Lord Deputy of Ireland, under his
father, and Lord Lieutenant under his brother, the
shadowy and fugitive heir and successor of the
Protector. Could it be conceived, unless on the
evidence of authentic history, that the lands held in
Ireland by Oliver Cromwell, and the Lord Harry his
son, should be confirmed to them or to their families
and the former owners left to starve ?
But the New Interested People, in other words the
Cromwellians or the purchasers of Cromwellian Lots,
with the policy of buying up or bribing all-powerful
bodies, and of giving them an interest in supporting
the Act of Settlement gave by that Act the lands
lately held by the Regicides to the Duke of York.
And lest the Duke should be awakened by the outcries
of his unfortunate fellow soldiers, for he commanded a
regiment of them in France and Flanders (writes one
of his contemporaries), they gave him all the lands
given to the Regicides as rewards for their iniquity ;
10 Regicides Lands to Dw/ce of York.
and by this contrivance lopped off the hand of His
Royal Highness, which they might very well have
hoped would be their sword and buckler too. And
he gave not one foot of it to the old proprietors, though
several concluded that he purposely got it to relieve
those distressed soldiers that served under him in the
Low Countries.1
The lands of many a poor Irish officer and soldier
who had served for seven years in exile in Flanders
under the Duke's own command, was included in the
grant, but gratitude or pity never induced him to restore
one.2
Oliver Cromwell had for his arrears as a soldier,
several thousand acres of the finest land in the baronies
of Ratoath and Dunboyne, in Meath, nearest to Dublin.
On Oliver's death, his Meath lands passed to the Lord
Harry, his son, and while the Lord Harry's own
Tipperary lands in the North Riding, near Nenagh,
were confirmed to himself, these Meath lands of
Oliver's were by the Act of Settlement, secured to Sir
William Russell, of Laugharne, in Carmarthenshire ;
while Henry Cromwell's Connaught lands on the belt
of military planters, called the Mile Line, were by the
same Act secured to John Russell, of Chippenham,
in Cambridgeshire, closely connected with him by
marriage.
And here it is fit to mark the wide difference
1 Plunkett's History, M.S., C. P., Ixtv., 189.
* Sir Hardress Waller alone, one of the Regicides, had the lands of
24 Irish families. "Here ensueth the names of the proprietors of tLe lands
E'.ven to Sir Hardress Waller, in the county of Limerick : John Roch, of
imerick and Newcastle" (and so are they all named and listed).
" Received from Lord Carlingford, October 23rd, 1663." Endorsement in
Sir George Lane's hand, Secretary to the Duke of Ormonde, C. P.,
xviii., 361.
Henry Cromwell retains his Debenture Lands. 11
between the respective conditions of Henry Cromwell
and his father, the Protector. Oliver was covered, it
may truly be said, with King Charles's blood, as fully
as the axe-man who flooded the scaffold with it. But
Henry Cromwell was no Regicide, — nor was he
excepted from pardon for his lands as he well might
have been, and probably would have been, but for his
humanity and courtesy to the Marchioness of Ormonde
and other grandees of his own nation and religion.
For there is no instance of his benefitting any of the
Irish.
On the contrary, it was under his Lord Lieutenancy
that Papists Convict were by Act of Parliament to for-
feit two-thirds of their lands and goods in Connaught,
toties quoties, unless they renounced the Pope's
supremacy, the worship of the Virgin, and the Invo-
cation of Saints at Quarter Sessions, when summoned
for that purpose, reducing them to beggary, and con-
trary to all the fine promises of Cromwell that he
meddled with no man's conscience, though he would
not allow the celebration of the Mass. So that all
the grand English praises of the Lord Harry's admirable
Government of Ireland are mere falsehoods.
Henry Cromwell, not being excepted from pardon,
became entitled under the scheme of the Convention
of February, 1660, afterwards set forth in the King's
Gracious Declaration for the Settlement of Ireland, to
such cf his lands as were set out for his arrears of ser-
vice in Ireland as a soldier.
His Tipperary lands amounting to 6,400 acres
Irish measure (10,363 English), he sold to Richard,
Earl of Cork, and to Ormonde's son Richard, Earl of
12
The Russells — his Royalist Kinsmen.
Arran.1 Whether there was any private agreement
for their influence and aid beforehand to be exerted in
his favour does not appear, but is probable. Of the
8,000 acres held by Henry Cromwell in Dunboyne and
Batoath Baronies in Meath, 5,000 acres were Oliver
Cromwell's own arrears (to use the language of the
Duke of York's agents), and these being secured by
the Act of Settlement to Sir William Russell, of
Laugharne, the Duke of York claimed 5,000 acres
to be given him elsewhere.2 The remaining 3,000 acres
Irish (equal to 4,858 English), were for the Lord
Harry's own arrears (amongst them poor Luke
Sedgrave's lands of Killeglan). These Henry Crom-
well sold to Sir William Eussell, of Laugharne,3 an
uncle of his wife's, and they were subsequently secured
to Sir William Russell, by the Act of Settlement in
the joint names of himself and Dr. Jonathan Goddard,
a trustee for Sir William Petty.*
Meanwhile, the former inhabitants during the rule of
the Commonwealth, were either pining in confinement
and misery in Connaught, or, as soldiers of Charles the
Second, had taken conditions from the King of Spain.
The nobility and higher gentry, who had been colonels,
1 Abstract of Grants under the Acts of Settlement and Explanation.
Record Commissioners' Report. Vol. iii. Folio size, Printed.
2 An Abstract of the Regicides' Names, and the number of acres of their
lands within the several counties in Ireland claimed by Robert Gorges in
behalf of His Royal Highness, and Controverted. Clarendon papers,
unbound, Bodleian Library, Oxford. And see the paper in full in the
Final Report on the Carte Papers, by C. W. Russell, I).D., and John P.
[Prendergast, Svo, 1871. Eyre and Spottiswood, pp. 170-180.
3 Sir William Russell, of Chippenham, in Cambridgeshire. The first
iaronet had two sons named William. The first, known as the Black Sir
William, called " The Cream of the Russell's," for his loyalty ; the second,
if ter the Black Sir William's death, born of his father's third wife, called
' The White Sir William, or Sir William of Laugharne." He was made a
jaronet in 1660. See Sir Bernard Burke's Extinct Baronetage.
* Section ccxviii.
The Irish Ensignmen. 18
lieutenant-colonels, and captains of the army commis-
sioned by the king in Ireland in the years 1649, and
who fought against Cromwell and Ireton, till 1652,
obtained similar rank in the regiments formed abroad,
out of the 40,000 men, and more, that had retired to
Spain and Flanders between 1652 and 1655.
Military service abroad was the resource of all the
gentry, except those who were too old or weak to fly,
or were detained by a charge of family and children,
and were without means to maintain them in foreign
countries. The Duke of York, the Duke of Glou-
cester, the Marquis of Ormonde, Lord Muskerry,
became col onels-in -chief, the principal exiled landed
proprietors lieutenant-colonels and commissioned
officers ; the lesser gentry, non-commissioned officers.
Many a gentleman even trailed a pike as a common
soldier among his former tenants and followers,
happy thus to find a living that brought no disgrace or
forfeiture of social rank. The Irish regiments abroad
deemed themselves, during all the period of their ser-
vice, subjects of King Charles the Second. They
marched and fought under his standards or ensigns,
and (unfortunately for themselves) held his commands
paramount
This is what the king himself says of them in his
Gracious Declaration of the 30th November, 1660,
for the Settlement of Ireland (afterwards embodied in
the Act of Settlement).1 In fact, they changed sides
1 "We did, and must always remember the great affection a considerable
portion of this Nation exprest to us during the time of our being beyond
the Seas, when, with all cheerfulness and obedience, they received and sub-
mitted to our orders, and betook themselves to that service which we
directed as most convenient and behoofeful at that time to us, though
attended with inconvenience enough to themselves." — 14 & 15 Chas. II.,
chap. 2, clause 4.
14 Quit France or Spain at the King's Command.
according to his wishes, from Spain to France, and
from France to Spain, making him powerful abroad by
having such a force at his back. They had their
return to Ireland constantly in view. They fought and
bled to establish a claim to be restored. Their hopes,
accordingly, at the Kestoration, were high. They had
dissolved their Confederation in 1648, and put their
forces under the king's command, represented by
Ormonde. They were promised by the Peace of 1648,
an Act of Pardon and Oblivion and restoration to
their estates. They had proclaimed him king in Ire-
land, and fought against Cromwell to recover his
crown for him, and had laid him under fresh obli-
gations by their services beyond sea. Both obligations
were acknowledged by the King's Declaration for the
Settlement of Ireland.
t'T
CHAPTER II.
THE CROMWELLIANS RECALL THE KING ON CONDITION
OF SECURING THEM THEIR LANDS.
THE Cromwellian grandees were skilful enough to secure
the possessions they had obtained from the Parliament
or from grants of Cromwell. Sir Charles Coote,
Lord Broghill, Sir Theophilus Jones, and others
presaging the ruin that would fall upon the Crom-
wellian system by Cromwell's death in September,
1658, got possession in December, 1659, of the Castle
of Dublin, and in February, 1660, summoned
representatives of counties and boroughs on the old
system to meet as a Convention of Estates at the Four
Courts, Dublin, then held in buildings attached to
Christ Church. Sir Charles Coote sent over
Lord Forbes to Bruges to tell the King he was, for his
own part, able and ready to restore him at once. His
conditions were, that he should keep all the lands he
had got, from the Parliament, from Cromwell, or as a
purchaser of Transplanters' lots in Connaught, and the
same terms to such friends as he should name, as
assisting him. To all which the King agreed. But
it was arranged that the motions of General Morick
should be waited for. Agents came to the King from
Monck to Breda, and on the 14th of April, 1660, there
was issued the King's letter from Breda, promising the
Adventurers and soldiers their possessions, and the
Oonnaught purchasers their acquisition. This was to
've (as Sir Maurice Eustace wrote to Ormonde) the
ates of those that had fought for him, to those that
16 The Scheme of Settlement a Juggle.
had fought against him. Eustace was shocked at the
projected iniquity. On the 30th of November, 1660,
there issued the King's Gracious Declaration for the
Settlement of Ireland and all interests there, and six
and thirty Commissioners were named to execute it.
The English, by the King's Declaration, were to keep
nearly all they had got, the Irish to be restored to
nearly all they had lost. This was a juggle. It was too
early, too soon after the services rendered by the Irish
officers and soldiers to throw them over openly.
Accordingly, it was pretended that there would be an
immense fund for reprising such Cromwellians as
should be put out for King's friends, by the estates of
fanatics and regicides, by forged debentures and false
admeasurements. And the fund would be increased
by the lands of Nunciotists, and such Irish as had
rejected the Peaces of 1646 and 1648. It was only
on 20th March, 1661, that the 36 Commissioners
opened their Court ; but as they were all in possession
of lands taken from the Irish, the Irish claimants
deemed it useless to plead before such interested
judges. The Commissioners were further unfitted to
be judges by their want of training, and by their
numbers. So negligent were they of the claims of the
weak, that after several months' sitting they had not
restored above one widow, " though our streets (as
Lord Chancellor, Sir Maurice Eustace, wrote to
Ormonde), be full of those miserable creatures of all
sorts, noble as well as of inferior degree."1
The Commissioners seemed more busy in select-
ing residences for themselves from amongst the deserted
houses of the Irish in Dublin. " Their partiality and
1 Eustace to Ormonde, August 21, 1661. C. P. xxxi., 167.
Court for the King's Declaration Closed. 17
corruption," to use the language of the King, "had
discredited the Declaration itself."1
Their Court was virtually closed in April, 1662,
and five new Commissioners were sent over to
administer the Act of Settlement passed on 27th
September, 1662.
Imagination then may easily paint the scene that
Ireland presented at the opening of this Second Court
of Claims.
Eound the doors of the newly opened Court may be
pictured an anxious crowd of impoverished noblemen,
and tattered gentlemen of old descent, some of English
blood, some of pure Irish, many of them soldiers of
foreign air, "With patched buff coats, jack boots and
Bilboa blade," broken-hearted widows and orphans.
These were the Irish. Some of these officers had
spent six years in misery in Connaught ; some, ten
years in sieges and battles under perpetual fire in
France, Italy and Flanders. For, from the known
bravery of their race, they were ever allowed the post
of honour, while it happened also to be the post of
danger: 2 Others had dwelt in garrets and cellars at
Paris or Bruges.
By the King's Declaration of 30th November, 1660,
embodied in the Act of Settlement, the restorable Irish
were of four classes, — Innocents ; Ensignmen, as those
were styled, who had rallied to the King's Ensigns
abroad ; Article men, or those promised pardon and
restoration by the Articles of the Peace made between
Ormonde on the King's behalf and Confederate
1 King's Letter, February, 1663. C. P. xliii., 64.
• Sir Charles Wogan to Dean Swift, February 27th, 1734. Swift's
"Works," edited by Sir Walter Scott, vol. xvii., 449.
B
18 Suitors in the first Court of Claims classified.
Catholics in 1648 ; and the King's Nominees, thirty-
six Irish noblemen and gentlemen, named in the
Declaration, to he restored without further proof by
the special favour of the King. To these Nominees
were added the "Thirty-six sufferers from the
violence of the Nuncio." Innocents were to be
re-invested with their lands and houses at once, and
the Cromwellians thus removed to be reprised, that
is, to get in return, as good lands as they gave up.
Widows, men that were boys at school in 1641, or
abroad studying in France, Spain, or the Low Countries,
lunatics at the outbreak in 1641, or aged, sick,
impotent, and (to use the language of the Act), " such
as had been transplanted merely for their religion,"
were among the Innocents.
But if any of them had lived at his home in Munster
or Connaught. or in the parts under the rule of the
Confederates, though never so quietly, it was a bar to
innocence. This was to "have lived in the Irish
quarters ;" and yet no English garrison would trust
them, nor had food for them. If it was alleged in
their behalf, that the law never before had deemed
the family criminal that lived quietly in their own
home, doing nothing (as Sir Nicholas Plunket urged
before the King and Council at Whitehall), it was
answered by Sir Charles Coote : " If this disqualifi-
cation be taken off, the number of Innocents will be
so great, that it will endanger the interests of the
Adventurers and Soldiers ; and will give the Irish a
majority in Parliament." And if the Innocent had
accepted land in Connaught, he was " postponed,"
which was equivalent to being dismissed, although he
and his family were driven thither, and would be
Innocents. — Ladies IJcerrin and Dunboyne. 19
hanged, or else transported, if they stayed ; or starved
unless they took the pittance of land offered for their
support. In order, then, to be restored, they must
claim in default of Innocency, as Article men, under
the Articles of the Peace of 1648. This promised to
the Irish, who observed it, a pardon and restoration.
The claimant would then be called " an Article man."
But Article men were only to be restored after
Innocents had been provided for. If he could not
claim articles, he must then resort to his claim as
Ensignman, one of those "who continued with and
served faithfully under our Ensigns beyond the seas."
These, however, though the best deserving, were to be
restored last of all.
Ellen, Viscountess Dowager of Ikerrin, claimed as
an Innocent. With her deceased Lord, she had been
transplanted from Lismalin Park, near Roscrea, in the
county of Tipperary, to Connaught. Her husband's
misery in 1656, had extorted the pity of His Highness
the Lord Protector, who wrote to the Lord Deputy
Fleetwood, his son-in-law, that Lord Ikerrin should
not be allowed to perish for want of subsistence.1 Lord
Ikerrin was at rest in 1662, but his Nocency, if any
could have been proved, would not affect the Lady
Ikerrin his wife. It was only Cromwellian justice that
could inflict penalty on a wife for her husband's acts.
She was decreed Innocent.
The Lady Dunboyne, widow of Piers, Lord Dun-
boyne, was less fortunate. The Butlers of Kiltinan, a
branch of the house of Ormonde, were ennobled as
Lords Dunboyne by King Henry the Eighth. For
1 Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland, second Edition, p. 180. Gill,
Dublin, Thomas Wyge, 1875.
20 Lady Dunboyne of Kiltinan, near Fethard.
ages they had dwelt at Kiltinan Castle, near Fethard,
in the county of Tipperary. It was from Kiltinan
that Lord and Lady Dunboyne were transplanted to
Connaught in 1655, with their twenty tenants, and
their respective stocks of cows, sheep, garrons and
swine.1 Kiltinan Castle stands at the edge of a perpen-
dicular cliffninety feet deep in the rere. A gushing river
breaks forth from the rock below, on the level of the
ground, and there joins the river Anner, and steps are
cut in the cliff, with a stone-work covering for the
garrison to draw water in safety.
Who that has seen this lordly castle, but has pictured
to himself the departure of these exiles to Connaught,
from the place where the Lords Dunboyne had dwelt
for 400 years ; lands that Piers Lord Dunboyne had
sported over as a youth, and had titled as a man, —
whither he had brought his bride, and there with its
mother had fondled their first-born and only child, a
daughter, and had hoped to spend long years of
happiness ? ^
At the King's restoration, she returned ? from
Connaught, but her husband was dead, the time for
claiming Innocence was past, and the estate was held
by an Adventurer. Lady Dunboyne had only by the
charity of the Duchess of Ormonde, a mountain farm,
at five shillings a year, on the slope of Slieve-na-mon,
in sight of her former abode, to live on ; as without it,
she must have died.
After the issuing of the King's Declaration, a set of
Instructions were forwarded to the Commissioners for
their guidance in executing the Declaration, contain-
ing eleven bars to Innocence. It was hoped few
1 Ibid,, p. 23.
Instructions. — None to Claim through a Nocent Father. 21
would be able to pass them. Among the bars was
one, that no one should prove his claim through a
Nocent father. But they forgot that where a father
was tenant for life, with an estate to his eldest son in
remainder, the law held that the son did not claim
through the father. Another bar was to have dwelt
before the Cessation of Arms or Truce of September
1643 in the rebel quarters.
Thomas Wyse, son of Andrew Wyse of Dungarvan,
deceased, claimed as son and heir of an Innocent. His
father was so palsied as to be unable to feed himself, and
being stripped of all his goods by the English and Irish
in turn, he removed from his dwelling near Dungarvan
into Waterford. to a friend's house, where he died in
September, 1642. But Waterford in 1642 was Irish
quarters, and it was contended that this made his
father Nocent, and that therefore the claim was barred.
But the claimant proved that his father was tenant for
life, and that his own estate was in remainder, and
therefore that he did not claim through his father.
And his claim was allowed.1 Lunatics could not, of
course, be deemed criminal.
David Howlin was proved to be distracted, and could
not speak a word of sense ; he was, in a manner, an idiot
for seven years before the war, and he continued
so to the day of his claim. He would run away some •
times a week together, and eat grass. Nothing being
objected to him, he was decreed Innocent.2
Another claimant of Innocence was John Lattin, a
Lunatic, but with lucid intervals.
1 Sir Edward Deering's Minutes of Decrees in the Court of Claims.
C. P. Ixvii.
2C.P.
22 3^08. Wyse, D. Howlin, J. Lattin — Lunatic Innocents.
John Lattin, of Morristown, in the county of Kil-
dare, was distracted in his mind before 1641. But in
his lucid intervals he always exclaimed against the
plunderings and outrages done on the Protestants.
He and his heavy charge of eight children were
accordingly spared from transplantation to Connaught,
but his lands were forfeited for being a Papist and for
being unable to prove his Constant Good Affection.
Stephen Lattin, his son, presented his case to the
King at the Eestoration. Stephen had served three
years in the King's army in foreign parts, as a common
soldier in the Duke of York's regiment. The King,
by Letter under Privy Seal, adjudged John Lattin
Innocent within the meaning of the term in the King's
Gracious Declaration for the Settlement of Ireland of
30th November, and accordingly ordered him to be
forthwith restored as well to his houses in Naas, and
his lands of Morristown, as also to such other lands
as he or his cousin Alison Lattin were seized of, the
present possessors to be forthwith reprised.1
Though the taking of land in Connaught was not
included among the bars to Innocence, but only
caused the claimant to be "postponed," it virtually
became a bar. For, the time for hearing more than
7,500 claims of Innocence was only seven months.
Not one-sixth had been heard when the time was
expired. And when the Court opened again in Janu-
ary, 1666, it was only a Court for Protestants and
English — the hearing of all further claims of Innocence
by Papists was barred.
1 Privy Seal dated February 26th, 1661.
L. Sedgrave, J.Cheevers,and other "Postponed Innocents." 23
Luke Sedgrave was one of the disappointed Inno-
cents, through the want of time to hear him. Three
years before the rebellion, Luke Sedgrave of Killeglan,
7 miles north of Dublin, near Eatoath, was sent for
his education to the Low Countries, but was called
home by his parents through their want of means.
At Killeglan he always maintained an English garri-
son until he was turned out by the late usurpers, and
transplanted to Connaught, but took no lands there.
Luke Sedgrave's claim of Innocence, as he set forth in
his Petition, was not heard through the shortness of
the time. His civility and loyalty was attested by Sir
Thomas Harman, Captain of Ormonde's Life Guard,
who was quartered at Killeglan during the war.
Killeglan had been set out to Henry Cromwell for his
arrears. French, Bishop of Ferns, had heard that the
Duchess of Ormonde had on her knees obtained from
the King that Harry Cromwell should keep all his
lands set out for his arrears, in return for his kindness
to her and her family, during Oliver's reign. Luke
Sedgrave being dead in 1675, his widow, Miss Jane
Nottingham, " a virtuous woman of a constantly loyal
family," said the Bishop of Ferns, " wandered with her
children in poverty without jointure or relief."
Another postponed Innocent was John Cheevers.
John Cheevers of Grangefort, county of Carlow,
was of the house of Cheevers of Maystown, in Meath.
They had, as he said, lands given them by King
Henry the Second at the Conquest. He fled with his
family to Dublin, at the outbreak of 1641, and took
lodgings for a year with Mrs. Alison Ashe of Kilmain-
ham, near Dublin, but was forced back to the country
by the Lords Justices Proclamation against Popish
24 Sir P. Barnewall. — The term "Postponed Innocents"
strangers. He and his family were in 1654 trans-
planted to Connaught. And for taking a pittance of
land there to keep them from starving, he was post-
poned in the first Court of Claims ; and when the
Commissioners sat again in the second Court, in Janu-
ary, 1666, to administer the Act of Explanation, all
claims of Innocence were foreclosed.1
Sir Patrick BarnewalFs father and family, with Sir
Patrick himself, were transplanted, and his father was
allotted lands there, for the ancestral estate he was
removed from in Meath. He was only tenant for life.
But Sir Patrick having joined him in selling 40 acres
of his Connaught allotment, at the request of the pur-
chaser, this was held as an admission by way of
estoppel, that he had accepted lands, and he was post-
poned, though his father was obliged to give up his
Connaught assignment to the Earl of Clanricarde, and
thus Sir Patrick lost his estate of £2,000 a year in
Meath, for all farther claims of Innocence were barred
by the new Act, and thus he had neither lands in
Connaught nor elsewhere.
The acceptance of land in Connaught was alleged to
be the transplanter's own act. But an Irish pam-
phleteer of the day ridicules the term "Postponed
Innocents," for if a man did not go to Connaught he
would be hanged, and unless he took land there, as Sir
Nicholas Plunket said, he and his family must be
starved. And he then continues : " If a man con-
demned to die go on hands and feet to the gallows, is
he therefore to be concluded Felo de se ? Oh, Jack !
Our brethren over-act their parts, and, Nero-like, in
1 Liber M. Collections relating to the Act of Settlement. State Paper
Office, Dublin Castle.
Eliz. widow of H. Rochfort, and children of Visct Tara. 25
their Capitols, sit and rejoice at their fellow-subjects'
destruction."1
The case of Elizabeth, widow of Captain Henry
Rochfortj granddaughter of General Thomas Preston,
first Viscount Tara, is a sad one, and shows the diffi-
culty an Irish Innocent had of recovering her rights
even under a decree of innocence, though never so
powerfully friended.
These Rochforts were old English. They had
furnished Justiciaries and Lords Deputy. One branch
having become Protestant, were, in later times, made
Earls of Belvedere. General Thomas Preston, second
son of Christopher Preston, Viscount Gorman ston,
came over from the Low Countries in 1642 to offer his
sword and the skill he had acquired in the Spanish
service to his countrymen, and served as General of
the Confederate Catholic forces for Leinster until he
retired in 1651 to France on the decline of their
power, and died there in 1654. In 1650 he was
created Viscount Tara, and left a son Anthony, —
second Viscount, married to Margaret Warren, entitled
to an estate in the King's County, daughter of Anthony
Warren ; and by her had children, amongst others
Elizabeth, the wife of Captain Kochfort, named among
the Ensignmen.
Anthony, Viscount Tara and the Viscountess both
died, and the orphan children were left to the care of
Miss Warren, their Aunt. The King was under great
obligations to the family, and wrote to the Earl of
Orrery, one of the Lords Justices, a letter with his
own hand. " My Lord Orrery (said the King), when
1 Inspection into the Lapsed Money and other things. (A.D. 1666). C.P.
lix. 228.
26 Viscount Tara's kindness to the King at Bruges.
I came first to Bruges, in Flanders, and was far from
being in a good condition, I found my Lord Tara there,
who invited me to his house, where I lodged near
a month .... and during the whole of my abode in
those parts, he gave me frequent evidence of his good
affection, which I resolved to have requited if he had
lived, and therefore since he and his wife are dead, I
must particularly recommend his children to you, and
likewise their Aunt, Miss Warren, who was there like-
wise .... that they may be out of hand put into
possession of the several lands which belong to them."1
But the Adventurers and Soldiers in possession
refused.
Meantime Miss Warren and the orphans were ordered
a pension. But it was often in arrear ; and in 1682
Ormonde wrote to his son, the Earl of Arran, Lord
Deputy, he hoped it would be paid in consideration of
the reception Miss Warren "gave the King and all of
us at Bruges, in her sister's house."2
It is not surprising that the Adventurers and Soldiers
refused possession. They were secured by the King's
Declaration for the Settlement. And the young Lord
Tara, whose father and grandfather had borne high
military rank amongst the Irish, could not claim as an
Innocent through either of them, because of their
Nocency. He never regained his estate.
But Elizabeth's husband, Captain Henry Rochfort,
was different. He had served the King abroad.
Elizabeth Preston had not long been married to him,
1 Dated "Whitehall, 4th August, 1662." Endorsed "Coppie of a Letter
writt by the King's Owne hande." C. P. xlii. 191.
a Ormonde to Arran from London, 26th September, 1682. Ibid, ccxix.
289.
Eliz. Rochfort appeals to the King, who writes to Orrery. 27
when she was left an afflicted widow, pregnant. Cap-
tain Henry Rochfort, of Kilbride, in Meath, was son of
Eobert, and his mother was Ellinor Fleming, one of
the sisters of Lord Slane. By a marriage settlement
of 1639 large estates in Meath had been settled on
him in remainder. At the age of 15 he served under
Ormonde as Ensign in the Earl of Carlingford's
regiment at the defeat of Rathmines in 1649. And
when the Usurped Power became prevalent he went
over seas, and enlisted himself under his Majesty's
Ensigns. On 31st August, 1663, he obtained a De-
cree of Innocence, and to be restored to all his estate
except what lay in the suburbs of Kells and Trim, and
for these a reprise in the neighbourhood out of for-
feited lands undisposed of.
Some of the lands being withheld, his widow be-
sought the King for a letter to Ormonde, Lord Lieu-
tenant ; and, the better to move his Majesty's pity,
urged her request not only on her own behalf, but on
that of the unborn infant she carried in her womb.1
But these Decrees of Innocence infuriated the
Cromwellians. In many a castle was some fierce
Colonel, Captain, or man at arms determined to main-
tain by the sword (if he could not do it by chicane),
what he had gained by the sword. Thus Lord Masse-
reene said of the Debate in the House of Peers
touching Sir Henry O'Neill's estate in his possession,
taking at length the King's printed Declaration in his
hand, " That he would have the benefit of it by this,"
putting his other hand to his sword. For the King
ordered Sir Henry O'Neill to be restored to Kil-
lileagh, Co. Antrim, though not named in the Declara-
1 C. P. xliii. 225.
28 Anger of the Cromivellians at the Decrees of Innocence.
tion, and though he had resided with his mother
(being then however only 14) in the rebels' quarters,
and had taken lands in Connaught, all bars to restora-
tion.1 Or like Colonel Edward Warren, who com-
manded one of Axtell's regiments, that told one Mr.
Birmingham, seeking to recover as an Innocent, some
lands in his possession by right of an entail- — " If the
English again take arms in their hands, they will cut
off your ' tayles.' " Or, like Serjeant Beverley, at
Kilbeggan, in the King's County, who, having heard
that he was called " one of Cromwell's doggs," answered
that they should let Cromwell alone, for he was the
best man that ever reigned in the three nations, or that
ever would ; and if the King thought to take away
their lands that they had gained by Cromwell and
their swords, he should be deceived, u for they would
have one knock for it first, his (Beverley's) life for it."
Their discontent was evidenced by more than
words.
The Lady Anne, widow of the Marquis of Clan-
ricarde, being restored, by order of the Lords Justices,
to her only jointure-house in Ireland, the Castle and
Bawn of Kilcolgan, five soldiers, under the command
of Captain Brice of the garrison of Galway, on the
night of the 7th August, 1662, got over the wall of
the Bawn, and burst into a house where two of the
servants slept in charge of the Castle for the Mar-
chioness, and drove them out, and carried away the
doors, and broke the angles, making it uninhabitable,
and forcibly detained it, in contempt of the Order in
Council.2
1 6th March, 1660-1. C. P. xli. 177.
4 C. P. Ix. 230.
Susan LadyTaaffe taken out of bed, and left on a dunghill. 29
A more signal violence was committed on Lady
Susan Taaffe.
On Sunday morning the 29th of October, 1663, as
appeared by the petition of Christopher Taaffe and
Lady Susan his wife, Captain John Chambers and a
band under his orders, in the absence of her husband,
broke into the house of Tullikeely, in the County of
Louth, held by her husband under his kinsman,
Theobald Taaffe, Earl of Carlingford, and finding her
and her daughter there, violently laid hands upon her,
and by force took her in a blanket, and laid her on a
dunghill, and threw her daughter down stairs, so that
she fainted, and was so bruised that she was still on
10th December following, in danger of her life. And
all this barbarous usage and insolence was done, said
Lady Susan, by Captain Chambers in behalf of his
brother Parson Chambers, contesting the Earl of
Carlingford's title to Ballikeely, — Parson Chambers,
she added, being one of the persons who was named
in the Proclamation, and had fled for the phanatick
plot.1
Similar violence exhibited in Doctor William Petty's
behalf, caused the death of the eldest son and heir of
Patrick Moore, of Downstown, in Meath. This young
man's father and grandfather had shed their blood both
in Ireland, France, and Flanders, in the King's service.
The first in the capacity of Secretary of State in
Holland, was able to obtain money for the King's
necessities, and got run through the thigh in defending
it from capture by an Irish faction. He risked his life
in bringing intelligence of the state of England to the
1 C.P., clix. 83.
30 Services of Patrick Moore of Downstown to the King.
King in his exile at the Hague. Both father and son
served under the King's Ensigns abroad, and the father
nearly lost his life for bringing away Sir James Darcy's
regiment from the King of France's service, to the
King's in Holland, and they were thus despoiled and
disappointed Ensignmen. And the son was further a
disappointed Innocent, shut out by the shortness of
time for hearing Innocents. The case is thus an
instance at once of the loyalty, and the services and
sufferings of so many Irish families.
Patrick Moore, before the rebellion of 1641, was
possessed of Dowanestown (now called Downstown),
in Meath, near Duleek, besides other lands in the
counties of Dublin, Kildare, Meath, and Louth, as well
as of houses and lands in the Corporations of Drogheda
and Dundalk. These he settled on his eldest son of
the same name, in 1637. In that year his son went
to England to study the law, and there continued until
he was driven thence in the year 1643, into Flanders
Holland, and other parts of the Low Countries for his
loyalty and religion.
His father rallied to the King's Ensigns in France,
and was an officer in the Duke of York's regiment,
and when His Majesty left France for Flanders, by
Cardinal Mazarin's orders, Patrick Moore stole away
most part of Sir James Darcy's regiment, being Moore's
cousin-german, for the King's service, and would have
been murdered for it by Sir James Darcy, only that he
got notice of it. Patrick Moore then became one of
the Secretaries of State in Holland, and obtained
several sums of money for the King, which his son, the
petitioner believed, Ormonde might remember ; at all
events, Father Peter Walsh would, as he came with
Is wounded ivhen bringing money to the King. 31
Moore's father to give Ormonde an account of it:
While bringing this money to the King, his father was
set upon by Colonel Fitzmorris, who would fain have
persuaded his father to give him the money for the
Irish faction then in Spain, but his father refusing,
Colonel Fitzmorris and several others, lay in wait for
him, and would have killed him, only for the Countess
of ArundeJ's cries, none being by but the Countess,
and he was thus saved, though run through the thigh.
During the time that the King kept his Court at the
Hague, his father, then one of the Secretaries of State
in Holland, was at different times authorised to go into
England on the Countess of Arundel's affairs, and
always brought back news of the state of affairs there
to the King, to his (Moore's) great risk. And for this
his son refers to Sir Edward Walker, Garter King of
Arms, or Father Peter Walsh, better than the
petitioner could remember, being then but young.
Besides this, his father after the King's Eestoration,
subscribed the Eoyal Remonstrance (or Catholic
Declaration of Loyalty), and publicly defended the
Remonstrance which " got his said father a great
deal of anger amongst the gentry and clargy."
Soon after the Restoration, his father died, and
petitioner's title having accrued, the petitioner's eldest
son got into possession of Dowanestown, the petitioner's
Mansion House, which had been obtained in the
Usurper's time by Dr. William Petty, " under some
surreptitious Injunction against all laws." But Dr.
Petty had him dragged out and left in the open air,
his son being then in a burning fever. And of this
hardship, his son suddenly died. The petitioner how-
ever got back into possession by connivance (as he
32 The Speaker's (Sir Audley Mervyris) "PucJcan Speech:'
candidly admitted), of Doctor Petty's tenant, But the
Doctor having obtained an Injunction from the
Commissioners of Claims to be restored unless cause to
the contrary were shown in ten days. Patrick Moore
petitioned Ormonde for his aid. But he must have
failed of his purpose ; for, by a subsequent petition, he
besought Ormonde to have him enlisted (i.e. placed on
the list), in His Majesty's Gracious Establishment.1
This unfortunate Mr. Patrick Moore was another
Innocent debarred of his hearing for want of time. For
being in England in duress (i.e. imprisoned as an Irish
Papist), at the time of the sitting of the Court of
Claims, he got His Majesty's order for a hearing after
the lapsing of his time, and if found innocent, to be
restored to all his estate as well within Corporations as
without. But he never obtained the benefit of it,
though he sent over his Majesty's Letter under Privy
Seal. And thus lost both his eldest son, and his
ancestral estate.2
Sir Audley Mervyn, Speaker of the House of
Commons, set Adventurers and Soldiers in a flame by
his celebrated " Puckan3 Speech." He moved in the
Commons House a set of new and stricter rules for
the Commissioners of the Court of Claims in judging
of Innocence.
In addition, he suggested that the title deeds of those
who had failed to prove their Innocence, should be
taken away from them. " It could not work them a
prejudice," said he, " for the lands being adjudged from
them, what purpose can the writings serve in their
hands ?»
1 C. P. lx. 106. Ibid. 125.
2 Ibid.
3 Puckan is the Irish for goat. It was applied also to the stuffed calf
described here.
The "Puckan Speech" raises a Cromwellian rebellion. 33
u But Sir (he continued), I correct myself. They
will have an operation. And this puts me in mind of
a plain but apposite similitude. Sir, in the North of
' Ireland, the Irish have a custom in winter when the
inilk is scarce, to kill the calf, and reserve the skin,
and stuffing it with straw, they set it upon four wooden
legs, and the cow will be as fond of it as she was of
the living calf ; she will low after it, and lick it, and
give her milk down, so it stands but by her.
" These writing wanting the land, are but skins stuffed
with straw ; but Sir, they will low after them, lick them
over in their thoughts, teach their children to read out
of them, instead of horn books, and if any venom be
left, they will give it down upon the sight of these
writings, and entail a memory of revenge, though the
Estate Tail be cut off."
The House of Commons adopted the new rules for
the Court of Claims, and to render their concurrence
the more impressive, accompanied Sir Audley, their
Speaker, through the streets to the Presence Chamber
in the Castle, to deliver the suggested rules to the
Duke of Ormonde. They virtually charged the
Commissioners with High Treason (said the King in
his Letter reproving the House), as having a design to
destroy the English Protestant interest in Ireland. The
speech was printed and distributed in thousands over
the country. A plot was formed by Col. Alexander
Jephson and other Cromwellians to seize the Duke of
Ormonde and the Castle of Dublin, then the magazine
of gunpowder and arms, to restore religion according
to the Covenant, and that the English should possess
such lands as they had under Cromwell, and to abolish
the Court of Claims then, as they alleged, ruining the
34 The Court of Irish Innocents closed 1663.
country. But the Duke of Ormonde got notice of
Jephson's arrival in Dublin, — had him arrested, — and
Colonel Jephson, Colonel Edward Warren, and one
Thompson, were tried, convicted, and on the 13th of
July, 1663, were hanged, and their heads set up at
Dublin Castle. By this self-sacrifice, they saved the
Cromwellian Interest. For in the folio wing month, on
21st of August, 1663, the Court of Irish Innocents
(as it might well be styled) closed, and remained so
till the 4th of January, 1666, when it was opened again
as a Court for English and Protestants only, or for such
Irish as had provisoes in the Act of Explanation
ordering them restoration without the incumbrance of
a previous reprisal.
By the Act of Settlement the time for hearing
Claims of Innocence was limited to one year, from the
opening of the Court. The Commissioners opened
this Court by reading their Commission on the 20th of
September, 1662 ; but the preparing of rules and other
formalities hindered them from hearing of Claims until
on the 13th of January, 1663. And as the year of
Twelve Lunar months closed on the 21st of August,
1663, they had little more than six months for hearing
of over seven thousand claims. As the time of
closing drew near, the poorer and weaker claimants
piteously besought the Commissioners for a hearing.
Ladies and orphans who had been in the lists for
hearing, found that they had been superseded by more
powerful persons, and prayed for some certain day to be
set for their trial. They were almost consumed, they
said, with long attendance without subsistence in that
city as well as their helpless families in the country,
and their Honours were designed by God and the King
Orrery thinks the Settlement futile, if Innocents unheard. 35
for relief of the oppressed widows and orphans such as
the petitioners were.1
There was some correspondence by Ormonde and
others, about extending the time for hearing. Ormonde
said " the time must be extended let it trouble whom
it might." And Orrery, assuming a tone of virtue and
humanity far from his real character, said that if the
time limited was not enough (as he expected) he
would when it was expired be most forward to get it
extended. u For God forbid," said he " any Innocent
should be precluded for want of time to hear him ;"
adding, " If any Englishman, were he my brother or
my son desired one foot of an Irishman's lands that
shall be found Innocent, I wish he might be buried in
it ; and from my soul I declare, if Ireland should be
settled on any foundations but those of justice, I think
it will never prosper, but moulder to nothing." *
Yet it was this very Orrery that framed the Act of
Explanation3 that shut the doors of the new Court of
Claims against six thousand unheard Irish and
upwards, who had filed their claims of Innocence.
Such, for instance, wa,s the case of Joan Archer,
otherwise Bourke, widow of Captain Thomas Archer, of
Corbettstown, in County of Kilkenny, and Mary Archer,
her daughter. The Archers of Corbettstown were an
1 Liber C. 248. Signed, Alice Browne alias Plunket, her son Mathew
Nangle, Isaac Purcell, Pierce Nangle, Al. Chesley, Thomas Geoghegan,
Eliz. Dalton, Margt. Dalton, alias Lince, widow and her five orphans ;
Margt. Tyrrell, widow, John Nangle and Elizth. his mother, Mary Plunkett
alias Nangle, John Madden alias Dalton, Geoghegan Marks, May Purcell,
Wm. Nangle, Oliver Uniell, Geo. Walsh, Mary Fox alias FitzGerald, and
Con and Hugh Fox, orphans ; James Linham alias Moore, Mary Linham
alias Moore, Edmond Walsh, Ibid.
a Orrery to Clarendon, Dublin, 12th March, 1663.
8 Passed 23rd December, 1665.
36 Widoivs wandering like pilgrims. — Mothers weeping.
ancient and respectable family well known to Ormonde.
Her husband, Captain Thomas Archer, was slain
under Ormonde's command at the siege of Drogheda
by Cromwell in August, 1649. Since the loss of Cap-
tain Archer, said his widow, she and her daughter had
remained in a miserable and starving condition, like
poor pilgrims wandering from place to place, having
been unable by the dissolution of the Court of Claims
to get their claim to the estate descended to them after
the death of Captain Archer, heard.1
Who can tell what numbers wandered about as
beggars, near their once happy homes — or died broken-
hearted— or perished through want ?2 The father
(said a contemporary writer) is not able to help the
child, nor the child the father. Mothers are weeping
over their little ones, languishing in want and hunger,8
and many widows and orphans are perishing of want in
the view of the world by that fatal sentence called the
Bill of Settlement.4 Other distressed widows and
minors were crying out for justice and not heard —
poor, desolate, and dejected, they were waiting at the
door of the palace, and no regard was had of their
prayers and petitions.5
Another, writing a few years* later, speaks of the
extinction of so many hundred illustrious families, and
the pitiful groans of surviving heirs, and the repentant
sobs of their dying fathers for having brought
1 Petition, 20fch March, 16C4. C. P. clix. 178.
» Phmket's History, p. 1128. C. P. Ixiv.
8 Preface to Clarendon's Settlement and Sale of Ireland, printed at Lou-
vain, 1668, p. 59. Duffy's E.-Ution. 12mo. Dublin, 1846.
* Ibid., p. 53.
5 Ibid., p. IS.
The Orders of Restoration of Ensignmen mockery. 37
them, by entering into rebellion, to misery and
ruin.1
To pass from Innocents to Ensignmen.
There were two hundred and twenty-three named in
the Declaration ; but there was a crowd of others
constantly petitioning to be added to the list, as having
been forgotten because of absence.
Upon the King's return, the Ensignmen were, for
the first year or so, more fortunate than some others
of their countrymen. Little did they then expect that
not one of them would get, by the King's Declaration
or Acts of Settlement, so much of their fathers' lands
as would serve for a grave.2
For by the provisions of the Act of Settlement the
Cromwellian in possession must be first reprised
before the Ensignman, the former owner, could be
restored, and there were no reprisals to be had.
An order for restoration was consequently well
likened to a rattle given to a starving child crying for
bread.3
And it was said with truth that all these gentlemen
were rendered ridiculous, and their names put in print
only to be laughed at.4
At the reduction of Ireland in 1662 Cromwell was
in amity with Spain, and thousands of Irish Officers
1 Loyal Remonstrance, by Father Peter Walsh. Preface IV. Folio.
London. 1673.
a Sec. 1124. " The Irish that was abroad followed the King in the French
and Spanish services, as well they of the Nuncio's party as the Ormondists.
Not one of them got by the Act of Settlement as much land as would serve
for a grave." Collections by friends, some of them eye-witnesses, being a
Treatise or Account of the Warr or Rebellion in Ireland since the year
1641.— Carte Papers, vol. 64, pp. 418, 431. MS.
• Plunkeb's History, p. 1 134.
* Ibid. See also Clauses xxv. and xxvi. of the Declaration of Settlement.
38 The Ensignmen serve France or Spain as desired.
and their men, with Cromwell's consent, took condi-
tions with the King of Spain. From the time of
Queen Elizabeth, when Stanley, an English Catholic,
in command of an Irish regiment sent over by Queen
Elizabeth to aid the revolted Hollanders against the
Spaniards, carried over his regiment to the Spanish
service, the Irish had always been confided in by the
Kings of Spain. They had on all occasions the right
hand, and were particularly called by the name of
brothers, the Spaniards calling none so but them.1
But in 1654 the Irish Officers having private notice
that their own King wished them to quit the Spanish
service for the French, they left the Spaniards and came
to the French. In 1655, Cromwell having entered
into alliance with France, King Charles the Second
quitted that country, and in 1656 came into Flanders,
then Spanish territory, and employed Ormonde into
France to give the Irish regiments notice that they
should quit the French and return to the Spanish ser-
vice. This they were entitled to do under an express
article made with the French King's envoy, Du Mou-
lin, at Kilkenny, in 1646, that whenever their own
King required their services they should have leave to
quit the service of France, and be conducted with their
regiments to any place they should choose on the
frontiers of France. The loss of ten thousand Irish
soldiers, the best men in their army, was of course
highly displeasing to Cardinal Mazarin, the minister
and governor of France. Accordingly, in hopes of
rendering their retirement difficult, he sent as many as
1 "Declaration of the Irish Officers on quitting the Spanish Service for
the French in 1654." The several proceedings in Parliament, etc. Printed
by Robert Ibbetsou, Smithfield, London. 1654. Small quarto.
Their hard treatment by the Act of Settlement. 39'
I he could to the theatre of war in Italy. But such was
their loyalty to their King, that in a short time
five or six regiments were formed out of those
lately in the French service, where they left very
good conditions, as is recorded in the King's Declara-
tion for the Settlement of Ireland. The Marquis
of Ormonde had one of these regiments, the Dukes of
York and Gloucester had others, and there were
others called after Colonel Grace, Colonel OTerrall,
Colonel Darcy, Colonel Dempsey, and other Colonels.
The Duke of York's, Colonel Farrell's, and Colonel
Grace's regiments continued still embodied at Mardike,
in Holland. Great numbers of this class rode in the
King's and Duke of York's Lifeguards. Thus, some
of them had a present livelihood. The body of them
appointed committees to watch over their interests
during the concoction of the King's Declaration, by
the Agents of the Adventurers and Soldiers, at the
Council Board. There they fared badly, being put
last for restoration. They remained in London,
attending and petitioning while the Act of Settlement
was on the anvil in 1662, at the Court at Whitehall,
but they did not find their condition mended in the
Act of Settlement. And they watched and prayed
again in 1664 and 1665, while the Act of Explanation
was in contrivance. But this put an end for ever to
the hopes and claims of the Irish.
In 1662, the regiments at Mardike were disbanded.
The re-formed, or reduced officers, crowded the neigh-
bourhood of Whitehall, seeking for some relief for
their distress. In February, 1663, they reminded His
Majesty how they had repaired to him in Flanders from
their services elsewhere abroad, in 1656, leaving
40 Their descent in misery.
advantageous employments. They would return, they
said, to try for the aid of their friends in their own
country, if they dared.
But, notwithstanding their fidelity, they feared that
" if they returned to Ireland their arms would be taken
from them, and they thrown into jail on pretence of
their dangerousness."
To this petition they got only a verbal answer
assuring them of His Majesty's care. They waited
until they had pawned and sold all they had, even their
very clothes and arms, to maintain themselves, and
then applied again.2
. They reminded His Majesty how they were broken
in France, because they acted according to his Orders,
and were made incapable of serving any foreign Prince,
because of their constant adhering to and following
His Majesty's fortunes ; yet, in their own country,
were not trusted with, nor admitted into any employ-
ment, military or civil, whereby they might be able to
subsist ; that their estates were enjoyed by those who
got them from the usurpers ; that they were run in
debt for bread and clothes ; some were dead for want,
others in prison for debt, the rest in a starving con-
dition; all expecting the same misfortune, "unless your
Majesty will, at last, effectually restore your Petitioners
to their said estates, which the Earl of Orrery, at the
Council Board, in 1660 (Sir Audley Mervyn then
being joint agent with him, and concurring with him),
did, in your Majesty's presence, promise should be
done in three months, whereas three years are expired."3
1 Calendar of State Papers, " Domestic." 8vo, London, I860.
* Ibid., p. 207.
3 Manuscript Collections relating to the Act of Settlement, vol. B., p. 418,
in the Record Tower, Dublin Castle.
Their last petition to the King. 41
The delay demanded by the Agents of the Conven-
tion, as they reminded the King, was " to enable the
possessors of their Estates to have a convenient time to
remove themselves, their families, and stocks. Mean-
time, whilst these possessors have increased their
stocks, the Petitioners live in languishing and sad
conditions, especially since they lost their employments
in your Majesty's service, which was their only stock
and livelihood."1
They lingered in London on the business of their
claims, until the passing of the Act of Explanation,
in the year 1665, which made all petitioning vain. It
is truly pitiable to trace their descent downwards to
very beggary, and many of them (and those not the
least fortunate) to death. To close their complainings
which, perhaps, have become as wearisome here as they
became to the King and his courtiers, and councillors
at Whitehall, their last petition follows in full : —
" To THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.
" The humble petition of the Officers who served
under your Majesty's Royal Ensigns beyond the Sea,
" SHEWETH,
" That most of the Officers who served under your
Royall Ensignes beyond sea have perished by
famine, since your Majesty's happy restoration, in
soliciting for theire Estates, and the few of them that
remain are now like to perish by the Plague, haveing
not any means to bring them out of this Towne, nor
knoweing whither they shall goe.
"Your Petitioners' humble request is that in regard
they are but a few in number, and theire estates but
1 Ibid., Vol. D., p. 121.
Their old-fashioned loyalty.
small, your Majesty will be graciously pleased to put
an end to their sufferings, by ordering that a proviso
may be inserted in this bill to restore the Petitioners to
their former Estates." l
The doors of Whitehall need now no longer be
waited at. The Court of Claims, too, was virtually shut
against them. Every gate of hope was closed. But
return to Ireland they must, to rejoin their companions
in misery, and add a fresh batch to the crowds of
unfortunate anxious wretches that sued before the
Commissioners of Claims, or hopelessly wandered near
mansions and domains that had been their father's or
their own.
Ah, happy hills — ah, peaceful shades —
Ah, fields beloved in vain !
Where once their careless childhood strayed
A stranger yet to pain !
Yet 'such was the antique loyalty of these poor Irish
Officers, that in 1678, at the time of the disgraceful
plotted Popish plot in England, they again quitted their
service under Louis XIV., at the King's command,
upon the demand of the English House of Commons^
and once more embraced poverty for his sake.2 Yet
1 Manuscript Collections, relating to the Act of Settlement, Vol. B.
p. 418, preserved in the Public Record Office, Four Courts, Dublin.
k Major John Neale,
' Captain Daniel O'Keeffe,
' Captain Win. Tuite,
' Captain Terence Byrne,
' Captain David Dannan,
' Captain Michael Brett,
' Captain Wm. Stapleton,
' Captain Walter Butler,
' Captain Philip Barry,
' Lieutenant Richard Barry,
" Lieutenant John Fox,
" Lieutenant Wm. Barry,
" Lieutenant Thos. Cusack,
" Lieutenant Henry Tuite.
Reformed Officers.
' Captain Charles M'Carthy,
' Collonell P. Walsh,
' Collonell Richd. Fitzgerald,
Collonell Connor O'Driscol."
- " A list of the Officers that quitted the French service by his Majesty's
commands, and are here now in town unprovided for. The names of
Dermot and Owen MacCartliy. — Dermot slain in 1649. 43
the memory of these too faithful, too loyal men,
representatives of so great a part of the nation, is to be
the sport of the vile slanderers that would describe the
Irish of that age as a nation of murderers, parties to
an imaginary massacre.
The following are instances of the claims and
conditions of Ensignmen. If exemption from partici-
pation in the rebellion of Ireland, a loyal service to
King Charles the First in England, and to his son and
successor Charles the Second in France, Flanders, and
elsewhere, could entitle Irishmen to consideration it
was the case of Dermot and Owen McCarthy. They
were sons of Teige ; and on their father's death, in
1636, were sent beyond sea for their education. Upon
the breaking out of the Civil War in England, Dermot,
the elder of these brothers, joined the King's army and
rose to be Major under Sir Thomas Glenham,
Governor of Oxford, in 1644. Sir Thomas had
succeeded Sir Arthur Aston in this post, when Sir
Arthur, by a fall from his horse, near Bullingden Heath,
adjacent to Oxford, broke his leg, which had to be cut
off, and was replaced by a wooden one. In 1648, when
the King's cause was totally lost in England, Sir Arthur
led the flower of the English veterans to Ireland, and
by Ormonde's order, garrisoned Drogheda. In this
army was Dermot McCarthy, who fell at the head of
his troop of horse at the siege of that town by Cromwell.
The title to the estates of Dermot devolved on Owen,
as his brother and heir. Owen served King Charles
Captains, Lieutenants, and Em-igns follow, including Officers in Ireland
unprovided for. There are not only Fitzgeralds, Talbots, Sarsfields, and
others of English blood, but McCarthys, Sheehys, Scullys, O'Briens*
O'Connors, Dvvyers, and others of pure Irish descent. C. P., cc.
44 Lord Slane would bring his regiment to Flanders.
the Second abroad in several nations and armies until
1656, when the King called all his subjects to his
Ensigns (or banners), out of France into Flanders.
Owen then quitted " a very beneficial quality " in
France, and came into Flanders, and the King gave
him a company in the Duke of York's regiment. In
this service he was twice taken prisoner and stript of
all, and served faithfully till the late reducement, and
then sought (but in vain), to be restored to his father's
lands in the baronies of Muskerry and Kerricurrihy, in
the county of Cork.1
William (Fleming) Lord Slane, served under
Ormonde in Ireland as Captain of Horse. He accepted
the Peace, and constantly adhered to it. When
Cromwell's power prevailed, he came abroad and
became Colonel of an Irish regiment, and served the
French King in Italy. From thence he made offers to
Ormonde and others, his own King's Ministers at
Brussels, to bring over his regiment to the Spanish
service and join it to the rest of the King of England's
forces in the Low Countries. But the King being put to
great straits to maintain the forces he then had, he
delayed to give Lord Slane an order which alone
prevented him from coming. Eandal (Fleming), his
son and successor, not having taken any lands in
Connaught, was ordered all such of his lands as were
not in the hands of Adventurers and Soldiers.
Major John Neale served in England where, in the
west country, he lost the use of his left hand serving in
1 Privy Seal, July 8th, 1662, C.P.,xlii. 351. The names are Cloghroe, Clogh-
philip, in Muscry and Balligarvan, in Kerrycurrihy, Ballyna. containing 36
Ploughlands. The contents 2,507 acres, Statute measure. See Townland
Index of 1871.
Dan. 0' Sullivan More with motherless children. 45
the quality of a Cornet of Horse to Lord Goring, and
was otherwise several times wounded in that service,
wherein he continued for three years till the army was
forced to lay down arms in Cornwall.1 From thence
he went to the King at Jersey, afterwards to France,
and continually served in the Duke of York's regiment
as a Captain, and after as Major. He went with His
Royal Highness from France into Flanders, where he
always served His Royal Highness both at Sea and
Land. He sought a proviso for his restitution to his
estate descended from his ancestors, — which he did
not get2
Daniel O'Sullivan More, Esq., declared he had
served the King loyally in the late war. Having (he
said) a great charge of motherless children and no
means, he was reduced (he continued) to a deplorable
condition. He had the Earl of Inchiquin's and the late
Earl of Clancarty's testimonials, and prayed Ormonde
for a farm under his Grace in Kerry.3
Donogh McFineen, of Glaneroughty, in Kerry,
was another chief of the O'Sullivans. He was (he
said), "neither Letteree, Nominee, nor Pinchioner "
(pensioner). By Ormonde's orders as Lord Lieutenant
f Privy Seal, Feb. 26, 1661. P. E. O. Ireland.
From Gloucester siege till arms laid down
In Truro's fields, I, for the Crown
Under St. George marched up and down,
And then, Sir,
For Ireland came, and had my share
Of blows not lands gained in that war,
But God defend me from such fare
Again Sir.
The Moderate Cavalier, Printed at Cork, 1674.
* Liber B. Collections concerning the Act of Settlement. Public Record
Office, Four Courts, Dublin.
3 C. P.lx.,259.
46 The three Farrdls lose their lands while in Africa.
in 1649, he had raised a regiment of foot and a troop
of horse, and served faithfully under the Earl of
Clancarty, until Clancarty laid down arms at Eoss
Castle (on the Lake of Killarney), in 1652. At the
Eestoration, on Ormonde's return to Kilkenny, with his
Duchess in 1662, he waited on him (he said), at the
Castle, there to congratulate him, but he held it unbe-
coming on that occasion to importune him. Fortune
had frowned on him (added McFineen). His health
hindered him from waiting on Ormonde at Whitehall,
and then (24th November, 1674), having neither farm
nor stock, and nothing to maintain his charge, he prayed
his Grace's relief before he was quite fallen, and in
delicate terms suggested he might be granted some of
his former estate in his Grace's hands, or elsewhere in
Kerry.1
The case of the three brothers Charles, Eoger, and
Francis Farrell, exhibits the loyalty and sufferings of
the Ensignmen in a striking light.
In 1665, Captain Charles Farrell petitioned the Lord
Lieutenant and Council in behalf of himself and his
brothers Eoger Farrell and Francis Farrell, all sons of
James Farrell, of Ballyvaghan, in the County of
Longford, Charles being his eldest son and heir.
Charles had never been in Ireland from the 28th of
April, 1641, until his Majesty's happy restoration, and
never involved in the rebellion, but, on the contrary,
served His Majesty and his royal father in the wars of
England, in which service he was taken prisoner, and
afterwards banished by the usurpers into foreign parts,
1 Letter dated " Glanereghty," the 24th of November, 1674, Signed
"Donagh McFinyn," Endorsed in Ormonde's hand. "Mr. McFinyn."
€. P. xxxviii., 113.
Chas. Farrell repeatedly ordered his estate, but in vain. 47
where he and his brothers betook themselves to His
Majesty's service. From time to time, and more
particularly when the petitioner, Charles, served in St.
Gillain, His Majesty was pleased to send his orders for
their service, whereupon he immediately obeyed and
served His Majesty.
Upon the Eestoration, the King gave him his Letters
to be restored to his estate. This was denied him,
but the Lord Lieutenant and Council ordered him one
year's rent, of which, however, he only received £20,
being ordered off with his company to Tangier, and so
could not attend to the prosecution thereof. He and
his brothers continued at Tangier till the latter end of
August, 1663 ; and there, notwithstanding the
petitioners were reduced, and only paid off until the
4th of May previous, they did war, and were engaged
in the fight against the Moors on the 24th of June
following, in which service the petitioners, Charles and
Eoger, were sore wounded.1 When they returned from
Africa, the time for claiming " Innocence " before the
Commissioners of the Court of Claims was expired, but
Charles, with great difficulty, by reason of the opposition
of the Protestant Cavaliers who served the King in
Ireland before 5th of June, 1649 (commonly called the
forty -nine Officers), and who claimed to have the
County of Longford as part of their security to satisfy
their arrears, got a proviso in the Act of Explanation to
be restored.2
Eleven years afterwards, however, he was still wan-
dering about seeking help to recover his estate, as
1 Collections concerning the Act of Settlement, Vol. F., p. 265, P. R. 0.,
Dublin.
2 17 and 18 Chas. II. (Irish), chap. 2, sec. 118.
48 Lord Castleconnell trails a pike as a common soldier.
appears by the King's Letter of 12th January, 1667,
who therein laments that so well-deserving an officer
had as yet had no benefit of the King's Letters, nor of
the Act of Parliament, and begging Ormonde and the
Council to exert any powers they might be invested
with on his favour.1
Another of these Ensignmen was Lord CastleconnelL
William Bourke, Lord Baron of Castleconnell, in the
county of Limerick, hard by the falls of the Shannon,
was a "kinsman of the Duke of Ormonde's. In the last
general " rising out" of the kingdom at the Marquis of
Ormonde's commands in 1650, to oppose the advance
of Cromwell's forces, Lord Castleconnell, for his birth
and possessions, was elected by the gentry of the
county of Tipperary to command their levy.2 When
the common calamitie (as he says himself in his
petition to his Majesty, July 1, 1662,) disabled
him to give other demonstration of his loyalty to
his Majesty than the service of his bare and humble
person, he betook himself to the King's standards
beyond sea. At the Restoration he returned, and
waited in hopes to be restored, but his Majesty being
full of business (as Lord Castleconnell modestly sug-
gests), did not admit the consideration of his suppli-
ant's concerns. He was named, however, in the
King's gracious Declaration, among those to be restored
as having faithfully served under the King's Ensigns
beyond the seas.3 While in the greatest indigence (he
continued), he served " your Royal Majestie five or six
1 Carte Papers, Bodleian Library, vol. xliii., p. 334.
a Letter of the gentry of the county of Tipperary to the Marquis of
Ormonde, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, dated " Ahacotty, March 25, 1650t"
C. P. xxvii. 133.
3 14 & 15 Charles IF. (Irish), chap. 2, King's Declaration, sec. 26.
Lord Castleconnell's poverty. 49
years in the Netherlands, trailing a pike in the Duke
of York's regiment (i.e., as a common soldier), he
understood no miserie. But now he has run in debt
for food and raiment, and is at the end of his credit,
in imminent hazard of imprisonment for his debts, and
unable further to subsist if your Majestie relieve him
not."1
In pity of his fallen fortunes, and in the difficulty of
restoring him to his estates, the Duke of Ormonde
prevailed with the King to grant him a temporary
pension of £1,000 a year. On the 3rd April, 1667, in
thanking Lord Ormonde for this seasonable relief, he
opens his sad case to him, baffled, as he finds himself,
even of this alleviation, by the delays and tricks of Sir
Daniel Bellingham of the Treasury.
" My Lord (he proceeds), as my father, who pre-
tended the honour of a near relation to your Grace and
the Duchess's family, and by the means of your ances-
tor, Thomas Earl of Ormonde, was bred in his house,
who recovered his estate and the honour for him, I doe
take the presumption to open my miserable condition
to your Grace, and doe expect no less favour from you,
having ever found your Grace's willingness to look on
persons of my condition in these sad times.
" I am confident your Grace knows how faithfully I
have served H. M. and your Grace at home and
abroad, and am during my life resolved to dispose of
myself as your Grace shall think fitt. Therefore I
humbly beg your Grace's pardon that I plainly open
my unfortunate grievance ; for, on my word, my Lord,
I was forced, as Captain Henesy can inform your
1 Carte Papers, vol. xlii., p. 376.
D
50 -ZVo clothes to appear in.
Grace, to pawn the very clothes I had for £20, to
bring me out of Dublin, and ever since I am in
so great a povertie, that if I had a mind to wait on
your Grace, I am not able to appeare for want of
cloathes — my wife and children being ready to forsake
house and home, and all the little stocke I had, being
taken for rent. Sir Valentine Browne and Sir Edward
Fitzharris, being engaged for what monies brought me
for Ireland, are like to suffer for me. Therefore,
being not able to waite on your Grace to present
my humble petition, I took the bouldness to write
these uncouth lines, begging of your Grace to send
Sir George Lane or Secretary Page to Sir Daniel Bel-
lingham, to cause him to see me satisfied my arrears, if
your Grace shall so think fit, and your Grace will ever
oblige him that is
" Your Grace's
" Most obedient -faithful servant,
" CASTLECONNELI
u Castledrohid,1
"Aprils, 1667."
So great, however, were the numbers of the dis-
tressed nobility and gentry seeking some respite froi
starvation by the Pension List, that before 1675 Lor(
Castleconnell's pension was reduced to £100 a year,
and this so badly paid, that at Michaelmas, 1680, it;
was two years in arrear, together with pensions of like
amount to Lord Netterville, Lord Trimleston, Lord
Upper Ossory, Lord Dunboyne, Lord Brittas, Lord
1 Carte Papers, vol. xxxv. p. 225. Castledrohid was Caistletown, near
Celbridge, in the County Kildare, built in the 18th Century by the Eight
Hon. Thomas Connolly. But in the 17th, in 1667, it was the estate of Sir
William Dungan (made Viscount Dungan in 1661, and subsequently Earl of
Limerick), where, no doubt, Lord Castle connell was Lord Dungan 's guest.
MacCarthy Reagh' s misery. 51
Louth, Sir William Talbot, Lord Roche's children, and
others.1
But Lord Castleconnell was not the only man of
rank and late of estate obliged to hide for want of
clothes to appear abroad in. Hundreds were in the
same plight, — fathers, mothers, daughters, sons.
Colonel Charles MacOarthy Reagh of Kilbrittan Castle,
near Bandon, in the County of Cork, was once the
owner of a principality. The ruins of Kilbrittan and of
other dependent Castles near the Bandon river attest
the former splendour of the MacCarthy Reaghs.
Colonel Charles MacCarthy had married the sister of
the Earl of Clancarty, Ormonde's brother-in-law. He
was named among the Ensignmen as having served the
King in foreign parts ; but finding no provision made
for the Ensignmen in the Act of Explanation, he
besought Ormonde to save from utter ruin an ancient
loyal family related to his Grace. He (Colonel Charles
MacCarthy Reagh), his wife, the Earl of Clancarty's
sister, and their seven children were (he said) in a
most sad and deplorable condition, himself and his
wife and some of his children being forced for want of
means or habitation to repair to Dublin, where they
were then destitute even of necessary clothes to appear
in, not having penny or penny's worth to relieve them,
but in the words of truth (added Colonel MacCarthy),
in a condition ready to perish with starving ; and such
of them as were in the country, he said, had no other
being or subsistence than wandering from house to
house looking for bread. He prayed the Duke to
stretch forth his hand of mercy and prevent the miser-
1 C. P. iii., 225.
52 Lord Clanmalier' s escape in 1650.
able ruin that threatened a house and family ever so
endeared to his Grace's ancestors, and to preserve the
lives of his wife and children and the estate of a loyal
family who (under God) had no other hope than his
Grace.1
Another, late of great Estate, was in like condition
with Colonel MacCarthy Keagh. This was Lord
Clanmalier.
Lewis Dempsey (or O'Dempsy), Viscount Clan-
malier, commanded as Colonel a regiment of foot
under Ormonde in 1649 and 1650. From time before
the English invasion the O'Dempsys were seated at
the head waters of the Barrow, which there divides
the King's county from the Queen's county. On the
North side, in the King's county, their chief house
was Ballybrittas ; in the Queen's county they owned
the territory round what is now called Portarlington.
The O'Dempsys had not only intermarried with the
Nugents and Fitzgeralds, but Lewis's eldest brother,
to whom he succeeded as heir, had married Cleopatra
Cary, a near kinswoman of Sir Henry Cary, Viscount
Falkland, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland from 1622 to
1629. In October, 1652, Lewis, Lord Clanmalier,
was tried at the High Court of Justice at Kilkenny
for murder committed by his soldiers in surprising
Maryborough in 1641, and burning the town. He
amused the Court by his simplicity. He had never
been in such a place before, he said, and wondered
why that little man (Wm. Basil, the Attorney-Gene-
ral) was so vindictive against him. He confessed that
he came with 400 men to surprise the fort, and was
1 Petition of Charles MacCarthy Reagh, Esq. (A.D. 16C5.) C. P. xxxv.,
137.
Claims as an Article-man. 53
angry with them for burning the town instead. As the
killing of soldiers in arms would be no murder, but the
death of simple townsmen would, and as this was
against his intention they spared him, but kept him
close prisoner at Dublin till the King's restoration.
On 15th March, 1665, as he wrote to Ormonde, he
was in so sad and poor a condition that he had not
means to wait upon him, or employ another to solicit
for him. It is to be observed he was no Ensignman ;
for, being in prison, he could not resort to the King's
standard abroad. He could not claim Innocence, for
he had dwelt in the Irish quarters. But he was
entitled as an Article man to claim the benefit of the
Peace of 1648. He had been excommunicated (he
said) by the Nuncio, tried by Cromwell's High Court
of Justice for his life, and with much hazard escaped
that danger, and was afterwards kept prisoner for six
years. He had nothing left, he added, to live upon,
but hoped through Ormonde for a proviso in the new
bill to restore him to his Estate.
It will be seen hereafter how it was granted to Sir
Henry Bennett, afterwards made Earl of Arlington.
By the King's Declaration of 30th November, 1660,
embodied in the Act of Settlement, there were Thirty-
six Nominees besides the Sixteen Sufferers from the
violence of the Nuncio, specially named for restoration
to their estates, after reprisal given to the Adventurers
and Soldiers in possession.
Bat as there was no fund for reprising, this provision
was a fraud. By the Act of Explanation, however
(passed 24th December, 1665), the Adventurers and
Soldiers were to surrender one-third. The Nominees,
now fully expecting to remedy their position by this
54 Contiguities of the Nominees.
enlargement of the fund for reprisals, got a Clause
that they should be restored, not to their whole Estate,
but only to their Chief Houses with 2,000 acres of land
contiguous. Each now in joy selected his contiguity,
and there may still be seen lists of the Contiguities of
the Nominees. But by a new provision in the same
Act, Protestants were to be first provided for, and
those parts of the Act first put in execution that
might most benefit them, as their interest was the
King's greatest care.1 Between these two provisions
not one of the Nominees was ever restored, though
some got back by decrees of Innocence or by special
provisoes in the Act of Explanation. By another pro-
vision, any Adventurer or Soldier who had given up
his land to the Irish proprietor too readily, on view of
the King's Privy Seal, just after the overthrow of the
Usurpers rule, was to be restored by the Commis-
sioners of the new Court.2 The case of Walter Tuite
exhibits the effect of this enactment. The Tuites
were an ancient Anglo-Norman family, barons of Hugh
De Lacy's palatinate of Meath, not then divided into
East and West Meath. Cullanmore, Tuite' s castle,
was adjacent to Mullingar. Andrew Boy Tuite,
Walter's father, as an opponent of the Nuncio, was, in
1647, made a prisoner of by Owen O'Neill, that cham-
pion of the Church, and he was only yielded up on the
pressing entreaties of the Supreme Council of the
Confederate Catholics. He got back Cullanmore,
through a King's Letter at the Kestoration, when the
Cromwellians did not as yet know their strength, and
did not dare to refuse. Upon Andrew Boy Tuite' s
1 Clauses v. and vi,
a Clause xi.
Tuite of Cidlanmore restored, then outed. 55
death Cullanmore devolved upon Walter as his heir
ind remainder man. Walter got himself inserted
imong the Nominees in the New Act. But the
Adventurer turned him. and his family out under the
provision just named, after they had been for four
years seated again by their ancient fireside, rejoicing,
probably, in their happier lot, now rendered all the
bitterer.
In his petition to the Duke of Ormonde in the year
.666, he states, that neither he nor his deceased father
iccepted any lands from the usurpers in Connaught.
His father was restored to part of his estate under His
Majesty's Letters in the year 1661, which he (the
petitioner) continued to hold until that he was dispos-
sessed by an Injunction from the Commissioners of
Claims two days before May last. His family, he
says, " have no residence at present by reason of his
giving up possession, which is already the loss of his
Stock, the loss of his Cropp of Corne (which the
Adventurer immediately seized upon) and the ruine of
himself and family.
" That he had been constantly resident in this Citty
of Dublin this twelve months of Saturday last, having
not sixpence this halfe year past to relieve him.
" That one of his sons, within a month after they
lost their possessions, through cold and want, sickened,
and was then on the point of death, given over by the
doctors, without any hope of recovery.
" That his eldest son for want of any other place of
residence, or anything to relieve him, followed him to
that City, where he sickened also, and was a month
past in the hands of doctors, but now began to mend
if he had wherewith to relieve him.
56 His family ranging, the Lord knew where.
" That his mother, daughter, and two other of his
sons were ever since May last ranging, the Lord knew
where ; having not a bit to put in their mouths.
" He therefore prayed the Duke to take pity of his
most miserable condition in giving him some present
relief, as also to recommend him to the Commissioners
of the Court of Claims, that he might be one of the
first Nominees that they should settle in his 2,000
acres. And the rather that there was not any of the
Nominees in so bad a condition, having for the most
part of them got lands in Connaught, and the rest of
them some other grants or lands by way of Custodiam,
or otherwise to relieve them."1 But the Duke could
do nothing for him. For, before he could be restored,
the Cromwellian in possession must be reprised, and
there was no land to reprise him with.
1C. P. ix., 267.
PAET SECOND.
CHAPTER I.
THE TORIES — ORIGIN OF TORIES.
To sketch the history and generation of the tories of
Ireland, one ought to go up to the re-plantation of
Ireland in the reign of the Catholic Sovereigns,
Philip and Mary, in the King's and Queen's Counties.
It was in mercy to the O'Moores and O'Connors
and five other septs or stocks — the Kellys, the Lalors,
theDorans, the McEvoys,the Doolans, — that Sir Arthur
Chichester, in 1608, transplanted the remains of them
to Munster after eighteen rebellions in forty years, lest
" the White Moores " (as he called them) should be
utterly extirpated. By this nickname of the White
Moors, Sir Arthur alluded to the gross breach of
faith of the King of Spain in driving out the Moors of
Andalusia in 1609, contrary to the treaty made with
the remnants of that race after their rebellion in a
former reign, the consequence being that for 230 years
after, these Moors became the pirates of Algiers, and
Sallee Kovers in hatred of the injustice of the
Christians. Another motive was to prove to the
Irish and to the world the capacity of England to under-
take the Ulster plantation, then in hand. " If we
cannot compass the transplantation of the O'Moores
and O'Connors, how can we plant Ulster ? If we
can, the world will see that we shall accomplish the
new planting of Ulster." The very same feelings drove
the Irish tories to the mountains and the forests.
58 10,000 Tories for any war abroad.
The next accession to the ranks of the Irish tories
was the agrarian revolution attempted by King James
the First in Ulster.
Ten years after the plantation of Ulster (A.D. 1619),
Lord Deputy St. John "finds the younger sons of
gentlemen who have no means of living, and will not
work, going to the woods to maintain themselves by
the spoil of the quiet subjects, for he had not heard of
any men of quality (he said), or that had anything of
his own among them." Within three years 300 of
them had been killed by natives, or hanged by martial
law. But they grew so fast that in 1622, Captain
Neale, Captain Donnelly, Captain Delahoide, and
Captain Maguire, were allowed to raise as many as
would follow them to the service of the King of
Spain.
The plantation of Wexford produced other tory out-
breaks, and Captain James Butler, from the King
of Poland, in 1619, got warrant to bring away with
him for the King of Poland's service, Donogh
M'Kane (Kavanagh), John O'Phelan, and Edward
M'Morrys (Kavanagh), and others, from the woods of
Lower Leinster ; and St. John would willingly give
any foreign prince ten thousand of them for a wai
abroad. For Morris M'Edmond Kavanagh, a bastarc
of that ever rebellious race of the Kavanaghs, with
crew of wicked rogues, as wicked as himself, surprise
Sir James Carroll's and Mr. Marwood's houses, in th<
Wexford plantations, murdered their servants, burnt
their towns — for which outrage, however, most of them
were since slain or executed by martial law. The plan-
tation of Fercal, in the King's County, and the
plantation of Leitrim, produced others. As evil
Orrery sees tumult will never end. 59
begets evil, all these plantations led to the great and
overwhelming Cromwellian plantation or Settlement
(as it was called, though it might be more properly
called an Tin-settlement), and the counter Eevolution at
the King's Eestoration produced more.
Some few particulars or instances of hardship and
injustice have been already given that may prepare for
the abundant crop of outrages to follow from the same
causes. Eoger Boyle, Lord Broghill of Cromwell's
day, was one of the arch-regicide's trustiest supporters.
He had strongly urged Cromwell " to king himself,"
yet did not hesitate to become the king's right-hand
man at the Restoration. His price was that he should
be secured in the confiscated lands of the Irish he had
acquired from Cromwell.
Broghill was Irish born, was of a literary as well as
a martial turn, and understood Ireland and Irishmen
thoroughly. He had no delusions about the Act of
Settlement. Nor did he expect it to produce peace or
settlement, knowing his countrymen so well as he did.
" When I consider (said he in his " Irish Colours
Displayed," being an answer to Father Peter Walsh's
" Irish Colours Folded,") when I consider the former
forfeitures, and what quantities are now to be disposed
of, besides how perpetual a memory the Irish retain of
those (by them) esteemed injuries . . . and their
resolutions even in cold blood to unravel the settle-
ments of ages past," he feared the contest between
the two parties in Ireland would never have end, how-
ever it might shock the Duke of Ormonde, to whom
he dedicated the work, and others, as an uncharitable
thought.
Among other circumstances leading him to that sad
60 Ulster for thirty years after 1660 disturbed.
conclusion he said was the custom of the Irish in
their funerals after their savage manner, to rehearse
among the praises of the defunct the number of English
murdered by him or his ancestors, either as soldiers in
war or as Woodkerns or tories in peace, as described
so well by Edmund Spenser, and used to Orrery's day
in the wild parts of the north, where they had no
witnesses but themselves.
Another consideration inducing the same belief was
the persistent conduct of the many Eoman Catholic
gentlemen restored to their homes and lands by the
King, because of their service in his forces abroad.
" Not a man of them (says Orrery) was content to:l
save his own stake, to break from the herd, or leave
stickling in the patronage and defence of the common
party." He had often deplored, he added, that his
birth or his fortunes should have been cast into an age
or country " where men could not live together more
like the sons of one father, the subjects of one Prince,
the servants of one God, than he saw they were likely
to do."
Some of the Catholic gentry of old English blood,
Talbots, Cusacks, Plunkets, Cheeverses, got back some
of their ancient lands through the King's favour. Bui
the greater part even of these were reduced to poverty,
and the native Irish proprietors of Ulster were s<
universally. And for thirty years after the Restoration,
Ulster was the most disturbed part of the kingdom,
that part where (to use the Duke of Ormonde's
expression), there were the worst Protestants and the
worst Papists in Ireland, the Presbyterians being anti-
Prelatists, and the Papists (through being stript of their
lands universally), the most disturbed and rebellious.
Primate Plunket helps Tories to go abroad. 61
But all four Provinces were more or less disturbed by
tories.
In 1670, Primate Plunket summoned a General
Synod of the Irish Church, which met at Mr.
Eeynolds's House in Bridge Street, Dublin, at the foot
of the Bridge, on 16th June. One of its Statutes
ordered all priests and preachers to warn their people
against giving aid to tories. In the month of October
following, Primate Plunket sought out in the woods
and mountains many of the best families, who being
reduced to poverty and desperation by losing their
properties, had turned tories. These he brought back
to better courses, and having obtained their pardon,
accompanied them himself to Dublin, and saw them
ship themselves on board vessels bound for France.
In an account of the state of the county of Kildare in
1684, the plains were described as tilled by peasants ;
but the woods, bogs, and fastnesses were said to be
the harbours and shelter of robbers, tories, and wood-
kerne, usually the offspring of gentlemen who having
mis-spent or forfeited their estates, and therefore
without means, yet deemed trade too mean and base
for a gentleman. They were nussled up (nursed) by
their priests and followers in the opinion that they
would yet recover their lands to live in their
predecessors splendour.
In this opinion they remained till the accession of
King James the Second, and then they made an
attempt at a Counter-Revolution, which signally
failed. They displayed the usual political incapacity
of the Irish. Though warned by their best friends of
the danger of alienating not only the Cromwellian
Protestants, but the many Catholic purchasers, they
62 Attempt to repeal the Settlement causes the Penal Laws.
would repeal the Act of Settlement before Deny and
Enniskillen were taken. And the consequence was,
the Penal Laws, with the aim of reducing the Irish
Catholics to the state of Gibeonites, hewers of wood, and
drawers of water to the English of Ireland. Influence
(said Chief Justice John Gore, Earl of Anna]y, Chief
Justice of the King's Bench, in the case of M'Carthy
against Hanly in 1771), influence was found to follow
property, and the design of the penal laws was to :
prevent the Irish from acquiring any property beyond
what they were possessed of at the passing of those
laws in the first year of the reign of Queen Anne.
The Act of Parliament, he adds, was made by those
who had suffered so severely during the short reign of
King James the Second, and by the disturbances which
afterwards followed, and did not want resentment for
the injuries they suffered, and a resolution to prevent
their posterity from suffering the like injuries by I
lessening the Irish interest in the Kingdom.
By another Statute their landed property was made
to moulder away in their hands by the gavelling clause,
dividing the lands of an Irish father equally among his
sons, notwithstanding any will he might make. And
by subsequent Statutes eldest sons were induced
to become Protestants, as they thereby secured the
family estate to their own use at their father's death, a
provision so much admired by the first English histo-
rian of the present day.
But all these provisions were as nothing in theii
effects until the Statute was passed giving the famil;
estate in the hands of an Irishman to the first Pro-
testant Discoverer. It was this that animated the
Popery Acts. Sons now filed bills against their
Discovery Act animates the Popery Laws. 63
fathers, tenants against their landlords, and common
Protestant Discoverers levied black mail wherever they
found estates held secretly in trust by an Englishman,
in other words, a Protestant, for an Irishman. Till, at
length, the Irish owners of landed estate deemed it
best to conform to English Religion, — though still in
danger of being betrayed by servants or others if they
practised their religion in secret, thereby becoming
"Lapsed Papists." In one case a domestic servant swore
he observed his master reading every morning after
breakfast, and, on looking under the chair cushion, in
his master's absence, he found it to be a manual of
Catholic devotion. Others swore they saw Serjeant
Meade, then holding an Assize Court at Cork, at
Chapel, at Mass.
They had rather trust themselves for one moment
to the mercy of God, by a little perjury, they said,
than their estates to any Protestant as their trustee at
the risk of Protestant Discoverers.
Meantime the dispossessed proprietors wandered
about their former abodes, seeking charity from the
new inhabitants of their estates, or boldly turned tories.
The Irish peasantry never refused them hospitality,
but allowed them to " cosher on them," as it was
called, giving them a certain number of days' board
and lodging.
Archbishop King complains of the number of them
thus supported, or by stealing and torying.
These pretended Irish gentlemen, together with the
numerous coshering Irish Clergy that lived much after
the same manner, were the two greatest grievances of
the kingdom in this Archbishop's view, and more espe-
cially hindered its settlement and happiness. The
64 Daniel O'Keeffe, of DromagJi, the outlaw.
Archbishop and the new possessors of the lands of
these poor Irish gentlemen complained of their pride
and idleness in not becoming their labourers. But the
sense of injustice and their use of arms were against it.
These were the pretended Irish gentlemen that would
not work (as described in the Statute of 1707, "for
the more effectual suppression of tories,") but wan-
dered about demanding victuals, and coshering from
house to house among their fosterers, followers, and
others, and were, on the presentment of any Grand
Jury of the County, to be seized and sent on board the
Queen's fleet, or to some of the plantations in
America.
The story of Daniel O'Keeffe and Mary O'Kelly
belongs to this era of treachery, when tory betrayed or
murdered tory by inducement of the law. On a hill
beside the river Black water, nine miles west of
Mallow, stands the ruins of the Castle of Dromagh,
erected by the O'Keeffes. It guards a pass over the
river.
It was near Dromagh that the last battle in Munster
was fought in the war of 1641. Hugh O'Keeffe was
then the owner,— a firm adherent of Ormonde's and
an opponent of the Nuncio's.
For some reason he got the name of " Paschalis.'
He was made a prisoner in some engagement b
Moriertagh O'Brien, a supporter of the Nuncio's, and
passed his word not to escape privately. One morning,
rising up suddenly in bed, he said, — Gentlemen, I give
you notice that I'm off, — and jumping out at th
window, escaped, pretending that he had not broken
his word, because he had given notice of his intention.
For five years after Cromwell's departure from Ireland
O'Keeffe s lands sold as forfeited in 1703. 65
he kept up war as a tory. His son Daniel raised a
troop of horse at his own charge, and fought bravely
against Cromwell, but retired to Spain, and thence
came to the King's standard in France, and got a foot
Company in the Duke of York's regiment, and was
desperately wounded in his seven years' service.
Ormonde, immediately after the King's Restoration,
used his influence with Orrery to get him restored.
Daniel O'Keeffe's father, said Ormonde, if alive,
would have deserved to be restored for his adherence
to the peace of '48, and Daniel was well entitled by
his father's services and sufferings, as well as his own.
And he had taken no land (he added) in Connaught,1
He was accordingly restored as a Letteree.2 And, in
1685, to strengthen his title he got a grant under the
Commission of Grace.3 His own and his father's
loyalty had been so useful to them both that he
thought he could never go wrong in being loyal to the
rightful king, though a Cromwell or a William of
Orange might seem to triumph for a time.
Accordingly, in the war of 1690, he adhered to
King James the Second, and after the defeat at the
Boyne, was outlawed, and his estate sold in 1703
amongst the other Forfeited Lands at Chichester
House.4 There is a great cave in the cliff over the
Blackwater, called the Outlaw's Cave, because there
Daniel O'Keeffe, after being stripped of his lands, led
1 Ormonde to Orrery, March 2nd, 1660. C. P. xlviii., 11.
a King's Letter, February 5th, 1660. C. P. xli., 299. Petition of Cap-
tain Daniel O'Keeffe, June 29th, 1665, Liber C, 420, Liber E, 259.
3 June 10th, 1685. C. P. clxvii., 30.
4 Roll of 2nd Anne (1703). Dromagh (with other lands to the number
of 5,000 acres) late the estate of Captain Daniel O'Keeffe, attainted. Sold
by the Trustees of Forfeited Estates, at Chichester House, on College
Green, to the Hollow Sword Blade Company. Vol. III. Record Commis-
sioners' Reports (Folio), p. 374.
E
66 Daniel O'Keerfe and Mary 0 'Kelly.
an outlaw's life, with Mary O'Kelly as his solace. It
was Mary O'Kelly that he employed to bring him
necessaries from Mallow.
One day, fondling this mistress of his heart on her
return, he felt a paper in the bosom of her dress, and,
taking it in his hand, he found it was a letter from the
Commander of the garrison at Mallow.
It disclosed her treachery.
She had been bought over.
O'Keeife plunged his skeane, or long Irish knife, in
her heart.
There is a very imperfect traditional account of
Daniel O'Keeffe, but the above is all authentic.1 The
tale is told in an ode of seven stanzas. Among them
are the following:
" No more shall mine ear drink
Thy melody swelling j
Nor thy beaming eye brighten
The outlaw's dark dwelling ;
Or thy soft heaving bosom
My destiny hallow,
When thine arms twine around me,
Young Mauriade" ny Kallagh.
" The moss couch I brought thee
To-day from the mountain,
Has drunk the last drop
Of thy young heart's red fountain,
For this good skeane beside me
Struck deep and rung hollow
In thy bosom of treason,
Young Mauriade ny Kallagh." 2
1 Dublin Penny Journal of 29th August, 1835. Volume IV., Numbe:
165.
2 Mauriade ny Kallagh is the Irish for Mary O'Kelly. " Ny " wa
always used instead of " 0 " in the names of women.
Statutes for tory killing. 67
In 1695 a law was made that any tory killing two
other tories, proclaimed and on their keeping, was
entitled to pardon for all former crimes except murder.
Such distrust and alarm now ensued among their
bands on finding one of their number so killed, that it
became difficult to kill a second. Therefore, in 1718,
it was declared a sufficient qualification for pardon for
a tory to kill one of his fellow tories. These Acts
were put in force in the reign of King George III.
They only expired in 1776.
On October 13th, 1713, at the assizes and general
gaol delivery for the Eoyalties and Liberties of the
County of Tipperary, and the County of Cross Tippe-
rary at Clonmel, the Grand Jury presented Charles
Carroll of Cloncleary, Michael Ro Prendergast, Morris
Boy Prendergast, both of Curraghnemony, and three
others, to be tories, robbers, and rapparees in arms and
out upon their keeping, and the Grand Jury desired
that they might be proclaimed, — and an entry was
made on the affidavit by the Clerk of the Crown of
the names of the Grand Jurors, and of the Present-
ment having been openly read and confirmed by the
Court.
Qn the 27th March, 1760, the Grand Jury of the
County of Cork made a similar presentment against
three men of the name of Terry for the murder of
Francis Sullivan, schoolmaster.
These presentments remain in hundreds. No
wonder, therefore, that the name of tory and the sport
of tory-hunting became familiar words. I remember
well how my grandfather, on the mother's side, dwelling
68 Descendants of forfeiting owners beggars.
in Palace Eow (as the north side of Rutland Square
was then called), used to sing for us —
" Ho ! brother Teig, what is your story 1
I went to the wood and shot a tory,
I went to the wood and shot another :
Was it the same, or was it his brother V
" I hunted him, and I hunted him out,
Three times through the bog, and about and about,
Till out of the bush I spied his head,
So I levelled my gun, and shot him dead."
Well, too, can I remember how my father has told
me (who died 31st May, 1846), that his father, a
Solicitor and Deputy Kegistrar of the Court of
Chancery, from the County of Tipperary, dw elling, and
dying in 1803, in Chancery Lane, Dublin, had seen the
proprietor, or his son or grandson, once owner of broad
lands, going about as a beggar with his old title deeds
tied up in a common cotton handkerchief, these, and
the respect paid him by the common Irish, being the
only signs left to show the world he was a gentleman.
About twenty-five years ago, I was myself shown at
the Eolls Office of Chancery, by one of the gentlemen
there, a Privy Seal of King Charles the Second, brought
thither the day before by some peasant of the county
of Longford, descendant of some O'Keilly, ordering his
ancestor to be restored to all such of his lands as were
not in the hands of Adventurers or Soldiers, of as
much real value as if it had ordered him lands in
the Moon.
His descendants, occupants of a cabin, had preserved
it in cotton-wool as a precious inheritance for 200 years,
being the choicest preservative they knew of, though
A Privy Seal preserved in cotton wool. 69
singularly unfit for preserving a paper document.
Hundreds of Original Privy Seals of the same
class have I seen among the Ormonde papers at
the Bodleian Library, Oxford, — the same Venetian
hand, with the Privy Seal on paper, on a large wafer
stamped at the upper corner of the left hand above
the King's sign manual.
CHAPTER II.
LEINSTER TORIES.
SIR CHARLES COOTE, first Earl of Mountrath, was
succeeded by his eldest son of the same name, of a
much better nature than his father, according to Sir
Maurice Eustace. Sir Maurice, in December 1661,
the first Earl being not long dead, and Sir Charles,
the second Earl, being at his departure for London to
wait upon the Duke of Ormonde, Chancellor Eustace
recommended him to Ormonde as having gone counter
to the late times all along, and since Sir Maurice's
return to Ireland had manifested much affection to the
poor natives, was of a very sweet disposition, and made
of much better mould (mold ?) than his nearest
relations.1
Between him and the Countess, his stepmother, who
shortly after her husband's death married Sir Kobert
Eeading, there arose a contest concerning the late
Earl's will that exhibits the urisettlement of property
of that period. The late Earl was possessed of Gor-
manston Castle under a grant from Cromwell, and
Lord Gormanston recovered it by the strong hand, and
placed sentinels on the walls, — was indicted in 1664,
for this forcible entry, but was pardoned— and only
recovered complete possession of his estate in 1668, on
undertaking to pay all profits since he got into
1 Eustace to Ormonde, Dublin, December 29, 1661. C. P. ccxiv., 200.
Differences about the Earl's new acquired estate. 71
possession, to the Countess Dowager of Mountrath.
The late Earl of Mountrath having been obliged to
surrender the Earl of Clanricarde's house of
Tyrellan, and such other Clanricarde lands as he held,
the Countess Dowager of Mountrath sought to be
reprised for the lands so restored out of Colonel John
Fitzpatrick's and Thomas Luttrell's late Connaught
assignments. They had been transplanted to Con-
naught, but their late transplanters allotments were then
at the King's disposal in regard that Fitzpatrick and
Luttrell were restored to their former estates in
Leinster.
The Countess had further differences with her step-
son, the second Earl, concerning the new acquired
estate of her late dear husband, the first Earl, which
she claimed for her four fatherless children, as intended
for them by their father. The Earl and his stepmother
the Countess, had a hearing of their differences before
the King in Council, but the cause was referred to the
Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland, and they
decreed that the whole new acquired estate of the
late Earl of Mountrath should be cast into hotch-pot
and divided by lot between the heir-at-law, the present
Earl, and the children of the second marriage, — a
provision which was confirmed by the Act of Expla-
nation.1
While the late Earl of Mountrath's will was in
dispute, his son and heirs as protector of his father's
lands, found that some of the late owners of the new
acquired estate were seeking to recover them by getting
provisoes inserted in the then pending Act of Expla-
1 Sec. cxxvi.
72 The Costigans, brothers, of Queen's County, tories.
nation, though their guilt was so great (according to
his account), they durst never come to a trial in the
late Court of Claims. One of these was Captain
Edward Herbert, who claimed as heir-at-law the estate
formerly belonging to Sir Jasper Herbert.
These lands lying in the Barony of Ballycowen, in
the King's County, the late Earl of Mountrath had
purchased from Captain Samuel Bonnell, to whom they
had been set out for his arrears. If there was nothing
to be objected against Captain Herbert touching the
late rebellion, the young Earl of Mountrath declared
to Ormonde he did not know that Captain Herbert
had the least title to them as heir of Sir Jasper.
Besides, it could be proved how active his father and
he were in the late Rebellion ; his father at the time
of the Pope's Nuncio's residence in Ireland, being
High Sheriff of the King's County, he adhered to the
Nuncio, and Edward, his son, was in arms with the
Irish ; and in England, not many years since, joined
Oaky's regiment, against the King.
But Lord Mountrath was more troubled about the
Costigans. Their lands lay in the Queen's County,
and had been purchased by the late Earl from Major
Thomas Davis, who had them set out to him for arrears
of pay. Lawrence Costigan, brother of John, claimed
as an Innocent in the late Court of Claims, but was
decreed Nocent, and his claim dismissed on the 18th
of February, 1663.
The Costigans now turned tories, as appears by
Ormonde's warrant to Henry Gilbert, High Sheriff
of the Queen's County, to hunt John Costigan, Gregory
Costigan his brother, Hugh Ro. Kelly, and several
others, their comrades abroad in the King's and
Dwiggin to bring in Costigan's head. 73
Queen's Counties on both sides of the mountain of
Slieve Bloom, and on and about the bog of Moneely,
in the County of Tipperary. The Sheriff had liberty
to employ spies, and assure pardon and reward to any
of them that should betray the others.1 These mea-
sures were successful ; for Lord Mountrath mentions
in his letter that the two brothers had been taken, and
one condemned and hanged the week before, — the
other reprieved for a few days.2 .
One of the Costigans, it seems, still evaded capture.
For Colonel Grace, a great friend of Ormonde's, writing
for a protection and pass for James Dwiggin, to quit
the kingdom, Ormonde refused. Dwiggin's estate was
one of those in Lord Mountrath's possession as part of
the late Earl's new estate, having been set out to
Colonel Daniel Abbott for his arrears, and purchased
by the late Earl.
His son, then Earl, in his letter to Lane, mentioning
the two Costigans' sentence, adds, as for Dwiggin, he
stands charged with murthering some of my Lord
Duke's servants, as they were going from his Grace to
Sir George Hamilton at " Eosgray."
Ormonde, in refusing Colonel Grace's request for
Dwiggin of quitting the kingdom, adds, " but if he will
bring in the head of the tory Costigan, or some others
of that crew, we may be induced to grant him His
Majesty's pardon ;3 which proves that the report of
Dwiggin's having murdered some of Ormonde's ser-
1 Warrant dated February 16th, 1664. C. P. cxlv., 269.
2 Mountrath to Sir George Lane, Ormonde's Secretary. Dublin, June 15,
1664. C. P. xxiii., 257.
3 Ormonde to Grace, 30th July, 1666. C. P. cxliv., 86.
74 Mountrattis neiu Estate from whom purchased.
vants was not true, for murders were always excepted
from pardon.1
When mention was lately made of Lewis O'Demp-
sey, Lord Viscount Clanmalier, he was detained in
some poor lodging, unable to appear in public for
want of fit apparel. He derived a great estate in the
King's and Queen's counties, on the upper waters of
the Barrow. He held his lands in tail male under the
limitations of a Eoyal Grant to his grandfather, Sir
Terence O'Dempsey. Not being indicted or outlawed,
for the Sheriff did not dare to venture so far in 1641 to
execute his office, his estate tail was not forfeited, and
the entail passed to his son, Maximilian O'Dempsey,
1 A list of the names of the former proprietors of the Earl of Mount-
rath's new estate :
John Duiggin. Bryan Fitzpatrick.
Patrick Kennine. Teig Fitzpatrick.
Patrick Connor. John Deoran.
John Kennine. Wm. Delany.
The lands belonging to the above-named persons, lying in the barony of
Upper Ossory and Queen's County, were purchased from Colonel Daniel
Abbot.
Florence Costigan.
(His father and himself were found Nocent in the Court of Claims — his
eldest brother was hanged for murder, and two other of the brothers,
Toryes, and now newly taken.)
John Fitzpatrick.
Denis Kenine.
John Cashau.
The lands belonging to the above-named persons, lying in the barony
and county aforesaid, were purchased from Major Thomas Davis.
Sir Jasper Herbert.
John Briscoe.
John and Murrogh Conroy.
Hugh Molloy.
The lands, formerly belonging to the persons aforesaid, lying in the
King's County and barony of Ballycowen, were purchased from Captain
Samuel Bonnell.
Schedule annexed to the Earl of Mountrath's letter of June 15, 1664.
C. P. xxxiii., 257,
Earl of Arlington troubled by Mrs. Dempsey's rhetoric. 75
who was alive at the Restoration, and was married. Sir
Henry Bennett, Lord Arl ington, Secretary of State, being
determined apparently to increase his fortune by landed
estate in Ireland, got from the King a grant of Lord
Clanmalier's estate, and formed the King's County
lands into the manor of Charlestown, after his patron,
King Charles the Second, and the Queen's County
lands into the manor of Portarlington, after himself.
He was brother-in-law to the Earl of Ossory, having
married Isabella de Beverweert, Countess of Ossory's
sister. He expected Ossory to promote all his greedy
desires. For, after having got Lord Clanmalier's great
estate, he made an effort to add to it another nearly as
extensive, viz., that of Charles Fitzgerald of Ticroghan,
situated at the head waters of the Boyne, near
Clonard. In 1668, G. Fitzgerald, son of Sir Luke,
died, and left only a daughter, and it was contended
that the estate being in tail mail had reverted to the
King, for want of issue male, though his widow was
pregnant. Ossory urged his father to promote his
brother-in-law's desires, but Ormonde refused, much to
Arlington's chagrin.
Whatever defects there might be in Arlington's
title to Lord Clanmalier's estate, he got them all reme-
died by the Act of Explanation.
Meantime he was troubled with the repeated peti-
tions of Lord Clanmalier, and his son's and daughter-
in-law's petitions, and prayed Ormonde to find some
lands to give them for their support, and thus save
him from the trouble he is exposed to by Mrs.
Dempsey's rhetoric, and the necessities of her father,
Lord Clanmalier.
The usual result, — an outbreak of tories followed
76 Tories in Carlow Co. and Co. Dublin.
the change of possession from the ancient proprietors
to the new.
In August, 1666, the year of the great tory rebellion,
he wrote to Ormonde, that his tenants had been
threatened, and he prayed for Alderman Deey's foot
company to be stationed there for their relief.
Throughout Leinster it was the same.
On 16th January, 1666, Sir Thomas Harman
informed Ormonde that a band, to the number of one
hundred, had appeared at Leighlin Bridge, in the
County of Carlow, under the command of Anthony,
son of Dennis Kirwan, a smith of Leighlin Bridge.1
In March of the same year James Fitzharris of Pol-
monty, in the county of Wexford, was appointed to
follow and apprehend tories in Wexford, Kilkenny,
and Tipperary.2 In July, 1670, Sir Edward Massy of
Abbeyleix, one of the Privy Council, had licence to
treat with T. Butler, Piers Fitzharris, Dominic Doyne,
and other tories, to depart the kingdom.
Christopher Bamsay, after several nights lying in
the fields in December last, captured three notorious
tories, and lodged them in Carlow Jail. The same
night, other tories, their confederates, burned him
to the ground.3
James Byrne, employed by Lord Kingston, decoyed
three tories to the fair of St. Margaret's, near Santry,
County Dublin. Mr. Wm. Hetherington, as appointed,
came to his aid with six men, and Byrne secured one
of the tories, but the crowd beat him and left him for
dead. And then a Justice of the Peace put him in
1 C. P. cxliv.,59.
3 Ib., clxv., 359.
3 Concordatum Cor Privy Council) order for £80. January 20, 1671.
Martin Connor the Great tory. 77
the stocks with his tory prisoner, and bound over
Hetherington for not capturing the others, though he
pursued them for above a mile.1
William Carroll, employed by Sir Theophilus Jones
into the King's and Queen's Counties, and County of
Tipperary, for discovering proclaimed tories, met with
Martin Connor, the great tory, and led him and four
other tories to a place where they were slain ; but
Carroll himself was severely wounded. And by his
aid Mr. Wm. Hetherington had arrested several others.2
The Duke of Ormonde was in hopes (but in that he
was mistaken) that by the diligence of Captain Martin,
employed by Sir Theophilus Jones, who had taken
about a dozen of them, that the knot of tories in Lein-
ster, and upon the borders of Ulster, was pretty well
broken, or at least would be by the time Sir Jerome
Alexander, who had a Special Commission to try, and
a very special inclination to hang them, had done with
them.3
Sir Jerome was the Judge who declined to comply
with the pious fraud by which malefactors indicted for
manslaughter, then punishable with death, unless by
benefit of clergy, refused to adopt the statement of the
Clergyman, in Court, that the prisoner could read, be-
cause he read three or four words as taught him
for the occasion, and thus obtained his Clergy, and
putting the prisoner on at the next passage, con-
demned him to death, because he could not, of course,
read the passage.
1 26th July, 1667. Petition of W. Hetherington. C. P. cliv., 100.
2 Petition of W, Carroll, with Sir Theophilus Jones's Certificate, dated
28th Feb., 1667.
3 Ormonde to Orrery, January 16, 1666. C. P. xlviii., 32.
CHAPTER III.
MUNSTER TOBIES.
" WOULD to God (said Orrery, in 1664,) we had some
vent for the many loose people who having served
abroad, will not work at home, and therefore live upon
robbery to the great detriment of the public." He
wished one thousand of them might be sent to serve in
Portugal. He forgot to add that these men had
returned home from serving the King in Flanders,
France, and Italy, to find that the lands where they
and their families had dwelt, were in possession of the
Cromwellians. Orrery himself was possessed of
Maurice Lord Eoche, of Fermoy's estate, named after
one of the earliest Anglo-Norman settlers De Cogan'
Eathgoggan. And Orrery's new house there being
founded on the first anniversary of the King's
restoration, he called it, he said, Charleville, instead of
its original barbarous name. Orrery was made Lord
President of Munster for life, and his State Letters are
full of the disturbances created by the tories who
subsisted as well as they could in the fastnesses of
Kerry and Cork; In 1666, the tories were running
out in arms in Munster, as well as in Connaught, big
with hopes of that eventful year as they imagined it.
Thus, on the 6th March, 1666, Thomas Sadleir, the
High Sheriff of Tipperary, was authorized to parley
with Laurence Butler, and Nicholas and William Croke,
rebels then in action, and others of a like kind in the
neighbourhood, and to give them protection on their
Kinsmen of Tories hanged burn Macroom in revenge. 79
undertaking to be serviceable, and to bring to justice
any other rebels or malefactors.
Similar warrants were given by Ormonde at the same
time to Colonel William Warden, authorising him to
give licenses to such as he should think fit to go
amongst the tories in Tipperary and Waterford, and
Queen's County, and to pretend to be of their party,
the better to discover their ways. And to promise
them pardon (for all except murder), and reward
beside. On the 23rd of March following, a Congre-
gation at Mass in Kerry, used such insolent deport-
ment that they rescued a tory. Ormonde accordingly
required Lord Orrery to arrest the priest, and such of
more than common quality as looked on. This was
not so bad, however, as the rage of some tories in the
county of Cork, some twenty years later. Some
inhabitants of Macroom having apprehended some tories
that stood upon their keeping, and prosecuted them to
conviction and execution, their confederates and
relatives within six days after burned down the town.
On the petition of the inhabitants, who had lost goods
to the value of £3,000, the several Archbishops of
Ireland were requested (June 21, 1683), to promote
subscriptions for their relief.
The principal tory of Munster seems to have
been Colonel Power. On the march of the troops
to the north of Ireland on the occasion of the
rebellion in Scotland in 1685, Power, said Lord
Longford, grew very active ; for last week he cut out
the tongue and cut off the ears of one he suspected of
giving information against him. He had committed
several considerable robberies, and very narrowly
missed of taking Sir John Meade (the Chief Justice of
80 Colonel Power, the Munster tory.
the Royalties and Liberty of Tipperary for Ormonde),
but instead took his brother-in-law, and robbed him of
eighty pounds. His party was twenty strong, and he
intended to increase it, having taken up numbers of
the best horses in the county, and he was grown
so insolent as to threaten the minister and people of
Dungarvan who had spoken against him.1 But Colonel
Power having died shortly after, they found the
robbers were worse, and so much increased, that there
appeared in one party in the county of Clare, twenty-
eight horsemen and twenty foot.2
1 Aungier, Earl of Longford, to Ormonde, Dublin, June 15th, 1685. C.P.
ccxvii., 538.
2 Stewart Lord Moimtjoy to Ormonde, Dublin, 16th December, 1685.
Ibid. 127.
CHAPTER IV.
CONNAUOHT TORIES.
IN Connaught, the chief seat of the tories was Mayo
and Leitrim. Mayo and Leitrim were two counties
reserved from the transplanted Irish by the orders of
the Parliament of the Commonwealth, — Mayo as having
such fine harbours as Belmullet and Killalla, which
offered opportunities to an enemy's shipping, — Leitrim,
because of its fastnesses.
In the rest of the province many of the old
proprietors remained intermingled with the transplanted
from Munster and Leinster after the Eestoration. For
into this province were thrust by the Cromwellians all
the proprietors of the other provinces. At the Restor-
ation, all that had influence enough to get back their
ancient lands, quitted that prison, but some remained
and founded families that subsist there to this day on
the land given them in exchange for their own, as the
Talbots of Mount Talbot, the Cheevers and the
Fitzgeralds of Turlough, the Bellews of Mount Bellew.
But all these were Catholics of old English blood,
transplanted many of them only for their religion.
They were thus not hostile to the natives like the
Puritan Cromwellian Officers and Soldiery in the rest
of the kingdom. Nor were there the same number of
proprietors stript and rendered desperate through
poverty as in the three other provinces. Mayo had
been largely granted in Queen Elizabeth's reign to the
Binghams, the Ormsbys, the Gores, and others.
82 Jamestoivn, another Derry for Leitrim planters.
Leitrim was planted in the reigns of James the First
and Charles the First. Jamestown was built as a
retreat for the Leitrim planters, and walled to secure
them in case of insurrection. Sir Charles Coote the
elder, in 1621, undertook the building of the walls, in
consideration of receiving the fines or purchase money
of the Settlers in Leitrim.
It was to be another Londonderry for the planters.
Yet Leitrim in 1667 was so infested by tories that no
planters could stay there. " The little rebels known
here by the name of tories (wrote Ormonde to Sir
Henry Bennett, Lord Arlington),1 do grow as fast as
they are cut off, and have rendered the whole county
of Leitrim useless to the King jand uninhabitable by
any English.
In 1668, Captain Thomas Caulfeild, of Dunammon,
by the Shannon, writes to Ormonde that all Connaught
was quiet except Leitrim and Mayo, where there were
two nests of tories. Those of Leitrim were few, but
in Mayo they were about twenty, most of them Ulster
men, headed by a bastard of O'Connor Dun. All the
art of the army could not compass their taking, they
were so harboured by the country. They had lately
killed two Scotchmen, and Captain Caulfeild,
Vice-President of Connaught, a brother of Lord
Charlemont's, suggested the repairing and garrisoning
of Balliclare, in the heart of their walks.2 In the same
year they murdered Captain Gore, and robbed Dr.
Dodwell, and fled through the country without any hue
and cry raised, or notice given until they were out of
1 Feb. 27, 1667. 0. P. li,, 201.
a Ib. xxx vi., 5.
Ormondes measures against Connaught Tories. 83
reach,1 The Lord Lieutenant and Council ordered
soldiers to be quartered on the septs and kindred of
the tories to remain at their charges until the male-
factors should be apprehended or cut off by the
sword.2 But the Duke of Ormonde went further, and
ordered the arrest of any priest, if a tory was found in
his parish, which is more than ever was done
in Cromwell's time, said Father Brady, adding,
" This Lord Lieutenant will make an end of
the Catholics of Ireland if God doth not take him
away."3
Another method was to give any tories presented by
a Grand Jury, or even alleged by the Council Board
to have been guilty of any felony, a day to come in and
surrender. If after this, they stood upon their keeping,
they were declared outlaws, and a price offered for their
heads. But if any of them were taken and made
amenable, they were to be tried in the ordinary way.
Hence, it shocked the Earl of Ossory, then Deputy of
his father the Duke of Ormonde, to find that Otway,
bishop of Killalla, had done so exorbitant a thing as to
execute a tory. It was no way justifiable, said Ossory,
for a private man to kill an outlaw, unless he made
resistance. There was a design of translating Otway
from Killalla to the bishopric of Ossory. And he
advised his father against appearing for this unhappy
prelate, as it would be a great prejudice to Ormonde's
character. " I know not how liable you may be to
censure (he concludes), to prefer a clergyman that was
1 Government Correspondence. Domestic Letters. A. 104, p. 13,
P. R. O.
8 Ibid.
8 Father Patrick Brady to Mr. J. L. Merchant, at Broad Street, London,
from Dublin, 29th March, 1679, C. P. Ixx., 156.
84 Bishop of Killalla cuts off an outlaw's head.
so indiscreet and violent as to have a tory's head cut off
in his own house when brought in a prisoner."1 Yet
Otway became Bishop of Ossory.
Chief of the Connaught or Mayo tories was Colonel
Dudley (or Dualtagh) Costello. The barony of
Costello was named after the tribe or " nation" of
Dudley Costello. In the same barony was the great
estate of Viscount Dillon of Costello, called Lough
Glyn. Both Dillon and Costello pretended to be of
ancient English blood. Lord Dillon, from being a
Protestant, became a Catholic, and was received into
the Church by the Nuncio himself at Athlone in 1&46,
with great ceremony. He was made by the Confeder-
ates President of Connaught. When the Nuncio
issued his excommunication in 1647, against all that
should serve the Confederates because of the Cessation
or Truce made between them and the Earl of Inchiquin,
Colonel Dudley Costello followed General Owen Eo
O'Neil, then the champion of the Nuncio and the
Church. In his hatred of the Confederate Govern-
ment, O'Neil gave his temporary aid to Sir Charles
Coote. So valuable were Costello's services by taking
many strongholds of men of quality, and making
prisoner of Captain Theobald Dillon, brother of Lord
Dillon of Costello, that Coote suggested to the
Parliament of England that Dudley Costello should be
given a troop in the army.2 Colonel Dudley Costello
was among the garrison of the island of Innisbuffin that
surrendered to the Parliament forces in February 1652,
1 Ossory to Ormonde, January 6th, 1680. Historical MSS. Report.
2 Sir Charles Coote to the Commissioners for Irish Affairs at Derby
House. Lond ->nderry, June llth, 1647. C. P. Ixvii., 43.
Colonel Dudley Costello. 85
on the condition that Colonel Cusack, the Governor,
Colonel Eichard Burke, and Costello, should have
liberty to transport 1,000 men for the King of Spain's
service. He retired to Flanders, and there rallied to
the King of England's standard, became a Captain in
the Duke of York's regiment, and gained great
distinction for his gallant conduct at the siege of
Betune in French Flanders.
At the King's Eestoration, he returned to Ireland,
and was named among the 250 " Ensignmen" to be
restored to their Estates after a reprize to the Crom-
wellian in possession. As there was no reprize to be
had, Colonel Costello was rendered like so many more,
desperate.
The year 1666 was expected, for some reason or
other, to be an Annus Mirabilis, or year of wonders.
A war was apprehended from France, and the tories
were stirring all over Ireland.
Lieutenant Nangle, formerly of the Army, a
Protestant, but now a proselyte to Rome, went into
rebellion, and wandering (to use Ormonde's expression)
from his debts and his wits, was finally shot dead in an
attack on Lord Aungier's Castle at Longford. He
and Costello joined forces, the one a more considerable
man than the other. Ormonde mentioning the occur-
rence to Lord Chancellor Clarendon, calls Dudley
Costello " a tall fellow, that was in Flanders when you
and I were there."
Nangle and Costello were driven out of Connaught
into Ulster. Sir Mathew Appleyard, Governor of
Charlemont Fort, reported to the Duke of Ormonde
(June, 1666), that with Lord Charlemont's troop and
some foot and dragoons, he had marched to Dungannon,
86 Colonel Costello's defiance of Lord Dillon.
and thence with the horse to Fintona before the sun
was up, in hopes to surprise Nangle and Costello. They
had all been drinking in an old Scotchman's house in
Fintona, when the market people and a scout they had
abroad, called upon them to fly, for the troops were
coming. Colonel Costello was now driven back into
Connaught, and proclaimed a tory and rebel. Lord
Dillon of Costello seems to have had some pity for
him, and wrote him two letters entreating him to come
in and surrender. But Colonel Dudley Costello knew
too well the terms that would be required. As for
Dud Costello (writes Ormonde to Lord Dillon, 7th July,
1666), unless he will undertake to bring to justice some
of his fellows, especially one Hill and one Plunket, who
lately committed some outrages in the north, and are
since come into Connaught, — if he can draw these men
into a trap, and deliver them to justice, I will undertake
his pardon, but on no other terms. These terms he
scorned. And furious at being " proclaimed," he
wrote the following defiant letter to Lord Dillon :
" Gortlaghane,
" The 18th of August, 1666.
" MY LORD, — My being proclaimed traitor without
questioning or summoning me to my vindication, is so
base a practice that a man of honour would die
sooner .... Now that they (the informers)
have acted their part of the tragedy, it is time I should
come and act mine, which I intend in another guised
manner than they acted theirs, — they going under a
mask, I walking in my own colours .... and
making use of no actors but such as will openly
own it.
" My Lord, I have so much of honour yet left me
Costello burns two baronies. 87
(which my adversaries know very well, though they
will not own it), that I will not, unawares, seek their
destruction as they did mine, but do declare by these
presents that I will by killing, and by burning both corn
and houses, act my part in their destructive tragedy.
Let them prevent it the best way they may, now that
they have timely notice. If they had dealt thus
generously with me, I would have prevented their
design of having me proclaimed traitor by the vindi-
cation of my innocence of what was laid to my
charge."
He charges Lord Dillon's kinsmen with being the
enemies that had done him this dis-service, and
addresses Lord Dillon that he may inform them of his
purpose.
" I understand, my Lord (he concludes), though you
had not a hand hitherto in the matter, your Lordship
approves very much of the act (of his being outlawed),
and that withal you threaten a general destruction to
both those baronies of yours (Costello and Gallen) for
their relation to me. If you really intend it, your
Lordship cannot fix upon a more fitting instrument or
a man that will be humbler and more fitting to effect
it than, my Lord,
" Your Lordship's most obedient servant,
" DUDLEY COSTELLO.
" For the Eight Hon. the Lord Viscount
t{ Dillon of Costello, These."1
Shortly after this, Lord Dillon, having gone up to
Dublin, Dudley Costello, with seventeen or eighteen
lusty Kernes well armed, appeared and apprised Lord
1 C. P. xxx., 26.
88 Spies employed against him, spy for him.
Dillon's tenants of the baronies of Costello and Gallen
to quit, or he would burn both them and their corn
together in autumn when in haggard.
Lord Kingston, President of Connaught, came him-
self in October to Boyle, and met Lord Dillon's
steward, and urged that he should employ some of
Lord Dillon's tenants to set Colonel Dudley Costello
and betray him to his pursuers. His answer was that
Colonel Costello was so beloved of the people that it
was impossible. They had tried it ; but the men
intrusted had become his instead of their intelligencers.
Meanwhile Costello was not idle. Costello and his
band of about thirty men (writes Captain Caulfeild to
Lord Kingston, then at his residence of Mitchelstown
Castle, Tipperary), some three hours before day on the
27th of November, burnt Castlemore, having entered
by means of a turf stack placed against the bawn (or
fortified curtilage), burnt Mr. Ormsby's house and
barns ; only the new tower, which was defended by
two soldiers (the rest of the party being abroad with
Sir Francis Gore), who killed two of the enemy, who
thereupon marched away. And on Monday last they
burned Ballylehane ; since then they have done
nothing.1
But on 26th December, Theobald Dillon wrote that
Dudley Costello, ere yesternight, burnt three towns of
his farm in Gallen, Tallemacorra, Tollanehan, and
Fazyneys, and four villages in Costello, as part of
Coylemorelorga, Tawnogna, and Arencagh, in the
parish of Killeogh, and that he was resolved to burn
1 Captain Thomas Caulfeild, Vice-President to John, Earl of Kingston,
President of Connaught, dated Dunammon, 3rd December, 1666. C. P.
xxxv., 105.
Orrery sends Lord Kingston a Munster spy. 89
all those two baronies. Dillon's messenger gave out
that he was three-score strong.
On 21st December, 1666, Lord Dillon wrote to Lord
Kingston from Lough Glin, that on his arrival there,
he found that Dudley Costello, the night but one
before, had burnt the villages of Killmoore, Ardehville,
and Coyle Cashel ; and last night was burning each
side of the Moy, about Loughmackerkan and New-
castle, and intended to run that course through both
baronies. And as soon as he had done burning,
threatened to hough and hew their cattle.
Orrery, Lord President of Munster, a neighbour of
Lord Kingston's, now appears upon the scene to furnish
Lord Kingston with a Munster spy, who undertook
" to bring in the head of that uncircumcised Philistine
that had given Lord Dillon so much trouble in
Connaught."
Lord Kingston writes to Ormonde, that so villainous
was the aspect of this spy, that he thought it were not
much difference whether he brought in Costello's head
or Costello his !
But Costello was near his end. On 3rd March,
1667, Captain Theobald Dillon, finding that Dudley
and his men were at Culecorny, on the other side of
the Moy, marched thither.
He could get no intelligence of the rebels being near,
and had dispersed his men into two little villages to
eat, but he fortunately kept six or seven of his men
together, who proved a Court e de Garde. For,
between 7 and 8 o'clock, the rebels were upon them.
After some dispute of shot, they took to the sword.
Walter Jordan, an old soldier of Dillon's, was killed,
and others of them wounded. But Dillon, coming up
90 Colonel Dudley Costello slain.
with fifteen or sixteen fresh men, Dudley and the
rebels being, as it seemed to Dillon, forty men, rallied
together, and stood until Dillon and his men came
within pistol shot. There the two first ranks of
Dillon's men gave fire, and Dudley was shot stone
dead, and all the rest routed, — some of them desperately
wounded. Lord Dillon informing the Duke of
Ormonde of this event, said that he had set up Dudley
Costello's head on Castlemore. But Ormonde ordered
it to be sent up to Dublin, where probably for many
months it adorned the prison tower or the principal
gate of Dublin Castle.
There is the following curious incidental proof of the
great popularity of Colonel Dudley Costello. Major
Edward Hamilton, a Scottish Royalist, who had
fought under Montrose, and had mortgaged his estate
till he had nothing left, sought some relief from the
King.
He was accordingly recommended for some valuable
appointment, and was made by Ormonde High Sheriff
of the county of Gal way, in the year 1664, believing
that Major Hamilton would derive profit from executing
the Decrees of the Court of Claims ; but the Court
was too soon adjourned to Major Hamilton's great loss.
Ormonde then appointed him collector of Excise in the
counties of Gal way, Mayo, and Roscommon. But his
deputies taking advantage of the disturbances raised by
Colonel Dudley Costello, fled away with the moneys
collected, some to Colonel Costello, — some to the
Barbadoes, and elsewhere, leaving Major Hamilton
debtor to the Inland Exchequer in £450.
CHAPTER V.
THE ULSTER TORIES.
IN 1610 King James the First formed the Ulster
plantation. The O'Neils, the O'Donels, the Ma-
guires, the O'Quins, the O'Hagans, and other
ancient Irish Septs who were wont to boast that they
and their ancestors held their territories from before
the birth of Christ, had to give way to strangers from
Scotland and England, or to retired officers of the
army or Civil Service, called Servitors, and to see
their homes and land, the support of themselves and
eir families, divided before their faces among these
nterlopers.
When the civil war began between England and
Scotland in 1639 and 1640, and gave the Irish hopes
of success, the rebellion, as was natural, broke out in
Ulster.
The 23rd of October, 1641, was the fatal day.
When the rebellion was subdued in 1652, Cromwell
and the Parliament made short work with the claims
of such of the Irish as James the First had given
allotments to in baronies assigned to Natives. For
that King boasted of his justice as well as statesman-
ship in not entirely stripping the Irish and driving
out the owners with the rest of the natives, as
Queen Elizabeth had done in the Munster plantation.
During the War against the Parliament there were
none more steadfast in their support of the Nuncio than
the Ulster Irish. They could not induce the Confed-
92 Primate Plunket finds ike Ulster Chief s paupers.
erate Catholics to make it a condition or article of the
Peace with the King, either in that of 1646, or of
1648, that the Ulster plantation should be reversed
and the natives of Ulster restored. For that would
have alienated from the King's Cause the Scottish
Presbyterians, the Hamiltons and others, who, though
Covenanters, were royalists, and the Episcopalian
Scotch, like the Stewarts and Montgomeries. At the
Eestoration only three of the Ulster nobility and
gentry were restored, the Marquis of Antrim, one of
the Maginises, and Sir Henry O'Neill of Shane's
Castle ; and these not in the Ulster plantation, but in
Down and Antrim.
" It is with tears in my eyes I say it (said Primate
Plunket, 13th May, 1671,) that in all Ulster there are
scarcely three gentlemen who have got back their lands
that were seized by Cromwell.1
" All the others (he adds) must ask as a favour to
farm small scraps of their former estates — and a great
favour it is when this is granted.2
" It was really pitiable (he said) to see high families
of the houses of O'Neil, O'Donel, Maguire, MacMahon,
Maginnis, O'Cahan, O'Kelly, O'Ferrall, who were great
princes in the memory of his (the Primate's) father,
and of many yet living, so reduced that they were
without property and without maintenance or means of
education for their sons and daughters."3
And he describes Dr. Patrick Plunket, Bishop of
Meath, giving private charity to gentlemen reduced
1 Pp. 107, 114. Memoirs of the Most Rev. Oliver Plunket, Archbishop
and Primate, by the Very Rev. Patrick Moran, D.D., Archbishop and Pri-
mate. Svo. James Duffy and Sons, Dublin. 1861.
3 Ibid.
3 Ibid., p. 110.
Many of the Ulster gentry lories. 93
from good estate to poverty, ashamed to beg, and to
widows, then in large numbers, through the massacre
of Cromwell.1
The farmers were better off, and gave relief to those
they were once the dependents of.2
In almost every diocese of the Province of Armagh
except Meath, where many of the old Lords of the
English Pale had been restored, no Catholic had any
landed property, but were, except two or three in a
few dioceses, tenants under Protestant or Presbyterian
landlords.3
Many of the Irish gentry reduced to desperation
through poverty joined the tories, and were outlawed,
'rimate Plunket sought them out in woods and moun-
ins, and by his persuasions induced them to submit,
d not only obtained their pardon, but the pardon of
hose that harboured or received them, and thus freed
undreds and hundreds of Catholic families from
danger to their lives and properties. The gentry then
embarked for France or Spaing
For this he incurred the hostility of the tories.
Led on, or set on, by a friar who consorted with them,
a band of them attacked his house at midnight, held a
sword at his throat, and robbed him of all the little
money that he had in the house.5
The Primate incurred the hostility of some of the
Franciscans in another way. He found them dwelling
1 P. 161. Memoirs of the Most Rev. Oliver Plunket, Archbishop and
Primate, by the Very Rev. Patrick Moran, D.D. 8vo. James Duffy and
Sons, Dublin. 1861.
8 Ibid., 108.
3 Ibid., 149.
* Ibid., 57.
5 Ibid., 283.
94 The hostility of the Franciscans to the Primate.
as private chaplains in the mansions of such of the
Catholic nobility and gentry as had recovered their
properties. Instead of going their journeys on foot,
as they were required by the rule of their Order, and
as they did in Germany and the Low Countries, there
was scarce one of them but rode on horseback,
attended by a groom. They dressed in superfine cloth
with French hat, and cravat bordered with lace, while
many of the Irish gentry, reduced to poverty, tra-
velled on foot clad in Louth frize,1 worth two shillings
a yard.2
The Primate endeavoured also to bring the Francis-
cans all to live in convents, and to give up entertaining
as their guests at table gentlemen and even their
wives.3
But Primate Plunket was incurring other risks in
his endeavours to help the despoiled gentry who had
joined the tories to quit that course of life. In the
Earl of Essex's time, "the Great Tory Fleming,"
(perhaps one of the Flemings of the Lord Slane's
family,) had done great harms with his band of tories.
Primate Plunket dealt with the Earl of Essex, then
Lord Lieutenant, for a licence for Fleming to quit the
kingdom, and communicated with Fleming using his
(the Primate's) assumed name of Cox. It marks the
strangeness of the time that Fleming was introduced
to the Earl of Essex by Chief Baron Hen. Through
some mischance the treaty miscarried. For, instead
of quitting the kingdom, Fleming and some of his
associates was killed in February, 1678, " and thus
1 Ibid., 81.
2 Ibid., 64.
Ibid.
Levies made by the Ulster Tories. 95
(said Ormonde,) a good end was put to that negocia-
tion." But in the pocket of Fleming was found the
Primate's letter with the assumed name of Cox ; and
afterwards the letter was endeavoured to be used as
evidence against the Primate while he was a prisoner
in London for the alleged Popish Plot. But Ormonde
showed the innocence of the Primate in regard to the
letter as above detailed.1
But there still remained many bands of tories in the
secluded parts of Ulster after all the efforts of Primate
Plunket. What then was their resource? First, the
charity of their former tenants and dependants, — for
hospitality and sympathy are the heavenly virtues of
the Irish. Next, some occasional relief from a more
fortunate kinsman or friend, whose small estate might
have escaped the eye of the Cromwellian soldiery, — a
not unknown occurrence, as appeared by the many
"discoveries" made after the Eestoration.
The last resource — should he not have been able or
willing to take some small portion of his ancient lands
to farm under the new proprietor — was, levies from the
Adventurer or Officer in possession to support the old
proprietor, his wife and children. This was effected
by a regular circular notice, describing the necessity
he was under of marrying a daughter or sending a son
beyond sea. Or some of his old dependants, tories of
the neighbourhood, sympathizing with their former
master and his distressed family, seized the usurping
stranger's cows, or boldly robbed upon the highway,
and thus provided for him, and for themselves, too.
1 Ormonde to the Earl of Sunderland, Dublin, 20th November, 1680,
C. P. cxlvi., 303.
96 Lord Charlemont employed to treat iviih tories.
Thus, on the 29th of April, 1670, we find the Lord
Lieutenant (Lord Berkeley) and Council addressing
Viscount Charlemont at Castle-Caulfield, in the county
of Tyrone, informing him, that they were given to
understand that some of the sept of the O'Neils, and
others in that province [of Ulster] who had no visible
means of subsistence, did yet live at a very high rate ;
some of their sons being in rebellion ; from whom, by
the spoil of His Majesty's good subjects, their parents
had their support. And such, and so great was the
boldness of divers rebells in those parts, that they
presumed to send their ticquetts or notes to some of
His Majesty's good subjects in those parts, requiring
them to send to the parents or friends of those rebels,
for helpes in corn or cattle towards the marriage of their
daughters or other relations — which the poor people
dared not oppose, for fear of having their houses burnt,
and other mischiefs done them by those rebels. And
for as much as those offences were of a transcendant
nature, and might not be lightly passed over without
exemplary punishment, and so His Majesty's good
subjects freed from such apprehensions, Lord Charle-
mont was to examine what persons had presumed to
offend in any of those kinds, and to endeavour the
apprehension of such offenders and their parents, when
His Excellency and the Council would give such
further orders as the case should require. From the
Council Chamber in Dublin, 29th April, 1670.1
But it sometimes happened that those whose
humanity had got the better of their national principles
were dealt with by the State as the offenders. Thus,
1 See the original, Domestic Correspondence, 1668. (Council Book), p. 72,
preserved in the State Paper Office, Dublin Castle.
Ladies sympathise with tories. 97
on the 27th May, 1675, Symon Richardson, Francis
Eichardson, Henry Richardson, and Francis Lucas,
Esquires (probably of the family of the Richardsons,
then and now settled at Rich Hill, in the county
of Armagh), were summoned to appear before the Lord
Lieutenant and Council in person, on the 7th June, to
answer a complaint preferred against them for harbour-
ing some tories that lately robbed Mr. King. And
there was a little postscript, of some significance, to Sir
William Davys's summons, to the following effect : —
" It is also His Excellency's pleasure that Mr. Francis
Lucas's wife, together with Miss Mary Brookes, do
appear as above."1
For it will appear, when we come to the history of
Redmond O'Hanlon, that the sympathies of the gentler
sex were sometimes engaged on behalf of the tories.
And we shall find no less a person than Deborah
Annesley, the daughter of Henry Jones, Bishop of
Meath (formerly Scout Master General to Cromwell),
holding correspondence with that gallant outlaw, and
concerting measures with him to preserve his life. All
kinds of unworthy motives were of course attributed
to any gentlemen who complied with these poor tories ;
but there can be little doubt that they felt for their sad
condition, and remembered that they themselves were
in possession of their lands and livings.
Ulster was their chief seat. The passing of the Act
of Explanation on 24th December, 1665, which shut
the door of hope on almost all the Irish, caused the
deepest discontent and despair — particularly amongst
the native gentry of Ulster, who continued to claim the
1 Domestic Correspondence, 1668. (Council Book), p. 72, Record Tower,
Dublin Castle.
G
98 Disturbed state of Ulster from 1660-1700.
relics of their estates left with them by King James
the First after the plantation of Ulster, which they had
still hoped to be established in by the Court of
Claims.1 The war with the Dutch occurring at this
time inspired them with hopes, and frora 1666 to 1690,
the Government and the British Planters were kept in
continual alarm.
For, contrary to the received opinion, Ulster
continued to be the dangerous part of Ireland till after
the War of the Eevolution, when it was nearly colonized
anew by the Scotch suttlers and camp-followers of King
William's foreign forces. Eighty thousand small Scotch
Adventurers came in between 1690 and 1698, into
different parts of Ireland, but chiefly into Ulster.
On March the 4th, 1666, writes an intelligencer of
Sir Kichard Kennedy, one of the Barons of the Exche-
quer : "In Londonderry and Tyrone I had the company
of several of the Irish gentry, whom I found in general
unsatisfied with the passing of the Bill [of Explanation],
and espetially the O'Neils and O'Reillys, M'Mahons
and Maguires, and the O'Donnels and O'Kanes ....
and there are a considerable number of young gentlemen
of those families much in despair, and in their discourse
1 " There was not above three or four Roman Catholics of Ulster restored
to their estates, which were of the Marquis of Antrim, Sir Henry O'Neil,
M'Gennis, with one more. And, yet, when Owen O'Neil relieved the Cootes
in Derry (A.D. 1649), to ye destruction of the King's interest in Ireland ; at
that very time four Colonels quitted their rebellious General O'Neil, and
brought their Regiments to Ormond, viz. : the Lord Iveagh (pronounced
Evagh), Colonel O'Neil, of the Fews, Colonel M'Mahon, and Colonel
O'Reilly. None of these, nor any under their command, got one foot of their
estates, and yet the family of the Cootes were advanced to great honours."
Collections by friends, some of us eye-witnesses of the warr and rebellion in
Ireland since 1641. Preserved amongst the Carte Papers, vol. Ixiv.,
p. 431.
Service abroad brings in war customs. 99
very bitter against the proceedings of this Parlia-
ment M1
At this period " the condition of the most part of
Ulster " (to use the words of Sir George Acheson,
ancestor of the present Earl Gosford), " was such as
none dare travel or inhabit there, but as in an enemy's
country ; no trade, no work, no improvement ; all
which he attributed to the tories. They were against
all industry and improvement, as tending to bring in
British to extrude them. So that it was held a point
of gallantry to turn tories, and all their discourses and
songs were in their praise, and they accounted heroes.
The embarrassed English gentry had them for depen-
dants and purveyors — the common English, living
abroad in detached houses, feared them.
Formerly they robbed, and went upon their keeping ;
then they were in armed bands and they forced most
part of the British to pay them yearly contributions,
" in paying of which, if they be negligent or not punctual,
they presently come, rob their houses, drive away their
cattle into their retreats ; that is, those mountainous
and boggy and coarse lands inhabited only by natives,
whereof there are many in Ulster, and here they detain
them till they pay much more than was at first
demanded. This new way of torying was first brought
in among them, and shown them by such as had been
abroad to forraigne warrs, . . . the like practices
being too much used abroad, and permitted the soldiery
by military connivance."
One great encouragement of toryism was, "the
foolish ancient way of hospitality to receive and give
1 u N. D." to Sir Richard Kennedy. Carte Papers, vol. xxxiv.,
p. 390.
100 Sir G. Acheson suggests a volant troop and a jury.
food to all comers of their nation, not inquiring the
cause of their coming or business ; so that they continue
wandering about from house to house as long as they
will, . . . alledging themselves Innocents, but
necessitated so to do, having not wherewithal to pay
the fees of their tryall and acquittal in the Court of
Claims,
" One design of these men is," says Sir George
Acheson, "that thus terrifying and discouraging the
British, having nothing certain, but all at their mercy,
they will induce them by degrees to leave those places
of danger and recede into those more secure, which
they daily begin now to do ; and so the lands will be
laid waste, none else daring to take them, whereby the
natives will rent them at such mean values as they
please, and thereby embody themselves, and grow
numerous and opulent."
Sir George Acheson's remedy was a truly military
kind of justice. An officer with a " volant [or flying]
party" of troopers was to be established, with liberty
to call upon any man to stand in the King's name, and
give an account of himself, and to shoot him if he didn't ;
if he did, to try him by a jury on the spot, and, if guilty,
" to proceed to sentence, and (after Christian prepar-
ation), to hang him." In which circumstances many a
man would rather stand his chance of a volley from the
troopers than a verdict of the jurors.1
It is quite plain, however, from the various engage-
ments which the Lord Lieutenant and Council entered
into with tories all over the kingdom — for killing each
other, or for abjuring the realm, or for pardon and
1 "The Tories of Ulster," by Sir George Acheson, Knt,, and Bart. [1667].
Carte Papers, Bodleian Library, vol. xlv. , p. 309.
Lord Charlemont's treaty with some 0 'Neils, tories. 101
liberty to stay in it on condition of driving out other
tories within a given time — that Sir George Acheson's
scheme had every recommendation but practicability.
The tories were, in fact, too numerous, and the forces
at the disposal of the Government too few to cope with
them in the wild and difficult countries then frequent
in Ireland.
Lord Charlemont, in like manner, in October, 1668,
by direction from the Earl of Ossory, then Lord
Deputy, and the Council, was directed to send for "two
Ulster tories, namely, Neile Oge O'Neile and Con his
brother, sonnes unto Tirlagh M'Shane Oge O'Neile,"1
and if, upon conference with them at Castle Caulfield
(his residence in the county of Tyrone), he should
find that they might be willing, on promise of their
own pardon, to do service against the tories that were
abroad upon their keeping, the Board authorized him
to give them protection for such time as he thought
necessary, not exceeding six months.2
But they, either from inability or unwillingness,
seemed to have failed in their undertaking, and to have
forfeited their protection ; for just eighteen months
afterwards (May 17, 1670), Lord Berkeley (Lord
Lieutenant) and the Council are again in commu-
nication with Lord Charlemont. Considering (they
said) how the provinces of Ulster and Connaught were
then infested by tories ; and that it appeared from
Captain Golborne's letter to Lord Charlemont that
Con O'Neile offered to give security to clear both pro-
vinces of all the tories, and either to kill, take, or drive
1 This only means Terence, son of John O'Neile the younger.
2 Council Book. Domestic Correspondence, 1668, fol. 44, Record Tower,
Dublin Castle.
102 O'Neil wishes the aid of his banished sons.
them out of the kingdom ; and as Lord Charlemont
had written that Con and his brother Neile were the
most likely persons to perform what they promised, if
they might have their pardon, and remain still in the
realm, the Lord Lieutenant and Council authorized him
to engage with them on these terms — provided that,
before the 1st of August following, they cleared Ulster
and Connaught of all the tories.1
For some reason or other this negotiation did not
succeed — -for, their father endeavoured, in his confe-
rence with Lord Charlemont, to stipulate for the return
from exile of them and his nephews, as appears from
this — that on the 1st June, 1670, the Lord Lieutenant
and Council apprise Lord Charlemont that " they had
considered of the proposal presented by him at the
Board, from Captain Tirlagh M'Shane Oge O'Neile, in
behalf of his three sons, Neile O'Neile, Con O'Neile,
and Owen O'Neile, and his two nephews, Brian
O'Cahan and Shane O'Neile ; and they conceived that
the same Captain Tirlagh M'Shane O'Neile, Oge
O'Neile, and his friends and relations might, if they
pleased, without the presence or assistance of his said
sons and nephews (whom he desired should be
recalled from their alledged banishment), performe the
services which he proposed. They therefore author-
ized Lord Charlemont to say, that if he should, before
the 1st August [1670] kill, take, or drive out the
tories, then they would allow his sons and nephews to
return — they giving good securities for their peaceable
conduct. 2
1 Council Book. Domestic Correspondence, 1668, foL 75.
2 Ibid.
Head money for tories killed. 103
At this time Lord Charlemont was Governor of
Ulster, and it was his duty to pay the head money
offered by proclamation for the heads of tories hunted
and slain. Thus, on 29th August, 1670, the Lord
Lieutenant and Council, by letters of concordatum,
repaid twenty pounds paid by him to Captain James
Stuart and his party, on the certificate of Michael
Cole, Esq., Sheriff of the county of Fermanagh, that
the said captain and his party, on the 4th of July pre-
vious, at Coolaghtie, in the said county, killed and
beheaded one Owen M'Guire, a notorious rebel and
tory (whose name was inserted in the proclamation of
the Council Board of 1st June, 1670), and had
brought his head to the Sheriff, which was put up at
Inniskillen pursuant to the proclamation.1 On 25th
Tovember, 1670, he was repaid a like sum, paid to
jrnard Butterfield, Esq., on the certificate of Alex-
ider M'Causland, Esq., Sheriff of the county of
Tyrone, who, on the 18th of July previous, went forth
with a party in pursuit of several tories, and at a place
died Evisegodan, in the said county, did there kill
and behead one Patrick O'Sonnaghan, a notorious rebel
and tory, included in the same proclamation.2 Among
many similar letters of concordatum, for repayments of
head money to Lord Charlemont, there is one in favour
of Mulmurry O'Hossa, dated 25th November, 1670.
Mulmurry O'Hossa describes himself, in his petition
to the Lord Lieutenant and Council, as once a lieute-
nant in the regiment of H. R. H. the Duke of York,
in Flanders ; and states that, in pursuance of the late
1 Records of the Vice-Treasurer's Office, now preserved in the Custom
House Buildings, Dublin.
2 Ibid.
104 Lieut Mulmurry O'Hossa brings in two heads.
proclamation, and by the special encouragement of
William Archdall, Esq., one of His Majesty's Justices
of the Peace for the county of Fermanagh, he had then
of late pursued and slain two notorious tories, called
Daniel O'Roarty and James O'Loughnane, who, by
their frequent robberies, did very much infest and
molest His Majesty's good subjects in Fermanagh and
the several adjacent counties ; " the heads of which
said tories your Petitioner brought, in open court,
before the Justices of the Peace, at a General Sessions
held at Inniskillen, and the said heads, set up, are still
remaining in the said county town of Inniskillen.
Since which time the brother of the said Eoarty is run
out into the company of Edmund M'Gillaspie, Hugh
M'Nelagh, and other notorious toryes in the proclama-
tion, and came several times to kill your Petitioner."
Unable to get any satisfaction for this service from
Lord Charlemont, Governor of Ulster, " in regard the
said tories killed, were not inserted in the proclamation
(though they were of the company of Owen M'Guire
and John Magragh, who were proclaimed tories, and
the next day after pursued and killed by Captain
Hassett and Captain Stuart)," Mulmurry O'Hossa had
been obliged to make a journey purposely to this city
of Dublin, where he then attended with great expense,
above his weak ability, seeking the reward of twenty
pounds per head. Pie supports his claim on the certi-
ficate of Michael Cole, Esq., the Sheriff, and the
Justices. The latter certificate runs thus : —
Presents one head dripping with gore. 105
"Co. Fermanagh, ) At a General Sessions of the Peace,
held at Inniskillen, for the said Co.
to wit. ] of Fermanagh, the 5th of July, 1670.
"These are to certifie that one Mulmurry O'Hossa,
Gent, att the said Sessions, in open court, brought in
before William Archdall, Abraham Creightoune, Gerald
Irvine, and John Creightoune, Esqs. , four of His Ma-
jesty's Justices of the Peace in the said county, the
heads of Donel O'Rortie, late of the county of Done-
gal, yeoman, and James O'Loughnane, late of the
county of Tirone, yeoman ; which said persons have
been made appear unto us, by oath of several persons,
to be notorious rebels, and have been guilty of several
robberies and other misdemeanours, and were killed by
the aforesaid Mulmurry O'Hossa, Gent., at Strana-
darrow, in the county of Fermanagh aforesaid, the 5th
July, 1670.
WILLIAM AKCHDALL.
ABRA. CREIGHTOUNE.
GER. IRVINE.
JOHN CREIGHTOUNE."1
From the Sheriff's certificate, it appears that these
two tories were killed on the 5th of July ; so that
Lieutenant Mulmurry O'Hossa must have hastened to
present their heads, all dripping with fresh gore, to the
magistrates assembled at Sessions in Inniskillen — a
dainty dish, truly, to set before a Bench. It is satis-
factory to know that the Lord Lieutenant and Council
recognized Lieutenant Mulmurry O'Hossa's zeal and
intelligence, and that he was not disappointed of his
forty pieces of silver (or gold).
1 Records of the Vice-Treasurer's Office, Custom House Buildings, Dublin.
106 Tory robberies is only spoiling the Egyptians.
Such engagements as these were evidently of little
avail ; for we find Lord Charlemont and others con-
stantly employed by the Lord Lieutenant and Council
in treaties with tories to abjure the realm. On the
18th of March, 1670, he was instructed to parley with
Edmund Gillespie and Eedmond M'Knogher M'Quoid,
and to take security that they would depart the king-
dom within three months, never to return.1 On the
28th of the same month he was authorized to make a
similar arrangement with Rory M'Donnel, Owen Duff
M'Donnel, Fardorogh M'Donnel, Toole M'Donnell,
and Shane M'Grath.
It was against his will, however, that the Duke of
Ormonde entered into agreements with the tories for
abjuring the realm ; for to give them leave after all
their robberies and depredations to quit the kingdom
was, he feared, to encourage the trade, and raise more
than should be sent away.
" For who (he asks) in the condition many of the
Irish are would not, by robbing and spoyling, gather a
summe of money to transport himself beyond sea, to
get a fortune of which he despairs in his own country;
especially not being restrained by any principles of
conscience or of kindness to those they destroy ; and
perhaps being told by their spiritual misleaders that
the course they are in is little worse than spoyling the
Egyptians was in the Israelites? The course your
Lordship has taken [he concludes this letter, to Colonel
Mark Trevor, Lord Dungannon, Governor of Ulster]
of setting distrust and enmity betwixt themselves is
certainly the best, and ought not only to be pursued
but encouraged, by giving such as perform their
1 Council Book, Domestic Correspondence, 1668, folio 69, preserved in the
Record Tower, Dublin Castle.
Capt. W. Hamilton a Scanderbeg against tories. 107
indertakings faithfully some reward beyond par-
ion."1
One of the most active tory hunters in Ulster was
iptain William Hamilton, who, in 1682, commanded
troop of dragoons in the Earl of Arran's regiment of
[orse. He had a warrant or commission from the
>uke of Ormonde for the purpose of killing or treating
rith them as he thought best. Sir William Stewart,
riting to Ormonde, from Newtown Stewart, says,
never was there a fitter man for the employment that
Ormonde had given him than young Captain Hamilton.
He had a few days before killed two or three of them.
He never let them rest nor rested himself from follow-
ing them. If ever there was perpetual motion it was
his.2 His praises were sung also by Sir William
Stewart of Eamelton, Viscount Mount joy. A band of
tories, horse and foot, that lately gathered in the
county of Down, had given Captain Hamilton and his
dragoons (he said) some diversion. "Last week he
sent an account (continues Lord Mountjoy) of having
destroyed two of the chief of them, and I believe will
very soon despatch the rest. Scanderbeg (adds Lord
Mountjoy) was not a greater scourge to the Turks
than this Scabberhead is to tories,- nor did he kill more
with his own hand."
But the best swimmers come short home at last !
Soon after Lord Mountjoy 's praises, Captain W.
Hamilton fell a victim to the tories he was following.
There remains no detailed account of the occurrence,
but from some expressions used by Ormonde it would
1 Carte Papers, vol. xlix., last page.
* December 15, 1682. C. P. ccxvi., 122.
108 " How poor Will came to his end"
seem as if he had met his fate through mismanage-
ment arising from some hostility between those in
command on the occasion.
Chief Justice Keatinge had just returned from the
Kilkenny assizes (Summer 1686), and had described
the generation or coherency of robbery, theft, and
perjury, crimes that, Ormonde said in his answer to the
Chief Justice, were more prevalent in Ireland, he
thought, than in any other part of the world. And he
quite approved of the Chief Justice's generation of
these crimes.
Thefts begat outlawry, and that jail breaking ; jail
breaking begat " running out and being on their keep-
ing " (as it was called), which improved into torying,
or rebellion in little. That produced malice against
the prosecutors of it, and propagated perjury ; " and
thus came poor Will to his end." The Chief Justice
had, evidently, not heard when he wrote (said Or-
monde), of the " murther of Captain Wm. Hamilton,
at Downpatrick, for so it was called in his (Ormonde's)
letters; but (he continued), whatever should prove the
occasion of it, it might well be attributed to one or all
of the above mentioned crimes."
It was perhaps one of these tories of whom the
following tale is told in a letter to Ormonde's Secre-
tary:—
" Here is little worth mention (said Gerard Borr to
Henry Gascoigne) beyond an odd accident that lately
happened at Downpatrick. Three grand tories having
been this assizes condemned there for robbery, the
jailer, executioner, &c., went into the jail at the time
1 Ormonde to Lord Chief Justice Keatinge, St. James's Square, London,
August 12th, 1686. C. P. 245.
Redmond O'Hanlon, the tory of the Feivs. 109
appointed to bring forth the prisoners to execution,
and the executioner offering to put a halter round
Doran's neck (one of the three) who had a skeine, or
madogue, privately conveyed to him that morning by
his wife, he therewith stabbed the hangman to the
heart, who fell dead on the spot, and wounded the
jailer and two more before they could get the sheine
out of his hand. This so terrified the executioners of
that country, that none of the trade would venture on
these toryes, which forced the Sheriff to deal (by pro-
use of a reprieve), with one of the three, to hang his
two comrades, whereof Doran one, which a Judge has
since granted, and I believe the new executioner will
have the favour to be transported."1
Chief among the tories of the counties of Down,
Armagh, and Tyrone, was Eedmond O'Hanlon. His
principal haunt was the Fews Mountains, overhanging
Newry. Thence his retreat was easy to the neighbour-
ing mountains of Mourne, on the north side of the bay
of Carlingford. For more than ten years he kept three
counties in subjection ; so that none dared travel with-
out convoy, or his pass. The other tories were under
him. One of them, Cormac 0' Murphy, weary to be
under Eedmond O'Hanlon, set up for himself, became
a ringleader of a company of his own, and plundered
three Scotchmen, who were tributaries to Eedmond
O'Hanlon, it being a custom for the country people in
Ireland to pay the tories for a pass to go unmolested.
These Scotchmen complained to Eedmond O'Hanlon,
who trepanned O'Murphy, under pretence he wanted
his aid to take a booty. When he appeared, he ordered
1 Gerard Borr (Secretary to the Earl of Arran) to Henry Gascoigne
(Secretary to the Duke of Ormonde), 24th April, 1885. C. P. ccxvii., 68.
110 Father Murphy preaches against Eedmond.
his men to disarm him, and send him to the Scotchmen,
with a guard of fourteen tories, and a Mittimus from
Eedmond to the next magistrate. But the Scotchmen
compounded the matter with Cormac O'Murphy for
£20, to be paid the week following.
Cormac, being thus set at liberty, got new arms, and
sent a challenge to Eedmond O'Hanlon, who refused
to appear, but swore he would be revenged on Cormac.
Edmund Murphy, parish priest of Killevy, titular
Chanter of Armagh, living in the Fews, at the insti-
gation of Captain Butler, who lay at Dundalk, at the
foot of the mountains, with his company of foot
(charged by the Duke of Ormonde with the following
of Eedmond O'Hanlon), plotted with Cormac O'Murphy
to seize O'Hanlon. The first attempt was made by
occasion of Cormac O'Murphy's surprising David
Mulligan, of Lecorry, in the county of Armagh, and
bidding him stand and deliver ; whereupon David
Mulligan showed a pass from Eedmond O'Hanlon,
stating that David Mulligan and his father-in-law had
often sheltered him when hard hunted by Sir Hans
Hamilton. But Cormac, to enrage Eedmond O'Hanlon,
and show his contempt of him, refused to acknowledge
his pass, and robbed David Mulligan, saying that he
would only restore him the goods on Eedmond's restor-
ing him his arms. A meeting was appointed for the
purpose of a mutual restoration, at which O'Hanlon was
to be seized. The priest was to provide brandy and
hot waters (not hot water), and Captain Butler, soldiers ;
but this failed by David Mulligan's seizing Patrick
Murphy, Cormac Murphy's " brother " and " kindred "
under the Tory Acts, who, by this means, got back his
goods ; and thereupon Eedmond O'Hanlon, finding that
Redmond makes it death to obey Murphy. Ill
his friend had recovered his goods, refused to attend
the meeting, and sent word to Cormac that he would
not return him his arms. Another plot between the
priest and Cormac O'Murphy for his capture was
arranged on a similar plan. Cormac on one occasion
robbed a cousin of O'Hanlon's, who, boasting that he
had the protection of the chief rebels of the kingdom,
and particularly one of O'Hanlon's passes, engaged to
take some trader's goods under his charge to Dublin.
Cormac was sure that Redmond O'Hanlon and his men
ld resent this outrage upon his authority, and would
soon be after him. So he and the priest arranged
another ambush, and informed Captain Butler, who had
his men at hand ; but Redmond disappointed these
id a thousand other schemes.
For these are only the contrivances (detailed by him-
self) of one priest whom he had outraged by threatening
that he would make any one that went to listen to his
preachings against him pay for the first offence, one
cow ; for the second, two cows (which he put into
execution against one of Edmund Murphy's parish-
ioners) ; and for the third, death.1
Yet this man was a scholar and a gentleman, which
is the reason Sir Francis Brewster assigns for his not
being taken after committing so many robberies and
murders as he debits him with.
His exploits appeared in the French Gazettes ; and
by them he was called " Count O'Hanlon," 2 which
]' The above extracts are taken from the " Present State of Ireland, but
more particularly of Ulster, represented to the People oc England, by Ed-
mund Murphy, Parish Priest, and Titular Chanter of Armagh, and one of
the first discoverers of the Irish Plot." Folio, London, 1681.
* Carte's " Life of Ormonde/' vol. ii., p. 812.
112 Bishop Jones's plot against Primate Plunket.
meant only that he was of gentle blood, and the son of
an estated gentleman who had lost his property through
the Court of Claims.
But Kedmond's career, at the end of the year 1680,
was drawing to a close.
In addition to the curious and voluminous details
given by Father Murphy (of which what is given above
is only a small fragment), we are accidentally in
possession of the more dangerous practices of a
Protestant Bishop against poor Eedmond.
The year 1680 was the height of the calamitous
and disgraceful popular frenzy in England of the sham
Popish Plot. It became necessary, in support of the
drama performing in England, to show that the Irish
Papists were moving too, which could be easily done
as regarded the tories, who would, no doubt, have
accepted any aid, to reinvest them with their beloved
homes and lands. But it should also be shown, for
Shaftesbury's purposes, that the Popish priests were
engaged in the plan of a French invasion of Ireland,
and this must be kept in mind in reading the following
correspondence. The first letter comes from Sir Hans
Hamilton to Ormonde, dated December 18th, 1680.1
1 " May it please your Grace. — About a fortnight ago, one, Owen Murphy,
brought mee an order from your Grace and the Council, requiring all Officers>
Civill and Military, to bee aiding and assisting to ye said Murphy in appre-
hending and sending to Dublin all such persons as the said Murphy should
thinke fitt to apprehend in order to the discovery of the Popish Plott in
Ireland.
" Your Grace's most humble and
" obedient servantt,
" HANS HAMILTON.
" P.S. — These letters were found in the hands of Redmond O'Hanlon's
mother-in-law, by one Mullen, whoe I employed to prosecute the toreys,
and having apprehended some of Redmon's recevers in whose hands they
found goods robbed from some travellers on the rode, the said woman was
Bishop Jones treats with O'Hanloris family. 113
Sir Hans (probably a Presbyterian) did not doubty
in his hatred of Prelacy, which he nearly couples with
Popery, but that Henry Jones, Bishop of Meath, for a
sum paid by Redmond O'Hanlon to Mr. Annesley, of
Clough [Clough-Magheri-catt] in the county of Down,
now Castlewellan, at the foot of the Mourne Mountains,
was ready to obtain his pardon.
The letters that caused Sir Hans Hamilton's indig-
nation was a correspondence of Mr. and Mrs. Annesley
(the latter, Deborah Jones, daughter of the Bishop),
with Katherine O'Hanlon, Eedmond's mother-in-law,
under the directions and authority of the Bishop. Her
husband, Francis Annesley, was son of Sir Francis,
irst Viscount Yalentia, ancestor of the present Earl
Annesley.
The first letter is one from the Bishop, dated Dublin,
Nov. 2, 1680, and begins : — " Deare Son and Daughter
jinesley," and informs them that a proposal (on paper)
>f Hanlon's he had received from them, was read in the
'rivy Council that day ; and that his orders were to
ssure Hanlon of pardon on the terms formerly
>roposed, of his declaring himself, and assuring the
rovernment of his reality, by first bringing in, or
in one of theire houses. Seeing Mullen come in, shee went to hide these
letters. Hee believed it to bee money, went to her, and took them from
her. The letters and the recevers hee brought to mee j but not the woman.
And now your Grace sees that a small sum of money given to the sonne-in-law
(for soe itt is probable to bee) will prevaile with that Bp. (bishop) to procure par-
don for soe bloody murtherers as these are knotvn to bee by one meanes or other.
" Endorsed,
" Sr Hans Hamilton.
Read at the Board, 20th Dec. 1680.
Lres enclosed from ye Bishop of Meath.
— Carte Papers, vol. xxxix., p. 141.
H
114 The Bishop's daughter employed.
cutting off some of the principal tories that were pro-
claimed : he and his friends afterwards performing
what they further undertook, viz. : to free the country
of tories.
The Bishop complains somewhat jealously of
O'Hanlon for dealing with the Bishop of Clogher when
he had begun with him, as appeared by the Primate's
reading a similar paper before the Council, that
O'Hanlon had sent to the Bishop of Clogher ; but he
excuses it as probably caused by O'Hanlon' s letter to
him, dated so long before as 30th September, having
only reached him the day before he read it at the
Council, and so remained unanswered.
An interval of a full month, fatal apparently to poor
Redmond O'Hanlon, elapsed between the foregoing
letter of the Bishop and the next addressed by his
daughter, Deborah Annesley, to "Mr. Hanlon,"
probably the father-in-law of Eedmond. It is dated
December 7, 1680.1
She is extremely troubled that she cannot give
Redmond O'Hanlon (" Mr. O'Hanlon " she calls him)
1 " December ye 7th, 1680.
" MR. HANLON, I am extremely troubled, y* I cannot give Mr. O'Hanlon
noe better account of what I was assured to prosper in.
"My Ld. IA was overruled by the Councell who would not heare of his
coming in, but has putt £200 011 Redmon O'Hanlon, and £100 on loling
[Laughlin], so that ye arguments could be use by my father could do noe
good. The Proclamation will be out a Saturday against them ; but my
father is finding out a way in England for al those pore men, of which you
shall know from Mr. Annesley : because Leters are opened, I can say no
more of that. But y* way will, without doubt, secure them, and bring them
in, of which I desire you to sende away emediately to Mr. Annesley [who]
will desire to heare from you Concerning it ; and let them know y* noe
menes shal be left unsought to doe them good, for my father will have them
in. And let them not take it eile [ill], for I [could] doe noe more if it had
bene for my own liife. I shal stay heare til I heare from you conserning
what I wrot about them to Mr. Annesley, and no ston shall be left unturned
She announces her failure to Redmond's family. 115
no better account of what (in her gentle heart), she
was assured to prosper in. The Lord Lieutenant was
overruled by the Council, who would not hear of his
coming in ; but had put £200 on Redmond, and £100
on Loughlin O'Hanlon ("Loling" she writes it), so
that what arguments could be used by her father could
do no good. " The proclamation/' she adds, " will be
out on Saturday ; but my father is finding out a way
in England for al those pore men of which you shall
know more from Mr. Annesley. . . . And let
them not take it eile (ill), for I could doe noe more if
it had bene for my owne liife." In a postscript this
tender creature adds, "There is nothing sett on Edmond
Ban [the fair] and Hagan."
Now, her father was engaged at that moment in
helping the Earl of Shaftesbury to bring his tragedy of
the sham Popish Plot, then playing in London, to a
successful conclusion ; and the Bishop and his brother,
Sir Theophilus Jones (made Scoutmaster-General for
life in the Bishop's place at the Restoration), had sent
over agents to London, to keep them in correspondence
with Shaftesbury and the managers there.1
to bring them in, which I question not but we shal finde wil be wel eon-
serning them.
" I am, Sir,
" Your assured friend and Servant,
"DEB. ANNESLEY.
" There is nothing sett on Edmond Ban and Hagan."
— Carte Papers, vol. xxxix., p. 144.
1 Part of Shaftesbury's design was to damage Ormonde. Ormonde's
family were all Roman Catholics. Shaftesbury knew hia fidelity to the
King and dynasty. And he saw how difficult and dangerous a position
Ormonde would be placed in, suspected by the English public of Popish
sympathies.
The Earl of Arran, his son, and Lord Deputy, accordingly seizod and
secretly opened the Bishop's correspondence. His whole conduct is there-
fore exhibited in the Carte Collection.
116 Bishop Jones and Sir Theophilus, his brother.
Throughout their whole lives these two brothers, sons
of the " vivacious " (or long-lived) Bishop of Killaloe,
who died aged 104, were deadly foes to the Irish. In
May, 1652, Dr. Henry Jones, then Bishop of Clogher,
and Scoutmaster-General, appeared at the Council of
general and field officers of Ludlow's army, held at
Kilkenny, and made the officers protest (through a
dread only of the Lord, they trusted) against their
General's too great aptness to mercy (so they termed
it), and sparing those whom the Lord was pursuing
with his great severity.1
From Cromwell2 he obtained Lynch's Knock, the
ancient estate of the Lynches, at Summerhill, in the
county of Meath (now the noble demesne of the Lord
Langford), as did Sir Theophilus the estate of the
Sarsfields at Lucan. At the Kestoration, Gerald
Lynch sought to be restored. He had had two sons
killed, fighting for the King under Ormonde, and a
third followed the King's fortunes abroad, and there
ended his days. He obtained His Majesty's Letters
of the 30th of March, 1662, to be restored ; but the
Bishop obtained a proviso in the Act of Settlement,
confirming these lands to him, notwithstanding (as
was urged by Sir Nicholas Plunket for Gerald Lynch)
" the Bishop has a good bishoprick, while the said
former proprietor and the rest of his children not
1 Letter of the General and Field Officers, &c. to the Speaker of the
House of Commons Books of the Lord Protector's Council of Ireland,.^;
00'
p. 69, State Paper Office, Dublin Castle.
9 Humble Petition of Dr. Henry Jones to the Right Hon. the Lord
Deputy and Council, praying that Lynch's Knock and Jordanstown, now in
his possession, may be passed to him by Patent, by name of the manor of
Michael's Mount [1657].— MS. in Library of Trinity College, Dublin, F. 3.
18.
Primate Plunket's alleged plot. 117
killed in your Majesty's service are in a sadd con-
dition."1
The Bishop's purpose was to prove Archbishop
Plunket's complicity in a supposed French invasion.
Informers (particularly a degraded priest, the Edmund
Murphy mentioned above, and others), induced by
rewards and hopes of favour, swore that the Arch-
bishop had made large levies of money from the priests
of his diocese to buy arms, and had surveyed the
neighbouring harbours, and had selected Carlingford
(a port with no depth of water, and where fishing
boats could scarce find access), as the place of disem-
irkation for 70,000 French soldiers. Whether the
Bishop, in his bigotry, believed in the truth of this
monstrous tale or not, Archbishop Plunket was
arrested, and sent for trial to London, the Bishop of
Meath alleging that his influence (the influence of
innocence and worth) was such in Ireland, there could
>e no fair trial.2
To conclude with this poor Archbishop, he could
jive no answer except a denial and statement of the
ifamy of the witnesses, and protested that he could
fearlessly appeal to the Duke of Ormonde, the Earl of
.nglesey, and others of the best and highest Protest-
ints in Ireland, if he were tried there ; or even if the
Court would wait for his witnesses who had already
arrived at Chester. As for the vast moneys collected,
he had never got so much out of them as to maintain
a servant, as was attested before the Council in Ire-
1 " Schedule of Provisos in the late Act and draft of the present Bill
which relate to some not comprehended in your Majesty's Declaration, and
jvhich do obstruct the performance of the ends thereof." Volumes relating
to the Act of Settlement. MS., Folio, State Paper Office, Dublin Castle.
» 2d Carte's " Life of Ormonde," p. 513, sect. 99.
118 The Bishop would make Redmond turn informer.
land : he never had but one. And the house he lived
in was a little thatched house, wherein was only one
little room for a library, which was but seven feet
high. However, all was vain, and he underwent the
butchery allotted to treason, a victim for this sham
Popish Plot, and French invasion, and Utopian Irish
army of 70,000 men, (as he called it himself) at Ty-
burn, in 1681.1
The Bishop of Meath, being persuaded in his own
mind that Eedmond O'Hanlon must assuredly "know
everything about the designed invasion, hoped to get
him for a witness against Archbishop Plunket, and to
send him to London.
It is very possible that it was with the design of
getting into the confidence and good will of Redmond
O'Hanlon that he first employed his kind hearted
daughter to correspond with Eedmond about his
obtaining his pardon ; for,
" no prayer, no moving art,
E'er bent that fierce inexorable heart."2
1 State Trials.
The Archbishop was held in high respect among the best of the Protest-
ants in Ireland ; and it is a circumstance curiously illustrative of this esti-
mation, that at a residence and school which he had established for Father
Stephen Rice of the Society of Jesus in Drogheda (then and long after the
seat of both the Protestant and Roman Catholic Primates), out of 150 pupils
there were 40 of them Protestants. " In the school," writes the Archbishop
to Father Oliva, General of the Society of Jesus at Rome, " there are 150
boys, for the greater part children of the Catholic nobility and gentry, and
there are also about 40 children of the Protestant gentry. You may imagine
(he adds) what envy it excites in the Protestant Masters and Ministers to
see Protestant children coming to the schools of the Society. . . . Dublin,
22nd November, 1672." — Memoirs of the Most Rev. Oliver Plunket, Arch-
bishop of Armagh and Primate of All Ireland, by His Eminence Cardinal
Moran, Archbishop of Sydney, p. 100. 8vo. Dublin, James Duffy and
Sons, 1861 — a work full of interest, and containing original historical docir
ments of great value.
2 This Doctor Henry Jones it was that inflamed the officers of the English
The Bishop offers to save Redmond. 119
It therefore may be that he only amused his daughter
by stories of opposing the proclaiming of Eedmond
O'Hanlon ; and he may himself have planned it, as a
means of driving him more certainly into his net.
Mr. Annesley's letter was of the same date and
tenor as his wife's. He was directed, he says, " from
above," to apprise Redmond O'Hanlon that £200 was
set on his head, and that £100 was the price of the
others.
" A pardon had certainly been obtained for you," he
says, " if in so enormous a case it could have been done
without violence to justice. I can tell you (if you come
over to me, and possibly it may be worth your while)
where the shoe pinches."
He then plainly requires to know if O'Hanlon will
be a discoverer of the design for the French invasion
here, and who in Ireland are the principal abettors.
army under Ludlow to frenzy against men who had nothing to say to the
alleged crimes, even if true.
" Mr. Speaker, upon the 17th of April last many of your servants came
into Kilkenny, and had a meeting with sundry of your generals and field
officers The observance of our General's aptness to mercy and to a
composure with the enemy . . . , doth (through dread of the Lord only,
we trust) occasion much remorce .... in most minds here concerning
some treaties which are liable to be attended with sparing whom the Lord
is pursuing with His great displeasure ; and whether our patient attending
rather His further severity upon them be not most safe. And whilst we were
in debate hereof, and of dealing with those that yet continue in rebellion, an
abstract of some particular murders was produced by the Scout Master-Gene-
ral (who had the original examinations of them more at large) .... And
indeed, so deeply were all affected with the barbarous wickedness of the
actors in these cruel murthers and massacres .... that we are much
afraid our behaviour towards this people may never sufficiently avenge the
same .... And lest some tender concessions might be concluded through
your unacquaintedness with these abominations, we have caused this en-
closed abstract to be transcribed and made fit for your use. Kilkenny, May
5, 1652." J^, p. 69, " Books of the Council for the Affairs of Ireland." Re-
cord Tower, Dublin Castle.
120 But Redmond scorns his conditions.
In that case a pardon will be obtained.1 But O'Han-
lon must have spurned the vile proposal, for during
six months more he lived, with £200 upon his head,
unkilled, uneaught, amongst the rocks of Slieve
Gullion, in the recesses of the Moyry Pass, or
amongst the broken hills around Forkhill ; for when,
instead of fearing or hating a man, the people fear for
him, he sees with many eyes, and hears with many
ears. Though great attempts were made (says Sir
Francis Brewster), and large rewards offered for bring-
ing in his head, both in the Earl of Essex's Lord Lieu-
tenancy and the then present one, the army being put
to more trouble in attending and pursuing him and his
party than all the tories in the kingdom since the
general rebellion of Ireland, it was all in vain. But
the Duke of Ormonde took at last his own way,
seeming quiet, and giving the Count no disturbance.
And that there should be no taking air of his design,
the Duke drew a commission and instructions all with
his own hand for two gentlemen he employed. And
these were so well pursued by the gentlemen entrusted,
that on Monday, the 25th of April, 1681, at two in the
afternoon, Count Hanlon was shot through the heart.
" Thus fell this Irish Scanderbeg," concludes Sir Fran-
cis Brewster' s letter, " who, considering the circum-
stances he lay under, and the short time he continued
to act, did things more to be admired than Scanderbeg
himself."
Sir Francis doubted not but there would come
abroad a narrative of his life, and therefore added no
more, only to tell his correspondent that he had this
1 C. P. xxxix. 142.
Redmond's death by treachery. 121
relation from the gentleman's own mouth that the
Duke employed. He saw the commission all written
by the Duke's own hand, but he would not let him see
the private instructions he had, but assured him that
all the army of Ireland could not have done it, nor was
any other way left but that which the Duke took.
There was subsequently published an account of
Redmond O'Hanlon's death, in the form of a letter
from a gentleman in Dublin to a person of quality, his
friend, in the country. It gives the copy of a warrant
from the Duke of Ormonde to Mr. William Lucas of
Drumintyne, dated the 4th of March, 1681, to compass
the taking or death of Redmond O'Hanlon, — and Mr.
Lucas's warrant to Art (or Arthur) O'Hanlon to take
or kill Redmond, dated the 4th of April, 1681.
From the time of issuing the Proclamation with the
reward of £200 for Redmond's head, Redmond was
iccompanied by Arthur O'Hanlon and O'Shiel, who
jted as guards or sentinels.
On the day of Redmond's death it was O'Shiel's
turn to be vedette, or Centinel perdu (as it is called in
le account of Redmond's life), and Arthur sate by him
an empty cabin while he took some sleep. They had
let Redmond by appointment to watch some traders
>ming from the fair of Banbridge (Eight Mile Bridge,
as it was then called).
As Redmond lay sound asleep at two o'clock in the
afternoon, Arthur poured the contents of his blunder-
buss into Redmond's breast, and immediately ran off
for aid. In the meantime O'Shiel coming into the
cabin, and Redmond being still alive, requested him to
cut off his head as soon as his fast-ebbing life should
be over, to keep it from being the spoil and triumph of
his enemies.
122 Pamphlets about O'Hanlon' s death.
This O'Shiel did, and ran away with it. The trunk
was then brought into Newry, and messengers sent
out to search for the head.
Among the payments by order of the Lord Lieute-
nant and Council, there appears One Hundred Pounds
paid to Arthur O'Hanlon, 6th of May, 1681, for killing
the torie Redmond O'Hanlon ; and on 12th December
in the same year, to John Mullin, as reward for killing
Loughlin O'Hanlon, Fifty Pounds. Two Pamphlets
concerning this event were purchased by Eooney of
Anglesea Street, bookseller, at the sale of the Marquis
of Hastings's Library, at Donnington Park, Notting-
hamshire, in January, 1869. — One is entitled " Red-
mond O'Hanlon, Count Hanlon's Downfall, or a true
and exact account of the Killing that Arch-traytor and
Tory, Redmond O'Hanlon, by Art O'Hanlon, one of
his own party, on the 25 th of April, 1681, near Eight-
Mile Bridge, in the county of Down, being the copy of
a Letter written by a Country Gentleman (now in
Dublin), to a person of Quality (his friend) in the
country. Dublin: Printed for William Winter, Book-
seller, at the Wandering Jew in Castle Street. 1681."
The other: u Redmond O'Hanlon, — the Life and
Death of the incomparable and indefatigable Tory,
Redmond O'Hanlon, commonly called Count Hanlon?
in a Letter to Mr. R. A., in Dublin (dated 1st August,
1681). Printed for John Foster, at the King's Arms,
Skinner Row. 1682." — The late Marquis of Hastings,
descended from Sir George Rawdon, of Moira, in the
county of Antrim ; and from him probably the two
pamphlets came.
On the 21st of September, 1863, leaving Rostrevor
O'Hanlons cave at Anna-gle-Million. 123
for Newry at an early hour, I went from tlience alone
on foot to spend a day in the Fews mountains.
My principal object was to visit one of these prim-
eval subterranean stone chambers, like the celebrated
cave at Grange, near Drogheda, described in Lewis's
Topographical Dictionary as lying in the townland of
Augh-na-cloch-Mullan (meaning, as I afterwards found,
the field of the stone or tomb of Mullan), in the parish
of Killevy; and I purposed to return thence to Rostre-
vor by the ferry at Narrow Water, so as to pass on my
journey the ancient ruins of Killevy Church, lying at
the foot of Slieve Gullion, on the eastern side — a
strangely large church and ancient graveyard for so
wild and mountainous a district. When I got near
Augh-na-cloch-Mullan, I was still asking the way, but
found the place little known. At length I came to a
house, and, knocking at the door, a hearty old woman
came out to me, and went for her as hearty old hus-
band, who was somewhat lame, I perceived, as he
clambered out of the potato garden, where he had
been digging some for supper. He guessed the place
I wanted to see, though he did not know it by its Irish
name ; and no wonder ; for I said it broad, as near as
I could to the way it is written, while it ought to be
sounded like Anna-gle-million. " Oh ! you want Red-
mond O'Hanlon's Cave," and he pointed to a field
about half a mile off, and in the middle of it some old
blackthorns, near some huge mossy granite stones —
thorns that so often mark in Ireland ancient sites ; the
reason being, that they protect the remains ; for no one
would dare to stir old solitary bushes : they are the
haunts of " good people." He seemed surprised at the
124 The cave destroyed.
interest I took in it, and doubted the answers I gave
him. But when I pulled out a wax candle and
matches I had brought to light up the cave, he said,
with emphasis, " By dad, but I would like to go with
you : you are after some of Redmond O'Hanlon's
goold. Will you promise me a share of what you
find?" I promised to call in on him on my way back,
and walked off to Ann a- gle -million. But I found, to
my regret, that the huge upright stones that had
formed the cave underground to the centre of what had
once been a barrow or earth mound, had been first
made a quarry of by the masons when Mr. Synnot's
new house at Ballymoyer was built, some thirty years
ago ; and since then this curious monument of the
earliest times has been utterly ruined and nearly
effaced. I returned a wiser man. My hosts had got
brown bread and sweet milk ready for me. They had
a mountain freshness of face and heart, and seemed to
live for each other. Like Philemon and Baucis —
" Hymene'e et 1'amour par des desirs constants
Avoient uni leurs cceurs des leur plus doux printemps.
Us surent cultiver sans se voir assists,
Leur enclos et leur champ par deux fois vingt etes :
Eux seuls ils composoient toute leur republique
Heureux de ne devoir a pas un doraestique
Le plaisir ou le gr£ des soins qu'ils se rendoient."
Redmond, though a felon to the English, was a hero
to the Irish. One cannot but think of the anecdote
mentioned by the late Earl of Carnarvon, concerning
the tories of Greece, showing similar sentiments
arising from not very dissimilar circumstances. In his
reminiscences of Athens and the Morea he tells of a
Leonidas's taken for a Greek tory's tomb. 125
conversation he had with a shepherd in the woods of
Sparta, during his travels there in 1839. He and his
travelling companion were near a monument erected
to the memory of Leonidas. " And who," they asked
this shepherd, " was Leonidas," in order to test his
knowledge of the history of his country ? "I cannot
tell you precisely," he answered, " but certainly a very
famous man, was he not ?" " He was indeed," replied
Lord Carnarvon. " A Capitani surely," rejoined the
shepherd. " Something higher still," we said. " Ah,"
he replied, brightening up. with a peculiar smile of
intelligence, as if he had just divined our meaning, and
as if a chord had been struck to which his mind fami-
liarly responded, " He was a irp&to* /c\e0r," a Grand or
Leading tory.1
For in such a country to be a law-abiding people
was thought to be mean-spirited, and to be another
name for submission to tyrants. Thus, too, the name
of Redmond O'Hanlon is kept fresh in the memory of
the Irish of Ulster.
In the neighbourhood of his former haunts every
cave is "Redmond O'Hanlon's parlour," " Redmond
O'Hanlon's stable," or "Redmond O'Hanlon's bed."
And in a small ancient grave-yard near Tanderagee,
the former seat of the O'Hanlons, any Irish peasant
will point out among the green mounds, the greenest
of all, Redmond O'Hanlon's grave 5
1 Reminiscences of Athens and the Morea : Extracts from a Journal in
1839, by the late Earl of Carnarvon. Edited by his Son, the present Earl.
John Murray, London. 1869.
PART THIRD.
CHAPTER I.
THE HISTORY OF THE THREE BRENNANS, TORIES OF THE
COUNTY OF KILKENNY.
IN the month of November, 1683, all Ireland rang
with the news of the capture, at Chester, of three
proclaimed " Tories and Rebells " of the county ol
Kilkenny and adjacent districts, named Brennan.
They were safe in Chester jail. The Mayor of Ches-
ter announced the good news to the Duke of Ormonde,
then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, at his house in St.
James's Square, London. The Chief Justice of Ireland
congratulated the Duke. The Duke thanked the
Mayor of Chester, and requested him to have a careful
eye on the prisoners.
During the three years before their arrest they had
robbed His Majesty's good subjects of £12,000 and]
upwards, in cash. They had been tried, convicted,
and sentenced, and brought out to be hanged ; but had
been rescued from the very scaffold and the hands of
the hangman. They were " proclaimed " as tories and
rebels in Ireland ; they were pursued by armed men ;
rewards were offered for their heads — but in vain.
After lying quietly for some time at Ringsend, then
the port of Dublin, they sailed thence to North
Wales — their horses (described as delicate ones, or as
Descent and Alliances of the 0' Brennans. 127
we should now say, well-bred), with one of their com-
rades as groom, in one vessel, themselves in another.
They were "rich in apparel," — wore swords which
they attempted to draw on their captors in the streets
of Chester. They were heavily shackled in jail ; yet
before long all Ireland rang again (as did now London
itself) with their escape. For, after a few days they
had overpowered the jailer and his warders, and
opened the prison doors for themselves.
All this is strange ; but stranger still is it, that they
are next year back in Ireland, and, with a band of
tories, break into Kilkenny Castle, the Duke of Or-
monde's chief residence in Ireland, and carry off the
Duke's plate. But strangest of all, they are " taken
into protection " a few months afterwards by the Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, and allowed the use of their
horses and travelling arms, in order to the discovering
their accomplices, and " doing service," as it was
died, that is, killing other tories; and the Grand Jury
)f the county of Kilkenny actually " present " it as
their advice that they should be taken into permanent
>rotection, as the best course to suppress robberies and
Monies in that part of the kingdom.
The O'Brennans or Brennans were an ancient tribe
or Sept of Ossory ; and " The Brennan's country " was
the northern part of the county of Kilkenny, where it
thrusts itself in a kind of tongue between the Queen's
Bounty and the county of Carlo w. Its capital is the
town of Castlecomer. The district was called Odogh,
Idough, or Edough, and anciently extended beyond
the bounds of the barony of Fassach-Dinin, its present
limits, eastward into Carlow and westward into Queen's
county. The Brennans however, retiring gradually
12S Edougli, the O'Brennaris Country.
before the advancing early English planters (the
feudal tenants of William Earl Marshal), from the
lower and more fertile portions of the ancient territory
of Odogh, in " the fair wide plain of the Nore," betook
themselves to the hills round Castlecomer.
At Castlecomer, at the junction of the Dinin and
another stream, stood and still stands one of those pre-
historic green mounds used by the ancient Irish at the
election of their chiefs. Here he stood when elected,
shown by the Brehon to the whole tribe, and, below
him, with his foot on the mound, the Tanist or next
successor.
From the summit, in view of all the tribe, the new
elected Chief distributed wands to the subordinate
Chiefs, emblems of their authority. Comer or Com-
ber is the name in Irish for the junction of two streams,
and at such places mounds are frequent, as so well
suited for the purpose of these elections.
The O'Brennans were in early times a tribe of
dignity, as is inferred from the intermarriage of
Donough Mac Giolla Phadraig, who died in A.D. 1039,
head of the tribes of Upper Ossory, with a daughter of
the O'Brennans. These Mac Giolla Phadraigs, Nor-
manized their name into Fitzpatrick, and became, in
Henry the Eighth's time, so friendly with the English,
that one of them was ennobled by the Barony, and
subsequently, the Earldom of Upper Ossory.1
The O'Brennans maintained themselves in consider-
able independence in Fassa-Dinin until the reign of
Charles the First.
1 For the early history see a paper by the Eev. James Graves.— Pro-
ceedings of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society. Vol. 1. Also Life of
Wandesford, by Thomas Comber, LL.D. 12.no. Cambridge. 1776.
W andesford gives up Jigginstown to Sir afford. 129
In the eighth year of that King's reign (i.e., in the
year 1633), Thomas Lord Wentworth, afterwards
created Earl of Strafford, came over as Lord Deputy
of Ireland, bringing in his train Christopher Wandes-
ford, Esq., whom he made Master of the Eolls in Ire-
land, not then a judicial office, and soon afterwards
knighted him. Sir Christopher Wandesford, in the
year 1635, purchased from the Earl of Kildare the
lands of Sigginstown, or Jigginstown, contiguous to
the town of Naas. But the Lord Deputy, taking a
liking to it, Wandesford resigned it to him, and on it
Strafford built (of red Dutch brick) " the battered old
house of Jigginstown," often pointed at to this day as
a monument of his disappointed ambition, for before
it was finished Strafford's head was taken off, and it
remained a ruin ever after. But Strafford declared it
was intended for a Royal residence in a fine hunting
district, and, if the King did not like it, it should be
at his (Strafford's) own cost. He would pay, he said,
for his own folly. Sir Christopher Wandesford had
therefore to look out for another purchase. That
which he fixed his eye upon was the territory of
Idough, or Edough,1 in the county of Kilkenny, " found
by Inquisition taken at Kilkenny on the llth May,
1635, to be in the Crown/' and that the tribe or Sept
of the O'Brennans were " mere Irish," and had no title
but held it " by strong hand " (a title they had pro-
bably held it by from before the Birth of Christ). The
1 It is best to write " Edough," as the name is pronounced. The Eng-
lish are the only people in Europe that make the I long. Iveagh (the
M'Genis territory), was always pronounced " Evagh," as appears from con-
temporary documents.
I
130 Selects Edougli instead.
Earl of Ormonde, however, and Sir Eobert Ridgway,
Earl of Londonderry, claimed some title derived through
a grant of King James the First. And there was an
older English title still, derived from Strongbow's in-
termarriage with Eva MacMurrough. This marriage
brought all Leinster to Strongbow, and Strongbow
having no heir male, it passed to his daughter and
only child, married to William Earl Marshal, and he
having only five daughters and heirs, it gavelled into
five parts. The Duke of Norfolk, in 1639 (descended
from one daughter), claimed the county of Kilkenny
as his inheritance. " Has he not," wrote Strafford,
" got Edough off his stomach yet ? "
Sir Christopher Wandesford, having purchased the
Earl of Ormonde's and Sir Robert Ridgway's rights
for £2,000 (Dr. Comber says £20,000), the territory
of Edough was conveyed to Sir Christopher on 25th
July, 1637. The Brennans, during all this negocia-
tion for the purchase, looked upon themselves as the
true owners, and engaged the Lords Mountgarret and
Maltravers to be their Solicitors at the Court in Eng-
land, and declined to enter into any surrender of their
rights, notwithstanding the various solicitations of Sir
Christopher to them for that purpose. This stubborn-
ness on their part, and gentleness on Wandesford's
part, suited not the overbearing spirit of the Lord
Deputy. " He would have no man to question his
orders/' he said, " and would make an Act of State in
Ireland to be as powerful as an Act of Parliament."
He had come over to turn Ireland into a Eoyal fortress
or place of arms, where, unimpeded by any Parliament,
the King should have money and men at his absolute
command, so as to be able thence to subdue his
Stmfford Imprisons 100 Heads of Families of Enough. 131
rebellious Kingdoms of England and Scotland. And
we learn from the impeachment of this despotic servant
of the Crown by the Commons of England (April,
1640,) the measures he took to break and suodue the
Brennans to his friend Wandesford's will. In 1638,
the year after the purchase of Edough, one Richard
Butler, it seems, was, still in possession of the Castle
of Castlecomer, and offered, as well as tha Brennans,
some opposition to Sir Christopher's agents. The Earl
of Strafford thereupon sent down a sufficient body of
soldiers, who seized the fathers and mothers of about
one hundred families and brought them up to Dublin
to be imprisoned in the Castle of Dublin and other
jails.1
After such tyranny and violence, used in Sir Chris-
topher Wandesford's behalf by his patrons, it would
not have been surprising if some bloody retribution had
been exacted by the Brennans. But no worse crime
was alleged against any of them than the taking of
some of Sir Christopher's sheep, and this probably pro-
ceeded rather out of their claim to the land the sheep
fed on, than robbery. On one occasion when Wandes-
ford's seneschal and other officers proceeded to search
for the missing sheep, they were plentifully entertained
by one of the chief men of the Sept with excellent
1 The 15th Article of the Impeachment is as follows : — " And in the said
12th year of His Majesty's reign (A..D. 1638), the said Earl of Sbraff :>rd did
traitorously send certain troops of horse and foot to expel Richard Butler
from the possession of Casblecomber, in the territory of Idough, and, ia
like manner, expelled divers of His Majesty's subjects from their houses,
families and possessions, as— namely, Edward Brennan, Owen O'Breanan,
and divers others, to the number of about one hundred families, and carried
them and their wives prisoners to Dublin, aid there detained them until they
yielded up their respective estates and rights."— C.P. xlix., 296,
132 Straff or $8 Irish Army against the Scots.
mutton dressed in various shapes, while their host took
care to let them know where it came from by throwing
the head and skin with Sir Christopher's brand on it
over the shoulders of his shepherd as he, in the
seneschal's company, was leaving the bawn.
O'Brennan being subsequently condemned to death
for the robbery, Sir Christopher obtained his pardon,
moved, perhaps, by the above-board dealing of the
man. Sir Christopher died not long after the purchase
of Edough, and there is reason to think that it had no
inconsiderable share in bringing him to the grave. He
became possessed of it in 1637. The year 1640 was
the crisis of his patron Stafford's fate. Strafford had
assembled an army of 8,000 men about Belfast and
Carrickfergus for the invasion of Scotland by order
of the King, who was to advance across the border
from York to engage the Scottish rebels in front.
Strafford was to land in Scotland and attack them on
their flank and rere ; and, " having whipped them home
in their own blood," as he said, the Royal Army of
victorious English and Irish were then to march towards
London to give the discontented English a lesson. But
the whole scheme failed. The Scottish Army, know-
ing that they had friends even in the King's army,
suddenly, on the 20th August, 1640, crossed the border,
being the very day the King left London, and when
the King reached York he found himself obliged by
many, even of his own nobility, to enter into a treaty
with the Scots, who had gained Newcastle, and to engage
to call a Parliament to raise funds to pay the Scots the
cost of their invasion. But the discontented both of
England and Scotland had the further design of im-
peaching Laud and Strafford. And no sooner did Lord
Wandesford' s Conscience Aivakened by Sir afford' s Fate. 133
Strafford arrive in London to attend the opening of this
" Parliament of Parliaments," in November, 1640, than
Pym and his friends impeached him, and on the 12th
of May following the head of this tyrannical Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland fell at the block on Tower Hill.
Sir Christopher Wandesford was his deputy. In April,
1640, Strafford had been called over from Ireland by
the King to aid him by his counsel ; but he was
arrested, and he continued a prisoner in the Tower for
the short remainder of his life. During this period
Sir Christopher Wandesford supplied Strafford's place
in Ireland. But Wandesford, having knowledge of
the heavy charges of tyranny preparing against his
now imprisoned friend, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland,
and amongst the rest his violent proceedings in the
matter of the purchas e of Edough, sank brokenhearted
to the grave from a foresight of the ruin to come. He
died on the 3rd of December, 1640, and his biographer
remarks that the Irish, at the Lord Deputy's interment,
raised their peculiar lamentations, a signal honour paid
to him by that people, probably the last time the Irish
cry was heard at a funeral in Dublin. His fears,
perhaps, had [the effect of awakening his conscience,
for by his Will, made on the 2nd of October, 1640,
only a few weeks before his death, he endeavoured to
offer the former native proprietors of Edough some
compensation for their lost lands. This he effected by
executing a trust deed on the 2nd of September, 1640,
whereby he conveyed the territory of Edough to John
Bramhall (Bishop of Derry), Sir Edward Osborne,
Major Norton, and William Wandesford, for the term
of 41 years to answer the trusts of his will ; and on
134 Creates a Trust for the Brennans by Will.
the 2nd of October following he made his Will, con-
taining this provision : —
" Whereas, also, the natives of Idough, called
Brennans, who have for many years possessed the
same, have several times refused such proffers of
benefit as I thought good out of my own private
charity and conscience to tender unto them — not that
I ever believed, either by Law or Equity, I could be
compelled to give them any consideration at all for
their pretended interest — my will is that the trustees
aforesaid shall, out of the said rents, pay unto so many
of them (the said Brennans) or their children, as by a
Commission out of Chancery shall be found to have been
the reputed possessors and terr-tenants of the lands at
the time of the finding of the Office of Idough for His
Majesty, dated 21st May, 1635, so much money sever-
ally as a lease for 21 years of the moiety of those lands
so in their possession respectively, shall be by the said
Commissioners valued to have been worth unto the
said possessors at the time of finding the said Office
after the common course of bargaining."
The breaking out of the Irish Kebellion on 23rd
October, 1641, would, of course, have hindered the
Brennansfrom obtaining the benefit of Sir Christopher's
legacy, if they had been disposed to claim it, or had
they known of it. The whole Kingdom was thence-
forward for many years a scene of ruin and confusion.
The Castle of Castlecomer was regularly besieged in
the month of December, 1641, by a portion of Lord
Mountgarrefs army of Irish, containing, it may well
be supposed, a large contingent of Brennans.
After holding out for eighteen weeks under Captain
Farrer, the garrison surrendered the Castle to the as-
Castlecomer surrenders on Terms not kept by the English. 135
sailants, who consisted of about three companies under
the command, amongst others, of Captain Edward
Brennan. By the terms of the surrender, the garrison
were to be escorted safely by a body of Irish, under
the command of Captain Dempsey, towards the Eng-
lish garrison of Ballylinan in the Queen's County,
about fifteen miles distant to the Northward — oaths
being mutually passed by the officers of each party to
protect the other from the violence of their country-
men respectively. Captain Dempsey and the Irish
duly performed their engagement, and brought the
Castlecomer garrison to a place where they were met
by Captain Grimes, or Graham, the Commander of
Ballylinan, with his forces, and, having delivered them
safely, were on their way back to Castlecomer, when
they were treacherously attacked and put to flight by
Captain Grimes, assisted by some of the Castlecomer
refugees. Sir Christopher Wandesford had left his
cousin, William Wandesford, in charge of his estate at
Castlecomer ; but he and Lady Wandesford escaped
before the siege — he (according to Lady W.'s account)
" in an Irish disguise," with Sir Christopher's principal
writings, " secure in his trousers." When the forces
of the Parliament, in 1650, had recovered the county
of Kilkenny, they must have sequestrated the Wandes-
ford estate as a Royalist or Protestant delinquent's ;
for his heir was obliged to sue for it in Cromwell's
Court of Claims, and there obtained a Decree of " Con-
stant Good Affection," and was restored to all the
property which Lord Deputy Wandesford died possessed
of. This district, therefore, underwent less change
than other parts of the country where the ancient pro-
prietors and their families were driven out by Crom-
136 The Brennans File a Bill in Chancery for the Trust.
wellian planters ; and it may be from this circumstance
that there is less recounted of the Brennans among
the many bands of tories in this neighbourhood in
the early years following the Kestoration than of other
names.
Sir Christopher Wandesford, Lord Deputy, was suc-
ceeded on his death, in December, 1640, by his son,
Sir Christopher Wandesford, Bart. In 1679 two-and-
twenty of the Brennans filed their Bill in Chancery
against him, claiming the legacies left them by the
Deputy's Will, and on the 10th of June, 1686, obtained
a Decree of the Chancellor in their favour on making
out what their ancestors were possessed of, and their
several titles and demands, and it was referred to one
of the Four Masters in Chancery to examine and settle
them ; but owing to the death of Sir Christopher
Wandesford, on the 26th of February, 1687, and the
Civil War or Revolution that commenced in the fol-
lowing year and ended with the victory of William
of Orange at the Battle of the Boyne, no further
proceedings were had in the suit.
Soon after the accession of King William and Queen
Mary, Sir Christopher Wandesford, son of the late Sir
Christopher, and grandson of Deputy Wandesford, took
measures to clear his estate of the claims of the Brennans.
In 1694 he presented his petition to the King and Queen,
and prayed that the forfeited rights of the Brennans,
under the decree in Chancery, should be granted to
him for his services and sufferings. His grandfather,
he said, on the 2nd of October, being then Lord
Deputy, made his will, leaving legacies to several
native Irish, then tenants of some of his lands of
Idough, being part of the Sept called the Brennans.
I Benefit of their Decree Granted to Wandesford's Heirs. 137
In the Kebellion of 1641 the Brennans, he said^
possessed themselves of all his estate and the stock
upon it, and burnt and destroyed all his buildings and
improvements to the value of many thousands of
pounds, and murthered many of his English tenants,
and enjoyed his estate for ten years after without
making any satisfaction.
The Sept of the Brennans (he continued) being
still very numerous, were a great terror to the English
inhabitants of that country, and frequently committed
many great robberies and murthers, and were in arms
for the late King James.
And the Petitioner (Sir Christopher) being in arms
very early for the service of His Majesty, then Prince
of Orange, the Brennans procured the Lord Tyrconnell
(the celebrated Dick Talbot) to seize upon his estate,
as forfeited on that account, and got into possession of
it, and enjoyed it for a considerable time without
rendering any account of the profits.
He was soon after, he said, at the cost of making
outlaws of the Brennans, who had been adversaries of
his father, and had obtained the Decree. This was
with the aim of having their claims for the legacies,
under his grandfather's Will, vested in the Crown as
forfeited. The whole being only preliminary to obtain-
ing a grant of the benefit of the Decree, and thus ex-
tinguishing for ever the claims of the Brennans, and
clearing his estate of Idough of this cloud upon the
title.
And all this he successfully accomplished.1
1 These proceedings are calendared in Treasury Papers 1694, Vol. 30,
No. 1, Public Record Office, London. The names of the Brennans, who
obtained the Decree and were outlawed, are given by Sir Richard Levinge,
138 The Brennans Cut out the Tongue of an Informer.
Sir Christopher Wandesford was well warranted in
charging some of the Brennans with great robberies,
when it appears, as by the opening statement, that the
three Brennans had, in three years, robbed His
Majesty's good subjects of not £12,000, as there
mentioned, but £18,000 in cash. At this time, in the
year 1683, the race of proprietors, despoiled by the
Cromwellians, had, most of them, sunk into the grave,
and the tories were degenerating into common robbers.
The first notice of these three Brennans is in a letter
of Otway, Bishop of Ossory, in the beginning of the
year 1683, to the Earl of Arran, Lord Deputy for
Ormonde. They had already become notorious ; for
the Bishop described them as those very Brennans
who had done, and were still doing, so much mischief
in that country, and had, the morning before, by a
wile, lured one of the witnesses against them into a
wood, and there, with horrid cruelty, cut out his
tongue.1 The Bishop enlarges upon the barbarity of
the deed. But, of course, makes no mention of his
the Attorney-General, in his report to the Lords Justices, dated 13th Oct.
1694, as follows : —
John Brennan, late of Levin, gentleman ; John Brennan, late of Crott,
gentleman ; Owen Brennan, late of Kildonoghinkelly, gentleman ; Farr
Brennan, late of Crotten logh, gentleman ; Patrick Brennan, late of Cloneen,
gentleman; Loghlin Brennan, late of the same, gentleman; Loghlin Brennan,
son of James, late of the same, gentleman ; Margaret Brennan, late of Kil-
donoghinkelly ; Mortagh Brennan, late of Kilrobbing, gentleman ; Anastas
Brennan, late of the same ; Donagh Brennan, late of Rathcally, gentleman ;
Elinor Brennan, late of Dungillinagh, spinster ; William Brennan Fitz-John,
late of Smithstown, gentleman ; James Brennan, of the same, gentleman ;
Margaret Brennan, late of Turlave, spinster; Edward Brennan, late of
Ballyhoman, gentleman ; Donagh Brennan, late of Kilkenny, gentleman ;
Edmond Brennan, late of Cruttin, gentleman ; and by the outlawry and
attainder, the rights of which they, or any of them, had against Sir Christo-
pher, the Petitioner's father, by the Decree in ^Chancery, are forfeited to the
Crown and in their Majesties' disposal.
1 Otway, Bishop of Ossory to Arran, Feb. 5, 1688. C.P. ccxvi., 129.
They rob Bolton of Brazeel and others. 139
own conduct so reprehended by the Earl of Ossory in
cutting off the head of a proclaimed tory in his own
>urt-yard at Killalla ; for he had been bishop of Kil;
ilia before his translation to the Diocese of Ossory.
In the following June as Alexander Marshal of Lis-
>urn, in the county of Antrim and two other merchants
were riding from Ballynakill to Kilcullen, they were
overtaken on Ballyraggett Heath, in the county of
Kilkenny, by the three Brennans, well mounted, armed
with swords, carbines, and pistols. They knocked
lem off their horses, dragged them into an old fort,
and there robbed them of goods and money to the
value of £100.1 They next robbed the house of Mr.
Bolton, grandson of Lord Chancellor Bolton, at Bra-
zeel, seven miles north of Dublin, which for the sum
taken (wrote Chief Justice Keatinge) and the
faint prosecution of the thieves, exceeded all the rob-
beries the Chief Justice had ever heard of. Mr.
Bolton would incur no expense in prosecuting them.
These Brennans (adds the Chief Justice), were per-
sons convict, who after sentence and after being
brought to the gallows to be executed made their
escape in a way too tedious to tell in that letter.
Chief Justice Keatinge being concerned for the justice
of the kingdom issued his warrants into the adjacent
counties, particularly the Queen's County, where the
Brennans had many friends and relations, and got his
cousin, Jack Warren, to hunt them so close that they
were obliged to fly, — and yet while flying they still
robbed. But the Chief Justice having heard that they
had reached the King's Head at Ringsend, then a place
of departure for vessels from Dublin, he had the house,
1 Sworn information of Alex. Marshal, 19th October, 1683. C. P. xl,
85.
140 Their Arrest at Chester.
which was kept by a Brennan, continually watched by
his spies, but to no purpose. For no sooner was he
gone to his country-seat at Lissen Hall,1 than the three
Brennans, with a boy of theirs, a cousin who had been
boarded at that Inn, shipped themselves on board the
Doggar boat whilst she was under sail, leaving their
horses to be brought after them by their boy, and £53
in cobbs to be sent to them by bill on London by their
landlord, who pretended to know nothing of them.
Being recognized in Chester by Mr. Marshal as those
that had robbed him on Ballyragget Heath, they were
arrested for the robbery and committed to jail. They
were extravagantly rich, the Chief Justice Keatinge
heard, and would think nothing of giving £3,000 for a
pardon or liberty to transport themselves to foreign
parts.
He had heard they had made Sir Robert Reading
their friend, but the Chief Justice scorned the tale.2
, Yet strange as it may seem they certainly had
secured his favour. For, Sir Robert, writing to Arran
on hearing of their capture, said he scarce knew how
they could escape hanging, but hoped that His Excel-
lency would remember the poor devils, and let them
quit the Kingdom if they had had no hand in blood.
And he believed his word would have some weight, as
he it was that got them to quit Ireland when Captain
Bishop and all the country could not catch them.3
Ormonde, in apprising Arran of their arrest at
Chester, said they wore swords which they drew on
1 In the parish of Swords, and county of Dublin.
2 Chief Justice John Keatinge to James Clarke, Ormonde's servant in
London, November 1st, 1683. C. P. xl., 100.
3 Sir Robert Reading to the Earl of Arran, Lord Deputy. From London,
21st October, 1683. C. P. ccxvi.
They Break Out of Chester Jail. 141
I their captors, and were " in greater splendour and
plenty than belonged to any of their race."1
The Brennans were only two days in Chester jail,
when they overpowered the jailer, took from him the
prison keys, and set themselves free.
From the sworn information of Richard Wright, the
keeper of the jail at the North gate of Chester, it
appears that on the 19th of October, 1683, he received
into his custody James O'Brennan, Patrick O'Brennan,
and James O'Brennan called Tall James, charged with
I the highway robbery of Mr. Marshal on Ballyragget
Heath in Ireland.
He was so careful of them that he kept them in
irons, he said, all day, and when they were in bed took
away their clothes. While he and his wife sat at sup-
per (he deposed) in the lower room, called the hall,
with the three Brennans well ironed, — and Thomas
Greene, a prisoner for debt, employed by the jailer as
his assistant, Tall Jarnes (he swore) spoke something
in Irish to the other two ; Little James, who sat
beside the jailer, drew a knife and struck at his (Rich-
ard Wright's), throat, and wounded him in the arm
which he had raised to protect his throat. Seizing the
jailer he thrust his head under the bed, and stamped
upon him with his knees, till, in fear of his life, he
promised to be quiet. Tall James caught hold of
Thomas Greene, and threatened to cut his throat, and
getting him down, put him in irons. Patrick secured
and terrified Mrs. Wright, the jailer's wife.
Patrick O'Brennan then went upstairs to the jailer's
closet and brought down a sword and tuck, and with
the keys he found there unlocked their fetters, — and
1 Ormonde to Arran, London, 27th October, 1683. C. P. ccxix., 340.
142 The Jailer Locks himself in against the Brennans.
taking the keys of the outer gate out of the jailer's
pocket, let himself and his two fellow-prisoners free.
The jailer then went up to one of the upper win-
dows to raise the alarm, but the prisoners ran back to
the gate, and threatened to come in and kill him, only
he bolted the gate on the inner side against them.
The only other person in Mr. Wright's service was
a maid-servant, Mary Swettenham, and there is some-
thing characteristic of the Irishmen's treatment of this
girl. According to her account she saw one of the
Brennans on her mistress and she on the ground. She
tried to pull him off, but failing, fled to the cellar and
locked herself in. The Brennans came and promised
to do her no hurt, and spoke her very fair, upon which
she came out. One of them said to her, " Sweet-
heart, you and I, it may be, may meet again." " In
another country then," said she. They bade her blow
out the candle she had in her hand ; but she did not,
but set it down, and they blew it out, — opened the
prison doors, and went their way, and locked them
after them.
The Earl of Arran, Lord Deputy, had suspicions of
the good faith of the jailer. The Brennans could well
pay him for conniving at their escape, as in two and a
half years' time, according to Arran's account, they
had robbed to the extent of £18,000. And there is
something rank in the evidence he gives of his fear of
them, locking his prisoners out and himself in, so that
the door had to be cloven to let the Magistrates in,
the Brennans having taken away the keys.1
1 All the papers and proceedings with these details are to be found in
C. P. Vol. xl.
Their Robbery at Kilkenny Castle. 143
The hue and cry was raised, and every effort made
to capture the prisoners, but in vain. And the next
that is heard of them is that they were back again in
Ireland, and on the 17th of September, 1685, had
broken into Kilkenny Castle, and out of the Duke's
closet had carried off a pair of silver Andirons, a large
silver Tankard, and the Ears of a silver Fountain
(probably some ornamental plate for the dinner ser-
vice), but the belly being too big to get out at the
window it was left behind. They also carried off a
box of plate, belonging to Captain Geo. Mathew, the
Duke's half brother and land agent.1 And now took
place an occurrence that marks the defective organiza-
tion of government of Ireland for the repression and
discovery of crime. Could it be believed without evi-
dence of the Carte Papers, that these Brennans,
proclaimed tories, robbers, and outlaws, — who had
robbed before this their latest robbery in Kilkenny
Castle, to the extent of £18,000, — who had escaped
from the very gallows in Ireland, and broke their
prison in Chester — that these men should be taken
into protection and employed to discover the lost
plate ! At the instance of Captain George Mathew,
the Earl of Clarendon, who had succeeded the Duke
of Ormonde as Lord Lieutenant, took James Brennan
of Crottenclough and Patrick Brennan of Killeshin
into protection for seven months, on condition of
discovering the lost plate, much to the disgust of
Aungier, Earl of Longford, and others in Dublin, who
regretted that Captain Mathew could find no better
instruments. They were to be free of arrest and have
1 Gerard Borr (Arran's Secretary), to the Earl of Arran, Dublin, 20th
September, 1685. C. P. ccxvii., 124.
144 They are Employed against other Tories.
the use of their horses and firearms for travelling.
Besides discovering the stolen silver plate, they were
to make other tories and robbers amenable to justice.
This protection is dated February 19th, 1683. And
at the Assizes for the county of Kilkenny in March,
1687, the Grand Jury made their Presentment that
they conceived there could be no better way to sup-
press robberies and felonies in those parts than to
take these two Brennans into protection for a term of
years.1
At this time Dick Talbot (made Duke of Tyrcon-
nell), was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for King James
the Second., and one of the charges against him in the
reign of the succeeding dynasty was that he had em-
ployed tories like the Brennans in his army. And it
has been suggested that if the Irish army list of
King James II. were searched, the names of the
Brennans would probably appear amongst his officers
or soldiers.
1 See a paper on the Earlier History of the Brennans of Odough or
Idough, by the Rev. James Graves, in the first Volume of the Proceedings
of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society.
CHAPTER II.
THE " WRESTLING DOCTOR " AND " THE MILESIAN
MAGAZINE."
HISTORY helps us no farther towards the fate and end
of the three Brennans. But the name and fame of
the tribe of Brennans survive in the work of Dr John
Brenan, author of the " Milesian Magazine," which
began its career of political, professional, and personal
satire in 1812, and lasted till 1825, during which Dr.
Brenan exhibited all the verve and inexhaustible wit
and humour of Kabelais.
Dr. John Brenan, M.D., was a man known to his
Contemporaries as " The Turpentine Doctor," or " The
Wrestling Doctor," — the first name for introducing
turpentine as a cure for child-bed fever, and " The
Wrestling Doctor " for his patronage ol that sport.
By himself he was styled " Prince of Edough and
King of all the Wrestlers of all Ireland." In his
character of " Prince " he addressed the Duchess of
Richmond, wife of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland
from 1807 to 1813, as an equal, having, he asserted,
as long and honourable an ancestry as the first man
then in Ireland, if there never was a Lord Lieutenant
in Dublin.
The Earl of Strafford (he informs the Duchess) gave
the Brennan Estate to Sir Christopher Wandesford,
his Secretary, and Wandesford, frightened at the fate
of Strafford, left £10,000 by his last Will to the
Brennans, and committed suicide (which only rests on
the wrestling doctor's authority, and is contrary to
fact). The Parliament (according to his account, and
146 " The Lying-in Hospital " against Dr. Brenan.
his alone), ratified the legacy (which was perfectly
good without ratification), and the legacy not having
been paid, the accumulations were worth more, he
said, than the Wandesford Estate. The true history
of Stratford's tyranny towards the Brennans has been
already set forth in the preceding pages.
Childbed fever was, in 1815, a nearly fatal disease
and epidemic in the Rotundo Hospital. Dr. Brenan got
himself admitted as a student (though a fully qualified
physician) to the Lying-in Hospital, and unknown to
the doctors of the establishment, effected some wonder-
ful cures. But he was no sooner detected than he
was turned out. For, as he makes Judge Bladderchops
(his designation of Lord Norbury, from his constant
puffing,) say, in one of his numerous and humorous
trials — in this case it was " The Lying-in Hospital
against Dr. Brenan/' in Dec., 1815 — addressing Dr.
Brenan, in his sentence: "As well might my horse, Crop,
sit here to try causes as you attempt what you have
done on Dr. Hopkins' premises. The patients are his
property — his game — that you have poached upon.
You have no more right to cure in his demesne than
you had to kill partridges on my estate in Tipperary.
You ought to know that the women in childbed in the
hospital were the subjects of Dr. Hopkins— a man
appointed by the State ; a loyal Protestant, that signed
the petition against Popery. Dr. Hopkins was, in
some respects, the Lord's anointed, as deriving under
his present Majesty, who, I am glad to hear (this was
during King George the Third's confinement as a
lunatic), is able to ride about Windsor Park and drink
a pint of hock. Curing Dr. Hopkins' dying women,
let me tell you, is contrary (I won't say to Dr. Hopkins'
Dr. Brenan's Birth and Biography. 147
Crown), but contrary to his peace and dignity before
the nurses and pupils, and the porter and housekeeper,
and renders your sentence such as will allowe me to
give you no hope of mitigation ; and the sentence of
the Court is this: — That you, Dr. Brenan, be brought
to the place from whence you came to the house of
Dr. Jack Famish,1 and there be boarded for three meals
a-day until you be dead, dead, dead ! and the fasting,
I hope, will be good for your soul ; and the Lord have
mercy on your small guts. — God save the King!"
Jack Famish (he says elsewhere) kept his whole family
on a potted herring and a naggin of turpentine on last
Christmas Day ; better, Jack declared, than on a leg
of mutton and two bunches of turnips.
Dr. Brenan was born in 1774, and. according to his
own account, was left, with other orphan brothers
and sisters, to the care of a mother who was bribed by
an attorney, of the name of Robert Cornwall, to be
allowed to make away (for his costs) with the paternal
property, which consisted of part of the town of
Carlow. The Castle Hill, and the ancient (once royal)
Castle of Carlow itself — where for many ages was kept
a Second Court of Exchequer in Ireland — formed part
of their estate. Under the Castle is the Bridge over
the Barrow. In two minutes one is in the Queen's
County, near the cradle of the Brennans. The Castle
Hill and the whole estate was an island, as it were,
formed by the Barrow and the Barrin, let for buildings
on leases to expire in four years. Cornwall was
employed to get in a debt due to the estate, and ran
up a Bill of Costs to £200, and brought the estate to
1 Dr. Joseph Burke. He and his family deeply felt {and still feel) the
imputation ; probably causeless.
148 Enmity to Robert Cornwall Attorney, and Watty Cox.
a sale, and had it sold, says Dr. Brenan, to a nominee
of his own for £300, being then (with the " Tobacco
Meadows," consisting of nine plantation acres of build-
ing ground,) worth £10,000. All this is set forth in
Dr. Brenan's letters to Lord Manners in the May
number of " The Milesian Magazine " of the year
1812, Lord Manners being just then appointed Chan-
cellor of Ireland.
The Magazine had only been established in the pre-
vious month. It commenced with an attack on Watty
Cox of the " Union (or United Irish) Star," which had
etchings of Yeomen flogging Irish peasants in '98,
ravishing women, burning cabins, with Lieutenant
Jack Hepenstal, of Yeomanry fame, who " was him-
self judge, jury, gallows and all." He was so tall and
strong that, throwing the noose round the Croppy's
neck and the rope over his shoulders, he hanged, or
half hanged, his victim as he marched on. Dr.
Brenan signalised " The Union Star " as the " Murder
Gazette," for its marking out men for assassination.
The frontispiece to the first or April number of " The
Milesian Magazine," in 1812, is entitled Sidus Coxi-
cum (or the Cox Constellation), and represents the
head of Watty Cox in the sky, with the motto " Occi-
dit que legendo " (the reading of it, causes murder).
Showers of daggers are seen falling like meteors on
the victims below on earth, amongst them Major Sirr,
noted for arresting Lord Ed ward Fitzgerald (by Watty
Cox's aid, as Brenan alleged), Dr. Troy (Eoman
Catholic Archbishop of Dublin), Arthur Guinness the
brewer. "Freemasons (continues Dr. Brenan's ex-
planation of the plate) bleed in every pore. Black
masons are stabbed through the neck, Eed through
Dr. Brenaris attack on the Catholic Committee. 149
the heart, and Blue through the lungs. Dr. Troy
stands upon the Cross and Missal, and meets Cox's
dagger officially, or as a Koman Catholic Bishop, for
the crime of going to the place where Watty Cox was
armourer, spy, and eavesdropper, viz., the Castle.
Kobert Emmet receives a posthumous dagger on the
gallows, which alludes (according to Dr. Brenan) to
Watty's pamphlet (A.D. 1803) in defence of Watty's
old friend, Major Sirr, against Emerson's claim to the
reward for taking Captain Kussell Judge
Bladderchops, he continues, is hit a cheval (riding) ;
Sartgee, the Hottentot Venus, is there, and Dr.
Drumsnuffle, adds Dr. Brenan, to show that consum-
mate beauty in one sex and consummate stupidity in
the other, are not exempt from the assaults of a man
bent on blood and politics like c The Union Star' Man.
As Dr. Brenan's talent for satire developed itself,
he thought it necessary to take up some position of a
patriotic kind, and he chose that of an Anti-Veto Man
— that is to say, to oppose the Veto on the appoint-
ment of Irish Bishops, which the English Government
sought for by underhand arrangement with the Pope.
The politics of Ireland were, at that time, in the
hands of the Catholic Committee, consisting, as of old,
of certain of the ancient Catholic aristocracy of Ire-
land, of English race, as the Earl of Fingal, Viscount
Netterville, Major Bryan, Jenkinstown, in the County
of Kilkenny, commonly called (for his importance and
by way of caricature) King of the Romans, and some
barristers of talent and political capacity, as Daniel
O'Connell, Denys Scully (author of the work called
the Penal Laws affecting the Irish Catholics after the
concessions made in 1793), Mr Fin, a kinsman or
150
Ridicule of the Catholic Committee.
nexion of O'Connell's ; and many others. The
Catholic Committee were in favour of the Veto, as
they hoped, if this concession was made, they should
get at once into Parliament, and a free career be opened
to their talents. Amongst the Veto Men were " Nine
consenting Prelates, Who'd make us spiritual helots.''
The Catholic Committee were engaged in selecting the
members of a deputation to send to London with their
petition for the removal of the Duke of Richmond*
when they were informed by a public letter of the
Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant, Wellesley-
Pole (called always Poole), brother of Lord Welling-
ton, afterwards the celebrated Waterloo Duke, that
they were contravening the provisions of the Conven-
tion Act — in other words, making the proposed Depu-
tation representative.
In the first number of " The Milesian Magazine "
appeared " The Major's Petition ; a new play, per-
formed at the Little Theatre, Capel-street, with un-
bounded applause."
" Barny, Barny, buck or doe ! " (begins Dr. Brenan's
lampoon).
" Barny, Barny, buck or doe,
Who shall with the petition go ?
Who shall carry the rebuke
Of the Papists 'gainst the Dukel
Who shall tell our gracious Prince
That he makes religion wince 1
That he keeps a knave and fool,
And his name.is Wellesley Pole,
That writes saucy, scoundrel letters
To the Papists for his betters ]
That this country badly thrives
While its Viceroy plays at Fives ;
Lords Fingal, Southivell, and Netterville decline. 151
And a grievance full as great is,
He drinks punch and eats potatoes?
Answer, quickly, as I call,
What say you, my Lord Fingal 1
LORD FINGAL :
Once it stood a standing rule
To insult me as a fool.
Passiveness, I find, is bad ;
Now, you use me like one mad.
What ! Scout Viceroys for a Major,
Because Viceroys make a guager.1
Take the reason I won't go :
There's a corn upon my toe !
Barny, Barny, buck or doe,
Who shall with the petition go ?
Come, Lord Southwell, what say you 1
LORD SOUTHWELL :
One word is quite as good as two.
I see every disposition
Not to go with your petition.
Barny, Barny, buck or doe,
My Lord Netterville will go ?
LORD NETTERVILLE :
I was very sick before ;
Your petition makes me more.
Sick and sore, and much afraid
That a foolish game you played,
When you made out this petition,
Which I'll touch, — on no condition.
Barny, Barny, buck, or doe,
Who shall with the petition go?
Come, Lord Gormanston, and say
Will you with it post away 1
1 This all udes to the appointment of John Gifford, Esq. , to a place in the
Customs Department — a man who had supported Cruelty Camden, said Dr.
Brenan, and " free quarters" and opposed "Croppy Corney," as Earl Corn-
wallis was called in 1798, like Clemency Canning, in the Indian Mutiny of
1857, for his humanity.
152 Lord Gormanston, Killeen, and Kenmare also.
LORD GORMANSTON:
All petitions against Kings,
Or Vicegerents, are bad things.
Bankrupts such petitions bear
Much more safely than a peer.
If there's none in your Committee,
They are plenty in the city.
Your petition, I won't bear it,
And I counsel you to tear it.
Barny, Barny, buck or doe,
Who shall with the petition go 1
By your answer 'twill be seen.
What say you, my Lord Killeen 1
LORD KILLEEN :
If my father goes, I'll go ;
But the corn that's on his toe
Makes me think there's little chance
That he'll lead the Major's dance.
But if he bears the petition,
I'm your post-boy with submission.
Barny, Barny, buck or doe,
Who shall with the petition go ?
Will you go, my Lord Kenmare 1
LORD KENMARE :
For God's sake, my feelings spare !
The devouring Viceroy-Dukes
May suit statesmen who give pukes,
Gambling politicians, Majors ;
Briefless lawyers, fit for guagers ;
Upstarts— obscure jack-a-napes —
Who have bailiffs at their capes.
Such employments ill accord
With a gentleman or lord.
The task you offer I resent
As both mad and impudent.
Barny, Barny, buck or doe,
Who shall with the petition go 1
We cannot, sure, be at a loss
When we find out Castleross.
Lords Castleross, Ffrench, and others. 153
Say, great son of Lord Kenmare,
Will you the petition bear ?
LORD CASTLEROSS.
Never did I, since you knew me,
Feel such honour as you do me,
When you place me in this station ;
And, believe my declaration,
As I hope to meet salvation,
The cause of my renunciation
Is want of health and inclination.
LORD FFRENCH :
I declare, upon my conscience,
On the matter, I've but one sense,
Though there's things in the petition
Of which I would wish omission.
What I mean is the rebuke
Against Pole and 'gainst the Duke.
But if you bid me break their nose
My act should ne'er your will oppose ;
And, though by it my life I lost,
You'd find me duteous at my post ;
And up to Dublin I would trot,
And off I'd be like pistol shot
To bring the Major's fine petition,
To which I bow with great submission.
But now, alas ! I can't stir out,
Because I've got a flying gout.
Will you go, Sir Pat O'Connor 1
SIR PAT:
Not a foot upon my honour.
Barny, Barny, buck or doe,
Who shall with the petition go ?
Every one cries No, No, No !
Billy Murphy tell your reason.
BILLY MURPHY :
This is now the slaughtering season.
What do you say, Mr. Blake 1
MR. BLAKE :
I have got a belly-ache.
154 Jack Lawless Sir Thomas Esmonde, &c-> refuse.
Pray, what say you, Mr. Brown ?
MR. BROWN:
Business keeps me out of town.
Jack-an-Apes-Squintum, what say you 1
JACK SQUINTUM : *
My clothes are old ; I can't buy new.
Sir Thomas Esmonde, you agree 1
SIR THOMAS :
Tell me first my company ;
If the characters are fair
Gladly I'll your message bear.
I shall ralue or despise it,
As I see the men who prize it.
Mr. Costigan, Colonel Burke, Mr. Owen O'Connor,
Mr. Roche, Mr. Belle w, General Farrell, Sir Thomas
Burke — all decline, and the rhymer concludes thus :
THE MAJOR :
To oppression e'er a foe,
I'll with my petition go.
Oh, how I do feel indignant
At the impudence malignant
Of a Viceroy's Secretary —
A mean hunch-backed crooked fairy ;
A vile crack-brained, stupid, vaunting,
Foppish, impotent, gallanting
Jack-a-dandy, who durst write
Letters, casting scorn and spite
On the Catholic Committee,
Full of men both wise and witty :
Liberal men, with proper feeling,
Ne'er to priests, like bigots, kneeling ;
But who feel like men on matters :
Scorn the anti-veto praters,
1 This was John Lawless ; a broad-shouldered fellow, with good bro w
and forehead, always putting up his glass to his eye. Wrote a History of
Ireland ; was a henchman of O'Connell's.
Charges of the Catholic Committee. 155
And care not about low or high day,
Whether Christmas or good Friday.
Each should feel it much behooves him
To pray the Regent to remove him.
I will go, without delay,
Though behind the rest may stay.
The charges against the Duke of Richmond, Lord
Lieutenant, and Wellesley Pole, his Secretary, were —
that Wellesley Pole informed the Catholic Committee,
by a public letter, that the scheme of adding to the
Committee ten members (representatives, as some called
themselves,) from each county 3 was a breach of the
Convention Act.
Then came the making of Dr. Patrick Duigenan
(Vicar-General of so many dioceses, and a kind of
Protestant Pope), a Privy Councillor ; and the promot-
ing of Mr. Gifford, the " Dog in Office," as he was
nicknamed, to a place in the Customs.1 But these
two men, said Dr. Brenan, could not do as much harm
as Major Bryan, who, at Kilkenny, exerted himself for
the Veto — " that infernal machine against the National
faith, opposed by the clergy and the nation."
The Duke of Eichmond, said Dr. Brenan, discoun-
jnanced the Orange parades round King William's
tatue in College Green, and though Mr. O'ConneU
charged the Duke with passing his time between the
racket-court and whisky-punch-drinking, it no more
icapacitated him than the unwieldy elegance of a
>rotuberant belly improved Mr. O'Connell.
1 Dr. Patrick Duigenan, LL.D. (the flight Hon.), married the widow
[epenstal, mother of the Walking-Gallows, and of two fine young heifers
lat Dr. Duigenan was proud of riding with in the Phoanix Park. Mrs,
Hepenstal dwelt at Sandymount Green. I well remember her daughters,
unmarried and old when I saw them. Jack Hepenstal dwelt, in later years,
in Stephen's Green, and had a rope ladder in the rere of his dwelling to
scape by. He feared assassination.
156 The Talla* Hill talk of the Committee.
The Duke's athletics, said Dr. B., had one good effect
at all events, viz.: that it freed the Duke and Dr.
Brenan himself from having insults cast on them at a
nearer distance than Talla' Hill (a hill five miles south
of Dublin), whence a man insulted in the streets
once challenged his opponent. Thenceforth a cowardly
boaster's threats were known as " Talla' Hill talk."
Counsellor Leather -skull Jackanapes Finn (a con-
nexion of O'Connell's") had called Mr. Pole a coward;
out a brother of Lord Wellington's was not afraid to
fight, said Dr. Brenan.
O'Connell and Finn called Wellesley Pole ugly.
He had not (no doubt) the intrepidity of face (said
Dr. Brenan) so admired in Mr. Finn, nor the
sweet Munster smile " Caed Mille Failtha," of Kerry,
which ennobled the face of Mr. O'Connell.
But all said that knew Mr. Wellesley Pole (as all
said of Mr. Finn)
" His heart keeps the promise you got from his face."
" If any Catholic in Ireland (says Dr. Brenan in
conclusion), has a right to complain, I am the man.
Till God sent me a property the other day, I should
have been liable to the charge of not having a stake
in the country.
" I am the head (he continued) of the valiant family
of O'Brenan, and Prince of Edough, a family thi
never had a Protestant in it, or a Veto-man, or a
trimmer. The Earl of Stratford, Lord Lieutenant oi
Ireland, robbed us to enrich his cousin, Sir Christophei
Wandesford, and cast us out bare on the wide
world.
Dr. Brenan alone manfully opposes the Veto. 157
" In spite of successive plunderings we prospered.
Never did we want an estate, and we are connected
with the best Catholic blood in Ireland.
" When I see those whose ancestors were digging
potatoes when my family were losing principalities, —
when I see such men petitioning for the removal of
Viceroys and disturbing a nation, I cannot but say ye
are too hot, — and I fear the Prince Kegent may say
the same, and perhaps put us all upon a more cooling
regimen."
Dr. Brenan describes Dr. Drumsnuffle's Pulvis Elo-
quentice, or, Orators' Snuff, that enlivened the fancy
and irradiated the faculties ; and his Veto Pills, that
had been used by Dr. Milner and the ablest Veto
Theologians. It was a medicine recommended to the
Catholic bishops that insulted the Veto proposal as
madness, and a gross imposition on Catholicity.
In a sale of pictures in May, 1812, " No. XII. The
Storming of Fort Veto by General Milner (the Rev.
Dr. Milner of Winchester), is a grand descriptive
piece ; the likenesses of the Great Veto Champions
are preserved (with much flattery). Major Bryan,
Counsellors O'Connell, O'Gorman, Fin, Ned Hay
(Secretary to the Catholic Committee), Denis Cassin,
Tom Finn the currier, have justice done, to their dis-
comfiture and noses."
In Dr. Brenan's " Address to the Eoman Catholic
Christians of Ireland" (in the Magazine for June,
1812), he says: "I have the consolation to say that I
was the only man in Ireland that opposed the Veto
manfully. I say I opposed it manfully, — the others in
the abstract : I opposed the men and the measure. I
made the upstart, who would mend Church discipline,
158 Rhymes against the Veto.
recollect his grandfather that was mending shoes: and
the consequence was, that were I not The Wrestling
Doctor, and better known to the mob of Dublin than
most men that Dublin ever saw, the labours of Cox,
Fin, Fitzpatrick, Keelin, and Drumsnufflle would have
caused the dogs of Dublin to have lapped my blood."
He launches (in December, 1814) into these rhymes
against the Veto, to the tune of " Drops of Brandy :" —
The Ascendancy men got a hope
That they'd settle d— d Popery's fate, 0,
Could they make our old Sovereign Pope
By the magical term of the Veto.
For they said, though we cannot complain
That they make great men bishops of late, 0,
Still a Coppinger1 may come again,
And we'll lay him aside by the Veto.
When we once get the negative royal,
Each man who has brains we'll say nay to,
And we'll pick out the stupid and loyal,
And mitre them up with the Veto.
Mr. Wickham,2 a politic viper,
Gave seven old bishops a treat, 0,
Dr. Troy got as drunk as a piper,
And swore that he'd give up the Veto.
But when he grew sober next morn,
And heard the fine things he said yea to,
He swore he'd in pieces be torn,
And be d — d ere he gave up the Veto.
1 Dr. Coppinger was Bishop of Cloyne in 1798. He was informed by a
Catholic Soldier that the Orangemen intended to murder him. But, after
inquiry, he disbelieved the story. The authorities then arrested Dr. Cop-
pinger, to make him disclose the soldier's name, but he stedfastly refused.
— Canon Keller, P.P., interviewed on his release from Kilmainham. Free-
man's Journal, Monday, May 23rd, 1887.
2 Chief Secretary for Ireland.
Report that O'Connell had been killed in a Duel. 159
Among the Veto Men satirized was Daniel O'Con-
nell. He was the Kerry Atticus, Counsellor Round-
about from Kerry ! " In April, 1812 (writes Dr. Bre-
nan), the city received a shock during the last week
never before felt in Dublin. And, oh Heavens ! we
learned at once that Counsellor O'Connell was shot in
a duel ! "
" To use a newspaper phrase, the eifect is easier
imagined than described.
" The painter of Babylon in ruins — of Jeremy lament-
ing5 — of Rachel weeping for the loss of her children
who would not be comforted, — could not do the
picture justice. This young Veto and Anti-Union
Marcellus sinking under his Aspera fata, stretched a
beauteous corpse on the couch of honour down in
Tralee, the native city of Teddy Foley .... Dr.
Drumsnuffle is said to have wept bitterly, as he knew
what it was to be killed in a duel from experience . . .
Ned Hay1 bought a suit of black off the first peg in
Plunket Street, the old clothes market, and went to
Dr. Troy, Catholic Archbishop of Dublin, to have an
4 Office ' for him, and to request that Liffey Street
Chapel should be open to receive the corpse. This
being refused, as unfit for a suicide and homicide com-
bined, provoked Count Naso,2 and he was rude, and
spoke some unintelligible threats through the ruins of
his nose.
"The people of Merrion Square,3 seeing the crowds
gathering, posted guards at each corner. Several
1 Secretary to the Catholic Committee.
2 " Naso," in Latin means a nose.
3 O'Connell dwelt on the south side of the Square, three doors westward
of the corner of Lower Fitzwilliam Street, where Dr. Kidd now dwells.
160 0' Council's Harold's Cross Speech.
Catholic ladies miscarried at the fright . . . Bladder-
chops was heard to say, that since he left the Bar for
the Bench, there never was such a man for uncommon
talents as O'Connell. Dr. Troy said, that was it not
for a bias he (O'Connell) had to Unitarianism, he
would consider him a saint. All the ladies said, that
was it not for the big belly he got latterly they could
embrace him as the Catholic champion. When lo!
an attorney's clerk arrives from Kerry, and announces
that Counsellor O'Connell is still alive and in perfect
speech-making condition, and that he would soon be in
Dublin and make a speech that would contain the old
matter that ferments the mob and ferments every one
of all his famous speeches.
" In February, 1817 (said Dr. Brenan), the Catholic
Board felt (on the occasion of the treasonable Spa-
fields riot in London), humbled, but not vanquished.
And, not to be outdone, Mr. O'Connell and Mr.
Scully, and Barny Coyle, called a meeting at Harold's
Cross. Mr. O'Connell rose and smiled — a revolu-
tionary smile — that won the hearts of the people. He
spoke of poor Ireland and all about her. He spoke
about the Catholic religion, — which he loved because
it was Irish, — and the harbour of Dunleary, — and
the Princess of Wales, — and the rise in the price of
Congou tea, — he spoke of the ballad singers and the
battle of Waterloo, and he added five thousand new
grievances to the thirty-five thousand he manufactured
formerly. The Counsellor exhorted them to modera-
tion in eating and drinking, and in the expression of
their feelings under the horrible government which
loaded himself and his children with the chains of
slavery. He sat down amidst thunders of applause
Portrait in rhyme of O'Connell. 161
and cries of "O'Connell for ever" — O'ConnelPs in-
dustry at his profession was great. He rose before
day.
In a poetical review of the Irish Bar, Dr. Brenan
says : —
0 you, whose soft soul may detain you a-raking,
Who have spent your whole night some fool's good cheer par-
taking,
If, on your return, you pass Merrion-square,
About five in the morning, you'll certainly stare,
Seeing light in a window and none in its neighbour,
And you'll cry, " Here's some wake or some woman in labour ! "
Although no way curious, both you and your friend
Will climb on the rails, or the steps will ascend,
And there, falling short, you will rise on your pattens,
And you'll cry, " 'Tis a Popish priest saying his matins ! "
A fine man in person, with belly so round
That you'll think 'tis some great learned bishop you've found.
But, so comely and tall, he can't be Dr. Troy,
But a man quite the model of Father Molloy ;
Which thought makes you stretch to see, if you're able,
To find is a girl hid under the table !
Then a crucifix strikes you,1 on which fixed in thought are
His laughing blue eyes ; 2 and the blest holy water,
And scapular by it, decide you, at least,
That he must be some sanctified orthodox priest ;
And the face, that so typifies apple potato,3
Proclaims him an Irish priest not for' the Veto ;
But, in turning about : Heavens ! what are you finding 1
All hell's vile artillery — law books in binding,
And law books in leaves with blue covers, and sheets ;
And vile law your vision in every shape meets.
1 O'Connell had a large crucifix, so placed that it could be seen hanging
in his study from the outside of the house.
a One of the characteristic features of O'Connell.
3 The "Rosy Apple " potato, of Balrothery, County Dublin, was the
choicest potato of Dublin fifty years ago.
L
162 O'ConnelVs sport and bluster at the Four Courts.
Oh ! the guile of the heart, like the guile of the face,
an sanctify men without honour or grace !
Thus, you'll talk to yourself, and, perchance, the next day,
You espy your law crucifix, caravat-prig,
,Whom you scarce recognise in a gown and a wig.
You follow him~mto the different courts ;
In the Pleas, like its chief or " Joe Miller," he sports
He, in Chancery, blarnies, and in Regis Banco x
He plays to Law's Quixote the Sycophant Sancho;
In the Rolls, with MacMahon,2 wise, sage, and demure,
He leaves all his roisterings outside the door ;
Nor into the Exchequer brings bluster and vapours,
Where O'Grady cuts up all fine cutters of capers. *
Go here or go there — you can't be at a loss —
To Donny brook, Biding House, or Harold's Cross.
There he weeps as sincerely, as lately he laughed,
For Erin, unspurred, fighting England when gaffed.*
You retire, and, next[morning, you'll pass Merrion-square,
And you'll look where the light is : The crucifix there
You espy ; and espy, in the very same place,
The^man who was there Twith the belly and face.
And 'tis now you are sorry his name you don't know,
And to remedy this to the watchman you go.5
" Watch ! " you say, " Who is he I see every night
At his prayers — at his business — beyond at the light ? "
The watchman will tell you : " Though here is my station —
A poor, common watchman, — that man's my relation ;
My true born cousin, by^the mother's side —
Of Munster the glory — of Kerry the pride.
I'll never deny it wherever I go,
Dan Council's my name, but Dan takes the big O.
1 Latin for King's Bench.
2 Sir William MacMahon, Bart., Master of the Rolls.
3 Chief Baron O'Grady, of most caustic wit.
4 Game cocks, armed for the fight, were spurred or " gaffed " with sharp
* The watchmen of Dublin were clad in frieze great coats, carried short
half pikes, and a lanthorn. They cried the hours of the night and state of
the weather : "Half-past twelve, and a starlight night."
Portrait of Daniel O'Connell. 163
We were reared both for clergy, but changed from that trade ;
He went to the lawyers,1 and I to the spade."
" Past four ! " cried the watchman : " You start, 'tis so late."
The Councillor's tall, and he's big to be sure ;
As in Kerry they say " He's the full of a door.''
But indeed, to be sure, as for walking the street,
He's a flaughoolagh 2 body to follow or meet —
To see such congenial prapeen 8 all about him,
For a true-hearted Irishman no one can doubt him.
His looks — nothing cringing — no meanness betray,
But he's all faugh- a-baUagh — " Keep out of the way ! "
And, following him, he delights each beholder,
The umbrella thrown manfully over his shoulder
Like a pike. He reminds us of old days of glory,
When bold Father Murphy thus marched into Gorey.
He's the wonderful Scapin 4 whose numerous feats
Enthrone him the prince of political cheats.
Indeed, in the summer they call Ninety-Eight,
When labourers were few and the harvest was great,
The reaper of laurels appeared rather fickle,
For when reaping set in he retired with his sickle,
And on his estate, in the rocks near Tralee,
Wooed the nymph of his soul whom he calls Liberty.
In those days as in these, he was not very stirring,
But left all his work to M'Nally and Curran.
"When Emmet rose in Eighteen Hundred and Three,
Then no prettier Yeoman in Dublin you'd see.
This Philistine Goliath, in King's regimentals,
Astonished the Jews and confounded the Gentiles ;
1 O'Connell was educated at St. Omer for the Church, and has told how,
as he and other young students walked the halls and cloisters there, they
caught (or were caught by) the Revolutionary fire of tha times in France
But he afterwards asksd pardon of God for this wickedness.
* "Flaughoolagh" is princely, open-hearted, or generous,
3 " Prapeen," ragamuffins]
* The Varlet in " The Barber [of Seville " who makes a tool and fool of
his Master.
164 Portrait of Daniel 0' Council Concluded.
And at drill in the ranks, the Orangemen callous
Admired Munster Sinon * was not on the gallows.*
1 Sinon was the Greek who got into the belly of the Grecian horse of
wood, and the horse being received into Troy, Sinon opened the city gates
and let in the Greeks.
* This is a perfect portrait and biography for so much of O'Connell. I
speak from having seen him and watched him during the last twenty years
of his life.
CHAPTER III.
DR. BRENAN AND THE DUBLIN DOCTORS.
"TiiE Milesian Magazine' 'is over-stocked withlampoons
of the medical practitioners of Dublin. In a catalogue
of the sale of Dr. Drumsnuffle's books we read as
follows : " No. II. — His state of quackery all over
the globe, and his review of psycho-chirurgical and
pharmaceutical pretenders at present in the city of
Dublin — cum notis variorum." " This last work of
Dr. Drumsnuffle's," says Dr. Brenan, " is a poetic
effusion of much malice and not a little wit. Dr.
Drumsnuffle takes the doctors alphabetically
The plan, however," adds Dr. Brenan, " is not original,
but borrowed from the poem in the ' Child's Play-
thing.' It is entitled, 'A Review of the Dublin
Doctors/
' A was an archer that shot at a frog.
B was a butcher,' &c.
" The first character he introduces," continues Dr.
Brenan, " is Dr. A., who, on the trial of Mr. Whaley,
swore very serviceably, which Doctor D. seems to
.consider in an unfavourable light. We shall give his
epigram, as we may call it." (It need hardly be said
that the poetry and all are Dr. Brenan's own) —
' A was Archer — a Doctor of singular skill —
He saved but one life, when he swallowed a pill.
His patient, a man of high consequence really,1
The Kill-coachee son of old Burn-chapel Whaley.
1 The old fashioned pronunciation of this word in Ireland rhymes
perfectly with Whaley.
1G6 The Whaley Family.
His disease, would you know, \vithout jesting or joking,
Was Cynanche legalis, that kills men by choking.1
And such was the pill which he swallowed whole as,
Would be unto Jemmy O'Brien a bolus.
The Whaleys owned great estates in the counties
of Galway, Wicklow, Armagh, and Dublin, derived
from the Cromwellian Era.2
Cornet Eichard Whaley. founder of the Whaley
family, was grandson to Edward Whaley the Regicide,
a first cousin of Oliver Cromwell's, who only escaped
1 Cynanche (pronounced Kynanche) is Quinsy. Cynanche legalis, is death
by hanging for murder, alluding to Colonel William Whaley being tried
for the murder of James Purcell, the hackney coachman. The pill must
have reference to Dr. Archer's evidence in favour of Colonel William
Whaley, which, Dr. Brenan suggests, would hardly have been dared
to be given by Jemmy O'Brien. Jemmy O'Brien was one of the
Informers of '98, called by Curraii the battalion of testimony, and was him-
self at length hanged. The government could make no use of Jemmy
O'Brien's evidence after Curran's cross-examination of him in 1798. But he
was still kept by Major Sirr as a spy. In 1800 there was a football match
in a walled field at Kilmainham. The Major, taking Jemmy O'Brien and a
body of soldiers with him, bade O'Brien stay with some soldiers at one gate
while he went with others to a second gate. O'Brien got over the wall
instead. The people cried out, " O'Brien the informer," and ran, all but a
poor, decrepit man that O'Brien stabbed to the heart with a dagger. For
this he was hanged. When the wretched Jemmy O'Brien was about to be
executed he exhibited the greatest terror, and lingered at his devotions to
thus protract his life for a few minutes. "Tom Galvin," the hangman, who
was always impatient of any delay by his victims, called out at the cell
door so as to be heard by O'Brien and all the bystanders — "Mr. O'Brien,
jewel ! Long life to you ! Make haste wid' your prayers — the people's
getting tirtd waiting so long under de swing-swong."
" Ireland Sixty Years Ago." M'Glashan. Dublin, 1847. Re-issued by
M. H. Gill & Son, Dublin, under the title of " Ireland Ninety Years Ago,"
n 1885. Both Works 12mo.
Jemmy O'Brien's appearance on the scaffold was hailed with a shout of
savage exultation by the mob.
2 See two very interesting genealogical papers by W. F. Littledale, Esq.,
Solicitor, of "The Cottage," Whaley Abbey, Rathdrum, Co. Wicklow, in
" Notes and Queries," in No. 78, June 26, 1869 ; and No. 128, 10th
June, 1576.
History of the Whaleys. 167
the dreadful death awarded to traitors by flying to
America, where he died after seven years of hardship,
hiding in woods and caves.
Edward \Yhaley the regicide had a brother Henry
Whaley. He sat as Member of Parliament for Peebles-
shire and Selkirkshire in Cromwell's United Parlia-
ment at Westminster. He came over to Ireland, and
as an Adventurer got lands in the County of Gal way,
and was made Judge Advocate General of the Army
in Ireland. He became a zealous Royalist, and in the
Convention of February, 1660, moved the resolution
for recalling the King. He sat in the Irish Parliament
for Athenry. He lost lands to the value of £20,000
restored to the Earl of Clanricarde; and at the dissolu-
tion in 1666, was recommended by Parliament to the
care of the Duke of Ormonde for his services in the
Convention and his losses, as appears by the Duke's
letter of 15th August, 1666, to the Commissioners of
the Court of Claims.1
Henry's only son, John Whaley, married Susanna,
daughter (as appears by her Petition) of the principal
dry nurse to the King and to four more of his Ma-
jesty's brothers and sisters. A Bill for his compensa-
tion (she says) was prepared, but never passed,
because of the dissolution. As there were two Bonds
of £200 each due by her husband in the Exchequer,
she prayed the King to relieve him as he was unable
to discharge them, which Ormonde, on being referred
to, recommended.2
Cornet Richard Whaley married the daughter of
Richard Chappel of Armagh, whence the name of
1 C. P. cxliv. 88. See also Lord Mountmorres's History of the Irish
Parliament from 1634 to 1660, Vol. 2, p. 159.
a Petition of Susanna Whaley, \vith Ormonde's note pursuant to H. M.'a
reference of 23rd September, 1668. C. P. clx. 14.
168 Buck Whaley, Son of Burn-chapel Whaley.
Chappel Whaley. Richard Whaley had a son by
Elizabeth Chappel called Richard Chappel, after
himself, who married his cousin Susanna Whaley,
and this last-named pair were parents of Thomas
(the celebrated " Buck Whaley ") and of Colonel
William Whaley, his youngest brother, called " Kill-
coachee " in Dr. Brenan's rhymes. It was " Buck
Whaley" that for abet of £20,000 or £30,000 undertook
to walk from Dublin to Jerusalem and back within the
year. He must have set out in 1788, for there is an ex-
tract from a letter from Smyrna, of December 2, 1788,
saying: — "I have seen Mr. Whaley, Mr. Moore of the
18th Regt. of Foot, and Mr. Wilson. They are going
to Jerusalem to decide a bet of £30,000 which Mr.
Whaley has laid with the Duke of Leinster, Lord
Drogheda, and some others."1
"On Saturday the 6th of July, 1789, his presence
in London is noted in the ' Gentleman's Magazine ;'
and, in the same work, his return to Dublin on 26th
of July in the same year is recorded, and his winning
of his bet.
"The writer mentions that Richard Chappel
Whaley, the 'Buck's ' father, was active as a Magistrate
in Ireland during the Scotch Rebellion of 1745, and
fired a shot one day that set fire to the thatch of a
Roman Catholic Chapel, and the people of the
neighbourhood nick-named him from this circumstance
'Burn-chapel Whaley.7
" His youngest sou, Colonel William, got the name
of ' Kill-coachee ' from the following circumstance : —
On the 18th of May, 1791, he hired a hackney coach
to drive him from the Rotunda to his house in
Denzille Street, and paid James Purcell, the owner and
1 " Universal Magazine" for May, 1789.
Kill-coachee Whaley. 169
driver, Is. 7^d., his fare ; but Purcell pretended to
think the money bad, and Colonel Whaley took it back,
went in, and shut the hall-door. Purcell thereupon
kept knocking, and Whaley told him to begone, and
then came down and with a knotted stick beat him,
and charged him on the police, though Purcell said,
4 After what you have given me, you might let me go
home with my coach.' He died that day week. Dr.
Clement Archer, who examined the corps e lying on
straw in Purcell's lodgings in New Street (off the
•Coombe), found head, lungs, and kidneys, without
marks of beating, and believed James Purcell died of
putrid fever, then rife in the neighbourhood. To
examine the body he had to take off as many waist-
coats as the grave-diggers in the Play of Hamlet. The
Jury in three minutes acquitted Whaley.1
"It was the 'Buck's' father who in 1754 built
Whaley House on the South side of Stephen's Green.
It is of Cut stone with Portico, the Portico on a high
flight of stone steps, and on the entablature a Sleeping
Lion.
41 It is said that the ' Buck ' betted he would leap out
of the window over the Lion and a carriage standing
at the door. He did so. But in spite of a feather
bed laid beyond the carriage broke his leg. Some
say it was from the window of Daly's Club House in
College Green he leaped.
u Colonel William Whaley was one of the Prince
Regent's pals. In 1803 he went to France, and was
there detained among other ' Detenus ' by the First
Napoleon. He was imprisoned first in the prison of
1 " Dublin Chronicle." October, 1791.
170 Mrs. Farrell the Coffin-maker, and Dr. Mills.
L'Abbaye at Paris, afterwards at Verdun and the
fortress of Bitche, and was not released until 1814 on
the fall of Napoleon . He died at Whaley Abbey,
near Kathdrum, Co. Wicklow, 26th March, 1843"
(Information by W. F. Littledale, May, 1887).
In " The Milesian Magazine," for 1825, under the
head "Medical Intelligence," Dr. B. satirizes Dr. Litton,
Dr. "Whisky" Bredon, Dr. Beattie, Dr. Percival, Dr.
Stoker (whose real name, according to Brenan, was
Stroker, and who was tried before Judge Bladderchops
for dropping the "r"for a very peculiar reason), and
Surgeon -General Crampton.
Dr. Brenan has the following satirical remarks on
the medical practice of that day : —
<c The croton oil is doing wonders for Mrs. Farrelly
the coffin-woman in Cook-street. Paddy K coney's
death,1 she said, had ruined her family ; and prussic
acid was only tried seventy times by the young and
old doctors when it was cried down. ' What/ says
Mrs. Farrell, c is seventy lousy coffins to what I made
of Mills2 by bleeding in fevers? May Heaven be
Dr. Mills' bed when he dies a Papist (as I'm told the
Eanelagh nuns and Prince Hohenlohe pray and say he
will). I'm sure I'd be ungrateful if I begrudged him
the best coffin in the shop. Long life to you Dr.
Mills ; but I'll bury you like a friend and a gentleman
whenever you die ! Long life to you, but I'll cover
your coffin with angels in real block tin !
"The late Mrs. Corbally, of prussic acid memory, was
a woman greatly afraid of a lingering death. She made
a ' Novena,' that is a prayer of sixteen hours a day on
1 One of the Dublin doctors.
2 A Protestant physician.
Prince Hohenloe and Mrs. Corbally. 171
her bare knees, and fasted from milk in her tea and
from windows cut on her bread and butter. She sent
a fee of two hogs,1 as a German, to Prince Hohenlohe,
requesting his advice upon the shortest mode of going
soon and suddenly to heaven. His letter ran thus in
autograph, which is framed and glazed in E anelagh
Nunnery2: —
Si regnum cceli
Yult adire Corbeeli.
Cito adsit princeps
Medicorum ; deinceps
Huic est medicamen
Maloruna levamen.
" Her confessor, Father Dandy Henery, told her the
' prince of doctors ' was Crampton, the SurgeonBarber ;
and the dandy translated this elegant Latin epistle in
the following manner : —
The holy Prince of Hohenlohe
Hereby doth let the lady know
That, if she gets the prussic acid,
He knows not what did e'er surpass it.
Most quickly she'll return to dust ;
If God don't have her the devil must.
But this point she'll feel no trouble in,
When Beelzebub knows she's from Dublin.
Without the passport of a sin
The devil must let the lady in.
If he refuses, let me know, —
Your humble servant, — HOHENLOHE.
In the year 1823, Prince Hohenlohe caused a com-
motion in the world by some extraordinary cures —
1 A " hog " was the slang word for a shilling.
* Ranelagh is a suburb of Dublin, on the South side.
172 Concerning Prince Hohenloe's Miracles.
miraculous, as \vas alleged by his supporters, amongst
whom may be accounted the celebrated " J. K. L.,"
or John Bishop of Kildare and Leighlin — no less
celebrated for his political writings than for his acute
investigation of pretended apostolic powers. Mr. W.
J. Fitzpatrick, in his " Life of the Right Rev. Dr.
Doyle,"1 says "the three ablest opponents whom
Doyle encountered were the Surgeon- General (Sir
Philip Crampton, Bart.), Baron Smith and Dr.
Cheyne."2 But so great was the controversy that,
in the Haliday Collection of pamphlets in the Royal
Irish Academy, there are four volumes of the year
1823, each containing a dozen pamphlets and more.3
To give the title of one — " A Pastoral Address and a
Correspondence between the Right Rev. Dr. Doyle,
Roman Catholic Bishop of Kildare and Leighlin, and
His Serene Highness the Rev. Prince Hohenlohe of
Bamber, on a most extraordinary miracle wrought by
His Highness on a young Lady in the Queen's County
who was dumb for several years. Dublin: M'Mullen
and Co., South George's Street, 1823. Price 5d."
Dr. Murray, Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin,
also issued a Pastoral on the miraculous cure of Mrs.
Mary Stuart, a Religieuse of the Convent of St.
Joseph, Ranelagh, with certificates of Dr. Mills, Dr.
Cheyne, Surgeon MacNamara, and the affidavits of
Mrs. Mary Stuart, Mrs. Ann Stuart, Catherine Hosey,
Mrs Margaret Dillon, Mrs. Margaret Lynch, the Rev.
John Meagher, and the Rev. Charles Stuart. Pub-
lished by Richard Coyne, Capel Street, Printer and
Publisher to the Royal College, Maynooth. 1823.
1 James Duffy, Wellington-quay, Dublin, 1861., 2 Vols. 8vo.
3 Ibid. I. 246.
3 The volumes are bound and are numbered 1267, 1268, 1269, 1270.
A Priest's trial for wearing a Protestant hat. 173
There is much humour in the reports of trials before
Judge Bladderchops — the doctor's very appropriate
name for Lord Norbury. He gives an etching of the
Court of Common Pleas, as frontispiece to the case of
"The Lying-in Hospital versus Dr. Brenan," in his
Magazine for December, 1813, with a likeness, as he
informs his readers, of the " Wrestling Doctor " (and
his big stick, he might have added,) and of Norbury,
of the wigged barristers, and of the jury. Some of
these " Reports " use too plain language for the taste of
the present day. In the Magazine for July. 1812, is
" The trial of John Gilmore, a Popish priest, for wear-
ing a Protestant hat contrary to His Majesty's Crown
an. -dignity, &c., &c."
Counsellor Slow, in his opening speech, said he felt
the weight of the present prosecution, as one that in-
volved their dearest rights — their religious immunities.
John Gilmore, a Popish Priest, had been apprehended
in the very act of wearing a Protestant hat through the
streets of Dublin and upon the King's highway. The
offence was made capital without benefit of clergy by
the 52nd of Henry VIII. , where it is enacted (con-
tinued Counsellor Slow) that any man professing the
Popish religion, who shall counterfeit the guise of a
Protestant shall suffer death without benefit of clergy.
[The trial proceeds] : —
Call Justice Drury,1 who is sworn. — Had informa-
tion against the prisoner, and arrested him.
1 Justice Drury halted in his gait, and hence was styled " Lame
Justice." On the occasion of Robert Emmet's insurrection, in 1803, he
retired for safety to his house in the Coombe, from whence, as Curran re-
marked, "he played with considerable effect on the rebels with a large
telescope."—'' Ireland Sixty Years Ago."
174* This Hat worn for Treasonable purposes.
Cross-examined by Mr. Beetle.
Pray, Mr. Drury, on what charge did you arrest the
prisoner ?
Drury — Upon the charge of wearing a Protestant
hat,
Beetle — What do you call a Protestant hat ?
Drury — I call any hat that I'm told is a Protest-
ant hat.
Beetle — Is that a Protestant hat (showing Counsel-
lor Slow's hat) ?
Drury — No, Sir. That I call a fooPs cap.
[Whoever the cap fits let him wear it,— -from the
Bench."]
Beetle — Mr. Drury : By virtue of your oath, d(taa HI
not believe that the prisoner at the bar wore thaf^ ,'t
believing it to be a genuine Eoman CathohV anfd
Apostolic hat ?
Drury — No, sir! No man could have w or if that
hat but for the basest purposes of High Treasoruimd
of overturning our happy Constitution.
Beetle — Mr. Drury, how much would you tfcue to
swear that hat is Lord Norbury's wig ?
Counsellor Slow — Don't answer the question ! It
is irrelevant ! I appeal to the Bench.
Beetle — Go down, Mr. Drury.
Dr. Paddy Paddereen sworn.
Had information from a priest that that fellow at
the bar was in the habit of wearing a Reformation or
Thirty-Nine Article hat ; felt it his duty to have him
arrested ; he owned he wore the hat as a Protestant
hat.
The « Cocks " of Clerical hats. 175
Cross-examined by Counsellor MLimpy.
Pray, doctor, did you hold out any hope or threat
to him when he owned it was a Protestant hat ?
A.— No.
Q. — Did he freely confess it was a Protestant hat ?
A.— Yes.
Q.— Pray, now, do you think if he was aware that
it was really a Protestant hat he would confess it ?
A.— I don't know what a blackguard Popish priest
would confess. I believe they would say or swear
anything.
Q. — Pray, doctor, have you examined the hat ?
A. — I have.
Q. — What is it that makes the difference in the
two hats ?
A. — The cock.
Q. — Then am I to understand that a Roman Catho-
lic 'Popish hat has a bigger cock or a smaller cock
-than a Protestant hat ?
A. — Sir, you seem to know nothing of the law of
cocks ! The hat, at the blessed Reformation, was
made the type and figure of the Head of the Church.
Henry the Eighth was figured as the top or head of
the body Ecclesiastic, or Church, by the hat ; and
the hat was made to typify still further the blessed
founder and royal author of our reformed faith by its
modelling or configuration. Each Protestant divine
was to stand up and show the faith that was in him by
the cock in his hat. It was then made felony for any
Popish priest to meddle with this article of religion,
and if any priest dared to cock his hat he was to do it
in private under pain of death.
176 When High Dignitaries wear web pantaloons !
Mr. Fin, the hatter.
Is a Protestant hat-maker ; knows the cock of
ecclesiastical hats, and the difference between a
bishop's, rector's, and curate's cock. Made the hat of
the prisoner at the bar, and sold it to him as a Pro-
testant hat with a dean's cock.
The Judge here summed up the evidence with his
usual perspicacity, says Dr. Brenan, and dwelt on the
smallest particle of the case. We cannot follow him
through the whole. But, in substance, the charge was
as follows : — " Gentlemen, — I need not deal with you,
as is the custom in ordinary cases, and with ordinary
men. Happy is the man that feels himself convicted
by such a set of men. It must console him to think
that if he was to go to the gallows he bore to it such a
passport as your verdict. The prisoner at the barr
from his extraordinary talents (for I hear that Billy
MacDonnell says he is a man of prodigious acquire-
ments), must have had some more than ordinary view
of the heinous imposture of which he is about to be
found guilty. When the clergy assume preposterous
habiliments, let the State look to it ! When high
dignitaries of the Church wear web pantaloons,1
though the daughters of Jerusalem may rejoice, let
1 Dr. Brenan has the following " Impromptu " on a reverend dandy
gentleman who was neither clad like Solomon in all his glory, nor like the
lily of the field, nor like a Freemason, nor like Adam and Eve when fig-
leaved after sin : —
Nudus agas ; minus est insania turpls.
(Go naked— madness might then be some excuse.)
Doff thy net- covers, and strut in thy skin,
By madness absolved from all crime and all sin ;
Nor as now, when we start at the gauze pantaloon,
Shall we blush that you can't plead the full of the moon.
Danger from Priests wearing Protestant Hata. 177
the Sanhedrim look to it ! But when Popish priests
reveal an open hostility to all that is lovely in the
Constitution, by pointing the cocks of their hats against
social order and religion, it is time to exclaim, ' The
Church and State are in danger !' This man has called
men to his character. I expected Dr. Troy.1 For my
part, I feel divested of prejudice as much as the case
admits of ; but I do not see how the unhappy man
can get over the indictment."
The jury found him guilty without leaving the box.
The Judge sentenced him as follows : —
" John Gilmore, I am happy to tell you that if ever
a man got a fair trial you are the man. A jury of
your countrymen has found you guilty of a crime that
has begun with you, and, I hope, will end where it
began. The law makes the crime death without
benefit of clergy ; but the law should have said with
benefit to clergy ; for, if you could run your cocked
hat into the society of privileged men, as to cocks and
hats, the Lord help them ! I hope you will not think
me severe if I order you to be taken from the place
whence you came, and, on Saturday next, hung till
you are dead as a cock at the front of the jail, — and I
wish you a very good morning."
The following are some of Dr. Brenan's epigrams :
" On Loyal Sam Coates, of Beresford's Yeomanry
Corps": — "Few men of incorrupt manners have
suffered more from evil communications than John
Claudius Beresford. Into his most respectable corps
some prime ruffians made their way, and brought
disgrace on it and its commander. Chief in that
1 The Most Rev. Dr. Troy was, at that time, Roman Catholic Arch-
bishop of Dublin.
M
178 Sam Coates of J. C. Beresford's Corps.
number was John Burke, alias Tipperary Fitzsimmons,
and Sam Coates. The former has long since been
transported out of the Revenue to Botany Bay. The
latter has gone across the water for robbery. Sam
did not travel without the notice of minstrelsy. We
must first give some of the last public acts of this
great functionary. ' Loyal Sam Coates/ Tune —
' Clever Tom Clinch.'"
This song deplores (says Dr. Brenan) the fate of
one of the most loyal defenders of the Constitution in
1798. He was chief in the famous battle of Eath-
farnham under Tipperary Fitzsimmons, where six foot-
passengers and a fool were vanquished by the Riding
House Army,1 and hanged in a cow-house ! When
half dead, Sam Coates showed great humanity, for he
put them out of pain by " buttering his sword in their
guts," — his own happy expression.
11 When loyal Sam Coates found his stags unavailing,
And convicted he stood of portmanteau-stealing,
He turned to the boys in the dock that were lagged,
And he cried, ' Devil thank them, — 'tis well we're not scragged/
I flogged, murdered, robbed in the year Ninety-Eight,
And I got great applause. Is all law changed of late?
While for comical murders such credit I bore,
They called me ' Joe Miller ' in Beresford's corps.
Well, zounds, when I'm landed in Botany Bay,
I wonder what will all the vagabonds say !
They'll think I came there, I'll lay any wager,
As a Government spy, or a friend of the Major ;2
For how can they think that the laws are so altered,
That an Orangeman can be transported or haltered ?
1 It was in the Riding House attached to Tyrone (or Beresford) House,
in Marlborough-street, now the abode of the Commissioners of National
Education that the Croppies were continually a-flogging, in 1798, by the
Beresford Corps.
2 Major Sirr, who arrested Lord Edward Fitzgerald.
Sam Coatess Farewell departing for Botany Bay. 179
I who, when Macan I saw hanging, have said
' God damn 'em, why are they so long with his head 1 ' x
And, turning to Armstrong Jemmy,2 my neighbour
Said, ' Damn me but I'll cut it off with my sabre.'
Well, boys, sure it's hard that I must leave a nation
Where I murdered and robbed to effect its salvation.
But since law, like necessity, all must obey,
Damn Ireland ; — And here goes to Botany Bay ! "
1 The disembowelling before the culprit in treason was quite dead, and
burning his private parts, and his bowels, in his view, being given up, the
beheading was retained.
3 Captain James Armstrong, of King's County Militia, who entrapped the
two Shearesea, barristers, hanged in 1798.
CHAPTER IV.
EPITAPHS BY DK. BBENAN.
DR. BRENAN conveyed the cruellest satires in epi-
taphs.
EPITAPH ON FITZMONKEY.
Here lies Fitzmonkey, — son of old Tipperary —
Whose greatest sin was that he was a fairy.
He was a counsellor, and wore a wig;
And gave opinions which were worth a fig.
He ne'er paid a penny of what he borrowed,
And, at his death, the huxter women sorrowed.
His soul, I'm sure, doth now repose in glory;
If not in hell, just try in purgatory.
EPITAPH ON FATHER HALT.
Here lies, very gaily, the good Father Haly,
The parish priest of Castlecomer,
Who never read one word of Homer,
Nor ever talked of worldly news,
But preached devoutly upon dues.
His appetite was orthodox
Concerning bacon, hens, and cocks.
His charity to every sinner
Was great who asked him to a dinner.
In short, as long as he was able,
He fought the d — 1 at the table ;
And when he found he lost his seat,
He'd rather tumble than retreat.
This good Apostle got a cholic,
Which turned out a dying frolic :
And when he found his hour was near,
He took a double dose of beer.
He died, but, gracious heaven be thanked,
He got himself well signed and franked,1
1 It was the privilege of all Members of Parliament to " frank " (or nu
free of postage) by their signatures a certain number of letters every day.
Mail Coach Robberies. 181
And, in the post-box safely thrown,
To Heaven to journey all alone;
Where to arrive he cannot fail,
Unless the D — 1 rob the mail.
This is an allusion to the constant robberies of the
mail coaches at the period of the epitaph, which was
in 1812. It was in this year that the Galway mail was
received, at the Hill of Cappagh, not far from Dangan
in Meath, by a gang with vollies from each side of the
road. The guard fell dead. The turnpike-gate was
tied. The coach passengers were robbed, and the
mail bags, supposed to contain money for the approach-
ing fair of Ballinasloe, were carried to Dangan, once
the ancestral seat of the Wellesleys, but then the
of Eoger O'Connor. Koger was tried for the
of employing the gang, but was acquitted.
Subsequent events led to the belief that he was the
author of the robbery and murder.
1
i
EPITAPH ON CHARLEY JALAP.
j
" De mortuis nil nisi bonum."
When scoundrels die let all bemoan 'em.
Here planted like a grain of wheat or barley, —
But ne'er to vegetate, — lies Dr. Charley ;
For where would death and desolation stop
If Charley Jalap grew into a crop ?
The sexton's glory,-— the gravedigger's pride—
The coffin market fell when Charley died.
With bolus, blister, vomit, purge and pill,
Did he, unceasing, Charon's wherry fill.
His powerful pills, his gasping patients owned,
By them sore pelted, like St. Stephen stoned.
His art o'erstocked the Empire of old Nick ;
The well he sickened, and he killed the sick.
jbode
CHAPTER V.
THE HERESY-PORTER AND THE CATHOLIC BOARD.
SOME exception, it seems, was taken to Guinness's
porter as being the production of a Protestant brewer
(Arthur Guinness), and secretly intended, according
to Dr. Brenan's satire, to undermine the Catholic
Faith, had it not been for the Catholic Board, who
appointed Dr. Drumsnuffle to investigate this secret
attack and analyse the porter. First, he examined^
several patients who had drunk of this heresy-porteri
and found in them an inclination to gravity and ta>
singing praises of the Lord through the nose. Worl^.
men and others who indulged in it were infected
the suspiria pia, or holy sobbing after the Lord, —
true swaddling symptoms of stationary grace,
doctor analysed a hogshead of this anti-Popery 01
Counter-petition porter, and found a precipitate pro
duced by the custom, so long winked at by the
Catholic Church and the Committee, of allowing
swaddling porter brewers to mash up stereotype Pro-
testant bibles and Methodist hymn-books in the keeve,
thus impregnating, in the fermentation, the volatile
parts of the porter with the ethereal essence of heresy.
This brewery, since the year 1728, is said to have
consumed, said Dr. Brenan, in this contraband trade
136,000 tons of bibles, and 501,000 cart-loads of
hymn-books and Protestant catechisms. There
happily appeared an antidote to this heresy-porter in
Pirn's ale. At the Rev. Dr. Troy's dinner-party, on
Friday, there was, says Dr. Brenan, a select party of
the clergy and the leading men of the Catholic Com-
Pirns Ale an antidote to heresy Porter. 183
mittee. Counsellor Bull- Stag (Denys Scully of the
" Penal Laws ") and Counsellor Roundabout from
Kerry (Daniel O'Connell), were among the company.
Dr, Troy had the ill-manners, — the illiberality,-^to
have nothing but fish. It produced spasms in the
company, and Dr. Drumsnuffle was called in. To
renovate his patients he had recourse to a copper can
that stood near, but hastily cried out, " Treason,
treason, — Guiness's porter ! " The company were in
horrors ! Dr. Drumsnuffle got pen, ink, and paper,
and wrote the following prescription : — " B,. Cerevisi
Ricardi Pirn, Quaked, gallonias tres utatur, — S. Drum,
M.D."— [i.e. : Take of Dick Pirn's, the Quaker's, ale,
three gallons.] The company all recovered, and Dr.
Drum favoured them with a song, of which the sixth
and last stanza is as follows : —
To be sure you did hear of the heresy beer
That was made for to poison the Pope ;
To hide the brewer a sin is,
And his name is Arthur Guinness ;
For salvation he never can hope.
But the liquor of all liquors
That parsons, priests, and vicars —
Saints, Swaddlers, Deists, Papists can regale;
And which charms all the city,
And the Catholic Committee,
And the world and its mother — is Pirn's ale.
CHAPTER VI.
SOME POETICAL PIECES BY THE WRESTLING DOCTOR.
The "Widow Malone" that follows will recall
Burns' "Jolly Beggars." But in Burns the Caird (or
Tinker) prevails over his rival, the pigmy fiddle-scraper,
and other suitors for the love of " Posie Nancy," their
hostess, while the bagpiper carries off the Widow
Malone from the butcher and attorney, the bagpiper's
rivals, for her love.
THE WIDOW MALONK.
A landlady lived in Athlone
Who weighed to the ground twenty stone,
She kept the " Black Boy,"
Was an armful of joy,
And was called the sweet Mrs. Malone, och hone,
And the beautiful Widow Malone.
Her customers, numerous grown,
Was each, as a sweetheart, well known,
And they drank the whole year,
In whisky and beer,
The health of sweet Widow Malone, och hone,
And their service to Widow Malone.
A butcher, called Tom Marrabone,
Swore she should not long lie alone ;
But her heart he did feel
Was as hard as his steel,
And he could not get Widow Malone, och hone,
And he had no chance of Widow Malone.
An attorney, with heart made of stone
The force 'of her charms did own :
He served notice of trial,
But got a denial
From beautiful Widow Malone, och hone.
" Oh, I know you," says Widow Malone.
Mrs. Mills the Midwife to Dr. Brenan. 185
But a piper, who came from Shim-one,
Pulled out both his bag and his drone ; x
He made a bold stroke,
And he played the " Black Joke,"
And encored it for Widow Malone.
Next morning before the sun shone
She sent for old Father M'Kone,
Who well knew his trade,
And he very soon made
Mrs. Squeezebag of Widow Malone, och hone ;
And now there's no Widow Malone.
Nothing has ever been written more in the style of
Mrs. Frances Harris's Petition to their Excellencies, the
Earls of Berkeley and Galway, Lords Justices of Ire-
land, in A.D. 1700, by Dean Swift, than the follow-
ing :—
MRS. MILLS THE MIDWIFE'S LETTER TO DR. BRENAN.
Lying-in Hospital, Feb. 1st, 1810.
Well, Dr. Brenan, there's one thing I'd wish to say to you, and
when I say it perhaps you'll think I'm a fool ;
And do you know what it is ? It is this, that I think you want
still to go to school.
To be sure I'm only a poor woman that may be out of this before
night ;
But did you ever hear me say or do anything but what was right.
I have kept my tongue in my cheek, while I heard people talk
about things they knew nothing about ;
But little said is soon mended, for in the end the butter will come
out of the stirabout.
As for the business of the Women, sure they were dying by
dozens in the hospital, just like rotten sheep ;
Till you and I put our heads together and gave that white thing
in the bottle, but the secret you couldn't keep.
1 The two principal parts of the bagpipe, — the bag to supply wind ; the
drone, with finger-holes, to give the various music notes.
186 Mrs. Mills s Letter continued.
Couldn't you get it, and say nothing, and let them take it just
like burnt spirits, or anything in that way ;
And when they'd be cured let them talk about the matter, arid
"that I'm alive though I got nothing" is all they could say.
Why, my dear, you'd make your fortune if you managed the
matter right and took them easy ;
Not to go attack that booby Ferguson, and that silly old creature,
Dr. Hopkins, and make them crazy.
Since they all began to laugh when you said you would under-
take their disorder to cure ;
Because not one of them ever saw anyone recover, when their
bellies swelled, no more than I did myself, I'm sure.
But who are they but a set of jackeens, little apothecaries boys, '
and young surgeons, that it is a shame,
Never one of them came about a poor woman; but it is the[
governors alone you have to blame. \ '
Sure so old Hopkins gets the money for the pupils, he does not >
care if they all went to Old Nick ;
Wouldn't I have died there myself, only you brought a bottle to
me the time I was sick.
And Lady Domvile's maid, when she heard you and I talking,
made the remark,
That the disorder we cured — both of us — was what killed her
mistress, though she had the great Dr. Clarke.
I'd tell you what, they are all the meanest, most ignorantest, low-
lived, jealous fellows ;
And what else could you expect, that knows no more than the man \
that came here to mend the bellows.
But if you'd keep away from the wrestling and going up to the
Broadstone ;!
By my soul you'd soon show the people what would make the
doctors cry, Och hone.
And I'd be glad you'd say nothing about the Foundling Hospital,
or poor Dr. Harvey ;
Because the poor old man is dying, and I knew his cook, her name
is Nell Garvey.
1 The place where now stands the Midland Great Western Railway of
Ireland's Terminus.
Mrs. Mills1 Letter continued.
187
But old Hopkins is coming up stairs, and I must go and give the
Women a few of the House pills.1
And no more at present, from your friend — LUCINA TEREBINTHINA
MILLS.'
1 On Sunday, 13th of June, 1886, on on annual visit I pay to my
friends the tenants of Viscount Clifden's lands, called Derringtanny and
Clondaleebeg, in the parish of Killyon, barony of Moyfenrath, and county
of Meath, the agency of which I gave up in 1852, there came down in the
same train with me Dr. R. H. Fleming of the Rotunda Lying-in Hospital,
"i a professional visit to the young wife of Thomas, son of Patrick, son of
^Q lines Connolly of Derringtanny. Dr. Fleming told me that child-bed fever
^s now banished as an epidemic from the Lying-in Hospital owing to a
f> stem of scrupulous cleanliness enforced by Dr. Arthur V. Macan, the
*ead of the Hospital, in walls, floors, beds and bedding— patients and
Attendants, doctors and pupils.
• "Lucina" was one of the names of Diana, the goddess, that presided
"ver child-birth. " Terebinthina " is derived from Terebinth, the botanical
Dame of the plant that produces turpentine.
CHAPTER VII.
DR. BRENAN ON THE ATTORNEYS.
IT has been shown by Dr. Brenan's letter to the
Chancellor, Lord Manners, that he bore a mortal
hatred to Robert Cornwall, for to him he attributed
(possibly unjustly) the forced and fraudulent sale ^
the paternal property of the Brenan family in ti
Castle and Castle Hill at Carlow.1 Dr. Brenir
extended his hatred from Robert Cornwall, Ned Balir ,
and Tom Day, to the whole profession of the law-f •
barristers as well as attorneys. In his "Poetic?!
review of the Irish Bar," from which the portrait d '
O'Connell is taken.2
" Now you have what I never heard called the sweet Four Court
Which with Balfe, my attorney, I found very Sore Courts ;
And, indeed, gentle reader, the same you will say,
If you knew Neddy Balfe and (God rest him) Tom Day."
Dr. Brenan thus mentions in his Obituary of the
"Milesian Magazine" for June, 1812, the death of
Cornwall :—
" At his seat, Myshall Lodge,3 Robert Cornwall,
Esq., late member of Parliament for the borough of
Enniscorthy —
" He was a man, take him for all in all,
"We shall not look upon his like again."
1 See page 147, ante.
3 Page 161, ante.
3 Myshall is a parish in the northern part of the county of Wexford, in
barony of Forth. The village and church of Myshall stands midway on a
line (imaginary) drawn between the picturesque town of Newtownbarry,
on the river Slaney on the east, and Bagnalstown. Myshall is about ten
miles distance from each.
Cornwall becomes a Yeomanry Captain, 189
Firmly attached to our happy Constitution, in Church
and State, he resisted every movement that faction
ever made against our dearest rights. His name will
long be remembered in the County of Carlow by the
loyal and the good, whilst the rebel and the traitor
shall embalm his memory in their execration. Find-
ing that his professional pursuits, as an attorney, inter-
fered with his permanent duties to his sovereign, he
quitted that Society for the profession of arms, and,
"iii the profession of Yeoman- Captain, he opened the
free quarters campaign in Carlow and its vicinity, and,
by the confiscation plan of disaffected property (thus)
— so politicly adopted after him by the tyrant of
Europe, — he banished treason and haberdashery from
the shops and houses of the enemies of the Constitu-
tion. That calumny which ever pursues great men
dogged him in his retreat from active loyalty ; but he
used to console himself in the words of Horace that
he applied to himself, —
" Mens conscia recti,
Nil conscire sibi, nulla pallescere culpa,"
which he translated, —
" I never felt my conscience blame me,
Nor ever found an action shame me."
" It may not be amiss for the consolation of men
(continues Dr. Brenan) in like circumstances as Corn-
wall, to mention facts illustrative of the ingratitude
which great men have met with from their native
country. After all Mr. Cornwall's services to the
State, Lord Clare avowed from his judgment-seat in
Chancery, upon a complaint made to him by one Dr.
Brenan, that he (Lord Clare) would make this great
190 Society for the Conversion of Attorneys.
man a public example ; and the following poem
appeared calumniating his reputation : —
SONNET TO R. C.
Bob ! Thou shalt have a verse to make it known,
That you're a full fraught scoundrel, pilf ring knave ;
Though you yourself the information gave,
To those hard fortune in your way has thrown,
For what was their's you basely made your own."
In the previous number of the u Magazine " will bo
found the following Epitaph " On Kobert Cornwall,
the Attorney ": —
Beneath lies Robert Cornwall,
Whom all men did a scoundrel call —
A vile attorney, plundering yeoman,
Whose soul rapacious spared no man.
A life embracing every sin.
And if a pound came with a curse,
He'd find a sack too small a purse.
A body gnawed with life's disease,
Showed how he toiled in Satan's ways ;
And if he is not lodged in Hell,
Where the Devil's Barrabas none can tell.
Dr. Brenan had an (imaginary) society for convert-
ing Irish attorneys, like Wilberforce's for the conver-
sion of the Jews. Wilberforce's had a success (said
Dr. Brenan) that was only equalled by the ridicule
which the project had at its onset to encounter. The
English had the glory of originating this great enter-
prise— a Wellingtonian enterprise we may call it — for
the promise of Sir Arthur Wellesley to drive every
Frenchman beyond the Pyrenees was deemed as fully
Quixotic as the hope uttered by Mr. Wilberforce, to
see the faithful of St. Paul's incommoded by the
The Converted Attorneys burn their Writs. 191
press of deserters from the Synagogue. Yet this too
had its fulfilment ; for not less than 30,000 old
clothes-men and rag-dealers, of the Jewish caste, are
now chorusing the Lord through England in the
ranks of the army of the Lord of Hosts, in the life
everlasting cohorts of swaddling.
The great Dr. Drum-,1 when the committee business2
became slack, . . . sallied out and preached
against Latitat and Subpoena3 without ceasing. He
began at the corner of Mass Lane.
He thence won his way (or the way of the Lord) to
the very bosom of iniquity — the Hall of the Four
Courts — where the word was profitable to John Scott
Molloy, Sam Eastwood, Nat Montgomery, Frency
Walpole, Grab Dwyer, Whelp Fitzmonkey, Kite-
vulture Fearon, and a numerous herd of the Latitat
order were smitten. They returned home weeping ;
tore all their bills of costs ; burnt all their Latitats ;
and wept over the past possession of the devil. In
conclusion, said Dr. Brenan, the Doctor has got so
far that he has made a select committee of the anti-
robbery converts. Much is expected from this happy
association.
1 Dr. Drumsnuffle.
1 The Catholic Committee.
^ "Latitat" and " subpoena" are the names of writs issued in law pro-
ceedings.
CHAPTER VIII.
DIFFICULTY OF FINDING A COMPLETE COPT OF THE
MILESIAN MAGAZINE. — DEATH OF THE AUTHOR.
" THE Milesian Magazine" was also "The Irish
Monthly Gleaner ; " but it appeared very irregularly.
The first four numbers only appeared in their due
time, — April, May, June and July, 1812. There were
two numbers issued in 1813 (October and December),
three in 1814, only one in 1815, one in 1816, another
in 1820, and the last in 1825, being a Letter to the
Marquis Wellesley, — in all, only sixteen. A perfect
copy, containing all the numbers issued, is very rare.
One day, last year, meeting my friend, Jasper Jolly,
LL.D., crossing the Court of Honour, of Leinster
House (for Leinster House is one described in France
as "Entre Cour et Jardiri"), I mentioned to him that
I had often wished to see the Library he was arranging
and cataloguing as a gift, — a noble gift, — to add to the
National Library. " Come, then, with me (said he)
to the garrets of Leinster House, and there you shall
see me at my daily work."
We came up beautiful back staircases of stone,
admirably lighted, till we were in the covered garrets,
which were the ordinary (and only) sleeping rooms of
Leinster House.
They appeared low, from being so large. Many of
them must have been double and triple-bedded. There
were several filled with Jasper Joly's books. Coming
to a narrow passage, well lighted with shelves on each
side, "There (said Joly) is the gem ; the principal
Jasper Joly, LL.D. and the Magazine. — Authors death. 193
treasure, as I deem it, of my Library. There is the
Periodical Literature of Ireland." "Haveyou got(said
I) 'The Milesian Magazine'?" His eye brightened
with triumph as he led me to the shelves and took
down a large brown paper parcel, and, untying the
cords, he took number after number of the Magazine,
throwing them down like a dealer of playing cards.
" There's number one, number two," and so on until he
had gone through the whole series. "All (said he) in
their blue jackets, with the plates or etchings in their
several states."
One reason assigned for the rarity of the complete
work is, that no bookseller dared to sell so libellous a
work. The two first numbers only have the names
of the printers and publishers ; the others are without.
I have heard that the Wrestling Doctor carried the
numbers loose in the ample pockets of his great-coat,
on sale — " To Friends, price 5s. To Enemies, 2s. 6d."
There is no doubt, I believe, that he got a pension of
£200 a-year by the Duke of Richmond's influence for
his ridicule of the Catholic Committee in his " Barny,
Barny, buck or doe." Shortly before his death he
asked the Rev. Dr. Spratt, Provincial of the Car-
melites, the great Apostle of Temperance, in succession
to Father Mathew, to return him the copy of the
entire work he had given him, as if he repented of
his biting satire. Dr. Brenan dwelt in Great Britain
Street, in French Street, and then in Great Britain
Street again. He died, as I am informed by his grand-
sop (Henry James Loughnan), my friend and brother
v -ister, in 1830, who also gave me the date of his
birth.
N
INDEX.
PERSONS AND PLACES.
ABBEYLEIX, 76.
Abbott, Colonel Daniel, 73, 74 n.
Academy, The Royal Irish, 172.
Acheson, Sir George, 99, 100, 101.
Adam and Eve, 176 n.
Alexander, Sir Jerome, 77.
Algiers, 57.
America, The Plantations in, 64.
Anna-gle-Million, 123, 124.
Annaly, Earl of (see Gore John).
Andalusia, Moors of, 57.
Anglesey, Earl of, 2, 117.
Anner, the river, 20.
Annesley, Deborah, 97, 115, and
n. ibid.
Annesley, Mr. and Mrs., 113, 115.
Annus Mirabilis, 85,
Anti-Veto Man, 149.
Antrim, Marquis of, 92, 98 n.
Appleyard, Sir Mathew, 85.
Archdall, William, 104, 105.
Archer, Mary, 35.
Archer, Joan (otherwise Bourke),
35.
Archer, Dr. Clement, 165, 16S n.,
169.
Archer, Captain Thomas, 35, 36.
Ardehville, 89.
Areneagh, 88.
Arlington, Earl (see Bennett).
Armagh, Province of, 93.
Armagh County, 166, 167.
Armstrong, Jemmy, Capt. James,
178, and n. ibid.
Arran, Richard, Earl of, 11, 26,
T 107, 115 n., 138, 140, 142.
Article-Men, 17, 19, 53.
Arundel, Countess of, 3
Ashe, Mrs. Alison, 23.
Aston, Sir Arthur, 43.
Atticus, The Kerry, 159.
Athens, 124.
Athlone, 84.
Augh-na-Clough Mullan, 123.
Aungier, Lord, 85.
Aungier, Sir Francis, Earl of Long-
ford, 79, 143.
Austria, Empress of, 6.
Axtell, Colonel, 28.
BABYLON, 159.
Balfe, Ned, 188.
Balliclare, 82.
Balligarvan, Barony of Kerrycur-
rihey, 44 n.
Ballybrittas, 52.
Ballycowen barony, King's co., 72.
Bally hornan, 138 n.
Ballylehane, 88.
Bally linan, 135.
Ballymoyer, 124.
Ballynakill, 139.
Ballyragget Castle, 8.
Ballyragget Heath, 139, 140, 141.
Bally vaghan, county Longford, 46.
Balrothery barony, 161.
Banbridge, 121.
Bandon river, co. Cork, 51.
Barbadoes, The, 90,
Barren river, 52, 147.
Barrin river, 147.
Barry, Captain Philip, 42 n.
Barry, Lieutenant Richard, 42 n.
Barnewall, Sir Patrick, 24.
Barry, Lieutenant William, 42 n.
Basil, William, 52.
Beattie, Dr., 170.
Belfast, 132.
Belle ws, The, of Mount Belle \v, 81.
Belle w, Mr., 15*.
Bellingham, Sir Daniel, 49, 50.
Belmullet, 81.
Belvedere, Rochfort, Earl of, 25.
Bennett, Sir Henry, Earl of Ar-
lington, 53, 75, 82.
Beresford, John Claudius, 177.
Berkeley, Earl of, Lord Lieutenant,
96, 101, 185.
Bsthune (in Flanders), 85.
Beverley, Sergeant, 28.
Beverweert, Isabella de, 75.
Binghams, The, 81.
Bingham, Sir George, 7.
Birmingham, Mr., 28.
Bishop, Captain, 140.
Bitche, 170.
Blackwater, The, co. Cork, 64, 65.
Blackwell, John, 8, 9.
Bladderchops, Judge, 149, 160.
196
Index.
Blake, Mr., 153.
Blarney, Manor of, 4, 5.
Bolton, Mr., 139.
Bolton, Lord Chancellor, 139.
Bonnell, Capt. Samuel, 72, 74 n.
Botany Bay, 178, 179.
Boyle, Roger, Earl of Orrery, 15,
25, 35, 40, 59, 65, 78, 79, 89.
Boyle (Abbey), 88.
Boyne river, 75, 136.
Boyne, Battle of the, 65.
Bourke, Joan (otherwise Archer),
35.
Brady, Father, 83.
Bramhall (Bishop), 1, 133.
Brazeel, 139.
Breda, 15.
Bredon, Dr. Whiskey, 170.
Brennan, family, 158.
Brennans Country, 127.
Brennans, The, 126, 127, 128, 129,
130, 131, 136, 144.
Brennans, The Three, 137, 138, 139,
140, 141, 142, 143.
Brennan, Anastas, 138 n.
Brennan, Donogh, 138 n.
Brennan, Edmond, 138 n.
Brennan, Edward, 131 n.
Brennan, Captain Edward, 135.
Brennan, Elinor, 138 n.
Brennan, Far, 138 n.
Brennan, James, 138 n., 141, 143.
Brennan, Tall James, 141.
Brennan, John, 138 n.
Brennan, Loghlin, 138 n.
Brennan, Margaret, 138 n.
Brennan, Murtagh, 138 n.
Brennan, Owen, 131 n., 138 n.
Brennan, Patrick, 138 n., 141, 143.
Brennan, William Fitz- John, 138 n.
Brennan, Dr., 145, 146, 147, 148,
149.
Brett, Captain Michael, 42 n.
Brewster, Sir Francis, 111, 120.
Bridge Street, Dublin, 61.
Brinco3, John, 74 n.
Brittas, Lord, 50.
Broadstone, The, 186.
Broghill, Roger Lord, 4, 5.
Brookes, Miss Mary, 97.
Brown, Mr., 154.
Browne, Alice (alias Plunket), 35 n.
Browne, Sir Valentine, 50.
Bruges, City of, 15, 17, 26.
Brussels, 44.
Bryan, Major, 149, 154, 155, 157.
Bullingden Heath, near Oxford,
*43.
Burke, Colonel, 154.
Burke, Colonel Richard, 85.
Burke, Sir Thomas, Bart., 154.
Burke, Sir Bernard, 12 n.
Burke, John, 178.
Burke, Dr. Joseph, 146 n.
Butler, 4.
Butler, Captain, 110, 111.
Butler, Captain James, 58.
Butler, Lawrence, 78.
Butler, Col. Richard, 8, 9, 131.
Butler, Captain Walter, 42 n.
Buttertield, Bernard, 103.
Byrne, James, 76.
Byrne, Captain Terence, 42 n.
CAMDEN (Cruelty Camden), 151 n.
Canning, Lord (Clemency Canning),
151 n.
Cappagh, hill of, 181.
Carlingford, 117.
Carlingford, Earl of, 27.
Carton, 76.
Carton Castle, 147, 188.
Carnarvon, late Earl of, 124, 125.
Cary, Lord Falkland, 52.
Gary, Cleopatra, ib.
Carrick, town of, 8.
Carrick, Castle and Deerpark, 8.
Carrickfergus, 7, 132.
Carroll, Charles, 67.
Carroll, Sir James, 58.
Carroll, William, 77.
Cashel, 2.
Cashin, John, 74 n.
Cassin, Denis, 157.
Castle Caulfield, 96, 101.
Castle of Dublin (see Dublin Castle)
Castleconnell, Lord, 49, 50, and n.
ib., 48.
Castlecomer, 127, 128, 131, 134,
135, 179.
Castledrohid, co. Kildare, 50 n.
Castleross, Lord, 152, 153.
Catholic Committee, 148, 149.
Caulfield, Captain Thomas, 82, 88.
Cessation, The, 21.
Chambers, Captain John, 29.
Chambers, Parson, 29.
Chancery Lane, Dublin, 68.
Chappel, Elizabeth, 167.
Chappel, Richard, 167.
Charlemont fort, 85.
Charlemont, Viscount, 82, 85, 96,
101, 102, 103, 104, 106.
Charles I., 8, 43, 82.
Charles II., 12, 13, 38, 75.
Charlestown, Manor of, Queen's
County, 75.
Charleville, county Cork, 78.
Index.
197
Cheevers of Maystown, House
of, 23.
Chee verses, The, 60, 81.
Cheevers, Johu, of Grange fort, co.
Carlow, 23.
Chesley, AL, 35 n.
Chester, 126, 127, 140, 141, 143.
Chester, Mayor of, 126.
Cheyne, Dr., 172.
Chichester, Sir Arthur, 57.
Chichester House, Dublin, 65.
Christchurch, Dublin, 15.
Claims, The Court of, 33.
Claims, Second Court of, 17, 72.
Claims, Third Court of, 22, 34.
Claims, Decrees of Court of, 90.
Clanbrassil, Earl of, 7.
Clancarty, Earl of, 5, 45, 46, 51.
Clanmaliere, Lord, 75.
Clanmaliere, Lord (see Dempsey).
Clanricarde, Marquis of, 5, 7.
Clanricarde, Earl of, 24, 71.
Clanricarde, Anne, Marchioness
Dowager of, 28.
Clare, Lord Chancellor, 189.
Clarendon, Earl of, 85, 143,
Clarke, Dr., 186.
Clifden, Viscount, 187 n.
Clogher, Bishop of, 6.
Cloghphilip, barony of Mascry,
44 n.
Cloghroe, barony of Muscry, 44 n.
Clonard, 75.
Cloncleary, co. Tipperary, 67.
Clondaleebeg, 187 n.
Cloneen, 138 n.
Clontarf Castle, 6.
Clonmel, 8.
Clough, 113.
Clough Magheri-catt, 113.
Cloyne, Roman Catholic Bishop of,
158.
Coates, Sam, 177, 178.
Coll, Michael, 103, 104.
Comber, Thomas, LL.D., 128 n.
Commissioners of the King's De-
claration, 16.
Confederate Catholics, 17, 18.
Connaught, 1, 12, 17, 18, 20, 22, 24,
55, 65, 89.
Connaught, Vice- President of, 82.
Connaught Assignments, 71.
Connaught. Provost Martial of, 5.
Connaught Purchases, 15.
Connell, Dan, 162.
Connolly, Rt. Hon. Thomas, 50 n.
Connolly, Patrick, 187 n.
Connolly, Thomas, 187 n.
Conquest, first, of Ireland, 23.
Contiguities of the Nominees, 54.
Convention, The, 15, 41.
Coombe, The, 169, 173.
Coote, "A Coote, A Coote," 6.
Coote, Sir Charles, 5, 6, 8, 15, 18,
82, 84.
Coote, Sir Charles, 1st Earl of
Mountrath, 70, 71, 72, 73.
Coppinger, Bishop, 158, and n. ibid.
Corbally, Mrs., 170.
Corbett, Miles, 8.
Corbetstown, county Kilkenny, 35.
Cork, 1st Earl of, 5.
Cork, Richard, Earl of, 11.
Cork City, 5, 63, 67.
Cornwall county, 45.
Cornwallis,Lord ("Croppy Corny")
151 n.
Cornwall, Robert, 147, 148, 188.
Costello, barony of, 87, 88.
Costello, Colonel Dudley (or Dual-
tagh), 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90.
Costello, Barony of, 88.
Costigans, The, 72.
Costigan, Florence, 74 n.
Costigan, Gregory, 72.
Costigan, John, 72.
Costigan, Lawrence, ib.
Costigan, Mr., 154.
Covenant, Religion according to
the, 33.
Coyle, barony of, 160.
Coylecashel, 88.
Coyne, Richard, 172.
" Cox" (pseudonym of Primate
Plunket), 94, 95.
Cox, Watty, 148, 149. 158.
Cromwell's Act for the Settling of
Ireland, 7.
Crampton, Surgeon-General, 170
171, 172.
Creightone, Abraham, 105.
Creightone, John, 105.
Crofton, Sir Edward, 7.
Croke, Nicholas, 78.
Croke, William, ib.
Cromwell, Henry, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11,
12, 23, 28.
Cromwell, 4, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13,
14, 15, 19, 28, 33, 36, 37, 38, 48,
65, 91, 92, 93, 116, 166.
" Cromwell's Dogges," 28.
Cromwellian Settlement, The, 3, 59.
Crott, 138 n.
Crottenlogh, 138 n., 143.
Cruttin, 138 n.
Cullanmore, near Mullingar, 54.
Curraghremony, co. Tipperary, 67.
Curran, 163.
198
Index.
Cusacks, The, 60.
Cusack, Colonel (George), 85.
Cusack, Lieutenant Thomas, 42 n.
D ALTON, John, alias Madden, 35 n.
Dalton, Elilizabeth (alias Linee),
35 n.
Dannan, Capt. David, 42 n.
Dangan, 181.
Darcy, Colonel, 39.
Darcy, Sir James, 30.
Davis, Major Thomas, 72.
Davys, Sir William, 97.
Day, Tom, 188.
De Cogan, 78.
De Lacy, Hugh, Palatinate of
Heath, 54.
Delahoide, Captain, 58.
Delany, William, 74 n.
Deey, Alderman, 76.
Dempsey, Lewis, Viscount Clan-
malier, 52.
Dempsey, Lewis, Lord Clanmalier.
Dempsey, Maximilian, 74.
Dempsey, Terence, 74.
Dempsey, Captain, 135.
Denzille Street, 168.
Dering, Sir Edward, 21 n.
Derringtanny, 187 n.
Derry, 62, 82, 98 n.
Dillon, Lord, 84, 86, 87, 89.
Dillon, Captain Theobald, 84, 88,
89, 90.
Dillon's, Lord, kinsmen, 87.
Dillon, Mrs. Margaret, 172.
Diniii river, 128.
Dodwell, Dr., 82.
Domville, Lady, 186.
Donnelly, Captain, 58.
Ponnington park, 122.
Doolans, The, 57.
Dorans, The, 57, 109.
Doran, John, 74 n.
Dowanstown (see Downstown).
Downpatrick, 108.
Downstown, co. Meath, 29, 31.
Doyle, the Ri^ht Rev. Dr., 172.
Doyne, Dominic, 76.
Drogheda, Siege of, 36.
Drogheda, 30, 43, 118 n., 123.
Drogheda, Lord, 167.
Dromagh Castle, 64.
Drumintyne, 121.
Drumsnuffle, Dr., 149, 157, 158,
164, 183.
Drury, Justice, 173, & n. ibid. 174.
Du Moulin, 38.
Dublin Castle, 15, 33, 34, 131.
Dublin City, 50, 55, 104.
Duigenan, the Right Hon. Patrick,
LL.D., 155.
Duleek, 30.
Dunnamon, 82.
Dunboyne, Piers, Lord, 20, 50.
Dunboyne, Lady, 19, 20.
Dunboyne, Lord and Lady, 20.
Dunboyne barony, co. Meath, 10,
12.
Dundalk, 30, 110.
Dungan, William, 50 n.
Dungannon, 85.
Dungarvan, 21, 80.
Dungillinagh, 138 n.
Dunleary Harbour, 160.
Dutch War, The, 98.
Dwiggin, James, 73.
Dwiggin, John, 74 n.
Dwyers, 42 n.
Dwyer, Grab, 190.
EASTWOOD, Sam, 190.
Edough, 129, 131, 132, 134, 136,
137, and n. ibid., 144.
Edough, Prince of, 145, 150.
Egyptians, The, 106.
Eight Mile Bridge ( Banbridge) ,121.
Eliogarty barony, 3.
Elizabeth, Queen, 5, 38, 81, 91.
Emerson, 149. : ;
Emmett, Robert, 149, 163, 173.
Enniskillen, 62, 103, 104, 105.
Ensignmen, 17, 19, 37, 41, 51. '
Ensignman Patrick Moore, 80.
Esmonde, Sir Thomas, 154.
Essex, Capel, Earl of , 94, 120.
Eustace, Sir Maurice, 15, 16, 70.
Evagh, 129 n., 130, 133.
Eveagh (Iveagh) Lord, 98 n.
Evisegodan, 103.
Explanation, Act of, 35.
FALKLAND, Viscount, 52.
Famish, Dr. Jack, 147.
Farrell, Mrs., 170.
Farrell, Charles, 46, 47.
Farrell, Francis, 46.
Farrell, James, 46.
Farrell, Roger, 46.
Farrell, General, 154.
Farrer, Captain, 134.
Fassah-Dinin barony, 127.
Fazyneys, 88.
Fearou Kite Vulture, 191.
Fercal, King's County, 58.
Fermanagh, 103.
Fethard, county Tipperary, 20.
Fews Mountains, The, 109, 110.
Fin, Mr., 149.
Index.
Fin, Counsellor, 157, 158.
Fin, Mr., The Hatter, 175.
Finn, Tom, 157.
Finch, Colonel Symon, 3.
Fingal, Earl of, 149, 151.
Fintona, 80.
Fitzgeralds, The, 52.
Fitzgerald, Lord Edwd., 148, 178 n.
Fitzgerald, George, of Ticroghan,
co. Meath, 75.
Fitzgerald, Sir Luke, 75.
Fitzgerald, Col. Richard, 42 n.
Fitzgeralds, The, of Turlogh, 81.
Fitzgerald, Mary (alias Fox), 35 n.
Fitzharris, James, 76.
Fitzharris, Piers, 76.
Fitzmonkey, 180, 190.
Fitzmorris, Colonel, 31.
Fitzpatrick, Bryan, 74 a.
Fitzpatrick, Teig, 74 n.
Fitzpatrick, 128, 158.
Fitzpatrick, CoJ. John, 71, 74 n.
Fitzpatrick, J. W., LL.D., 172.
Fitzwilliam Street Lower, 159 n.
Flanders, 9, 13, 17, 38.
Fleetwood, Charles, Lord Deputy,
19.
Fleming, Eleanor, 27.
Fleming, William, Lord Slane, 44.
Fleming, Randal, Lord Slane, 44.
Fleming, Dr. E. HM 187 n.
Fleming, The Great Tory, 94, 95.
France, 14, 17, 25, 29, 61.
France, King of, 30, 38, 44.
Franciscans, The, 93, 94.
Ffrench, Lord, 153.
French, Nicholas, Catholic Bishop
of Ferns, 23.
Fookes, Bartholomew, 3.
Forbes, Lord, 15.
Forkhill, 120.
Four Courts, 15.
Four Courts, the Hall of the, 199.
Fox, Lieutenant John, 42 n.
Fox, Mary (alias Fitzgerald), 35 n.
Fox, Con and Hugh, 35 n.
GALLEN, barony of, 87, 88.
Galway co., 90.
Galway, Earl of, 185.
Galway, town of, 5, 28.
Garter King of Arms, 31.
Garvey, Nell, 187.
Gascoigne, Henry, 108.
Geoghegan, Mark, 35 n.
Geoghegan, Thomas, 35 n.
George III., 146.
Germany, 94.
Gibeonites, 62.
Gifford, John, 151 n., 155.
Gilbert, Henry, 72.
Gillespie, Edmund, 106.
Gilmore, John, the Rev., priest. 173,
177.
Glaneroughty, co. Kerry, 45.
Glenham, Sir Thos., 43.
Gloucester, Duke of, 13, 39.
Gloucester Siege, 45 n.
Goddard, Dr. Jonathan, 12.
Golborne, Captain, 101.
Goodwin Sands, 8.
Goring, Lord, 45.
Gormanston Castle, 6, 70.
Gormanston, Christopher, Vis-
count, 25.
Gormanston, Lord, 151, 152.
Gores, The, 81.
Gore, John, Lord Annaly, Chief
Justice, 62.
Gore, Sir Francis, 88.
Gore, Captain, 82.
Gortlaghane, co. Mayo, 86.
Gosford, Earl of, 99.
Grace, Colonel, 39, 73.
Graham, Captain, 135.
Grange, Mr., Drogheda, 123.
Grangefort, co. Carlow, 23.
Graves, Rev. James, 128 u., U4 n.
Green, Thomas, 141.
Grimes (see Graham).
Guinness, Arthur, 148, 182, 183.
HAGAN, 115.
Hague, The, 30, 31.
Haliday, 172.
Haly, Father, 179.
Hamiltons, The, 92.
Hamilton, Sir George, 73.
Hamilton, Sir Hans, 110, 112, and
n. ibid., 113.
Hamilton, Capt. William, 107. 108.
Hamilton, Major Edward, 90.
Hanlon, Mr., 114.
Hanly, M'Carthy versus, 62.
Harman, Sir Thomas, 23, 76.
Harold's Cross, 161.
Harris, Mr. Francis, 185.
Harry, The Lord, 7, 9.
Harvey, Dr., 187.
Hassett, Captain, 104.
Hastings, Marquis of, 122.
Hay, Ned, 157, 159.
Hen, Chief Baron, 94.
Henery, Father Dandy, 171.
Hennesy, Captain, 49.
Henry VIII., 19.
Hepenstal, Lieutenant Jack, 148,
155 n.
200
Index.
Hepenstals, The Miss, 155, n.
Herbert, Captain Edward, 72.
Herbert, Sir Jasper, 72, 74 n.
Hetherington, William, 76, 77.
Hohenloe, Prince, 170, 171, 172.
Hollanders, The revolted, 38.
Hollow Sword Blade Co., 65 n,
Hopkins, Dr., 146, 186, 187.
Hosey, Catherine, 172.
Hottentot, Venus (Sartgee), 149.
Howlin, David, 21.
IDOUGH (see Edough, Odough).
Ikerrin, Viscount, 19.
Ikerrin, Viscountess Dowager of,
19.
Ikerrin barony, 3.
Inchiquin, Earl of, 2, 45, 84.
Innisbuffin, Isle of, 84.
Inniskillen (see Enniskillen).
Innocence, Claims of, 34.
Innocence, Bars to, 20.
Innocents, 17, 18.
Innocents, Postponed, 24.
Interest, The English Protestant,
33.
Ireland (Protestant) Archbishops
of, 79.
Ireton, 13.
Irish colours displayed, 59, folded,
ibid.
Irish Officers, 2.
Irish, restorable, 17.
Irvine, Ger., 105.
Israelites, The, 106.
Italy, 17, 39, 44.
Iveagh, 129 n.
Iveagh (Eveagh), Lord, 98 n.
J. K. L., 172.
Jalap, Charley, 181.
James I., 5, 58, 82. 91, 98.
James II., 61, 65, 144.
Jamestown, 82.
Jenkinstown, 149.
Jephson, Colonel Alexander, 33,
34.
Jeremy, 159.
Jersey, Isle of, 45.
Jerusalem, 167.
John the king, 8.
Joly, Jasper, LL.D., 192.
Jones, Bishop Henry, 6, 97, 112,
113, 114, 116.
Jones, Colonel Sir Theophitus, 6,
15, 77, 115, 116.
Jones, Deborah, 113.
Jordan, Walter, 89.
Jordanstown, 116 n.
KAVANAGH, 4.
Kavanagh, Donagh M'Kane, 58.
Kavanagh, Morris M'Edmond, 58.
Keatinge, Chief Justice, 108, 139,
140.
Keelin, 158.
Kenmare, Lord, 152.
Keller, Canon, 158 n.
Kells, 27.
Kellys, The, 59.
Kelly, Hugh Ro., 72.
Kally, Mauriade ny, 66 n.
Kennedy, Sir Richard, 98, 99 n.
Kennine, Denis, 74 n.
Kennine, John, 74 n.
Kennine, Patrick, 74 n.
Kerry, 156, 160, 162, 163.
Kerricurrihy, barony of, 44.
Kidd, Dr., 159 n.
Kilbeggan, 28.
Kilbride, co. Meath, 27.
Kilbrittan Castle, 51.
Kilcash, 8, 9.
Kilcolgan, 28.
Kilcolman, co. Tipperary, 3.
Kilcullen, 139.
Kildare county, 61.
Kildare and Leighlin, John bishop
of, 172.
Kildare, Earl of, 129.
Kildonagh Kelly, 138 n.
Kilkenny, 144.
Kilkenny castle, 46, 143.
Kilkenny county, 126, 127.
Killalla, 81, 139.
Killalla, Otway bishop of, 83, 139.
Killaloe, bishop of, 116.
Killeglan, 12, 23.
Killeen, Lord, 152.
Killeogh parish, 88.
Killeshin, 143.
Killevy parish, 123.
Killmoore, 89.
Killyon, 187 n.
Killileagh, co. Antrim, 27.
Kilmainham near Dublin, 23.
Kilmainham, 166 n.
Kingston, Lord, 76, 88, 89.
Kilrobin, 138 n.
Kiltinan castle, 19, 20.
King, Mr., 97.
King's county, 52.
King's and Queen's counties, 57.
King, Archbishop, 63.
Kirwan, Anthony, son of Dennis,
76.
LAFONTAINE, 124.
Lalors, The, 57.
Index.
201
Langford, Lord, 116.
Lapsed Papists, 63.
Lattin, Alison, 22.
Lattin, John, 21, 22.
Lattin, Stephen, 22.
Laud, Archbishop, 132.
Lawless, John (Jack-a-napes Squin-
tum), 154 and n. ibicL
Leather-Skull, Counsellor Fin, 156.
Lecorry, 110.
LeHunte, Colonel Peyton, 2.
LeHunte, Colonel Richard, 2.
Leighlin Bridge, 76.
Leinster, Duke of, 167.
Leinster House, 192.
Leinster tories, 70.
Leinster Lower, 58.
Leitrim Plantation, 58.
Leitrim and Mayo, 81,
Leitrim, 82,
Leonidas, 125.
Letteree, Capt. Daniel O'Keefe, 65.
Levin, 138 n.
Levinge, Sir Richard, 137 n.
Liffey street chapel, 159.
Lince, Elizabeth (alias Dalton),
35 n.
Linharn, James (alias Moore), 35 n.
Linham, Mary (alias Moore), 35 n.
Lisburn, 139.
Lismalin, 19.
Lismore, 5.
Lisson Hall, 140.
Littledale, W.F., 166 n., 170.
Litton, Dr., 170.
Londonderry, Sir Robert Ridgway.
Earl of, 130.
Londonderry county, 98.
Longford Castle, 85.
Longford county, 47.
Longford, Earl of (see Francis
Aungier).
Loughnan, Henry James, 193.
Lough Glyn, 84, 89.
Lough Mackerkan, 89.
Louis XIV., 42.
Louth, Lord, 51.
Low Countries, 10, 18, 23, 25, 94.
Lucas, Francis, 97.
Lucas, William, 121.
Lucan, 6.
Lucina, 187, and n. ibid.
Ludlow, General Edmund, 116.
Luttrell, Thomas, 71.
Lying-in Hospital, 173.
Lynch, Gerald, 116.
Lynchj Mrs. Margaret, 172.
Lynch's Knock, 6, 1 16.
M'CARTHY, 4.
M'Carthy versus Hanly, 62.
McCarthy, Dermot, 43.
M'Carthy, Dermot and Owen, 43.
M'Carthy, Donogh, Viscount Mus-
kerry, 5.
M'Carthy, Captain Charles, 42 n.
M'Carthy, Owen, 41.
M'Carthy, Owen, 43.
M'Causland, Alexander, 103.
M'Donnell, Rory, 106.
M'Donnell, Owen Duff, 106.
M'Donnell, Fardorogh, ib.
M-Donnell, Toole, ib.
M'Evoys, The, 57.
M'Gillaspie, Edmund, 104.
M'Grath, Shane, 106.
M'Guire, Owen, 103.
M'Mahons, The, 98.
M'Mahon, Colonel, 98 n.
M'Nally, 163.
M'Namara, Surgeon, 172.
M'Nelogh, Hugh, 104.
M'Quaid.RedmondM'Kogher, 106.
Macan, 178.
MacCarthys, 42 n.
MacCarthyReagh,Col. Charles, 51.
MacDonnell, Billy, 176.
MacFinneen, Donogh(0' Sullivan),
45.
MacGiolla Phadraig, 128.
MacMahon, Sir William, Bart., 162.
MacMurrough, Eva, 130.
Macroom, 79.
Madden, John (alias Dalton), 35 n.
Maginneses, The, 92.
Magragh, John, 104.
Maguires, The, 91, 93.
Maguire, Captain, 58.
MacGuire, Owen, 104.
Malahide Castle, 8.
Mallow, 64, 66.
Malone, The Widow, 184.
Maltravers, 130.
Manners.Lord Chancellor, 148, 188.
" Marcellus, The Anti-Union," 159.
Mardyke, in Holland, 8, 39.
Marrabone, Tom, 184.
Marshal, Alexander, 139, 141.
Marshal, William, Earl, 128, 130.
Martin, Captain, 77.
Marwood, Mr., 58.
Maryborough, 52.
Mass Lane, 190.
Massarene, Earl of, 27.
Massy, Sir Edward, 76.
Mathew, Father, 19S.
Mathew, Captain George, 143.
Maynooth College, 172.
202
Index.
Mayo and Leitriin, 81.
Mazarin, Cardinal, 30, 38.
Meade, Sir John, 79.
Meagher, The Rev. John, 172.
Meath, Palatinate of, 54.
Merrion-square, 159, 161, 162.
Mervyn, Sir Audley, 32, 40.
Mews, The King's, 8.
Mile Line, The, 10.
Milesian Magazine, 145, 148.
Mills, Dr., 170.
Mills, Mrs. Lucina Terebinthina,
185, 186, 187, and n. ibid.
Milner, The Kev. Dr., 157.
Mitchelstown Castle, 88.
Moira, 122.
Molloy, Hugh, 74 n.
Molloy, John Scott, 190.
Molloy, Father, 161.
Monck, General, 15.
Montgomery, Viscount, Ardes, 7.
Montgomery, Nat., 190.
Montgomerys, The, 92.
Montgomery, Sir James, 1.
Montrose, Earl of, 90.
Moors, The, 47.
Moores, The White, 57.
Moore, Mr., 169.
Moore, James (alias Linham), 35 n.
Moore, Mary (alias Linham). 35 u.
Moore, Patrick, 29, 30, 32.
Mount Belle w, 81.
Mountgarret, Lord, 130.
Mountgarret, Viscounts of, 8.
Mountjoy, Viscount (see Sir Wil-
liam Stewart, of Rameltou).
Mountjoy, Lord (see Stewart).
Mountrath , Earl of, 5.
Mountrath, 2nd Earl of, 70, 71, 72,
73, 74.
Mountrath, Countess Dowager of.
70, 71.
Mount Talbot, 81.
Mourne Mountains, 113.
Moy, The Estuary, 89.
Moyfenrath, barony of, 187 u.
Moyry pass, 120.
Mulligan, David, 110.
Munster, 18, 57.
Munster Plantation, 91.
Munster, Lord President of, 78.
Munster Tories, 78.
" Murder Gazette," The, 148.
Murphy, Father, 163.
Murphy, Billy, 153.
Murphy, Father Edrnond, 110, 111,
and n. ibid., 112, 117.
Murphy, Patrick, 110.
Murray, The Most Kev. Dr., 172.
Muskerry, barony of, 44.
Muskerry, Viscount, 5, 13.
Myshal, 189 n.
Myshal Lodge, 188.
NAAS, 22, 129.
Nangle, Elizabeth, 35 n.
Nangle (Edmond) Lieut., 85, 86.
Nangle, John, 35 n.
Nangle, Mathew, 35 n.
Nangle, Pierce, 35 n.
Nangle, William 35 n.
Napoleon L, 169,
Narrow- water, 123.
Neale, Captain, 58.
Neale, Captain John, 42 n.
Neale, Major John, 44.
Nenagh, 3,7, JO.
Netherlands, The, 49.
Netterville, Lord, 50, 149, 151.
Newcastle, 132.
Newry, 109.
New Street, 169.
Newtown Stewart, 107.
Norbury (Judge Bladderchops),
173.
Norman Conquest, 3.
Nominees, 18, 53.
Nominees, Contiguities of the, 54.
Norfolk, Duke of, 130.
Norton Major, 135.
Nottingham, Jane (otherwise Mrs.
Luke Sedgrave), 23.
Nuncio, 18, 37 n., 53. 54. 64. 72, 84.
Nunciotists, 16, 37 n.
Nugents, The, 52.
OAKY, Colonel, 72.
O'Brennans (see Brennans).
O'Brien, 4.
O'Briens, 42 n.
O'Brien, Jemmy, 166, and n. ibid.
O'Brien, Moriertagh, 64.
O'Cahans, The, 92.
O'Cahan, Brien, 102.
O'Connell, Daniel, 149. 155. 156,
157, 159, 161, 162, 163, 164 n.,
183, 188.
O'Connors. The, 42 n., 57.
O'Connor Dun, 82.
O'Connor, Mr. Owen, 154.
O'Connor, Sir Pat., 153.
O'Connor, Roger, 181.
O'Dempsey (see Deinpsey).
O'Donnels, The, 91, 92, 98.
O'Driscol, Colonel Connor, 42 n.
O'Ferralls, The, 92.
O'Ferrall, Colonel, 39.
Index.
203
Officers, Irish, 37, 38, 42, and n. ib.
O'Gorman, Counsellor, 157.
O'Grady, Chief Baron, 161.
O'Hagans, The, 91, 92.
O'Hanlon, Art (or Arthur), 121,
122.
O'Hanlon, Count (see Redmond
O'Hanlon), 111.
O'Hanlon, Loughlin, 115, 122.
O'Hanlon, Redmond, 97, 109, 1 10,
111, 112, andn.ib., 113, 114,115.
118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124,
125.
O'Hossy, Lieutenant Mulmimy,
103, 104, 105.
O'Kanes, The, 98.
O'Keeffe, 4.
O'Keeffe, Captain Daniel and Mary
0'Kelly,64.
O'Keeffe, Daniel, 42 n., 65.
O'Keeffe, Hugh, surnamed " Pas-
chalis," 64.
O'Kelly, Mary, 64, 66.
O'Kellys, The, 92,
Oliva, Father, 118 n.
O'Loughnane, James, 104, 105.
O'Moores, The, and O'Connors, 57.
O'Murphy, Cormac, 109, 110, 111.
0 'Neils, The, 91, 92, 98.
O'Neil, Con, 102.
O'Neil of the Fews, Colonel, 98 n.
O'Neil, Sir Henry, 27, 92, 98 n.
O'Neile, Neile, 102.
O'Neil Oge O'Neile, 101.
O'Neil, Con, ib.
O'Neil, General Owen Roe, 54, 84,
98 n.
O'Neil, Tirlagh M 'Shane Oge, 101,
102.
O'Phelan, John, 58.
O'Reillys, The, 98.
O'Reilly, Colonel, 98 n.
O'Roarty, Daniel, 104, 105.
Ormonde, 32, 33, 34, 35, 53.
Ormonde, Earls of, 8.
Ormonde, Thomas, Earl of, 49, 130.
Ormonde, Walter, Earl of, 9.
Ormonde, Marquis of, 13, 39, 48.
Ormonde, Marchioness of, 11.
Ormonde, Duchess of, 20, 23.
Ormonde, Duke of, 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 9,
11, 17, 26, 27, 31. 46, 49, 55, 59,
70, 83, 90, 106, 107, 117, 122, 126.
127, 140, 143.
Ormonde's Life Guard, 23.
Ormondists, 37 n.
Ormsbys, The, 81.
Ormsby, Mr., 88.
Orrery (see Boyle, Roger).
Orange, William of, 65, 136, 137.
Osborne, Sir Edward, 133.
O'Shiel, 121, 122.
O'Sonnaghan, Patrick, 103.
Ossory, Earl of, 75, 83, 101, 139.
Ossory, bishop of, 84.
Ossory, bishopric of, 83.
O'Sullivan More, Daniel, 45.
O'Sullivan, Donogh MacFineen, 45.
Otway, Bishop of Killalla, 83.
Otway, Bishop of Ossory, 84, 138.
PADDEREEX, Dr. Paddy, 174.
Page, Mr. Secretary, 50.
Palace Row, Rutland Square, N.,
68.
Papists Convict, 11.
Paris, 17, 170.
Parliament. A free, 6.
Peaces of '46 and '48, 16.
Percival, Dr., 170.
Petty, Dr. William, 12, 29, 31, 32.
Philemon and Baucis, 124.
Philip, King, and Queen Mary, 57.
Pirn, Richard, 183.
Phcenix Park, 155 n.
Plunket, 4.
Plunkets, The, 60.
Plunket, Alison (alias Browne), 35,
n.
Plunket, Primate, 61, 92, 94, 95,
117, 118.
Plunket, Sir Nicholas, 18, 24, 116.
Plunket, Dr. Patrick, bishop of
Meath, 92.
Plunket, Mary (alias Nangle), 35, n.
Plunket Street, 159.
Pole, Wellesley, 150, 155, 156.
Poland, King of, 158.
Polmonty, co. Wexford, 76.
Pope's Supremacy, 11.
Portarlington, Manor of, Queen's
co., 75.
Portugal, 78.
Portumna Castle and Deer Park, 7-
Power, Colonel, 79, 80.
Preston, Christopher, Viscount
Gormanstou, 25.
Preston, General Thomas, first
Viscount Tara, 25.
Prendergast, Michael Ro., 67.
Prendergast, Morris Boy, 67.
Prendergast, John P., 12 n.
Proclamation of 29th May 1660, 2.
Protestant Delinquents, 1, 7.
Protestants, Delinquent, un com-
pounding, 7.
Protestant Royalists, 1.
Protestant Hierarchy, 1.
204
Index.
« Puckan Speech' of the Speaker of
the Commons House, 32.
Purcell, James, 166 n., 168, 169.
Purcell, Isaac, 35 n.
Purcell, May, 35 n.
Pym, 133.
Pyrenees, The, 190.
QUARTERS, The Irish, 18, 21.
Queen's county, 52, 172.
RABELAIS, 145.
Ramelton, 107.
Ramsay, Christopher, 76.
Ranelagh, 171.
Ranelagh Convent, 1 72.
Rathcally, 138 n.
Rathgoggan, 78.
Rathfarnham, Castle of, 178.
Rathmines, 27.
Ratoath barony, co. Meath, 10, 12,
23.
Rawdon, Sir George, 122.
Reading, Sir Robert, 70, 140.
Regent, The Prince, 156, 169.
Regicides, The, 9.
Regiments, Irish, 13.
Restorable Irish, 17.
Reynolds, Mr., of Bridge Street,
Dublin, 61.
Reynolds, Mr., Solicitor-General, 8.
Reynolds, Commissary General
John, 8.
Rice, Father Stephen, 118 n.
Richardson, Francis, 97.
Richardson, Symon, ibid.
Rich Hill, co. Armagh, 97.
Richmond, Dake of, 150, 155, 156,
193.
Richmond, Duchess of, 145.
Ridgway. Sir Robert, Earl of
Londonderry, 130.
Ringsend, Dublin, 126, 139.
Russell, Dr., of Maynooth, 12 n.
Russell, Captain, 149.
Russells, The cream of the, 12 n.
Russell, John, of Chippenham,
Cambridgeshire, 10.
Russell, the Black Sir William, 12,
and n., ibid.
Russell, the White Sir William,
12 n.
Russell, Sir Wiliiam of Laugharne,
10, 12.
Rutland square, Dublin, 68.
Roche, Mr., 154.
Roche, Lord, 51.
Roche, Maurice, Lord of Fermov,
78.
Rochforts, The family of, 25.
Rochfort, Elizabeth (otherwise
Preston), 25, 26.
Rochfort, Captain Henry, 25, 26,
27.
Rochfort, Robert, 27.
Romans, King of the, 149.
Rooney, Anglesea Street, 122.
Rooney, Paddy, 170.
Roscommon, county of, 5.
Roscrea, 19, 74.
Rosgray (see Roscrea).
Rostrevor, 122.
Ross Castle, Killarney, 46.
Rotunda Hospital, 146, 168.
Round-about-Counsellor, 159.
SADLEIR, Colonel, 5, 78.
Sallee Rovers, The, 57.
Santry, 76.
Sarsfield of Lucan, 6.
Sartgee (Hottentot Venus), 149.
Scanderbeg, 107, 120.
Scapin, 163.
Scotland, 91.
Scott, Sir Walter, 17n.
Scullys, 42 n.
Scully, Mr., 160.
Scully, Denis, 149, J83.
Sedgrave, Luke, 12, 23.
Seville, 163.
Shaen, Sir James, 7.
Shaftesbury, Earl of, 112, 115.
Shane's Castle, 92.
Shannon, 7, 82.
Shannon, Falls of the, 48.
Sheehys, 42 n.
Shinrone, 185.
Sidus Coxicum, or the Cox Con-
stellation, 148.
Sigginstown (see Jigginstown).
Sirr, Major, 148, 149, 166 n., 178 n.
Slane, Lord, 27, 94.
Slane, Randal Fleming, Lord, 44.
Slane, Wm. Fleming, Lord, 44.
Slieve-na-Mon, 8, 20.
Slieve Bloom Mountain, 73.
Slieve Gullion, 120.
Smith, Baron, 172.
Smithstown, 138 n.
Smyrna, 167.
Solomon, 176 n.
Southwell, Lord, 151.
Spa-fields, 160.
Spain, 2, 13, 14.
Spain, King of, 12, 37, 38, 57, 58,
85.
Spaniards, The, 88.
Spencer, Edmund, 60.
Index.
Spratt, The Rev. Dr., 193.
Squintum Jack, 154.
St. Gillain, 47.
St. John, Lord Deputy, 58.
St. Margaret's, near Santry, co.
Dublin, 76.
Stanley, 38.
Stanley, Colonel Thomas, 2.
Stapleton, Captain William, 42 n.
Star, The Union, 149.
Stephen's Green, 169.
Stewarts, The, 92.
Stewart, Sir William, 107.
Stewart, Sir William, Viscount
Mountjoy, £0 n., 109.
Stoker, Dr., 170.
Strafford, Earl of, 156.
Stroker, Dr., 170.
Stranadarrow, 105.
Stuart, Captain James, 103.
Stuart, Captain, 104.
Stuart, Charles (King Charles II.)
6.
Stuart, Mrs. Anne, 172.
Stuart, Mrs. Mary, 172.
Stuart, The Rev. Charles, 172.
Sufferers, The Sixteen, 18.
Suir, Valley of the, 8.
Sullivan, Francis, schoolmaster,
67.
Summer Hill (Lyneh's Knock),
near Trim, 6, 116.
Swettenham, Mary, 142.
Swift, Dean, 17 n., 185.
Synnot, Mr., 124.
TAAFFE, Lady Susan, 29.
Taaffe, Christopher, 29, 31.
Taaffe, Theobald, Earl of Carling-
ford, 29.
Talbots, The, 8, 60.
Talbots, The, of Mount Talbot, 81.
Talbot, Sir William, 51.
Talbot, Dick (Duke of Tyrconnell),
137, 144.
Talla Hill, 156.
Tallemacorray, 88.
Tangier, 47.
Tara, Thomas Preston, 1st Vis-
count, 25, 26.
Tara, Anthony Preston, 2nd Vis-
count, 25.
Tara, 3rd Viscount, 26.
Tawnonga, 88.
"Theatre, The Little," Capel-st.,
150.
Thierry, Augustine, 3.
Thompson, 34.
Tieroghan, county Meath, 75.
Tipperary, county of, 2, 7, 48.
Tipperary county, Court of the
Royalties and Liberties of, 67.
Tipperary county, Chief Justice of,
Royalties and Liberties of, 80.
" Tobacco Meadows," 148.
Tollanehan, 88.
Tower Hill, 133.
Transplanters' allotments, 71.
Trevor, Colonel Mark, Lord Dun-
gannon, 106.
Trim, 6, 27.
Trimbleston, Lord, 50.
Troy, Archbishop, 148, 149, 159,
160, 177, 182, 183.
Truro's Fields, 45 n.
Tuite, Andrew Boy, 54.
Tuite, Lieut. Henry, 42 n.
Tuite, Walter, of Cullanmore, co.
Westmeath, 54, 55.
Tuite, Captain William, 42 n.
Tullikeely, 29.
Turks, The, 107.
Turlave, 138 n.
Turpentine Doctor, The, 145. !
Tyburn, 118.
Tyrconnell, Lord, 137.
Tyrell, Margaret, 35 n.
Tyrrellan, Castle of, 5, 8.
Tyrone county, 98, 103.
ULSTER, 60, 91, 92, 97, 98, 103.
Ulster proprietors, 60.
Ulster Papists, 60.
Ulster Protestants, 60. W>J^
Ulster Plantation, 58, 59.
Uniell Oliver, 35 n.
Union, The (United Irish)1' Star,
148.
United Irish, The, 148.
Upper Ossory district, 128.
Upper Ossory, borough of, Queen's
county, 74 n.
Upper Ossory, Lord, 50.
Upper Ossory, Earl of, 128.
VERDUN, 170.
Vernon, Colonel Ned, 6.
Vernon, Quarter Master Genl., 6.
WALES, NORTH, 126.
Wales, Princess of, 160.
Walpole, Freney, 190.
Walker, Sir Edward, 31.
Walsh, Edmond, 35 n.
Walsh, George, 35 n.
Walsh, Captain P., 42 n.
Walsh, Father Peter, 30, 31, 37 n.,
59.
206
Index.
Wandesford, 146.
Wandesford, Sir Christ., 130, 131,
132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138 n.,
145, 156.
Wandesford, Lady, 135.
Wandesford. William, 133, 135.
Warden, Colonel William, 79.
Warren, Miss, 25, 26.
Warren, Anthony, 25.
Warren, Colonel Edward, 28, 34.
Warren, Jack, 139.
Warren, Margaret, Viscountess
Tara, 25.
Waterford City, 21.
Wellesleys, The, 181.
Wellesley, Sir Arthur, 190.
Wellesley, Marquis, 192.
Wellington, Duke of, 150, 156.
Went worth, 130, 132, 133.
Went worth, Thomas, 145.
Wexford plantation, 58.
Whaley Abbey, 166 n., 170.
Whaley House, 168.
Whaley, " Burn Chapel," 165, 167,
168.
Whaley, "Buck," 167, 168.
Whaley, Edward, 166.
Whaley, Henry, 167.
Whaley, Jerusalem (see Buck
Whaley).
Whaley, John, 167.
Whaley, Kill-Coachee, 165, 168.
Whaley, Cornet Richard, 166, 167.
Whaley, Richard Chappel, 168.
Whaley, Colonel William, 167,
168, 169.
White Hall, 2, 18, 39, 42, 46.
Wickham, Mr. Sec., 158.
Wilberforce, William, 190.
William III., 98, 155.
Wilson, Mr., 167.
Windsor, 146.
Wogan, Sir Charles, 17 n.
Wood kerns or tories, 60.
Wrestling Doctor, The, 145.
Wright, Richard, 141.
Wright, Mrs., 141.
Wyse, Andrew, 21.
Wyse, Thomas, 21.
YORK, 132.
York, The Duke of, 9, 12, 13, 22, 30.
39, 44, 45, 49, 65, 85, 103.
Youghal, 5.
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