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" Doctor Leland begins his History of Ireland too late." (the 12th century) " The ages 
which deserve our exact enquiry, are those times (for such they were) when Ireland was 
the school of the West, the quiet habitation of sanctity and literature ; if you could give a 
history, though imperfect, of the Irish nation, from its conversion to Christianity, to the 
invasion from England, you would amplify knowledge with new views, and new objects." 
—Br. Johnson's letter to Charles O'Conor. 

" The great source of Irish misery has been, — not the power of England, — but its 
want of power." — Br. Phelan. 



BY y 





















The favourable reception which the former edition of this work received 
from the public, has encouraged the author to publish a new and en- 
larged edition ; and for the purpose of removing, in some degree, the 
obscurity in which the subject is involved, and to prepare the way for 
the fuller developement of the ecclesiastical history of Ireland, a short 
analysis of her secular history, as far as it is connected with the church, 
is prefixed, as a leading article to each division of the work ; which has 
made a change in the title of the book necessary, from ' Outlines of 
the History of the Church in Ireland,' to that of ' Ireland and her 

The history of Ireland, from the introduction of Christianity to the 
present time, naturally divides itself into three parts. First, from the 
second to the twelfth century. Secondly, from the Norman invasion 
in that century, to the Reformation in the sixteenth ; and thirdly, from 
the Reformation to the present day. 

In the first period of her history, Ireland was independent, both in 


church and state, of any foreign potentate whatsoever, and possessed a 
considerable share of those benefits which result from industry, laws, 
and literature ; with perhaps as much tranquillity, public and private, as 
was enjoyed by Greece, at its most brilliant period. During the sixth, 
seventh, eighth, and part of the ninth century, she was (in the lan- 
guage of Dr. Johnson) * the school of the west, the quiet habitation of 
sanctity and literature/ Her mitred missionaries were the honoured 
instruments in the hands of God, of evangelizing the greater part of 
Saxon-England and Scotland ; and not content with this, she extended 
* the cords of her tent ' over almost every part of the continent of 
Europe. Let the reader stand in imagination on the top of mount St. 
Gothard, where her house of refuge still remains, and looking to the 
north and to the south, to the east and to the west, he will be able to 
trace, with the map of Europe in his hand, the footsteps of the Irish 
missionaries, through France, Germany, Switzerland, and Italy, im- 
parting to the inhabitants of these extensive regions, the blessings of 
pure Christianity and moral civilization. 

Her seminaries and her churches at home, during the same period, 
were the asylums of learned men from all parts of the continent of 
Europe. King's sons were among her honourable pupils. In Great 
Britain, the colleges and churches of Iona, Malmesbury, Lindisfarne, 
with many others; and on the continent of Europe, Lieuxeu, and 
Fontains in France ; Sekingen, Limmat, Zurich, Tuggen, Arbon, Dis- 
sentes, St. Gall, "Wurzburg, and Saltzburg, in Germany and Switzer- 
land; and Pavia, Tarentum, and Bobbio in Italy; all proclaim the 
same truth, that Ireland was the focus, from which the light of divine 
truth was shed over the greater part of the continent of Europe. 

' We find also, (says Mosheim) Irish divines, discharging with the 
highest reputation and applause, the functions of Doctors in France, 
Germany, and Italy, both during this, (the eighth), and the following 
century.' ' It was not a doubtful ray of science and superstition, (as 
the infidel historian of the Roman empire remarks,) that those mis- 


sionaries diffused over the northern regions ; superstition, on the con- 
trary, found them her most determined foes/ 

In the ravages of the Danes, which commenced in the ninth century, 
we lose all distinct notices of things, in one sanguinary chaos of rapine 
and revenge. When men began to recover from this sad visitation, it 
was felt, that religion had suffered grievously. The horrors of intestine 
warfare, favourable, in single instances, to an austere and unsocial 
piety, are fatal to the milder virtues ; and three centuries of invasion 
will suffice for the corruption of the finest people. This may, in some 
measure, account for the state in which Ireland was found, when the 
Anglo-Normans invaded our shores. 

The second period of Irish history commences from the invasion and 
partial conquest of Ireland, in the latter part of the twelfth, to the 
Reformation in the sixteenth century. " The tale of woe," as a Roman 
Catholic historian feelingly expresses it, ' which followed the invasion of 
the Normans, when Pope Adrian handed over the Emerald Isle to the 
tender mercies of adventurers, baffles all description. The statute 
of Kilkenny alone, is indeed a solecism in the legislation of civilized 
nations, and has left a stigma on the character of popish England 
which never can be obliterated : not content with excluding ' the mere 
Irish, or Irish Rebels/ (the name given to the members of the Irish 
Church, who were considered by the popish aristocracy of that day, as 
heretics of the very worst character) from all the common rights of 
humanity, — the very brutes that perish were not exempted from the 
tender mercies of the Norman Romanists : ' An Irish horse was not per- 
mitted to graze on the pasture of an Englishman/ 

During this dark and gloomy period of three centuries and an half, 
the Irish Church still exhibited symptoms of life and animation, and we 
are informed by the decisive testimony of Dr. Lanigan, himself a 
Romanist, and others, ' that wherever the natives maintained their in- 
dependence/ which they did in the greater part of Ireland, during this 


period, ' the clergy and people followed their own ecclesiastical rules, as 
if the synod of Cashel had never been held.' 

At the Reformation, commences the third period of Irish History. 
The novelties of the Romish Church were discarded, and the 
primitive Irish Church became again the Established Church of this 
realm ; and ' all sorts and conditions of men,' joyfully gave in their 
adhesion to it. It is a well recognized fact, that in the reigns of Henry, 
Edward, and Elizabeth, the entire mass of the population, lay and 
ecclesiastical, outwardly conformed to the ritual of the Established 
Church, and that Ireland for the first time in her annals, was then at 
peace under one acknowledged sovereign. 

The melancholy change that took place in the ecclesiastical affairs of 
Ireland can only be accounted for, by the powers of Europe, headed by 
the Pope, uniting to destroy by brutal force, the Church of Ireland, just 
emerging from its degradation ; and by a continuation of that wretched 
policy, which had marked the government of England in former days. 
The language and dress of the people were again prohibited by new 
statutes ; the service of the church was again performed in an unknown 
language, which at once threw back the professors of the ancient reli- 
gion of the country into the hands of the Anglo-Irish, who had now 
received a new importation of bishops from Rome, and were become 
greater and more determined enemies to England, than the native Irish 

The taunting proverb, that the admitted failure of the Church, in 
converting the natives from the errors of Romanism, has been mainly 
attributed to the wealth and consequent indolence and neglect of its 
pastors, will, I hope, receive an answer, from the statement of facts in 
the following pages ; and it will be seen that so far from this being 
the case, till within the last fifty years, the Church's destitution 
palsied its efforts, for any useful or benevolent purpose. 

But the most extraordinary feature in the history of the Church in 
Ireland, is, that like her Waldensian sister of the wilderness, she has 


always been a Protestant Church. In the primitive age a witness against 
the usurped authority of Rome, and in the two latter periods protesting 
against the doctrines and practices of her corrupt system of religion. 

The forcible introduction of Romanism into Ireland, in the latter part 
of the twelfth century, became the fruitful source of a series of calamities, 
hardly to be equalled in the history of the world ; a second attempt of 
the same kind, and for the same purpose, is now making, by the pre- 
sent ministers of the crown, which if persisted in, will end in the 
dismemberment of the empire, and in the decline and fall of the 
British Nation. 

May 1, 1845. 

The writers of the present day, whose works on Ireland, have been 
referred to in this publication, are as follows : — 

Pamphlet on Ireland, by Lord Alvanley. 

Answer to that Pamphlet, by the Earl of Roden. 

Lord Lifford on Ireland. 

Memoir on Ireland, Native and Saxon, by Daniel O'Connell, Esq. M.P. 

Did the early Church in Ireland acknowledge the Pope's 

supremacy ] Answer in a letter to Lord John Manners, from Daniel 

Rock, D.D. 
Church of St. Patrick, an historical enquiry into the independence of 

the Ancient Irish Church, by the Rev. William G. Todd. 
" The present crisis of the Church of Ireland considered," by 

Dr. Miller. 


St. Patrick's confessions. 

The venerable Bede, Romanist. 

Giraldus Cambrensis, Romanist. 

Hallam's Constitutional History of England. 

Hume's History of England. 

Gibbon's Rise and Fall of the Roman Empire. 


Archbishop Usher's Works. 

St. Jerome. 

O'Halloran's History on Ireland, Romanist 

Columbanus' Epistles, Romanist. 

Prosper's Chronicle, Romanist. 



Grose's Monastic Antiquities. 

Lanigan's History of Ireland, Romanist* 

O'Connor's History of Ireland, Romanist. 

O'Connor's, Charles, Senr. Dissertation, Historical Address, 

Milner, Dr., Dissertation, Romanist. 
Valerio, Cardinal, Romanist* 
Cumian, The Elder. 
The Hymn of Fiech. 
The Cottonian MS. 

Willes' Lives of illustrious and distinguished Irishmen. 
Camden's Hibernia. 
Mosheim's, Ecclesiastical History. 
Bingham's Antiquities. 
St. Bernard's Life of Malachy, Romanist. 
Ledwich's Antiquities. 
O'Driscoll's Views of Ireland, Romanist. 
Origines Anglicans, Dr. Innet. 
Phelan's Policy of the Church of Rome. 
Leland's History of Ireland. 
Gillibert, Bishop of Limerick, Romanist. 
Plowden's History of Ireland, Romanist. 











pages 1 — 13. 



























Ireland pages 36 — 50. 












ORDER OF THE CULDEES pages 51 — 70. 


























MATES — pope Adrian's bull — confirmatory letter from pope 














pages 115 — 126. 

















pages 127 — 145. 


















pages IQ2— 184, 

HENRY VI1I.-FROM 1509-1546. 






entire kingdom pages 185 — 194. 


QUEEN MARY.— A.D. 1553—1558. 

mary's character as described by francis de noailles, the 

french ambassador at the english court the effects of 

mary's reign in Ireland, not so disastrous as in England — 

the reasons why it was not so prompt measures determined 

on for bringing the country under the dominion of the see 
of rome the design providentially frustrated the death 




QUEEN ELIZABETH.— A.D. 1558—1602. 









Elizabeth pages 203 — 216. 










SER pages 217 — 233. 


JAMES I— FROM 1602—1625. 









THE REIGN OF JAMES THE FIRST . pages 234 248. 


CHARLES I.— FROM 1625- 1648. 












pages 249—271. 










puts a stop to these proceedings pages 272 281. 


JAMES II.— FROM 1685—1688. 












of the church pages 282 — 316. 



WILLIAM III.— FROM 1688-1702. 

the revolution— james lands in ireland — calls a parliament 

to meet in dublin the acts of settlement repealed — james 

himself precluded from pardoning william determines to 

support his friends in ireland — duke schomberg with his 
army arrives in ireland — james's only ship of war captured 

— the fort of charlemont taken king william lands at 

carrickfergus his first act in ireland — james marches to 

meet him — William's army moves towards the boyne — william 
slightly wounded, supposed to have been killed — paris illu- 
minated in consequence of it — the battle of the boyne — 
james, considering the contest as decided, flies to water- 
ford and embarks for france james's adherents carry on 

the war — william arrives in dublin waterford capitulates 

the unsuccessful attack on athlone and limerick william 

embarks for england — the siege of athlone — the town taken 

— the battle of aughrim galway surrendered— the siege of 

limerick — capitulation of limerick the articles of capitu- 
LATION — the war concluded pages 317 341 













III. — dingle colony page 376. 










Ireland at the period of the introduction of Christianity, century 


and till the Norman invasion in the twelfth century, was 
divided into five kingdoms, Leinster, Munster, Connaught, tory 5 ire- 
Ulster, and Meath. One of these sovereigns was chosen 
king of Ireland, in some general assembly, probably of the 
nobility, or smaller chieftains, and of the 

This monarch of the island received tributes from the 
inferior kings, and a certain supremacy especially in the 
defence of the country against invasion ; but the constitu- 





Sir J. Ware's 
of Ireland. 
Leland's His- 

Subject to 
the law of 

ers' tenure — 

tion was of a general nature, and each was independent in 
ruling his people, or in making war on his neighbours. 
Below the kings were the chieftains of different septs, or 
families, perhaps in one or two degrees of subordination, 
bearing a relation, which may be called feudal to each 
other, and to the crown. 

These chieftainships, and perhaps, even the kingdoms ' 
themselves, though not divisible, followed a very different 
rule of succession than that of primogeniture. They 
were subject to the law of tanistry, of which the principle 
is defined to be, that the demesne lands, and dignity of 
chieftainship, descended to the eldest, and most worthy 
of the same blood ; these epithets not being used, we 
may suppose, synonymously, but in order to indicate, that 
the preference given to seniority was to be controlled by a 
due regard to desert. 

No better mode, it is evident, of providing for a per- 
petual supply of those vivid quarrels, in which the Irish 
are supposed to place so much of their enjoyment, could 
have been devised. Yet as these became in the course of 
time a little too frequent, it was not unusual to elect a 
Tanist, or reversionary successor, in the time of the reign- 
ing chief, as has been the practice of more civilized na- 
tions. An infant was never allowed to hold the sceptre 
of an Irish Kingdom ; it necessarily devolved to his uncle, 
or other kinsman of mature age ; as was the case also, 
(says Hallam) in England, even after the consolidation of 
the Anglo-Saxon monarchy.* 

The land-owners, who did not belong to the noble class, 
bore the same name, as their chieftain, and were presumed 
to be of the same lineage. But they held their estates by 

* Davis' Reports, p. 29, and his discovery of the true causes why 
Ireland was never entirely subdued, &c. &c. 


a very different, and an extraordinary tenure, that of century 
Irish gavelkind. 

On the decease of a proprietor, instead of an equal parti- 
tion among his children, as in the gavelkind of English 
law, the chief of the Sept, according to the generally 
received explanation, made, or was entitled to make, a 
fresh division of all the land within his district, allotting 
to the heirs of the deceased, a portion of the integral 
territory, along with the other members of the tribe. 

It seems impossible to conceive, that these partitions, 
a fruitful source of quarrelling, were renewed on each 
death that occurred in the Sept ; but they are asserted to 
have at least, taken place so frequently as to produce a 
continual change of possession. The policy of this custom 
doubtless sprung from too jealous a solicitude, as to the 
excessive inequality of wealth, and from the habit of look- 
ing on the tribe, as one family of occupants, not wholly di- 
vested of its original right, by the necessary allotment of 
lands to particular cultivators. It bore some degree of 
analogy to the institution of the year of Jubilee in the 
Mosaic code, and what may be thought more immediate, 
was almost exactly similar to the rule of succession, which ffifbavls's 
is laid down in the ancient rules of Wales.* HaiiamT&c. 

* ' At the date of the arrival of the first English adventurers, 
every chieftain, from the dynasty of a province to the tiny potentate 
of a realm, which might he enclosed within a modern barony, was a 
king. The annual claim of his superior lord was settled according 
to circumstauces, by a tribute or a battle ; but within his own ter- 
ritory, he exercised all the powers of barbarous royalty. By acustom 
which seems to have once extended from the Himalaya mountains 
to the Atlantic, he was sole proprietor of all the land of his Sept ; 
the clansmen held their portions during the pleasure of their chief, 
and there were some national usages which added to the uncertainty 
of this precarious tenure. All dignities were elective ; vacancies 

B 2 




The Brehon 

In the territories of each Sept, Judges called Brehons, 
and taken out of certain families, sat with primeval sim- 
plicity upon turfen benches, in some conspicuous situation, 
to determine controversies. Their usages are almost 
wholly unknown ; for what has been published as frag- 
ments of the Brehon law, seem open to great suspicion, at 
least of being interpolated. It is however notorious, that 
the Irish admitted the composition, or fine for murder, to 
be levied according to the rank of the individual, instead 
of capital punishment, and this was divided between the 
kindred of the slain, and the judge. 

were made, and elections carried most frequently by the sword ; so 
that every change of masters, in every tribe, threatened, if it did not 
cause, a new partition of lands. No special claims to inheritance 
were derived from primogeniture, legitimacy, or kindred. Upon the 
death or emigration of a vassal, his holding reverted to the common 
stock : on the other hand, as youths grew to maturity, or strangers 
became naturalized, the older occupants contracted their bounds to 
make room for the new settlers. These eternal fluctuations had 
their full effect upon the face of the country and the character of the 
people ; there was no motive to industry, no spirit, except for tur- 
bulent adventure ; cultivation was limited to the demands of nature, 
and the landlord, and the fertility of the soil abused by a wretched 
system of husbandry.' — Phelan's Introduction, page iv. 

It was one of the Articles of Impeachment brought in 1613, 
against the Lord deputy Chichester by the Catholic Association of 
the day, that his officers levied a fine on the Irish, for ploughing with 
horses by the tail. (See Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica, Vol. I.) 

In 1648, it was one of the Articles of Peace between the Duke 
of Ormond and another Catholic Association ' that two acts lately 
passed in this kingdom, the one prohibiting the ploughing with horses 
by the tail, and the other prohibiting the burning of oats in the straw 
be repealed.' Such was Irish patriotism in the seventeenth century ; 
making a grievance of every measure that was calculated to promote 
comfort and civilization, or raise the character of the people ; such 
it is in the nineteenth. 



The government of Ireland must have been almost en- century 

° 2 12. 

tirely aristocratical, and not very unlike that of the feudal 
confederacies in France, during the ninth and tenth cen- 
turies. The chief claimed a right of taking from his te- 
nants provisions for his own use at discretion, or of so- 
journing in their houses. This was called Coshery, and is 
somewhat analogous to the royal prerogative of purvey- 
ances. A still more terrible oppression was the quartering 
of the lord's soldiers on the people, sometimes mitigated 
by a composition , called by the Irish Bonagh ; — for the Bonagh. 
perpetual warfare of these petty chieftains, had given rise 
to the employment of mercenary troops, partly natives, 
partly from Scotland, known by the uncouth names 
of Kerns, and Gallow-glasses, who proved the scourge of , 

Ireland down to the time of Elizabeth. const.- Hist. 

of England. 

The worst features in the character of the people, ap- 
pears to have been formed in a great measure, from the 
nature of these laws, the effects of which are still to be 
recognized : with the general character of a half- civilized 
community, they were distinguished by a peculiar vivacity 
of imagination, an enthusiasm, and impetuosity of passion, 
and a more than ordinary bias towards a submissive, and 
superstitious spirit of religion. This spirit may justly be 
traced in a great measure to the virtues and piety of the 
early preachers of the Gospel in that country, and must 
have had a beneficial influence on the minds of the people, 
so as in some degree to have neutralized the baneful effects 
of the government under which they lived. 

The exact period, when Christianity was originally in- 

r ' . Introduction 

troduced into Ireland, cannot now be ascertained, nor of cimstia- 
are we to be surprised at this, as a similar uncertainty 
envelopes the first establishment of Christian Churches in 




St. Cathal- 

ii. p. 8. 

Lib. i.e. 2. 

Lib. c. 7. 


Usher Prim, 
p. 801. 

St. Albe. 

Britain, Gaul, Spain and even Rome* itself, an em- 
pire, which seems to have been raised up by God, for the 
purpose of contributing to the more easy diffusion of the 
light of divine truth. It is however very generally sup- 
posed that Ireland had been visited by the disciples of 
Christ, within one hundred years after the crucifixion. 

In the second century, in the reign of Con, Ireland 
sent forth the famous St. Cathaldus to preach the doc- 
trines of Christianity, who became afterwards the Bishop 
and Patron of Tarentum in Italy. In the next age Cor- 
mac, an Irish Prince, and a celebrated Legislator, was con- 
verted to Christianity, and died in the faith. St. Irenasus, 
bishop of Lyons, A. D. 100, mentions the existence of 
Churches among the Celtic nations ; but the earliest wri- 
ter, who affords the most direct proof of the probable ex- 
istence of one in Ireland, is Tertullian, one of the Latin 
fathers, who wrote about the year 200 ; he asserts, in his 
book * Adversus Judaaas,' * that those parts of the 
British Isles, which were unapproached by the Romans, 
were yet subject to Christ/ The allusion to Ireland is 
here manifest, from the use of the plural noun. In the 
fourth century, several churches had been founded, and 
colleges opened in Ireland, particularly that of Heber, or 
Iber, at Beglire in Leinster, * where Heber instructed 
great numbers of Irish, as well as foreigners, in sacred and 
polite letters.' 

St. Albe also, an Irish Prelate, after having preached 

* The passage of Irenaeus, (Lib. ii. c. 3) as is well known, is the 
first distinct assertion of any primacy in Peter, and derived from 
him to the See of Rome. This passage would be better authority, if 
it existed in the original language, not in a barbarous Latin version, 
and still more if it did not assert what is manifestly untrue, — the 
foundation of the Church of Rome by St. Peter and St, Paul. 


throughout Ireland, founded his Church and School at century 

Emery or Emly. Irish ecclesiastics were spoken of as 

having visited other parts of Europe, before the fourth 
century, particularly St. Dermot and St. Liberias, who 
were succeeded by Albe, Kiaran, Declan, and Ibarus, in 
the work of disseminating the Gospel. Again, Ireland 
afforded the terrified British Clergy, a secure asylum from 
the Dioclesian persecution in 303.* 

And as a proof that education had made considerable Progress of 

•r-iT • iiOT Education. 

progress in Ireland, we are distinctly informed by bt. Je- 
rome and others, that the celebrated Celestius, so well Ceiestius, 
known afterwards, as the bold follower of Pelagius, the 
arch-heretic, was by birth an Irishman ; and three letters 
to his parents are still extant, which demonstrate that he 
had received an early Christian education in that country. 
These epistles not only imply that his parents were Chris- 
tians, but that there must have existed an extensive com- 
munity of them in a country, where such a writer could 
have been instructed, and such letters at all understood. 
They were written (says Moore, in his history of Ireland) 

* Daniel Rock, D.D. in his letter to Lord John Manners (p. 21) 
positively asserts that these Bishops were all ordained at Rome and 
by the Pope. Nothing however can be alleged with certainty, but 
that they were in Ireland before the time of St. Patrick. Of course, 
legends of their lives were composed, some of which have been trans- 
mitted to our times. (Vide Usher's Works, Vol. vi. pp. 333 — 336.) 
But the chronological inaccuracies with which they abound, the 
improbable stories they contain, their exaggerations and their un- 
truths are so numerous and so manifest, that Dr. Lanigan, (a wiser 
man than Dr. Rock) and a highly respectable Roman Catholic 
ecclesiastical historian, has exhibited a great deal of ingenuity in his 
efforts to throw discredit upon the fact that these Bishops were in 
Ireland before St. Patrick. (Eccl. History of Ireland, Vol. i. pp. 





in the form, as we are told, of little books, and full of 
such piety, as to make them necessary to all who love God. 
Their date is A.D. 369, and they were written, I need 
scarcely remark, previously to the falling of Celestius into 
his grievous errors, and sixty-two years before the arrival 
of St. Patrick ; but they evidently imply a full reception 
of Christianity into Ireland at a much earlier period. * 

The ablest opponent perhaps to be found to the arrogant 
and presumptuous heresy of Pelagius, was the countryman 
and contemporary of Celestius, the celebrated Sedulius. 
As a missionary he travelled through France, Italy, Asia, 
and Achaia. He wrote several works in prose and verse, 
among the former, a Comment on St. Paul's Epistles, 
entitled, f Sedulius Scoti Hibernensis, in omnes Epistolas 
Pauli collectaneum.'f 6 How profoundly skilled Sedu- 

* St. Jerome, speaking of this Celestius, says, ' He was made fat 
with Irish flummery. He compares Pelagius to Pluto, the king of 
Hell, and Celestius to his dog Cerberus, whom he styles one of the 
disciples of Pelagius, or rather his master, and the leader of the 
whole host.' From this extract from St. Jerome, we may conclude 
that the bitterness of controversy was not confined to any particular 
age of the church. 

f The following extracts from Sedulius' comment on St. Paul's 
epistles, are taken from Dr. Hale's work on the ancient British 
Churches. On free will, — 'Man's goad will precedes many gifts of 
God, but not all ; and of those which it does not precede, itself is 
one. Both (preventing and furthering grace) are recorded in Holy 
Writ. "His mercy shall go before me," (Psalm lix. 10.) and "his 
mercy shall follow me." (Psalm xxiii. 6.) It prevents the unwilling, 
that he m ay t will, and furthers the willing, that it may not will in 
vain. For why are we admonished to " ask that we may receive," 
unless that what we will, may be done by him, through whose 
operation we so willed.' (On Rom. ix.) 

The necessity of assisting grace, he further shows from the imperfect 
obedience even of the best of men. ' There is none of the elect, 


lius was in the leading doctrines of the gospel, may be in- century 

ferred from the clearness, conciseness, and appositeness of - — 

his remarks, critically comparing Scripture with itself, 
according to the analogy of faith. He was indeed an 
honour to his country, and a bright luminary in the ortho- 

though ever so great, whom the DevM dares not to accuse, but him 
alone " who did no sin," and who also said " Now cometh the 
prince of this world, and in me he findeth nothing." (On Rom. vii.) 
" There is none that doeth good," that is to say, perfect and entire 
good. (On Rom. iii.) God's elect shall be perfectly holy and spotless 
in the life to come, where " the church of Christ shall have no spot 
nor wrinkle," however even in the present life, they may not im- 
properly be called just, and holy, and spotless, though not entirely, 
but partly. (On Eph. i.) " Then only shall the just man be alto- 
gether without sin, when there shall be no law in his members 
warring against the law of his mind," for though " sin reign not now 
in their mortal body," yet sin dwells in the same mortal body, the 
force of that natural custom not being extinguished which we de- 
rive from our mortal origin, and increased by our actual transgres- 
sions.' (On Eph. v.) 

The sufficiency of God's grace, he thus states, ' We are saints, by 
the calling of God, not by the merit of our conduct, for " God is able 
to do exceeding abundantly, above what we ask or think, according 
to the power that worketh in us," not according to our merits.' (On 
Eph. iii.) For we must know that, whatever men have of God, is of 
grace, because " they have nothing of debt" (On Rom. xvi.) 

Grace, faith, works, justification of man. 

1 The law was given, not that it might take away sin, but that it 
might conclude all under sin, (Gal. iii. 22.) that men being by this 
means humbled, might understand that their salvation was not in 
their own power, but in the power of the Redeemer.' (On Gal. iii.) 

' God has freely proposed by faith only to remit sins.' (On Rom. 
iv.) 'that believers shall be saved by faith only.' (On Gal. iii.) 
' and that where men have fallen, they are to be renewed, ' only by 
the faith of Christ, which worketh by love,' (On Heb. vi.) 'and 
this faith, when it has been justified, cleaveth to the soil of the soul, 
like a root moistened by rain ; so that, when it begins to be cul'ti- 


Ancient Irish 
at enmity 
with Rome. 

century dox church of his age. Surely the country that produced 

- — such scholars as Celestius and Sedulius, at that early 

period, must have arrived at a high state of mental 

Dr. Hales. civilization.' 

We learn from Dr. O'Halloran, a distinguished Roman 
Catholic antiquary, that at the period of which we are now 
speaking, and when Christianity was making such rapid 
progress in Ireland, ' a most uncompromising enmity ex- 
isted in the minds of the Irish people against every thing 

?i'. P p! U 7 . rai1 ' connected with Rome.' It would therefore be unreason- 
able to suppose, that it was from Rome they received that 
instruction which broke down their heathen superstitions, 
dissolved their former system of religion, and produced 
such an important revolution in the minds of all, as ulti- 
mately to lead them, with one consent to profess them- 
selves Christians. At this early period also, when the 
contest was carried on between the eastern and western 
churches, the converts had imbibed all those prejudices, 
which in after ages manifested themselves so strongly in 
favour of the eastern customs, and which were at the same 
time so decidedly opposed to the Roman mode of the 
tonsure and keeping of Easter ; and when St. Patrick, on 
his arrival in the land, wished to exercise some kind of 
jurisdiction over the churches, he was told by St. Ibar, 
who was at the time ignorant of his mission from a 
sister church, ' that they never acknowledged the su- 

vated by means of the law of God, it furnishes branches anew, 
which may bear the fruit of works, out of the root of righteousness, 
which God accepts for righteousness without works.' (On Rom. iv.) 
Well might Archbishop Usher say, ' that the profession and prac- 
tice of Christianity in the fifth century in Ireland, varied very little 
from that of the present established Church of England and Ire- 


premacy of a foreigner,' and therefore protested against CE £^, RY 
his claims.* 

The protestant character of our church appears to have Pr 

continued for ages. An attempt having been made in the 
seventh century by some missionaries sent over to assist 
Austin by Pope Gregory, to prevail on the Irish bishops 
to submit to the authority of the see of Rome, it proved 
as unsuccessful as their efforts in England for the same 
purpose. Their address however was highly respectful ; — in 
the epistle they wrote on the occasion — ' Laurentius and 
Justus, bishops, servants of the servants of God, to our 
lords, and dearly beloved brethren, the bishops and abbots 
throughout all Ireland/ In this epistle they complain of 
the aversion of their countrymen in England to them, 
1 we know the Britons, and hoped to find the Irish better 
disposed, but we learned by means of Dagonus, the bishop 
coming from Ireland into this country, and Columbanus 
the abbot in Gaul, that they differ in nothing from the 
Britons in their conversation, for Dagonus the Bishop 
coming to us, not only would not eat with us, but not even 
in the same lodging in which we dieted.' 

Columbanus the Irish missionary on the same occasion, 
wrote a letter to Pope Gregory himself, e reproving his 
innovations with great freedom.' And again, writing to 
Pope Boniface the IVth. at the instigation of Agiluff, 
king of the Lombards, he says, ' It is your fault if you 
have deviated from the true faith.' And then he expli- 
citly asserts the orthodoxy of his own country : ' In Ire- 

* This account is given by the biographer of St. Colum Kille, 
whose virulence against Protestants and Protestantism, justifies him 
from the charge of partiality to an opinion, which states so fully that 
the Church of his native country rejected with disdain all foreign 
interference. (Vide O'Halloran, ii. p. 11.) 


character of 
Irish church. 


century land there has been neither heretic, nor Jew, nor schismatic ; 

2 12. . . 

for there the catholic faith is maintained unshaken accord- 


Epist. iv. in i n g as it was first delivered by you the successors of the 

Collect.Sacris & J J 

Lovanii.1667, holv apOStleS.'* 
or O Connor s " x 

Epist. nun- Again when Gregory the Great, under the mask of the 

cup. pp. 134, ° D J 

135, 138, 139. most profound humility, attempted to domineer over the 
Irish Church for the first time, in the noted controversy, 
concerning the writings and character of Theodorus, The- 
odoret, and Ibas, in the Nestorian heresy, about the person 
and nature of Christ, the Irish bishops peremptorily re- 
sisted his mandate, and with good reason on their side, 
preferred the judgment of other churches ; it was on the 
subject of this controversy that Columbanus addressed the 
letter from which the above extract has been taken, to the 
then Pope Boniface IV. The account of this controversy 
is given by the Romish annalist Baronius in the following 
words. ' All the bishops belonging to Ireland unani- 
mously rose up with the most ardent zeal for the defence 
of the three chapters. They added also the further crime, 
that when they had perceived that the church of Rome 
had adopted the condemnation of those chapters along 
with the fifth synod of Constantinople, (A.D. 553) and 
strengthened the synod with her concurrence, they receded 
from her, as well as others in Italy, in Africa, or in other 
countries, who adhered to the schismatics, animated with 
the vain confidence that they were contending for the ca- 
tholic faith, when they defended the decrees of the fourth 
general council of Chalcedon, (A.D. 451) approving of the 
three chapters. And so much the more fixedly do they 
adhere to their error, because whatever Italy suffered by 
the commotions of wars, by famine, or by pestilence, all 

* The nature and character of these letters will be fully discussed 
when we come to the history of the life and writings of Columbanus. 


these misfortnes befel her they thought, because she had century 

undertaken to fight for the fifth synod, against the council 

of Chalcedon.' Yet, notwithstanding the Romish testi- 
mony here given, Dr. Rock in his letter to Lord John 
Manners, positively asserts, ' that from its very beginning, 
through all ages to the present time, the Irish church has 

Dan . Rock 's 
Lett, to L 

ledged, has also paid obedience to, the papal supremacy.' * ners, P . e. 

been closely united with Rome, and while it has acknow- Lett, to Lord 

John Man- 

* Did the Irish clergy before the twelfth century take any oaths 
to the Pope ? No ! (Dr. O'Connor's Columbanus, hi. 160.) 

Did the Irish clergy apply to the see of Rome for Bulls of nomi- 
nation, institution, or exemption ? No. (Charles O'Connor's Senr. 
Dissert, on Irish History, p. 203.) 

Did the Irish clergy ever appeal to Rome for the decision of eccle- 
siastical causes 1 No. (Ibid.) 

Had the Pope of Rome anything to say either directly or indi- 
rectly with the appointment of Irish bishops ? None whatever. 
(Connor's Colum. v. p. 45.) 

Had Papal Legates any jurisdiction in Ireland ? None whatever, 
till the twelfth century, and then the jurisdiction was limited to the 
English Pale. (O'Connor's Historical Address, i. p. 10.) 

Where then is Dr. Rock's papal supremacy ? 











Palladiu i 
first missoin- 

Chron. ad 
ann. 431. 

Palladius the first missionary from the see of Rome. 
The account of this mission is given in Prospers Chronicle, 
and the manner in which it is mentioned is peculiarly 
striking. The words are these, ' Ad Scotus* in Christum 
credentes ordinatur a Papa Celestino Palladius, et primus 

* From several of the early writers, Adso, Prosper, &c. we are 
informed, that Ireland was called Scotia Major, and Albannia or 
Scotland, Scotia Minor, from an early colony of the Milesians, or 
Irish Scoti, who settled at Dalriede in Scotland, and who from their 
uniting with the Caledonian Picts, and being constantly recruited 
by fresh emigrations from Ireland, at length gave their name to the 
entire region of which at first, they occupied only a small corner. 
Bede (writing in A. D. 731) says of Ireland 'this is properly 
speaking, the country of the Scots ; emigrating from this, they ad- 
ded in Britain a third nation to the Britons and Picts, already settled 
there.' * From the consent of all antiquity the name Scoti he- 
longed to the Irish alone, till the eleventh century.' (Pinkerton's 
enquiry into the history of Scotland. Vol. II. p. 261.) 


episcopus mittitur.' ' Palladius was sent to the Scots century 

believing in Christ/ as their first, or rather perhaps their 

chief bishop. St. Celestine was the bishop who conse- 
crated Palladius, and sent him, not so much to preach to 
the pagan Irish, as to strengthen and assist those of the 
nation who were already believers in Christ. The mission 
totally failed ; after remaining a few months, or, as some 
say. only three weeks in the country, Palladius was obliged 
to retire, and died in Scotland in the January following. 

The question may now be fairly asked, why were the His mission 
labours of Palladius to so little effect, and his stay so short 
in Ireland ? Nennius, a Roman Catholic writer, dryly 
observes, ' that no man can receive any thing upon earth, 
unless it be given him from heaven.' Probus, another 
Roman Catholic writer, remarks, ' the Irish were wild and 
barbarous, and would not receive the doctrines of Palla- 
dius/ Joceline, the biographer of St. Patrick, says, ' be- 
cause they would not believe his preaching, but most ob- 
stinately opposed him, Palladius departed their country/ 
All these were silly evasions of the truth. Palladius was 
an intruder into a church which was complete and inde- 
pendent. The Irish clergy and people of that day would 
not listen to his foreign commission, and therefore they 
rejected the Pope and his delegate ; and such is the tenor 
of our ecclesiastical history from the second to the twelfth 

* My Lord John Manners, in his place, in the house of Commons, 
during the debate on the Arms Bill in 1843, had the candour and 
honesty to declare, that ' if there be one fact in Irish history, more 
clear than another, it is, that the Roman Catholic Church was not 
the Church of the Irish people originally.' In consequence of this 
declaration, Daniel Rock, D. D. of Priest's House, Berks, has ad- 
dressed a long letter to him, in which he states, " that if the opinions 
expressed by his Lordship had been spoken by Irishmen who have 


century Hume, whose indifference to all religion renders him at 

least an unprejudiced witness, corroborates the account 

here given of the early independence of the Irish Church, 
* the Irish (says the historian) followed the doctrines of 

been brought up with warmer likings for the exotic orange lily, than 
their own home-grown, bright green shamrock, and who seem al- 
ways to have hanging over their eyes, the Dutchman's emblematic 
flower, so as to tinge their sight in such a way, that whatsoever they 
happen to behold, may be viewed through a yellow light ; the ex- 
pression of such opinions would have awakened in my mind, no 
other feelings than astonishment at the recklessness of the writer, 
and pity for the lack of common knowledge shewn by the men, who 
gave them utterance. I should have smiled, (continues this gen- 
uine scion of " the Rock family,") in security at the dart thus 
hurled at the present catholic Church in Ireland, knowing that it 
would fall guiltless of any harm, and be like Priam's feeble spear, 
" telumque imbelle sine ictu." 

' Not so however, with words that fall from Lord John Manners ;' 
and after bedaubing his Lordship with fulsome panegyric, he pro- 
ceeds to lay bare his mistakes, and to show him first that ' the Irish 
church was founded by a pope. Secondly, that from its very begin- 
ning, through all ages to the present time, the Irish Church has been 
closely united with Rome, and while it has acknowledged, has also 
paid obedience to the papal supremacy ; and thirdly, that this Irish 
Church has ever held neither more nor less, than that very same re- 
ligious belief, taught by the now reigning Pope Gregory XVI, and 
professed by the millions of Christians throughout the world ; keep- 
ing up communion with him, and willingly yielding him spiritual 
obedience, as successor to St. Peter, and sole head of Christ's 

To prove the first of these prepositions, that ' the Irish Church 
was founded by a Pope,' Dr. Rock quotes the passage from Prosper 
already referred to, and then proceeds : — ' St. Prosper's evidence is 
most weighty ; he was one of the leading men of the age, he lived 
at the time, and was intimately acquainted with the personages, who 
acted in the above rehearsed events. Could we therefore bring for- 
ward no other witnesses, this single testimony, which has never been 


their first teachers, and never (at the period alluded to) century 
acknowledged any subjection to the see of Rome. 

Having thus briefly, but I should hope sufficiently, 
proved the early introduction of Christianity into Ireland, 
and that not by Romish missionaries, I shall now endea- 
vour to produce those authorities, which in my mind, not 
only point out, but substantiate, the fact of its eastern 

Grose, in his introduction to the monastic antiquities Eastern ori- 

t-> ... n . g in °f the 

states, 'that Polycarp sent missionaries to spread the Irish church, 
gospel in the western and northern parts of Europe, who 
settled Episcopacy, and gave a pure and uncorrupted ritual 
to their converts. Their liturgy agreed with the Greek ; 
and the religion of the Irish continued, for ten centuries, 
different from that of Rome, which is a strong evidence of 
our receiving the Gospel, not from Roman, but from Greek 

Dr. O'Halloran, who has been already mentioned, ex- 
presses his opinion on the same subject in the following 

impeached, would alone be quite enough to show, that to a bishop of 
Rome was pagan Ireland indebted, first, for her conversion to the 
Gospel, and afterwards for her hierarchy.' 1 

flow unfortunate it is for the learned Doctor's argument, that Pal- 
ladius was not sent to pagan Ireland, but to " the congregation of 
of faithful people" in that Island, and what is still more unfortunate 
is that these faithful people " the Church," would not receive him. 
So that 'pagan Ireland' was not indebted to the Bishop of Rome, 
either first, for her conversion, nor afterwards for her hierarchy. 

* In several respects the Irish Church agreed with the Greek, 
whilst she differed from that of Rome. 

1st. In deferring baptism till the eighth day, a practice which is I 
believe still observed in Russia, if not in other oriental Churches. 
(See Ross's 7rawe£eta § 14. c. 6. p. 243, and chap. IV. 

II. One of the solemn times for administering baptism in Ireland 
was the Epiphany (besides Easter and Pentecost). In this respect 



century words, f I strongly suspect that by Asiatic, or African 
Missionaries, or through them by Spanish ones, were our 
Ancestors instructed in Christianity ; because they rigidly 
adhered to their customs, as to tonsure, and the time 
of Easter. Certain it is, that Patrick found an hierarchy es- 
tablished in Ireland.' 

Life of St. Ta- 


Dr. Phelan. 

St. Patrick. 
It has been assumed with much confidence, by Roman 
Catholic writers, that the primitive Church of Ireland, was 
a branch of the papacy, and until very lately our antiqua- 
ries were unanimous in ascribing the origin of the Irish 

the Irish agreed with the eastern and African churches. (Lani- 
gan iv.) 

III. Infant communion, which is practised at this day in the east, 
was observed in Ireland long after it had been discontinued in the 
different western churches. (Lanigan iii. 309 — 455.) 

IV. The Irish imitated the Greek Church in fasting on a Wednes- 
day (Uss. Brit. Eccl. Anti. iv. to cxviii. p. 882.) 

V. Abstinence from blood, according to Acts xv. 29, was strictly 
observed in Ireland (Lanigan iii. 140). In this respect she also 
resembled the Greek Church. (See the 55th of the apostolic canons, 
and the second canon of Gangra, and the 67th of the Trullan 

VI. The Cursus Scotorum, or Irish Liturgy, was of Oriental 
origin, having been brought originally from Alexandria. See Spelm. 
Council, i. 177.) 

VII. Choriepiscopi, or village bishops, existed as an order in Ire- 
land long after they had been discontinued in the Romish Church. 
(Lanigan iii. 477 — iv. 35.) 

VIII. The Easter observed by the Irish was the same as that 
which had been anciently celebrated in the eastern church.' (Mos- 
heim, Cent. ii. Part 2). 

IX. From the case of Theodore (Bede, Hist. Lib. iv. c. 1,) the 
ecclesiastical tonsure used by the Irish was also of oriental origin. 
(Richard Hart.) 


Church to a mission from Rome, under St. Patrick ; but century 



the mission 
of St. Patrick, 

the opinion rested, I should say, on no sufficient authority. 

r 7 . . His mission 

The documents usually quoted in its support, were for the not from 
most part, of a date comparatively recent ; they abounded 
in anachronisms, contradictions and such an extravagant 
profusion of miracles, as would make a general law the 
most miraculous thing in nature.* 

Struck with those circumstances, the late Dr. Ledwich, 
a man of taste, sagacity, and information, boldly denied 
the existence of St. Patrick. He has been answered by 
three Roman ecclesiastics, Doctors O'Connor, Milner and 
Lanigan, all men of great erudition, and all deeply sensible 

* Cardinal Valerio tells us, it was customary with the monks to 
exercise their scholars in composition by proposing the usual topics 
to them ; the lives and martyrdom of saints, popular songs, and more 
commonly the suggestions of their own fancy, were the ground- work 
of their amplifications. The best of these were laid by, and after 
some years produced as genuine works. 

There is a curious anecdote in H. Wharton, that bears on this 
point. ' About the year 1380, flourished Gilbert de Stone, a learned 
ecclesiastic and good Latin writer. The monks of Holywell in 
Flintshire, applied to him to write the life of their patron saint. 
Stone asked for materials, he was answered there were none ; 
upon which he said, he could execute the work without mate- 
rials, and would write them a most excellent legend, after the 
manner of the legend of Thomas a Becket.' By such juvenile 
monkish exercises, lives of St. Patrick multiplied amazingly. 
When Joceline sat down to compose his life, he found that sixty-four 
biographers had preceded him in his work. All with the excep- 
tion of four were destroyed in the Norwegian invasion. From 
these, he tells us, he selected such facts as deserved belief. The fol- 
lowing are some of the miracles which our author thinks credible. 
St. Patrick while an infant brought a new river from the earth, 
which cured the blind. He produced fire from ice. He raised his 
nurse from the dead. He expelled a devil from an heifer ; and 
changed water into honey. These were but the infant sports of this 
wonder-working saint. 

C 2 


century f the importance of the question to the cause of their 


' I now propose (continues Dr. Phelan) to shew, that 
Ledwich and his opponents, have divided the truth be- 
tween them. • With the latter, / maintain the existence of 
St. Patrick — with the former, i" deny his Roman mission. 
To establish this point, it will be necessary to review two 
classes of authorities ; the one Romish documents, in 
which, as Ledwich observed, the name of Patrick is sus- 
piciously omitted ; the other, Irish documents, which have 
been adduced on the opposite side, and which, as they are 
decisive for the existence of our Saint, so, as I hope to 
prove, they are equally decisive against his Roman 

Romish Documents. 

Patrick is not mentioned in the chronicle of Prosper. 
Prosper published his chronicle many years after the time 
of Patrick. He was disposed to do full justice to the spiri- 
tual achievements of the Pontiff, yet he does not mention 
Patrick. Palladius, as I said before, came to Ireland, staid 
a few weeks, built three chapels and ran away : but because 
Palladius was sent by Celestine, Prosper has commemo- 
rated the brief and ignoble effort. On the other hand, 
when Prosper published the last edition of his chronicles, 
Patrick had been twenty-three years in Ireland, and his 
ministry had been blessed with the most signal success. 
"What could have been the reason that he was omitted by 
Prosper ? 

The venerable Bede agrees with Prosper in the mention 
of Palladius, and the omission of Patrick. Bede was 
strongly attached to the see of Rome, and though he 
speaks in liberal and grateful terms of the Irish, he sel- 


dom forgets to qualify his praise by some slight censure century 

on their schismatical discipline.* ■ — 

The testimonies of Irish writers, especially the confession 
of Patrick himself. — We learn from this document that 
Patrick was born in Britain, and educated in Gaul : that 
some time after his return home he felt an impulse to preach 
the gospel in Ireland : that he was consecrated at home, and 
that he proceeded immediately to the scene of his ministry. 
During the remainder of his life, he considered himself 
fixed in Ireland by the inviolable bonds of duty ; but 
occasionally the high resolves of the apostle were weak- 
ened by the natural yearnings of the man. * I wished/ he 
says, ' to go to Britain, my native country, and to my 
parents; nay, also to go to Gaul, to visit my brethren, 
and to see the face of the holy ones of my Lord ; God 
knows I wished it very much ; but 1 was detained by the 
Spirit, denouncing to me, that if I did so, I should be 
regarded as an offender. I fear to lose the labours which 
I have sustained, yet not I, but the Lord Christ, who has 
commanded me to abide for the remainder of my life, with 
those among whom I have come.' He desires to visit 
Britain, and his parents- — Gaul and his spiritual brethren ; 
but of Italy or the Pope, there is no mention. 

* The learned opponents of Dr. Ledwich have appealed from the 
Ecclesiastical History, the undoubted work of Bede, to the martyro- 
logies which are ascribed to him. Now, these attest only the exis- 
tence, not the Roman Orders, or Roman Mission, of our patron saint ; 
it is therefore, not worth while to deny their authority. Platina, 
who wrote the lives of the Popes down to Sixtus IV. a.d. 1471, 
makes no mention of St. Patrick, in his life of Pope Celestine, 
though he speaks of Palladius. Again, in the important Synod 
of Whitby, where we should have expected the saint's name to have 
been mentioned — no allusion whatever is made to him or his autho- 
rity, although this was within less than 200 years after his death. 



century The elder Cumian, the disciple and biographer of 
Columba, who wrote at the close of the sixth or the 
beginning of the seventh century, calls St. 'Patrick, the 
first apostle of Ireland. Thus it appears that while the 
papal writers make Palladius the first apostle, and take no 
notice of Patrick, the Irish make Patrick the first, and 
take no notice of Palladius. 

The hymn of Fiech, of the same antiquity, also opposes 
the Roman hypothesis. In the first four stanzas, we have 
the parentage of the apostle, his captivity and flight from 
Ireland ; then the story proceeds as follows : 

He traversed the whole of Albion, 
He crossed the sea ; it was a happy voyage ; 
And he took up his abode with German, 
Far away to the south of Armorica. 

Among the isles of the Tuscan sea, 
There he abode, as I pronounce, 
He studied the Canons with German, 
Thus it is that the churches testify ; 

To the land of Erin he returned, 
The angels of God inviting him, 
Often had he seen in visions, 
That he should come once more to Erin. 

Here the route of the apostle is traced for us with the 
accuracy of a map. From Ireland, through Britain, across 
the channel, through Armorica, to the south-east corner 
of Gaul, on the coast of which are situated Lerins, and 
some other islands, the seats, in those days, of collegiate insti- 
tutions. When his studies were concluded, he was brought 
back to Ireland. And through the sequel of the poem, he 
is represented as continuing there for the remainder of his 
life. Through the whole piece, Italy is omitted ; and in a 


narrative so orderly and circumstantial as this is, omission century 
is equivalent to exclusion. 

I now come to the Cottonian MS., this very curious and 
important document concurs entirely with the hymn of 
Fiech ; it make him a student of Lerins. It says that the 
bishops German and Lupus nurtured him in sacred 
literature; that they ordained him, and made him the 
chief bishop of their school among the Irish and Britons. 

On the subject of the Roman mission of St. Patrick, 
these documents maintain a profound and eloquent 
silence. A direct contradiction to the hypothesis, we 
cannot expect from them, without ascribing to their 
authors the gift of prophecy ; but they do what is equiva- 
lent, they leave no room for it. They give us all the 
particulars, of which we reasonably expect to be informed. 
They tell us both the place of his birth and education ; 
they state who instructed him, who ordained him, who 
sent him to preach in Ireland, and finally they show, that 
after the commencement of his ministry, he never left the 
island. On the other hand, it has appeared, that the 
adherents of Rome are as silent concerning Patrick, as 
Patrick and his disciples are with respect to Rome. 

How then is the Roman hypothesis sustained by the 
learned and zealous writers of whom I speak, — we may 
safely include Dr. Rock among this number. They take 
refuge in those obscure and recent legends, which they 
are ashamed to quote, when maintaining the existence of 
Patrick, and which on every other occasion they reject 
with a contempt as undisguised as it is merited; and yet 
after all they cannot agree. Drs. Milner and O'Connor 
assert that Patrick was ordained by Celestine. Dr. Lanigan, 
after, as he declares, the labour and close application of 
many years, having collated every tract and document 


century that he could meet with, gives the ordination to an un- 

2—12. i ° 

„ L — known Bishop of an unknown place. 

Again, Dr. O'Connor thinks himself very safe, when he 
states, that Patrick was not at Rome earlier than the year 
402, but Dr. Lanigan will not allow him to have been 
there for twenty-nine years after. Still further Dr. Milner 
says, that in the year 461, Patrick went to Rome, to 
render an account of his ministry to the Pope; the Irish- 
men, more candid, or more wary than their fellow-labourer, 
reject the account as ' a fable.' In fine, except upon the 
one indispensable point, these learned men oppose each 
other, with as little ceremony as they controvert Dr. 
Ledwich, and in that particular they reverse the natural 
order of evidence. They assume that Patrick must have 
had a commission from Rome, and then they conjecture 
when and how he obtained it : instead of deriving their 
hypothesis from facts, they rest their facts upon an 

* The Rev. William Palmer, M.A., of Worcester College, Oxford, 
in his Ecclesiastical History, gives a series of Irish bishops, from the 
Apostle Peter to the present Primate of Ireland. And without addu- 
cing a particle of evidence he states, 'that Celestine, the forty-fourth 
bishop of Rome, sent Patrick to Ireland as the first Archbishop of 
Armagh in 432.' Now in the first place, there were no Archbishops 
in the primitive Irish church ; nor ' were ' as Mr. Palmer says, ' the 
Apostolic labours of St. Patrick rewarded by the conversion of the 
Irish nation to Christianity.' — (Eccles= Hist. p. 71.) The conversion 
of that nation took place a considerable time before the mission of St. 

If Mr. Palmer be correct in representing the Roman mission of 
St. Patrick to have taken place so late as 432, how does it occur, 
that he was not acquainted with the decree of the General Council 
of Nice, in 325, which determined the period at which Easter should 
be kept more than a century before ? And if this Patrick was, as 
Mr. Palmer represents him, the first Archbishop ^of Armagh, how 


St. Patrick, according to Archbishop Usher, was a century 

native of North Britain, being born in the year 372. He 
was the son of a deacon, and the grandson of a priest. 

did it happen that the Irish abandoned the Roman cycle, which, if 
he came from Rome he must have introduced, and adopted the cycle 
of Sulpitius, which was derived from the church of Lyons ? Again, 
how was it possible that Patrick (being a Roman) could have been 
ignorant of ' the Apostolic Canons ? ' a book held in the highest pos- 
sible authority in the Church of Rome, which regulates the conse- 
cration of bishops by three, and not by one, which was the Irish cus- 
tom. And it is a very remarkable circumstance in connection with 
this subject, that at the council held at Aongusgrove in Meath, in 
1111, it was agreed that the bishops were to resign the right, they 
had received/rom St. Patrick, of consecrating bishops at pleasure. 

The fact is, that St. Patrick was not sent from Rome, and was not 
aware (as Bede says of the Irish Church generally) of the customs 
of the Romish Church, and had received both his christian instruc- 
tion and commission, from the Gallican Church, which then followed 
Asiatic customs, and acknowledged the See of Ephesus as its head, 
and St. John as its founder. 

It sounds passing strange to a Protestant ear, to hear the Rev. W. 
Palmer in this same Ecclesiastical History, commending the faith of 
the Romish Church for its condemnation of the Albigenses, (p. 174.) 
and handing over all the reformed churches on the continent, and the 
established church of Scotland, who ' believe all the articles of the 
christian faith,' to 'the uncovenanted mercies of God.' (p. 248.) And 
to prevent a possibility of any misunderstanding of his meaning in 
the above expression, we find another Reverend Gentleman of the 
same name and school, in his letter to Mr. Golightly, exclaiming — ' I say 
anathema to the principle of protestantism (which I regard as iden- 
tical with that of dissent) and to all its forms, and sects, and deno- 
minations, especially to those of the Lutherans and Calvinists, and 
British and American dissenters. Likewise to all persons who know- 
ingly and willingly, and understanding what they say, shall assert, 
either for themselves, or for the Church of England, to have, one and 
the same common religion with any or all, of the various forms and sects 
of protestantism, or shall communicate themselves, in the temples of 
protectant sects, or give the communion to their members, or go about 




century When he was sixteen years of age, he was taken captive 
by some Irish pirates, and brought to Ireland. Here he 
continued for six years, and as there seemed to have been 

to establish any inter-communion between ourselves and them, — to 
all such I say anathema.' x 

It is curious to observe the striking similarity between Mr. Pal- 
mer's anathema, and that contained in the Bull, ' In Ccena Domini,' 
published at Rome every Maundy Thursday, — ' We do excommu- 
nicate and anathematize all Hussites, Wickliffites, Lutherans, 
Zuinglians, Calvinists, Huguenots, Anabaptists, Trinitarians, and 
Apostates from the faith of Christ, and all, and sundry other heretics, 
by whatsoever name they may be reckoned, and of whatever sect 
they may be, and those who believe in them, and their receivers, 
abettors, and generally speaking all their defenders, whatsoever, and 
those who without authority of us, and of the Apostolic See, know- 
ingly read, or retain, or imprint, or in any way defend books con- 
taining their heresy, or treating of religion, let it be from what cause 
it may, publicly, or privately, under any pretence or colour whatso- 
ever, as also the schismatics, and those who pertinaciously withdraw 
themselves, or recede from obedience to us and the Roman Pontiif 
for the time being.' 

i Since the time of Clement XIV.,' says Dr. Baggs, in his account 
of the ceremonies of the Holy Week, ' the custom of reading from 
the Loggia, on Maundy Thursday, the Bull " in Ccena Domini," 
has been abolished.' According to the doctrine of St. Paul, the 
blessed sacrament is the bond, as it is the symbol of union and com- 
munion between the faithful ; — " we being many are one body, all who 
partake of one bread ; " 2 (1 Cor. x. 17.) and hence this day of its 
institution was selected for the public excommunication of those, who 
reject the doctrines of the Church, or maliciously oppose her ordi- 
nances. After the Bull had been read, * man}^ candles are lighted, 
of which the lord Pope himself holds some, and each Cardinal and 
Prelate one lighted, and he extinguishes and throws them on the 

1 Anathema is explained in the Douay Bible, to mean a thing de- 
voted to utter destruction. 

2 " For we being many, are one bread and one body ; for we are 
all partakers of that one bread."— (true translation.) 



a law in Ireland (says Ware) agreeable to the institution century 
of Moses, ( that a servant should be released the seventh 
year/ he was permitted to return to his native country, 
having during his captivity been converted to the faith of 
Christ, and having made himself well acquainted with the 
language and manners of the people of Ireland. 

From this period he is said to have had an intense 
desire to be employed as a Missionary in Ireland, To 
prepare himself for this purpose, we are told, that he 
passed into France, the very country from which, in all 
probability, the gospel was originally sent to Ireland, and 
spent some years under the tuition of St. Martin, Bishop of 
Tours, who ordained him a deacon, being subsequently made 
a presbyter by Germanus, Bishop of Auxerre. After that 
he spent some time among the canons of the Lateran 
Church, and then took up his abode among a colony of 
monks in the Tuscan sea. 

Having in 429, accompanied Germanus and Lupus on 
their mission into Britain, his former desire for the 
spiritual instruction of the Irish, seems to have revived 
with increased ardour. He preached in Britain for some 
time, with great success, and having received consecration 
from these bishops, from thence passed over to Ireland, 

ground, saying, "We excommunicate all the aforesaid, and then the 
bells are rung together without observing any order.' 

' These ceremonies are interpreted to mean the extinction of the grace 
of the Holy Ghost, and dispersion of unbelievers ; as on the contrary, 
the regular and orderly ringing of bells calls the faithful together/ 
This would be the time for the accomplishing of Mr. Palmer's plan, 
viz. ' I would like to see the Patriarch of Constantinople and our 
Archbishop of Canterbury, go barefoot to Rome, and fall upon the 
Pope's neck and kiss him, and never let him go till they had persuaded 
him to be reasonable : ' — not to lay aside his character (be it remem- 
bered) " as the man of sin," but simply to be reasonable. 


century where he became one of the most successful missionaries, 


that ever appeared in the land of Erin. 

It is computed with much probability that it was after 
many long and laborious wanderings — after he had 
established the Church on the best foundation which 
circumstances permitted, that he bent his way towards 
the north, with the intention of establishing a primatial 
see, and confirming his labours by a body of canons. 
With this in view, he reached the place then called 
Denein Sailrach, and since Armagh. From the chief of 
this district, he obtained possession of a large tract, and 
founded a city upon it, large in compass, and beautiful in 
situation, with monastery, cathedral, schools, &c, and 
resolved to establish it as the primatial see of the Irish 

This foundation, according to Usher and Harris, took 
place in 445. Here, and at his favourite retreat at 
Sabhu], he probably spent the remainder of his life. To 
the same period, must also be referred ' the canons,' 
universally ascribed to him, and supposed to have been 
ordained in a synod, held in Armagh. They are yet 
extant, and many of their provisions are such, as to indi- 
cate their antiquity. By the sixth ' the wife of a priest 
was obliged, when abroad, to appear veiled/ The 
fourteenth, lays a penalty * on those who should have 
recourse to soothsaying, or the inspection of the entrails 
of beasts for searching into future events.'* 

* ' I know not,' writes Archbishop Usher, ' what credit is to be 
given unto that straggling sentence which I find ascribed to St. 
Patrick in these Canons, — " If any questions do arise in this island, 
let them be referred to the See Apostolic : " or that other decree at- 
tributed to Auxilius, Patricius, Secundus, and Benignus, — " When- 
soever any cause that is very difficult, and unknown unto all the 


Omitting (says Wills in his lives of illustrious and dis- century 

judges of the Scottish Nation, shall arise, it is rightly to be referred 
to the see of the Archbishop of the Irish, (to wit Patrick) and to 
the examination of the Prelate thereof. But if there be, by him, and 
his wise men, a cause of this nature that cannot easily be made up, we 
have decreed, it shall be sent to the See Apostolic, that is to say, to 
the chair of the Apostle Peter, which hath the authority of the city 
of Rome." ' 

Now, supposing for one moment, that this canon and decree were 
genuine, were they ever acted upon before the twelfth century ? The 
ancient Irish Church on no occasion ever appealed to the Bishop of 
Rome. There was one solitary case brought forward by Dr. Rock, 
which, at first sight looks like an appeal to Rome ; but a very brief 
examination of the facts of the case, will be sufficient to show that 
it really was not one. 

' The attention of the Irish Church,' says Lanigan, < was called to 
the subject of the proper time for celebrating the festival of Easter, 
by Laurentius, Archbishop of Canterbury, the successor of St. 
Augustine, who, about the year 609, addressed a letter to the Bishops 
and Abbots of Ireland, in which he endeavoured to bring them over 
to adopt an uniformity of practice with the Church of Rome.' A 
few years later, a similar letter was addressed to them by Pope 
Honorius I, exhorting them not to set their own judgment in oppo- 
sition to the rules of computation sanctioned by the whole Christian 
world. (Bede i. ii.c.4. Usher Sylloge.Epist. vii. Works, vol. iv. p. 421.) 

Shortly after the receipt of this letter, a Synod was held at, or 
near Old Leighlin. In this assembly the whole question was dis- 
cussed. To put an end therefore to this controversy, it was resolved 
by the Elders ' that whereas, according to a synodical canon, every 
important ecclesiastical question, should be referred to the head of 
cities : some wise and humble persons should be sent to Rome as 
children to their mother.' These deputies being arrived, there saw 
with their own eyes, Easter celebrated at one and the same time by 
people of various countries, and having returned to Ireland in the 
third year from their departure, solemnly declared to those who had 
deputed them, that the Roman method was that of the whole world. 
(Lanigan ii. p. 389.) 

We have now before us, in the language of Dr. Lanigan, the main 



century tinguished Irishmen) the absurdity of a visit to Rome in 
his old age, we may now close our perhaps too rapid 

facts of the one solitary instance in which, any thing bearing the 
semblance of an appeal to Rome, has been discovered by Dr. Rock, 
in the whole history of the Church in Ireland, from the second to 
the twelfth century. 

In this account, is there one word said about the Pope, or about 
going to Rome for judgment ? If the messengers had carried an ap- 
peal to Rome, why did they not bring back the authoritative papal 
instructions, instead of simply reporting to the Synod, the result of 
their own observation, that the Roman Easter was celebrated 
throughout the Avhole world ? Does not the very report indubitably 
prove that they were sent to Rome, not to ask for any papal rescript 
or decision, but to see with their own eyes, and report to their 
brethren, the result of their own observation with regard to Easter, 
among the great concourse of Christians from all parts of the world, 
who were continually flocking to that great city. 

And yet Dr. Rock exults in this, as if it supplied an unanswerable 
proof of the modern Roman doctrine, that * the popes claimed and 
exercised, without being gainsaid, their spiritual supremacy over the 
early Church in Ireland.' ' Was an outcry raised among the Irish,' 
he asks, ' when they heard this letter from the Pope 1 None.' Nay, 
what cause was there for an outcry ? — The Pope had made no claim 
to jurisdiction over them, he had simply written to them, as one 
Christian bishop may at any time write to another ; and as the 
Archbishop of Canterbury had just before written to them on the 
very same subject. Dr. Rock's argument, therefore, if good for any 
thing, would prove the supremacy of the See of Canterbury, as well 
as that of Rome. Besides, it is admitted on all hands, that the letter 
of Pope Honorius, did not settle the question, which it ought to have 
done, on the theory of the Papal Supremacy. 

Dr. Rock makes a great deal of the phrase c velut natos ad inatrem ' 
— ' as children to their mother.' As if it of itself proved the Roman 
supremacy, a passage from Eadmer, which he himself quotes, 
(p. 104.) might have shewn him that the term Mater (mother) which 
is applied by Eadmer to the See of Canterbury, implied only a 
Primacy, belonging to every metropolitan Church, and not /Supremacy, 
in the sense now claimed by Rome. 


sketch of his eventful life. Amongst the last of his acts, was century 

<-> * 2 12 

the short narrative he has left us of himself under the title 

of ( confession/ This simple, characteristic, often affecting, 
and always unpretending document, is precisely what the 
occasion and the character of the writer required, and is 
quite free from the difficulties which affect his more recent 
lives. He speaks of approaching death, and returns thanks 
for the mercies of God to himself, and to the Irish, &c. 
He was seized with his last illness at Saul, or Sabhul, 
near Downpatrick ; and wishing to die in Armagh, he 
attempted the journey, but was compelled by his com- 
plaint to return, and breathed his last on the 17th of 

If we view his character, as represented by the facts of 
his life, combined with his own account of himself, and 
take into account the difficulties, with which he must 
have contended, and the results of his labours, we are 
struck by the consistency of the facts, with the character ; 
and feel irresistibly the conviction, that this is no crea- 
tion of legendary writers, whose statements plainly prove 
them to have wanted both the knowledge and good taste 
requisite for such a conception. 

St. Patrick's gravity, simplicity, wisdom, moderation, 
piety, and just views of scriptural Christianity, gleam 
through the most legendary of these fantastic inventions, 
and confirm their pretension to a foundation in the main 
correct ; while these ennobling traits are as inconsistent with 
the superstitious fancies of his biographers, as they are 
with the drunken orgies and unchristian observances, 
which help to cast a disrespect on his memory in our 

To the flourishing state of religion and letters in Ire- 
land, after the apostolic labours of Sedulius and Patrick, SSE 

The flourish- 
ing state of 
religion in 


century honourable and impartial testimony is borne by Camden, 

Bede and others ; the disciples of these men profited so 

notably in Christianity, that in the succeeding ages, 
nothing was held more holy, more learned, than the Irish 
clergy, insomuch that they sent out swarms of devoted 
missionaries into every part of Europe, who founded 
abbies in Liewxew in Burgundy, Bobio in Italy, Wiitz- 
burg in Franconia, St. Gall in Switzerland, and Malms- 
bury and Lindisfarne, with many others in Britain.* 

In those days also, our Anglo-Saxons flowed from every 
quarter into Ireland, as a mart of sound literature ; 
whence in our accounts of holy men, we frequently read, 
* amandatus est ad disciplinam in Hiberniam : 3 l he was 
sent for education to Ireland ; ' and in the life of Sulden, it 
is said, ' exemplo patrum commotus amore legendi, ivit 
ad Hibernos sophia mirabile clarus : ' ' after the example 
camden of his fathers, inspired with love of reading, he went to 
647,648? ' * the Irish, renowned for admirable wisdom.' 

Bede also states that ' many of the English, both 
nobles, and of mean parents, in the time of Bishop Fin an, 
and of Coleman, went to Ireland for instruction in sacred 
and profane literature ; all of whom the Irish entertained 
most freely, furnished with daily provision, books, and 
lib. m". c. 27'. tuition gratis.' Such were the effects of divine grace on 
the hearts of our people. Such was Irish hospitality, 
before the influence of the Italian Church had warped 
and distorted the national character.f 

* * Our monasteries, ' says Primate Usher, ' in ancient times, were 
the seminaries of the ministry, being as it were, so many colleges of 
learned divines, whereunto the people usually resorted for instruction, 
and the church was wont continually to he supplied with able 

f The genius of the people being turned to literature, the arts and 


The character of the Irish in these early times, for century 

learning and advancement in religious knowledge, is freely 
admitted by the most distinguished persons in other coun- 
tries. The learned and intelligent Mosheim, makes 
honourable mention of them, in different parts of his ex- 
cellent church history. In the seventh century he says, 

sciences were much cultivated in Ireland. Several Princes were 
therefore sent there from the continent for their education. There 
is at present in the Abbey of Slane, at Slane Castle, the seat of the 
Marquis of Conyngham, a mutilated tomb-stone, on which with diffi- 
culty may be traced the name of a Prince of France sent there for 
education, — the arms of which country were sculptured on the 
stone, but the whole so defaced by time, that the date was not dis- 

Giraldus Cambrensis, who visited Ireland in the train of Henry 
II., and greatly prejudiced against every thing Irish, speaks however 
as follows, of the instrumental music of that country : — c The atten- 
tion of this people to musical instruments, I find worthy of com- 
mendation, in which their skill is beyond all comparison superior 
to that of any nation I have seen ; for in these the modulation is not 
slow and solemn, as in the instruments of Britain, to which we are 
accustomed, but the sounds are rapid and precipitate, yet at the same 
time sweet and pleasing. It is wonderful how, in such precipitate 
rapidity of the fingers, the musical proportions are preserved, and by 
their art, faultless throughout, in the midst of their complicated mo- 
dulations, and most intricate arrangements of notes, by a rapidity 
so sweet, a regularity so irregular, a concord so discordant, the 
melody is rendered harmonious and perfect, whether the cords of the 
diatesseron, or diapason, are struck together, yet they always begin 
in a soft mood, and end in the same, that all may be perfected in the 
sweetness of delicious sounds. They enter on, and again leave their 
modulations with so much subtilty, and the tinglings of the small 
strings sport with so much freedom, under the deep notes of the 
bass, delight with so much delicacy, and sooth so softly, that the ex- 
cellence of their art seems to lie in concealing it.' — (Topog. Hib. 
distinct, iii. c. ii.) It is probable, that this proficiency in music in- 
duced Henry II. to adopt the harp as the arms of Ireland. 



The testi- 
mony of 



century « Many of the British, Scottish, and Irish ecclesiastics, 
travelled among the Batavian, Belgic, and German nations, 
with the pious intention of propagating the knowledge of 
the truth, and of erecting churches, and forming religious 
establishments among them.' This was the true reason, 
which induced the Germans in after-times to found so many 
convents for the Scots and Irish, of which some are yet in 
being. Columbanus, an Irish monk, seconded by the 
labours of a few companions, had happily extirpated in 
the preceding century, the ancient superstitions of Gaul, 
and the parts adjacent, where idolatry had taken the 
deepest root ; he also carried the lamp of celestial truth, 
among the Suevi, the Boii, the Franks and other German 
nations, and persevered in these pious, and useful labours 
until his death. St. Gall, who was one of his companions, 
preached the gospel to the Helvetii, and the Suevi. 

In the history of the eighth century, Mosheim has occasion 
again to make honourable mention of Ireland. ' The 
Irish or Hibernians, who in this century were known by 
the name of Scots, were the only divines who refused to 
dishonour their reason by submitting it implicitly to the 
dictates of authority. Naturally subtile and sagacious, 
they applied their philosophy to the illustration of the 
truth and doctrines of religion ; a method which was 
almost generally abhorred and exploded in all other 
nations.' This passage is accompanied by the following 
interesting note. ' That the Hibernians who were called 
Scots, were lovers of learning, and distinguished them- 
selves, in these times of ignorance, by the culture of the 
sciences beyond all other European nations, travelling 
through the most distant lands, both with a view to im- 
prove and to communicate their knowledge, is a fact with 
which I have long been acquainted, as we see them, in the 


most authentic records of antiquity, discharging with the century 

highest reputation and applause, the functions of Doctors 

in France, Germany and Italy, both during this and the 
following century. But that these Hibernians were the 
first teachers of the scholastic theology in Europe, and so 
early as the eighth century, illustrating the doctrines of reli- 
gion by the principles of philosophy, I learned but lately 
from the testimony of Benedict, Abbot of Ariane, in the 
province of Languedoc, who lived in this period, and some 
of whose productions are published by Balusius in the 
fifth volume of his Miscellanea/ 

Such is the impartial testimony given by Dr. Mosheim, 
as to the practices, character, and faith of the Irish Church, 
from the sixth to the beginning of the ninth century ; and 
such were our forefathers, learned, able, and faithful oppo- 
sers of Roman corruptions, for centuries preceding the 
introduction of Romanism into Ireland. 



























century A further and striking proof of the eastern, and conse- 
: — quently, the Anti-Romish origin of the Irish Church 


appears to be, the great multitude of bishops in Ireland, century 

7 — 12 • 

where they changed and multiplied them at pleasure. In 

J ° r r Great multi- 

like manner we read, that St. Basil in the fourth century, tude of 

5 J Bishops. 

had fifty rural bishops in his diocese, and that there were see Greg. 

J r ' Naz. Car. 2. 

five hundred sees in the six African provinces. Bingham 

This rule of the Irish Church occasioned great animosity Animosity 
on the part of Rome. Anslem, Archbishop of Canterbury, f Rome. 
complains bitterly, that f our bishops every where, were 
elected and consecrated without a title, and by owe bishop, 
instead of three, which was according to the Roman plan.' 
No objection can be made to the testimony of St. Bernard 
and Anselm, on this head, being Romans themselves ; but 
the truth of it does not depend on their statements alone. 
For it appears that Virgil and seven Irish bishops, went 
forth on a mission together to Germany in the middle of 

,i • i xl , Usher's 

the eigntn century. Syiiog. p. 96 

In the seventh century, the Irish bishops swarmed in churches 
Britain, as may be seen from Bede ; in fact, the churches 
in Scotland and the north of England were regularly 
supplied with bishops and presbyters from the Irish 
Church, and this was become so general that there could 
not be found three Romish Bishops to consecrate Wilfred, 
all being of Irish consecration and natives of Ireland.* 

* Wilfred, a man zealous for the Church of Rome, was chosen 
Archbishop of York, a.d. 664— < but when nominated to this dignity, 
he stedfastly refused it at first,' as William of Malmesbury saith, 
' lest he should receive his consecration from the Scottish (Irish) 
bishops, or those who had been ordained by the Scots, whose com- 
munion the Apostolic See had rejected, and afterwards, he requested 
to be sent over the sea to France where Catholic bishops might be 
had, so that no drop of the blood of British churchmen might by 
any possibility flow in his ecclesiastical veins.' How can all this be 
reconciled with Dr. Rock's broad statement in his second proposition 
— ' that from its very beginning, through all ages to the present 

The fifth 
Canon of the 
Council of 


century In 670, Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury decreed, 
that e they who were consecrated bv Irish or British Bis- 

Decree of ^ ^ 

Theodore. hops, should be confirmed anew by a catholic one.' The 
fifth canon of the council of Cealehyth, in section sixteen, 
requires * that none of Irish extraction, be permitted to 
usurp to himself the sacred ministry in any one's diocese ; 
nor let it be allowed such an one to touch any thing which 
belongs to those of the holy order, nor to receive any 
thing from them in baptism, or in the celebration of the 
mass: or that they administer the eucharist to the 
people, because we are not certain how or by whom* they 
were ordained. We know how it is enjoined in the canons, 
that no bishop, or presbyter invade the parish of another, 
without the bishop's consent, so much the rather should we 
refuse to receive the sacred ministrations from other 
nations, where there is no such order as that of Metropo- 
litans, nor any regard paid to other orders.'* 

Here we can trace, by collecting, and comparing these 
facts, the steps taken b}' the ever-watchful jealousy of the 
Church of Rome, to supplant the Irish Church, which had 
taken so deep a root at this time in England, and which 
was extending its influence to so many different parts of 

time, the Irish Church has been closely united with Rome, and 
while it has acknowledged, has also paid obedience to, the papal 
supremacy.' — p. 6. 

* There were no Archbishops in the primitive Irish Church. The 
chief bishops of the five kingdoms were called Primates : — Armagh, 
the Primate of Ulster— Dublin, or rather Glandelough, the Primate 
of Leinster— Cashel, the Primate of Munster— Tuam, the Primate 
of Connaught— and Meath, the Primate of Meath. This accounts 
for the Bishop of Meath being called to this day ' the Most Reverend.' 
The hierarchy in the Irish Church, it is plain, therefore, was not 
formed on the Romish plan. 


The fears of the Saxons were soon communicated to century 


the continental clergy. The forty-second canon of Chalons, — 

°J J » T k e f 01 -ty- 

in section thirteen, forbids e certain Irishmen, who gave second canon 

' ' ° of Chalons. 

themselves out to be bishops, to ordain priests or deacons, 
without the consent of the ordinary.' The same year the 
council of Aix-la-chapelle observes, ' that in some places 
there were Irish who called themselves Bishops, and or- 
dained many improper persons, without the consent of 
their lords, or of the magistrates/ These alarms could 
only have been excited by the numbers, zeal, and per- 
severance, of the Irish Bishops, and the jealousy with 
which their exertions were regarded, as an independent 
Missionary Church. 

There is a very curious and authentic record preserved 
in Wilkins' Councils, which not only confirms what has 
been advanced with respect to the number of Irish Bishops, 
but also clearly explains the nature of their ancient epis- 
copacy. " A.D. 1216, Constitutions made in the Cathedral 
Church of St. Peter and St. Paul's of Newton, Athunry, 
by Simon Rochford, by the grace of God, Bishop of simonRoch- 
Meath. Cardinal Paparo, Legate of the Sovereign Pon- of Meatn. 
tiff, Eugenius III., having directed in the third General Third Gene- 

. ° . i'al Council of 

Council, held at Kells, in Meath, in the year 1152, 
among other salutary canons, e that on the death of a 
village bishop, or of bishopsj who possessed small sees 
in Ireland, rural deans should be appointed by the dio- 
cesans to succeed them, who should superintend the clergy 
and laity in their respective districts, and that each of 
their sees should be erected into a rural deanery : — We in 
obedience to such regulations, do constitute and appoint, 
that in the Churches of Athunry, Kells, Slane, Skrine, 
and Dunshaughlin, being heretofore bishop's sees in 


Rural Sees 
into Rural 


century Meath, shall hereafter be the heads of rural deaneries, 
with arch-presbyters personally residing therein/* 

We have there a clear and full development of the state of 
our ancient hierarchy, and a confirmation of what has 
been stated, namely, that Ireland was full of village bis- 
hops. Meath could boast of Clonard, Duleek, Trim, 
Ardbraccan, Dunshaughlin, Slane, Foure, Skrine, Mul- 
lingar, Loughseedy, Athunry, Ardmirchor, and Hallylong- 
hort. Dublin, of Swords, Lusk, Finglas, Newcastle, Taw- 
ney, Leixlip, Bray, Wicklow, Arklow, Bally more, Clon- 
dalkin, Tallagh, and 0' Murphy. These were all formerly 
rural sees. The transmutations, however, which com- 
menced with the introduction of Romanism in 1152, pro- 
ceeded very slowly, for by Bishop Rochfort's constitutions, 
it appears, they were far from being completed in the 
thirteenth century. 

If the number of rural deaneries, at their first erection, 
and afterwards, in consequence of Paparo's regulation, 
could be ascertained, it would give us the number of our 
rural sees. ' Our bishops, says Ledwich, might have 
amounted to above three hundred/ This peculiarity of 
our ecclesiastical polity strongly indicates our eastern, and 
consequently our Anti-Romish origin. 

The next proof of the eastern origin of the Irish 
Church, and its opposition to Rome, is derived from the 
circumstance, that the original practice of hereditary suc- 

* We might naturally suppose, that the framers of ' the Church 
Temporalities Bill,' had this canon of the council of Kells in their 
eye, when they concocted that ruinous measure. The objects of 
both appear to have been the same, the destruction of our national 
Church. The Popish canon indeed, seems to have been the lesser 
evil, as the temporalities of the church were left undiminished, and 
a provision made in it ' for the residence of arch-presbyters to super- 
intend the clergy and laity in their respective districts.' 


cession, was firmly established in the primitive Irish century 

St. Bernard, in his life of Malachy, complains of this 

Succession in 

custom in the following words ; ( a most pernicious custom denounced. 
had gained strength, by a diabolical ambition of some 
men in power, who possessed themselves of bishoprics by 
hereditary succession ; nor did they suffer any to be put 
in election for them but such as were of their own tribe 
or family, and this kind of execrable succession made no 
small progress, for fifteen generations had passed over in 
this mischievous custom, and so far had this wicked and 
adulterous generation confirmed itself in this untoward 
privilege, that although it sometimes happened that cler- 
gymen of their family failed, yet bishops of it never 
failed ; in fine, eight married men, and not in orders, 
though men of learning, were predecessors of Celsus in 

Can we suppose for one moment, that the See of Rome, 
if her supremacy had been acknowledged, would not have 
come forward to oppose this lay usurpation under which the 
Church had so long groaned, and which must have been so 
detrimental to the interests of religion. 

The first twenty-seven bishops of Ross-carbery, were of 
the family of St. Each an, its first prelate. To this we 
may add, that Columba, founder of the celebrated Cul- 
dean Monastery at Iona, being of the Tyrconnelian blood, 
the abbots, his successors, were of the same race. Here- 
ditary succession became a fixed municipal law, and pre- 
vailed in Church and State, and hence the struggle in the The struggle 
See of Armagh, to which Malachy O'Morgan, was ap- Armagh, 
pointed in 1129, to the exclusion of the old family ; which 
had nearly proved fatal to him, and called forth the warm 
resentment of St. Bernard his friend. It further appears, 





The liturgy 
of the Irish 

that after the consolidation of Glandelough with Dublin 
in 1152 and 1179, the original proprietors still retained 
the title and presentation until 1497. From this it seems 
evident, that our bishops and clergy were married men, 
till the introduction of Romanisn in the twelfth century ; 
and to this St. Bernard alludes when he says, c they were 
a wicked and adulterous generation/ 

Again, the ancient liturgy of the Irish Church agreed 
with the Greek, and manifestly differed from the Roman, 
in the communion service, in the prophetical lessons, in the 
sermon and offices after it, and in various other particulars.* 

* The Cursus Scotorum was of oriental origin, having been 
brought originally from Alexandria. — (Spelman's Councils.) It is 
an extremely interesting fact, that the ancient Irish Church had a 
Liturgy of her own, which went by the name of the Cursus Scotorum ; 
and although no MS. now exists, under such a title, a discourse on 
Liturgies, published by Spelman, (vol. i. p. 167- ) from a MS. now 
upwards of a thousand years old, happily enables us to ascertain its 
nature and contents. In this discourse, there occurs the following 
passage : — ' St. Jerome affirms that St. Mark sung that liturgy, 
which is now called u the Scottish ; " and after him Gregory Nan- 
zanenus (sic.) whom Jerome calls his master, as well as St. Basil, 
the brother of Gregory ; and afterwards St. Honoratus, who was 
the first abbot, and St. Caesarius, who was the (first) bishop at Aries : 
and also St. Porcarius, who was abbot of the same monastery, sung 
this liturgy, (Cursum) who had St. Lupus and St. Germanus as 
monks in their monastery ; and these/^in conformity with their (mo- 
nastic) rule, sung this liturgy there, and having afterwards, from the 
reverence in which their sanctity was held, attained to the supreme 
dignity of the Episcopacy, these men educated and ordained St. 
Patrick, and consecrated him the bishop of their school in Ireland.' 
Hence, it appears evident, that the Cursus Scotorum was, properly 
speaking, a Galilean Liturgy ; and Usher tells us, that the Gallican 
Liturgy was introduced into Britain by Germanus and Lupus ; and 
Lanigan informs us, ' that the Gallican Liturgy was introduced into 
Ireland during the second period of the Irish saints.' — (Sect.iv. p. 371.) 


The Irish we are told by St. Bernard, in his life of century 

. 7—12. 

Malachy, t rejected auricular confession, as well as — \ 

authoritative absolution/ They confessed to God alone, confessions 

well as au- 
aS believing " God alone could forgive sins." * They thoritative 

° ° _ J absolution 

would neither give to the Church of Rome the tenths, rejected. 

° # Neither the 

nor the first-fruits; nor would they be legitimately tenths nor 
married ; that is according to the forms insisted on by the *™£s given 

7 ° J to Rome. 

Romish Church. Before the council of Cashel, convened 
by Henry II in 1172, marriage was regarded as a civil Marriage a 
rite, and was performed by the magistracy ; at that 
council the priests were authorized to perform the cere- 
mony, and therefore we find the ancient Irish Christians 
denounced c as schismatics and heretics ' by St. Bernard ; 
and as being in reality c Pagans, while calling themselves 

Such were the charges brought against the early Irish 
Christians, and such were some of the heresies which 
Adrian authorized Henry to root out of the land. But 
these were not all, — the early Irish Christians did not be- 
lieve in the efficacy of prayers to saints and angels. They No prayers 
neither prayed to dead men, nor for them, nor was the either saints 

or cUiffcis. 

service for the dead ever used by the Irish Church, till 
they were obliged to attend to it, by the council of Cashel, 
as may be seen, by a reference to the proceedings of that 
convention. vide canon 

* Alcuin, in his epistles, thus speaks of the Irish : — ' None of the 
laity are willing to make their confessions to Priests, whom we be- 
lieve to have received from Christ (our) God, the power of binding 
and loosing as the Apostles did.' — (Epist. 26 or 71.) St. Bernard 
reports, that Malachi, who lived in the twelfth century, instituted 
anew (in the Irish church) the salutary practice of confession, the 
sacrament of confirmation, and matrimonial contracts, all of which 
they knew not, or neglected. — (In vita Malachi.) 


century That the doctrine of transubstantiation was not held by 

: — the early Church of Ireland, is evident by the reception 

tiation not which it received, on its being first promulgated by several 
Irish church. Irish divines. Among others by the justly celebrated 
Joannes Scotus Erigena, so highly esteemed at the court 
of Charles the Bald, for his learning and piety, and whose 
book was condemned by the Pope and the council of 
Versailles, as the only way they could confute it. Pre- 
vious to this, the Irish received the Lord's Supper in both 
kinds, and they called it, " the communion of the body 
and blood of their Lord and Saviour." * 

* Mr. Moore in his history of Ireland, endeavours to establish an 
identity between the religion of the ancient Irish and the modern 
Roman Catholics, because they called the eucharist, ' the mass, and 
the sacrifice of salvation.' Now, Mr. Moore knows as well as any 
man living, that the word mass was anciently used for prayer, and 
the communion, in the first prayer-book of our Edward VI, is still 
called the mass. The word sacrifice was also used in the same sense 
as we do sacrament, and the minister was said to give, as the people 
were said to receive, the sacrifice, meaning that which was set apart 
for holy uses. Adamnon, an early Irish writer, is said by Mr. 
Moore, to have used the expression, c making the body of Christ.' 
Now, this Adamnon, after a visit to Britain in the time of Alfred, 
apostatized from the ancient Irish Church, and therefore affords no 
proof in this respect of the faith of that Church. The only two 
authorities quoted by Mr. Moore, in support of his assertion, that 
the doctrine of the real presence was held by the Irish, are Adamnon, 
(before mentioned) and Sedulius. The language attributed to Sedu- 
lius, no doubt was used in a spiritual sense ; to bring him forward 
on the Romish side, was one of the boldest stratagems ever practised : 
as Archbishop Usher quotes him as supporting the very opposite 
doctrine, and with what success any person may determine. In ex- 
pounding the words of our Saviour " do this in remembrance of 
me," he useth this similitude — ' He left a memorial of himself with 
us, even as if one who was going a far journey, should leave some 
token with one whom he loved ; ' and he quotes Claudius, ' because 



In their places of worship, they had no images, nor 
statues ; on the contrary, their use was not only expressly 
condemned, as we learn from Sedulius, one of their early 
divines, but mentioned also by others of them c as 
heathenish and idolatrous.' So far were the early Irish 
Christians from believing in purgatory that until the 
period of Henry and Adrian's usurpation, the word does 
not appear to have been known to the Irish writers. That 
a number of the ceremonies of the Romish Church, such 
as attending to canonical forms, singing in choirs, the use 
of the consecrated chrism in baptism, the sacrifice of the 
mass, and the dispensing of indulgences, were unknown, 
or at least unpractised in Ireland, until the period referred 
to, is matter of undoubted historical record; the fact 
being alluded to by various Romish writers, who com- 
plain of the stubbornness and heretical feeling of the 
Irish on these points, and who have happily furnished the 
most undoubted testimony, as to the comparative purity 
of the Church they so fiercely endeavour to malign.* 

bread doth confirm the body, and wine doth make blood in the flesh, 
therefore one is mystically referred to the body of Christ, and the 
other to the blood.' — (Lord Liffbrd.) 

* The following fragments of the Brehon law, translated by the 
Rev. T. O'Flanagan, from a MS. in the library of Trinity College, 
Dublin, clearly proves that the ancient Irish Church did not receive 
the seven sacraments. The manuscript is a Commentary upon these 
laws, in question and answer, and contain the following remarkable 
passage, — 

' Q. What are the three fundamental ordinances, from which 
neither law, nor judgment, nor reason, nor philosophy, can absolve 1 

c A. The holy communion, as contained in the scriptures. Tribute, 
sanctioned by the three courses of the old law. The regeneration of 
life by water, whereby freedom from original sin is secured. 

1 Will any one (says O'Flanagan) deny this to be the Protestant 
religion'? The ancient Irish mention but two sacraments as neces- 



No images 
or statues in 
the churches. 

The doctrine 
of purgatory, 
chrism in 
baptism, sa- 
crifice of the 
mass, and 




work on the 

Letter to 
Pope Adrian. 

Among others, who have unwittingly substantiated its 
claims, we may mention Gillebert, the Pope's legate, and 
Bishop of the Norman settlement of Limerick, who in the 
eleventh century wrote what he calls, 'the canonical 
custom of performing the offices of the whole ecclesiastical 
order/ In which he informs those for whom they were 
prepared, that it was ( to the end that those different and 
schismatical orders, by which almost all Ireland was 
deluded, might give place to one catholic and Roman 

The letter of Henry to Pope Adrian, is conclusive 
evidence on the subject. In that letter he alleged, c that 
as the Irish were schismatics and bad Christians, it was 
necessary to reform them, and oblige them to own the 
papal authority, which they had hitherto disregarded ; and 
that the most probable means was to bring them into sub- 
jection to the crown of England/ which he says ' had 
ever been devoted to the holy see/ And as the best 
evidence that can be adduced is that of an enemy, I may 
also mention that furnished by Bede, from whom we learn, 
that Pope Honorius, when using the strongest argument 
he could devise, in order to induce the Irish Church to 
submit to the Roman see, exhorted them ' not to esteem 
their own small number wiser than all the rest of the 
world f — hereby admitting in the strongest possible way, 
their estrangement from, and entire disagreement with, the 
see of Rome. 

Thus in the words of Archbishop Usher, ' the profes- 
sion and practice of Christianity in the primitive Irish 

sary, viz., " The holy communion, as contained in holy scripture, 
and regeneration unto life by water : " or in other words, " Baptism 
and the Lord's Supper." ' — (Apud Betham's Antiquarian Re- 
searches, vol. ii.) 


Church, varied very little from that of the present esta- century 
blished Church of England and Ireland. The use of the 

& # m The Holy 

holy scriptures was recommended, and enjoined as every scriptures 

J m t L . enjoined on 

Christian man's duty. The doctrines of purgatory, and every man. 
prayers for the dead, were not heard of till the twelfth 
century. The adoration of images was considered impious 
and abominable. Infants were baptized without the con- 
secrated chrism, the omission of which is laid to the 
charge of the Irish by Archbishop Lanfranc. The celi- 
bacy of the clergy was unknown, which is proved by the 
fact, that Pope Innocent in the twelfth century, sent 
directions to his legate, to abolish the abuse prevailing in 
Ireland, e of sons and grandsons succeeding their fathers 
and grandfathers in their ecclesiastical benefices.' The 
sacrament of the Lord's Supper was administered in both 
kinds to the people. The mass was nothing more than 
the public service of the Church, and was so called even 
when prayers were only said, without the celebration of 
the communion. In proof of his statements, the Arch- 
bishop quotes the authority of many of the early writers, 
as St. Chrysostom, Sedulius, Claudius, Bede, Abbot 
Jonas, Probus, Adamnaunus, and Cogitosus, who all 
flourished between the fourth and twelfth century. 

Dr. O'Halloran, an eminent Roman Catholic writer, 
entertained similar views of the former independence of 
the Church of Ireland, as will appear from the following 
extracts. { Bishops were recommended on every vacancy, 
by the clergy and laity of the diocese to the king, who 
had a negative in the appointment. Bishops were ap- 
pointed without consulting Rome. Bishops were multi- 
plied at pleasure. They consecrated bishops for foreign 
missions, and those missions in many instances opposed 
the mandates of Rome, as Columba in Scotland, Finian 



century and Coleman in England, Columbanus in France, St. 

' — Gall in Germany, &c.' ( For more than five centuries, 

after the death of St. Patrick, (says the same writer,) we 
scarce trace any vestiges of a correspondence between 
Rome and Ireland, and in this interval in many instances, 
we find that Rome looked upon several of our missionaries 
with a jealous eye ; for although these great immunities 
of the Irish Church, were of the utmost consequence to 
the cause of Christianity, and contributed to spread its 
doctrines in a most rapid manner over all Europe, yet in 
the eleventh century, when paganism was totally abolished, 
these powers seemed too great, and were thought to endan- 
ger the peace of the Church. Councils and synods were 
therefore held from time to time, in order to bring the 
Church of Ireland to the same subordination to Rome, as 
those of every other part of Europe/ * 

The seven Before concluding this part of our subject, it may be 

churches and . 

round well to notice the peculiarities of the seven churches, and 

the round towers existing so generally in Ireland, both 
striking manifestations of our own eastern origin. The 
Irish, it is evident entertained a singular veneration for the 
number seven. Witness the seven churches of Glan- 
dalough, Clonmacnois, Inniscatry, Inchferren, Inniskeatra, 
and the seven altars of Clonfert, and Holy Cross. In fact, 
the country is studded with their remains, which are 
generally found situated in islands. 

This number seven, seems evidently to have been 
chosen in honour of him, from whose disciples they had 
received the gospel; and in an humble imitation, and 

* And yet Dr. Rock asserts, 'that from its very beginning, through 
all ages to the present time, the Irish church has been closely united 
with Rome, and while it has acknowledged, has also paid obedience 
to, the papal supremacy.' — (p. 6») 


remembrance of the seven primitive Churches of the book century 

of Revelations, to which this great apostle of the early - — 

saints in Ireland, addressed his seven epistles from the isle 
that is called Patmos. When we take all these separate 
facts into consideration, comparing the admission of ene- 
mies, and the testimony of friends, with the remains of 
antiquity, all proclaiming our eastern origin, we can 
clearly perceive the meaning of the memorable declaration 
of St. Coleman, at the council of Whitby : — ' I marvel how 
some can call that absurd in which we follow the example 
of so great an apostle, one who was thought worthy of 
reposing upon the bosom of his Lord ; and can it be 
believed that such men, as our venerable father Columb-* 
kill, and his successors, would have thought or acted things 
contrary to the precepts of the sacred pages.' Again, 
* this Easter which I used to observe, I received from my 
elders, who sent me bishop hither, which all our fathers, 
men beloved of God, are known to have celebrated after 
the same manner.' And again, * It is the same, which 
the blessed evangelist St. John, the disciple especially 
beloved by our Lord, with all the Churches, that he did 
oversee, is read to have celebrated/ 

Here we may observe the apostolic succession of the 
Irish Church clearly pointed out. St. John the Evange- 
list ; Ignatius, the immediate disciple of St. John ; Poly- 
carp, the disciple of Ignatius ; Pothinus, Irenseus and 
others, the disciples of Polycarp, who preached the gospel 
with success in Gaul, through whose means flourishing 
Churches were established in Lyons and Vienne, of which 
Pothinus was the first bishop. From thence the gospel 
sounded forth throughout all that country. Bishops 
Lupus and Germanus, the descendants of these holy 
men, ordained St. Patrick, and made him chief bishop of 


succession of 
the Irish 


century their school among the Irish, and from St. Patrick to the 

— present day, we have our regular succession of bishops, 

not from Rome, nor through Rome, but through the suc- 
cessors of the apostle John, the patron of the Irish Church. 
We shall now conclude this part of our subject, with a 
quotation from a Roman Catholic writer on the ecclesias- 
tical affairs of Ireland. ( There is/ says the writer in 
question, * something very singular in the ecclesiastical 
history of Ireland. The Christian Church of that country, 
as founded by St. Patrick, and his predecessors, existed 
for many ages free and unshackled. " For above seven 
hundred years, this Church maintained its independence." 
It had no connection with England, and differed upon 
points of importance with Rome. The first work of 
Henry II, was to reduce the Church of Ireland into 
obedience to the Roman pontiff. Accordingly he pro- 
cured a council of the Irish clergy to be held at Cashel in 
1]72, and the combined influence and intrigues of Henry 
and the Pope prevailed. This council put an end to the 
ancient Church of Ireland, and submitted it to the yoke 
of Rome. " That ominous apostacy has been followed 
by a series of calamities, hardly to be equalled in the 
world." From the days of St, Patrick, to the council of 
Cashel, was a bright and glorious sera for Ireland. From 
o'Driscoi's the sitting of this council to our times, the lot of Ireland 

VIgws of 

Ireland, vol. has been unmixed evil, and all her history a tale of woe.' * 

ii. p. 85. 

* It is curious enough, that Dr. Rock's accidental omissions, 
should always fall on the most important parts of a passage. In the 
above quotation from O'Driscoll, the two vital parts of it are omitted 
altogether in his quotation of the passage : first, 'for above 
seven hundred years, this church maintained its independence ; ' and 
again, ' that ominous apostacy has been followed by a series of cala- 
mities, hardly to be equalled in the w T orld.' It might however be 
too much to expect; that Dr. Rock should become the recording 
angel of Apostolic truth. 

















It is stated by O'Connor, that there existed in Ireland, century 

J 3 m 6 — 12. 

nearly an hundred years before the mission of St. Patrick, 

independent of the See of Rome, an order of Monks 

called Cuidees. Their rule was invented by St. Athanasius, andtheWsh 

a Greek father, and Bishop of Alexandria in Egypt. Culdees - 

Their office was the Greek, and not the Roman, and even Their office, 

. . . the Greek, 

in their mode of tonsure, they differed from similar esta- and not the 

J Roman 

blishments in the Roman Church. RituaL 

This order was in many things very remarkable, and 

e 2 




guished for 
their learn- 
ing, and at- 
tachment to 
their reli- 

Origin of the 
name Culdee 

one of its most eminent members, was our far-famed 
Columba, or Columbkill,* who is considered in the mar- 
tyrology of Donegal, and by Colgan, as joint patron 
with St. Patrick, of Ireland, and whose name is as familiar 
to every Irish ear, as that of St. Patrick himself. It is 
indeed connected with some of the most venerated places 
in Ireland ; for he founded, as Jocelyn says, one hundred 
monasteries, and established many churches. 

In such a remote corner of the world as Ireland was 
then considered, this celebrated monastic order commenced. 
Distinguished for letters, and an inviolable attachment to 
their religion; their adversaries (men devoted to the see 
of Rome) have endeavoured to consign their names and 
tenets to oblivion, while others of inferior merit are pomp- 
ously brought forward, and extolled for virtues which they 
never possessed, and for actions which they never per- 
formed. Nor have those alone who collected memorials 
of the champions of divine truth recorded their merits, but 
the writings of Bede, Lloyd, Usher, and above all, those 
of Sir Robert Sibbald, and Sir James Dalrymple, have 
placed their reputation and noble defence of their doctrines 
and liberties on the most solid basis. 

The origin of their name, has given rise to various con- 
jectures. Toland says it is derived from ' Ceili de' the 
separated or espoused of God. Bishop Nicholson, from 
f Coul-du' a black hood, which, without authority, he 
supposes to have been a principal part of their dress : 

* He is thus spoken of by a biographer of the sixteenth century, 
— ' Towards the middle of the sixth century of redemption, in which 
Hibernia, the island of saints, shone with stars as numerous as the 
stars of heaven : there arose in the same island a new star which 
excelled all others, as the sun outshines the lesser stars of heaven — 
this star was Columbkille.' 



whereas from a passage in Bede, it is probable their gar- 
ments were white. Shaw's opinion is, that Ceil-de, or 
servant of God, was Latinized into Keledeus and Colideus, 
from whence we derive the English name Culdees. The 
great difficulty in accounting for the name, arises from not 
knowing the precise time when it was given : if it were at 
a late period, Nicholson may be right, but not so if at an 
early one, for sanctity was attached to dress only by the 
later monastic orders. 

Columba, the founder, or rather the reviver of this 
order, was born of illustrious parents, a.d. 522.* The 
fashion of the times, and his own propensity, led him to 
the cultivation of ascetic virtues, and their preparatory 
exercises. Monachism had taken root in this kingdom, 
and was already flourishing in its numerous seminaries, 
and supported by their learned professors ; the most re- 
markable of the former was that of St. Finian at Clonard, 
where at the age of twenty-five we find St. Columba en- 
gaged in study, and acquiring the rudiments of that 
knowledge, and exercising that discipline which were af- 
terwards productive of such eminent advantages to Chris- 
tianity, not only in Ireland, but in Scotland and England. 

Having completed his monastic education in 546, he 
founded the monastery of Durrogh, and established such 
admirable rules for his monks, that they soon became as 


C— 12. 


* Columba's father was Felim, the son of Fergus, who was grand- 
son of the great Nial, King of Ireland ; and the mother of Felim was 
Aithne, daughter of Lorn, who first reigned in conjunction with his 
brother Fergus, over the Scots, or Dalrendini, in Argyleshire. ' In 
those times, noblemen were not seldom the preachers of the gospel, 
and it is probable, they may he so again, when they shall find that 
neither their persons, nor their property can be secure without it.' 
— (Smith's Life of St. Columba.) 


of his suc- 

century conspicuous for erudition, as for sanctity of manners. The 

— Scots have claimed these monks as their own, and as 

springing up in their country, so early as the beginning of 
the fourth century, but Bishop Nicholson, no friend of the 
order, expressly says, ' the Culdees were of the Irish rule, 
and carried into Scotland by St. Columba, and from thence 
dispersed into the northern parts of England.' 
SanTthat Brilliant parts, and an untiring zeal in the service of 
religion, with a strain of powerful eloquence, exalted 
Columba's reputation among his countrymen to a degree 
scarcely inferior to that of an apostle. Such talents were 
too large to be confined within the narrow pale of a mon- 
kish cell ; they were called forth to the regulation of state 
affairs, and in these he held as decided a superiority as in 
the cloister. Amidst this splendour of authority and of 
parts, it would have been miraculous if human weakness 
did not sometimes betray him into error, from which his 
biographers do not attempt to exculpate him. 

In his early youth, he instigated a bloody war without 
just cause, of which being made sensible, he abjured his 
native land by a voluntary exile, and imposed on himself 
a mission to the unconverted Picts. Of this event Bede 
thus speaks, { In the year of our Lord's incarnation 565, 
there came out of Ireland into Britain, a presbyter and 
abbot, — a monk in life and habits, very famous, by name 
Columba, to preach the word of God to the provinces of 
the northern Picts. This Columba came to Britain, when 
King Bridius, son of Meilochem, reigned over the Picts. 
It was in the ninth year of his reign, that by his preaching 
and example he converted this nation to the faith of 

From this passage it appears evident, that Columba 
and his disciples have clearly the merit of promulgating 


the gospel with effect in Scotland, notwithstanding the century 

partial labours of earlier missionaries ; by it also the date 

of the arrival of the Culdees is immoveably fixed. In 
consequence of Columba's preaching, his example, and 
success, the isle of Hy * was given to him, whereon to con- Founded the 

nni • • i n 1 tt i • i monastry of 

struct a monastery. Inis isle is one ot the Hebrides, not iona. 
large, ' but sufficient' says Bede, * for the maintenance of 
five families, according to the computation of the English/ 
8 Before Columba came into Britain,' continues Bede, 
'he formed a noble monastery in Ireland, called Dearmach,f 

* The ancient name was I Hy or Aoi, (as written in the annals 
of Ulster,) which was latinized into Hyona or Iona, the common 
name of which is now I-colum-kill (the isle of Colum of the cells) 
included in one of the parishes of the island of Mull. Its venerable 
ruins still command respect, and the popular belief, founded upon a 
prophetic distich ascribed to St. Columba, is, that they may yet re- 
cover their ancient splendour, — 

O sacred dome and my beloved abode, 

Whose walls now echo to the praise of God ; 

The time shall come, when lauding monks shall cease, 

And lowing herds here occupy their place ; 

But better ages shall hereafter come, 

And praise re-echo in the sacred dome. 
The first part of the prophecy was literally fulfilled for ages, till 
the present noble proprietor, the duke of Argyle, caused the sacred 
ground to be enclosed with a sufficient wall. Before that, the cathe- 
dral was used sometimes as a pen for cattle, — ' Sic transit gloria 
mundi.' — ' We were now,' says Dr. Johnson, e treading that illus- 
trious island which was once the luminary of the Caledonian regions, 
whence savage clans and roving barbarians derived the benefit of 
knowledge, and the blessings of religion. To abstract the mind from 
all local emotions, would be impossible, if it were attempted, and 
would be foolish if it were possible.' 

+ The Dearmach mentioned by Bede, Camden, and Walsh, is 
supposed to be Armagh, but improperly. The word is Doirmagh, 
commonly called Durrogh, and which Bede and Adamnan rightly 
interpret the Oakenfield. 




In the ob- 
servation of 
Easter, a 

from which and Iona, many others have been established 
by his disciples in Britain and Ireland ; over all these the 
Island Abbey, where he lies interredj has supreme rule. It 
is always wont to have a presbyter-abbot for its rector, 
and even the bishops themselves, after an unusual and in- 
verted order, ought to be subject, according to the exam- 
ple of that first doctor, who was no bishop, but a presby- 
ter and monk/* 

In the observation of Easter, Columba was a quarta- 
deceman.f He left it in charge to the monks of Iona, to 

* Columba received the order of Priesthood from Etchin, Bishop 
of Clonfadin. The story is curious enough — ' By the consent of the 
ecclesiastics of his neighbourhood, he was sent to Etchin, bishop of 
a neighbouring diocese, to be made a bishop. When he arrived, the 
bishop was, (according to the usage of this early period,) engaged in 
ploughing his field. Columbkille was kindly received, and stated 
that he came for ordination. But it did not occur to him to specify 
the orders he came for. The bishop knowing that he had only re- 
ceived deacon's orders, very naturally pursued the common course, 
and gave him priest's orders. "When this oversight became knoAvn, 
he offered to consecrate him a bishop, but Columba, who looked on 
the circumstance as a manifestation of the will of God, declined this 
further step.' The story derives some confirmation from the circum- 
stance that he never became a bishop, though occupying the station 
and authority of one in an eminent degree. 

It appears from Bede, that the monastery of Iona had bishops 
among the members of that community, who were as such, subject 
to the Abbot who was a Presbyter ; (as the chapter of St. Patrick's, 
Dublin, has an Archbishop at the present moment a member of its 
body, who as such, is subject to the Dean, who is a Presbyter.) 
Hence the Anti-episcopalians deduce the logical conclusion, that 
he, (the Archbishop) is no better than a Presbyter, 

t ' The Christians in the second century,' says Mosheim, * cele- 
brated anniversary festivals in commemoration of the death and re- 
surrection of Christ, and of the effusion of the Holy Ghost upon the 
Apostles.' The day which was observed as the anniversary of 
Christ's death, was called the Paschal day, or Passover, because it 




keep it on the 14th to the 20th of the moon, which they century 
continued to do, until the year 716. This eminent mis- 
sionary, worn out in the service of his divine master, died 

was looked upon to be the same with that on which the Jews cele- 
brated the feast of that name. 

In the manner, however, of observing this solemn day, the chris- 
tians of lesser Asia differed much from the rest, and in a most espe- 
cial manner from those of Rome. They both indeed fasted during 
the great week, (so that was called in which Christ died) and after- 
wards celebrated like the Jews, a sacred feast, at which they distri- 
buted a paschal lamb, in memory of our Saviour's last supper. But 
the Asiatic christians kept the feast on the fourteenth day of the 
first Jewish month, at the time that the Jews celebrated their pass- 
over, and three days after commemorated the resurrection of the 
triumphant Redeemer. They affirmed that they had this custom 
from the apostles John and Philip, and pleaded moreover in its be- 
half the example of Christ himself, who held his paschal feast on 
the same day that the Jews celebrated their passover. The western 
churches observed a different method. They celebrated their paschal 
feast on the night that preceded the anniversary of Christ's resur- 
rection, and thus connected the commemoration of the Saviour's 
crucifixion, with that of his victory over death and the grave. Nor 
did they differ thus from the Asiatics, without alleging also Apos- 
tolic authority for what they did, for they pleaded that of St. Peter 
and St. Paul, as a justification of their conduct in this matter. Hence 
arose sharp and vehement contentions between the eastern and the 
western churches. 

About the middle of this century (the second) during the reign of 
Antoninus Pius, the venerable Poly carp came to Rome to confer 
with Anicet, bishop of that See, upon this matter, with a view to 
terminate the warm disputes it had occasioned. But this conference, 
though conducted with great decency and moderation, was without 
effect. Polycarp and Anicet were only agreed in this, that the bonds 
of charity were not to be .broken on account of the controversy ; 
but they continued at the same time, each in their former sentiments ; 
nor could the Asiatics be engaged by any arguments to alter the 
rule which they asserted they had received by tradition from St. John. 

Towards the conclusion of this century, Victor, bishop of Rome, 


century at Iona, a.d, 597, aged seventy-five years. To distinguish 
■ — him from others of the same name, he was called Colum- 

celle, from having been the father of above one hundred 


determined to try and force the Asiatic Christians (by the pretended 
authority of his laws and decrees) to follow the rule, which was 
observed by the western churches in this matter. Accordingly, 
after having taken the advice of some foreign bishops, he wrote an 
imperious letter to the Asiatic prelates, commanding them to imitate 
the example of the western christians, with respect to the time of 
celebrating the festival of Easter. 

The Asiatics answered this lordly summons by the pen of Poly- 
crates, bishop of Ephesus, who declared in their name, and that 
with great spirit and resolution, that they would by no means de- 
part in this matter from the custom handed down to them by their 
ancestors. Upon this, the thunder of excommunication began to 
roar. Victor, exasperated by the resolute answer of the Asiatic 
bishops, broke off all communication with them, pronounced them 
unworthy of the name of brethren, and excluded them from all fel- 
lowship with the church of Rome. 

This excommunication could indeed extend no further, nor could 
it cut off the Asiatic bishops from communion with the other 
churches whose bishops were far from approving the conduct of 
Victor. The progress of this violent dissension was, however, 
stopped by the wise and moderate remonstrance, which Irenaeus, 
bishop of Lyons, addressed on this occasion to the Roman Prelate, 
in which he shewed him the imprudence and injustice of the step he 
had taken ; the folly of which was also fully set forth in a letter, 
which the Asiatic christians wrote in their own justification. In 
consequence, therefore, of these remonstrances a cessation of arms 
took place, although the combatants retained each their own customs. 
In the fourth century, the Council of Nice abolished that of the 
Asiatics, and appointed the time of the celebration of Easter to be 
the same through all christian churches. Quartadecemans were 
those who followed the eastern custom, and consequently opposed 
the western or roman mode. 

* The change of name is referred by one of his biographers to 
accident, and may well have occurred as related, from the religious 



part of 
land evan- 

Bede, though sincerely attached to the see of Rome, century 

yet with candour and truth confesses the merits of the ■ — 

Culdees. ' Whatever he was himself (speaking of Columba) 
we know of him for certain, that he left a succession re- 
nowned for much continence, the love of God, a regular Scotland and 

. " . the greater 

observance. It is true, they followed uncertain rules in 
the observation of the great festival, as having none to 
bring them the synodal decrees for the keeping of Easter, 
by reason of their being seated so far from the rest of the 
world, therefore only practising such works of charity and 
piety, as they could learn from the prophetical, evan- 

Their warmest panegyrist could not pronounce a finer 
eulogium on the purity of their faith and integrity of their 
practice. It is true, they did not adopt the corruptions 
of the Romish Church, nor the superstitions which had 
corrupted Christianity. For centuries they preserved 
their countrymen from the baneful contagion, and at 
length fell a sacrifice in defence of their ancient faith. 

No sooner had the papal power got footing in England, 
than it made attempts on the Irish Church, which had so 
successfully established itself in that kingdom ; but the 
vigorous opposition of the Culdees delayed for some time, 
though it could not finally prevent, its establishment. ' It 
was not a doubtful ray of science and superstition/ (as 
the elegant, though infidel historian of the Roman empire 

from the 

feeling which seemed to refer every slight occurrence at that period 
to special design. His exceeding meekness attracted the attention of 
the children of the neighbourhood, who were accustomed to see him 
coming forth to meet them at the gate of the monastery in which he 
received his education, and by a fanciful adaptation, common enough 
to lively children, they called him 'the pigeon of the church,' 
which in Irish is 'Columna-Cille.' 

of Northum 
land, con- 
verted to the 


century remarks.) ' that these monks diffused over the northern 

6—12. . ' 

regions ; superstition on the contrary found them her 

most determined foes.' 

ofTorthum g In 6S5 > Oswald, king of Northumberland, who had' 
been converted to the faith of Christ, among the Irish, 
and was no admirer of Roman innovations, sent to Iona 
for a Culdee bishop, to instruct his people in evangelical 
truth. In consequence of which, Aiden, an Irishman, 
and a Culdee of Iona, was consecrated, and sent over to 

( He was a man,' says Bede, * of the greatest modesty, 
piety, and moderation ; his life was so widely different 
from the sloth and negligence of our own times, that all 
who travelled with him, whether shorn or laymen, were 
obliged to exercise themselves, either in reading the scrip- 
tures, or in learning the Psalms.' There was however 
one abatement of his merit, which could not be passed 
over by a votary of Rome, though it is conveyed in no 
rancorous, or intolerant language. ' He had a zeal for 
God, but not according to knowledge, for he kept the 
Lord's day of Easter, according to the custom of his 

gSISTis ' The king/ continues Bede, ' gave the bishop the Isle 

Episcopal Q f Lindisfarne, on the coast of Northumberland, for his 
episcopal see. York was fixed upon by Pope Gregory 
before this time, but this nomination Aiden rejected, for 
two reasons, first it was not agreeable to the spirit of 
Culdeeism, which chose islands in preference to the main 
land, in imitation of their master, Columba ; and secondly, 
he considered it would be an acquiescence in the decision 
of the Roman pontiff, which the Irish hierarchy, complete 
and independent in itself, had not submitted to. 

Oswald personally attended Aiden's ministry. When 

AIDEN. 61 

the latter preached, he not perfectly understanding the century 
Anglo-saxon tongue, the king was his interpreter ; * for - — 

. r Preaching of 

during his exile in Ireland, he had learned the language of Aiden, the 

i . f . O o Kinginter- 

the isle. Numbers of Culdees daily arrived from Ireland ; preting. 
those who were priests baptized the converted. Aiden 
gave a luminous example of charity, piety, and abstinence, 
and recommended his doctrine by his practice/ 

Thus far we have followed Bede, whose third book of 
ecclesiastical history, is principally employed in praise of 
the Culdees ; wherever he mentions their dissent from 
Rome, (and this was their only crime), he does it with 
great delicacy. 

Aiden died in 651, and was succeeded by Finan, an Aiden suc- 
Irishman, and Culdee of Iona. He was according to Fman. 
Bede, ' a man of fierce and rough nature, but was very 
successful in his ministerial labours, and not only con- 
verted and baptized Peada, king of the Middle Angles, 
along with all his court, but sent four priests to instruct 
his subjects in Christianity. Sigbert, king of the East 
Angles, was also baptized by him, as well as his people, 
and he sent for two other bishops to assist him in the 
ministry of ordination, and consecrated Cedda, or Chad, 

* Fuller mentions this circumstance in his usual quaint manner. 

The Royal Interpreter. 

* When Aiden came first into England, he was not perfect in the 
language of our country ; wherefore, King Oswald, a better Irish- 
man (as bred among them) than Aiden was an Englishman, inter- 
preted to the people what the other preached unto them. Thus, 
these two put together, made a perfect preacher ; and although some 
may say, sermons thus at a second hand, must lose much of their 
life and lustre, yet the same spirit working in both, the ordinance 
proved effectual to the salvation of many souls.' — (Fuller, vol. i. 
p. 122.) 


century bishop of the East Angles. To the apostolic labours of 


the Culdee missionaries, were the Northern English indebted 
for their conversion ; and Dr. Innetin his learned 'Origines 
Anglicanaa ' records their exertions in highly honourable 


* The Romanists boast of the great success of Austin, in convert- 
ing the pagan Saxons to Christianity ; hut the principal merit of 
their conversion is due to the zealous labours of Irish missionaries. 
In justice to them Archbishop Usher observes, (Ann. Reg. of the 
Irish, p. 112.) i St. Aiden and St. Finan, deserve to be honoured by 
the English nation, with as venerable a remembrance as Austin the 
monk and his followers ; for by the ministry of Aiden was the king- 
dom of Northumberland recovered from Paganism ; (whereunto 
belonged then, beside the shire of Northumberland and the lands 
beyond it, unto Edinburgh, Firth, Cumberland also, and Westmore- 
land, Lancashire, Yorkshire, and the bishopric of Durham,) and by 
the means of Finan, not only was the kingdom of east Saxons 
(which contained Essex, Middlesex, and half of Hertfordshire) re- 
gained, but also the large kingdom of Mercia, which comprehended 
under it, Gloucestershire, Leicestershire, Worcestershire, North- 
amptonshire, Lincolnshire, Huntingdonshire, Bedfordshire, Buck- 
inghamshire, Oxfordshire, Staffordshire, Derbyshire, Shropshire, 
Nottinghamshire, and the other half of Herefordshire. 

' Aiden himself was a'shining example of godliness. He laboured 
continually to convert infidels, and to strengthen the faithful. He 
gave to the poor whatever, presents he received from the great, and 
employed himself with his associates in the scriptures continually. 
He strictly avoided every thing luxurious, and every appearance of 
secular avarice or ambition. He redeemed captives with the money 
which was given him by the rich. He instructed them afterwards 
and fitted them for the ministry. 

c King Oswald was not inferior to the prelate in his endeavours to 
promote godliness. Uncorrupt and humble in the midst of pros- 
perity, he shewed himself the benefactor of the poor and needy, 
and cheerfully encouraged every attempt to spread the knowledge 
and practice of godliness among men. At length in the 38th year 
of his age, he was slain in the battle by Perda, king of Mercia. A 


Finan died, a.d. 661, and Coleman, a Culdee of lona, century 


succeeded him. He was an intrepid opposer of papal doc- 

m x A * x *■ a Finan suc- 

trines, as his disputation at Whitby with the Romanists ceeded by 

\ J Coleman. 

fully proves. King Oswy, however, who presided at this 
conference at Whitby, had been too much tampered with 
by the Romish party, to be a fair arbitrator. 

At this council, there were present two kings, three 
English, and several Irish bishops, with an Abbot, 
Abbess, and many presbyters and other clerks, Romans, 
Angles, Saxons, Britons, Scots, and Picts. The early 
bishops of Lindisfarne having been Irish, the Northum- 
brians observed Easter according to the Irish tradition, 
but Lanfrid their queen, a Kentish Princess, after the 
Roman : ' whence (says Bede) it sometimes happened 
that two Easters were celebrated in one year ; and when 
the king, having completed his lenten fast, was celebrate 
ing his Easter Sunday, the queen, still fasting, was spend- 
ing Palm Sunday/ 

This difference respecting the celebration of Easter, 
was however borne patiently by all during the life-time of 
Aiden ; ' because they saw clearly, that although he could 
not act contrary to the custom of those who sent him, he 
took care diligently to perform works of faith, piety and 
brotherly love, according to the custom of all the saints/ 
After his death a violent controversy arose respecting 
Easter, the ecclesiastical tonsure, and other points in 
which the Irish differed from the Saxons, and which this 
conference of Whitby was intended to decide. 

In this synod, Wilfred, Abbot of Ripon and afterwards 

memorable instance of the unsearchable ways of Providence. He 
and Edwin, two kings, whose equals in piety and virtue could not 
easily be equalled in any age, both lose their lives in battle with the 
same enemy — a barbarian and a pagan ! ' 

at Whitby. 



century Archbishop of York, pleaded in favour of the Roman 
Easter, while Coleman, Bishop of Lindisfarne, being an 
Irish Scot, maintained the opposite side. According to 
Bede, king Oswy opened the conference by a speech in 
which he pointed out the necessity of unity ; after which 
Coleman said, 'The Easter which I celebrate I have received 
from my ancestors, and it is the same as that which St, 
John, the Evangelist, observed, with all the Churches over 
which he presided/* In reply to this, Wilfred asserted 
that, { the Roman Easter was observed throughout the 
whole world, with the single exception of the Irish, and 
the companions of their obstinacy, the Picts and Britons, 
who living in the remotest islands of the ocean, foolishly 
contested the point against the whole world/ Speaking 
of Columba and other Irish saints, he says, ' their observ- 
ing Easter in this manner was of no importance, so long 
as no one came to instruct them in the correct method of 
keeping it. And even admitting your Columba to be a 
holy man, ought he to be preferred to the most holy 
prince of the apostles, to whom the Lord said, " Thou art 
Peter, and upon this rock will I build my Church, and 
the gates of hell shall not prevail against it, and I will 
give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven/' Upon 
which king Oswy asked Coleman, whether these words 
had really been addressed to Peter, and on his admitting 
that they were, instantly decided in favour of the Roman 
Easter ; ( For/ (said he) ' St. Peter is a door-keeper, 
whom I am unwilling to contradict, but as far as my know- 

* It is singular as well as confirmatory, of what has been above 
stated, that we have Poly carp and Irenseus, according to Eusebius — 
Polycrates according to Socrates — as well as Coleman, holding the 
same arguments as to the source and ' authority from whence they 
had the time of keeping Easter. 


ledge and ability extends, I desire to obey his commands century 

in all respects, lest when I arrive at the gates of the king- — 

dom of heaven, there shall be no one to open them for 
me, he being my enemy, who is proved to have the keys/ 

Coleman, when he found his opinions rejected, resigned 
his see, rather thanf submit to this decision ; thus furnish- 
ing us with a remarkable proof, that the Irish bishops in 
the seventh century rejected the authority of the Pope. 
He collected all the Irish Culdees at Lindisfarn, and about 
thirty English monks, who were studying there, with 
whom he resorted for a short time to Iona, and at last 
sailed for Ireland, where he spent the remaining part of turns to 
his life in the island of the White Cow, called in Irish 
Inis-bo-fin. ' He was a man,' (says Harpsfield,) ' of great 
virtue, abstinence, and piety.' He also founded a 
monastery, which at that time was called Magio, but 
now Mayo. The cause of building which is thus given by 
the venerable Bede. 

( Coleman coming into the said island,' (i.e. Inis-bo-fin,) Monastery of 

° ' v 5/ Inis-bo-fin. 

' founded a monastery there, and placed monks in it, 
whom he had collected from both nations ; but they could 
not agree together ; because the Irish in the summer 
season, when the fruits of the earth were to be gathered, 
forsook the monastery, and dispersed themselves up and 
down in such places, where they were well acquainted ; 
but on the approach of winter, they would return and 
expect to enjoy in common, those things, which the Eng- 
lish monks had provided for themselves. 

' Coleman made it his business to find out a remedy for 
these disorders, and travelling about the country, far and 
near, he at last pitched on a place in the island of Ireland, 
proper for a monastery, which in the Irish language was Magw> steiy ° f 
called Magio, of which he purchased a small part for the 




The decline 
and fall of 
the Culdees. 

said purpose from an Earl, whose property it was, on 
condition, nevertheless, that the resident monks should be 
obliged to offer up their prayers to the Lord for him, who 
accommodated them with the place. Immediately, by the 
assistance of this Earl, and his neighbours, he erected a 
monastery, in which he placed the English monks, and 
following the example of their venerated fathers, they lived 
under a canonical rule and Abbot, in great continence 
and integrity, supporting themselves by the labour of their 

Immediately on the departure of Coleman, the Culdees 
were everywhere expelled from England by Oswy, and 
replaced by Benedictines. Not content with this triumph, 
the Romish clergy prevailed on Egfrid, King of Northum- 
berland, to wreak their vengeance a few years after, on 
the diffident Irish. s An harmless and innocent people, 
(says Bede, pitying their calamities) and always friendly to 
the English.' At length Adamnan the Culdean Abbot 
of Iona, apostatized ; and by the instigations of Ceolfred, 
Abbot of Yirwy, Naitan, King of the Picts expelled the 
Culdees from Iona in 717.f 

* It is a very remarkable coincidence, that after a period of nearly 
twelve centuries, a similar institution should have been established 
in the neighbouring Island of Achill, under the immediate auspices 
and superintendence of the late Archbishop of Tuam, by which 
means, we may hope, the light of divine truth, through God's bless- 
ing, may again be disseminated in that hitherto dark and deplorably 
neglected region. 

t Notwithstanding what is here stated, Dr. Lanigan, a distin- 
guished Roman Catholic historian asserts, that ' the great monastery 
of Hy was still kept up, and considered as an Irish establishment so 
late as the year 1203,' he proves this from a remarkable transaction 
that occurred in that year. 

One Kellach erected a monastery in Hy in opposition to the elders 



Thus expired those illustrious seminaries of Culdees at CE ^™ 2 RY 

Iona and Lindisfarn, after bravely defending their tenets 

for more than a century, against the secret machinations 
and open violence of their enemies. At length they fell 
a sacrifice to the encroaching ambition and spiritual into- 
lerance of the Church of Rome. l A great access/ says 
Cressy, in a high tone of exultation, ( was made to the 
lustre of this year, by the conversion of the Monks of Hy, 
and all the monasteries and churches subject to them, to 
the unity of the Catholic Church. 

' The monasteries of Columba were the bright constel- 
lations of our hemisphere, enlightening every part with 
the brilliant radiance of the gospel and of true learning/ 
Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury, says c Innet set up 
schools in every place to outdo the Irish, and break the 
interests of the quartadecemans/ (for so the Culdees were 
called.) The Culdees continued, as an excellent writer 

of the place, upon which the clergy of the north of Ireland held a 
meeting, which was attended by Florence O'Kervallen, bishop of 
Tyrone, the bishop of Tirconnet, the abbot of St. Peter and Paul, 
Armagh, the abbot of Deny, and many others. Afterwards they 
all went to Iona, demolished the monastery which had been built by 
Kellach, and placed over it the Abbot of Deny, who was unani- 
mously elected Abbot. What was Kellach's object in erecting a 
new monastery ? ' I cannot ascertain,' says the wily priest ; ' per- 
haps,' he continues, ' his intention was to introduce a new order into 
the island ; perhaps the Cistercians, or Augustine Canons, for both 
of which there was a great predilection in Ireland.' 

From this it would appear that the monastery of Iona 
had reassumed its ancient customs, &c, and that this was a 
second attempt made by the Romish party, through the means of 
Kellach, to introduce their peculiar customs ; but we find it checked 
by the Irish clergy in the bud, who continued to follow their own 
ecclesiastical rules, without the pale, as if the synod of Cashel had 
never been held. 

F 2 




century observes, until a new race of monks arose, as inferior to 
them in learning and piety, as they surpassed them in 
wealth and ceremonies, by which they captivated the eyes, 
and infatuated the minds of men.* 

The registry of St. Andrews informs us, that the Cul- 
dees, relaxing in discipline, were deprived of their posses- 
sions, but King Alexander restored them on condition 
that they should be more attentive in attending divine 
service, which they neglected, except when the King or 
bishop was present, performing however their own office in 
their own way, in a small corner of the church. This 
account is obscure, merely because the whole truth is not 
stated, for the registry acquaints us, that when Alexander 
began the reform in the Church of St. Andrew, there was 
no one to serve at the altar of the blessed Apostle St. 
Andrew, or to celebrate mass. This clearly shews, that 
the Culdees, who were settled there, paid no respect to 
these holy relics, or to the mass itself, but chose rather 
to forfeit their church and property than desert their prin- 
ciples, prefering their ancient office with integrity of heart, 
in a corner, to the possession of the choir and its super- 
stitious pageantry. Their office was Gallican, and very 
different from the Roman ; and consequently we may 
conclude that it was not the mass they celebrated, (which 

* It would be doing injustice to the subject, and leaving this out- 
line of history imperfect, to omit some practices of the Culdees, 
which deserve notice. They, as well as the British monks, supported 
themselves by the labour of their hands. In this they resembled 
their archetypes of the east. The Culdees were married, but when 
it came to their turn to officiate, they did not cohabit with their 
wives. In 950 the Priests of Northumberland published canons, 
one of which was ' If a priest dismiss one wife, and take another, 
let him be anathema.' The Culdees of St. Andrew's were married 
men till the vear 1100. 



Pope Gregory confesses was the work of a private person, century 

and not of apostolic authority) for the Culdees only fol- 

lowed, as appears from Bede, what they could learn from 
the prophetical, evangelical, and apostolic writings.' The 
Anglo-Saxons adopted the Roman office; but the Bri- 
tons and Irish retained their primitive forms. 

The conduct of the Romanists towards the Culdees was 
uniformly persecuting. A charter of David, King of 
Scotland, recites * that he had given to the canons of St. 
Andrew, the isle of Lochleven, to institute there the ca- 
nonical rule, (or in other words, the Romish ritual) and 
that the Culdees, its ancient possessors, might continue 
there, if they would conform to that rule, and live peace- 
ably, and in subjection to the canons ; but that if they re- 
jected these terms, they were to be expelled/ This pro- 
posal being incompatible with their principles, was not 
acceded to, and consequently they were ejected. 

In Ireland the Culdees made a noble stand against papal 
innovations, and all the power of Rome, assisted by the 
power of England, was unable to eradicate them ; for we 
learn from Archbishop Usher, even in his time, that * in 
the greater churches in Ulster, as at Cluaninnis and Da- 
minais, and particularly at Armagh, in our memory, were 
Presbyters called Culdees, who celebrated divine service 
in the choir, their president being styled Prior of the 
Culdees, who acted as precentor/ 

It was not easy indeed to eradicate a reverence founded 
on solid piety, exemplary charity, and superior learning ; 
or to commit sudden violence on persons in whom such 
qualities were found. The Romish clergy were therefore 
obliged to exert their utmost cunning to accomplish their 
designs, and where force could not, seduction often pre- 
vailed. The alternative of expulsion, or acquiescence, 




century must ever strongly operate on human infirmity. In a few 
instances, the latter was chosen ; thus about the year 
1127, Gregory, Abbot of the Culdees' monastery of Dun- 
keld, and Andrew his successor, were made bishops, the 
first of Dunkeld, the other of Caithness. The intelligent 
antiquary Dalrymple, confirms the wary manner in which 
"£(€*" the Culdees were treated ; by making their abbots bishops, 
and preserving to those who had parishes, their benefices 
during life. 

The same policy was followed in Ireland ; the president 
of the Culdees was made precentor, he was to have the 
most honourable seat at table, and every respect from the 
chapter. Such little distinctions, whilst they flattered and 
saved appearances, were fatal to the Culdees. Many 
breaches were made in their rights, and at last, they lost 
all their privileges, and their old institute, and retained 
barely the name of their pristine celebrity. Such as they 
were in later ages, they continued to exist, and so late 
even as 1625. They had considerable property in 
Armagh, namely, seven townlands, with smaller parcels ; 
a great number of rectories, vicarages, tythes, messuages, 
and houses. These parishes and property have been 
transferred to Trinity College, Dublin, an institution es- 
tablished for similar purposes to those of the original 
Culdee seminaries ; and among others, to present a de- 


















While Aiden, Finan, Cedda, Fursa, Coleman, &c, were 
labouring in their vocation and calling in England, their 
brethren on the continent of Europe were as zealously sionaries™?" 
employed in preaching the unsearchable riches of Christ 
to the inhabitants of those extensive regions. 

the Irish 

Eridolin, called the Traveller. 

A young Irishman was the honoured instrument in Fridoim. 
God's hands, of bringing the first message of salvation to The mission 
the Alemanni of the upper Rhine. Eridolin, who had sSgen. 


century been educated at a monastery in his own country, had 

formed the resolution of devoting his whole life to the 

missionary cause. He first travelled about Ireland, from 
village to village, preaching the gospel. Soon afterwards 
he went over to France, and rested some time in a monas- 
tery, founded by Hilary at Poictiers ; but having been 
disquieted by a dream, in which he was directed to go, 
and seek out a certain island in the Rhine, within the 
territory of the Alemanni, and preach to the savage inha- 
bitants of the Black Forest, he obtained a letter of 
protection from Clovis, and taking it with him, he set 
out for the country of the upper Rhine, and every where 
on his way, tarried long enough to scatter the good seed, 
on the right hand and on the left. 

On his arrival among the Nauraci, where the ancient 
city of Augusta (August) still lay in the ruined state, in 
which Attila's march had reduced it, he found a little 
farther on, the Island he was seeking, where the small 
town of Sekingen (between Basle and Schaffnausen) now 
stands. He took up his abode in this wild place, and com- 
menced the business of his Mission. The daughter of an 
Alemann of rank, who lived in the neighbourhood, whose 
name was Wacher, was Fridolin's earliest disciple from the 
Alemann nation. This lady he instructed and baptized, 
and as he had been presented with the whole island by 
Clovis, he built a monastery there, according to the custom 
of his nation, into which pious monks from Burgundy 
were gradually collected, who helped him to lay the first 
foundation for building up Christ's church in the German 
provinces. After having undertaken another Mission in 
the country of the Glarni, he returned to his island in 
the Rhine, where he died in the year 538. Such is his 
history, as it has reached us ; but if no other memorial of 



his Missionary labours had been preserved, than the century 

monastery of Sekingen, it would be no more strange, than 

our often reading of Christianity anciently planted, where Historyof 

we are not told who were the instruments employed by churchby an 

God for that purpose/ German^ 



-\t- r» ti • -i f it* 1 Columbanus 

Fifty years after the Mission of Fridohn, additional and Ms com- 
light was sent to the Alemanni, through the instrumenta- 
lity of Columbanus, and his twelve companions in travel. 
Columbanus * was a descendant of a noble family in the 
province of Leinster, he was educated in the monasteries 
of Iona and Bangor in Ulster, and was urged by an irre- 
sistible desire to carry forth the name of the Lord, into 
the wide world of paganism. 

In the year 590, hearing that the state of Christianity 
in France, had fallen into the most melancholy depriva- 
tion, he instantly passed over to Gaul, where there was at 
this period, an ample field for the exertions of devoted 
men. Columbanus, after preaching for a considerable time 
through the country, found at last a spot adapted to the 
retirement of his taste, and the sanctity of his purpose, 
in the gloomy and sequestered forests of Upper Burgundy, 
in the neighbourhood of the Alps. Here in this savage 
region, he had twelve cabins built for himself, and his 
companions, most of whom, perhaps, indeed all, were after- 
wards to be Missionaries in other realms. 

The fame of his eloquence and learning soon drew the 

' * It was usually the custom in the early days of the church, to 
give new names to the distinguished servants of Christ, according 
to their supposed or inherent virtues. Thus Columba, the Dove, 
and afterwards ' Columna-cille,' which in Irish is ' the Dove of the 
church ; ' and again, « Columbanus/ the wild pigeon, or woodquest. 


century inhabitants in vast crowds around him from every quarter. 

— Settlements arose in the vicinity, and the saint was soon 

enabled to erect a monastery at Luxeuil. Here he re- 
mained above twenty years. Among the number of his 
disciples were many of noble birth, and many possessed 
ample revenues, and great influence, and not a few of 
them devoted themselves to the service of their divine 

Another monastery was built in a more select situation, 
and from the springs with which it abounded, received the 
name of ' Fountains.' At length, however, his faithful 
reprehension of the evil lives of Theodoric, King of Bur- 
gundy, and his grandmother Brunechild, made those power- 
ful personages his bitter enemies, and he was forced to 
quit his retirement. Columbanus now engaged in an active 
course of missionary exertions, visiting many places in 
Prance, and after a variety of circuitous wanderings, arri- 
ved with his companions on the banks of the Rhine. He 
went up the river as far as Limmat, in Switzerland, and 
from thence reached Zurich, which was then a small 
castle. Finding no Pagans there, he travelled with his 
companions up as far as Tuggen, the most distant part of 
the lake of Zurich, where he found a people still sunk in 
heathen superstition. 

Columbanus, with his zealous disciple Gallus, remained 
a short time among these people, and endeavoured to make 
them acquainted with the living God, and his Son Jesus 
Christ, but they answered, "our ancient Gods have 
hitherto sent to us, and to our forefathers' rain and sun- 
shine : we will not forsake them, they govern well." Here- 
upon they brought an offering to their Idols in the pre- 
sence of the missionaries, who, in their zeal against such 
a contempt of the word of God, threw their Idols into the 



lake, and set fire to their temple. The idolaters, enraged century 
at this very improper display of zeal, treated them roughly, 
and banished them from the country. 

Columbanus, with his companions, now descended from 
the mountainous regions, into the extensive plain, near the 
upper lake of Constance, and went to the ancient castle 
of Arbon, where a pious priest, named Willimar, received 
them kindly and lodged them : thence travelling farther up 
to Bregeuz, they resolved to settle there. At this period 
all the neighbourhood still lay desolate, from the effects of 
Attila's march, and only a few traces of the ancient Chris- 
tian settlement were found. 

Within the walls of a ruinous Christian church, which 
had been used by the Pagans as an Idol-temple, the first 
Christian sermon was preached to the heathen Alemanni 
of the neighbourhood. A small Christian village was 
built on the spot, and here, from time to time, a goodly 
company of converted Alemanni formed a settlement. 
The missionaries laid out gardens, planted fruit-trees, 
and prosecuted their trade as fishermen for food and traffic 
on the lake of Constance with success, and what is better, 
they were eminently successful as fishers of men among 
the Alemanni. 

But after three years of hard labour, Columbanus was 
obliged to flee a second time from persecution, and accom- 
panied by some of his disciples, he went over the High 
Alps into Italy, leaving G alius behind in Willimar's hut, 
detained by sickness. Another of Columbanus's compa- 
nions, named Sigebert, remained also behind on Mount 
St. Gothard,* near the source of the Rhine, to testify to 

* Columbanus is the patron-saint of the parish of Hospital, at 
the foot of St. Gothard. The church of Columbanus at Andermat, 
is said to have been built by the Lombards. 


century the wild Rhetians of the salvation of Christ. He founded 
— ■ — the celebrated Abbey of Dissentis * in the Grisons' coun- 
try, from whence the light of divine truth penetrated 
afterwards into the deep valleys of the Rhetian Alps. 

Columbanus founded a monastic seminary named 
Bobio, a secluded spot in the neighbourhood of the Treb- 
bia, for the education of able missionaries to the heathen 
Longobards,-j- and lived to enjoy the happiness of seeing 
their King Agilulph, with a great number of the Lombards, 
added to the church. By the desire of Agilulph, as stated 
before, he addressed a letter of considerable vigour and 
spirit to Boniface IV., who was at that time bishop of 
Rome, and the first who claimed the supremacy now 
arrogated to itself by the papacy. J 

* A very humble house of refuge and a chapel, have existed for 
centuries at Hospice, on the top of St. Gothard, owing its origin to 
the Abbot of Dissentis, who constantly stations two monks there to 
attend to the spiritual as well as physical wants of distressed tra- 

t Longbeards : this name is a curious proof of the permanence of 
our Teutonic tongue. The Lombards are said, by their ancient 
chronicles, to have greatly resembled the Anglo-Saxons in manners, 
dress, and customs. 

J It is on the authority of this letter, that Dr. Rock makes the 
strange assertion, that ' of the fathers of the church, whether of the 
west or east, none of them all declares the supremacy of the Roman 
Pontiff in stronger language, than the Irish Columbanus.' — (p. 56.) 
After a careful perusal of this letter, the only passage that seems to 
me to imply any thing of the kind, is the superscription ; and I am 
afraid, that St. Jerome's remark on Celestius already referred to, 
'that he was made fat with Irish flummery,' — might equally apply 
to Columbanus ; who probably thought, that before he would make 
any grave and unpalatable charges against his holiness, a little Irish 
flummery might not be amiss, in the way ' of gilding the pill.' 

This superscription is as follows : — ( Palumbus ventures to write 


In the year 616, he was called from his labours, after century 

having with great self-denial, and mortification, consecrated 

forty-two years of his life, to the promulgation of Chris- 

to Pope Boniface, the most beautiful head of all the churches 
throughout the whole of Europe, to the very sweet Pope — to the 
very high Prelate — to the Pastor of pastors — to the most reverend 
overseer ; a mere clown to one of the most polished manners, a man of no 
language to the most eloquent, the lowliest to the highest ; a foreigner 
to a native bred and bom ; one poor and mean to one the most powerful, 
surpassing description, no equal, a rara avis.'' l 

It must be obvious to every unprejudiced mind, that the epithets 
here employed by Columbanus, come far short of the modern views 
of papal supremacy, as now put forward by Romanists. The very 
manner in which he notices the headship of Rome, is inconsistent 
with the doctrine of supremacy, for he addresses the Pope, as ' reve- 
rendissimo speculatori,' the title of a mere Archbishop, and which 
Dr. Rock thinks it prudent to omit in his translation ; and again he 
addresses the Pope, not as the head of the Catholic Church, but 
only as the ' Head of all the churches of the whole of Europe.' 

Let us make another extract from this remarkable Epistle. Colum- 
banus rebukes the pope in the following words, ' that thou mayest 
not be deprived of apostolic honour, preserve apostolic faith, confirm 
it by testimony, strengthen it by writing, fortify it by synod, that 
none may justly resist thee.' 2 ' Watch therefore, I entreat thee, 
Pope, watch ; — and again, I say, watch ; because, haply Vigilius did 
not carefully keep vigil, whom those who cast blame upon you, cry 
out to be the original cause of the scandal.' a Bold language this, to 

1 Pulcherrimo omnium totius Europae ecclesiarum capiti, Papae 
praedulci, praecelso praesuli, Pastorum Pastori, Reverendissimo Spe- 
culatori ; humilimus celsissimo, minimus maximo, agrestis urbano, 
micrologus eloquentissimo, extremus primo, peregrinus indigenae, 
pauperculus praepotenti, mirum dictu ! nova res ! rara avis ! scribere 
audet Bonifacio Patri Palumbus.' 

2 ' Ut ergo honore Apostolico non careas, conserva fidem Aposto- 
licam, confirma testimonio, robora scripto, muni synodo, ut nullus 
tibi jure resistat.' 



century tianity, among the inhabitants of France, Germany, and 
Italy, and having educated a great multitude of disciples 

History of 

the christian for this blessed employment. 

Church by J 

the North 



be addressed, by an humble monk from Ireland, to the great and 
powerful bishop of Rome, c that thou mayest not lack apostolic 
honour, preserve the apostolic faith.' If the apostolic faith be not 
preserved, the apostolic honour must fail, and then the time has 
arrived, when resistance may be right and lawful. This is the ob- 
vious meaning of the foregoing language, and this was the very 
principle, when worked out, that produced the blessed Reformation. 

Again, we read, * Lest therefore, the old robber bind men with this 
very long cord of error, let the cause of the schism, I pray, be 
immediately cut off from thee, as with the sword of St. Peter, that 
is by a true confession of the faith in a synod, and by an abhorrence 
and anathematizing of every heretic, that thou mayest cleanse the 
chair of St. Peter from all error, or rather horror, if any (as is re- 
ported) have gained admission : if not, that its purity may be known 
of all, for one must grieve and mourn, if in the Apostolic see, the 
Catholic faith be not maintained.' 2 

It is utterly impossible, that the saint who wrote these words, 
could have held the same religious belief, (Dr. Rock's letter to 

1 ' Vigita itaque quaeso Papa vigila ; et iterum dico : vigila, quia 
forte non bene vigilavit Virgilius, quern caput scandali isti clamant, 
qui vobis culpam injiciunt.' — (The history of Pope Vigilius, the 
suspicion raised against him of having favoured the Eutychian 
heresy, and his condemnation, and subsequent approval of the cele- 
brated three chapters, are here alluded to by Columbanus. — See 
Fleming's note on this passage, Collectanea Sacra, par. 146. — Todd's 
Church of St. Patrick, p. 146.) 

2 ' Ne igitur hoc fune erroris longissimo liget latro antiquus 
homines, causa schismatis incidatur, quoeso, confestim a te, cultello 
quodammodo Sancti Petri, id est vera in Synodo fidei confessione, et 
hsereticorum omnium abominatione, ac anathematizatione, ut mundes 
cathedram Petri ab omni errore, horrore, si quis est, ut aiunt, in 
tromissus, si non, puritas agnoscatur ab omnibus. Dolendum enim ac 
deflendum est, si in sede apostolica fides catholica non tenetur.' 


St. Gallus. 

In the meantime, St. Gall being left behind in conse- 
quence of illness, built himself a cell on the spot where 
the monastery of St. Gall now stands, and proceeded to 

Lord John Manners, p. 6), 'as that taught by the now reigning Pope 
Gregory XVI.,' who in his well-known work in defence of the ultra- 
montane theory, positively asserts, the personal infallibility of the 
Roman Pontiff. 

There are other passages in this letter still more irreconcileable 
with the views of papal supremacy that have gained currency since 
his time, which from want of space I cannot quote, hut will con- 
elude, in the language of the Rev. Mr. Todd, with the references that 
may be drawn from the entire letter. £ From the extracts, (says 
Mr. Todd), I have now given, the following inferences may be 
drawn : — 

1st. That according to the faith of Columbanus, it was possible for 
the See of Rome to forfeit 'apostolic honour,' by not preserving 
' the apostolic faith/ 

2nd. That the ' sword of St. Peter ' signifies, not temporal power 
or spiritual jurisdiction, but 'a true confession of the faith in a 

3rd. That ' the chair of St. Peter,' is capable of being defiled by 
doctrinal 'error.' 

4th. That it is possible for ' the Catholic faith,' not to ' be held 
in the apostolic see.' 

5th. That the occasion might arise, when it would be necessary 
for the See of Rome ' to clear itself,' before a synod of the church. 

Gth. That circumstances might justify 'junior,' or inferior 
churches, in opposing of Rome, and withdrawing from communion 
with her. 

7th. That these same churches, instead of being her 'juniors ' or 
inferiors, might be converted into her 'judges,' if she preserved not 
' the orthodox faith.' 

8th. That not from any divine appointment, but on account of 
the sacred memories of St. Peter and St. Paul, Rome is 'the head 
of all the churches of the world/ with the exception of the singular 



St. Gallus. 





Gall derives 
its political 

History of 
the Christian 
Church by 
the North 

publish the Gospel, with great success in the neighbour- 
hood of the lakes of Zurich and Constance. In fortitude 
and devotion to his master's service, he was inferior to 
none of the missionaries of his age. St. Gall, a Town 
and Canton in Switzerland, derives its political existence 
from this Irishman. 

In the seventh century, Pepin, Mayor of the Palace in 
Prance, founded an Abbey for the missionary. This 
Abbey became one of the principal seminaries in Christen- 
dom, and from thence the seed of eternal lifewas scat- 
tered over a large portion of the territories of the Ale- 
manni. Its library was one of the largest then in existence, 
and we are indebted to its riches, for the works of several 
of the Greek and Latin Authors.* The children of the 
Emperors, and of the neighbouring Princes, were often 
sent there to be educated. The bishop of Constance co- 
operated in the work ; which in a short time extended it- 
self down as far as the provinces belonging to the Neckar. 
St. Gall at the age of ninety-five, departed to his rest, at 
the dwelling of his ancient friend Willimar, in Arbon, and 
was interred in his cell. 

prerogative of the Lord's resurrection, — to which a higher honour is 
attached, because of its still more sacred associations. 

9th. That through ' perversity/ she might ' lose this dignity.' 
10th and lastly, ' That unity of faith, has made unity of power 
and prerogative in the whole world,' (Church of St. Patrick, p. 136). 
* The convent library still exists in the town, and contains many 
curiosities ; such as various ancient Manuscript Letters, either from 
Ireland, or transcribed by Irish monks. Also a Manuscript of the 
Niebelungen Lied. The deserted monastery is now converted into a 
public school, and a part of it which formed the Abbot's Palace, now 
serves for the public offices of the government of the Canton. 




Killian, Bishop — Virgilius — Johannes Scotus 

erigena — dungal. 

In the year 685, an Irish Missionary named Killian and Kiiiian. 

i • • 11* -tTT t i tit Tbe mission 

nis companions settled in Wurzburg, where the heathen 

Duke of Thuringia, whose name was Gosbert, then re- 
sided. Killian preached successfully in all the provinces 
of the Maine, and Duke Gosbert himself was the first 
to receive baptism. Many of his court, and nearly 
all the eastern portion of the Franks, soon followed his 

* We are now come to another extraordinary assertion of Dr. 
Rock's, that ' the early Missionaries from Ireland used to go to Rome to 
do homage to the Pope, and crave the apostolic leave and blessing, before 
they went and preached to pagan nations,' (p. 82). The learned writer 
just quoted, has brought forward three instances of persons whom he 
calls, 'Irish Missionaries, \ thus ' going to Rome to do homage to the 
Pope.' Let us very briefly examine into these important cases ; re- 
marking by the way, that they must evidently be deemed by this 
Author the most conclusive, and the best established, which his 
learning could discover in Irish history, or else he would scarcely 
have given them the prominent place they now hold in his argument. 

The first of these cases, is that of St. Deicolus, or St. Dichuill, 
who, ' having founded in the sixth century the monastery of Lure, 
in the diocese of Besancon, hastened to Rome, to visit the threshold 
of the Apostles, and lay at the feet of the chief bishop, all right over 
the monastery and its possessions/ (Dr. Rock's Letter, p. 82). When 
St. Columbanus left Ireland, he took with him several companions ; 
one of these was St. Deicolus, or Dichuill, who remained with 
Columbanus in the monastery of Luxeuil, until both were driven 
from it by unfortunate circumstances. Dichnil then went and 
founded the monastery of Lure, which he governed for many years ; 
until at length, to use the words of Dr. Lanigan, ' wishing to spend 
his last days in retirement, he resigned the administration and with- 
drew to a solitary cell, where he devoted his time to divine con- 


station at 
Wurzburg . 



century It was however the will of God, that Killian should 
meet with the same fate as John the Baptist. The Duke, 
like Herod, had taken Geilana, his brother's wife to be 
his consort. Killian prudently waited till the Duke's con- 

templation. He died on the lGth of January, about the year 625/ 
(Lanigan ii. 440.) 

From this account it seems plain, that Dichuil was not a Mis- 
sionary, but a hermit, or the founder of a monastery, and establishes 
nothing, as to the usual practice of ' Missionaries' from Ireland. But 
waving this point, and conceding for the sake of argument, that 
Dichnil may fairly be called a Missionary, still the story of his going 
to Rome, ' to lay at the feet of the chief bishop, all right over his 
monastery and its possessions, proves nothing for the purpose for 
which it is adduced. 1 'The argument, 'says Mr. Todd,' is this, Dichuil 
founded a monastery, and obtained for it a rich endowment, and after 
having done so, he went and laid it at the Pope's feet ; therefore, 
Irish Missionaries used to do homage to the Pope, before they went 
and preached to pagan nations.' 

The next case Dr. Rock brings forward, is that of St. WiUibrod, 
the first Archbishop of Utrecht ; it may be enough to say, that Wil- 
librod was a Saxon and not an Irish Missionary. But it has been 
further suggested that Willibrod spent twelve years in Ireland. This 
fact, however, does not render him in any degree a better witness 
to the practice of the Irish church ; because Ms biographer, Alcuin, 
expressly tells us, ' that he spent his whole time there in the com- 
pany, and under the instructions of the Saxon saints, Egbert and 
Wigbert,' who were at that time living in Ireland. 

The only remaining instance relied on by Dr. Rock, is that of 
St. Killian. St. Killian set out for the continent of Europe, and at 
last arrived at Wurtzburg in Franconia. After this it is said that he 
visited Rome. The object he had in view of taking this step is un- 
known ; but what has all this to do with Dr. Rock's bold assertion, 
6 that the early missionaries from Ireland used to go to Rome to crave 

1 c These foolish stories,' says Dr. Lanigan, * are scarcely worth 



fidence in him was established, and then represented to 
him, that his connexion was sinful, and must be dissolved. 
The Duke promised to comply, but postponed it till his 
return from an expedition which he was obliged then to 
undertake. The danger of procrastination against the 
light of conscience, was never more strongly illustrated ; 
during his absence, Geilana caused the missionary, with 
his assistants, to be seized and beheaded in prison, in 688. 
These servants of the most high God were immured in a 
close stall in their clerical attire, with the book of the 
gospel in their hands. The murderers and the contrivers 
of the murder, are said to have come to a horrible end, by 
the righteous visitation of God, which they could not es- 
cape ; and the remembrance of the venerable martyr was 
hallowed for centuries among the people to whom 
he was sent to bring the glad message of salvation. 
The cathedral* of Wurzburg was erected in the eighth 
century, on the spot where Killian suffered martyrdom, 
who is now regarded as the apostle of Franconia. 

Virgilius, and seven Irish Bishops, went forth on a 
mission together to Germany, in the middle of the eighth 
century. He was afterwards appointed a Bishop of Saltz- 
burg by King Pepin. During two years, his modesty 
prevented him from entering upon the work, but he was 
at length prevailed on to accept the office. His real name 



History of 
the Christian 
Church by 
the North 


the Apostolic leave and license before they preached to pagan nations.' 
So far from this,' — the advocates of Roman supremacy have never 
yet produced a single well- authenticated instance in which a Bishop 
of Rome authorized a mission before it left the shores of Ireland. 

* The idols that Killian ordered to be thrown into the river 
Maine, were found many centuries after this, when laying the foun- 
dation of a bridge over the Maine, and are now preserved in a house 
close to the Cathedral. 






His threat- 
ened perse- 

Papa? ad 
Apud. Usser 
Syl. Ep. xvii. 

Two anony- 
mous mis- 

was Feargall. The Irish Fear, sometimes contracted into 
Fer, has, in latinizing of names, been changed into vir. 
Fear in Irish, as vir in latin, signifies man : Virgil was no 
other than Feargall, now called Farrell. 

The most remarkable circumstances in the life of Virgi- 
lius, were his quarrel with Boniface, the archbishop and 
apostle of Germany, and his threatened prosecution by 
Rome, for holding the opinion that the world was round, 
and that there were other men under our feet. 

It would be beside our present purpose to give any 
sketch of the causes of the difference between Boniface 
and Virgilius ; it must suffice to observe, that to a letter 
which the former sent to Rome, containing many com- 
plaints against Virgilius, Zachary, who was Bishop of 
Rome at that time, sent a reply, from which I take the 
following extract, f With respect to that corrupt and im- 
pious doctrine, which he hath spoken against God and his 
own soul, if it be clearly proved, so that he is made to 
confess, that there is another world, and other men upon 
the earth, let a council be summoned, and when he is 
degraded from the honor of the priesthood, expel him from 
the Church.' 

We have a very interesting account given by a monk of 
St. Gall in Switzerland, an Irish monastery, of two Irish 
missionaries, who went to France about the year 772. It 
is so completely Irish, that I cannot resist the temptation 
of relating it in this place. 

When the illustrious Charles began to reign alone in the 
western parts of the world, and literature was everywhere 
almost forgotten, it happened that two Scots of Ireland 
came over with some British merchants to the shores of 
France, — men incomparably skilled in human learning, and 
in the Holy Scriptures. As they produced no merchan- 


dise for sale, they used to cry out to the crowds flocking century 

to purchase, ' If any one is desirous of wisdom, let him 

come to us, and receive it, for we have it to sell.' (there 
is an evident allusion here to Proverbs and Isaiah, lv.) 

Multitudes flocked from all parts of the country to hear 
them. At last the report of their proceedings came to the 
ears of Charles, who sent for them, and replete with joy, 
kept them both with himself. After some time, being obliged 
to proceed on a military expedition, he ordered one of 
them to remain in France, entrusting to his care a great 
number of boys, not only of the highest noblesse, but like- 
wise of the middling and lower ranks of society. The 
other he directed to proceed to Italy, and assigned to him 
the monastery of St. Augustine near Pavia, that such per- 
sons as chose to do so, might there resort to him for iii- 

Lanigan iii. 

struction. p. 208. 

Johannes Scotus Erigena. 
Among the crowds of learned Irishmen, who went to 
France in those times, the most celebrated was Joannes Joannes sco- 
Scotus. He was of a very small stature, but gifted with 
extraordinary genius. His studies were chiefly classical 
and philosophical, in which he distinguished himself, 
considering the times in which he lived. He appears to 
have been a very good man, and irreproachable in his con- 
duct. On his removal to France, by his learning, 
eloquence and wit, he became a singular favourite with 
king Charles the Bald, who was so well pleased with him, 
that he kept him constantly with himself, and did him 
the honour of having him as a guest at his table. As Son. recep " 
John was a man of quick wit, and great eloquence, their 
conversation was sometimes of a jocose kind, and although 
he was not always sufficiently cautious not to give offence 

tus Erigena. 

His favour- 


century in his jokes, yet the king used to bear with what he 

said : On one occasion having been rather severe with a 

nobleman, who was dining with them, Charles provoked 
him by asking the question * What was the difference 
between a Scot and a Sot ? ' i No more than this table's 
breadth/ said Erigena, looking the king in the face, who 
sat opposite to him. 

As he was well skilled in Greek, Charles commissioned 
him, to translate into Latin the works of Dionysius the 
Areopagite, which he dedicated to the king. This 
translation was greatly admired for its accuracy, but being 
too literal was considered obscure. 

Before the above translation appeared, he published a 
treatise ( on Divine Predestination :' in that work he 
maintained, that there is only one predestination, viz. 
that of the elect. This work was condemned by the third 
council of Valence in 855, as containing the inventions of 
the devil, rather than any profession of faith. 
The doctrine Soon after this, he was consulted by Charles the Bald, 

of transub- . ,..,,.. 

stantiation. upon the controversy of the Eucharist, which had its rise 
from a book written by Paschasius Radbertus, concerning 
the body and blood of Jesus Christ, wherein he asserted, that 
the body and blood of our Saviour, given in the sacrament, 
is the same flesh that was born of the virgin, and the same 
blood that was shed upon the cross. Our author wrote a 
book in two parts upon this dispute, wherein he maintained 
the contrary opinion, and held * that the sacraments are not 
the real body and blood of Christ, but only a commemora- 
tion of his body and blood ; — that the sacrament in fact 
was merely a commemorative ordinance.' 

This dispute concerning the manner of our Lord's 
presence in the sacrament, remained an open question 
till the middle of the eleventh century. Until then the 


disputants on both sides continued to advance their dis- century 

cordant opinions with the utmost freedom, unrestrained 

by the voice of authority ; but about the year 1050, the 
controversy raging with much vehemence on all sides, 
afforded matter of discussion to several councils, which 
were called to settle the question. The celebrated 
Berenger, who occupies so prominent a place in the 
ecclesiastical history of the eleventh century, distinguished 
himself by maintaining publicly in 1045, the doctrines of 
Joannes Scotus, and opposing with vehemence the mon- 
strous opinions of Paschasius Radbert. 

Berenger, however, met with a violent and furious 
antagonist in Pope Leo IX, who fiercely attacked his doc- 
trines in a.d. 1050, and in two councils, held, one at Rome, 
the other at Vercelli, had the doctrine of Berenger 
solemnly condemned, and the book of Scotus, from which His work on 
it was drawn, committed to the flames. As the holy committed 
apostles gloried in being made partakers of their Lord's 
sufferings, and cheerfully endured suffering wrongfully; 
so might our distinguished countryman Scotus, if he were 
yet alive, glory in the fact, that his poor production was 
thought worthy of the same mark of hatred and reproba- 
tion, which has so often since his time, been inflicted, by 
the upholders of the same system, on the sacred volume 
itself. And as we find the book of Scotus treated in the 
same manner as the Holy Scriptures, we may hence infer, 
that the doctrines of both were much the same, and that 
our countryman gave a good scriptural exposition of the 
subject on which he wrote.* 

* Two of the most distinguished maintainers of the old view of 
the subject, in opposition to the novel invention of Radbert, were 
Bertram, a Priest and monk of Corbey, and our Joannes Scotus 
Erigena. These learned divines were ordered by the Emperor 

to the 







A native of Ireland, who having left his own country, 
' retired into a French monastery, where he lived during 
the reigns of Charlemagne and Lewis the Meek, and 
taught philosophy and astronomy with the greatest 
reputation/ Such is the impartial testimony given by 
Dr. Mosheim, to the faith and practices of our Irish 
divines, and such were our forefathers, learned, able and 
faithful opposers of Roman corruptions for centuries 
preceding the introduction of Romanism into Ireland, and. 
such was the Irish Church, centuries before the light of 
the reformation shone upon Europe. 

Charles the Bald, to draw up a clear and rational explication of that 
important doctrine, which Radbert seemed to have so egregiously cor- 
rupted. The book of Bertram on the subject is still extant, and 
different English translations of it have been printed in Great Bri- 
tain during the last century, but the treatise of Scotus perished in 
the ruins of time. Its character, however, is described as having 
been distinguished for the marks of a philosophical genius exhibited 
in it, and the logical precision with which he treated the question. 
Mr. Palmer in his Ecclesiastical History, (p. 128) looks upon his 
countryman Joannes as a heretic. The learned Doctor Cave, how- 
ever, (Historia Literaria) makes the doctrine of Joannes to agree 
altogether with that of Bertram, who is acknowledged as orthodox 
even by Mr. Palmer. — (A Primer of the Church History of Ireland, 
by Robert King, A.B.) 

















The Irish annals inform us, says Sir James Ware, that in century 

the year 795, the Danes and Normans first infested the 





Invasion of 
the Danes 

Ireland re- 

Irish coasts. From this period till the English invasion, 
the history of Ireland presents an uniform scene of plunder 
and oppression on the part of the invaders ; and when the 
English established themselves therein, few traces remained 
either of that learning, which had attracted students from 
every nation in Europe^ and had educated the celebrated 
Alfred,* or of those arts of which the buildings, particu- 
larly the round towers, whose ruins lie scattered over the 
country, prove the existence. 

Before the Danish invasion, the Irish Church had con- 
siderable possessions. Its revenues were derived princi- 
pally from lands. 

Our national writers are unanimous in representing the 
island as studded with bishop's sees, colleges, and religi- 
ous houses, numerous beyond the example of other coun- 
tries, and rich according to the circumstances of the peo- 
ple and the times. The ravages of the Danes commenced 
with the ninth century, and for three hundred years we 
lose all distinct notices of things, in one sanguinary chaos 
of rapine and revenge. 

When men began to recover from this dreadful visita- 
tion, it was felt that religion had suffered grievously ; the 
horrors of intestine warfare, favourable perhaps, in single 
instances, to an austere and unsocial piety, are fatal to the 

* Bede says of Alfred, king of Northumberland, (not the great 
Alfred king of England) that he had studied a long time among the 
Irish in their islands ; (alluding to the islands on which they built 
their seven churches and schools) and that he was very learned in 
the scriptures, viz., i in scripturis doctissimus.' (Eccle. Hist. 1. iv. 
c. 26.) Harpsfeld, treating of his return to Northumberland, des- 
cribes him as having improved himself so much by his studies, par- 
ticularly sacred, in Ireland, that he became highly qualified for being 
placed at the head of a state. — (Lanigan b. iv. p. 96.) 


milder virtues. And three centuries of invasion will suffice century 
for the corruption of the finest 'people. - — 

Nor could the clergy escape the general degeneracy. 
There was abundant time for the decay of discipline, of 
learning, and of manners : and the succession of the 
priesthood, supplied altogether from domestic sources, 
must have experienced no inconsiderable interruption. 
The temporal condition of the Church was reduced 

During the incursions of the barbarians, the retreats of 
religion had been the chief objects of their fury ; and 
amidst the thousand necessities and temptations of such a 
time, the natives were gradually led to join in the spolia- 
tion. i The gentry of the old Milesian race were worn 
out and degenerate/ and their successors combined the 
ferocious brutality of the invaders, with those more das- 
tardly and contemptible vices which characterize a tar- 
nished and decaying civilization. They did not allow 
either birthright or independence to the mass of the 
people, but held them in the most abject bondage of feudal 

Being now freed from other warfare, they turned their 
arms against the ministers of peace. Their favourite ex- 
ploit was the burning of churches and colleges, and when 
a prince aspired to pre-eminent renown, he fitted out an 
expedition against those religious houses which he sus- 
pected of retaining a wreck of their former possessions. Of 
the bishops' lands, the greater part was seized by the chief- 
tains, and the remainder subjected to heavy imposts for 
the support of their numerous and disorderly followers ; 
and the better to secure for themselves the temporalities 
of the prelates, they intruded even upon their spiritual 
functions. The princes of the territory in which Armagh 





The conver- 
sion of the 

The See of 
Donagh, the 
first bishop 


was situated, usurped the title, as well as the demesnes of 
the successor of St. Patrick, and the example was fol- 
lowed by many of their rapacious nobles. 

Such appears to have been the state of Ireland, when 
the See of Rome commenced tampering with our princes 
and prelates. The first severe shock which the Irish 
Church received being from these foreigners; for after 
their conversion to Christianity, instead of uniting with, 
and restoring the purity of our Church, and reviving the 
splendour of our institutions, and literary seminaries, 
which their pagan zeal had nearly annihilated ; they 
introduced, in the tenth century, the Benedictine order of 
monks, who sought admiration more from the lustre of 
their external performances, than from the cultivation of 
useful literature or substantial piety. 

In the eleventh century, these piratical foreigners had 
established kings in almost every part of the island ; 
Silitzic, one of these Danish kings, reigned in Dublin 
about the year 1038, where he erected a See, making 
Donagh his countryman its first bishop. He received 
consecration, and the episcopal dignity, from the archbishop 
of Canterbury.* On the death of Donagh, the clergy 

* There were three Irish cities, whose inhabitants, during the 
Danish power in Ireland, refused to place themselves under the ju- 
risdiction of the primate of Armagh. These were Waterford, 
Dublin, and Limerick, all which were in possession of the Danes, 
whose first invasion of Ireland took place towards the close of the 
eighth century. The proud northern warriors were very fortunate 
in being able to seize upon three towns, whose connection with the 
sea facilitated their communication with other parties of their roving 
countrymen, and it was chiefly owing to this piece of good fortune, 
that the Irish were so long unsuccessful in their attempt to drive 
them out of the island. 

Invaders obtaining a settlement in a country naturally look with 




and people of Dublin elected Patrick, and recommended century 
him to Lanfranc, the English primate, for consecration, 
which he received in St. Paul's church in London ; on 
which occasion he made the following profession of obe- 
dience : ' Whoever is set in authority over others, ought 
not to disdain to be subject unto others, but rather with 
all humility give that obedience to his superiors which he 
requires from those that are subject to him. Wherefore 
I Patrick, elect bishop of Dublin, the metropolis of Ire- 
land, offer to you, reverend Lanfranc, primate of Britain, 
and promise obedience to you and your successors, in all 
things relating to the Christian religion ;' or, as it might 
be more truly expressed, in all things relating to the 
Romish Church. 

Lanfranc, taking advantage of this favourable circum- 
stance, in order to advance the cause of Romanism in 
Ireland, accompanied the consecration of bishop Patrick 
to the See of Dublin, with a letter to Gothric ' the glo- 
rious King of Ireland,' and another to Turlogh * the mag- 
nificent King of Ireland' as he styles them. In this epis- 
tle to Gothric, the primate states some customs which he 
desires him to correct, holding out the expectation of ac- 
knowledging his authority : thus endeavouring to lay 
down a precedent for his future interference in the inter- 
nal regulations of the Irish Church. 

no friendly eye upon its original inhabitants. Their contentions are 
so fierce and so frequent, their hostilities so bitter, that an ill will 
springs up, which it often takes a lengthened period to bury in ob- 
livion. And it was partly from this cause, and partly from a desire 
to connect themselves with their Norman friends in England, that 
the Danes of Dublin, Waterford, and Limerick, upon their conver- 
sion to Christianity, sent their bishops to Canterbury for consecra- 


century Lanfranc having secured the attachment of Gothric, 
the Danish monarch, proceeded further to insinuate him- 
self, by the most flattering language, into the good opinion 
of the Irish monarch Turlogh. He tells him, ' God 
bestows no greater mercies upon the earth, than when he 
promotes to the government of souls and bodies, such as 
affect peace and love justice, and especially when he com- 
mits the kingdoms of the world to good kings; from 
hence peace arises, discord is extinguished, and to sum up 
all, the observance of the Christian religion is established, 
which blessing every prudent observer perceives to have 
been conferred on the people of Ireland, when the omni- 
potent God granted to your excellency, the right of kingly 
power over the land/ He adds, ' that the bishop Patrick 
had declared so many great and good things of him, that 
usher-Syiiog he loved him, though unseen, as if he had known him/ 

All this was very plausible, but full of insincerity, for 
nothing in the Irish Church could afford Lanfranc satis- 
faction, so long as her hierarchy acknowledged no sub- 
jection to him, her clergy were married, and her rites 
and ceremonies were not in unison with the Church of 
Rome. He therefore only artfully touches on matters 
which could give no great offence to the Irish clergy, and 
that in the gentlest manner. He remarks their uncanonical 
marriages — that bishops were consecrated but by one, 
their children baptized without chrism, and holy orders 
conferred for money ; and in conclusion, he begs of Tur- 
logh to assemble a synod of his bishops and clergy, to 
rectify these abuses. From this it would appear that our 
monarchy and hierarchy were at this time complete and 
independent — not subjected either to a legate, to the 
archbishop of Canterbury, nor the Pope. 

This correspondence with the English primate produced 


an highly unfavourable effect on the minds of thd Irish cetunry 

clergy. They gradually became prejudiced against the — 

old religion of the country, and disposed to innovation, aence with 
Dazzled with the recent success of the Normans in Eng- primate. 
land, and perhaps terrified at the fate of that kingdom, 
and the spiritual sovereignty claimed by the British 
primate over Ireland, they thought it better to shew some 
condescension on this occasion, than provoke a doubtful 
contest ; and therefore at the end of the eleventh century, 
they admitted Gillebert, or more correctly Giselbert, a 
foreigner as his name intimates, as legate, who was at Gillebert, 
the same time Bishop of Limerick, a great Norman settle- Limerick. 
ment; and it was soon apparent that the legantine authority 
could not be in safer hands, or committed to one more 
obsequious, both to the court of Rome, and to Anselm who 
succeeded Lanfranc, as Archbishop of Canterbury, and p. 88. 
with whom he was acquainted at Rouen. 

He was a man of some ingenuity and learning, as his 
tract in Usher evinces. This tract contains a plain and 
simple account of the orders and discipline of the Romish His work 
Church, and was obviously composed to instruct the Irish 
with what they were before ignorant of, and to prevail on 
them to adopt an uniformity in the celebration of divine 

In the prologue, Gillebert says : ' At the request, and 
even command of many of you, dearly beloved, I have 
endeavoured to set down in writing the canonical custom, 
in saying of hours, and performing the office of the whole 
ecclesiastical order ; not presumptuously, but through 
desire to serve your most godly command, to the end that 
those diverse and schismatical orders, wherewith, in a 
manner, all Ireland is deluded, may give place to one 
Catholic and Roman office.' ' What can appear more 

the Romish 


century indecent and schismatic al. than that the most learned in 

7 12. 

— one order, shall be ignorant as a layman in another.' * As 

the dispersion of tongues arose from pride, and were again 
joined in apostolic humility, so the confusion of orders 
from negligence or corruption, is to be brought by your 
pious endeavours to the holy rule of the Roman Church.' 
' It is plain from many parts of scripture, how carefully 
the faithful should preserve unity of profession ; for all 
the members of the Church are subject to one bishop who 
is Christ, and to his blessed apostle Peter, and to his apos- 
tolic representative in his seat, and they ought to be 
governed by them.' 

letter to the This tract is addressed to the dissenting bishops and pres- 
5 ° ps ' byters of Ireland, for it would have been an insult to the 
Romish ecclesiastics to have addressed to them (as if novices) 
such an elementary work. In it he explicitly declares 
how their schismatical orders differed from the Roman ; 
that is, their ritual and forms of worship, for such is often 
the meaning of the word order in the Romish vocabulary. 
In 1094, Gillebert sent a present of twenty-five pearls to 
Anselm, and congratulated him on his criminal triumph 
over his sovereign in the affair of investitures. 

The English primate having obtained an entrance for 
the legate, through the favour of the Irish monarch, in- 
stantly began tampering with the clergy. In 1095, he 
addressed an epistle to his reverend fellow-bishops in Ire- 
land, in which he particularly mentions the senior Domnald, 
and Donat, — the latter, bishop of Dublin, the former of 
Armagh. He endeavoured to excite their pity for his 
sufferings in the cause of the church. He exhorts them 
to vigilance and sincerity in ecclesiastical discipline, and 
adds, that if disputes about the consecration of bishops, or 
other causes could not be canonically settled among them- 


selves, to bring them before him. This assumption of century 


supremacy over the Irish Church, and the right of appeal, 
had a direct tendency to destroy its ancient independence. 

Turlogh, the Irish monarch, had virtually surrendered 
his legal rights to the Pope, through his delegate the 
English primate, when he recommended Donogh O'Haingly 
to succeed Patrick in the See of Dublin. Murtogh, who 
mounted the throne after Turlogh, joined his nobility and 
clergy in a similar act, when they sent Malchus to be con- 
secrated at Canterbury. Murtogh, who was involved in 
perpetual broils with his family, and the provincial kings, 
hoped by these concessions to derive no small aid from 
the power and friendship of the English court, in sub- 
duing and keeping in awe his own rebellious subjects. 

Anselm did not omit to cultivate this good disposition 

, , . . The disposi- 

in the Irish monarch, for he addressed to him two epistles, tion of the 
in which we find him mentioning in general the'uncanonical Monarch. 
state of the Irish Church, and he specifies in proof of his 
assertion, the instances notified by his predecessor Lan- 
franc, and advises him to call a council to correct these 
errors, and to regulate ecclesiastical affairs. This he did in 
1111, when he convened the nobility and clergy in a place 

,,'.,, . J . °; , f c The council 

called liodnaongusa, or Aongussgrove, in the plain oi of Aongus. 
Magh-Breassail in Meath, where was a wood sacred to 
religion from the remotest ages, and which on account of 
ancient prepossession was used, in order to give greater 
solemnity to the proceedings. The number of clergy, 
according to Chronicon scotorum, amounted to fifty-eight 
bishops, three hundred and Seventeen priests, and sixty 
deacons, with many of inferior orders. / The same year 
another council was held in Meath, under the presidency of 
the pope's legate, when the numerous petty dioceses of that 
district were reduced to two, Clonmacoisn and Clonard. 


century This attempt to reduce the number of our Sees, and of 
course augment their revenues, rendered the clergy more 

Reduction of ° ° J 

the bishop's wealthy, and the Church more manageable by the pope 
and his legate. It required time however, to accomplish 
these designs ; but a beginning was now first made, in the 
plan laid down for the subjugation of the Irish Church, 
which proved eventually, but too successful. The decrees 
made by this assembly, were, that the clergy in future 
were to be exempt from taxation and secular laws ; what- 
ever they Contributed to the support of the state was to be 
considered a free gift. The bishops were to resign the 
right they received from St. Patrick, of consecrating bishops 
at pleasure, and the number of bishops was hereafter 
to be limited to twenty-eight ; this last enactment was not 
however to encroach on the rights of the present possessors. 
It must occur to every one, that these decrees could not 
be esteemed the avowed sentiments of the national clergy, 
for only about a sixth part of the episcopal order consented 
to them, notwithstanding all the efforts of the monarch, 
and his associates, in favour of the Romish party. They 
were therefore the production solely of those who had 
embraced their views, and were under the influence of the 
English court. The activity of the king, indeed, proceeded 
partly from a secret motive ; Robert de Montgomery, earl 
of Salop, and Arnulph his brother, earl of Pembroke, had 
rebelled against Henry I. Arnulph solicited assistance, 
and his daughter's hand from Mortogh. The latter he 
obtained, but we are not told what aid he procured ; we 
know the rebellion was unsuccessful, and Arnulph was 
obliged to seek refuge in Ireland. Mortogh writes to 
Anselm, and thanks him for interceding for his son-in-law, 
and adds, c Be assured I will obey your commands.' 

This was the spring that set in motion the zeal of Mor- 



togh, and made him perfectly obedient to the English century 
primate and court ; - So devoted (says William of Malms- 
bury) were Mortogh and his successors to Henry I, that 
they " writ nothing but what he directed." ' We need 
not doubt therefore, that Anselm used his own and 
Henry's influence in urging the Irish monarch to new- 
model the Irish Church, and to bring it into complete 
subjugation to the See of Rome. 

Matters, however, did not proceed so smoothly as they 
expected. The Irish clergy had been hitherto cajoled by 
proposals and schemes for Reformation, which, as they 
could not decently oppose, they acquiesced in, to a certain 
extent ; but when they discovered the unreasonable 
length to which affairs were likely to be carried ; — that their 
ecclesiastical polity was to be dissolved, and they and their 
church to become dependent on the nod of the Roman 
pontiff, they could no longer forbear expressing their 

* Lanfranc and Anselm, in thus interfering with the primatial 
rights of Armagh, fell into very serious error. They exceeded their 
lawful authority by intruding into l other men's labours,' and thus 
in fact fostered the schism and disunion which then prevailed in 
Ireland ; the only circumstance which could have justified their in- 
terference, even in that age, was the fact of the complete isolation of 
the Church of Ireland from the see of Rome. For had it been other- 
wise — had the Roman pontiff been then in the habit of exercising a 
supreme authority in Ireland, as he afterwards did — the inhabitants 
of the three Danish cities could scarcely have thought of placing 
themselves under the care of the Archbishops oF Canterbury ; who, 
in all human probability, would have run the risk of an excommu- 
nication from the Pope for interfering with the immemorial privilege of 
the see of Armagh, and assuming an authority which belonged only 
to the court of Rome ; and indeed, had the supremacy of the Pope, 
as stated by Dr. Rock, been the received and acknowledged doctrine of the 
Irish Church from the very beginning : surely the first step which the 

H 2 


century We therefore find the clergy and burgesses of Dublin 


Celestine and 

informing Ralph (Radolphus) who succeeded Anselm in 
Canterbury, that the bishops of Ireland, and especially he 
who resided at Armagh, felt the greatest indignation 
towards them for not accepting their ordination, and for 
desiring them to be under his (Radolphus') spiritual domi- 
nion. But it was too late ; our princes had lost their 
spirit, and their power, and domestic discord suggested 
ambitious views to their designing neighbours. 

Celsus or Celestine, bishop of Armagh, the prelate who 
the clergy thus resented the interference of the English primate, 

alarmed. _ 

though well affected in some respects to Rome, could not 
be prevailed on to separate from his wife and children. 
When dying, however, he was persuaded by the Romish 
party to send his crosier to Malachy O^Morgain, in token 
of his appointment to the See of Armagh. Malachy * 

Prelates of Armagh should have taken, when the people of Dublin, 
Waterford, and Limerick, had refused ' to obey their ordination,' 
would have been to appeal to Rome, to complain of the separation 
and dis-affection of these unruly churches. 

* It is perhaps not generally known, that the Roman Catholics 
possess by anticipation, a list of all the Popes, who are to reign till 
the end of the world, and that our St. Malachy has the merit of 
having drawn up this prophetic catalogue. St. Malachy O'Morgan 
was born at Armagh in the year 1094, and became Archbishop of 
that see in 1127, he resigned his honours in 1135, and after working 
many miracles, he died in 1148 at Clairvaux in France. It may be 
remarked, that he was the first saint regularly canonized by the 
Pope, who before the twelfth century had not the sole right of 
canonization, previous to which time provincial councils, and even 
bishops had conferred this honour. Alexander III. deprived them 
of this privilege. 

Among other proofs of Malachy's supernatural powers, he left a 
list of all the Popes from Celestine II. 1143, to the end of time. The 
fact is noAV pretty well ascertained, that this was the invention of the 


was a zealous champion for the new religion, and after century 

some dangerous, but successful struggles, ascended the 

archiepiscopal chair. 

One of the first acts of Malachy was to solicit the pall 

Cardinals assembled in conclave, to elect a Pope upon the death of 
Urban VII. in 1590. The partisans of Cardinal Simoncelli, after- 
wards Gregory XIV. brought forward this list as a prophecy of St. 
Malachy, and the words which were considered indicative of his 
election were ' de antiquitate urbis,' the Cardinal being a native of 
1 Orvieto,' the Latin name of which was e urbs vetus.' No mention 
is made of the existence of such a prophecy till 1600, when it was 
published by Arnold de Wyon, a Benedictine of Douay ; and if we 
look to each prediction and its completion, before the time of Gre- 
gory XIV., we shall see very clearly that the framers of it went 
upon good historical grounds, but after his time, the application of 
the prophecy is extremely forced. 

To make this clear I will give the three Popes who succeeded each 
other immediately after the death of St. Malachy, and then the three 
who followed Gregory XIV. 

1143. — ' Ex castris Tiberis.' — Celestine II. born at a castle on the 

1144. — c Inimicus expulsus.' — Lucius II. of the family of Cassi- 
nemia, in Bologna. 

1145. — ' Ex magnitudine Montis.' — Eugenius III. of Grandi, near 

In these cases the agreement is very evident, but in the three cases 
which immediately follow Gregory XIV. there is a striking differ- 

1591. — ' Pia civitas in bello.' — Innocent IX. a native of Bologna. 

1592.— 'Crux Romulea.'— Clement VIII. of the Aldobrandini 
family, said to be descended from the first Roman christians. They 
bear a crossed branch in their arms. 

1605. — * Undosus vir.' — Leo XL He was tossed as a wave, only 
reigning twenty-six days. 

1775. — Pius VI. had the symbol 'Peregrinus Apostolicus,' which 
of course was accomplished by his journey to Vienna. 

1800. — Pius VII. is designated by ' Aquila rapax/ and though his 




Malachy so- 
licits with- 
out effect, 
the pall from 
the Pope. 

Bapid in- 
crease of 

for his See, from Pope Innocent II. But this his holiness 
declined ; for the Irish clergy were as yet very far from 
yielding obedience to the court of Rome, and the pall, in 
the present state of affairs, so far from commanding 
respect, might have subjected the wearer to insult. Though 
Malachy remained but three years in Armagh, being 
driven from thence by the old family, he still was active 
in advancing the cause he had espoused ; in proof of which 
it appears, that he introduced the order of Cistertians into 
Ireland, in the year 1140, by the advice and under the 
direction of St. Bernard ; settling them at Mellefont, 
Newry, Bective, Boyle, Baltinglass, Nenagh, and Cashel. 
By these means, through the criminal inattention and 
inconsiderate sacrifices made by our princes, and the una- 
bating zeal of its supporters, Romanism was daily gaining 
ground in Ireland. 

own character would deserve a much more amiable description, yet 
the rapacity of the French Eagle in his day, has certainly made his 
history singular among that of all the successors of St. Peter. 

1823. — Leo XII. 'Canis et Columber,' said to have shown himself 
gentle and good before he became Pope, and otherwise when he was so. 

1829.— Pius VIII. < Vir religiosus.' 

J 831. — Gregory XVI. e De Balneus Hetruriae,' the present Pope. 

It is, however, interesting to know that our countryman did not 
anticipate more than eleven Popes from the present time, who are 
predicted under the following emblems : — I. ' Crux de cruce.' — II. 
' Lumen in Coelo.' — III. ' Ignis Ardens.' — IV. ' Religio depopulata.' 
— V. ' Fides intrepida.' — VI. 'Pastor Angelicus.'' — VII. 'Pastor et 
Nauta.'— VIII. « Flos Florum.'— IX. < De meditate Lunae.'— X. 'De 
Lahore Solis.' — XL ' De glorias olivae.' 

The concluding words of the prophecy are these — ' In the last per- 
secution of the holy Roman church, Peter of Rome shall be on the 
throne, who shall feed his flock in many tribulations. When these 
are past, the city upon seven hills shall be destroyed, and the awful 
judge shall judge the people' 


Thus encouraged, the court of Rome sent John Paparo, century 

cardinal of St. Lawrence in Damaso, into Ireland, in 1152, 

■ 1 A Cardinal 

to settle its hierarchy on a new and permanent plan. A Paparo sent 

J r £ . . to Ireland. 

council was consequently held in Kells, where Christian, The council 

^ '*:.'■■'.' of Kells. 

bishop of Lismore presided, who had been educated at 
Clairvaux, under St. Bernard, and of course had the 
papal interest much at heart. 

The great object of Paparo's legation was, as I said 
before, to new-model the Irish hierarchy on the Roman 
plan, and by this means to bring them under the dominion 
of the Roman See, and above all to lay the foundation of 
a regular revenue to be paid for its support. These 
things could not be accomplished without altogether 
changing the constitution of the Irish Church, the first step 
towards which was to reduce the number of its Sees, the 
multiplicity of which, (as I have elsewhere stated,) bishop 
Rochfort's canons fully declare. Paparo also bestowed p apa robes- 
four palls* on the four primates, which, with the bulls for P ° a ns oTthe 
the other bishops, brought a large sum of money into the mates. 11 
cardinal's coffers. 

The Roman pontiff having now brought over a consi- 
derable party to his views in the Irish Church, and finding 
the success of Paparo's legation very probematical, re- 
solved to place Ireland in more powerful hands, and for 
this end he issued the following bull, a.d. 1155, ' Adrian, Jjg? an . s 
bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his dearest son bulL 
in Christ, the illustrious King of England, health and 
apostolical benediction. Full, laudably, and profitably 
hath your magnificence conceived the desire of propagat- 

* The mantle of an Archbishop, — ' an Archbishop ought to be con- 
secrated and anointed, and after consecration he shall have the Pall 
sent him.' — (Ayliffe.) 


century ing your glorious renown on earth, and completing your 

■ — reward of eternal happiness in heaven ; while as a catholic 

prince, you are intent on enlarging the borders of the 
Church, instructing the rude and ignorant in the truth of 
the Christian faith ; exterminating vice from the vineyard 
of the Lord, and for the more convenient execution of 
this purpose, requiring the council and favour of the apos- 
tolic See, in which the more mature your deliberation, 
and more discreet your conduct, so much the happier, 
with the assistance of the Lord, will be your progress ; as 
all things which take their beginning from the ardor of 
faith, and love of religion, are wont to come to a prosper- 
ous issue. 

e There is indeed no doubt, as your Highness also doth 
acknowledge, that Ireland and all the islands* upon which 
Christ the sun of righteousness hath shone, do belong to 
the patrimony of St. Peter and the holy Roman Church. 
Therefore are we the more solicitous to propagate in that 
land, the goodly scion of faith, as we have the secret 
monition of conscience that such is more especially our 
bounden duty. 

' You then, most dear son in Christ, have signified unto 
us, your desire to enter into that land of Ireland, in order 
to reduce the people to obedience unto laws, and extirpate 
the seeds of vice ; you have also declared that you are 
willing to pay from each house, a yearly pension of one 
penny to St. Peter, and that you will preserve the rights 
of the churches of the said land, whole and inviolate. 

( We therefore, with that grace and acceptance suited to 

* Pope Innocent II. in 1139, made a similar grant of Sicily, to 
Roger, the younger brother of Robert Guiscard, the founder of the 
Norman kingdom of Naples.— (Hallarn's Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 167.) 


your pious and praiseworthy design, and favourably as- century 

senting to your petition, do hold it right and good, that, 

for the extension of the borders of the church, the res- 
training of vice, the correction of manners, the planting of 
virtue, and increase of religion, you enter the said island, 
and execute therein whatever shall pertain to the honour 
of God, and the welfare of the land ; and that the people 
of the said land receive you honourably, and reverence 
you as their Lord, saving always the rights of the churches, 
and reserving to St. Peter, the annual pension of one 
penny upon every house. 

c If then, you be resolved to carry this design into effec- 
tual execution, study to form the nation to virtuous 
manners; and labour by yourself and by others, whom 
you may judge meet for the work, in faith, word, and 
action, that the church maybe there exalted, the Christian 
faith planted, and all things so ordered for the honor of 
God and the salvation of souls, that you may be entitled 
to a fulness of reward in heaven, and on earth to a glorious 
renown throughout all ages.* 

* l Imagination,' (exclaims Plowden, a Roman Catholic histo- 
rian, when inserting this bull), ' can scarcely invent a pretext, 
for the bishop of Rome, exceeding the line of his spiritual power, 
by a formal assumption of temporal authority over independent 

Nothing can be more clear than the inference ; that at the date 
of Pope Adrian's Bull, Ireland was not considered within the l boun- 
daries of the Romish Church,' for else how could those boundaries 
have been ' extended ' by Henry's invasion? 

It is also evident, that the Irish had not been in the habit of paying 
St. Peter's pence, and that both in doctrine and discipline, they differed 
widely from the Roman model ; for what else can be the meaning 
of the words ' to declare to that illiterate nation the verity of the 
Christian faith V Or of another expression, which I shall quote 



century This conveyance was made to Henry, and by him com- 
municated to that portion of the Irish hierarchy, which he 
considered friendly to his views. The negotiation between 
them was conducted secretly for some years, until circum- 
stances had effected a lodgment for the English arms in 
Ireland.* The brief was then publicly read at the Synod 

in the original, on account of its peculiar force, ' ut ibi plantetur, et 
crescat fidei Christians religio % ' 

* The following interesting account of the first lodgment of the 
English arms in Ireland, is given by the Rev. Dr. Walsh, Author of 
' an Overland Journey from Constantinople to Vienna.' * Between 
the harbours of Wexford and Waterford, is a tract of fertile land, 
containing about sixty square miles, called the t baronies of Forth 
and Bargie. The appellations are significant ; Bar, is fruitful ; 
Forth, is plenty ; and Geo, the sea. The names therefore, indicate 
exactly the character of the place, a fertile and plentiful tract on 
the sea-coast. Behind it runs a ridge of mountains, and before it, 
is the sea ; so that it is in some measure insulated, and retains much 
of the primaeval and original character of a place cut off from free 
intercourse with the rest of the country. 

6 It however, lies directly opposite Cardiganshire in Wales ; and 
certain promontories projecting to the east, approach so near to the 
contiguous coast, as to invite the inhabitants of the other side to 
come over and visit it. From the earliest periods therefore, long 
before the Anglo-Norman invasion, a free intercourse had taken 
place between the two principalities, and many Irish families settled 
in Wales, and many Welsh in Ireland. The latter were so numer- 
ous, that a large district in the county Wexford is called Scarla 
walsh ; and there is a long tract of high land in the neighbouring 
county of Kilkenny, called the Welsh mountains, from the number 
of families of this name and nation who settled there, and where at 
this day they form a sept or clan ; and as the colonization was 
gradually effected by free consent, and friendly intercourse, the 
name of Welsh is held in more esteem by the peasantry of the 
country, than they attach to others which are not strictly native, 
because it is not connected with those traditions of rapine and blood, 
which generally distinguished later foreign settlers during the trou- 


of Cashel, with the following confirmatory letter from century 
Pope Alexander the third. 

' Alexander, Bishop, servant of the servants of God. To confirmatory 
his dearly beloved son, the noble King of England, health, p ope Aiex- 
grace, and apostolical benediction. Henry n. 

bles in Ireland. The language of Wales also was Celtic, and spoken 
by both people in common ; even at this day they are the same, and 
differ only in some dialectic peculiarities. 

* In the year 1 169, however, this friendly intercourse was inter- 
rupted, and the first hostile foot from Wales pressed the soil of Ire- 
land. The occasion was not very creditable to the morality of the 
invaders. The Normans having conquered England, were now deter- 
mined to pass over to Ireland, and only waited for a pretext to effect 
their purpose. This was soon afforded. Dermot Macmorrogh, the 
King of Leinster, had looked with a profligate eye on the wife of 
his neighbour, and induced her to abandon her husband, and take up 
her residence in his castle at Ferns. The Irish, it appears, held at 
this time in high respect the sacred obligation of marriage, for a 
general spirit of indgnation was on this occasion felt, and expressed, 
particularly by his own subjects, and Dermot was compelled to aban- 
don his throne. In this distress he applied to Henry II, and the 
Normans who had recently conquered England, and they readily 
and without scruple, undertook to re-instate the adulterer. From 
this causa teterrima belli, the Lady has been called 'the Irish Helen ; 
the Greeks, however, proceeded to punish, and not to protect, the 
seducer of their frail beauty. 

c In the month of May, 1169, Robert Fitzstephen, then governor 
of Cardigan Castle, in Wales, accompanied by Harvey-de Monte 
Marisco, collected a force of thirty knights, sixty esquires, and three 
hundred archers, and embarking in two ships (called Bagg and 
Bunn, according to the tradition of the country) they ran for the 
nearest headland, and disembarked at a point called at this day 
Baganbun, from the names of the vessels which brought them over. 
They were the next day joined by Prendergast with ten knights and 
two hundred archers, making in all an army of six hundred men. 
Dermot had remained secreted in his castle of Ferns, waiting the 
arrival of the strangers ; they therefore, apprised him of their com- 



century ' Forasmuch as things given and granted upon good rea 
son by our predecessors, are to be well allowed for 
ratified, and confirmed ; we, well pondering and consider 
ing the grant and privilege for, and concerning the 
dominion of the land of Ireland, to us appertaining, and 


ing, and in the meantime fortified themselves on the promontory, 
till some expected reinforcements, which he promised to send, should 
arrive, to assist and guide them. 

' In a short time he was able to dispatch his illegitimate son Donald, 
with five hundred horse ; and with this reinforcement, they set out 
from their position to penetrate into the interior of the country. 
Their direct road would have been through the parish of Bannow, 
which lay opposite to them ; but as they had two deep and rapid 
channels of the sea to cross, at the mouth of the bay, they were 
obliged to proceed round the other extremity of it. In their way, 
they were opposed by some Irish collected hastily at Feathard. 
Here the first encounter took place between the Anglo-Normans and 
the Irish ; and it is still called ' Battlestown ' by the peasants, in 
commemoration of that circumstance. It is further added by the 
tradition of the country, that Feathard was a name given to the town 
built on the spot by the conqueror, who called it l Foughthard/ which 
was in process of time corrupted into Feathard. 

' From hence, ascending the river, which falls into Bannow Bay, 
the invader passed through Goffe's bridge to the town of "Wexford. 
Wexford was originally built by the piratical Danes at a very early 
period, and called by them, ' West or Wexford, the western bay.' 
It was rudely fortified, but could not resist the invaders, now rein- 
forced by all Mac Morrogh's adherents. It was therefore taken, and 
Dermot made it a present to Fitzstephen and Fitzgerald, as a reward 
for their services. Fitzstephen built on the river, not far from it, a 
castle, on a promontory of lime-stone rock, and so erected the first 
Norman fortification ever built in Ireland. This still stands, com- 
manding the navigation of the Slaney, and is a very curious and 
conspicuous object. 

1 This expedition was [followed by that of Strongbow, Earl of 
Chepstow, who has gained the reputation of a conquest which had 
been achieved by his predecessor, as Americus Vesputius defrauded 


lately given by our predecessor Adrian, do in like man- century 

ner confirm, ratify and allow the same, provided that ■ — 

there be reserved and paid to St. Peter, and to the Church 
of Rome, the yearly pension of one penny, out of every 
house, both in England and in Ireland ; provided also that 
the barbarous people of Ireland be by your means reformed, 
and recovered from their filthy life, and abominable 
manners, that as in name, so in conduct and conversation, 
they may become Christians ; provided further that that 
rude and disordered Church being by you reformed, the 
whole nation may, together with the profession of the faith, 
be in act and deed followers of the same/ 

Columbus of his title to America. Strongbow passed the promon- 
tory of Baganbun, and proceeded up the contiguous harbour of 
Waterford. Waterford was also built by the Danes, and was a 
place of some strength and trade. It was called by them Vader 
Fiord, the father's harbour, and dedicated to Woden, the Father of 
Scandinavian deities, of which the present name Waterford is an 
absurd corruption. On one side of Strongbow stood a tower, erected 
by the Danes on the Wexford, on the other, a church, built by the 
Irish, on the Waterford "shore. It was necessary to land, but he 
hesitated on which side he should disembark to march to Waterford. 
On enquiring the names of the places he saw, he was informed, one 
was the tower of Hook, and the other, the church of Crook. ' Then,' 
said he, ' shall we advance and take the town by Hook or by Crook,' 
and hence originated a proverb now in common use. Strongbow 
took Waterford, where his grim statue in blue lime-stone, stands at 
this day in the front of the ringtower close beside the river. He 
was followed by Henry II. with a large army, and so the warriors 
obtained the same footing in Ireland as they had done in England ; 
though it took them a much longer time afterwards to establish it. 
Henry adopted the example of Dermot ; he made Dublin a present 
to his good citizens of Bristol, and the original of this cool and 
extraordinary gift of the capital of a kingdom to the traders of a 
commercial town, is still extant in the record-office of the castle of 
Dublin.'— (The Amulet for 1830.) 





The English 

Dr. O'Con- 
nor's Colum- 
banus III, 
p. 160. 

Chas. O'Con- 
nor, Sen. 
Dissert, on 
Irish Hist, 
p. 203. 



V. 45. 

Hist. Ad- 
dress, I, 10. 

Lanigan, IV. 
12, 218. 

Four years after, these two edicts were again solemnly 
promulgated by a synod held at Waterford. Henry was 
formally proclaimed Lord of Ireland, and the severesl 
censures of the Church denounced against all who should 
impeach the donation of the Holy See, or oppose the 
government of its illustrious representative. 

I shall now direct your attention to the nature and 
extent of the ecclesiastical revolution, which was brought 
about by the joint influence of Rome and England, and 
the contagion of priestly influence. 

A few facts decisive of this point, and acknowledged by 
the most learned of the Roman Catholic writers, are dis- 
cernible amidst the darkness which overhangs our early 
history. * It appears that before this period, the Irish 
ecclesiastics took no oaths to the Pope.' 

c They never applied to the See of Rome for bulls of 
nomination, institution, or exemption. ' 

s They never appealed to Rome for the decision of 
ecclesiastical causes.' 

' The bishops and prelates of a tribe, were appointed by 
the chieftain, either directly, or with the previous form of 
an election, by the priesthood.' 

8 Papal legates had no jurisdiction in Ireland until the 
twelfth century, and after that period, their jurisdiction 
was limited to the English settlements.' 

c In general the discipline of the Irish Church had so 
little correspondence with the Roman, that it received 
several hard names from the papal Church in the twelfth 
century. Pope Alexander and Cambrensis call it filthy ; 
Anselm and Gilbert, schismatical ; Bernard, barba- 
rous and almost Pagan.' 

These instances are so many incontestible proofs, that 
the government of the Irish Church was strictly domestic, 


and that the hierarchy was completely independent of any century 

foreign power. But we are not without more direct 

information on this subject ; as it appears the ecclesiastics 
themselves were not exempted from military service until 
the year 799, after Ireland had been Christianized for 
more than six centuries, and the immunity was then 
granted without reference to papal authority. ' In other O'Connor, 
respects, they owed their Chieftains the customary duties |Jg; Dlsc * 
of clansmen, and were amenable to the ordinary Brehon 
jurisdiction.' £ a 9 ni s an > IV - 

Thus it appears, that under the ancient system, the 
power of an Irish Prince was as absolute over the priest- 
hood of his sept, as over any other class among his 
followers. But how striking the change that now took 
place ! The writ of Henry II, appointed Fitzadelm 
to the Lieutenancy of Ireland, is addressed * To his 
Archbishops, Bishops, Kings, Earls, Barons, &c. Henry 
III commences one of his writs in these terms, ' Henry, 
by the grace of God, King of England, &c. To our 
venerable father Luke, by the same grace, a Bishop of 
Dublin : — to his trusty and well-beloved, Maurice 
Fitzgerald, his Lord deputy of Ireland,' &c. 

The change also that took place regarding Church pro- The g d 
perty, was even more remarkable. Among the seven of Cashel - 
decrees of the Cashel synod, in the articles of union, as 
they may be called, between the Anglo-Irish Church and 
state, there were four which regulated the revenues of 
the clergy. It was enacted by one of these, ' that Church 
lands should be free from the customary exactions of the 
Chieftains, from all demands, whether of money, or of 
entertainment.' l That they should be likewise exempt 
from certain fines imposed by the Brehon law ; that all the 
faithful should pay tithes of their cattle, fruits, and all 


century other increase.' And this was explained and enlarged a 

■ — few years after, by a sweeping commentary of the Dublin 

synod, as including the tithes of provision, hay, flax, 
wool, the young of animals, and the produce of gardens 
and orchards. 

It was also enacted that all the faithful should pay a 

third of their moveable goods for a solemn burial, and for 

The great vigils and masses for the repose of their souls, and that, if 

revolution they died unmarried, or without legitimate children, the 

bequest should be increased to one half. 

Such was the splendid bribe conferred on the traitorous 
Church of Ireland. Its extensive lands protected from 
injury. A full tenth of the produce of all other lands, 
and more than the third of all moveable property ! 
Wherever the law or the arms of England prevailed, all 
these privileges were respected, while in other parts of 
the island, the Magnates followed their old usages, repres- 
sing the new tythe-system, levying contributions, and 
overwhelming their clergy with the honour of their 
unceremonious visits, regardless alike of King and Pontiff. 
The result of the council of Cashel was, that the Irish 
Church should be assimilated in its rites and discipline to 
that of England; but we are informed by the decisive 
testimony of Dr. Lanigan, that wherever the natives main- 
tained their independence, ' Clergy and people followed 
their own ecclesiastical rules, as if the synod of Cashel 
had never been held.' 
origin of the Such was the origin of the two Churches in Ireland. 

two churches 

The one the Church of the Anglo-Popish aristocracy, and 
of the ascendant party, the other the Church of the Irish 
clergy and people. The former, though a plant of foreign 
growth, had certain facilities for striking root, and over- 
whelming a rival in the night-shade of its branches, which 

in Ireland. 


the genius of Christianity did not allow to its opponent, century 
Yet notwithstanding every disadvantage, the native Church - — — - 
continued for three centuries, and discovered even some 
languishing symptoms of life as late as the reign of Henry 
the seventh. 

There is yet extant a bull of Pope Innocent the eighth , 
dated the eighth of February 1484, for the erection of a 
collegiate Church at Gal way. It recites ' that the people 
of the parish of St. Nicholas were civilized men, living in 
a walled town, and observing the decency, rites, and cus- 
toms of the Church of England, and that their customs 
differed from those of the wild Highlandmen of that nation, 
who harassed them, so that they could not hear the offices^ 
or receive the sacraments of the Church, according to the 
form which they and their ancestors of old time were 
accustomed to follow.' Then follows the enactment, 
' that the college shall consist of one warden and eight 
presbyters, all civilized men, and duly holding the rites 
and order of the Church of England in the celebration of 
divine service.' 

It is obvious from this document, that those ' wild Irish 
highlanders, 3 as the pontiff rather uncourteously styles 
them* still adhered to their own religious ceremonies, or 
at least had not yet conformed to the Roman ritual. 

Even in the next reign we discover a circumstance 
which proves that the ancient Irish Church was still in 
existence, and this at the very dawn of the Reformation. 
Soon after Wolsey had been created a Pope's legate a 
latere, he manufactured a supply of bulls and dispensa- 
tions for the Irish market; but of this cargo, Allen 
wrote to him a complaining account, stating that the 
commodities went off slowly, ' the Irish,' he says, ' had so 
little sense of religion, that they married within the pro- 



CE 7^i2 RY hikit; e cl degrees,* without dispensations ; they also ques- 
tioned his grace's authority in Ireland, especially outside 

Cox, p, 210, 

quoting from the pale. 

lib. c. c. c. ■*■ 


* All this outcry raised against the Irish Church at different 
periods originated in the fact, that its prohibited degrees of consan- 
guinity and affinity, were regulated according to the Levitical Law ; 
whereas the table of degrees adopted by the Church of Rome is 
much more extensive ; and, contrary to the practice of that church : 
divorces were allowed in Ireland, for the cause of fornication. — (Con- 
cilii sub S. Patricio, can. 26, et 29.) Romanists believe marriage to 
be a sacrament, and therefore indissoluble ; Divorces a mensa et thoro, 
are indeed allowed, but not divorces a vinculo conjujii. 













The second period of Irish history commences with the CE 1 ^_V 6 RY 
partial reduction of Ireland, under the dominion of Henry - : 
II, in the twelfth century, though not achieved by his own jS 0Ty d ° f n 
efforts, He had little to do in it, beyond receiving the jjJjSJ^ 
homage of the Irish Princes, and granting charters to his JjJJjjJJJ ef 
English nobility. Strongbow, De Lacy, and Fitzstephens, strongbow, 
were the real conquerors, through whom alone any portion 
of Irish territory was gained by arms, or by treaty ; and 





The enor- 
mous grants 
of Henry II. 

Davies, p. 

The violation 
of faith to 
the Irish 

The whole 



as they began the enterprize without the king, they 
carried it on for themselves, deeming their swords a better 
security than his charters. This ought to be continually 
kept in mind, as revealing the secret of the English 
government over Ireland, and furnishing a justification of 
what had the appearance of a negligent abandonment of 
its authority. 

The few Barons, and other adventurers, who by dint of 
forces, hired by themselves, and in some instances, by con- 
ventions with the Irish, settled their armed colonies in the 
island, thought they had done much for Henry II, in- 
causing his name to be acknowledged, his administration 
to be established in Dublin, and in holding their lands by 
his grant. They claimed in their turn, according to the 
practice of all nations, and principles of equity, that those 
who had borne the heat of the battle, should enjoy the 
spoil without molestation. 

Hence the enormous grants of Henry and his successors, 
though so often censured for impolicy, were probably, 
what they could scarcely avoid ; and though not perhaps 
absolutely stipulated, as the price of titular sovereignty, 
were something very like it. But what is to be censured, 
and what at all hazards, they were bound to refuse, was 
the violation of their faith to the Irish princes, in sharing 
among these insatiable Barons, their ancient territories, 
which, setting aside the wrong of the first invasion, were 
protected by their homage and submission, and sometimes 
by positive conventions. 

The whole island in fact, with the exception of the 
county of Dublin, and the maritime towns, was divided 
before the end of the thirteenth century, and most of it 
in the twelfth, among ten English families. Earl Strong- 
bow, who had some colour of hereditary title, according to 


our notions of law, by his marriage with the daughter of CE ^™ RY 

Dermot, King of Leinster, obtained a grant of that pro- 

vince. De Lacy acquired Meath, which was not consi- 
dered a part of Leinster at that period, but a kingdom in 
itself. In the same way, the whole of Ulster was given 
to De Courcy, the whole of Connaught to De Burg, and 
the rest to six others. These, it must be understood, they 
were to hold in a sort of feudal tenure, parcelling them 
among their tenants of English race, and expelling the 
natives, or driving them into the worst parts of the country 
by an incessant warfare. 

The Irish chieftains, though compelled to show some 
exterior signs of submission to Henry, never thought of 
renouncing their own authority, or the customs of their 
forefathers: nor did he pretend to interfere with the 
government of the Septs ; content with their promise of 
homage and tribute, neither of which, they afterwards 
ever paid. But in those parts of Ireland which had been 
really conquered, his aim was, to establish the English 
laws, and to render it, in all its civil constitution, similar 
to that of England. The colony from England was 
already not inconsiderable, and was likely to increase. The 
Ostmen, who inhabited the maritime towns, came very 
willingly, as all settlers of Teutonic origin have done, into 
English customs and language ; and upon this basis, leaving 
the accession of the Aboriginal people to future continr 
gencies, he raised the edifice of the Irish constitution. 

The inhabitants of Ireland in those days may be 
classed under the following denominations. The first, 
and most numerous, were the native population who 
never submitted to the English government, and from 
their being in a state of constant warfare with it, were 
called Irish enemies ; and 5 likewise who from their attach* 





Division of 
the inhabi- 

State papers, 
Henry VIII. 

ment to the religion of their forefathers, were looked upon, 
by the Romish Church, now for the first time forced upon 
the country, as heretics of the very worst description. 
Secondly, the Anglo-Norman adventurers, who had 
obtained a grant of nearly the entire kingdom, but had 
subjected to their authority but a very small proportion 
of it; these were called liege men, or good subjects. In 
the course of time, however, many of the leading men 
among them adopted the Irish habit and customs, 
renounced the English laws and institutions, and finally 
took up arms against the state, these were called Rebels : 
And finally the Romish hierarchy, who had been now 
raised, in consequence of their apostacy from the ancient 
faith, to a higher rank than the native princes. The two 
latter, though occasionally quarrelling with each other, over 
the division of the spoils, carried on a most determined and 
bloody warfare with the native population, and with the 
crown of England, whenever its power was exerted in 
favour of the persecuted Irish, or to restrain their licen- 
tious habits. 

In consequence of this pernicious separation of the two 
races, the Irish priests, who generally followed their own 
rules, had little or no intercourse with their bishops, who 
were nominated by the king, so that their synods are 
commonly recited to have been holden * inter anglicos/ 
among the English. The bishops themselves were 
generally intruded by violence, and more often dispossessed 
by it. A total ignorance and neglect prevailed in the 
Church, so much so, that it was even found impossible to 
recover a succession of names in many of the Sees in 
Ireland. ' What comyn folke in all this world, is so poor, 
so feeble, so well besyn in toon and fylde, so bestyal, so 
greatly oppressed, and trodden under foot, as the comyn 
folke of Ireland. 5 


The native chiefs, when pressed by the inroads of the century 

Norman Barons, and despoiled frequently of lands, secured 

to them by grant or treaty, had recourse to the throne for 
protection, and would in all probability have submitted 
without repining to a sovereign who could have afforded 
it. But John and Henry III, in whose reigns the inde- 
pendence of the aristocracy was almost complete, though 
insisting by writs and proclamations on a due observance 
of the laws, could do little more for their new subjects, 
who found a better chance of redress in standing on their 
own defence. The powerful clans of the north enjoyed 
their liberty, but those of Munster and Leinster, inter- 
mixed with the English, and encroached upon, from every 
side, were the victims of constant injustice ; and abandon- 
ing the open country for bog and mountain pasture, grew 
more poor and barbarous, in the midst of the general 
advance of Europe. Many remained under the yoke of 
English Lords, and in a worse state than that of villenage, 
because still less protected by the tribunals of justice.* 

* The system of the Irish Chieftains, whom Henry II found in 
Ireland, continued rather to degenerate than improve. Through 
the whole of the interval from Henry the second to Henry the 
eighth, they submitted to an English monarch, as they had done 
before to one of the Milesian line, with the same readiness, the 
same inconstancy, and the same reservations. They acknowledged 
him as the centre of their federal union — a theoretic union, which 
their petty hostilities were constantly violating ; as a superior, 
whose pre-eminence they attested by a slight tribute, or occasional 
military service, and whose reciprocal good offices they looked for in 
their difficulties and disputes. This was the amount of his 
sovereignty ; it could not, or would not, be understood by those 
sturdy lords, that he was to invade their precious right of mutual 
slaughter, or mitigate the internal anarchy of their dominions. 

The great English lords were no less resolute than the Irish, in 




The Irish 
with Henry 
II. for the 
use of their 
own laws. 

The Irish unfortunately had originally stipulated with 
Henry II, for the use of their own laws. They were 
consequently held beyond the pale of English justice, and 

their opposition to the sovereign, and their oppression of the people. 
Adventurers of reckless and ferocious habits, distinguished from 
the worst of the native Chiefs by nothing but their superior skill in 
the arts of predatory warfare, they had conquered without the aid 
of the king, and were determined to govern without his interference. 
The honorary title of Lord of Ireland excited neither their ambi- 
tion, nor their jealousy ; perhaps they were pleased with the exis- 
tence of a claimant, whose rank, while it placed him above competi- 
tion, extinguished all pretensions to supremacy among themselves, 
and whose residence in another country left their movements uncon- 
trolled. These dutiful subjects claimed only to be the irresponsible 
deputies of their master, to enjoy the fulness of sovereign power, 
each within the circle which his sword had traced, — and from a 
multitude of causes, they were able to dictate the terms of their con- 
tumacious loyalty. 

Some of them, as the two great branches of the de Burgo family, 
the Geraldines of Kerry, and the Birminghams, Lords of Athonry, 
renounced the language, laws and usages of the mother country. 
They had been smitten with the barbaric power, and unlimited 
sway of the native Chieftains, and they became Chieftains themselves ; 
assumed Irish appellations, and moulded their motley followers into 
the form of Irish tribes. Others, retaining the English name, and 
something of English manners, acquired at a less price nearly equal 
dominion. In the space of thirty years after the first descent, eight 
palatinates, comprehending two-thirds of the English settlements, 
were erected in Ireland. There was afterwards added a ninth, the 
county Tipperary, the splendid domain of the Earls of Ormond. 
Within these districts, the lords possessed all royal rights, created 
knights, and even barons, appointed their own judges, sheriffs, 
seneschals, and escheators, collected their own revenues, and held 
their own courts for the determination of all causes : — loithout, they 
exercised the detestable prerogative of waging civil war in all quarters 
of the island. 

Armed with these enormous powers, they proceeded to reduce and 


regarded as aliens at the best ; sometimes as enemies, in our centuby 

courts. Thus, as by the Brehon law, murder was only 

punished by a fine, it was not held felony to kill one of 
Irish race, unless he had conformed to the English laws, 
both civil and ecclesiastical.* 

exterminate their own countrymen of the middle class, who had 
presumed to set an example of comfort and independence. Many 
of these fled ; their lands were seized by the lords and parcelled out 
among the conquered Irish, to be held on Irish tenures ; many 
others surrendered a part of their property, in the hope of being 
allowed the quiet possessiou of the remainder ; but this.^ grace was 
refused, and they were gradully broken in spirit and circumstances 
to the villanage of the native population. This was the state of 
things, in the aboriginal clans, in the revolted septs of Anglo-Irish, 
and except within a few garrison towns, in the counties palatinate, 
from Henry the second until Henry the eighth.' — (Phelan, Introduc- 
tion, p. viii,) 

* On looking over * a memoir on Ireland, native and Saxon, by 
Daniel OConnell Esq., M.P. with a biographical sketch of the 
author by J. H, Whelan,' I was much struck with the circumstance, 
of his introducing the Saxons into it, who had nothing whatever to 
do with Ireland. The Normans were the real invaders, and what- 
ever assistance they might have received, was not from the Saxons, 
but from the ancient Britons in Wales. Perhaps it was deemed 
necessary to sprinkle a small portion of the ' the gall of bitterness' 
into the cup of Irish misery, and therefore the Saxon is introduced. 
The hatred to the Saxon originated, not in any thing that was 
done by them against the Irish, for they were in general well 
disposed towards them, but from the fact of the Irish language 
being prohibited by law, and the Saxon or English introduced in 
its place. Hence the word Sassenagh, or Saxon, so frequently 
used at the late repeal meetings. 

With the true Jesuitical casuistry of his school, Mr. O'Connell 
identifies the wars of Elizabeth and James the first, with the three 
and a half centuries of Romish domination ; and in so doing the 
learned historian gives only three pages and a half, of twenty-one 
lines in each, to a period of four hundred and forty years of the 




The con- 
brought into 

In the course of time, these conquerors were themselves 
brought under a moral captivity of the most disgraceful 
nature ; but not as the rough soldier of Rome is said to 

most important era in the history of Ireland, and these three and a 
half pages, are almost entirely taken up, with the assertion that, 
* the success of the forces of Queen Elizabeth was achieved by means 
the most horrible, treachery, murder, wholesale massacre, and 
deliberately-created famine.' — Now the case of Ireland before the 
reformation was directly the reverse in every respect ; with 
Ireland, after that important event ; and on that account alone, 
the true historical division ought to have been made, from the Nor- 
man invasion in the twelfth century to the reformation in the six- 
teenth, and the second division, from the reformation to the present 
day. In the former period (to use the language of Mr. O'Connell) 
'the plunder, the robbery, the domestic treachery, the ordinary 
wholesale slaughters, the planned murders, the concerted massacres, 
which had been inflicted on the Irish people,' was the sole aggres- 
sive work of the Norman popish aristocracy, lay and ecclesiastic, 
against the heretical Irish ; the government of England being at the 
same time totally unable to restrain them. In the latter period, the 
same aggressive work was carried on against the British nation, by 
the descendants of the same popish aristocracy, now for the first 
time deprived of their usurped power, and thrown back on their 
former Irish enemies, with whom having formed ' a compact 
alliance,' assisted by the Pope, and his Italian banditti, and sup- 
ported by the army and navy of Spain, then the most powerful 
nation in Europe, they united together to dethrone our excommuni- 
cated Queen, and take away her life, and dominions, now conferred 
on the King of Spain, by the Pope of Rome. 

' During the 440 years that intervened, between the commence- 
ment of the English dominion in 1172, and its completion in 1612, 
the Irish people ' (continues Mr. OConnell) ' were known only as 
"the Irish enemies." They were denominated Irish enemies ; — in all 
the royal proclamations, " royal charters " and acts of parliament 
during that period, it was their legal and technical description.' — 
(page 19, and 20.) 

During the 368 j^ears of Romish domination, this statement 


have been subdued by the art and learning of Greece ; century 

the Anglo-Norman Barons, that had wrested Ireland 
from the native possessors, fell into their barbarous usages, 

appears in some degree correct, but from the time that Henry VIII, 
had asserted his claim to the entire sovereignty of Ireland, and 
supreme headship of the Church on earth, and which was joyfully ac- 
cepted by ' all sorts and conditions of men ' in the kingdom, all such 
names and distinctions ceased from that day. 

Again Mr. O'Connell proceeds, ' During that time any person of 
English descent might murder a mere Irishman or woman, with 
perfect impunity. Such murder was no more a crime in the eye of 
the law, than the killing of a rabid, or ferocious animal. There 
was indeed this distinction, that if a native Irishman made legal 
submission, and had been received into English allegiance, he could 
no longer be murdered with impunity ; for his murderer was punish- 
able by a small pecuniary fine. A punishment not for the moral 
crime of murdering a man, but for the social injury of depriving the 
state of a servant just as at no remote period, the white man, in 
several of our West Indian Colonies, was liable to pay a fine for 
killing a negro, only because an owner was thereby deprived of a 
slave.' — (page 21.) 

Romanism was not quite so bad in those days as Mr. O'Connell 
represents it ; the facts of the case are as follows : * The Irish had 
originally stipulated with Henry II for the use of their own laws. 
By the Brehon law murder was only punished by a fine. It was 
not held felony to kill one of the Irish race, unless he had conformed 
to the English law. Five septs to which the royal families of Ireland 
belonged, the O'Neils, O'Connors, O'Brien, O'Malachlin, and 
MacMurrough, had the special immunity of being within the protec- 
tion of our law, and it was felony to kill one of them. But besides 
these, a vast number of charters of denization were granted to parti- 
cular persons of Irish descent, from the reign of Henry II, down- 
wards, which gave them and their posterity, the full birthrights of 
English subjects, nor does there seem to have been any difficulty in 
procuring these. It cannot be said therefore, that the English 
government, or those who represented it in Dublin, displayed any 
reluctance to emancipate the Irish from their thraldom. Whatever 



century and emulated the vices of the vanquished. The degeneracy 

— . of the English settlers began very soon, and continued to 

increase for several ages. They intermarried with the 
Irish. They connected themselves with them by the 
national custom of fostering, which formed an artificial 
relationship of the strictest nature. They spoke the Irish 
language. They affected the Irish dress, and manner of 
wearing the hair. They even adopted in some instances 
Irish surnames. They harassed their tenants with every 
Irish exaction and tyranny. They administered Irish 
law, if any at all : they became Chieftains, rather than 
Peers, and neither regarded the king's summons to his 
parliament, nor paid any obedience to his judges. 
The family of Thus the great family of de Burgh or Burke in Con- 
fefioff. rgh naught, fell off almost entirely from subjection ; nor was 
that of the Earl of Desmond, a younger branch of the 
house of Geraldine, or Fitzgerald, much less independent 
of the crown, though by the title it enjoyed and the 
palatine franchises granted to it, by Edward III, over the 
counties of Limerick and Kerry, it seemed to keep up 
more show of English allegiance. The elder branch of 
their house, the Earls of Kildare, and another illustrious 
family, the Butlers, Earls of Ormond, were apparently, 
more steady to their obedience to the crown, yet in the 
great franchises of the latter, comprising the counties of 
Kilkenny and Tipperary, the king's writ had no course, 
nor did he exercise any civil or military authority, but by 
Davis, p. 193. * ne permission of this mighty peer. 

Thus in the reign of Henry VII, when the English 
authority over Ireland had reached its lowest point, it 

obstruction might be interposed to this, was from that (Romish) 
assembly, whose concurrence was necessary to every general mea- 
sure, the Anglo-Irish parliament.'-— (Hallam in, p. 255, 256.) 


was, with the exception of a very few sea-ports, to all century 
intents confined to the four counties of the English pale, 

t> r > The English 

those of Dublin, Louth, Kildare, and Meath. But even paie reduced. 

in these, there were extensive marches, or frontier districts, 

the inhabitants of which were hardly distinguished from 

the Irish, and paid them a tribute, called black rent ; so 

that the real supremacy of the English laws, was not 

probably established beyond the two first of these counties, 

from Dublin to Dundalk on the coast, and for about thirty 

miles inland.* gJ^J; 199 > 

From the foregoing sketch of Irish History during the 
three centuries and a half of Romish domination, we 
cannot find that systematic oppression and misrule, which 
is every day imputed to the English nation, and its 
government. The policy of our kings appears to have 
generally been wise and beneficent ; but they possessed 

* A level district round the capital, containing the small shires of 
Louth, Meath, Kildare and Dublin, limited the range of the English 
law, the jurisdiction of the Viceroy, and except on some rare occa- 
sions, the ambition of the crown. Far from indulging schemes of 
more extended authority, the conscious weakness of royalty took 
refuge in a ludicrous, but humiliating fiction ; all beyond this 
pomcerium was presumed not to be in existence, and in court 
language the land of Iteland was synonymous with the pale. Of the 
pale itself, an ample stripe, comprehending a third, and sometimes a 
half of each country, was border land ; in which a mixed code of 
English, Brehon, and Martial law, and of such points of honour as 
are recognized among free -hooters, suspended for a season the final 
appeal to the sword. Even between these penumbral regions, and 
the castle of Dublin, there lived some little despots, who, according 
to the turn of affairs were counsellors, colleagues, or opponents, of 
the English monarch ; and so late as the reign of Henry the seventh, 
the rebel Earl of Kildare was taken from the tower of London, ' to 
govern all Ireland, because all Ireland could not govern the Earl.'—* 
(Phelan's Introduction, p. x>) 


century not the power, they were merely the nominal lords of 

■ — Ireland, when in fact, the Romish aristocracy, lay and 

ecclesiastical, were the real sovereigns of the pale, and 
the O'Neils, and O'Connors, or the degenerate houses of 
Burke and Fitzgerald, were the real despots of the 
country. f The tale of woe ' (as a Roman Catholic writer 
justly expresses it,) of Ireland's miseries, and they were 
great and many, of that day and of the present, origin- 
ated, not from the power, but from the weakness of 

















From the sketch now given of the secular history of C ^™ RY 

Ireland, from the twelfth to the sixteenth century, we may 

be enabled to comprehend more fully the subsequent eccle- 
siastical history of the same period. 

We have now arrived at a very peculiar period in the 
history of the Irish Church. Romanism, for the first Romanism 
time, is presented to our view, as the established religion inIreland - 
of the country, and that under the most favourable cir- 




J.K L. 

p. 31. 



His allegi- 
ance to 
Henry II; 

Lanigan, rol. 
iv. p. 238. 

cumstances. Endowed with wealth beyond that of any 
Church in Europe, her Prelates exalted in rank above 
the petty sovereigns of the land, we might naturally 
suppose that peace and harmony would exist to the 
fullest extent between the two countries, now joined toge- 
ther in the bonds of the same religion. 

But what are the facts of the case ? scarcely had Henry 
returned to his hereditary dominions, when the bishops, 
presuming on the services they had performed, began to 
embarrass and insult the Irish government. It had been 
stipulated in Adrian's Bull, that the borders of the church 
should be enlarged ; an expression which does not mean 
in the phraseology of these men, that religion should be 
extended, but that more property should be conferred on 
the ecclesiastics ; and these bishops ( having sold the inde- 
pendence of their native country, and the birthright pf their 
people,' like most agents of that description, were impa- 
tient for their reward, justly thinking that their own 
treachery stood higher in the scale of iniquity, than the 
open transgression of strangers, and looking for a propor- 
tionate share of the spoil; and now when they found 
(or imagined) their merits undervalued, they assumed airs 
of patriotism, 

Laurence O'Toole, Archbishop of Dublin, was the 
most conspicuous in this new character. After some 
years of ostentatious attachment to the British Monarch, 
this prelate appeared as his accuser at the Council of Late- 
ran, supported by a deputation of five other bishops. 
They had all sworn allegiance at Cashel ; and the King, 
suspecting their intentions, arrested their progress through 
England, and exacted a second oath, that they would do 
nothing at the council prejudicial to his interests ; but the 
ardour with which they were inspired, overcame every 



obstacle. Some Irish writers assert, that Lawrence ob- century 
tained a revocation of the papal grant to Henry : however — ■ 

r r ° # J O'Sullivan 

that may be, it is certain, that his complaints were loud, Beare's ca- 

J J ■ ' L tholic His- 

and well received ; ' He exerted himself/ says a contem- to ry> v- 62. 
porary, ' with all the zeal of his nation, for the privileges 
of the church, and against the King's authority.' And the camtaLis, 
Pope, in acknowledgment of his eminent services, raised ut infra ' 
him to the dignity of apostolic legate. 

Thus armed with new powers of mischief, Lawrence set 
out for Ireland ; but Henry wisely prevented his return, 
and the disappointed agitator of that day, passed the re- 
mainder of his days in Normandy. The monkish writer 
of his life, with that affected compassion for the misery of His impri- 

T . , . . . „ . sonment and 

Irishmen, which the sad experience of so many centuries death. 
has not yet taught them to despise, gives these as his last 
words, — ' Ah ! foolish, and senseless people, what will now 
become of you ? who will heal your sufferings ? who will 
relieve you '( ' This manifold traitor to his church, his 
country, his native prince,^ and the sovereign of his own 
election, was in due season canonized ; and his saintly 

* The most active and efficient opponent of the English was 
Lawrence O'Toole, the Archbishop. He wrote to Roderic, to God- 
frey, King of the Isle of Man ; to the Princes of the neighbouring- 
isles, (many of whom were Irishmen) and also to all the princes 
and lords of the provinces throughout Ireland, exhorting them to 
rally round their monarch, that by one combined and determined 
effort, they might expel from their country the dangerous invaders. 

The archbishop's character and influence gained all he wished for, 
Godfrey and the other island-chieftains assembled their forces, and 
with thirty ships they blocked up the harbour of Dublin, while 
Roderic with a great army encamped near the city. Even the 
Archbishop himself commanded a troop on this occasion, (although, 
as the historian observes, it had been more befitting his holy calling 
to have assisted with his prayers than his arms.) 


century protection is still invoked by our titular hierarchy with a 


publicity which displays the unshaken constancy of the order. 
Amidst the public cares which had engaged Lawrence 
during his visit to Rome, he retained sufficient presence of 
mind to obtain from the Pope a grant — the parties called 
it a confirmation — of most extensive possessions in lands, 
villages, and parishes, in the neighbourhood of Dublin. 
Though the firmness of the English monarch prevented 
the prelate himself from returning to enjoy this splendid 
endowment, it was all claimed, of course, by his successor. 
But in the mean time Haymo de Valois, prince John's 
deputy in the government, had set up a counter-claim for 
some of the lands ; whether in the name of his master, in 
his own, or in that of the ancient proprietor, does not 
now appear. Comyn, the successor of St. Lawrence, 
being thus excluded from possession, excommunicated de 
Valois and all the other members of the administration, 
and not content with this vengeance upon the trans- 
The city of gressors, laid the unoffending city and diocese under an 

Dublin under . ... „ 

an interdict, interdict.* 

To indicate th at the passion of Christ had been renewed, 
in the indignity offered to his minister, he caused the 
crucifixes of the cathedral to be laid prostrate on the ground, 
with crowns of thorns on the heads of the images ; and 
one of the figures was pointed out as the miraculous 
representative of the suffering Redeemer, the face inflamed, 
the eyes dropping tears, the body bathed in sweat, and 
the side pouring forth blood and water. In the end the 
Lord Deputy was obliged to yield ; and as an atonement 
Leiandi.i64, f or m ^ f orme r injuries, made a donation of twenty plough- 

Lanigan it. J ' ./ i. o 

lands to the see of Dublin.f 

* An interdict is a suspension of all religious rites. 
t This is the first of the many instan ces we have on record, of 



The next Archbishop of the same see was equally century 
resolute. The clergy of Dublin having claimed some 

A.D. 1220. 


exorbitant fees, under the specious title of oblations 
of the faithful, were opposed by the magistrates and 
citizens, who had just before successfully resisted a 
demand of the crown. An interdict upon the whole city, 
and special anathemas against the offending persons, were 
the immediate consequences of this insubordination. The 
people appealed to the Lord Deputy, and the cause 
received a formal hearing before the privy council ; but Th o Privy 

°, . Council. 

here the clergy were triumphant, and their adversaries Th e clergy 
reduced to a very ludicrous composition. It was agreed 
that in cases of open scandal, such as that of opposition 
to the priesthood, a commutation in money should be 
made for the first offence ; that for the second, the culprit 
should be cudgelled round the parish church ; for the third, 
the same discipline should be repeated publicly at the 
head of a procession ; and if the obstinacy proceeded far- 

the weak and vacillating policy that has marked the conduct of the 
British government in Ireland, from the twelfth century to the 
present day. If the Normans had pursued the same line of conduct 
in Ireland, which proved so successful in England, Ireland would 
have been, in all human probability, as prosperous and happy, as 
any country in Europe. 

The fact is, Ireland before the Reformation was never conquered. 
A small part of it within the pale was merely occupied by British 
troops, and the King of England was the nominal ' Lord of the 
Isle,' while the Pope was ' ipso facto/ the sovereign of the country ; 
and just in proportion as this policy was pursued, and which 
originated in the weakness of England, turbulence and disaffection 
followed as a matter of course in its train ; and as we proceed in the 
history of Ireland, we can perceive the fatal effects of this same 
policy, running through the entire course of England's connection 
with that country. 

K 2 




Leland i. 
p. 237. 

ther, that he should be either disfranchised, or cudgelled 
through the city. Such were the citizens, whom the king 
of England had thought it necessary to pacify, by an 
apology for his conduct, and a promise of redress of 


* After seven centuries of misrule, what a melancholy impression it 
must leave on every well-principled mind, to witness in our own day, 
a continuation of that policy, which has reduced Ireland to its present 
deplorable condition. In July 1843, Sir James Graham, stung to 
the quick by the conduct of the Romish and Radical party in the 
House of Commons, started up on the spur of the moment, 
influenced no doubt by a feeling of generous regret, and exclaimed, 

' In 1829 we passed the Catholic emancipation act ; in 1831 the 
Reform act ; in 1833 the Church temporalities act, by which a large 
diminution was made in the hierarchy of that Church. We then 
passed the tithe commutation act, by which the amount of tithes was 
diminished twenty-five per cent. After this the education plan 
was adopted for Ireland. 

' These were large measures of concession, which are now declared 
to be unavailing, so long as the Protestant Church exists in Ireland. 
I, for my part, was always a steady advocate for the rights of my 
Roman Catholic fellow-subjects. I supported their claims. I believed 
in the declarations made by their nobility and leading men. I believed 
in the solemn oaths of their prelates. I trusted to the assurance given 
by them, in solemn evidence before solemn tribunals, that if equality 
as citizens was given them, they would rest satisfied with the union, 
and the Protestant Church should be safe.' 

'While reading these passages,' (says the Editor of the Dublin 
Mail,) ' we could not avoid indulging a hope, that the mist, which 
had obscured his vision and obstructed his discernment of the diffe- 
rence between friends and foes, was about to be dissipated, and that the 
general interests of Britain would no longer be sacrificed, in 
vain attempts to make friends of those, whom neither oaths can bind 
nor the utmost yielding can conciliate. 

The blow however went home to the hearts of the Romanists. 
These gentlemen declared 'that they were insulted, and that the 
debate must be adjourned to give the Catholic members time to cool.' 


The following anecdote of the contemporary bishop of century 

The zeal of 

Ferns, is a graver instance of the zeal which animated the 
hierarchy of those days. This prelate had excommunicated the bishop 
the great earl of Pembroke, on the pretence, that he had 

The house to be sure received the anger of ■ the gentlemen,' 
with shouts of laughter ; but still poor Sir James, was obliged to eat 
up his own words, and not only to declare, that * he thought that the 
declarations made by the Roman Catholic noblemen and gentlemen, 
were well founded and sincere, when they gave them, and that he 
had no doubt now, that they were perfectly sincere, but even to 
argue from the principles of human nature (alas ! poor human nature) 
that Roman Catholics, could not be satisfied with an equality of 
civil rights.' 

( Again,' continues Sir James Graham, ' when I said, that conces- 
sion had been carried to the utmost, what did I mean to express ? 
I meant to say that concession had been carried to a very great, and 
extraordinary length, considering the space of time over which it 
ranged ! ' It was Sir James Graham, who thus pitifully attempted 
to evade the consequences of having, in an unguarded moment, 
committed (that which is now-a-days) a great political fault, in dis- 
closing his real sentiments. 

' It is to the mercy of men, who have thus shewn themselves 
capable of swallowing their own words, in the face of the world ; 
' who (in the language of Mr. Macaulay ) have drank to the dregs the 
cup of humiliation, which they mixed for themselves, — it is to such 
men, that the guardianship of the liberties, and the property of the 
protestant people of Ireland have been committed.' Thus Sir James 
Graham, like the citizens of Dublin in former days, after being 
cudgelled through the house, thought it necessary, like the king, to 
pacify his opponents by an apology for his conduct, and the premier 
followed him, with a promise of redress of grievances. 

How different was the conduct of my Lord Brougham, in the 
same session of parliament, when Lord Camoys, a Roman Catholic 
peer, of recent creation, spoke as follows, — ' What was the foundation 
of the grievances of the Irish people ? the Church ; the Church has 
been called the monster grievance ; the cause of all the evils under 
which Ireland laboured ; the obstacle to redress. An anomaly "such as 



century seized two manors belonging to his church ; and upon the 
death of that nobleman, appeared before the king, to 
claim restitution. Being ordered to pronounce an abso- 
lution at the earl's tomb, he attended the king thither, 

had never been known in any other country. The badge of slavery, 
the badge of conquest, &c, the Church was the perpetual obstacle to 
all improvement in Ireland : he was convinced that agitation would 
not subside, and the grievances of the Irish people would never be 
satisfactorily redressed so long as the existing Protestant Church 
established in Ireland was maintained.' 1 

Such are said to have been the words of Lord Camoys, ' words ' — 
exclaimed Lord Brougham, ' which I heard with unfeigned astonish- 
ment ; — with an astonishment equal to that impressed on the mind 
of my noble friend opposite, (the Earl of Winchilsea) for, differing 
from my noble friend opposite "toto ccelo," on the subject of the 
Catholic claims, I had been one of those who held cheap in those 
days the predictions of my noble friend opposite, and of the other 
adversaries of the Catholics. I had been one of those, who held 
cheap all their prophecies, that no sooner should the Catholic claims 
be granted, than some such speeches as we have heard to night, 
would not fail to resound through the walls of parliament. This 
prophecy, I grieve to say, has been fulfilled, and my hope has 

1 The Earl of Kenmare said he agreed perfectly in all that had 
fallen from the lips of my Lord Camoys. 

It is a curious fact that the first of Lord Kenmare's family 
in Ireland,, was a Valentine Brown, an English Protestant, em- 
ployed by Queen Elizabeth, as a commissioner of forfeited estates ; 
and in the cutting up of the great Desmond property, a portion of 
course fell to the lot of the carver. '■ This Brown,' says Coxe, 
' wrote a notable tract on the reformation of Ireland, wherein there 
is nothing blameworthy, saving that he advises the extirpation of the 
Irish papists ; ' and therefore did not foresee that his own heir would 
degenerate into an Irish papist, and ungratefully oppose that English 
interest upon which his estate is founded.' — (p. 302.) 



and, with judicial solemnity, pronounced these words. ' Oh ! century 
William, thou that liest fast bound in the chains of ex- 
communication, if what thou hast injuriously taken away 
be restored, by the king, or thy heir, or any of thy friends, 
with competent satisfaction, I absolve thee. Otherwise, I 
ratify the sentence, that, being bound in thy sins, thou 
mayest remain damned in hell for ever.' The heir would 
not surrender the disputed manors, and the bishop con- 
firmed the malediction. Sometime after, the male line of 

to night been signally frustrated. I have lived long in the world. I 
have seen examples of the effects of the wilful course of designing 
men, and of the influence they have gained by prosecuting their 
wicked designs, on less powerful minds, of less steady characters, 
of minds less capable of self-defence. I have seen both here and 
abroad, the effects on weak and on youthful minds, the effects of 
the operation of the Catholic priesthood for the accomplishment of 
their sinful and sordid objects, and I have seen in this country, the 
consequences of political seduction by similar means, and for similar 
objects ; but knowing as I do the honourable nature of my noble 
friend, his pure motives, and the candour of his disposition, I do 
profess and declare, that I never yet saw so melancholy and striking 
an exhibition in my whole life, of the effects of such invidious acts 
on such minds, as has this night been exhibited, by the marvellous 
declarations of my noble friend.' 

What a pity it was, that some of our Irish lords, lay or ecclesi- 
astic, did not remind my Lord Camoys, whose memory appears to 
be so treacherous, that the Romish, and not the Protestant Church, 
was ' the badge of slavery, the badge of conquest in Ireland/ the one was 
forced upon us, at the point of the Norman lance, the other was 
thankfully received by the unanimous voice of the entire country. 

To the disgraceful attempt made by Lord Campbell to argue, that 
the oath was not intended to bind in a legislative capacity, we might 
reply in the words of George III to another Scotchman of his day, 
' None of your Scotch metaphysics, Mr. Dundas, I understand the 
oath in its plain literal meaning.' If the oath was not intended to 
bind a legislator, why is he required to take it, when he assumes 



Leland, i, 
p. 237. 

Dispute be- 
tween the 
bishop of 
and Lisinore, 

century the family having become extinct, it was carefully pointed 
out to the common people, how the curse of God had 
followed the imprecation of his minister. 

"While the Romish party in Ireland were thus keeping 
the throne itself in vassalage, the most scandalous enor- 
mities disgraced the Church itself. In 1210, the bishops 
of Waterford Jan d Lismore had a dispute concerning cer- 
tain lands, alleged by each to be the property of his 
see.- The affair was referred to commissioners, appointed, 
not by the government, but by the Pope, and these having 
condemned the bishop of Waterford, that prelate, enraged 
at their decision, formed a plot for seizing the bishop of 
Lismorej and accordingly, having besieged his cathedral, 
while he was engaged in divine service, he hurried him 
away, and cast him into a dungeon in Dungarvan, loaded 
with irons, and further sorely afflicted him while there, 
with hunger and thirst, and many other cruel indignities. 

Hitherto, we have seen the bishops contending with 
their armed associates and with each other, for the spoils, 
and almost over the bodies of their common victims. But 
time had now begun to mark out prescriptive limits to 
their estates ; and accordingly, henceforward other desires 
are gradually unfolded, and other objects engage the 
growing ambition of the church. 
a d 1220. rj^ e Archbishop of Dublin having been appointed Lord 
Justice, and about the same time, Legate of the Holy See, 
employed all the power which these offices gave him, in 

that capacity. If it binds him only to obey the law, why is not 
every member of parliament required to take it, and why is it 
restricted to Roman Catholics ? The truth is, the danger apprehended 
was from legislation, for Romanists had been admitted to the bar, to 
the army and navy, and to vote for members of parliament, 
long before. 



extending the jurisdiction of the spiritual courts. The 
citizens, oppressed by these new tribunals, appealed to 
the king, Henry III, who wrote a sharp, but ineffectual 
letter to his deputy. The civil sword was then transferred 
to the hands of a layman, but the clergy persevered in 
their career of usurpation ; and after eleven years of 
silent endurance, the monarch was compelled to issue a 
writ, which affords a striking proof of the ascendancy 
they had attained. 

' The King, to his earls, barons, knights, freemen, and 
all others of his land of Ireland, greeting : Whereas it is 
clearly known to be contrary to our crown and dignity, 
and to the laws and customs of our kingdom of England, 
which our father King John, of worthy memory, esta- 
blished in the said land, that pleas should be held in court 
christian, touching the advowsons of churches and chapels, 
or lay fee, or chattels, unless such as may accrue from 
wills or marriages ; we therefore straitly charge you, that 
you by no means presume to sue such pleas aforesaid in 
court christian, to the manifest prejudice of our crown 
and dignity ; and we give you to know for certain, that 
we have enjoined our { chief justice of Ireland, to enforce 
the statutes of our courts of England against all trans- 
gressions of this our mandate, and to execute whatsoever 
pertaineth to us in this matter.' 

The king, it would seem, was afraid to provoke the 
prelates by opposing himself directly to their aggressions. 
He consulted for his dignity as well as he dared, by at- 
tacking them through his nobles, knights, and freemen, 
who were thus not only worried by an arrogant priesthood, 
but upbraided by a feeble prince, for ' presuming' to 
submit to a power which held the throne itself in vassalage. 


The Arch- 
bishop of 
Dublin ap- 
pointed Lord 
Justice and 
Legate of the 
Holy See. 
of the spiri- 
tual courts. 
An appeal to 
the king. 
Prin's Ani- 
on theFourth 
quoted by 
Cox, Hiber- 
nia Angli- 
cana, p. 58. 

Contest be- 
tween the 
King and 
the prelates. 

Cox, p. 62. 

A. D. 1266. 


century Towards the close of this long reign, the heir apparent, 
who had been created * Lord of Ireland' by his father, 
had the courage to confront the true authors of the evil. 
History has not informed us with the effect of this spirited 
reprimand. * It pertains ' he says, ' to the royal dignity, 
that all pleas of a certain description, should be reserved 
to our civil courts ; we therefore prohibit you from hold- 
ing such pleas against our citizens of Dublin. ' In the 
capital, where the image of royalty might inspire a little 
respect, and where the citizens had obtained a charter of 
special privileges, he makes an effort to maintain the 
rights of a sovereign ; the rest of the island is surrendered 
without a struggle to the misrule of the hierarchy. 
Hibeinica, The annals of the following reign have preserved a 

1276 up ' 60 ' curious petition of a widow. ' Margaret le Blunde, of 
Cashel, petitions our Lord the King's grace, that she may 
have her inheritance, which she recovered at Clonmel 
before the king's judges, against David MacCarwel, bishop 
of Cashel. Item, for the imprisonment of her grandfather 
and grandmother, whom he shut up, and detained in prison, 
until they perished by famine, because they sought redress 
for the death of their son, father of your petitioner, who had 
been killed by said bishop. Item, for the death of her six 
brothers and sisters, who were starved by the said bishop, 
because he had their inheritance in his hands at the time 
he killed their father. It is to be noted, that the said 
bishop has built an abbey in the city of Cashel, which he 
fills with robbers who murder the English, and lay waste 
the country ; and, that when our Lord the King's council 
examine into such offences, he passes sentence of excom- 
munication upon them. Item, it is to be noted that the 
said Margaret has five times crossed the Irish sea. Where- 

Petition of 
a widow. 


King John's 

fore she petitions for God's sake, that the King's grace century 

will have compassion, and that she may be permitted to 

take possession of her inheritance. It is further to be 
noted, that aforesaid bishop has been guilty of the death 
of many other Englishmen, besides her father ; and that 
the said Margaret has obtained many writs of our Lord 
the King, but to no effect, by reason of the influence and 
bribery of said bishop/ Leiandi.234 

If these enormities, or any approaching to such a des- 
cription, could be committed by the prelates upon English- 
men, we must not be surprised at any extent of suffering 
which may have fallen to the lot of the native population. 
King John, with more of wisdom and humanity than is 
discernible in his other actions, had granted to his Irish 
subjects a charter of the laws and usages of England, to 
the observance of which he bound the nobles by an oath. 
His son and successor Henry the third, confirmed this 
charter by a patent of the first year of his reign ; eleven 
years after, he enforced it, in a mandate directed ' to his 
archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, earls, barons, knights, 
freeholders, and the bailiffs of his several counties. - ' After 
a second interval, of eighteen years, the monarch again 
addressed the same personages, but in the humble tone of 
supplication, ' that for the sake of peace and quietness they 
would permit the English laws and customs to be observed 
in his land of Ireland.' But neither commands nor en- 
treaties were found availing ; the lay lords of both races, 
preferring serfs to yeomanry, resolved to continue the hor- 
rors of the aboriginal system. 

The prelates adopted a more prudent, but not more 
liberal course ; they allowed their own vassals to use the 
English laws, in all matters which they had not reserved 
to their spiritual jurisdiction ; and by this measure they, 





A.D. 1278. 

at once, pleased the government, secured to themselves a 
reasonable revenue, attached their retainers, and displayed 
to all, the great advantage of being under the Church. 
But it was by no means their intention that a benefit, 
which was thus a sort of ecclesiastical privilege, should be 
vulgarized by indiscriminate enjoyment ; and hence, we 
find them as hostile as the lay nobles, to the general 
extension of the English usages. 

In the reign of Edward the First, a few broken clans 
and many smaller groups of the miserable natives, the 
refuse of the sword and its attendant horrors, were 
still lingering within the precincts of the English colonies ; 
they were pent up in those corners of their old possessions, 
which had not yet attracted the desires of the settlers ; 
contemptuously tolerated in their ancient usages, but 
excluded from all the benefits of English law or govern- 
ment. Few situations could be more forlorn. On the 
one hand their original polity, which was so exceedingly 
simple, that the members of the same tribe had perhaps 
no civil relation to each other, except their common 
attraction to one chief, had crumbled away, as this central 
power was removed or weakened, and left them nearly, if 
not entirely, in a state of nature ; on the other hand, they 
were not acknowledged as the king's subjects ; the king's 
courts were not open to them, and if the blood of a father 
or brother were shed, his assassin had only to plead that 
the deceased was an Irishman, and he was secure from all 
vengeance, but that of the Almighty, 
unqualified In the truce which had naturally arisen out of their 
of the native weakness, and the sated thirst of conquest in their 
Edward the invaders ; they received, everyday, some new and mor- 
tifying proof of their own destitution, and of the manifold 
advantages enjoyed by Englishmen. All hope of expell- 


ing; the strangers had now vanished from their minds ; century 

00 J2 16. 

those feelings and circumstances which had hitherto 

blinded them to the defects of their Brehon code, were no 
longer in existence, and they resolved on the experiment 
of an unqualified submission. They made up a purse of 
eight thousand marks, which they tendered to the king, 
through his Irish governor, with a request that he would 
receive them as his faithful liegemen, and take them under 
the protection of the laws of England. Nothing can so 
well illustrate their broken-hearted wretchedness as this 
mode of preferring the petition. A measure so just in 
itself, so fair in its prospects, so full of glory to the prince, 
who might condescend to adopt it, was not even to be 
thought of, by the supplicants, unless, like too many of 
their unhappy posterity, they approached the seat of justice 
with a bribe. 

King Edward's answer deserves to be given in full; 
' Edward, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of 
Ireland, and duke of Aquitain, to our trusty and well- 
beloved Robert de Ufford, lord justice of Ireland, greeting : 
The improvement of the state and peace of our land of 
Ireland, signified to us, by your letter, gives us exceeding 
joy. We entirely commend your diligence, hoping that, 
by the divine assistance, the things there begun so 
happily by you shall, as far as in you lieth, be still 
further prosecuted with the greater vigour and success. 

' And whereas the Irish commonalty have made a T h C offer 
tender to us of eight thousand marks, on condition that 
we grant them the laws of England, to be used in the 
aforesaid land : we wish you to know, that inasmuch as 
the Irish laws are hateful to God, and repugnant to jus- 
tice, it seems expedient to us and our council to grant 
them the laws of England ; provided always that the 




general consent of our people, or at least of our prelates 
and nobles, of the said land, do concur in this behalf. 

' We therefore command you, that having entered into 
treaty with this commonalty, and inquired diligently into 
the will of our people, prelates and nobles in this matter ; 
and having agreed upon the largest fine of money that you 
can obtain to be paid to us on this account, you make 
with the consent of all aforesaid, or at least, of the greater 
and sounder part thereof, such a composition touching the 
premises, as you shall judge in your discretion to be most 
expedient for our honour and interest. Provided also, 
that said commonalty shall hold in readiness a body of 
good and stout footmen, amounting to such a number, as 
you shall agree upon, for one campaign only, to repair to 
us, as we may see fit to demand them/ 

In reply to this letter, Ufford stated that the time was 
unsuitable ; that far the greater number of the Barons 
were absent from the seat of government, upon the 
business of the state, or the defence of their lands, and 
that many of the others were minors ; that it would there- 
fore be impossible to collect an assembly sufficiently 
numerous, or respectable for so grave a deliberation. But 
the Irish renewed their affecting appeal, and the king 
issued a fresh mandate. 

( The king, to the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, 
counts, barons, knights, and other English in the land of 
Ireland, greeting ; whereas, we have been humbly suppli- 
cated by the Irish of said land, that we would vouchsafe 
to grant them of our grace, that they might use, and enjoy 
the same common laws and customs within the land, 
which the English there do use and enjoy : Now we, not 
thinking it expedient to make such grant, without your 
knowledge and consent, do command you, that upon 

A second 
petition to 
the same 
effect again 



certain days about the festival of the nativity of the century 
blessed Virgin, and in some convenient place, you hold 
diligent inquiry amongst yourselves, whether or not, we 
can make such grant without your loss, and the prejudice 
of your liberties, and customs, and of all other circum- 
stances touching such grant aforesaid ; and that, before 
the next meeting of our parliament, to be held at West- 
minster, you distinctly, and fully, under the seal of our 
lord justice of Ireland, do advise our council what you 
shall determine in this matter ; and you shall not be 
moved to omit this by reason of the absence of those peers, 
who may be detained away, or of those who are under 
age, or in a state of wardship ; so that after full delibera- 
tion, we may take such course in this behalf, as to us, and 
our council, shall seem expedient. - ' 

Given at Westminster ; Sept. 10th, 1280. 

Here was offered to the Church, one of those invaluable 
opportunities of repentance, by which the benignant 
wisdom of providence will sometimes extract blessings 
from the greatest transgressions. The king had declared 
in his first letter, that he would be guided by the opinion 
of his prelates and nobles ; and in his second, that not- 
withstanding the inevitable absence of most of the latter, 
the assembling of the council should by no means be 
deferred ; thus the ecclesiastical members, bishops, abbots, 
and priors, would have easily commanded a very decisive 
majority.* Ireland was therefore once more at the mercy 
of its prelates ; they might now, by a vote, have almost 
atoned for the original baseness of their predecessors, and 

* It would seem, that in those days, the spiritual lords outnum- 
bered the whole body of the lay peers. 



century arrested the bloody progress of centuries of desolation. 
But the law of England was even then too favourable to 
liberty, not to be viewed with alarm by men who aimed 
at despotic power. On the other hand, they wished for a 
continuance of the inequality between the races of English 
and Irishmen, because in fact, it was only a gradation of 
servitude, and kept the ascendancy of the Church "upon a 
higher footing. . On the other, they could not tolerate a 
measure which, by diffusing through all classes a spirit of 
spontaneous attachment to the state, might diminish their 
own political importance. There was to be no loyalty of 
which they were not the mediators. And while.'overt acts 
of rebellion were occasionally restrained, a spirit was to 
be kept alive, which would render their constant inter- 
ference indispensable. It cannot be ascertained from any 
authentic record, whether this council ever y met. One 
thing only is certain, that the bishops ^defeated the 'good 
intentions of the king, and closed their ears to the groans 
of their countrymen.* It deserves to be added, that 

* A facetious writer of our times gives the following account of 
this nefarious transaction, ' In the reign of Edward the first, that 
part of the native population which came in immediate contact with 
the English settlements, and which it was, therefore, a matter of 
the utmost importance to conciliate, petitioned the King to adopt 
them, as his subjects, and to admit them under the shelter of the 
English law. They even tried the experiment of bribing the throne 
into justice. But, though the King was well inclined to accede to 
their request, and even ordered that a convention should be summoned 
to take this petition into consideration, luckily for the lovers of dis- 
cord and misrule, his wise and benevolent intentions were not allowed 
to take effect. The proud barons to whom he had entrusted the 
government of Ireland, (or in other words, the Orange Ascendancy of 
that day) could not so easily surrender their privilege of oppression ; 
but preferring victims to subjects, resolved to keep the Irish as they 


about fifty. years after, these Irish, outcasts petitioned century 

again for naturalization on their native soil, and that their 

application was evaded by nearly the same devices. 

were. Edward was assured, that an immediate compliance with 
his commands was impossible in the present state of things ; that 
the kingdom was in too great ferment and commotion, &c. &c. ; 
6 and snch pretences,' adds Leland, ' were sufficient, where the aris- 
tocratic faction was so powerful ; ' — read ' Orange faction' here, and 
you have the wisdom of our rulers, at the end of near six centuries, 
in statu quo.'' — (Memoirs of Captain Rock, pp. 20, 23.) 

This ingenious gentleman has accidentally lightened the imputa- 
tion upon the bishops, by entirely overlooking the king's second 
letter. It remains however, unquestionable, that the 'Orange fac- 
tion' in those early days, ' the lovers of discord and misrule, who 
preferred victims to subjects,' were no other than the papal 'Bishops, 
Abbots, and Priors.' One serious and important truth, has however 
escaped from this pleasant writer, ' that the causes which lie at the 
root of Irish turbulence, are political not religious.' While the 
Roman Catholic hierarchy were in, they led the ascendancy faction, 
or, as he chuses to call them, Orangemen ; now that they are out, 
they lead the professors of patriotism : their circumstances are 
changed, not their temper or policy. 

In the latter character, we find, in our day, Bishop Higgins, ex- 
claiming, ' To no aristocrat on the earth do I owe any thing, save 
the unbounded contempt that I have for the whole class,' — (speech at 
Mullingar in 1843.) 










century A century and a half had now passed away without the 

realization of those ambitious hopes, which had allured 

the sanguine perfidy of St. Lawrence O'Toole, and his 
contemporaries. These hopes had been transmitted in 
regular descent, and with increasing bitterness of disap- 
pointment to every new succession of the Irish clergy, and 
a slight which they might have anticipated, but for which 
it does not appear that they were at all prepared, was 
gradually kindling a spirit of seditious discontent. 

The courts of Rome and England, justly suspicious of 
men who, however useful as instruments for acquiring 
dominion* had shewn that they could not be trusted with 
its preservation, had from the beginning, concurred in a 
plan for weakening the Irish ecclesiastical interests ; a few of 


the most important sees, of the richest abbacies, and pro- century 

bably of the inferior dignities, in the church, being always — — — 
filled by Englishmen. Fifteen years after the landing of 
the English governor, the jealousies occasioned by this 

•iii- • i i <• t\ i Y- • Jealousies 

questionable policy burst out in the synod of Dublin, into occasioned. 
mutual invectives, and as the cause of these jealousies was 
never removed, time only strengthened the animosity of 
the Irish.* 

In the year 1250, the native prelates agreed to a regu- 

* This ' questionable policy,' has been carried to a far greater 
extent since the Reformation, than was ever contemplated before it. 
The number of Englishmen, who have been sent over to Ireland, as 
bishops, at different periods, is prodigious ; but I know not of any 
Irishman having been ever made an English bishop ; nor is there a 
single instance of an Irish clergyman being appointed to any of the nu- 
merous colonialbishoprics or their dependant dignities ; and amongst 
the Queen's chaplains, there is not one member of the University of 
Dublin. This of course, as Hallam remarks, has disgusted both the 
Irish church and people. 

Primate Boulter's plan for governing Ireland was a continuation, 
to a greater extent than ever, of the mischievous policy pursued, in 
Romish times ; ' Send over,' says the sapient bishop, ' send over as 
many English-born bishops as possible.' c The bishops,' he con- 
tinues, ' are the persons on whom the government must depend 
for doing the public business,' (vol. i. p. 283.) This quotation from 
the Archbishop's letters, may in some measure point out the nature 
of the work intended to be done by these bishops, as well as the 
melancholy state of the church in those days. 

The late Mr. Perceval, at one period of his political life, was 
anxious to appoint the late Archbishop of Dublin, Dr. Magee, to an 
English bishoprick, wisely judging, that the author of the work on 
the Atonement, might be more useful in England, where the Soci- 
nians are so numerous, than in Ireland, where they are so few. The 
outcry, however, raised against the measure, was so loud and vehe- 
ment, particularly among the English clergy, that the Premier was 
reluctantly compelled to give up the idea. 

These clergymen, I suppose, were not aware that Saxon England 

L 2 


century lation, that no clerk of the English nation, should be 


received into a canonicate in any of their churches. The 

royal authority was exerted in vain to change this bold 
resolve, and some time had elapsed before the united in- 

was converted to the faith of Christ principally through the instru- 
mentality of Irish Missionaries and that the first bishops of many 
of the English Sees, were Irishmen ; and this was so general in the 
seventh century, that there could not be found in England three 
Romish bishops to consecrate Wilfred, Archbishop of York ; all 
being of Irish consecration. In consequence of this, he went over 
to the continent, where Romish bishops might be had, that (as 
William of Malmesbury saith), c no drop of the blood of Irish church- 
men, might by any possibility flow in his ecclesiastical veins.' 'It 
is surprisingly strange, (says Rapin), that the conversion of the 
English should be ascribed to Augustin, rather than to Aiden, Finan, 
Fursa, and other Irish Monks, who undoubtedly laboured more than 
he,' and the only return we ever received for the inestimable bless- 
ing of divine truth, was the forcible intrusion of Romanism upon 
us, at the point of the Norman lance. 

It has been frequently and justly remarked, that when the govern- 
ment of England was conducted on the principles of divine truth, 
the country was happy and prosperous, and when the opposite sys- 
tem was pursued, discontent at home, and discomfiture abroad, 
followed in its course. We have a striking instance of the truth of 
this observation, in the case of that truly great man, the late Mr. 
Perceval. When he came into power, the country was in the lowest 
state of depression and defeat, but no sooner were his measures 
brought into operation, than the tide of affairs changed, and public 
confidence at home, and victory abroad, followed generally the march 
of the British arms, till the conclusion of the war, on the ever- 
memorable field of Waterloo. 

In Ireland, Mr. Perceval's administration was peculiarly blessed 
in giving vigour and energy to all the institutions of the land ; and 
had he been spared to his country, or had his measures been faith- 
fully followed up, after his death, by his successors ; Ireland would 
in all human probability, be in a far different condition from what 
it now is, her Protestant institutions all broken up, the entire 


fluence of the crown and the tiara could extort a sullen re- century 

tractation. But although the vexation of the Irish eccle- 

siastics flamed out thus, from time to time, the many ad- 
vantages they had obtained, and the continued want of 

population discontented, and the country itself on the verge of a 

A speech delivered by Mr. Perceval in 1805, has been lately pub- 
lished by his son Dudley Perceval, Esq., from the following extract, 
of which we may perceive the astonishing foresight exhibited, when 
speaking of the consequences, that would inevitably result from grant- 
ing what was then called Catholic emancipation. ' As to this present 
measure giving content, Sir, what hope does past experience hold out 
to us of its producing any such effect ? Has the system of relaxation 
and indulgence, which has been acted on of late years, been productive 
of any such consequence ? Has it tended, in proportion to the ex- 
tent which it has been acted upon, to tranquillize the minds of the 
people of Ireland ? The contrary is notoriously the case. There has 
been far more of disturbance since, than for many years before. 
e Yes,' it will be said, 'that may be true, but that is not to be attri- 
buted to the new system of relaxation, but to the remains of the 
old system of restraint. You have never tried it effectually. Follow 
up your principle as far as it will carry you, and then, you will see, 
it will no longer fail of its effect.' Agreed, Sir, for this comes round 
to my own opinion. For what is l effectually 1 ' The system has been 
tried to the extent of the demand, or request of the time ; but no 
sooner was that gained and secured, than new demands have arisen : 
and so they will soon arise again, until every distinction between 
the Popish and the Protestant religions is done away. This measure 
once granted, will only be a stepping-stone to still farther advances ; 
will only be a stimulus to still farther concessions. High places 
will re-inspire high thoughts ; and possession will be so far from 
abating and allaying the craving appetite, that it will but inflame it ; 
that appetite can never be satisfied till everything it can covet is 
obtained. And, Sir, in that everything — I say with confidence — is 
included Roman Catholic establishment ; ay ! and not establishment 
alone, but ascendancy ; the permanent establishment of the Roman 
Catholic religion upon the ruins of the United Church in Ireland, 


century English protection to shelter them from the vengeance of 

— their betrayed countrymen, combined to teach them the 

necessity of dissimulation. Trusting to time, and their 
skill in intrigue, for the final accomplishment of their 
designs, they continued to assist against the common 
enemy with their counsels, their anathemas, and when in- 
duced by sufficient remittances from the exchequer, with 
their military talents. 
a.d. i3i3. Roland Jorse, archbishop of Armagh, arriving at Howth, 

the day after the Annunciation, arose in the night-time, 
and by stealth erected his cross and carried it as far as the 
priory of Grace Dieu, within the province of Dublin, 
where some of the archbishop's family met him, and beat- 

And nothing short of that will, or can, satisfy this Roman Catholic 
disaffection we are to conciliate : if even that will.'' 

In a note affixed to this passage, by Mr. Dudley Perceval, there 
is an extract from a letter of Lord Redesdale to the Right Hon. 
Spencer Perceval, in 1804, in which the following passage occurs, — 
' Mr. Parnell's pamphlet, to which I referred you, I think, however 
mischievously designed, so far useful, as in the language of certain 
persons, it lets the cat out of the bag. It states most truly, that hatred 
to the English, as conquerors, is the true source of the disturbances 
of Ireland ; that the landed property of the Protestants is the prin- 
cipal object with the mass of the people ; and that the question of 
Catholic emancipation, considered as a question of religious tole- 
rance, as necessary from tenderness to the consciences of men, is a 
mere farce. That those who are the leaders, aim at the repeal of the 
legislative union of Great Britain and Ireland, a separate legislature 
for Ireland, a new municipal government founded on the system of 
the first French revolution, an independent Irish Nation, and a 
nominal King.' This remarkable prognostic, the repealers of 1843, 
seem to have taken much pains to fulfil to the very letter ; and it is 
well worthy of notice, that O'Connell has often bragged, that the 
moment he had carried ' emancipation,' he began the agitation for 
' repeal.' 


ing down his cross, drove him in confusion out of Leinster. century 


It was a mark of an archbishop's dignity, to bear his cross 
erect in his own province ; and a disgraceful contest existed 
for many years, between many successive archbishops of 
Armagh and Dublin, as to the right claimed by each, of 
exhibiting this symbol of authority in the province of the 
other. This unworthy dispute was carried on with such 
fierceness, that on eleven different occasions, in the course 
of twenty years, between 1429 and 1449, successive 
archbishops of Armagh having been summoned to appear 
at parliaments holden in the province of Leinster, made 
returns to the writs of summons, that they could not per- 
sonally attend in consequence of this quarrel.* 

At length, in the reign of Edward the second, the in- a.d. 1315. 

* 'While the land was depopulated, and oppressed by every 
species of outrage, the parliaments were thought worthily employed 
in hearing a ridiculous contest for precedence, between the prelates 
of Armagh and Dublin, and deliberating whether a bishop should 
have his crosier borne erect, or depressed, in some particular districts ; 
a point of such serious moment, as could not be contested by the 
parties without violence and bloodshed ; and in which the King 
of England himself was obliged to moderate.' — (Leland, vol. i. p. 

Dr. Leland appears not to have been aware of the true nature of 
the dispute in question. The point at issue was, who should be the 
head of the church in Ireland, and in this question was involved, 
the contest, continually carried on, during the period of the ascen- 
dancy of Romanism in Ireland, between the ancient Irish, and the 
modern anglo-popish church The Archbishop of Armagh, was the 
Primate of the primitive church ; the Archbishop of Dublin, the 
primate of the intrusive Romish Church. 

The question was finally settled in the following manner. The 
Archbishop of Dublin was still to retain the title claimed, of ' Pri- 
mate of Ireland,' the Archbishop of Armagh, that of ' Primate of 
all Ireland.' 




Edward II. 

vasion, and partial success of Edward Bruce, revived the 
ancient spirit of the bishops ; and their smothered rage 
exploded in the design of a new revolution. Those evils 
which the prelates of the last reign would not allow their 
monarch to remedy, were now converted into arguments 
against the government of his successor, and church 
policy shewed the versatility of its genius by re-assuming 
the mask of patriotism. With the usual bad faith of 
pampered mercenaries, a multitude of ecclesiastics, both 
prelates and inferior clergy, revolted to the insurgent 

They denounced the English, as enemies to the church, 
and oppressors of the nation ; they exhorted the populace 
Bruce, King to flock to the banner of Bruce, a prince, they said, of the 
ancient line of Milesian monarchs, and the chosen instru- 
ment of the common deliverance ; and with that vain- 
glorious impatience of prosperity, which has always frus- 
trated their most promising attempts, formally crowned 
the adventurer King of Ireland.* 

* ' The denouncing ' of the English in our day, shews the great 
improvement that has taken place in the country, in this respect, 
during the last five or six centuries ; the following extracts are taken 
from Mr. Dudley Perceval's Notes on his father's Speech, — ' The same 
feelings which animated the English Nation in all ages, and under 
; all circumstances, towards this country, continues to the present in 
its darkest and most forbidding aspect. Its hatred has never been 
extinguished, nor its insolent superiority over our people lessened in 
the slightest degree. To hate Ireland and the Irish, is as natural to 
a Saxon, as to wallow in the most disgusting and barbarous vices — 
to revile his maker, or indulge his brutal passions, whenever an 
opportunity presented itself. 

1 This is England in the midst of the nineteenth century ! Eng- 
land with a weight of guilt and infamy upon her, utterly inconceiv- 
able. England, the foul and foetid pool into which all the abomina- 
tions of the human heart disgorge themselves ; and yet this is the 


When the rebel priesthood had taken this irrevocable century 

it i i r l • 12—16. 

step, they began to awake to the temerity or their enter- 

prise, and made a desperate effort to divert the approach- 
ing storm of papal and royal vengeance, from their own 
heads, upon those of the chieftains with whom they had 
united ; whom perhaps they had seduced. The experience 
of our own times prepares us to find these early ecclesiastics 
putting forward laymen as the ostensible agitators ; and 
while they touch with their own hands the latent springs 
of sedition, slipping aside from responsibility, and relin- 
quishing to their confederates all dangerous posts of honor. 
The stratagem now practised was somewhat of this 
nature; but more clumsy and ineffectual, it must be con- 
fessed, than if its movements had been guided by the prac- 
tised duplicity of modern tacticians. A memorial was 
dispatched to Rome, the work of ecclesiastics, but en- 
titled ' The complaint of the nobles of Ireland to Pope 
John the twenty-second/ It described in interesting, 
though unpolished language, the tyranny of the English 
over the Church and the people ; it showed how these 
oppressions had driven the laity to arms, and the clergy, 
to — the feeble virtue of passive obedience. This extraor- 
dinary document begins with political grievances, and 
then proceeds in the following terms, to expatiate on the 
wrongs of the Church : — 

land which insists on holding the destinies of this country in her 
keeping for centuries to come. Are we to be dragged along at the 
footstool of such a tyrant — as the slaves of such a beastly, brutal 
population, plunged as they are in a whirlpool of abomination, and 
tainted in every state of life, and in every grade, with the most 
revolting and shameless immoralities, who do not dissemble their 
abandonment of, and contempt for the most sacred ties.' — Extracts- 
from a Repeal newspaper as quoted by Mr. Dudley Perceval. 



century ' Let this brief account suffice, of the origin of our 
ancestors, and the miserable state in which Pope Adrian 
has placed us. It remains that we remind you, most 
holy Father, that Henry, King of England, to whom in 
the manner above mentioned, an induct was granted for 
entering Ireland, and also the four kings his successors, 
have broken the conditions which the pontiff's bull imposed 
on them. For the aforesaid Henry promised, that he 
would extend the borders of the Church in Ireland, and 
maintain its rights inviolate ; that he would eradicate 
vice and plant virtue, and that he would pay to St. Peter 
a yearly tax of a penny for every house. All these pro- 
mises have been wilfully, and of set purpose broken, by 
the kings, their ministers, and the governors of Ireland. 
For in the first place, so far are they from extending the 
demesnes of the Church, that they have invaded, and 
usurped its former possessions, and despoiled some cathe- 
drals of half their lands. Equal disregard has been 
shown for ecclesiastical liberty ; our bishops and other dig- 
nitaries being cited, arrested, and even imprisoned by the 
officers of the King of England. But so broken is their 
spirit by the bitterness of the oppression which they 
endure, that they fear even to lay their grievances before 
your holiness ; and since they are so basely silent, they do 
not deserve that we should say any thing in their favour.' 
It appears from the concluding sentence of this passage, 
that the prelates now wished to disclaim all participation in 
the rebellion, or in the remonstrance; but in the first 
particular, the voice of history proclaims the falsehood of 
the denial, and in the second, the entire structure of the 
complaint exposes its inconsistency. The technical chro- 
nology of the Irish monasteries, and the technical lan- 
guage of papal bulls and canons, attest the professional 


attainments of the authors of this piece ; while the century 

i • i -i * • • • • 12—16. 

pathetic detail of ecclesiastical grievances, treaties violated, 

lands usurped, and privileges invaded, is a decisive 
evidence of their professional spirit. Had the insurgent 
nobles been indeed the framers of a memorial to the 
pontiff, it is highly probable they would have expressed 
far other sentiments than those of compassion, for the 
bishops of their recreant church. 

Originally betrayed, and during a long lapse of a hundred 
and fifty years, incessantly worried by their hireling shep- 
herds, it were unfair to impute to these fiery chieftains, either 
so much weakness, as to feel, or so much hypocrisy as to 
express, any very deep sympathy in episcopal discontents ; 
and this weakness or hypocrisy would be utterly unac- 
countable, could we suppose, as the complaint does, — that 
the bishops had not conspired with them in their present 
enterprise. Had such been the case, when they pleaded 
f the miserable state in which pope Adrian had placed 
them/ they would not have been in a mood to forget, or 
to forgive, the share which the hierarchy had in the guilt 
of the partition-treaty, and which it hoped to have in its 
iniquitous profits. The reason of the unfortunate lords 
would have united with their passions in charging upon 
the prelates all those sufferings, and indignities, by the 
maddening sense of which, they had been goaded into 
their hopeless insurrection. 

Bruce's career having terminated at the decisive battle a.d. 1322. 
of Dundalk, the pontiff issued an edict, whether as 
supreme Lord of Ireland, or in his spiritual capacity as 
Head of the Church, it is not easy to determine, — granting 
to Edward a subsidy of a tenth of the revenues of his 
Anglo-Irish subjects for two years. The laity submissively 
obeyed the mandate, paying the required contributions ; 

Leland i. 282. 

Alice Ketler 
charged with 


century but the clergy, with the thunder of St. Peter still ringing 

in their ears, proved refractory. They demanded a sight 

of the original bull ; and as for some reason, which history 
has not recorded, this could not or would not be allowed 
them, they persisted in their refusal, and eluded the tax. 
Such were the subdued and spirit-broken priests who 
dared not lift a voice against the oppressors of their 
order ! 

a.d. 1324. About the same time there occurred an incident of a 
different character from any of the preceding, but equally 
illustrative of that daring spirit, with which the prelates 
tried their power upon the highest orders in the state. 
The Bishop of Ossory summoned dame Alice Ketler, a 
woman of some rank, with her family and dependents, 
before his spiritual court, to answer to a charge of witch- 
craft. She was accused of going through Kilkenny every 
evening between complin and curfew, sweeping the refuse 
of the streets towards her son's door, and muttering this 
incantation as she went, 

To the house of William my son, 
Lie all the wealth of Kilkenny town. 

It was also said that she made assignations, near a certain 
cross-road, with an evil spirit, whose name the Bishop 
discovered to be Robin Artysson ; and that on these occa- 
sions she feasted her paramour upon nine red cocks, and 
some unknown number of peacocks' eyes. The last allega- 
tion against her was, that various implements of sorcery 
had been found in her house, particularly a sacramental 
wafer having the name of the devil imprinted on it, and a 
staff upon which, when duly oiled for an expedition, she 
and her accomplices were accustomed to ride all the world 
over. Such things would be ridiculous, were they not 
made a pretext for atrocities at which nature shudders. 


One of her domestics was condemned and executed ; her century 

son thrown into prison ; the lady herself, happening to 

escape on the charge of witchcraft, was put to trial a 
second time, upon an accusation of heresy, found guilty, 
and sentenced to the flames ; and Adam Duff, a gentleman 
of considerable family in Leinster, was seized at the same 
time, and burned as a heretic. The lord Arnold de la _. T , 

'■ The Lord 

Poer, seneschal of the palatinate to which Kilkenny then LordSe*!!? 
belonged, having interested himself in favour of these ^edin the 
unhappy persons, was involved by the bishop in the same same char s e - 
accusation ; and upon his appealing to the Lord Deputy, 
the undaunted prelate extended his charge to that personage 

The head of the civil government was now formally 
arraigned of heresy before the bishops ; and the business 
of the state, not of the executive department only ; but of 
the law courts, (for the Lieutenancy was at this time filled 
by the Chancellor,) was interrupted, until the majesty of 
the Church should announce its awful decision. The 
investigation was long and solemn ; the lord justice made 
it appear, that his accuser was actuated by personal 
resentment against de la Poer ; and that as to himself, he 
had given no other ground of suspicion, than his inter- 
ference on behalf of an injured man ; he was acquitted 
and pronounced a true son of the Church ; and sacrificing 
the vanity of station to a natural impulse of joy, he cele- 
brated his narrow escape, with an entertainment open to 
all who chose to be his guests. 

But in the mean time, the unfortunate nobleman, who The conse- 
had besought his protection, experienced the bitterness of suiting 8 from 
episcopal vengeance. It was the law in those days, that 
when a bishop gave a certificate, under his sign manual, of 
the excommunication of a layman, the civil authorities 




Cox, p. 108. 
Camden, p. 
Leland i. 284. 

were obliged to act upon it, the writ de excommunicato 
capiendo was issued in the king's name, and the offender 
seized and thrown into prison. 

This had been done in the case of de la Poer; the 
king's lieutenant was satisfied of the man's innocence, yet 
he could not withhold the writ for his apprehension ; and 
instead of affording effectual assistance, was himself in the 
same danger. While the powerless patron was engaged 
in his own defence, the client had perished in a dungeon ; 
and as he died unabsolved, the persecution was extended 
to his remains ; the bishop, inaccessible to the weakness 
of humanity, condemned the body to exposure until the 
progress of decay had rendered interment indispensable. 
Much was still to be done and suffered before the zeal of 
the prelate could be appeased. Disappointed in his hope 
of burning the Lord-Deputy, he resolved to degrade him 
into an instrument of his vengeance upon others ; he 
represented the case at the court of Rome in such terms, 
as best accorded with his malice or fanaticism ; and a papal 
brief was despatched to the king, desiring that he would 
issue an order to his chief governor, and other officers of 
state in Ireland, to assist the Bishop of Ossory, and his 
brother prelates in the extirpation of heresy.* 

* A.D. 1326. Punishment of Heretics by corporal tortures was used 
in Ireland at this time. Adam Duff, an Irishman, was burned in Col- 
lege Green, Dublin ; being accused of denying many scripture truths, 
the incarnation, the resurrection, &c, and about the year 1353, two 
other Irishmen were convicted of heresy, and burned by order of the 
bishop of Waterford. The Archbishop of Cashel, enraged at the 
bishop of Waterford, for inflicting the aforesaid punishment without 
his license, assaulted him, (the bishop) towards midnight in 
his lodgings, grievously wounded him, and robbed him of his 

A.D. 1369. The bishop of Limerick, being summoned to appear be- 


King Edward the third,' says Spencer, ' being greatly century 


A.D. 1346 

A vote for a 

crossed and bearded by the lords of the clergy in Ireland ; 

they being there, by reason of the lords abbots and others, view oFthe 

n i • i n i • n t i i i State of Ire ' 

too many for him, so that for their frowardness he could land, P . 2ie. 
not order and reform things as he desired, was advised to 

° ' The Upper 

direct out his writs to certain gentlemen of the best House of 

. . Parliament. 

abilities and trust, entitling them therein barons to sit 
and serve as barons in the next parliament, by which 
means he had so many barons in paliament, that he was 
able to weigh down the clergy and their friends.' 

Thus reinforced, the king obtained a vote for a subsidy, 
which was to be levied on church lands, as well as those 
of the laity ; but the prelates, though defeated within the subsid y- 
house, resolved to renew the contest outside. The 
Archbishop of Cashel, supported by his suffragans of 
Limerick, Emly and Lismore, published an edict, that all 

fore the Archbishop of Cashel, to answer certain charges against him, 
attacked him with much violence, drew his blood, and compelled 
him to fly from Limerick. He also entered the city in his robes of 
state, and excommunicated by bell, book, and candle, all who had 
supplied the Archbishop with food and entertainment, and after- 
wards, when the Archbishop was to preach a customary sermon in 
Limerick, the bishop forbade any one to attend on pain of excom- 
munication, and excommunieated by name, those who were present 
at the sermon. 

A.D. 1442. John Preuce, Archbishop of Armagh, having a dispute 
with the Dean and Chapter of Raphoe, about the profits of the bishop- 
rick of Raphoe, excommunicated the Dean and Chapter, and granted 
forty days indulgence to all who should fall upon their persons, and 
seize and dissipate their substance. 

A.D. 1525. In this year, a bishop of Leighlin was murdered by his 
Archdeacon, because he had rebuked him for his insolence, obsti- 
nacy, and other crimes, and threatened him with further correction. 

These were a few of the scandalous enormities, which disgraced 
the church of Rome in the ages alluded to. 


century beneficed priests who presumed to pay their allotted por- 

— - tion of the subsidy, should be deprived of their livings, 

resist the and declared incapable of future preferment ; and that for 
the like offence, the vassals of the Church should be ex- 
communicated, and their descendants to the third genera- 
tion excluded from holy orders. 

Not satisfied with this severity, the Archbishop pro- 
ceeded to the county-town, in the habit of his order, and 
with the attendance suited to the most solemn exercise of 
his functions ; and there publicly pronounced an excom- 
munication upon the king's commissioner of revenue, and 
upon all others who should procure, pay, or in any other 
manner contribute to, the levying of the subsidy from 
lands, or persons belonging to the Church. Informations 
were exhibited against the prelates for those outrages. 
They pleaded magna charta,* by which, they said, it was 
provided, that the Church should be free ; or, as they 
endeavoured to explain the phrase, that should be exempt 
from the laws and imposts of the civil power, and that all 
who violated this immunity should be punished with ex- 

* The champions of the present Roman Catholic hierarchy are 
fond of referring to Magna Charta, as a proof that the order is not 
inimical to liberty. It would be well if, in the interval of what may 
almost be called their professional labours, they examined that cele- 
brated compact ; they would then learn, that it gives to the clergy 
enormous power ; to the barons and knights, a monopoly of those privi- 
leges which the modesty of the church declined, and to the mass of the 
people, nothing. The only article in the great charter, which notices 
the serfs, or villacus of the soil, at that time the most numerous body 
of men in England, has an obvious reference to the interests of their 
masters. A serf could not forfeit his plough, cart, or other imple- 
ments of husbandry ; because if deprived of these, he could no 
longer minister to the barbarous plenty of the lord, to whose estate 
he belonged.— (See Hume, ii. 88.) 


communication. Their plea being rejected, and the cause century 

given against them, these froward lords refused to appear 

in arrest of judgment, and the timidity of government 
suffered the controversy to die away. Thus the Church 
triumphed in its very defeats ; and one of the greatest of 
the English monarchs, a conqueror, who had routed the 
warlike clans of Scotland and dispersed the chivalry and 
fleets of France, was ' crossed and bearded/ without 
resistance or redress, by the ecclesiastics of Ireland. 







DRAL of Christ's church, Dublin — the bishops alarmed 




century There were two methods, each having its own recom- 


mendation, by which all the inhabitants of Ireland might 
have been made to coalesce into one people. The ancient 
race might have been compensated for much actual suffer- 
ing, and for the wound inflicted upon their honest national 
pride, by admittance to the superior comforts and privi- 
leges of Englishmen ; or on the other hand, the colonists 
might have been allowed to blend with the great mass of 
their new neighbours, and to adopt the land in which 
fortune had placed them, as their own country. The 
first would have been the more acceptable to the multi- 
tude ; the second, the more conciliatory to the nobles. A 
policy judiciously attempered of both, might have moulded 
the social state of Ireland into something better perhaps, 
than any which now exists in either Island. But un- 



happily the course pursued, only added new stimulants to century 

that mutual antipathy, with which their relative circum- 

stances had inspired the races ; so that an increase of evil 
could hardly be effected in after ages, even by religious 

It has been already seen, that the first of these modes 
of re-union, had been prevented by the bishops of one 
generation. The second was now opposed by those of 
another, and with the same fatal success. At this crisis, 
the representative of the De Burgh family, William 
Burke, Earl of Ulster, and Lord of Connaught, one of 
the most potent of those descended from the original 
invaders, was murdered by his English attendants in 
Ulster, leaving an only daughter to inherit his vast estates. 
This lady married Lionel, Duke of Clarence, second son 
of Edward the Third, but brought him no other dowry 
than her charms, for the next male heirs of the deceased 
Earl seized upon his extensive territories in Connaught, 
and divided, or gavelled them amongst themselves, accord- 
ing to the principles of Irish law. They adopted the 
laws, language, and manners of the Irish, set the English 
government at defiance, and transmitted the estates to 
their posterity. 

Lionel, Duke of Clarence, came twice to Ireland, as a.d. 1367. 
Lord Lieutenant, in the vain hope of recovering his lady's 
rich inheritance. But his efforts proving fruitless, he in 
1367 (no doubt smarting under his loss) convened a 
parliament at Kilkenny, where several laws for restraining 
the degeneracy of the English settlers were passed, which, 
as they formed together a system of government, are com- 
monly called the statute of Kilkenny. 2? kullnny. 

We shall now proceed to examine some of the provi- 
sions of this celebrated code, which has been not unjustly 

m 2 



century described e as a declaration of perpetual war against the 

" native Irish, and all the English settlers, who indentified 

themselves with the Irish ; and also to show, that the bane- 
ful results of this impolitic measure continue to be felt, 
even at the present day. 

e The preamble sets forth, that the English settlers at 
the conquest, and for a long time after, conformed to 
English laws, and usages, " in which time God and holy 
Church and their franchises, according to their condition, 
were maintained." But that now many English of said 
land, forsaking the English language, manners, mode of 
riding,* laws and usages, live and govern themselves, 
according to the manners, fashion, and language of the 
Irish enemies, and also have made divers marriages and 
alliances, between themselves and the Irish enemies afore- 
said, whereby all due order and allegiance had been 

In order to explain the introduction of * God and holy 
Church ' into this preamble, it is necessary to bear in 
mind, that the claim of the English monarch to reign over 
Ireland, rested on the grant made by Pope Adrian to 
Henry the Second. The religious excuse for the ensuing 
enactment, is again repeated in the preamble, it being 
declared, that the statute was designed e to the honor of 

* It is rather amusing to find the English of the pale commanded 
to use saddles, under pain of forfeiting their horses, and payment of 
a fine, at the King's discretion. The Irish did not use saddles, and 
the English settlers seem to have taken a strange fancy to the fashion 
of riding bare-hacked ; — so late as the reign of Henry VIII. a.d. 1534, 
it was enjoined, 'that every gentylman of the Ingylshire, which 
may dispend twenty pounds by the year, shall ryde in a saddell, and 
weare Ingylshe apparel.' This was deemed of more importance 
than English common law ; for the abolition of the Brehon law is 
far less emphatically expressed, than the injunction to use saddles. 


God, and his glorious mother, and of holy Church/ and in century 

the very first clause enjoins that the civil power shall give 

due effect to sentences of excommunication, pronounced 
by the ecclesiastical authorities. Indeed in all the statutes 
under the Plantagenets, we find provision made for the 
maintenance of the authority of the Romish Church in 
Ireland, because it was from the Church that the State 
derived its authority, and by the aid of its clergy alone, 
the government as then constituted, foolishly hoped to 
reconcile the Irish to British rule. 

' It was decreed by this statute " that no alliance of 
marriage, gossipred,* fosteringf of children, concubinage, 
or by amour, nor in any other manner, be henceforth 
made between the English and Irish, of one part or of 
the other part, and that no Englishman, nor other person, 
do give or sell to any Irishman, in time of peace, or 
horses or armour, nor any manner of victuals in time of 
war, and if any shall do to the contrary, and thereof be 
attainted, he shall have judgment of life and member as a 
traitor to our lord the king/J 

* Gossipred, was one of the strongest ties of friendship between 
Irish families, in former days. Instances are not rare of godfathers 
and godmothers, receiving as much of affection and obedience as 
parents, and on the other hand sponsors rarely neglect their obliga- 
tion of watching over the child, for whom they have answered at 

+ Fostering, was a still more sacred tie. Instances have been 
known, where the nurse and her husband preferred the interest of 
the foster-child, to the lives of their own offspring ; and still more 
frequently have the children of the nurse, devoted themselves to the 
service of their foster-brother ; not hesitating at the commission of 
crime, for his interest or gratification. 

* Mr. O'Connell's edition of the statute is as follows : — ' During 
that period, the English were prohibited from inter-marrying with 


CE i2— Ye RY ^-gain, f If any man of English race, should use the 

Irish dress,* or language, or take an Irish name, or 

observe any rule or custom of the Irish, he was to forfeit 
lands and tenements, until he had given in the court of 
chancery, that he would conform in every particular to 
the English manners/ 

the Irish ; from having their children nursed by the wives of cap- 
tains, Chiefs, or Lords ; and what is still more strange, the English 
were also prohibited from sending goods, wares, or merchandize for 
sale, or selling them upon credit, or for ready money to the Irish.' — 
(O'ConnelPs Memoir on Ireland, Native and Saxon, p. 20.) 

The first of these prohibitions is in force in the territories of the 
pope at this very day, and why not in his kingdom of Ireland in 
the fourteenth century. No Roman Catholic can marry a heretic, 
unless he or she previously conform to the Church of Rome : and 
with respect to the second prohibition, I am not at all surprised that 
' Irish Chiefs or Lords,' should be prevented from degrading them- 
selves, by allowing their Ladies to act as wet-nurses to the children 
of the Sassenaugh or Saxons. How a man ' of Milesian descent, 
chieftains of the O'Connell clans in Iveragh and Clare,' (Sketch of 
D. O'Connell at the end of his Memoir), could complain of such a 
prohibition, astonishes me truly. 

The prohibition respecting goods, wares, &c, here mentioned, 
Mr. Hallam, assures us, referred solely to horses and armour, or 
any manner of victuals in time of war. 

* English apparel was enjoined as well as the English language ; 
and so important did this enactment appear, that we find it repeated 
in 1447, under the Lord Lieutenantcy of the Earl of Shrewsbury, 
' As there is no diversity of habit, between the English marchers, 
and the Irish enemies, by colour of which, the Irish enemies come 
into the English counties, as English marchers, and rob and pillage 
on the high- way, and destroy the common people, by lodging on 
them by nights, and slay the husbandmen, and take their goods to 
the Irish : It is enacted, that he that will be taken for an English- 
man, shall not use the beard upon his upper lip alone, and that the 
said lip, shall be once shaven at least in every two weeks, the 
offender to be treated as an Irish enemy.' 


Further, ( It was made highly penal, to present a mere century 

Irishman* to an ecclesiastical benefice, or receive him — 

into a monastery, or other religious house ; to entertain an 
Irish bard, minstrel, or storyteller, or to admit an Irish 
horse to graze on the pasture of an Englishman.'' f 

* That is, not simply an Irish man "by birth and descent, for a 
vast majority of the established clergy were of that description, but 
one who had not purchased a charter of denization, and conformed 
to the English usages, civil and religious. The mere Irish were the 
members of the Irish church, and treated by the Romanists, as 
heretics of the worst character. 

t We find from the depositions of the Protestants, relating to the 
conduct of the rebels, in the massacre of 1641, how they retorted on 
the English cattle and language, after their own fashion, for the 
passing of this act by the Romish Aristocracy, lay and ecclesias- 
tical, nearly three hundred years before, and the very same feeling 
is manifested in the present day, and from the same cause. 

' Thomas Johnson, Vicar of Turloigh and Kelly common, county 
Mayo, saith, that the rebels in the baronies of Costello and Callen, 
in mere hatred and derision of the English, and their very cattle^ 
and contempt and derision of the English laws, did ordinarily, and 
commonly, prefer bills of indictment, and bring the English breed of 
cattle, to be tried upon juries, and having in their fashion, arraigned 
those cattle : — 

' Then their scornful judge, then sitting amongst them, would say^ 
They look as if they could speak English, give them the book and 
see if they can read, pronouncing the words ' Legit an non,' to the 
jury, and then because they stood mute, and could not read, he 
would and did pronounce judgment, and sentence of death against 
them, and they were committed and put to slaughter.' 

Andrew Adaire, late of Moygownagh, County Mayo, Esq., saith, 
' that the name of the English was so hateful to the Irish, that they 
would not only kill all the English breed of cattle, but sometimes 
jeeringly saying, they would speak English, and therefore, they would 
kill them.' — Jurat 9th, January, 1642. 

It deserves to be observed, that those individuals (lay and eccle- 
siastic) of the pale, who by the statute of Kilkenny, sacrificed the 


eE ^TURY Thus, as if oppression were not sufficient, the most 

taunting insult was offered to the noblest sentiments of a 

people, who were at once devoted to the customs of their 
fathers, and deeply susceptible of early religious impres- 
sions. Every thing Irish was denounced, as an object of 
abhorrence both to God and man, and the bitterness of 
eivil strife, impregnated with the deadly poison of religious 
bigotry. There was a cold and exquisite malevolence in 
this measure, attainable only by a class of beings, which 
had abjured, or had never known, the kindly sympathies 
of humanity, and the event proved, that it was no less im- 
prudent, than unnatural.* 

The melancholy effects which followed the passing of 
this act, are felt even at the present day. Rebellions 
increased in strength and frequency. From Cork to 
Gal way, the jurisdiction of government was gradually 
narrowing to Carlow, and in the next century it became 
a proverb, that ' they who lived West of the Barrow, 
lived West of the English law. 5 It deserves to be noticed, 

welfare and tranquillity of Ireland to the maintenance of the 
spirit of ascendancy and exclusiveness, were the ancestors of those 
Romish lords and gentry, who are now crying out so furiously for 
the destruction of the established church, that they may bring the 
country again under the dominion of the Roman See. 

* Doctor Leland expresses his regret, that such a course of policy 
was adopted at this crisis. He justly says, ' the reign of the re- 
nowned monarch in England, and the presence of his son in Ireland, 
the husband of a Lady of Irish birth, and of an illustrious family, 
an heiress of vast possessions, were circumstances highly favourable 
to a generous conciliating scheme, whose apparent equity might 
warrant the addition of military vigour, against the most desperate 
and abandoned.' Plowden observes, ' there was scarcely an extreme 
of antipathy, and hatred, and revenge, to which this code of aggra- 
vation was not calculated to provoke both nations.' 


that of the eight prelates, who attended this parliament, ce ntury 

three were apostate Irish, and no less than seven of papal 

appointment. Their spiteful anathema, is therefore 
to be ascribed not to English insolence, or English policy, 
but to the spirit of the order. 

Nothing is more remarkable in the history of this body, AD - 1376 
than its early proficiency in an art which is cultivated in 
our own times, with rival assiduity, but by no means pro- 
portionate success ; — the art of uniting the most hard- 
hearted oppression of the people, to a factious contempt 
of the authority of the state, and a swaggering affectation 
of public spirit. Nine years after the passing of the 
statute of Kilkenny, we find the character of lawless 
violence — the proverbial reproach of the country and the 
time^branded alike upon the prelates and the lay lords, by 
the impartiality of a harassed government. In the patent 
issued to the Earl of Ormond upon his appointment to the 
lieutenancy, he had been granted a general power of 
pardon ; but in a subsequent writ, this power was ex- 
plained, as not extending to the pardon of ' any prelate 
or Earl, for an offence punishable by loss of life, member, 
lands, or goods.' Justice, conscious weakness, and the 
obvious policy of dividing the oppressive weight of the 
temporal and spiritual grandees, would have prevented the 
executive from including the latter in this opprobrious 
reservation, had not the habitual outrages of the two 
orders displayed equal insolence, and attained equal 
notoriety. In the same year a transaction took place, 
little short of the licentiousness of modern opposition, that 
seems to require a particular detail. The revenue being 
greatly reduced, and the English commons growing uneasy 
under the burden of supporting the Irish government, the 
king resolved to assemble another parliament, for the pur- 


century pose of obtaining a subsidy. Parliament met accordingly ; 

— but pleaded poverty, and refused a supply. The king, 

provoked at this denial, despatched writs to all the 
counties, cities, and dioceses in his Irish dominions, re- 
quiring that two representatives from each, should be sent 
to attend him in England, to confer with his council con- 
cerning a subsidy, and other matters of state. The returns 
of the bishops are good evidences of the spirit which then 
animated the Irish Church. 

The Archbishop of Armagh wrote thus : i In pursuance 
of this writ, having called before us the clergy of our 
diocese, we make answer of our common opinion and assent, 
that according to the liberties, privileges, rights, laws, 
and customs of the Church and land of Ireland, we are 
not bound to elect any of our clergy to be sent to England, 
for the purpose of holding councils or parliaments therein ; 
yet because of our reverence for our illustrious lord, the 
King of England, and the imminent and most urgent 
necessity of this land, we do for the present, saving to 
ourselves, and to the lords and commons of said land, all 
liberties, privileges, rights, laws, and customs aforesaid, 
grant unto masters John Cusack and William Fitzadelm, 
clerks, full power to go into England, and appear before 
our lord the king, in order to treat, consult, and agree, 
touching the safety, defence, and good government of the 
said land, excepting, however, that we do not grant to our 
said delegates, any power of voting subsidies, or other 
burdens upon us and our clergy,' &c. 

There is something in this language, which, were not 
the subject so grave, and the writer an Archbishop, might 
almost be called broad irony. That e imminent and most 
urgent necessity/ by which, next to their reverence for 
the crown, the prelate, and his clergy were moved to 
waive their privileges, was nothing else but the extreme 


poverty of the state, the Irish revenue being now short of century 

ten thousand pounds a year. It was to remedy this evil - — 

that the king had issued his summons ; and upon every 
subject but this, the submissive ecclesiastics give their 
deputies full power. 

The other returns are to the same effect ; thus the 
Archbishop and clergy of Cashel sent one deputy ' to 
treat, consult, and agree, saving the liberties of the 
Church, and the free customs of the land of Ireland.' It 
has already appeared, that the liberties of the Church, as 
they were understood by Churchmen, included exemption 
from all secular imposts ; so that this return is in substance 
the same as the former. 

The Archbishop of Tuam made no return. 

The Bishop and clergy of Meath sent one deputy, ' with 
full power to inform and advise their lord the king, con- 
cerning the state and government of the land of Ireland, 
saving the liberties and customs of said land, and of the 
Churches thereof.' 

The Bishop and clergy of Kildare sent two deputies, 
1 with full power to treat, inform, consult, and agree, con- 
cerning the state, preservation, and good government of 
the land of Ireland, but as to loading the clergy with 
subsidies, or any other burdens than those which they 
already bear, they can in no wise give them any power,' 

The Bishop and clergy of Leighlin unanimously declared, 
' that they were too poor to send over any deputy to their 
lord the king. 5 

The Bishop and clergy of Ossory sent two deputies ' to 
do as the writ required, saving the liberties of the Church, 
and land of Ireland.' 

The Bishop and clergy of Ferns sent two deputies 
' with full power to do, as the writ required, saving the 
liberties of the Church, and land of Ireland/ 




A.D. 1417. 

So Richard 
the second 
in his des- 
patches from 
Ireland to the 
Duke of 

See Leland i. 
No. II. 

An English 
act of Par- 

The bishop and clergy of Lismore protested that '■ from 
their great and notorious poverty, they were unable to 
send any deputies to England.' Returns, without any 
saving clauses, or pleas of poverty were received from 
Dublin, Cork, Limerick, Cloyne, and Kerry. 

The inhabitants of Ireland in those days were usually 
classed under three denominations ; liege-men or good 
subjects ; Irish enemies, those who had never submitted to 
the government, and who, indeed, were in a state of almost 
constant warfare with it ; and rebels, those who being sub- 
jects by birth, or having become so by voluntary submis- 
sion, took up arms against the state, or at least renounced 
the English laws and institutions. 

In the reign of Henry the Fifth, so many of the prelates 
were of this third class, and they had so intimidated the 
local legislature, that the English parliament found it 
necessary to interpose its supreme authority. An act was 
passed in England ( that all archbishops, bishops, abbots, 
and priors, of the Irish nation, rebels to the king, that 
shall make any collation, or presentment to benefices in 
the land of Ireland, or that shall bring with them any 
Irish rebels among the Englishmen, to the parliament, 
councils, or other assemblies, within the said land, to 
learn the secrets or condition of the English subjects, 
their temporalities shall be seized until the fine to the 
king/ It is evident from the terms of this statute, that 
these ' rebels to the king* were too strong not merely for 
the colonial government, but for the parliament and the 
power of England herself; the most rebellious among 
them had only to pay a fine to the crown, and he was 
restored to his temporalities, and to all the rights of a 

* Lib. MS. Lambeth, quoted by Cox, p. 151. The act, as far as 


The same weakness of the crown, and the same intracta- century 

ble spirit of the hierarchy, appear in our Irish statutes of the 
reign of Edward the fourth. In the infancy of the 
English colony, the civil authorities, weak, unsettled and 
distracted by frequent and sudden assaults, had sought the 
assistance of their spiritual ally. Judging of the Irish by 
themselves, the governors ascribed much mystical virtue to 
the sanction of an anathema ; they occasionally tried its 
force upon some refractory chieftain ; and upon the sub- 
mission of others, bound them to articles, which contained 
a provision that the censures of the church should be 
denounced against them, in case of future revolt. But it 
was soon discovered, that excommunication had few terrors 
for an Irish lord. The thunder of the Church was suf- 
fered to sleep, except when the prelates in pursuance of 
their own objects, chose to draw it down upon the govern- 
ment itself: and on these occasions it did some execution, 
the English having brought with them that full-grown awe 
of papal censures, which it took some centuries to mature 
in the minds of their ruder neighbours. 

Centuries, however, had now rolled away ; excommu- 
nication had become formidable among the Irish, and by 
its spiritual terrors, combined with those more tangible 
penalties which were attached to it by the civil law, it 
might have rendered important though humiliating assis- 
tance ; but the bishops contrived to frustrate the hopes of 
the state, by declining to issue the necessary anathemas. 

Cox has quoted it, does not mention the amount of fine. In the 
impartial administration of justice in our days, the clauses in the 
emancipation act, preserving the rights and titles of our bishops, 
and those preventing the increase of the regular clergy in Ireland, 
are openly violated, without the payment of any penalty. 





A.D. 1467. 
An act 
passed to 
compel the 
bishops to 
do their duty. 

Leland ii 56- 

A.D. 1486, 

An act was therefore passed to compel them to do their 

' "Whereas/ it decreed, l our holy father Adrian, Pope 
of Rome, was seized of all the seigniory of Ireland in 
right of his Church ; and whereas for a certain rent he 
alienated said seigniory to the King of England, and his 
heirs for ever;* by which grant the subjects of Ireland 
owe their obedience to the King of England, as their 
sovereign lord ; it is therefore ordained, that all archbis- 
hops and bishops of Ireland shall, upon the monition of 
forty days, proceed to the excommunication of all disobe- 
dient subjects ; and if such archbishops or bishops be 
remiss in doing their duties in the premises, they shall 
forfeit one hundred pounds.' The miserable effort at 
vigor, in this enactment, only renders more manifest 
the subjection of the civil power, to the caprices of a 
restive priesthood ; yet the partizans of the lord-deputy 
affected to exult in it as a proof of a resolute and effective 

In the reign of Henry VII, the divided state of public 
opinion, between the rival houses of York and Lancaster, 

* This is strenuously denied by the Irish writers, who maintain, 
and with perfect truth, that the Pope reserved the seigniory for 
the see of Rome. O 'Sullivan goes so far as to say, that the King 
of England was no more than a sort of chief commissioner of 
revenue to the pope, having the care of collecting the Peter's-pence 
and other dues. 

t The anti-British feeling which originated this act of parliament, 
appears to be as applicable to the present time, as to the period to 
which it refers; as the late Dr. Doyle, in perfect consistency with his 
oath as a Romish bishop, solemnly avowed, ' that were rebellion 
raging from the Giant's Causway to Cape Clear, not one of them (the 
bishops) would interfere to assuage its horrors.' 


revived the restless ambition of the hierarchy, and encou- century 

J 12—16. 

raged them to appear once more in open rebellion, against 
the united authority of Pope and King. The title of the 
reigning prince had been confirmed by the Pontiff, with 
the severest denunciations against all gainsayers ; his Irish 
government had been conducted in a moderate and conci- 
liatory spirit ; yet all the bishops except four, English and 
Irish indiscriminately, with a proportionate number of the 
clergy, joined in the conspiracy which was formed to 
depose him, and to place a boy of mean extraction upon 
the throne of the Plantagenets. 

The stripling Simnel, the creature of an obscure 
Oxford ecclesiastic, was received by these prelates with 
an extravagant affectation of loyal zeal. On his arrival in 
Dublin, he was conducted in state to the cathedral of The crown- 
Christ Church ; the Bishop of Meath, in a bold discourse sjmnei. 
from the pulpit, explained, and enforced his right to the 
throne ; and a crown taken from a statue of the Virgin in 
the Church of St. Mary les Dames, was placed upon his 
head, amidst the acclamations of a deluded populace.* 

* Soon after the crowning of the imposter, Lambert Simnel, in 
Christ's Church, Dublin, a.d. 1486, Henry VII sent over to Ireland 
an able lawyer, named Sir Edward Poyning, to compose the dis- 
tracted state of the English pale, then reduced to four counties, 
Dublin, Meath, Kildare and Lowth. A parliament was regularly 
summoned at Drogheda, and an act passed, since known under the 
name of Poyning's act, by which it was provided, among other 
things, that ' no parliament be holden hereafter in Ireland, but at 
such season as the king's lieutenant in council there do first certify 
to the king, under the great seal of the land, the causes and consi- 
derations thereof, and all such acts, as to them seemeth should pass 
in the same parliament.' 

The lord lieutenant, or the king in council, became by this act, 
the proposer of all laws to be passed. This act was modified in the 


century "When the bishops had thus carried their treason to the 

12—16. r 

last extremity, they began to be visited with the same 

misgivings which had disturbed their predecessors in the 
time of Edward Bruce. To influence the councils, or at 

third year of Philip and Mary, ' by the governor and council being 
empowered to certify such other causes, requiring legislation, which 
were not foreseen at the beginning of the session.' The agitators of 
our day, in their earnest endeavours to influence the minds of their 
countrymen against the English, repeatedly call their attention to 
this act, as one of the cruel specimens of English, or more properly 
speaking, popish domination ; but they omit to inform their country- 
men, of the circumstances under which it originated, and are equally 
silent, as to the fact, that it was at the time, one of the most 
popular acts ever passed in Ireland, on account of the people being 
thereby relieved from thousands of local oppressions under the cover 
of acts of parliament. 

The year 1782, when England was waging a fearful contest 
against France and America, was the period chosen, by the agitators 
of the day, for the completion of their project, — the separation of 
this country from England. They asked for troops to defend the 
coast from invasion, well knowing that England had none to spare, 
and deluded men of the highest rank and talent in the land, were 
prevailed on to join them in what was pretended to be a patriotic 
cause. By the permission of England fifty thousand men, as if 
sown by Cadmus, instantly sprung into activity ; and were no 
sooner organized, than they commenced dictating to the parliament, 
and threatening England with separation. 

His majesty, in the due course of Irish conciliating policy, sent 
a gracious message to the Irish parliament, offering them ' a carte 
blanche ' to fill up with Irish grievances. The commons of Ireland, 
under the influence of the guns and sabres of the volunteers, 
declared that none, but the king, lords, and commons of Ireland had 
power to make laws for Ireland. Mr. Grattan, the chief agitator of 
the day, undertook to be the tranquilizer of his country. Poyning's 
act was partially repealed, together with the act of George I, and a 
day was appointed by these miserably deluded politicians, for a 
solemn and public thanksgiving to be offered up to Almighty God, 


/ / 

least soften the resentment of the Vatican, they assembled 
a convocation, and caused a subsidy to be voted to the 
holy father. Whether the grant was intended as the 
purchase of an absolution from the impending censures ; 
or as a substantial proof that, however they might have 
erred in the choice of a subordinate ruler, they had not 
swerved from their fealty to the supreme lord of their 
order, and their country, it is now impossible to deter- 
mine; but whatever might have been its purpose, Rome 
stood firm to her own dignity, and the claims of her 
faithful vassal. A bull was directed to the four prelates 
who had not leagued in the rebellion, commanding them 


The bishops 
voted a 

in gratitude, that there could no longer exist any constitutional 
question to disturb mutual tranquillity. 

Notwithstanding this solemn thanksgiving, points of dispute be- 
tween the two legislatures were continually occurring. The agitators 
were also disputing among themselves. Mr. Flood, one of the most 
respectable of them, contended with great truth, that the repeal of 
the declaratory act of 6 George I, did not establish the constitutional 
independence of Ireland. Mr. Grattan as fiercely contended that it 
did. The real friends of Ireland, who preferred the substantial wel- 
fare of their country to the fanciful prospects of interested partizans, 
soon perceived, that what was farcically termed ' the constitution of 
Irish independence' must inevitably lead to separation from England, 
or a legislative incorporation. They wisely chose the latter, as the 
lesser evil of the two, and accordingly, so early as 1782 (the famed 
year of independence,) the union between both countries was proposed 
and debated. The patriotic Roman Catholic historian, Mr. O'Dris- 
coll, justly ' thinks it would have been better for Ireland had Mr. 
Grattan left untouched Sir G. Poyning's act,' (ii. p. 180,) and Mr. 
Plowden remarks also on this subject, ' It appears, as if it had been 
written in the book of fate, that the felicity of Ireland, whilst 
separated from Great Britain, should be short-lived, precarious and 
uncertain.' — (History, p. 16.) The partial repeal of this act was 
the true cause of the legislative union in 1801. 






The renew- 
ing of their 
oaths of al- 

to excommunicate their offending brethren ; and the delin- 
quents would have experienced the utmost severity of 
papal vengeance, had not the monarch declared his 
willingness to admit them to pardon, upon the easy terms 
of acknowledging their fault, and renewing their oaths of 

Sir Richard Edgecumbe, the officer sent over by the 
king to receive the submission of the lords and prelates 
of the pale, has left us copies of the oaths which were 
taken on the occasion ; they were ' devised by himself, as 
sure as he could,' and cost him the labour of many days in 
the discussion of the several articles with these refractory 
penitents. The oath for the lay lords was framed on the 
model of the old oath of a feudal vassal ; with a clause at the 
end, that the party ' will not let, ne cause to be letted, the 
execution and declaration of the great censures of holy 
Church, to be done agenst any person of what estate, 
degree, or condition he be, by any Archbishop, Bishop, 
&c, according to the authority of our most holy father, 
Pope Innocent the eighth, that now is, agenst all theme 
of the king's subgets, that lett or trouble our sayd sove- 
reign lord King Henry the seventh.' The same pledges 
were exacted of the bishops, with an additional declara- 
tion, that ' as oft as they should be required, they would 
execute the censures of the Church, on behalf of their 
sovereign lord, agenst all those of his subgets, of what 
dignity, degree, state, or condition he be, that letteth or 
troubleth their sayd sovereign lord.' 

The attempt made to elude the force of these oaths, is 
a strong instance of that detestable casuistry, by which 
the schoolmen of the Church of Rome, have seared the 
natural susceptibility of conscience. When at length 
every difficulty appeared to be adjusted, it was demanded 


by Kildare, the leader of the rebellion, that the host on century 

J . 12—16. 

which they were to be sworn should be consecrated by one 

of his own chaplains. This demand involved, literally, the 
mystery of iniquity, which the rude proposer could never 
have fathomed for himself, and which few Roman Catholic 
laymen of the present day will be able to comprehend 
without a particular explanation. 

It has long been a doctrine of the papal church, repub- 
lished at Trent under the sanction of a curse upon all who 
deny it, that the intention of the officiating priest is neces- 
sary for the validity of a religious rite. The conspirators 
were assured that the intention of Kildare's chaplain 
would be cordially in their favour ; thus the form of con- 
secration would be the juggling illusion of a mountebank ; 
the wafer would be no host, and the protestation made 
upon it, ' so help me this holy sacrament of God's body, 
in form of bread here 'present, to my salvation or damna- 
tion/ however awful in its terms, would have no mean- 
ing, and consequently no terrors, to those whom the 
prelates should initiate into so comfortable a secret.* 

* On such an occasion as that mentioned above, the dogma will 
encourage the unprincipled villain ; but to the honestly supersti- 
tious, it abounds with consequences the most alarming. A Priest 
cannot know whether he is lawfully called to the ministry ; his 
people are equally ignorant, whether his ministerial acts are valid ; 
the want of intention in himself, or in the bishop who ordained 
him, is sufficient to invalidate all he does. Thus a matron can 
never be sure that she is married ; or a devotee, that he has received 
any one of those sacraments, which he at the same time believes to 
be indispensable for his salvation. All this is unaccountable, in a 
church, which maintains her own infallibility in order to save her 
votaries from doubt ; — or rather, it would be unaccountable, did it 
not teach the necessity of being always on good terms with the 
priesthood. The words of the Trent decree are these, ' If any one 

N 2 



century But Edgecombe was aware of the perfidy of the demand : 

12—16. ° r J 
he insisted that the mass should be celebrated by his own 

chaplain : and has left us a description of the whole cere- 
mony, which shows the appalling character of the meditated 

This doue, he says ' the seyd erle went into a chamber, 
where the seyd Sir Richard's chaplain was at masse, and 
in the masse time, the said erle was shriven and assoiled 
from the curse that he stood in by virtue of the Pope's 
bull ; and before the agnus of the seyd masse, the host 
being divided into three parts, the priest turned him from 
the altar, holding the said three parts of the host upon a 
patten ; and there in the presence of many persons, the 
seyd erle, holding his right hand over the holy host, made 
his sollomn oath of legeance, unto our sovereign lord King 
Henry the seventh in souch forme as was afore devised ; 
and in likewise the bushopps and lordes made like oath ; 
and that done, and the masse ended, the seyd erle, with 
the seyd Sir Richard, bushopps and lordes went into the 
Church of the seyd monastery, and in the choir thereof, 
Edgecombe's the Archbushopp of Dublyn began Te Deum, and the 
Hams'' choir with the organs sung it up solemnly, and all the 

Hibernica, I. , „ . _ _,, f , & r J ' 

78. bells in the Church rung. 

The bishops, however, though frustrated in this first 
device, had another evasion in reserve, the benefits of 
which did not extend to their lay associates. The oath 
of the latter was absolute, concluding in the manner 
already quoted, ' so help me this holy sacrament/ &c, 
but in that of the prelates, these words were followed by a 

shall say, that there is not required in ministers, when they conse- 
crate and administer the sacraments, an intention of doing what the 
church does, let him be anathema. Sess. 6, Canon ix. 


sweeping clause of exceptions, ' salvo ordine episcopali,' — century 

saving the privileges of their order ; privileges, of which 

themselves were the only judges, and before the sacred 
inviolability of which, all secular rights and secular obli- 
gations were required to give way.* 

* A few years after this transaction, we find an act of attainder 
passed against this same Earl of Kildare, for treason and rebellion, 
&c. &c. He was committed to the Tower, without being heard, or 
confronted with his accusers, while his wife, deeply affected with 
the disgrace of her consort, and kept in anxious uncertainty of his 
fate, languished under such violent impressions, and died in Ireland. 
But this interval was probably of service to the Earl, as it gave the 
King an opportunity of being informed of his real character, as 
well as that of his adversaries. 

Their agents were despatched to London, and inveighed with great 
violence against the traitorous attempts and designs of the noble 
prisoner. He was at length admitted to confront them in the 
King's presence ; when Henry found, instead of a dangerous, subtile, 
and dark conspirator, a man of unrefined, artless, and even awkward 
simplicity ; of a demeanour so easy, so confident, and unrestrained, 
as seemed to indicate a perfect consciousness of his own innocence. 

Henry directed him to prepare for his defence, and to provide him- 
self with able counsel, as he feared his cause would require it. l Yea, 7 
replied the Earl, ' the ablest in the realm,' seizing Henry by the 
hand with an uncourtly familiarity, l Your highness, I take for my 
counsel against these false knaves.' The King smiled at the novelty 
of this address, and the uncouth compliment to his equity and dis- 
cernment. He heard his accusers, and found their charge unsup- 
ported in every point of moment to the interests of the crown, and 
in other matters frivolous and futile. 

The king soon perceived that their allegations were dictated by 
private resentments and factious malignity, and was not displeased 
to see the culprit treat them with a severity of a superior, as if still 
in Ireland, and in the fulness of power. As their charges of treason 
were soon found to amount to nothing more than surmise and suspi- 
cion, as the Irish lord with whom he was said to have conspired against 
Poynings, gave solemn and satisfactory evidence to exculpate him, 


ce ntury « This review of the conduct of the Irish hierarchy,' says 

the late Dr. Phelan, ' has now been brought down to the 

eve of the Reformation. It has appeared, that so far from 
making amends for the great treason of their predecessors, 
few generations of prelates passed away without adding 
some new grievance to the accumulation of national suffer- 
ing. For the turbulence which they thus uniformly 
evinced, they had as little aggression to plead in excuse, 
as perhaps ever was experienced by any commumity 
in so long a lapse of years. The sovereign, besides 
endowing them splendidly, had placed them next, and 
scarcely below, himself; the aristocracy had added many 
and noble benefactions ; and if we are to believe their own 
writers, the people were distinguished for submissiveness 
to the Church, and unblemished by the stain of heresy.* 

the accusers were obliged to recur to his violences, and the injuries 
they had sustained from'jhim in Ireland, matters in which Henry was 
not nearly interested. Among other accusations it was urged, that 
the Earl in one of his lawless excursions, had sacrilegiously burned 
the Church of Cashel to the ground. ' Spare your evidence,' said 
Kildare, ' I did set fire to the Church, for I thought the Bishop had 
been in it.' This undesigned manner of pleading- the aggravation, 
in excuse for his offence, helped to cast an air of ridicule upon the 
prosecutors, not unfavourable to the culprit. They closed their 
charge with a warm and passionate declaration, ' that all Ireland 
could not govern this Earl :' 'Well,' replied Henry, 'this Earl shall 
then govern all Ireland.' The triumph of Kildare was now com- 
plete, he was restored to his estates and honors, and consulted about 
the affairs of the country, (Leland ii. pp. 110, 111.) and on the 
accession of Henry VIII, we find him continued in his government, 
and acting with his usual vigor in repelling insurgents, quieting 
commotions, and deciding contests in different quarters of the 

* Thus the late Dr. Doyle, under the signature of J. K. L., says, 
' when it pleased God to have an Island of Saints upon earth, he pre- 


12— 16'. 

Those jealousies which arose, from time to time, between century 
the English and Irish members of the body, had scarcely 
any effect upon its general policy. All had been Irish, 
when Ireland was sacrificed to their thirst of aggrandize- 
ment; and after English and Irish were joined in the 
hierarchy, the latter were always as ready to afflict the 

pared Ireland from afar for this high destiny. Her attachment to the 
faith once delivered to her, was produced by many concurrent causes, 
as far as natural means are employed by providence to produce 
effects of a higher kind. These causes have had their influence, 
but there was another and stronger power labouring in Ireland for 
the faith of the Gospel ; there was the natural disposition of the 
people, suited to a religion which satisfied the mind and gratified the 
affections. Here the aboriginal Irish are all Catholics ; and to these 
are joined great multitudes who have descended from the ancient 
settlers, and who in process of time have become more Irish than 
the Irish themselves,' (Letters on Ireland). This is not the bom- 
bast of an individual, but the uniform and established language of 
a school. Full two centuries before Dr. Doyle, the world was in- 
formed by another titular prelate ; ' that the soil of Ireland was 
holy, congenial to true religion, fertile in Catholics, and reclaiming 
even foreigners, after they had been settled here a few generations,' 
and again, i Go then, ye heretics, destitute of the truth, and acknow- 
ledge the wonderful providence of God, and his secret counsels to- 
wards the natives of Ireland, — cease to reproach the tents of the 
children of Israel, whom God has chosen for his peculiar people.' 
(Routh's Analecta Sacra, p. 67, 74). Dr. Burke, in his Hibernia 
Dominicana, has several passages in nearly the same terms. This 
good prelate, indeed, seems half inclined to insinuate, that the in- 
stinct of orthodoxy extends tc Irish horses. He tells an anecdote 
of James the first with great complacency ; it seems, that Sir 
Arthur Chichester, when Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, sent over a 
very fine horse to his master ; but the King, — who by the bye, as 
we learn from that best of historians, the ' Author of Waverley,' 
was an indifferent horseman, eyed the present with very considerable 
distrust ; ' I doubt the knave's a papist,' said the cautious monarch, 
and refused to mount. 


century people as the former to insult and embarrass the prince. 

— - — — Enemies alike to freedom and to government, both were 
engaged in all those measures, which entailed permanent 
misfortune on the country, and left a stigma upon the 
character of its inhabitants,* withholding the promised 
blessings of civilization ; blighting the fair blossom of 
national union with a curse ; maintaining an odious ascen- 
dancy for one race, while they subjected it in its turn to 
their own despotic misrule ; setting an example of that 
rapacious violence which was the prevailing vice of the 
times; fermenting disaffection; braving the executive 
government ; stripping the laws of their authority, and 
spurning even the mediation of him, whom they affected 
to venerate as the vicegerent of the Almighty ; whenever 
it happened to be exerted in favour of public tranquillity. 
Upon the whole, during a period of more than three cen- 
turies, amidst much indiscretion, and wonderful versati- 
lity, one purpose appears to have animated the order; that 
of drawing to itself the domestic government of the coun- 
try, and of establishing this dominion, upon the trampled 
rights and pretensions of all other classes of men, which 
may in a degree, account for the rapid advance of the 
Reformation, and the downfal of this arrogant order.' 

* Dr. Doyle thus describes the mass of the people of Ireland, 
' The nation which was thus enslaved, put on all the habits which 
had been formed for them ; they became ferocious, individually 
brave, but cowards when collected together ; cunning, astute, cruel, 
strangers to honesty and truth,' (Vindication, p. 7). This humi- 
liating description, thank God, is exaggerated ; but at all events, 
the national character, however barbarous he may be pleased to 
consider it, had been fully formed before the Reformation. How 
will he exculpate his own hierarchy from the charge of having con- 
tributed, chiefly contributed, to the corruption of a people, whose 
capabilities are acknowledged to be of the very highest order X 



I.— HENRY VIII. FROM 1509—1546, 








The Refor- 

We have now arrived at the third period of the history of 
Ireland, from the Reformation in the sixteenth century, 
to the legislative Union in one thousand eight hundred and 

At the commencement of the reign of Henry VIII, the 
royal authority in Ireland, which had been nearly extinct, 
began for the first time to be exercised in a very different The Royal 
way from that which was customary with the Kings of exeSed. 
England. The earls of Kildare enjoyed much influence 
at this time, whose possessions lying chiefly within the 
pale, they did not affect an ostensible independence, but 
generally kept in their hands, the chief authority of 


century government, though it was the policy of the English court 

— in its state of weakness, to balance them in some measure 

by the rival family of the Butlers. 

But the self-confidence with which this exaltation 
inspired the chief of the former house, laid him open to 
the displeasure of Henry VIII. 

Those lords of the old Irish race, who had ever appeared 
the most unfriendly to the English government, crowded 
round him while Lord-Deputy, and were received as his 
kinsmen and associates. Two of his daughters were given 
in marriage to O'Connor of O'Fally, and O'Carrol, two 
powerful chieftains. The laws which forbad such connec- 
tions were treated with scorn, nor was the administration 
of government at all regarded, but as it contributed to 
establish his own personal influence and authority. 
Attended by an armed rabble, he could at any time execute 
his revenge under pretence of maintaining the royal 
service. All but the partizans of Kildare seemed to be 
excluded from protection. A wound in the head which 
the deputy received, by engaging in a private quarrel 
with one of his sons-in-law, was thought to have disordered 
his intellects, and increased his extravagance. The 
enemies of his house were inflamed with indignation ; the 
officers of state, and all those more immediately dependent 
upon the English government, were justly terrified at a 
conduct which threatened utter subversion to the interests 
of the crown. 

Such men could not behold the present conduct of 
Kildare without the most melancholy presages. They 
held their meetings, and were readily joined by his 
personal enemies. They communicated their apprehen- 
sions, and found a ready concurrence of sentiments. They 
considered the disorders of the realm minutely, and 


unanimously resolved to lay them before the throne, century 

Alan, Archbishop of Dublin, took the lead in those secret 

consultations. On the present occasion he was assisted by 

r J The revolt of 

the Earl of Ossory, and Sir "William Skeffington, and by the Fitzge- 
their united zeal and activity, the design was soon brought 
to maturity. It was resolved to make the master of the 
rolls their agent at the court of England, and to commis- 
sion him in the name of the lords of the council, to lay 
the present state of Ireland before the king, and to implore 
his timely interposition. 

This application was too interesting and too well sup- 
ported, to be received with indifference, and the violence 
of the king's temper readily fixed on the Earl of Kildare, 
as the proper object of his resentment, even in those points 
which were not directly charged as his particular misde- 
meanours. He received the royal mandate to commit the 
government to some person for whose conduct he could be 
responsible, and to repair to the king without delay. The 
earl, conscious of his own irregularities, and awakened to 
an alarming sense of the secret practices of his enemies, 
laboured by every artifice, to evade this order ; but to no 
purpose, the king was inflexible, and the earl had no 
course left, but to obey. 

On his arrival he was commited to the tower, and on a 
premature report that he had suffered death, his son, a 
young man to whom he had unfortunately delegated the 
administration, took up arms, under the rash impulse of 
resentment. The primate was murdered by his wild The Primate 
followers ; * but the citizens of Dublin, and the reinforce- murdercd - 

* Alan the Archbishop, who was most obnoxious to the rebels, as 
he had been the chief instrument in the disgrace of the Earl of Kil- 
dare, determined to seek refuge in England. A vessel was provided 


century ments sent from England, suppressed this hasty rebellion : 
— and its leader was sent a^prisoner to London. Five of his 

The rebellion , , i • i 

suppressed, uncles, some or them not concerned in the treason, 
perished with him on the scaffold ; his father had been 
more fortunate in a natural death ; one sole surviving child 
Irish ta °^ twelve years old, who escaped to Flanders, became 
So 58 ' Leilnd afterwards, the stock from which the great family of the 
ii. 402. Geraldines was restored. 

Henry VIII had no sooner prevailed on the Lords and 
Commons of England to renounce their spiritual obedience 
to the Roman See, and to acknowledge his own supremacy, 
than as a natural consequence, he proceeded to establish 
it in Ireland. In this attempt he was completely success- 
ful. No sooner had Henry asserted his claim to the 
entire sovereignty of Ireland, than all the nobles, aware 
of his former severity to the Geraldines, arrayed them- 
selves on the side of the crown. They abolished the sub- 
Hem vm orc ^ mate title of ■ Lord,' the only one which the Pope 
kin Cl of med ^ad permitted to be assumed, and proclaimed him King 
Ireland. f Ireland, and supreme head of the Church on earth. 

This unanimity was not confined to that body of the 
nobility which conformed to the English customs, and 

with the utmost secrecy, and the prelate embarked ; but whether by 
the perfidy or unskilfulness of the pilot, (a Fitzgerald) the ship was 
stranded near Clontarf, and Alan soon discovered by the enemy in 
an adjacent village. They dragged him from his bed in barbarous 
triumph, and led him, naked as he was, to their captain. The pre- 
late fell on his knees before him, imploring mercy for a Christian 
and a Churchman. 

The young Lord without deigning to reply, turned his horse and 
exclaimed in the Irish language, ' away with the churl ; ' his caitiffs 
interpreting the expression in the most malignant sense, while the 
wretched suppliant still lifted his hands for mercy, assailed, and 
hewed him to pieces. 


which usually took a share in the administration of public century 

•> *• 2.6 19. 

affairs. Those powerful and refractory chieftains, who 

had hitherto maintained a dubious struggle against the 
utmost force of the state, came forward on this occasion 
with rival zeal for the honor of royalty, and with the 
strongest professions of undivided allegiance. 

Desmond was the first who presented himself ; oft the 
16th of January 1540, he executed a written indenture in 
which he ' utterly denied, and promised to forsake the 
usurped primacy and authority of the Bishop of Rome, 
and engaged to resist and repress the same, and all that 
should by any means uphold or maintain it.' Shortly 
after, O'Connor and O'Dunne gave similar pledges. 
O'Donell, in his indenture, bearing date of 6th of August 
1542, declares that ' he will renounce, relinquish, and to 
the best of his power annihilate, the usurped authority of 
the Roman pontiff; that he will by no means harbour, or 
allow in his country those who adhere to the said pontiff, 
but will with all diligence expel, eject, and eradicate 
them, or bring them into subjection to our said lord, the 
king/ His example was followed in a week after by 

In the January following, O'Neil, the acknowledged 
leader of the northern Irish, met the king's commissioners 
at Maynooth, and entered into similar engagements ; and 
in the course of that year the same was done by O'Brien, 
the first chieftain of Munster; by O'More, O'Rourke, 
MacDonel, and by the head of the DeBurgos, who was 
now known by the Irish title of Mac William. This con- 
duct of the great lords was emulously imitated by those 
of inferior rank. From Connaught, from Meath, from 
the remotest regions of the south and north, all the most 
turbulent heads of the Irish tribes, all those of the old 


century English race who had adopted Irish manners, and lived 
— for ages in rude independence, vied with each other in 

declarations of fidelity to the king, and executed their 

indentures in the amplest forms of submission.* 

As these deeds are objects of considerable interest in 

our day, and all drawn up in nearly the same terms, a 

copy of one of them is inserted here. 

* This indenture, made on the 26th day of September, 
34 Henry the eighth, between the right hon. Anthony 
St. Leger, &c, on the one part and the Lords Barry, alias 
Barrymore or the great Barry ; MacCarty More ; the 
Lord Roche, MacCarty Beagh ; Thadeus M'Cormick, 
Lord of Muskry ; Barry Odge, alias the young Barry : 
CSullivan Beare, Captain of his nation ; O'Sullivan, 
first of his house ; Barry Roe, alias the red Barry ; 
MacDonough of Allow, head of his nation ; Donald 
O'Callaghan, first of his house, and Gerald Fitz John, 
knight, on the other part, doth witness, that the said 
Lord Barry, &c, do agree, consent and engage, jointly 

* Leland ii. 178, 182, Cox, 268, 271, O'Connor, Historical Address 
ii. 279 ; Roman Catholic writers are exceedingly puzzled to account 
for this conduct of the Irish Lords : the following explanation by 
Dr. Burke is absurd enough ; yet it is the only direct attempt at a 
solution which I have been able to discover. ' Ireland continued 
in this anomalous state until the reign of Henry the eighth ; but 
this Prince, in consequence of the title of the ' Defender of the 
faith,'' which he received from the holy see, so captivated the affec- 
tions of the Irish, that he enjoyed a greater power over them than any 
of his predecessors. Hence even after the schism, he was pronounced 

'King of Ireland, by a parliament held in Dublin in 1541,' (Hiber. 
Dominicana, p. 30.), that is to sa} r , they were so delighted with his 
orthodoxy, that after he became a heretic, they decreed him an heretical 
title of honor, — it was inconvenient to the good bishop to recol- 
lect, that they styled Henry not only King, but Head of the church 


and separately, for themselves, their heirs, successors, century 

assigns, tenants, and followers, that they will hold and 

perform all and singular articles, pledges and conditions, 
which are contained on their part in said indenture. 
"Imprimis." They and each of them, do and doth 
acknowledge the king's majesty aforesaid, to be their 
natural and liege lord ; and will honor, obey and serve 
him, and the kings his successors, against all creatures of 
the universe. And they will accept and hold his said 
majesty, and the kings his successors, as the supreme 
head on earth, immediately under Christ, of the Church 
of England and Ireland, and they will obey and serve his 
lieutenant or deputy, in this kingdom of Ireland, in all 
things concerning the service of his said majesty, or of the 
kings his successors. And as far as lieth in their power 
jointly or separately, they will annihilate the usurped 
primacy and authority of the Bishop of Rome, and will 
expel and eradicate all his favourers, abettors and partizans , 
and will maintain, support, and defend, all persons, spiritual 
and temporal, who shall be promoted to Church benefices 
or dignities by the king's majesty, or other rightful patron ; 
and will apprehend and bring to justice, to be tried accord- 
ing to the laws made, or to be made in such behalf, all cox, 272, 

... quoting from 

who apply for provision to the Bishop of Rome, or 

the council 
book at Dub- 
lin castle. 

who betake themselves to Rome in quest of promotion, &c ' 
And so far from any force being used, it is recorded for 
the first time in her annals, that Ireland was now at peace 
under one acknowledged sovereign. So universal indeed 
was the tranquillity, that a considerable body of troops was 
spared for the king's service before Boulogne, where an 
Irishman had the honor of defeating the French cham- 
pion ; and another force of three thousand men, was sent 
into Scotland to the aid of the Lord Lennox. Even the 182— m 



century great feud between the two races was forgotten for a 
season ; and while English and Irish crowded together 
from all quarters of the island to receive law from th 
throne, the loyal impulse with which they were animated 
seemed already to have borne its most appropriate fruit 
in the feeling of a common country, and the kindly aflfee 
tions of neighbourhood. 

This unanimity is the more remarkable, as being in open 
defiance of the denunciations of the Vatican. Eight years 
had now elapsed since Paul the third passed final sentence 
upon Henry, ' that terrible thundering bull, 7 as it is called 
by a Roman Catholic, in which he not only dethroned the 
sturdy monarch, but pronounced him infamous, cut off" 
from Christian burial, and doomed him ' to eternal curse 
and damnation.'* 

The interval had been employed, with all the vigilance 
and skill of the papacy, in endeavouring to prepare a 
formidable opposition to the tardy movements of the Irish 


* This bull not only requires ' all princes and military persons 

in virtue of holy obedience, to make war upon the King of England, 
but also required, that such of his subjects as were seized upon, 
should be made slaves' The language of the Pope in the present 
day, is not that of " the woman drunk with the blood of the saints,'''' but 
marked with all the insinuating subtility of " the false prophet. " In a 
Bull issued Dec. 3, 1839, he commands, ' that none henceforth dare 
to subject to slavery, unjustly persecute, or despoil of their goods, 
Indians, Negroes, or other classes of men,' and the Pope reprobates 
such ' offences as utterly unworthy of the Christian name,' (See Bull 
against Henry VIII. in ' Barlow's Brutum Fulmen,' and the Bull 
against slavery in the report of the African Civilization Society.) 
How well popery fulfils its predicted character of thinking to 
' change times and laws ! ' Notwithstanding its infallibility and un- 
changeableness, it can decree at one time, what it pronounced at 
another to be utterly unworthy of a Christian name. 


government. Chronicles had been discovered or invented, century 

in which Ireland was called the Holy Island ; and thence 

was drawn a convincing argument, that the country be- 
longed to the Holy See. Instructions had been issued to 
the Bishops in the Roman interest, that an oath of alle- 
giance to the Pope, " in all things, spiritual and tem- 
poral," should be administered to the people at the time 
of confession ; * curses had been denounced against all 
who should acknowledge the impious claims of Henry ; 
and indulgences offered to the faithful followers of the 
Pontiff. The inexhaustible storehouse of prophecy, which Cox , 257. 
Rome possesses among her other spiritual treasures, was 
opened on this great occasion ; and an effort was made to 
stimulate the warlike propensities of the chieftains, by 
placing them in the Thermopylae of the Catholic cause. f 

* Form of the oath. 

' I. A. B, from this present hour forward, in the presence of the 
Holy Trinity, &c, shall and will be always obedient to the Holy See 
of St. Peter of Rome, and to my holy Lord the Pope of Rome, and ^ 
his successors in all things, as well spiritual as temporal, &c. &c. &c. 
I count all acts, made or to be made by heretical powers, of no 
force, nor to be practised or obeyed by myself, nor any other son of the 
mother church of Rome. 

' I do further declare him or her, father or mother, brother or 
sister, son or daughter, husband or wife, uncle or aunt, nephew or 
niece, kinsman or kinswoman, master or mistress, and all others 
nearest or dearest relations, friend or acquaintance whatsoever, 
accursed, that either do, or shall hold, for time to come, any eccle- 
siastical or civil office, above the authority of the mother church, 
or that do or shall obey, for the time to come, any of her the mother 
church's opposers or enemies, or contrary to the same, of which I 
have here sworn unto ; so God, the blessed Virgin, St. Peter, St. 
Paul, and the holy evangelists help, &c. 

t The following letter was written to O'Neil, by the bishop of 
Metz, in the name of the Council of Cardinals. 



century But all these appeals, whether to superstition, or to enthu- 

■ siasm, proved unsuccessful : it was too obvious that the 

opposition of Rome and its partizans, was nothing more 
than a struggle for temporal dominion, and not a sword 
was drawn in the quarrel of the ecclesiastics, during the 
remainder of Henry's reign and that of his son Edward the 

Leland ii. •„«.!, 

172. SIXth. 

' My son O'Neil. 
' Thou and thy fathers were ever faithful to the mother church of 
Rome. His holiness Paul, the present Pope, and his council of 
Holy Fathers, have lately found an ancient prophecy of one St. 
Lazerianus, an Irish Archbishop of Cashel. It saith, that the 
church of Rome shall surely fall, when the Catholic faith is once 
overthrown in Ireland. Therefore, for the glory of the mother 
church, the honor of- St. Peter, and your own security, suppress 
heresy, and oppose the enemies of his holiness. You see, that when 
the Roman faith perisheth in Ireland, the See of Rome is fated to 
utter destruction. The council of Cardinals have therefore, thought 
it necessary to animate the people of the holy Island, in this pious 
cause ; heing assured that while the mother church hath sons of 
such worth as you, and those who shall unite with you, she shall 
not fall, but prevail for ever, in some degree at least in Britain. 
Having thus obeyed the order of the sacred council, we recommend 
your princely person to the protection of the Holy Trinity, of the 
blessed Virgin, of St. Peter, St. Paul, and all the host of heaven, 

mary's character. 195 


QUEEN MARY.— A. D. 1553—1558. 

mary's character as described by francis de noailles, 
the french ambassador at the english court' — the ef- 
fects of mary's reign in ireland, not so disastrous 

as in england — the reasons why it was not so prompt 

measures determined on for bringing the country 

under the dominion of the see of rome the design 

providentially frustrated the death of mary occurred 

immediately after. 

( The bloody reign of Queen Mary,' says a Roman century 

Catholic writer, c is the dismal ditty of every nursery, yet 

the temper of the times neither began with her, nor 
ended with her.' And a good deal has been said of late, 
— since people have begun to disbelieve what is unpleasant 
to remember, — to give the world a better impression of her 

Every right-thinking person will recoil from the thought 
of blackening an adversary unnecessarily, but the truth 
requires, that we should both expose corrupt doctrines, JJcierf dia 
and the enormous cruelties by which they were upheld. 
If the Queen was by natural temper a mild person, the 
greater is the fault of the principles which led her into 
those crimes which have made her name a proverb. To 

o 2 



The French 
at the En- 
glish Court. 


know what she was in these years of bitterness, it may 
suffice to give a sketch by the hand of a contemporary, — 
not an English or Protestant writer, but a bishop in the 
orders of the Church of Rome, — Francis de Noailles, then 
residing as Ambassador at the English court ; his letter 
is dated May 7th 1556, and addressed to the King of 

1 After receiving your Majesty's commands and having 
learned that Lord Clinton was returned from France the 
day before, I sought an audience with the Queen, and 
expressed to her in many words your Majesty's satisfac- 
tion, with the friendly demonstration, and good purposes, 
which you had received from her by Lord Clinton. With 
this language, and every thing that I said to this purpose, 
she put on an appearance of pleasure, and said first of all, 
that-she would never be less disposed than she had been 
in time past, to procure a good peace between you, Sire, 
the Emperor, and the King her husband, as one of the 
things, which of all others, she desired most. She said 
she had received great pleasure and satisfaction from the 
gracious reception, which your Majesty had given to Lord 
Clinton, and the good and laudable purposes which you 
had professed, as my Lord had reported them ; especially 
she felt herself much obliged to your majesty, that you 
had been pleased to promise to send her, as prisoners, 
some of her subjects, who were in France ; " abominable 
wretches, heretics and traitors, well might she call them 
so/' she said" in regard to their crimes, which were so vile 
and execrable." 

e She had no doubt, that as a good and virtuous Prince, 
attentive to the duties of a community, you would make 
your deeds answerable to your words, and that you would 
not keep them in your kingdom. For her part she would 

queen mary's character. 197 

not fail of her promise in one jot, to gain three such king- century 

doms, as England, France and Spain ; much less in so 1— 

detestable a matter, as that of her said subjects. And 
here she appealed, and repeated the question two or three 
times with a loud voice to Lord Clinton ; was it not true, 
that your Majesty had promised to send them ? Clinton 
replied, Yes, provided your Majesty could discover them. 

'When I made answer, speaking of these men, as il ban- 
ished men/' or " transfugees," she prayed me not to call 
them so, but " abominable heretics and traitors," and even 
worse if possible, although she was very sorry to have 
occasion to call her own subjects by such bad names. I 
willingly complied with her pleasure, telling her that as to 
this point, the good and friendly understanding, between 
your two Majesties, was the reason why gentlemen, and 
other subjects of hers, had been usually well received in 
the realms and countries owing obedience to your Majesty ; 
but if those " abominable wretches and traitors" had come 
here, and were now in your dominions, I was assured, 
since they were now known as such, your Majesty would 
satisfy her wishes, provided they could be apprehended. 

' These demands of the Queen, were made with such 
vehemence, and so often repeated, that it was evident, 
though she forced herself to give me a good and gracious 
reception, the very little I said to contradict her (and it 
was very little) had thrown her into an extreme passion, 
and I took care to be on my guard, that she and her 
ministers should not suppose, that the intention was to 
excuse our not delivering up these banished men, sooner 
than was necessary. 

' I must needs tell you, Sire, that this Princess lives con- 
stantly in two great extremes of anger and suspicion, for 
which we must excuse her, because she is in a continued 



century madness of disappointment, not being able to enjoy either 

the presence of her husband, or the love of her people ; 

and she is also in great fear of losing her life, by the 
treachery of some of her domestics, it having been lately 
found out, that one of her chaplains had attempted to kill 
her, though they do not like to say much about it.' 

Her parliament a short time before, had refused their 
consent to a Bill for confiscating the property of the 
English refugees, and thus the evasive answer of the King 
of France was a second provocation. The war with France 
soon followed, and the loss of Calais ; which is said to have 
preyed upon her spirits, till it caused her death. There 
is no pleasure in reviving the remembrance of a vindictive 
woman, w T ho satisfied her unhappy soul with a gloomy 
fanatical devotion, while she raged against one half of her 
subjects, with the spirit" of a tigress, defeated of her prey. 
The effects of Mary's reign in Ireland were not however 
by any means so disastrous as in England. Her accession 
however, was the means of totally checking for a time 
the progress of the Reformation in that country. The 
ministers of the crown knew better in that day, than they 
appear to do at the present, the fatal consequences, that 
would inevitably follow from any prompt measure of seve- 
rity, inflicted on the friends and supporters of the British 
interest in Ireland ; such measures would in fact have 
endangered the connection that existed between the two 

At last however, at the close of Mary's reign, prompt 

The effects 
of Mary's 
reign in Ire- 
land, not so 
disastrous as 
in England. 

The reasons 
why it was 
not so. 

* Much has been said of the forbearance of the Irish hierarchy, 
in abstaining from persecution during this reign ; and if it were 
even probable that they had the power to injure, one would be in- 
clined to relieve himself from the clamour, by giving the order full 
credit for a single instance of moderation. But it is certain, that 



measures were reluctantly determined on for reducing the 
country again under the dominion of the Roman See ; and 
for this purpose, one of the first steps taken by the govern- 
ment, was to deprive those bishops of their Sees, who 

the Irish Protestants did not owe much to the lenity of either the 
Queen or the bishops. 

In the third of her reign, the Lord deputy St. Leger was removed 
from his office, because it was suggested by his enemies at court, 
that he had formerly made some verses in ridicule of transubstan- 
tiation. It was the first article of the instructions of the new Lord 
deputy, and his council, f that they should, by all good means pos- 
sible, advance the honor of God, and of the Catholic church ; that they 
should set forth the honor and dignity of the pope's holiness, and 
the see apostolic of Rome ; and from time to time he ready with 
their aid and secular force, at the request of all spiritual ministers and 
ordinaries, to punish and repress all heretics and Lollards, and their 
damnable sects, opinions and errors.' 

The better to carry these instructions into effect, an act was passed 
in the following year, reviving three statutes for the punishment of 
heresy, the preamble runs as follows ; — ' For the eschuyng and 
avoiding of errours and heresies, which of late have risen, growen, 
and mouche increased within this realme ; for that the ordinaries have 
wanted authoritie to procede against those that were infected there- 
with ; be it therefore ordeyned and enacted by the authoritye of this 
present parliament, that the statute made,' &c. 

It appears, therefore, that the Queen was too impartial a fanatic 
to make a distinction of places or persons ; and that the prelates 
looked, with the same eagerness, as their brethren in England, for 
the aid of the secular arm ; but the local executive could not second 
these charitable intentions, without disregarding common sense and 
the ordinary maxims of English policy. The great contest in Ireland 
was, and still is, between the races, not the churches ; the usual animo- 
sities raged between the government and the natives : so that 
O'Sullivan, over-catholic, as he is justly, but somewhat ominously 
called by the Rockite historian, is obliged to give this character to 
Mary ? s reign, ' that though she has endeavoured to extend the Catholic 
reign, yet her governors and councellors did not cease to injure and 


Measures de- 
termined on 
for bringing 
the country 
under the do- 
minion of the 
See of Rome. 


century were favourable to the reformation, and to substitute in 

their places others attached to the Romish religion. A 

commission was therefore issued in April 1554, to Dow- 
dall, the restored Archbishop of Armagh, Walsh, elect 
Bishop of Meath, Leverous, the future Bishop of Kildare, 
and other delegates, authorizing them to take measures 
for restoring the Romish religion, and especially for re- 
establishing celibacy among the clergy, by punishing those 
who had been guilty of violating it by marriage. In exe- 
cution of this commission, on the 29th of June, Staples, 
Bishop of Meath, was deprived of his See, and in the 
latter end of the same year, the like penalty was inflicted 
on Browne, Archbishop of Dublin, Lancaster, Bishop of 
Kildare, Travers, Bishop of Leighlin, and Casey, Bishop 
of Limerick ; — Bale, Bishop of Ossory had fled beyond the 

insult the Irish.' The Protestants then in Ireland were English, 
many of them by birth, and nearly all by descent : in allowing the 
bishops to burn them, the crown would deprive itself of some of 
its best subjects, would alarm and mortify the nobles by furnishing 
their old rivals with such tremendous powers, and offend the Eng- 
lish generally, while it encouraged the Irish. Thus the flames that 
consumed the heretics might have kindled a civil war, in which the 
old enemies of English connection would have been aided by some 
who had hitherto been its most zealous supporters. But it would 
seem, that, as the Queen's bigotry grew with the decline of her 
health and understanding, even this danger ceased to be regarded in 
any other light, than as enhancing the merit of her orthodox zeal. 
A commission was actually signed for commencing the persecution 
of the Protestants in Ireland ; but it miscarried on the way, and be- 
fore another could be issued, the Queen was summoned to her great 
account.' — (Ware's reign of Mary.) 

* When Queen Mary came to the throne, and the Pope's party 
were encouraged and emboldened to acts of violent daring, Bishop 
Bale was assaulted in his house, and narrowly escaped with his life, 


The design entertained of inflicting on the Irish Protes- century 
tants the scourge of persecution, was, however, providen- — — — 
tially frustrated, in the extraordinary manner described in pwjiden- 
the following anecdote. 'Queen Mary, having dealt severely frustrated. 
with the Protestants of England, about the latter end of 
her reign, signed a commission, for to take the same course 
with them in Ireland ; and to execute the same with 
greater force, she nominated Dr. Cole one of the com- 
missioners. This doctor coming with the commission to 
Chester on his journey ; the mayor of that city hearing 
that her Majesty was sending a messenger into Ireland, 
and he being a churchman, waited on the doctor, who in 
discourse with the mayor, taketh out of a cloak-bag, the 
leathern box, saying unto him, ' Here is a commission 
that shall lash the heretics of Ireland/ (calling the Pro- 
testants by that name.) 

e The poor woman of the house, being well affected to 
the Protestant religion, and also having a brothei named 
John Edmonds of the same, then a citizen in Dublin, was 
much troubled at the doctor's words ; but watching her 
convenient time, while the mayor took his leave, and the 
doctor complimented him down the stairs, she opens the 
box, takes the commission out, and places in lieu thereof, 
a sheet of paper, with a pack of cards, wrapt up therein, 
the knave of clubs being faced uppermost. 

after having seen five of his servants slain before his face ; he was 
afterwards hunted from one place to another, till he reached a place 
of safety on the continent, where he remained for five years, until 
the death of Queen Mary, and the accession of Elizabeth, rendered 
it safe for him to return to Great Britain. Bishop Bale after his 
return from the Continent to England, did not seek a restoration 
to his bishopric, but was contented with a prebend in the Cathedral 
of Canterbury, bestowed on him by the bounty of the Queen. 


century The doctor coming up to his chamber suspecting nothing 

of what had been done, put up the box as formerly. The 
next day going to the water-side, wind and weather serv- 
ing him, he sails towards Ireland, and landed on the 7th 
of October 1558, at Dublin. Then coming to the castle, 
the Lord Fitzwalter, being Lord Deputy, sent for him to 
come before him and the Privy Council, who coming in, 
after he had made a speech, relating upon what account he 
came over, he presented the box to the Lord Deputy, who 
causing it to be opened, that the secretary might read the 
commission, there was nothing save a pack of cards, with 
the knave of clubs uppermost ; which not only startled 
the Lord Deputy and council, but the doctor, who assured 
them he had a commission, but knew not where it was 
gone ; then the Lord Deputy made answer, ' Let us have 
another commission, and we will shuffle the cards in the 
mean while/ 

f The doctor being troubled in his mind, went away, and 

returned to England, and coming to the court obtained 

another commission, but staying for a wind on the water 

The death of side, news came to him, that the Queen was dead, and 

Mary. ' ' 

thus God preserved the Protestants of Ireland.' 

Queen Elizabeth was so delighted with this story, which 
was related to her by Lord Fitzwalter on his return to 
England, that she sent for Elizabeth Edmonds, whose 
husband's name was Waltershad, and gave her a pension of 
forty pounds per annum during her life.* 

* Copied from the papers of Richard, Earl of Cork, and also 
from the manuscripts of Sir James Ware. See also Cox, Hiber • 
nia Anglicana, or History of Ireland, vol. ii. p. 308 ; Harleian 
Miscellany, vol. v. p. 368. 

the queen's moderation. 203 

QUEEN ELIZABETH,— A. D. 1558—1602. 










Notwithstanding the check thus given to the Reforma- century 


tion in the reign of Mary, appearances were more favoura- 

ble than ever in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Elizabeth 
had conducted herself with much quiet circumspection 
during the reign of her sister ; and although decided in The Queen , s 
her views of religion, showed the same moderation upon moder ation. 
her coming to the throne. She invited the English Invitationto 
bishops to assist at her coronation ; all except one refused. Sshops hsh 
In the same conciliatory spirit, she caused her accession to 
be notified at Rome, in the form usually observed between 
friendly courts ; and in this instance also her condescension 
was rudely repulsed. The Pope, Paul the fourth, re- 
minded her ambassador, ' that the British dominions were yi^ce e s 
fiefs of the holy See/ he said that ' it was a great bold- 




The Queen 
resolved to 
shake off the 
Papal yoke. 

ness in her to assume the government without his permis- 
sion ; that she could not succeed, being illegitimate ; that 
she deserved not to be heard in any thing, yet as he was 
desirous to show a fatherly affection, he would do what- 
soever might be done, with the honor of the apostolic See, 
if she renounced her pretensions and referred herself 
wholly to his free favour.' But the Queen, says father 
Paul, understanding the Pope's answer and wondering at 
the man's hasty disposition, thought it profitable neither for 
herself nor her kingdom to treat any more with him.* 

His successor, more subtle and less precipitate, endea- 
voured to repair the mischief by soothing overtures ; he 
proposed a plan of reconciliation, founded on mutual con- 
cessions ; the Queen was invited to send an ambassador and 
some bishops, to the approaching council of Trent ; where 
the delicate question of her legitimacy should be settled, 
he said, to her satisfaction ; the reformed liturgy should 
be sanctioned; the cup allowed to the laity, and the priest- 
hood permitted to marry. All this and more, the com- 
plying Pontiff was willing to grant, if Elizabeth would 
return to the unity of the Church ; power and revenue 
were his objects, and could these be attained, theological 
differences would have created little difficulty. But the 
Queen understood him as well as his predecessor ; ( she 
resolved,' says a papal bishop, with unintentional felicity, 
6 to shake off the yoke of the Roman See,' and proceeded 
to arrange the establishment of a national Church. 

* 'If,' says a truly respectable Roman Catholic bishop 'if in 
high and indignant resentment, she then made her choice, and if 
that choice proved subversive of a religion, the professors of which 
could suffer their first pastor to think and speak thus, I may be sorry, 
but I cannot be surprized.' — (Berington's Memoirs of Gregorio 
Panzania, Introduction.) 


As soon as this determination of the Queen was known century 


in Ireland, the whole body of the Romish priests aban- 

' J r The Irish 

doned their connection with Rome, and adopted the liturgy ecclesiastics 

' L 0,/ and laity 

of the Church of Ireland, and the entire mass of the popu- abandon 

Li their connec- 

lation outwardly conformed to the ritual of the established £ on with 

•> Rome. 

Church. In short that the whole island did actually pro- 
fess the protestant faith in the time of Elizabeth, is a 
fact as certain, as any other in the records of history.* 

Carte thus alludes to the fact. c In the beginning of carte. 
Queen Elizabeth's reign, the Roman Catholics, universally 
throughout England, observed the act of uniformity, and 
went to the parish churches, where the English liturgy was 
constantly used. They continued doing so for eleven 
years ; the case was much the same in Ireland, where the 

* One of the awful features of the latter-day apostacy, as de- 
scribed by St. Paul, is that of 'the Priests speaking lies in hypo- 
crisy,' and the people labouring under a strong delusion, that they 
should believe a lie. At a Meeting held in the Romish Cathedral 
in Tuam, December, 1844, Archbishop Mac Hale in the chair, 
the following resolution was proposed by the Rev. John Loftus, 
P.P., seconded by the Rev. John Fitzgerald and adopted unani- 
mously. ' That there never was a priesthood, more influential in 
right, and more powerless in wrong, than the Irish Priesthood. That 
this is entirely owing to the enlightened veneration of the great body 
of the Laity, who followed their clergy when right — who pity them 
when erring, and abandon them, should they be irreclaimable ; and 
that the enlightened fidelity of the Irish people, is singularly illus- 
trated, by a striking contrast with the English people. The few 
apostate pastors of the former falling solitary victims, at the time of 
the Lutheran heresy, their flocks giving a sincere tear for their fate, 
and a hearty imprecation to their seducers ; whilst the unfortunate 
people of England, followed their bishops, who were led astray, and 
like the host of heaven, in the case of Lucifer, became the melan- 
choly companions of their fall.' I need scarcely remark here, that 
the facts of the case are the very reverse of all this. 





A.D. 1606. 


bishops complied with the Reformation, and the Roman 
Catholics in general resorted to the parish churches, in 
which the English service was used, until the end of 
Queen Elizabeth's reign. But swarms of Jesuits and 
priests, educated in the seminaries founded by King 
Philip in Spain and the Netherlands, and by the Cardinal 
of Lorraine in Champagne (where pursuant to the views 
of the founders, they sucked in, as well the principles of 
rebellion, as what they call catholicity} coming over into 
that kingdom, as full of secular as of religious views, they 
soon prevailed with an ignorant and credulous people to 
withdraw from the public service of the Church.' 

Berington, a popish bishop, thus expresses himself. 
'■ For some time the great body of the (Roman Catholic) 
clergy, conformed externally to the law. It was after- 
wards more than once publicly declared by Sir Edward 
Coke, then attorney general, which the Queen herself con- 
firmed in a letter to Sir Francis Walsingham, that for the 
first two years of her reign, the Roman Catholics without 
doubt or scruple, repaired to the parish churches. The 
assertion is true, if not too generally applied, " I deny 
not," says father Parsons, in reply to Coke, "but that 
many throughout the realm, though otherwise Catholics in 
heart, as most of them were, did at that time, and after, 
as also now, either from fear or lack of better instruction, 
or both, repair to protestant churches." ' 

Leland in reference to the subject, says, ' However the 
foreign clergy and popish emissaries, might have encouraged 
the people to repine at the present laws, yet it is certain, 
and acknowledged by writers of the Romish communion, 
when it serves the purpose of their argument, that these 
laws were not executed with rigour in the reign of Eliza- 
beth. The act which enforced attendance at the reformed 


worship, under the penalty of one shilling on the absentee, century 

met with a general compliance from the papists in England, 

until the excommunication of the Queen, and the industry 
of the Jesuits, created numbers of recusants. 

' In Ireland, the remonstrants of 1644, contended that 
it was not at all executed in this reign. Their answers 
assign a reason ; — because there were no recusants ; as 
all the Romish communion resorted to the established 
Churches. 9 

The following passages from Phelan, strongly corrobor- Pheian. 
ates what has been already stated, by Protestant and 
Romish authors. ' For eleven years the measures of the 
Queen were unmolested by the papal government, and 
received without opposition by the great body of the 
Roman Catholics. The laity every where frequented the 
churches ; multitudes of the priests adopted the prescribed 
changes, and continued to officiate in their former cures ; 
and the majority of the prelates leading, or following the 
popular opinion, retained their Sees, and exercised their 
functions, according to the reformed ritual. At length 
the patience of Rome was exhausted, and that spiritual 
sword unsheathed against these countries, which, as it 
would appear, is never to be returned into the scabbard. 
Elizabeth was excommunicated, and her subjects absolved 
from their allegiance by four successive Popes. Her life 
was assailed by numerous conspiracies ; her kingdom given 
up to the vengeance of Spain, (at that time the greatest 
power on the continent), and to the more mischievous 
intrigues of the new order of Jesuits.' 

Thus the fact of the Reformation having been generally The new 
received in Ireland, by the nobles, priests and people, SesuLtL 
seems to be as fully proved, as any other in history. The 
Bishops (with the exception of two,) and priests of the 


century Church of Rome, all outwardly conformed : they freely 
substituted the common prayer for the missal, and Eng- 
lish service for the Latin mass ; they could then discover 
no heresy in our book of prayer, and nothing damnable in 
our public service. But a new light flashed upon them 
from Rome, and after many years conformity, they with- 
drew from our Church.* 

* My Lord Alvanley, in open defiance of all historic evidence, 
states in his Pamphlet on Ireland, ' that when the Reformation was 
attempted to be forcibly introduced into the country, and a new 
faith proclaimed by act of parliament, when the monastic institu- 
tions, which afforded them protection were dissolved, their posses- 
sions seized, and their ministers driven out by force, a general spirit 
of resistance spread over the land, and the people made common 
cause with those, whom they considered to be their benefactors and 

The Reformation was never ' attempted to be forcibly introduced 
into the country.' It was introduced and carried into effect, by the 
unanimous concurrence of the whole body of the people, lay and 
ecclesiastic. The old and not the new faith was proclaimed by act 
of parliament, and received joyfully by all the inhabitants of the 

1 What do we find 1 ' says that noble champion in the cause of 
divine truth, the Earl of Roden in his masterly answer to my Lord 
Alvanley, ' not the property transferred, as stated, from one set of 
ecclesiastics to another, but the same persons, that were then in 
possession, consenting to, and effecting in conduction with the state, 
a reform in religion, and subscribing, and conforming to the doc- 
trines, rites and ceremonies of the church, as it is to this day estab- 
lished. Only two of the bishops, namely, Kildare and Meath, were 
deprived of their Sees, and this, for an act of rebellion against the 
Queen, in refusing to acknowledge her as the supreme governor of 
the clergy, as well as of the laity. During a great part of Eliza- 
beth's reign, the bishops complied with the alteration in the service ; 
and so far from the adherents of the church of Rome thinking 
conformity a grievance, they resorted to the service of the parish 


' The court of Rome at this period possessed, in the order century 

of Jesuits, the most accomplished political intriguants of 

the day ; there was many a master-mind among the mem- 
bers of that extraordinary fraternity. The most exquisite 

church, convinced of its edifying and instructive nature.' ' It would 
thus appear, that the established church, is the church of Ireland, 
both ' de jure,' and e de facto,' and that the Roman Catholics are 
justly considered in the same light as other dissenters, with this 
exception, that with the former, our differences are on the essential 
points of doctrine ; whilst with many of the latter, we are united 
on the great principles of truth, and only differ as to forms and 
church government.' 

What a striking contrast do we find in the conduct of the British 
bishops on the same occasion. On the accession of Elizabeth, the 
entire body of the bishops, with the solitary exception of one in- 
dividual, refused to recognize her title to the throne, and although 
she consented to be crowned according to the rites of the church of 
Rome, which was then the religion of the country, there was but 
one of them, Oglethorpe, bishop of Carlisle, who could be induced 
to perform the ceremony. The Rev. F. Massingberd, author of the 
History of the British Reformation, has kindly supplied me with 
the following account of the consecration of Archbishop Parker. 
* There were remaining on the accession of Queen Elizabeth, three 
ejected bishops, who had formerly been in possession of English 
Sees, — Coverdale, Scory, and Barlow. One bishop of Queen Mary's 
time, Kitchen of LlandafF, conformed and remained in possession. 
There were also two suffragan bishops of the reformed opinions, 
those of Thetford and Bedford, to whom was joined Bale, bishop of 
Ossory, seven in all, willing to continue the succession. The con- 
secration of Archbishop Parker was actually performed by Scory, 
Barlow, and Coverdale, assisted by Hotchkins, the suffragan of 

The Romanists assert, that this consecration of Parker was both 
illegal and uncanonical, the consecrators being at the time under 
sentence of canonical and legal deposition, holding no sees, possess- 
ing no livings, and therefore enjoying no kind of jurisdiction. It 
might be well, by the way of putting an extinguisher on all such 



CE i6-Y9 RY an< ^ re fi ne d subtlety; the most brilliant and attractive 

talents ; the most accomplished spirit of intrigue and 

diplomacy, combined with all the power that religious 
genius and wealth could confer, were the attributes of a 
body, which flung itself, with all the passion of a desperate 
fidelity, into the service of the Church of Rome. They 
were found in the palace, and in the hovel ; in the camp, 
and in the hall, leading the song of the revel to-night, 
and joining in the hymn of the choir to-morrow, till there 
was no place and no circumstance in which they had not a 
share. - ' 

It was from this fraternity that the court of Rome 
selected its agents, who were to accomplish the work of 
checking the Reformation in both England and Ireland. 
While Campion and Parsons were sent to the former, 
Saunders and Allen were sent to the latter. The 
mode in which their operations were to be conducted 

cavils and objections in future, for the English Bishops to come 
over to Ireland and receive consecration from the hands of our 
bishops, as we have ' the real succession ' in our church. 

A singular story is told by H. Wharton, in his notes upon Bur- 
net's History of the Reformation, concerning the family of Barlow, 
of whom Burnet believed, that he was not a married man. 

Wharton says he was married, and had five daughters, each of 
whom married a bishop, and one was successively married to the 
Archbishops of Canterbury and York. It was one of those episcopal 
ladies, of whom a story is told, by a different authority, as having 
attracted the attention of Ridley, who never did marry, so far, that 
having witnessed her conjugal attention to her husband, during a 
visit at Cambridge, he asked, whether she had a sister, the nearest 
approach he ever made to matrimony. This lady was Parker's 
wife, and the story relates to some visit of Ridley's to him, long 
before he was Archbishop. 




and Allen 

was to be regulated by the circumstances of each country ce ntub 

When those men arrived in Ireland, they found the 
bishops, priests and laity, all going quietly to the services Ireland 
of the reformed liturgy. They made no opposition, and 
seem to have felt no repugnance to the perfect change 
which characterised the public services of the Church. 
There was generally throughout the country, that external 
conformity, which we might expect from a rude and 
untutored people, who knew but little and cared still less 
about the forms of religion ; and it therefore became 
necessary, that these sacerdotal instigators of treason 
should adopt some means by which they could alienate the 
people from the Church of Ireland, and from the authority 
of England, by whose power it was established. 

To this end it was requisite, (and there were agents not 
particularly scrupulous as to the means to be employed), 
that they should act on the ignorance, the superstition, 
the religious prejudices, and national antipathies of the 
people, against every thing English, as associated with 
religious debasement, and national conquest. They there- 
fore traversed the land, preaching that Elizabeth was ex- 
communicated and deposed, and that all her ordinances, 
whether civil or ecclesiastical, were invalid, as the acts of 
an heretical person. The equipment of the Armada was 
then in contemplation, to constrain England from without ; 
an insurrection in Ireland was in considerable forwardness, 
to weaken her power within; while factions and intrigues 
were ripe in England, through the agency of Campion and 
Parsons. While the political horizon was thus darkened, 
these men conducted their measures among the Irish 
priests with success, and produced what in those dark 
times was deemed equally authoritative with the law of 

p 2 



God, the papal Bull for the formal excommunication and 
deposition of the Queen. Hatred to England as an invader, 
and hatred to protestantism as a heresy, now burst forth, 
and spread like wildfire through the length and breadth of 
the land. 

The real object of these intrigues was to depose Eliza- 
beth, and thereby bring these realms under the dominion, 
was to'd" 1 anc ^ within tne grasp of the Pope ; thus preparing the way 
Que 6 en he ^ or tne effectual subversion of the Reformation in these 
countries. The Desmonds were in arms, the cry of battle 
was heard in all the deep recesses of Ireland, the clans 
were gathered under their respective chiefs, and a war of 
extermination proclaimed in all her borders. 

His holiness the Pope was not a particle less unprinci- 
pled in the motives which he held forth for the encourage- 
ment of rebellion. He thus addresses himself to the 
rebels, ' We exhort all and singular of you, by the bowels 
of the compassion of God, that discerning the seasonable- 
a.b.1575. ness of this opportunity, you will each, according to his 
power, aid the piety and valour of this noble general 
(James Geraldine, the leader of the rebel army) and fear 
not a woman, who, being long since bound with a chain 
of anathema, and growing more and more vile every day, 
has departed from the Lord, and the Lord from her ; and 
many disasters will deservedly come upon her : and that 
you may do this, with a greater alacrity, we grant to all 
and singular of you, who, being contrite and confessing, 
shall follow the said general, and join themselves to his 
army in maintaining and defending the Catholic faith, or 
shall forward his purpose, by council, arms, provisions, or 
any other means, a plenary indulgence of all their 
sins, &c.' 

Here was abundant encouragement to rebellion ! a 


plenary indulgence of all sin to those who should assist century 

in this atrocious treason, ' by arms, or any other means.' 

And while this Bull appeals to the gross ignorance and 
superstition of the people, the next alludes to another 
motive, namely, hatred to the English : ' Whereas by our 
letters of former years, we exhorted you that for the pur- 
pose of recovering your liberty, and maintaining it against 
the heretics, you would join with James Geraldine of 
happy memory, who strove zealously, to shake off from 
you, the yoke of the English, (the deserters from the holy 
Roman Church,) and whereas, that you may more vigor- 
ously second him, in his efforts against your enemies, and 
the enemies of God, we granted unto all, who confessing, 
and being contrite, should join his army, the plenary 
remission of their sins, &c.' 

Again his holiness writes to the rebel O'Neil, after he had 
accomplished the treason, thus consecrated by the Pope : AD160L 
' We HAVE derived great joy from these tidings, 
and have given thanks to God the Father of 
mercies, who has still left in Ireland, many thousands of 
men, who have not bowed the knee to Baal, for these 
have not gone after impious heresies, or profane novelties^ 
but have fought manfully in detestation of them, for the 
inheritance of their fathers, for the preservation of the 
faith, for the maintenance of unity, with one Catholic 
and apostolic Church, out of which there is no salvation.' 

Now the motive to which the appeal is here made, is to 
the national antipathies and prejudices of the people, conse- 
quently to all the worst passions of mankind. It was to these 
feelings, which rankled in the hearts of the people, — these 
antipathies against England, which arose from association of 
ideas, connected with conquest, and national dishonor, — 
it was to these, combined with f the absolution from all 


century sin,* that the Pope appealed, when dealing with one class ; 

while all his motives were connected exclusively with reli- 
gion when dealing with the other. 

Let us now direct our attention to a few historical facts in 
corroboration of the statements now made. In 1575, James 
Geraldine, the individual mentioned in the Pope's Bull of 
this year, and one of the Irish lords, engaged in plotting 
an insurrection against his sovereign, Queen Elizabeth, — 
went over to Philip II. King of Spain, on whom Pope 
Pius Y had conferred the dominions of the Queen, and 
sought assistance from him, for the Irish Romanists. He 
then went to Rome, where after some time he obtained from 
the Pope a pardon for all the bands of robbers,* who then in- 
fested Italy, on condition that they should undertake an ex- 
pedition to Ireland, for the exaltation of the See of Rome. 
An army thus composed was headed by a titular bishop of 
Killaloe, Cornelius O'Melrian, and by the Jesuit Saunders ; 
and it landed in Ireland not long after. This expedition 
however, entirely failed, but the same titular bishop, a few 

* We are informed by the popish historian, 0' Sullivan, a good 
authority in this matter, 'that in the year 1575, Geraldine of Des- 
mond, plotting an insurrection upon a grand scale, was desirous to 
concert his measures with Pope Gregory, and proceeded to Rome for 
that purpose. He found there Cornelius O'Melrian, an Irish Fran- 
ciscan, who had been recently appointed Bishop of Killaloe, and 
who at once became a principal in the councils of Desmond. To 
their united solicitations for assistance, his holiness readily consented, 
and granted to the banditti, then desolating Italy, a free pardon^ 
on condition of their undertaking an expedition to Ireland. At the 
head of these Missionaries, the intrusive Bishop of Killaloe landed 
in Ireland, distributed arms and indulgences among the rebels, who 
nocked to his standard ; inscribed upon his banners, the device of 
the keys, ' because he fought for him, who had the keys of the 
kingdom of heaven.' 



years afterwards, is found introducing supplies of men, century 
money, and arms, from Spain, for the reliefpf the insurgents. 
Another, assuming the title of Archbishop of Armagh, 
came with orders from the King of Spain, that the Irish 
should revolt ; and having excited a rebellion, he fell in 
battle with the royal troops. O'Hely, called Archbishop 
of Tuam, was sent afterwards, by one of the Irish chief- 
tains, to the King of Spain, whom he exhorted to invade 
and subdue Ireland. 

When the next insurrection broke out, we find M'Egan, 
a titular bishop and vicar apostolic, issuing an excom- 
munication against all who should give quarter to the 
prisoners taken from the Queen's army. M'Egan caused 
all such persons to be put to death in his 'presence ; and he 
himself at last fell in battle against the royal army, leading 
a troop of horse, with his sword in one hand and his 
breviary and beads in the other. In consequence of these 
proceedings, Ireland became the scene of war for thirty 
years, in which the bishops, Jesuits and other priests, sent 
by the Pope, took a most active and leading part. In 
this war, numbers of the poor and ignorant people were 
exposed to the arts of the popish emissaries ; and persuaded 
or forced to forsake the Church, in order to show their 
hostility to the Queen. 

Such were the measures employed to subvert the 
Reformation in Ireland. Rebellion, Treason, and 
Blood. The Romish priests were the movers and 
instigators of all this mass of crime. The people were, 
and still are, the unhappy victims ; and just as the work of 
the gospel was then stifled by the ignorant prejudices and 
national hatred to England, its laws, and its religion ; so 
is the work still restrained by the same means, and the 
same parties. The priests still excite the worst passions 


CE i6-\ T 9 lY °f tne i r deluded followers against England, and awaken 
every motive of hatred, against all that emanates from the 

* It has become a kind of fashion among the popish Liberals and 
Tractarians of our day, to represent Queen Mary as an [amiably- 
disposed Sovereign, and Queen Elizabeth as the reverse of all this. 
But it will, I am confident, appear evident, on the examination of all 
the facts of the case, that Elizabeth's failings were those of too much 
forbearance ; and that if she had at the commencement of her reign, 
acted with something of the resolution of her father, all the mise- 
ries which have afflicted Ireland, might have been thus avoided. She 
allowed the storm to arise, and assume the character of a tempest, 
before she attempted to allay it, and then she acted entirely on the 
defensive ; all that was done was solely and exclusively for the pre- 
servation of herself and her dominions. It may be safely left to 
the reader's judgment, whether Elizabeth, whose reign was threat- 
ened with such machinations and conspiracies, which have now been 
exhibited before us, — when foreign courts were thus united with 
the Pope to take away her life, and many plots of a similar nature 
were concocted at Rome during her reign, did anything more than 
her duty, in punishing those who were in league with her most 
determined enemies. 









In pursuing the history of these times, two of the most CE iSlY& Y 
extraordinary circumstances have been brought before us, two extraor- 
that can well be imagined. We have seen all the aristo- dmaiyfac 
cracy of the country, coming forward as one man in pro- 
claiming Henry VIII, King of Ireland and supreme head 
of the Church, and in the most solemn manner, ( to agree, 
consent, arid engage, jointly and separately for themselves, 
their heirs, tenants, and followers, that they will hold and 
perform, all and singular articles, pledges, and conditions, 
which are contained on their part in said indenture.' 

■ They and each of them, do and doth acknowledge the 
King's Majesty aforesaid, to be their natural and liege- 




How to be 

lord ; and will honor, obey and serve him, and the kings 
his successors, as the supreme head of the Church on earth, 
immediately under Christ, &c. And as far as lieth in their 
power jointly and separately, they will annihilate the 
usurped primacy and authority of the Bishop of Rome, 
and will expel and eradicate all his favourers, abettors, 
and partizans, and maintain, support and defend all per- 
sons, spiritual and temporal, who shall be promoted to 
church benefices or dignities by the King's Majesty, or 
other rightful patrons, and will apprehend and bring to 
justice, to be tried according to the laws made, or to be 
made in such behalf, all who apply for provision to the 
Bishop of Rome, or who betake themselves to Rome in 
quest of promotion' : — 

And in Queen Elizabeth's day, as we have just seen, 
the laity are everywhere found frequenting the parish 
Churches, multitudes of the priests adopting the prescribed 
changes, and the prelates leading or following the popular 
opinion, retaining their sees, and exercising their func- 
tions according to the reformed ritual. And again after 
a period of thirty years of continued opposition to Rome, 
the whole body of the people, at the instigation of the 
Jesuits, return to the Romish Church, having imbibed the 
most rancorous hatred to England and the ordinances of 
the reformed religion. How can all this be accounted for ? 
Perhaps after what has been already alleged it might 
reasonably be expected, when answering this question, we 
should throw the whole blame of this unexpected relapse 
into popery, upon the Jesuits, assisted by the power of 
Spain, and directed as they were, by the powers of Rome, 
whose energies seem to have been then, (as they now are) 
concentrated upon what they conceived, the true interests 
of Ireland. But candour obliges us to acknowledge, that 


all their efforts, thus aided and supported, would have century 


fallen powerless before the power of truth, and the armour 
of righteousness, had not the wretched policy of England 
fatally combined with the plans of her enemies to arrest 
the progress of the Reformation. 

An act passed in the twenty-eighth year of the reign of 
Henry VIII, chap. XV, entitled l an act for the English ^* c * f j°^ h 
order, habit, and language,' &c. &c,* was the first ' heavy ^der^ habit, 

* By this act Henry VIII., founded the system of national edu- 
cation for Ireland. The schools were to be under the direction of 
the parochial clergy, and through them of the state. The children 
were to be instructed ' in a good and virtuous obedience they owe 
to their prince and superiors, and to receive instruction in the laws 
of God, with a conformity, concordance, and familiarity, in language 
and manners, with those that be civil people, and that do profess 
and know Christ's religion, and civil and politic laws, orders, and 

The Diocesan Schools, for the education of the sons of the nobi- 
lity, gentry, and clergy, were to be supported, as the case now is, 
by the clergy. In the parochial schools, the children to be 
taught either by the clergyman himself, or by a master paid by 

How different is the present system of national education, which 
aims a deadly blow at the principle of all establishments. The 
clergy are superseded in the work they are sworn to perform, and 
in consequence of this, there is no provision made for ' good and 
virtuous obedience to the Queen, and superiors,' — no security for in- 
struction in the laws of God, and consequently for the profession and 
knowledge of Christ's religion. The Patron of a so-called national 
school, may give whatever religious instruction he likes to the chil- 
dren. Jews, Turks, Infidels, Heretics and Christians, here stand 
upon the same level. If a pupil in one of these schools, should 
beseech and intreat the clergyman of his parish to teach him the 
word of God, along with his fellow pupils, he must not attend to 
his request, as long as a Romish Priest, acting through a blind and 
ignorant parent, says no. The clergyman ordained and sworn to 


century blow.' which the Reformed church received ; that act 

16—19. ' 

teach every soul within the precincts of his parish, that will listen 
to him, is " to promise and vow " to the commissioners of educa- 
tion, that he Avill not ; — so that at their bidding, he will deliberately 
shut the Book of Life in the face of that pupil earnestly and 
anxiously demanding the clergyman's exercise of his office. 

Sir Robert Peel's advice to the Church in England, in 1839, is 
equally applicable to the same Church in Ireland in 1845, ' with 
respect to the Established Church, I hope that, rather than consent 
to any plan from which ecclesiastical authority is excluded, it would 
separate itself from the State upon this point ; that it would take 
the education of the people into its own hands ; that it would not 
shrink from insisting on the publication of its own peculiar doc- 
trines ; but that it would demand, that the highest respect should 
be entertained for its power, by its being inculcated in the minds 
of children, that religion formed the basis of all education. I very 
much doubt, whether the principles of the Christian faith, being 
thus inculcated among children, as good a chance of harmony would 
not be secured, as by telling them, religion was an open question, 
and that each of them was to be instructed by a minister of his 
own creed, on a certain day set apart for that purpose.' — (Dr. 
Miller's 'Crisis/ p. 8.) 

The 'vital defect,' as my Lord Stanley would say, in Henry 
VIII. 's system of education, was the exclusion of the Irish language 
from the Irish people. 

The following protest has been signed by the clergy of the 
Diocese of Ardagh. 

' We, the undersigned Incumbents and Curates of the Diocese of 
Ardagh, feel ourselves called upon at this peculiar crisis, publicly to 
come forward, and declare our unanimous sentiments on the subject 
of national education. 

* As ministers of the national and Established Church we hold 
ourselves bound, according to our irrevocable ordination- vows, to be 
ready always to instruct all to whom we can have access, in the word 
of God, contained in the Old and New Testaments, and we can 
never enter into a compromise, with either the government or any 
body constituted by it, which would have the effect of restraining 


directed, that the Irish habit and apparel should be century 

us at any time, or in any place, from the discharge of this our 
bounden duty, both to God and man. 

' We would not force ourselves as teachers on any, nor would we 
be parties in compelling any to receive scriptural instruction ; how- 
ever sinfully we must consider them to act, who for themselves or 
their children reject it ; neither would we teach children to disobey 
their parents. But on the other hand, we can never formally, or by 
implication, recognize the right of parents over their children to make 
them disobey the express command of God, (Deut. iv. 9 — 1.1 ; vi. 
7; xi. 19.) And we can never in anyway or degree make our- 
selves partakers of the sin of those, who will thus set their autho- 
rity above the authority of the great Father of us all. 

' We at the same time deny that the objection to scriptural education 
comes originally, or really from the children's parents. The fact is too 
notorious to be disputed, that it is not the parent, but the Priest put- 
ting himself, ' in loco parentis,' that is the objector. We can declare 
that we have never known an intance in our parishes, of children 
being withdrawn from our scriptural schools on this account, in which 
the active and annoying interference of the Priest was not directly 
discernable, as its sole cause. And the parents have rarely yielded, 
until the extreme measure was adopted, or threatened, of publicly 
denouncing them in the chapel, or refusing to them, c the rites 
of the church.' 

' The question here, being the fundamental one, which lies between 
the Roman and all the Reformed churches, viz : shall the light of • 
God's word be free and accessible to all God's creatures ? it would 
plainly be most inconsistent in us as protestants, and Protestant 
ministers, to identify ourselves with the papal view of the question, 
and thus become the instruments of delivering over the children of 
the Roman Catholic population of Ireland, bound, as it were, 
hand and foot, into the power of those, whose interest it is to keep 
them in darkness. 

1 We are accused of offering a factious opposition to government ; 
but this is as contrary to our inclinations, as to our principles ; and 
is a calumny, which our opponents themselves can hardly believe. 
Reduced as we are in our incomes, our pecuniary interest, (were 


century abolished, and the peculiar form in which the Irish wore 

16—19. . r 

their hair should be discontinued.^ 

that consideration to influence us,) would make us glad at once to re- 
lieve ourselves of a burden, we can so ill afford to bear, by throwing 
our schools on the patronage and support of the richly-endowed 
national board : and as to professional advancement, were that our 
object, we should have a strong inducement to conform to the wishes 
of the Rulers set over us. But as we have patiently borne former 
trials and privations, so with the help of God, we are willing to 
bear the present ' heavy blow, and great discouragement,' which we 
feel has accrued to Protestantism in Ireland, from the establishment 
of the national board, until He, in whose hands all events, and 
the issues of them are, shall vouchsafe in His own time and way to 
send us help and deliverance. 

1 We feel, that we have just cause to complain, that whilst the mis- 
taken consciences of others, with respect to scriptural education, are 
treated with so much tenderness, the conscience of the ministers of 
the ' true religion established amongst us,' has been so unkindly 
and ungraciously disregarded. But whatever be the result, we can 
never consent to surrender or sell our principles ; and we are con- 
vinced, that however inexpedient our present opposition to the 
national system of education may appear to some, we ought, and 
may always commit the consequences of right actions to God ; and 
are never, under any circumstances, to "do evil, that good may 
come." ' 

For the declaration of the Irish bishops on the same subject, see 
Appendix, No. 1. 

* It may be amusing to some of our readers, to have a copy of 
this act of parliament, which was to regulate the dress of our 
people. The Irish of that day, appear to have anticipated by three 
centuries, the fashion of our day. The act thus states, that l no 
person, ne persons, the King's subjects within this land, being, or 
hereafter to be, from and after the first day of May, 1539, shall be 
shorn or shaven above the ears, or use the wearing of haire upon 
their heads, like unto long locks, called glibbes, or have or use any 
haire growing on their upper lippes, called or named a 
erommeal, or use or w T eare any shirt, smock, kerchor, bendel, necker- 


It further provided, that spiritual promotion should be century 

given only to such persons as could speak the English — 

language, unless, after four proclamations in the next 
market town, such could not be had.* And that every 
archbishop, bishop &c, at the time of the admission of 
any person to spiritual promotion, should administer an 
oath to the person promoted, that he would endeavour, 
* himself to learn, instruct and teach the English tongue 
to all under his rule, cure, order and governance ; and 
further that he should keep or cause to be kept, within 
the place, territory or parish, where he should have rule, 
benefice or promotion, a school to learn English. 9 &c. 

chour, mocket, or linnen cappe coloured, or dyed with saffron, ne 
yet use or weare in any their shirts or smockes, above seven yards 
of cloth, to be measured according to the King's standard, and that 
also no woman use or weare any kyrtell or cote tucked up, or 
imbroydred, or garnished with silke, or couched, ne layed with 
usker, after the Irish fashion, and that ne person or persons, of what 
estate, condition, or degree they be, shall use or weare any mantles, 
cotes, or hood, made after the Irish fashion, and if any person or 
persons, use or weare any shirt, smock, cote, hood, mantle, kercher, 
bendell, neckerchour, mocket, or linnen cap, contrary to the forme 
above recited, that then every person, so offending, shall forfeit the 
thing so used, or worne, and that it shall be lawful to every the 
King's true subjects, to seize the same, and further the offender in 
any of the premisses shall forfeit for every time, so wearing the same 
against the former aforesaid, such penalties, and summes of money, 
as hereafter by this present act, is limitted and appointed.' 

* As the cold water process is now in active operation, in the hopes 
of curing the conservative malady, an inordinate attachment to the 
present government, a hint might be taken from this act of parlia- 
ment, ' that spiritual promotion should be given only to such 
persons as will support the national system of education, unless 
after four proclamations in the next market-town, such could not 
be had.' 




An act of 

And again, in an act of uniformity, passed by Queen 
Elizabeth, the preamble runs thus : — * Forasmuch as in 
most places of this realm, there cannot be found English 
ministers to serve in the churches or places appointed for 
common prayer ; and that if some good means were pro- 
vided, that they might use the prayers &c, in such lan- 
guage as they might best understand, the due honor of 
God should be thereby much advanced, and for that also, 
that the same may not be in their native language, as well 
from difficulty to get it printed, as that few in the whole 
realm can read the Irish letters : We do therefore most 
humbly beseech your Majesty, that it may be enabled by 
the authority of the present parliament, that in every such 
Church, where the common minister hath not the use of 
the English tongue, it shall be lawful to say or use all 
their common and open prayers in the Latin tongue : ' 
sakfin tSe be which was accordingly enacted by the statute II Elizabeth, 

Latintongue. ^ xy ^^ 1559 _ 60< * 

Had the great enemy of truth been the concoctor and 

The Common 

* ' In the reign of Elizabeth, the reformed liturgy was again 
enforced, and the English act of uniformity was enacted by the 
colonial parliament, and what seems a solecism in the history of 
legislation, in the body of this act, by which the use of the English 
liturgy, and a strict conformity to it, are enjoined under severe 
penalties ; a clause is introduced, reciting that English ministers 
cannot be found to serve in Irish churches, that the Irish people 
did not understand the English tongue ; that the church service 
cannot be celebrated in Irish, as well as the difficulty to get it 
printed, as that few in the whole realm could read ; and what is 
the remedy 1 If the ministers of the gospel cannot speak English, 
he may celebrate the church service in the latin tongue, a lan- 
guage certainly as unintelligible to his congregation, as the English 
tongue, and probably not very familiar to the minister, thus autho- 
rized to use it.' — (Lord Clare's speech on the Union.) 


passer of these parliamentary and royal enactments, no century 
surer method could have been devised to arrest at once — ■ 

The melan- 

the progress of the Reformation in a country whose preiu- choiy effects 

r ° . , produced by 

dices, feelings, and best interests, were thus alike insulted. p^j^®^ 
The interfering with non-essential customs, which long 
habit had made a second nature, would of itself have un- 
sheathed the sword of resistance, in the hands of a half- 
civilized and enthusiastic people. But as if this were not 
enough, every avenue of light and knowledge, under the 
withering statute-book of England, was at once closed up 
by their being deprived of instruction in their native lan- 
guage, and either the hateful English, or the equally un- 
intelligible Latin being substituted in its place. 

Can we suppose any thing less than judicial blindness, to 
have prompted measures, calculated, at once, to exasperate 
prejudice, and to involve in midnight darkness, a people 
wedded to their own customs, and fond to excess of their 
own language ? One generation of professing, but, alas, 
uninstructed Protestants passed away, and another suc- 
ceeded, brought up if possible in a state of greater igno- 
rance and spiritual destitution, than their Romish fore- 
fathers, deprived of all means of grace, and stung to the 
quick by the dishonour cast upon their national dress and 
language. Can we then wonder at the effects produced ? 
Effects which England too justly feels the bitterness of, 
even at the present day. For so far in the history, the 
iron hand of power, had been stretched forth, unfurling 
proclamations, as subversive of the true principles of 
policy, as they were of the true principles of the Refor- 

* To enter fully into the course of the argument here employed, 
it will be necessary to revert to the crowning sin of the Anglo-popish 



century We have now to trace the work of destruction, as 
directed against the temporalities of the Church in Ireland, 

Destruction . 

against the begun in the reign of Henry VIII, carried on in the days 
of his successors, and completed, first by the act of the 

of the 

aristocracy in Ireland, in passing the celebrated statute of Kilkenny 
in 1369. The clauses of that act, have completely alienated the 
affections of the people of Ireland from England, from that day to the 
present hour. It was that statute, which caused the cruel retalia- 
tion on the English cattle, after the massacre of 1641, which has been 
already adverted to. It was that statute, that originated the hateful 
term Sassenagh, which has been made such use of, at the Repeal 
meetings of our day, and which caused all instruction coming through 
the English language to be so hateful to the people. 

The acts of Henry and Elizabeth now brought before us, enforcing 
again, almost all the baneful clauses of this statute, have left so vivid 
an impression on the minds of the Irish, that I fear it will never be 
effaced, till that country be really brought into subjection to the 
crown of England, or what would be still better, brought under the 
influence of the Gospel of Christ. The late Rev. Mr. Howells, that 
distinguished clergyman, said ' that till he was truly converted to 
God, he was (being a Welshman) a rebel in his heart to the British 

The following from Leland, vol. ii. p. 17, may give some faint 
idea of the attachment of the Irish to their own language : ' Had 
the whole Irish race arisen as one man against the subjects of the 
crown of England, they must have instantly destroyed them. But 
the truth is, this little handful of men, for such they were, when 
compared to the body of original natives, had the same ground of 
security, with any of the particular Irish septs. They had enemies 
on all sides, but these were enemies to each other ; nor were any con- 
cerned to espouse the quarrels of their neighbours, or mortified by 
their losses or defeats. Sometimes indeed, when a particular sept 
was in danger of total ruin from the victory of some English forces, 
their neighbours were persuaded to come to their rescue, 'for the 
sake of the Irish language, (as the manuscript annals express it), but 
without engaging further, and without conceiving themselves bound 
by one general permanent interest.' 



House of Commons, relating to the tythe of agistment ; century 

and secondly in our day by the wholesale spoliation of 

Church property under Whig government, in defiance of 

vested rights, and of the provisions of the act of Union, 

and the solemn engagements to the contrary, entered 

into by the Romish members of the House of Commons, 

on their admission to its privileges. 

Let us now proceed in proof of these assertions. The The proofs of 
k •* m this state- 

declaration of the King's supremacy in the reign of 

Henry VIII, was accompanied by the confiscation of the 
lands of the monastic orders. This plunder of the regu- 
lar clergy by the crown, and the transfer thereof to 
English Lords and Commoners, to the utter impoverish- 
ment of Irish vicarages, was subsequently and readily 
imitated by the Lords and English settlers, in the wholesale 
plunder of the secular clergy, leaving the Church in such 
a state of destitution, as must effectually have palsied its 
efforts for any useful and beneficial purpose.* 

* For the purpose of extending and consolidating Romanism in 
Ireland, a large number of monasteries were established, immediately 
after the English invasion in the twelfth century. These monas- 
teries of the Augustine, Cistercian, and Benedictine orders, were 
built and richly endowed by those English adventurers, who having 
obtained large grants of land, settled a considerable portion of them, 
as an atonement for their sins, on these establishments. 

It is rather remarkable, that these richly-endowed seminaries of 
superstition, were generally built either on the site, or in the imme- 
diate neighbourhood, of the primitive Irish monasteries (seminaries 
of learning, though poorly endowed) for the purpose no doubt, of 
either eclipsing, or finally destroying them. And in the present day 
may we not trace on a smaller scale, a movement of a similar kind ; 
for is it not obvious, that the Board of Education generally prefer 
establishing their schools, where scriptural ones have already ex- 
isted, and we fear with similar motives, — to weaken the influence of 

Q 2 




Errors with 
respect to 
Church pro- 

But it has been so frequently asserted of late years, in 
contradiction of what has been now stated, that the 
Reformed Church has been, and is, an extravagantly- 
endowed one in Ireland, and that its admitted failure in 
converting the natives from the errors of Romanism, has 

the Establishment, and strengthen the hands of the Romish church in 
this county. It is also a curious fact, that Theodore, Archbishop 
of Canterbury, who lived in the seventh century, states ' that Innet 
set up schools throughout England to outdo the Irish, and to break 
the interests of the Culdees in that country.' 

It is not perhaps generally understood, that the property bestowed 
upon the regular clergy of the Romish church, including a large 
proportion of the tythes, has been, since the time of Henry VIII; 
in the possession of the landed proprietors of Ireland. In conse- 
quence of which, many parishes are left without any adequate pro- 
vision for a resident clergyman. (It is however, but justice to one 
of the best landlords, and the most truly philanthropic nobleman in 
Ireland, the Lord Viscount Lorton, to state, that the tythes in his 
possession are always conferred upon clergymen, and never expended 
for his own use.) Thus while the church was emancipated from 
Romish errors, it was at the same time deprived of all that property, 
that was brought into it, on the establishment of Romanism in 

Some however, may object to this statement on the ground, that 
tythes were a Roman impost, and introduced into Ireland at the time 
the Romish yoke Avas imposed upon us. We can however state on 
the authority of Lanigan, and other Romish writers. 'of credit, that 
although a great increase in the number of tythed articles took 
place at that period, first by the decree of the council of Cashel, and 
afterwards by that of Dublin, yet that a modified system of tythes 
did exist in Ireland previous to the introduction of Romanism, and 
from the changes that have of late years been introduced, especially 
as it regards the tythe of agistment, we do not hesitate to assert, 
that they now bear a very exact proportion (taking into account the 
change of times) to the tythe system, as it existed in the primitive 
Irish Church. 

Poverty and 
destitution of 
the Church. 


been mainly attributable to its excessive wealth, and to century 

J . 16—19. 

the consequent indolence and neglect of its pastors, and 
that the remedy for these evils, is to curtail its wealth and 
to diffuse its redundancy, through other more wholesome 
channels. It will be necessary to prove, from historical 
documents of unquestionable authority, the falsity of this 
opinion, which I not only hope to do, but also to show, 
that contrary to the generally prevailing belief, one (and 
that of itself, a sufficient) cause of the failure of the Re- 
formation in Ireland, has been the state of extreme 
poverty and destitution, in which that church existed from 
the Reformation, to a period of, I might almost add, recent 
date ; and that independently of this, and other alleged 
causes of the failure of the Reformation, means highly 
improper and injudicious were resorted to, on the introduc- 
tion of the Reformed religion into this country ; namely, 
the selection of individuals to carry it forward, disqualified 
by character, and want of information, for the great work 
assigned to them. 

If we add to this, the unpreparedness of the natives 
and settlers, both by their habits of life, and want of 
education, to receive instruction, and above all, that the 
language of their affections, — the only language in which 
they could think, — was, as before stated, not only neglected,, 
but forbidden to be used, as a vehicle of religious instruc- 
tion ; can we wonder at the melancholy spectacle, which 
the history of this country presents to our view, and of 
the consequences that followed a policy so unfeeling and 
so pernicious. And yet, if none of these circumstances 
had impeded the progress of truth, the long and desolating 
wars of Elizabeth, the protracted and ruinous rebellion 
and massacre of 1641, fomented and sustained by the 
Jesuits, and the civil contests, consequent on the 


century tion of 1688'; together with endless proscriptions and 

confiscations, would have formed a barrier to its progress, 

which no efforts on the part of the Reformed clergy could 
have broken down, had they even been fully competent to 
the work assigned to them. 

I shall now endeavour, as briefly as possible, to bring 
The testimo- forward some proofs of what has been advanced. Sir 

ny of Sir # *• 

Henry Sidney Henry Sidney's letter to Queen Elizabeth, gives the fol- 

and bpencer. ■* J ' ** 

lowing description of the state of Ireland, at the latter 
period of her reign. 
a. d. 1565. « The pale was overrun with thieves and robbers ; the 

countryman so poor, that he hath neither horse, arms, nor 
victuals for himself, and the soldiers so beggarly, that they 
could not live without oppressing the subject ; for want of 
discipline they were grown insolent, loose, and idle, and 
which rendered them suspected to the state ; they were 
allied by marriage to the Irish, and intimate with them in 
conversation. Leinster was harassed by the Tooles, Birns, 
Kenshelaghs, O'Morroghs, Cavenaghs, and O'Moores, but 
especially the county of Kilkenny was almost desolate. 
Munster, by the dissensions between the Earls of Desmond 
and Ormond, was almost ruined, especially Tipperary and 
Kerry ; the barony of Ormond was overrun by Pierce 
Grace, and Thomond was as bad as the rest, by the wars 
between Sir David O'Brien, and the Earl of Thomond. 
Connaught was almost wasted by the feuds between the 
Earl of Clanrickard and Mac William Outer, and other 
lesser contests. And Ulster, which for some time had 
been the receptacle and magazine of all the prey and 
plunder, gotten out of the other provinces, and so was 
richer than the rest, was in open rebellion under Shane 
O'Neil. ' As for religion, there was but small appearance 
of it, the Churches uncovered, and the clergy scattered, 


and scarce the being of a God known to those ignorant century 
and barbarous people.' 

Spencer, who passed many years in Ireland in the same 
reign, draws this deplorable picture of the Reformed 
religion in that country. c The fault which I find with 
religion is but one, but the same is universal throughout 
all that country, — that is, that they be all papists by their 
profession, but in the same so blindly, and brutishly 
informed, that not one in a hundred knoweth any ground 
of religion, nor any article of his faith, but can perhaps 
say his Pater Noster, and Ave Maria.' 

' Whatever disorders you find in the Church of England, 
you find these, and many more ; they have their particular 
enormities, for all Irish priests which now enjoy the 
Church livings, are in a manner mere laymen, and follow 
all kinds of husbandry, and other worldly affairs ; they 
neither read Scripture, nor preach, nor administer the 
communion. The clergy there, he adds (except the grave 
fathers which are in high places about the state, and some 
few others lately planted in their new college) are gene- 
rally bad, licentious, and disordered.' 

He observes, that there was a statute, by which it was 
enacted, that ( any Englishman of good conversation 
being brought to the bishop, should be nominated to a 
vacant living before any Irishman ; but that, though well 
intended, little was wrought by it, for there were not suf- 
ficient English sent over ; but the most part of such as 
came over of themselves, are either unlearned, or men of 
bad note, for which they have forsaken England ; or the 
bishop being Irish, rejects him, or if good, he carries a 
hard hand over him, so that he soon wearies of his poor 
living/ And lastly, ' the benefices are so mean here, and 



century of so small profit in those Irish countries, through the ill 
husbandry of the Irish, that they will not yield any com- 
petent maintenance for any honest minister to live upon* 
And then he adds, ' even were all this redressed, what 
good could any minister do among them, who either 
cannot understand him, or will not hear him ; or how dare 
any honest minister commit his safety to the hands of 
such neighbours, as the boldest captain dare scarcely 
dwell by V 

Having so far stated his opinion as to the obstacles in 
the way of the Reformed faith, it may not be irrelevant to 
mention one of the means he recommended for their 
removal. * In planting of religion' he observes, ' thus 
much is needful to be attended to, that it be not sought 
forcibly to be impressed into them, with terror and sharp 
penalties, as now is the manner, but rather delivered and 
intimated with mildness and gentleness, so as it may not 
be hated before it is understood, and its professors des- 
pised and rejected/ 

In the Autumn of the year 1575, the excellent Sir 
Henry Sidney, who had five times before been at the head 
of the Irish government, was again intrusted with the 
office of Lord Deputy. His thoughts and his labours 
were at once bestowed on the improvement of the king- 
dom, and the result of his investigation, respecting the 
deplorable condition of the Church, was made known to 
the Queen in a letter from which the following passage is 
extracted : — c If I should write to your majesty, what 
spoil hath been and is, of the archbishops of which there 
are four, and of the bishopricks, whereof there are above 
thirty, partly by the prelates themselves, partly by the 
potentates, their noisome neighbours, I should make too 



long a libel of this my letter. But your majesty may century 
believe it, that upon the face of the earth, where Christ is 
professed, there is not a Church in so miserable a case. 
The misery of which consisteth in these three particulars ; 
the ruin of the very temples themselves : the want of good 
ministers to serve in them, when they shall be re-edified: 
and competent living for the ministers, being well chosen? 



JAMES I.— FROM 1602—1625. 










CE i6™9 lY Two favourite objects with James, were the plantation 
of Ulster, and the assembling of a parliament from all 

His two 

jelts mite ° b fretand. The first of these, in a great measure failed, 

Ulster, and a 
from all Ire- 

Son J f lanta " from the circumstance, that many of the grantees altoge- 
ther neglected the fulfilment of their engagements, and 
few observed them to the extent which was necessary to 
the full success of the measure. It was soon found more 
advantageous to set the lands to Irish, than to English 
tenants ; they required fewer advantages, and could there- 
fore be content with a lower share of the return ; or in 


other words, they could afford to pay a higher rent, and to century 

give their labour for lower wages ; they were less indepen- 

dent in their habits, and accustomed to submit, without a 
murmur, to burdens and exactions. They had been slaves, 
and when set free, they were unconscious of the freedom, 
of which they had no previous apprehension.* 

As a preparatory step to the assembling of a parliament 
for all Ireland, the king, in the third year of his reign, 
issued a most gracious proclamation, declaring that 'all gracious pro- 

i • i i • ' /»" i • i • i • -i-rn clamation. 

the inhabitants of this kingdom, without difference or 
distinction, are taken into his majesty 's gracious protection, 
and to now live under one law, as dutiful subjects of our 
Lord and monarch.' The statute of James I, cap. V., 
abolished all distinctions of race between English and 
Irish, f with the intent that as the statute expresses it, 
" they may grow into one nation, whereby there may be 
an utter oblivion and extinguishment, of all former dif- 
ferences and discord betwixt them." ' f 

* We may observe, that there cannot be a fact more illustra- 
tive of the state of the country, and of the consequences of these 
arrangements, here briefly noticed, than that the London adven- 
turers in the reign of Charles II, offered to resign their large pro 
perty, together with all their mesne profits, in consideration of 
being reimbursed their principal, with interest at the rate of 
three per cent. Lord Bacon however, had formed a very different 
opinion as to the result of this measure. In a letter to Villiers 
in 1616, he advises, 'that the oath of supremacy should by no 
means be tendered to recusant magistrates in Ireland. The new 
plantation of Protestants,' he says, * must mate the other party in 
time.'— (vol. ii. p. 530.) 

t ' Unhappily there had grown up during the first period, ano- 
ther, and alas, a more inveterate source of differences and discord 
between the people, I mean the Protestant Reformation, &c.' ' The 
intent of the statute, (James I. cap. v.), was thus frustrated, the 


century The Romanists in consequence of these enactments had 

lain A 


little more to look for ; they were fully in possession of 
all the privileges which they now enjoy. The doors 
of both houses of the legislature lay wide open to 

discord between the Protestant and Catholic parties, prevented the 
Irish from growing into one nation, and still prevents them from 
being one nation ; the fault however has been, and still is, with the 
government ; is it not time it were totally corrected ? ' — (O'Connell's 
Memoir, pp. 24, 25.) 

The government are really and truly so anxious ' to correct this 
fault,' and pay so much attention to any advice coming from Mr. 
O'Connell, that it is a sad pity he did not inform them, how the thing 
was to be remedied. Every preliminary step has been already taken, 
on their part, for this purpose. All the outposts of our Protestant 
constitution have been already surrendered, though not very honour- 
ably, into the hands of their opponents. The church alone, the last 
link of the chain that unites the two kingdoms, still indeed exists, 
but in a crippled state, and all that is now required, is, to know 
the best way, in which the last finishing stroke can be given. 

There were two ways adopted in former times, with much success 
in France, 'to correct this fault/ The one was the massacre of 
St. Bartholomew's day, the other the revocation of the edict of 
Nantes. The first of these measures would not answer at the pre- 
sent day, as it is the policy of the church of Rome to deny such 
doings altogether ; and only for the unfortunate medal stamped 
at the Vatican, in commemoration of the first of these events, it 
would be equally, with the gunpowder plot, and the Irish massacre 
in 1641, denied in toto. 

The latter mode might answer better in this day of liberality 
and colonization. Mr. O'Connell assures us, (and he is veracity 
itself,) ' that Oliver Cromwell in his day, found transports, 
for transplanting eighty thousand Romanists to the West Indies, 
from a province in Ireland, which he stated a little before to 
'be literally depopulated." A similar measure might be easily 
carried into effect, in a country ' of ships, colonies and com- 
merce ' like ours. And that would indeed be a radical mode of 
' correcting the fault,' committed by the government, in tolerating the 

state of a 


them, their civil privileges were ample, and it was then century 

in their power by a conciliatory conduct to raise them- 

selves to an equality with the most favoured class of 
subjects, as the whole nation enjoyed the undisturbed 
exercise of their religion. 

Things were in this state, or in rapid progress towards 
it, when James, in 1613, resolved to summon the first 
national 'parliament for all Ireland. In a moment, the 
whole country was in a frightful state of agitation. 
Activity corresponding to the phrenzied excitement, which 
had banished all sobriety from the minds of the Romanists, 
was displayed in preparing for the election. The aris- 
tocracy of the pale, long exercised in civil intrigues, and 
now the professed leaders of a rancorous opposition, had 
their agents in all parts, soliciting the freeholders of better 
rank, while the priests and lawyers, were indefatigable in 
their exertions among the lower classes ; oaths of associa- 
tion, promises and threats, blessings and anathemas, hints 
of some undefined, but imminent danger ; and at the same 
time, assurances from ancient prophecies, that if true to 
the Church, they should speedily be relieved from the yoke 
of heresy: all these were employed with an industry which 
has served as a model for the emulous labours of later times. 

Protestant faith in Ireland. But, seriously, would not the true way 
of ' correcting this fault/ be, for the Romanists to discard the novel 
doctrines, contained in the twelve additional articles, annexed by 
Pope Pius the fourth, to the Nicene Creed, and fall back upon the 
ancient Catholic and Apostolic Church of St. Patrick in Ireland. 
Then as an entire nation we could demand justice for Ireland, with 
the full assurance of success, we could demand the restoration of 
the property of our sixteen bishopricks, taken from us in direct 
violation of the coronation oath and the articles of the union, so 
that provision could be made for the religious instruction of the 
entire body of the people. 


century The cause of the party was declared to be the cause of 

IQ IQ •*- ^ 

— God, and the support of a Protestant, or of a Romanist 

who attended the reformed worship, * to hear the Devil's 
word,' was denounced as a mortal sin. Ecclesiastical 
students, and priests of all orders, who were then dis- 
persed in great numbers over the continent, with the 
cavaliers engaged in the service of Roman Catholic 
powers, crowded eagerly home on this important occa- 
sion, to animate the hopes, and share the labours of their 

The struggle which ensued was fierce and dubious. 

Theboroughs The boroughs newly enfranchised by James, were almost 

enfranchised . . 

by James in exclusively in the hands of Protestants * and the numerous 

the hands of p J ' 

tant Protes " forfeitures of the last reign, with the recent plantation of 

* One striking feature in ' the spirit of the age,' is the contempt 
manifested in our day, towards the wisdom of our forefathers. 
James I. commenced his system of conciliation, by providing for 
the preservation of the British interest in Ireland ; and the wisdom 
of his measures was strongly manifested in the proceedings of his 
first parliament. The liberality of our day will admit of no dis- 
tinction between truth and error ; and ignorantly supposing that this 
is the question at issue, our legislators have pulled down almost all 
the outworks that were erected for the preservation of the connec- 
tion between the two countries ; but no concession on the part of 
the British Government ever has, or ever will advance, in the 
slightest degree, the cause of tranquillity in Ireland, simply be- 
cause it is not the interest of the agitating party to be conciliated. 

The Boroughs which King James established have been thrown 
open. The corporations have been reformed, or in the language of 
Irish impartiality, thrown into the opposite scale. The representa- 
tive power has been conferred on the populace, to the exclusion of 
property ; and the natural results flowing from these measures are, 
that the British interest in Ireland, the object of so much care and 
anxiety in former days, is now nearly extinct, and the whole power 


Ulster, had given them a respectable but subordinate century 

landed interest. In the countries cities, and older — 

corporations, the Romanists had generally a preponderat- 
ing weight. From the less showy character of their con- 

of the Romish population is directed to the main object, always in 
view, the separation of the two countries. 

This has been the gradual work, both of the Whigs and Tories, 
for the last half century. A Tory Lord Lieutenant, preserving the 
appearance of supporting our Protestant institutions, a Whig Secre- 
tary at the same time undermining the foundations on which our 
institutions are built, with the cry of impartiality on their lips, 
their actions developing a system of partiality, scarcely to be equalled 
in the history of these kingdoms. The friends of British connec- 
tion, who had sacrificed thousands upon thousands in the cause of 
truth and justice, have been themselves sacrificed in their turn, as 
men of extreme opinions. 

In the same way as the throwing up of a straw tells the direction 
of the wind, we may here notice one out of many instances that have 
lately occurred, in proof of what has been now stated. In the month 
of June, 1843, ten or twelve Protestants, on their way to an anti-re- 
peal meeting at Dungannon, were attacked by a body of some 
hundred Romanists, and dreadfully beaten. One of the party, on 
his way for medical assistance, was met by a party of friends, who 
on hearing of the outrage committed on their brethren, instantly 
ran to their relief. On their approach, the Romanists fled in all 
directions ; and the Protestants, very much to their discredit, broke 
the doors and windows of some of their houses, and then brought 
off the wounded men. 

A few weeks after this transaction, a Radical member in the 
House of Commons, asked Lord Eliot, ' whether the government 
had received any official account of the daring outrages, committed 
by a party of riotous Orangemen, and . if so, had ministers taken 
measures to curb the violence of these lawless partisans.' Our readers 
must be aware that Orangeman is a name for Protestant, and that 
every friend of British connection, is, therefore in the estimation of 
the two leading parties in the state, 'a partisan.' The reporters 
inform us, that this question of the Radical member, was answered 



century stituency, the return of the Protestant candidates was 
neither preceded, nor accompanied by much popular 
sensation. On the contrary, the strength of the others 

by general laughter ; but as my Lord Eliot cannot understand a 
joke, c he replied to it with all solemnity, and assured the honourable 
member, that every effort was making on the part of government to 
bring the Protestants to justice ; one hundred pounds was offered 
for their conviction,' &c. 

At length my Lord Jocelyn ventured to ask, whether the 
government intended to bring to justice the persons who had origin- 
ated the attack on the anti-repealers ? What was my Lord Eliot's 
reply ? ' If the parties involved in this transaction were identified, 
they would undoubtedly be brought to justice, but he was not 
aware that any of them had yet been apprehended' I Was 
Lord Eliot aware, when he said this, that the Protestant retaliators 
were not yet identified, and of course not yet apprehended ; and yet 
that a reward of one hundred pounds, for the prosecution to con- 
viction of such Protestants, had been offered ; but no reward what- 
ever for the conviction of the Romish instigators of the riot ; and 
why? because they were unknown, and not identified. — This is Irish 

In consequence of what has been now stated, the Protestant 
Confederation Society of Benburb, passed unanimously, the following 

Resolved, l That viewing with alarm, the coldness and apathy of 
the government, on the question of the repeal of the union, and the 
impunity with which those, whose avowed intention is to dismember 
the empire, are permitted to disturb the country, we are reluctantly 
withheld from placing our confidence in her Majesty's Ministers, no 
matter how plausible their professions, when we see their treatment 
of the anti- repealers at Dungannon, offering a reward for their 
punishment, and none for that of those, whose way-laying and 
ruffianly assault, first led to the commission of the crime ; and while 
we will, (relying on the divine aid) repel any attack, that may be 
made on us, we will in every other respect, remain neutral until we 
see the laws firmly and impartially administered.' 

And yet Sir Robert Peel declares with prodigious solemnity, that 


lay in those places, where feeling was most excited by century 

the contest, and expectation proportionally raised by the ~ 


' The quality of the vanquished Protestants, many of 

1 we have tried to govern Ireland, not exclusively through the agency 
of party, hut we have tried to govern on the principles of justice 
and impartiality.' The present government instead of adopting the 
true principles of justice and impartiality, by showing kindness to 
both parties in the country, holds both at a distance, and bestows 
its favours on the most neutral persons that can be found ; no policy 
can be more wretched. Every conscientious and consistent church- 
man must protest against Romanism as idolatrous and superstitious, 
and every honest and sincere Romanist must denounce the Church 
of England, as heretical and schismatical. To exclude, then, from 
favour in Ireland, all who fall into what is now called extreme 
opinions, upon religion and politics, is to exclude all the best men in 
the country. 

There would be no difficulty whatever, in making these extremes 
work well together, if they felt that the government had at heart 
the welfare of both. The chief reason, why parties formerly dis- 
liked each other, was that government was in the habit of giving 
favours only to one party ; but when a government like the pre- 
sent gives its favours to neither, the natural consequence is, that 
both join in dislike and contempt of that government. 

In regard to the bestowal of offices, the government should be 
faithful to the emancipation act, and exclude no man on account of 
his Romanism ; but it should at the same time most distinctly and 
emphatically declare, that it would never give an appointment to 
any man, because he was a Romanist. Let the government by all 
means reward its friends and supporters, in proportion to their abi - 
lity and good character, taking care that a man's Romanism shall be 
no hindrance to his preferment : but to give place and emoluments 
to its opponents, on account of their Romanism, is weak and foolish 
in the extreme, and is the very thing which the present govern- 
ment has done, without any prompting or urgency. 

Now on the other hand look at the false position, in which the 
ministers have placed themselves, with respect to the Protestants, in 




century whom were privy councillors, and supported by all the 
influence of the crown, and their party, while their oppo- 
nents, were young barristers, whose chief recommenda- 
tions were some factious notoriety, and the favour of the 

the debates on Ireland, in 1843. The attacks on the church by the 
opposition were exceedingly bad, but the defence of the ministerial 
advocates was infinitely worse. The ministers throughout the de- 
bates, seemed to admit, as a crime, any zealous devotion to the cause 
of divine truth, and tacitly allowed that it was their duty not to 
make any appointments from among its supporters ; but not being- 
able to select fit and proper persons in the church from the ranks of 
the neutrals, or for some other reasons, unknown to us, they have 
been compelled to depart from their system ; but how do they defend 
themselves % ' You promoted such a person, because he was a zealous 
protestant ? ' No, we deny it ; we promoted him, because his other 
merits were not to be overlooked, and in them was merged the in- 
firmity of his Protestant zeal ! ! And do not ministers distinctly and 
expressly declare, that all their future patronage in church and 
state, shall be directed, solely with a view of conciliating the Roman- 
ists, who are now in open hostility to the government, with the 
avowed intention of dismembering the empire. 

By the bye, there is a curious story, taking the round of the 
newspapers at present, April, 1844, of a letter said to have been 
written by Sir Robert Peel to Earl de Grey, respecting the mode of 
dispensing church patronage in Ireland in future. This highly 
important subject has been noticed by Dr. Miller, in his admira- 
ble pamphlet, 'The present crisis of the Church of Ireland con- 
sidered :' He alludes to this subject in the following passage : — 
' A rumour has been spread, a disavowed rumour I acknowledge, 
that the patronage of our church, especially in its highest order, 
is to be employed to gain the acquiescence of the clergy. Whe- 
ther it had any real authority, will soon be sufficiently apparent 
in the conduct of the government ; but it seems already to have 
operated, as might naturally have been expected, in calling forth 
from among our clergy some advocates of the national system. A 
more elevated advocacy has recently appeared in the form of a 
circular letter, addressed by the Archdeacon of Meath, under the 


priesthood, gave somewhat of mystical import to their century 


General ex- 

defeat : it seems as if the Church had been struggling 
against the utmost power, which her great adversary ]^f ^ownM 
could array against her ; the strength of her cause was of heresy. 
displayed in the feebleness of her weapons, and the issue 
hailed by the exulting multitude, as ominous of the 
approaching downfal of heresy. 

Elated by their victories, the Romish members set out 
in triumphant procession from the scenes of their respec- 
tive contests, to the seat of government. The rustic popu- 
lation, men, women and even children, received them with 
shouts of tumultuous greeting, and admonitions to take 
care of the Catholic faith ; as they passed along, the con- 
tagion of enthusiasm, added incessantly to their cavalcades, 
and they made their entry into the capital at the head of 
troops of armed retainers. Priests crowded to Dublin 
from all quarters of the country, to animate and direct the 

authority of his bishop, to the clergy of that diocese, calling on 
them to communicate to him their opinions on the question, but in 
effect inviting them to declare their adhesion to the board. For all 
we have the answer already given by the Primate, and a great 
majority of the bishops, on the part of the church, and lately urged 
by Mr. Ross, in his excellent reply to Dr. Woodward ; ' that it 
cannot acquiesce in a system, which does these three things ; 
which provides for teaching of those " erroneous and strange doctrines 
contrary to God's word," which the church is pledged to be ready, 
with all faithful diligence to banish and drive away, — which limits, 
and puts constraint upon the teaching of holy writ, of that truth of 
which the church is the keeper and witness, — and which to a certain 
extent, subjects the ministers of the Church of Ireland to the anti- 
scriptural principles and regulations, and to the usurped authority 
of the Church of Rome.' Our refusal is founded on principles, which 
admit of no compromise, and therefore cannot be affected by any consi- 
deration of m£re expediency.'' — (p. 14.) 




vol. i. and 
Cox. Hiber, 

In the upper 
house the 
in a hopeless 

In the lower 
the parties 
nearly equal. 

Contest on 
the election 
of a speaker 

exertions of their representatives ; numbers also of private 
men, whose turbulence laid eager claim to the title of 
religious zeal, were attracted by these indications of a 
coming storm, and hastened to a spot, which promised 
to find excitement for their lawless indolence, and alleviate 
the irksomeness of peace. 

The parliament met on the eighteenth day of May 
1613. In the upper house, the transfer of the episcopal 
peerages, the extinction of the order of mitred abbots,* 
and the absence of Tyrone and other disaffected lords, had 
left the Romanists in a hopeless minority. In the lower 
house the parties were nearly equal ; of two hundred and 
thirty two members, who composed that assembly, there 
were in attendance, one hundred and twenty-five Protes- 
tants, and one hundred and one Roman Catholics; the 
first business of the commons was to choose a speaker ; 
an affair which involved opposing sects in abrupt and 
indecent hostilities. 

On the one side Sir John Davis, the attorney-general, 
was put in nomination, and on the other Sir John Everard, 
a popish knight and lawyer, who had been a judge, but 
to avoid the oath of supremacy, which for some reason, 
now unknown, was pressed upon him, had retired on a 
moderate pension. It was the custom in those days, that 
a division should be effected, by the retiring of one of the 
parties to an anti-chamber. This movement was now 
unguardedly made by the Protestants, who, on their 
return into the house, with an ascertained majority of 
twenty voices, were astonished to find Everard in the 
speaker's chair. 

"" These particulars are feelingly mentioned by the titular Bishop 


We are informed by Roman Catholic writers, that century 

J * 2.6 19. 

when the Protestants had left the room, a zealous member — ■. 

of the other party, addressed his brethren as follows :— 
* They are gone, ill betide them, and they have left us, oneoMha 
as it is our right to be, in possession of this house ; where- members. 
fore seeing that we have prospered thus far, we ought 
thankfully to pursue the course which God seems to have 
pointed out, by setting up here that holy faith for which, 
if necessary, we should be ready to die* We are en- 
couraged to this, by the example of our fathers, and 
kinsmen, who fighting for the Catholic faith, obtained an 
honourable death, and a glorious immortality. Should it 
be our lot so to perish, we shall be at least their equals 
in renown; but if we avoid their indiscretions, higher 
fame, and happier fortune will attend us. Nor is there 
reason to apprehend that, in so doing, we shall trespass 
ought against the king's majesty, seeing that the same 
should be his special care, and that nothing is more 
necessary either for his soul's salvation, or the righteous 
ruling of his kingdom. Come then, let us maintain that 
religion, for which it is honourable to fight and seemly to 
die, and which to exalt is the highest glory of man.* 
First of all let us chuse for ourselves a speaker and leader/ 

* What a continued unity of operation do we behold in the 
opponents of divine truth. In the reign of Queen Elizabeth, 
we have an intrusive Romish bishop, leading on to rapine and 
slaughter ' the banditti,' sent from Italy by the Pope of that day, 
to suppress the Reformation by brute force. We have now be- 
fore us, a member of the first parliament for all Ireland, ex- 
claiming, ' let us set up here that holy faith, for which if neces- 
sary, we should be ready to die, we are encouraged by the 
example of our fathers and kinsmen, (alluding to the preceding 
reign,) who fighting for the Catholic faith, obtained an honorable 


century This address was well received and Everard installed as 



When the Protestants re-entered the room, they insisted 

death and glorious immortality.' x We shall see also in the reign of 
Charles 1st, on the occasion of the horrible and anti-christian mas- 
sacre of the Protestants in 1641, the general synod of the Romish 
clergy assembled at Kilkenny, declaring that rebellion, which they 
called ' a war, to be lawful and pious, and exhorting all persons 
to unite in their righteous cause.' And in our own day, we have an- 
other intrusive bishop, at the repeal meeting in Mullingar in 1843, 
courageously declaring his willingness to die for the good cause, 
and indignant at the thought, that the very men, who gave them 
more than they ever asked, ' were too keen, too determined to go on 
with their insidiousness, and to give them, (poor fellows) even fair 
play to die for their country ;' — what a monster grievance that must 
be for Catholic Ireland ! 

Bishop Higgins, is one of those, who have partaken of the 
bounty of the British Government, as a Professor in the College of 
Maynooth, and yet he exclaims, ' I am but a humble man ; I am 
nothing, I not only belong to the people, but I am proud to proclaim 
it to you, I belong to the very humblest class of the people, I do 
speak it with pride, for to no aristocrat on the earth, do I owe any 
thing, save the unbounded contempt, that I have for the whole class,' 2 
(deafening shouts of applause followed the delivery of this sen- 

L. Legendre, (says M. A. Thiers in his history of the French 
revolution), i belonged ' (like the bishop) ' to the humblest class of the 
people, he was a sailor, and afterwards a butcher in Paris. At the 
breaking out of the revolution, he was one of the earliest, and most 
violent leaders of the mob. In 1793, he voted for the King's death, 
and the day before his execution, proposed to cut him into eighty - 

1 This speech appears to have been the model, for all the repeal 
effusions of the present day. 

2 What a declaration from a man professing to be a Christian 
bishop ! 


vehemently, that he should leave the chair, and others century 

J 16—19. 

retorted with equal ardour, that he had been legitimately 

chosen ; that a speaker could be elected only within the 
house, and that those who retired had forfeited their right 
of suffrage. Stung by the trick thus practised on them, 
the proposer and seconder of Sir John Davis led him up 
to the chair, and placed him on Everard's lap. A violent 
tumult ensued, and had not the viceroy established the 
precautionary etiquette, that the members should leave 
their swords at the outer door, the senate-house would 
have been polluted with the mutual slaughter of its 
factions. In the end the Romanists were worsted ; the Davis 
chair was left to Davis, and the house to his supporters.* 
From the temper thus manifested by the commons, let 
us briefly advert to the condition of the Church during 
this period. Carte, in his life of Ormond, gives the follow- 

four pieces, and send one to each of the eighty-four departments. 
He was one of the chief instigators of the atrocities at Lyons, and 
at Dieppe, and whenever the people complained for the want of 
bread, he answered, well, eat the aristocrats ! ! * What an 
unbounded contempt he must have had ' (like the bishop) 'for the 
whole class.' 

* ' The jurisdiction of parliament being now extended all over 
Ireland, King James created in one day, forty close boroughs, giving 
the right to elect two members of parliament in each of these 
boroughs to thirteen Protestants, and this in order to deprive his 
Catholic subjects of their natural and just share of representation, 
— (O'Connell's Memoir, p. 25, 26.) 

These boroughs had originally a considerable number of freemen, 
annexed to them, who had votes, as well as the thirteen burgesses, 
mentioned by Mr. O'Connell ; and this was done by King James, 
' not to deprive his Catholic subjects of their natural and just share 
of representation,' but to preserve the rights and privileges of all his 
majesty's loyal subjects. 


century ing extract from King James's letter, of July 8, 1609. 
■ — * He found the estate of the bishoprics in Ulster much en- 

Ormond, vol. /»ii i -i • l 

i. p. 17. tangled, and altogether unprofitable to the bishops, partly by 
the church, the challenge which the late temporal Irish lords, made to 
the church's patrimony within their countries ; hereby to 
discourage all men, of worth and learning, through want 
of maintenance, to undertake the care of those places, and 
to continue the people in ignorance and barbarism, the 
more easily to lead them into their own measures ; and 
partly by the claims of patentees, who, under colour of 
abbey and escheated lands, passed by patent many of the 
church lands, not excepting even the sites of cathedral 
churches, and the places of residence of bishops, deans, 
and canons, to the great prejudice and decay of religion, 
and the frustrating his religious intent for the good govern- 
ment and reformation of those parts/ 

' Nor were the parochial churches, (continues Carte,) in 
a better condition than the cathedrals. They had most of 
them been destroyed in the troubles, or fallen down, for 
want of covering ; the livings were very small, and either 
kept in the bishops' hands, by way of commendams and 
sequestrations ; or else filled with ministers as scandalous 
as their incomes ; so that scarce any care was taken to 
catechise children, or instruct others in the grounds of 
religion ; and for years together divine service had not 
been used in any parish church throughout Ulster, except 
in some principal towns.' 


CHARLES I.— FROM 1625—1648. 









By the X arid XI of Charles the first, it is provided, as century 

the preamble says, ' For the abolition of distinctions and 

differences between his majesty's said dutiful subjects of passed for 

J J J abolishing 

the said realm of Ireland, and for the perpetual settling of j* 1 distinc- 
peace and tranquillity among them/ " That various statutes 
then in force, which made invidious distinctions between 
the English and Irish, should be repealed." Nine years 



century after the passing of this statute, the perpetual peace, 
which it was intended to promote, was suddenly interrupted 
by the rebellion and massacre of the Protestants in the 
year 1641. 

While the king was employed in pacifying the commo- 
tions in Scotland, and was preparing to return to England, 
in order to apply himself to the same salutary work in that 
kingdom, he received intelligence of a dangerous rebel- 
lion which had broken out in Ireland, with circumstances 
of the utmost horror, bloodshed and devastation. Before 
the close of the year 1640, the king sent information to 

The king the lords justices,* ' That an unspeakable number of 

informs the 

Lords Jus- Irish churchmen, with some good old soldiers, had passed 

tices of an J ° x 

expected over from the continent, and that the Irish friars abroad 


were in expectation of a rebellion ;' but the honest imbeci- 
The warning lity of one deputy, and the designing passiveness of the 
to. other, contributed to render the warning ineffectual. 

When the moment for action drew nigh, the fanaticism 
of the multitude was maddened by a rumour, that the 
puritans had resolved to exterminate the Catholic faith ; 
priests and cavaliers arrived more openly and in greater 
numbers, bringing assurances of succour from the Pope 
and Cardinal Richelieu ; the Spanish too, it was said, the 
ancient patrons of the church and people of Ireland, would 
not withhold their support in this great emergency. In the 
mean time the leading ecclesiastics, and the few lay chiefs 
to whom it was judged expedient to communicate matters 
of such critical importance, continued to meet and concert 
their measures. 

Their favourite resort was an old Franciscan abbey in 
the county of Westmeath, a place which from its retired, 

* Borlase and Parsons. 


yet central situation, and the handsome accommodation it century 

afforded to clerical visitors, was judiciously chosen as the 

seat of conference. At the dissolution of the monasteries, 
Multifernam had been purchased by a recusant alderman 
of Dublin, who restored it to the original owners ; and 
by the industry of these fathers, it was refitted in a splendor 
of which Ireland had, in those days, very few examples. 
A chapel in perfect repair, an altar graced with a respect- 
able supply of pictures, images, and relics, and a choir 
provided with singers and an organ, at once recalled 
the memory of better days, and gave assurance of their 
return ; and what was more to the present purpose of the 
hierarchy, there were several spare apartments, with suit- 
able stores and offices, for the entertainment of strangers, 
both horse and foot. As the season advanced, the visits 
to the abbey became so frequent as to attract observation ; 
and some of the more timid or obnoxious of the neigh- 
bouring Protestants, quitted the country before the summer 
was over. 

Early in the month of October, an assemblage of the The abbey of 

• • i t-» • i i i -i i Multifernam. 

principal Komisn clergy, together with some laymen, was 
held in the abbey of Multifernam. In that assembly it 
was debated, what course should be taken with the English 
Protestants, when they should be at the mercy of the 
general insurrection. The more moderate proposed, that 
they should be simply banished from the kingdom. The 
King of Spain, they said, in expelling the Moors from his 
dominions, had suffered them to depart unmolested. 
Others exclaimed against the indulgence granted to the 
Moors, as contrary to the express opinion of the Spanish 
council, and highly detrimental to Spain and all Christen- 
dom. They contended that to dismiss the English unmo- 
lested, would be but to give them the opportunity of 


century returning with double fury to regain their possessions, and 

— execute their revenge, and that a general massacre was, 

therefore, the only safe and wise measure. A third party 
were for taking the middle way. The opinions of the 
laity had their corresponding shades. One party of the 
conspirators spoke of what they called a rational reform, 
which however consisted of a seizure of all Protestant 
property, and the extinction of the Protestant religion. 
They demanded that the government of the country should 
be put into the hands of two lords' justices, both 
Romanists ; that the Romish prelates should sit in parlia- 
ment ; that all statutes against popery should be repealed ; 
and that Romanism should be the only religion established 
in the kingdom. Others proposed the expulsion of British 
settlers ; others were resolved on driving out the new 
created lords, and all the old ones who refused to con- 
form to Romanism. As their confidence increased, their 
conceptions became more extravagant. Some of them 
talked of raising an army of 200,000 men in Ireland. 
From these they were to send 30,000 men to invade Eng- 
land, supported by Prance and Spain, and thus to reduce 
England into obedience to his holiness the Bishop of Rome. 
Through the rest of the island, not one note of fear, or 
of preparation, interrupted the awful tranquillity of that 
summer. Twenty-seven years before, it had been declared 
by one, who had studied the aspect of the times, that 
■ whenever a favourable accident should happen, the 
Sicilian vespers would be acted in Ireland ; and ere a 
cloud of mischief appeared, the swords of the natives 
would be in the throats of the Scotch and new English 
through every part of the realm/* With the exception 

* The Author of the discourse of Ireland, in the Desiderata 
Curiosa, i. 435. 


of one particular,* the prediction was literally fulfilled ; century 

on the twenty-third of October the carnage began ; on the — 

thirtieth the order for a general massacre was issued from 
the camp of Sir Phelim O'Neil ; and shortly after, the 
manifesto of Bishop MacMahon proclaimed the commence- 
ment of a war of religion. 

The principal agent in fomenting this plot, was Roger 
Moore, the head of an Irish family once powerful in Leinster. 
He engaged in his project a kinsman, Richard Plunket, a 
man equally vain and indigent ; among the northern Irish 
he practised successfully with Connor Macguire, baron of 
Enniskillen, MacMahon, Philip Reily, and Turlogh, 
brother of Sir Phelim O'Neal, the most considerable of 
his name and lineage then resident in Ulster. Under 
pretence of making levies pursuant to the king's commis- 
sion for the service of Spain ; Plunket, Hugh Byrne and 
Sir James Dillon, were particularly active in raising troops. 
Sir Phelim O'Neal, a more dangerous partizan than the 
rest, now embarked with them ; and after some delay and 
disappointments, they made their final arrangements for 
the 23rd of October. Some of the leaders with a few 
chosen men, were to assemble in Dublin and seize the 
castle with the arms and stores, and on the same day opera- 
tions were to commence in the country, where the 
different leaders had distinct posts marked out; which 
they were to attack and take, and then if necessary, detach 
aid to their associates in Dublin. 

' The design,' says the historian, ' was nothing less 
important, than the utter subversion of all the late 
establishments of property, restoring the native Irish to 
all that they had lost by the rebellions of their ancestors, 

* The insurgents were ordered to spare the Scotch settlers. 




Two dis- 
patches from 
Sir William 

by the Go- 

A providen- 
tial occur- 
rence dis- 
closed the 

or the decisions of law ; and procuring an establishment 
for the Romish religion with all the splendour and affluence 
of its hierarchy.' 

The 22nd October arrived, and the lords-justices seemed 
to sleep in full security. On the death of Strafford, the 
Earl of Leicester, descended from Sir Henry Sidney, so 
famous in Ireland, had been nominated lord-lieutenant of 
this kingdom ; but his commission was delayed, and the 
administration of government still continued in the hands 
of Sir William Parsons and Sir John Borlase. The first 
was vigilant only to increase his fortune and consequence, 
the latter was an aged soldier, indolent and ignorant, except 
in the business of his profession. On the 11th day of 
October, an express from Sir William Cole, a gentleman 
of Enniskillen, informed them of an unusual and suspicious 
resort of various Irish to the house of Sir Phelim O'Neal : 
of many private journeys made by Lord Macguire ; of de^ 
spatches sent to their different friends ; of an extraordinary 
solicitude for levying men, as if for the service of Spain, 
and of other circumstances alarming to the friends of 

The lords-justices still continued insensible to their 
danger. On the 21st, Cole despatched a full account of 
the conspiracy, which had by this time been revealed to 
him by two accomplices. Yet this instance of his zeal 
proved equally ineffectual ; for his letter to the justices 
was either intercepted or suppressed. 

A providential occurrence at length obtruded a discovery 
on the lords-justices, at the time when the conspirators 
had finally agreed on their operations, and waited the hour 
of execution. Owen O'Connolly, a servant of Sir John 
Clotworthy, and educated in the profession of a Protestant, 
was considered by Hugh MacMahon, one of the conspira- 


tors, as an agent likely to engage, and to prove useful, in century 

their design ; whether from supposition of his secret — 

attachment to the religion of his ancestors, or that his 
family had been despoiled by the plantations. MacMahon 
summoned him to his house in the county Monaghan ; but 
before his arrival he had removed to Dublin. Thither he was 
followed by O e Connolly ; and their first interview was on 
the evening of the 22nd day of October, when the leaders 
had closed their secret consultation, by falling on their 
knees, and drinking to the success of their enterprize. 

In the fulness of exultation and confidence, MacMahon 
disclosed the whole design to his new associate, and dwelt 
with particular triumph on the glorious action of to- 
morrow. He introduced him to Lord Macguire, and in 
his presence entered into a full detail of the intended 
enterprize. From Macguire he again conducted him to 
his own lodgings, again enlarged on the gallantry of the 
attempt, the effectual precautions already taken, and the 
fair prospect of success, peremptorily insisting on his con- 
currence. A design of so much danger, so suddenly dis- 
closed, and so speedily to be executed, oppressed the imagi- 
nation of O f Connolly. He attempted to convince MacMahon 
of his perilous situation ; but was answered with tremen- 
dous denunciations of vengeance, if he should presume to 
betray the least particle of the secret. MacMahon 
insisted on detaining him to the very hour of the assault ; 
O'Connolly found it necessary to pretend compliance ; he 
affected to be converted into a determined conspirator ; but 
pleading some casual necessity of retiring, and leaving his 
sword in MacMahon's chamber, as if he were instantly to 
return, he rushed out in consternation, and intoxicated as 
he was by a carousal with his friend, presented himself to 
Sir William Parsons. 




Arrival of 
Sir Francis 

With evident marks of disorder and confusion, he 
informed the lord-justice of the desperate design to he 
immediately executed, of his author, and the principal 
associates. Parsons, prejudiced against his appearance, 
and the manner of his discovery, coldly recommended to 
him to return to MacMahon, and to inform himself more 
particularly of the intended treason. On his departure, 
the lord-justice was suddenly recalled to a sense of danger. 
He ordered the castle and city to be guarded ; he sought 
his colleague, and informed him of the extraordinary inci- 
dent. Borlase was more deeply affected, he condemned 
him for dismissing the discoverer ; summoned the privy 
counsellors ; despatched servants through the city in search 
of O'Connolly, who found him in the hands of the town- 
watch ; for as he had sufficient recollection not to return 
to MacMahon, he was seized in the streets as a suspicious 
person. He was still disordered by his terror and excess ; 
but being permitted to take repose, he gave his infor- 
mation clearly and particularly. MacMahon was first 
seized ; Lord Macguire was detected in his concealment ; 
Moore, Byrne, and the other leaders, received timely 
intimation of their danger, and escaped. MacMahon, after 
some hesitation, freely confessed the design in which he 
had engaged ; boasted that the insurrection of that day 
was too mighty, and too general to be subdued, and ex- 
pressed his satisfaction, that, although he had fallen into 
the power of his enemies, his death should be severely 

Happily for the state of Ireland, Sir Francis Willoughby, 
governor of the fort of Galway, a privy counsellor, and a 
spirited and experienced soldier, arrived in Dublin on this 
important evening. Finding the gates shut against him, 
and an unusual agitation in the suburbs, and being 


informed that the justices and council were now assembled century 

at Chichester House on the green leading to the college, — 

(for in this house Borlase now resided), he hastened 
thither, and learned the occasion of their unseasonable 
meeting. He comforted the council with an assurance, 
that through his whole journey from Galway, the country 
seemed in profound composure, nor had he discovered the 
least indication of hostility. He informed them, however, 
that an unusual number of strange horsemen had all 
night been pouring into the suburbs, and though denied 
admittance, still hovered round the city. He observed the 
insecurity of their present situation, and recommended to 
them to remove immediately to the castle. They obeyed. 
On entering the council-chamber, they appointed 
Willoughby to the custody both of the castle and the city ; 
and drew up a proclamation, notifying the discovery of a 
dangerous conspiracy formed by some evil-affected Irish 
papists, recommending to all good subjects to provide for 
defence and to display their loyalty ; and forbidding at 
the same time, any levies to be made for foreign service. 

Such was the defenceless state of the castle of Dublin ; 
and, although the conspirators had been prevented from 
surprising it, they might easily have taken it by force, had 
they not been dismayed by the sudden discovery of their 
design. The king's army, consisting of about two thou- 
sand foot, and nine hundred horse, was divided into small 
parties, stationed in distant garrisons. The castle, in 
which was deposited fifteen hundred barrels of powder, 
with a proportionate quantity of match and bullet, arms 
for ten thousand men, thirty-five pieces of artillery, with 
ail their equipage, was defended b}^ eight infirm warders 
and forty halberdiers, the usual guard of the chief gover- 
nors on all occasions of parade. 



c *jJ* ury Willoughby lost not a moment in securing a place of 

■ such consequence against any sudden attempt. The 

council-table was his only couch. He could not venture 
to let down his drawbridge, without the attendance of his 
whole insignificant guard, until the arrival of a part of his 
disbanded regiment from Carlisle, enabled him to arm 
two hundred men for the defence of the castle ; these were 
soon reinforced by those who fled for shelter to the capital, 
and by some detachments of the army recalled from their 
quarters by the lords-justices. 

A few days allayed the confusion of the capital, and 
enabled the chief governors to take their measures, and 
issue their orders with more composure ; no intelligence of 
hostilities had been received, except from the northern 
counties, from which the most afflicting intelligence was 
hourly arriving, of the progress of the rebels. Their 
operations had been duly concerted, their designs con- 
cealed, and the confederates, faithful to their engage- 
ments, rose at the appointed time in different quarters. 
Sir Phelim O'Neal led the way ; on the evening of the 22nd 
of October, he surprised the castle of Charlemont, a place 
of consequence in those days. Lord Caulfield, a brave 
officer, grown old in the royal service, had been made 
governor of this fort. With the simplicity and love of 
ease natural to a veteran, he declined the honor of an 
earldom, when offered by King James, contenting himself 
with an hospitable residence on his estates, and living with 
his Irish neighbours in unsuspecting confidence. Sir Phelim 
having invited himself to sup with this Lord, he and his 
followers were received ; but on a signal given, they seized 
the whole family, made the garrison prisoners, and ransacked 
the castle.* Prom thence O'Neal flew to Dungannon, and 
* Sir Phelim O'Neil, on his trial, explained the means by which 


seized the fort, while some of his adherents possessed CE ^™? Y 

themselves of the town and castle of Mountjoy. Tandra- — 

gee was surprised by the sept of O'Hanlon. Newry was 
betrayed to Sir Con Maginnis and his train ; and though 
the governor, Sir Arthur Tyringham, escaped, yet several 
English gentlemen were made prisoners, and what was 
of still greater consequence to the insurgents, they 
possessed themselves of a considerable quantity of arms 
and ammunition. Almost all Fermanagh yielded to the 
fury of Roger, brother of Lord Macguire ; every place of 
strength in Monaghan was seized by the sept of Mac- 
Mahon. Derry, Coleraine, Lisnegarvey, Lisburn, and 
Carrickfergus, were however maintained against the bois- 
terous assaults of the rebels ; whilst Enniskillen was 
secured by Sir "William Cole. 

In the county of Cavan, both the representative in Leiandm. 
parliament, O'Reilly, and the sheriff his brother, were 
deeply engaged in the rebellion. They proceeded with 
unusual regularity. The sheriff summoned the popish in- 
habitants to arms ; and they marching under his command 
with the appearance of discipline, forts, towns and castles, 
were surrendered to them. Bedell, bishop of Kilmore, was 
compelled to draw up their remonstrance of grievances, to 
be presented to the chief governors and council ; in which 
they declared their apprehensions of persecution on account 
of religion, expressed their regretatbeing forced to seize the 
king's forts for his majesty's service, and professed their 

his followers were deceived, (Lei. iiL 120.) He declared, that in 
ransacking the Castle of Charlemont, he found a patent of Lord 
Caulfield's, from which he took the great seal, and affixed it to a 
forged commission. At the hour of his execution, he persisted in a 
solemn disavowal of ever having received any commission from 
the King, for levying or prosecuting the war in Ireland, 

S 2 


century readiness to make restitution for any outrages committe 


by their inferior followers.* 

* Bedell was one of the most distinguished Prelates that ever 
adorned the Church in Ireland ; no man ever lived, who laboured 
more for the temporal and spiritual improvement of the Romish 
population, and no man was more successful in the work of conver- 
sion than he was. Many of the priests, and multitudes of the laity, 
became through his instrumentality obedient to the faith, and yet 
no man ever lived, who enjoyed the confidence and affection of that 
same people more than he did. ' He was the only Englishman in all 
the county of Cavan, who was permitted to stay under his own roof. 
There was but little spare room in his castle ; and the poor stripped 
people, who had plenty of earthly accommodations but a little before, 
were now content to lodge in his out-buildings, the church, or the 
church-yard, on heaps of straw or hay ; and feed upon boiled wheat, 
or whatsoever the enemy had left, that could not so suddenly con- 
sume so great plenty, as was every where to be found. When 
Mrs. Moigne, his predecessor's widow, a venerable matron, came 
hither in the habit of his poorest beggar, (where she had lived many 
years in great state before) and one Mr. Hudson, that was Rector of 
Belturbet, and his wife, stripped of all ; he could not look upon 
them with dry eyes, but brought them all the clothes he had in the 
world, save what was on his back, and gave it them.' 

' On the seventh of February, Bedell fell asleep in the Lord, and 
entered into his rest, and obtained his crown ; which in some sort, 
was a crown of martyrdom — for no doubt the sad weight of sorrow 
that lay upon his mind, and ill usage in his imprisonment, had much 
hastened his death ; and he suffered much more in his mind, by 
what he had lived to hear and see these last fifteen weeks of his 
life, than he could have done, if he had fallen by the sword, among 
the first of those that felt the rage of the Irish.' 

The Irish did him unusual honors at his burial ; for the chief of 
the rebels gathered their forces together, and with them accom- 
panied his body to the church-yard of Kilmore, in great solemnity, 
and discharged a volley at his interment, and cried out in Latin, 
' Requiescat in pace ultimus Anglorum,' ' May the last of the 
English rest in peace.' It is further recorded, that a Roman Catho- 


In the county of Longford, the sept of O'Ferghal had ce ntury 

been particularly injured by the plantations of James, and — — * 

being now impatient to avenge their injuries, they seized 
every castle, house, and plantation of the British inhabi- 
tants. The rebels in Leitrim, another planted county, 
followed this example ; so that within the space of eight 
days, they were absolute masters of the entire counties 
of Tyrone, Monaghan, Longford, Leitrim, Fermanagh, 
Cavan, Donegal, and Derry, (with the exception of the 
places already mentioned, and some inferior castles,) toge- 
ther with some parts of the counties of Armagh and 

Through the whole open country of these districts, the 
English inhabitants, who were all industrious and rich, 
found themselves suddenly involved in the most deplorable 
calamities. They scarcely believed the first reports of an 
insurrection ; and the beginning of hostilities served rather 
to confound than to excite them to any reasonable mea- 
sures of defence. Instead of flying to places of strength, 
or collecting in considerable bodies, each made some 
feeble efforts for defending his own habitation ; and thus 
fell, single and unsupported, into the power of a ruthless 
enemy. The alarm of war, and hopes of plunder, quickly 
allured the Irish septs to the service of O'Neil, so that in 
one week he is said to have become the leader of thirty 
thousand men. 

Parties of plunderers multiplied ; by force or artifice 
they possessed themselves of the houses and properties of 
their English neighbours. Resistance produced some 

lie Priest, Edmond Farrelly, exclaimed at his interment, '0 sit 
anima mea cum Bedello.' •' Oh, may my soul be with that of 


century bloodshed ; and in some instances private revenge, religious 
— hatred, and the suspicion of some valuable concealment, 

The progress L 

i°ion he rebel " enra £ e d the triumphant rebels to insolence and mur- 
der. So far however was the original scheme of the con- 
spiracy at first pursued, that few fell by the sword, except 
in open war and assault ; no indiscriminate massacre was as 
yet committed. The English were either confined in 
prisons, in perpetual terror of destruction ; or driven from 
their habitations, naked, and destitute, exposed to the rigor 
of a remarkably severe season, whilst some were found 
fainting and dying in the highways, or crawling to some 
place of refuge, in the ghastliness of fear and famine. 

The leaders of the rebellion as yet confined their attack 
to the English settlements, and agreeably to their scheme, 
left the Scottish planters unmolested. The English were 
the great objects of their dislike, and every marauding 
party thundered out their detestation of England and Eng- 
lish tyranny ; they vowed not to leave one Englishman in 
their country, and that they would have no king but one 
of their own nation. 

The English in Ulster, having recovered from the first 
surprise, prepared to defend themselves ; wherever the 
English inhabitants were embodied, their success shewed 
the error of their former conduct. In Fermanagh, they 
forced the rebels to raise the siege of Enniskillen ; and 
Lord Macguire's own castle was taken by storm. In 
Tyrone, Sir Phelim O'Neal was obliged to abandon the 
siege of Castle Derrick ; in Donegal he was again defeated ; 
his forces were foiled in many other attempts, and their 
leaders returned to his camp at Newry. Undismayed by 
these defeats, he resolved to invest Carrickfergus. It being 
necessary however first to reduce Lisburn, he detached 
thither four thousand men. The town had already 


sustained a violent assault, yet O'Neal was now confident cEimjRY 

of success ; but Sir Arthur Tyringham had reinforced the ■ 

garrison, and at the very moment of danger, was assisted 
by Sir George Rawdon, a gallant officer ; the fierce and 
repeated efforts of the rebels were sustained and repelled 
with firmness and spirit : and this body of rebels, the first 
that bore the appearance of a regular army, was in the end 
routed with great loss. 

A series of massacres and cruelties now commenced, 
which threw over this melancholy and eventful contest a 
gloom, from which war is in general freed by the cus- 
toms usually observed among civilized nations. Roger 
Moore, and Sir Phelim O'Neal, (the most powerful of the 
old Irish,) now resolved upon a general massacre of all the 
Protestants in the kingdom. Their houses, cattle, and 
goods were first seized. After rapacity had fully exerted 
itself, cruelty, and that the most barbarous that ever was 
known or heard of in any nation, began its operations. 
No age, no sex, no condition was spared. The wife, 
weeping for her murdered husband, and embracing her 
helpless children, was stabbed with them, and perished by 
the same undistinguishing stroke. The old, the young, 
the vigorous, the infirm, underwent the like fate, and were 
confounded in one common ruin.* 

According to some computations, the number of those 

* It is a remarkable circumstance, that during this entire time of 
national suffering, the conspirators professed full allegiance to the 
King. ' The name of Charles was in their mouths, while they were 
subverting his laws and slaughtering his subjects ; and by a flexibi- 
lity of conscience, which would be quite burlesque, if its conse- 
quence had not been so terrible, affected to consider respect for the 
King's person perfectly compatible with war against his crown ! ' 

' The priesthood still led the way ; the Romish Archbishop of 



century who perished is supposed to have been a hundred and 

- fifty or two hundred thousand. By the most moderate 

and probably the most reasonable account, they amounted 

to forty thousand. On this occasion the Romish bishops 

Armagh first summoned his clergy to a synod, in which the war was 
declared to be lawful and pious, and orders were made against plun- 
derers and murderers. A general synod of the Romish clergy, which 
formed an ecclesiastical constitution, followed, which was suc- 
ceeded by a general assembly in the name of the nation, formed of 
Romish lords, prelates, priests, and deputies.' 

' We find in this arrangement the same curious affectation of 
loyalty, with the same actual violation of all its principles. This 
national assembly disavowed the name of parliament, which they 
said nothing but the King's writ could convene ; and without delay 
proceeded to form the house of temporal Peers and Prelates, and a 
house of representatives. These two houses instantly took upon 
themselves the whole authority of the state. In their habitual spirit 
of keeping the word of promise to the ear, and breaking it in reality, 
they commanded all persons to respect the royal authority, while 
in the same voice they denounced and repudiated it, in the only 
shape, which it could take before them — the King's Irish adminis- 

' This national assembly also, took the whole administration of 
public justice into its own hands. It appointed a council for each 
county, who were to supersede the magistracy everywhere. From 
this council an appeal was to lie to a provincial council, who were 
to decide all suits, like judges of assize. From these again, there 
lay an appeal to a body of twenty-four persons, bearing the expres- 
sive name of the supreme council of the confederate Catholics of 
Ireland ! This council was to have the command of the army, to 
decide on all causes, criminal and civil, to pronounce on peace and 
war, and in fact, to possess the whole power of government — a com- 
plete monopoly of the entire authority of the nation. They then 
proceeded to appoint generals for each province, and to assume the 
special prerogative of sovereignty in raising the value of the coin. 
They next sent ambassadors to the Romish courts to demand suc- 
cours ; and having performed those realities of rebellion, they 


and clergy of the province of Armagh, heing summoned to century 

a synod at Kells, by Hugh O'Neal, the titular primate, on 
March 22nd, 1642, declared the war, so they styled the a.d. 1642. 
rebellion, to be 'just and lawful/ which was afterwards 
ratified in a general synod of their clergy held at Kilkenny 
on the 10th of May in the same year.* 

This awful calamity was followed by ten years of the 

finished in their usual style, by the farce of sending two petitions to 
the King and Queen, pronouncing their unshaken loyalty, and pray- 
ing for relief from their grievances.' 

The Loyal Repeal Association of our day, appears in this respect, 
to be following the steps of their predecessors. 

* Sir John Temple reckons the number of Protestants murdered 
or destroyed in some manner from the breaking out of the rebellion 
in October 1641, to its cessation in September 1643, at three hun- 
dred thousand ; Clarendon says, forty or fifty thousand were mur- 
dered in the first insurrection. Sir William Petty puts the number 
massacred at thirty-seven thousand. It is to be remarked however, 
that no distinct accounts could be preserved in formal depositions, of 
so promiscuous a slaughter, and that the very exaggeration shows its 
tremendous nature. 

' Doctor Lingard has lately given a short account of the Ulster 
rebellion, (History of England, x. 154.), and in the true Jesuitical 
casuistry of Rome, omits all mention of the massacre, and endeavours 
in a note at the end of the volume, to disprove, by mere scraps of 
quotation, an event of such notoriety, that we must abandon all 
faith in public fame, if it were really unfounded.' — (Hallam.) 

Mr. O'Connell, in his Memoir of Ireland, after alluding to the 
calamities that followed the massacre in 1641, among many others 
mentions one, which I never heard of before, and as he does not in 
any one instance in his book of seventy-eight pages, refer to his 
authorities for his statements, I shall probably never hear of it again : 
that " when the war had ceased, Cromwell collected, as the first fruits 
of peace, eighty thousand Irish in the southern part of Ireland, to 
transplant them to the West India Islands ; as many as survived the 
process of collection, were embarked in transports for these Islands - % 




Awful retri- 
bution of 
and Ireton. 

A.D. 1652. 

most wasting, and heart-breaking hostilities, and which 
were finished by the terrible executions inflicted on an un- 
happy people by the sword of Cromwell. The embarrass- 
ments of England caused by her own republican war, had 
prevented her from throwing her irresistible force into 
Ireland ; but the pressure of English civil war once re- 
moved, the very first army which she sent against the 
Irish insurgents crushed the rebellion at a blow. Crom- 
well's progress was rapid, fierce, and murderous. It was 
more like that of the executioner than the soldier. 
Garrisons put to the sword, armies trampled in slaughter, 
districts laid waste, terror before him, and havoc behind, 
rendered his brief campaign one of the most extraordinary 
and fearful in the history of warfare. In 1652 he left his 
last vengeance to Ireton, who gleaned the remnants of 
conspiracy, and sent its last leaders to the scaffold. 

of the eighty thousand, in six years, the survivors did not amount to 
twenty individuals, ! ! ! eighty thousand Irish at one blow deliberately 
sacrificed by a slow, but steady cruelty to the Moloch of English 
domination, ! ! ! eighty thousand, Oh God of mercy,' (page 29, 30.) 
Prodigious ! ! where in the name of common sense, did Crom- 
well get the transports 1 and above all, where did he get the 
victims'? as Mr. O'Connell himself assures us, 'that the fairest 
part of Ireland, and in particular the province of Munster, 
was literally depopulated,' (page 18.) Yet continues, Mr. O'Con- 
nell, ' all these barbarities ought to be light and trivial, compared to 
the crowning cruelty of the enemies of Ireland. The Irish were 
refused civil justice,' and then alluding to the massacre of the Protes- 
tants in 1641, he indignantly exclaims, ' they were still more atro- 
ciously refused historical justice, and accused of being the authors 
and perpetrators of assassinations and massacres, of which they 
were only the victims,' ! ! ! (page 30), after this i crowning cruelty,' 
' the refusal of historical justice,' we may truly conclude in the 
language of Mr. O'Connell, ' that no people on the face of the earth, 
Were ever treated with such cruelty as the Irish,' (page 30.) 


The wars of Cromwell will in a manner prepare us for century 

the sad description given by Carte of the Irish Church at 

this period. * It was in a deplorable condition, the cathe- 
drals in many places destroyed, the parish churches 
nearly ruined, unroofed, and unrepaired ; the houses of 
the clergy left desolate, and their possessions alienated, 
during the wars and confusions of former times. Most of 
the tythes had been appropriated, or sold to private 
persons, and made lay-fees. In some dioceses, there was 
scarce a living left, that was not farmed out to a patron, 
at two, three or four pounds a year for a long time, three 
lives, or one hundred years. The vicarages were for the 
most part stipendiary, and their stipends so miserably sor- 
did, that in the whole province of Connaught, there was 
scarce a vicar's pension which exceeded forty shillings, and 
in many places they were but sixteen shillings. The 
bishopricks themselves, though many in number, yet but 
of small revenue, having the greatest part of them depau- 
perated in the change of religion, by absolute grants and 
long leases, some of them not able to maintain a bishop. 
Several were by these means reduced to fifty pounds a 
year, as Waterford, Kilfenora, and others ; and some to 
five marks, as Cloyne and Kilmacduagh, and as scandalous 
livings naturally make scandalous ministers, the clergy of 
the Established Church were generally ignorant and un- 
learned, loose and irregular in their lives and conversations, 
negligent of their cures, and very careless of observing 
uniformity and decency in divine worship, in a country 
where they were endangered on the one hand by an infinite 
number of obstinate recusants, and on the other hand, by 
a shoal of factious and irregular puritans, brought out of 
Scotland, who offered daily insults to the established 


century Church government, and treated the rites of administering 

■ the sacraments with insufferable contempt/ 

Confirmatory of this statement from Carte, we subjoin 
the address of convocation of the clergy at the same 
period. ' To our dread sovereign, Charles, the humble 
petition of his Highness's most loyal and devoted subjects, 
the Archbishops, Bishops, and the whole clergy of Ireland, 
assembled in convocation, by his special command, sheweth 
unto your sacred majesty, that in the whole Christian 
world, the rural clergy have not been reduced into such 
extremity of contempt and beggary, as in this your 
Highness's kingdom, by the means of so frequent appro- 
priations, commendations, and violent intrusions into their 
undoubted rights ; in times of confusion, having their 
churches ruined, their inhabitants left desolate, their 
tythes detained, their glebes concealed, and by inevitable 
consequence an invincible necessity of a general non-resi- 
dency imposed upon them, whereby the ordinary subject 
hath been left wholly destitute of all possible means to 
learn true piety to God, loyalty to their prince, and civi- 
lity one towards another, and whereby former wars and 
insurrections have been occasionally both procreated and 
maintained. Whereas, by settling a rural clergy, endowed 
with competency to serve God at his altar, besides the 
general protection of the Almighty which it will most 
surely bring upon your majesty and this kingdom, bar- 
barism and superstition will be expelled ; the subject 
shall learn his duty to God^ and to his sovereign, and true 
religion be propagated/ &c. 

In Wentworth's state letters, we find the following 

vol i. p. 187. statement in a letter to Laud. He says, ' The reducing 

this kingdom to a conformity in religion with the Church 

of England, is no doubt deeply set in his majesty's heart, 


as well from perfect zeal to God's service, as out of other century 

1 16 — 19. 

weighty reasons of state and government ; but to attempt 

it, before the decays of the material churches be repaired, 
and an able clergy be provided, were as a man going to 
warfare without munition or arms. The best entrance to 
the cure will be clearly to discover the state of the patient, 
which I find many ways distempered. An unlearned 
clergy , which have not so much as the outward form of 
churchmen ; the Churches unbuilt, the parsonage and 
vicarage-houses utterly ruined ; the people untaught, 
through the nonresidency of the clergy, occasioned by the 
unlimited shameful number of spiritual promotions with 
cure of souls ; the rites and ceremonies of the Church run 
over without all decency of habit, order, or gravity ; the 
possessions of the Church, to a great proportion, in lay 
hands : the bishops aliening their very principal houses 
and demesnes to their children, and to strangers ; the 
schools either ill-provided, ill-governed, or what is worse, 
' applied underhand to the maintenance of popish school- 
masters,' &c. ' Here are divers of the clergy, whose 
wives and children are recusants, and there the Church 
goes most lamentably to wreck, and hath suffered 
extremely under the wicked alienations of this sort of 

* Commissions for repairs of churches,' he further says, 
* are issued over the whole kingdom, and all the life shall 
be given to it that possibly can ; and yet it may be, some 
hot-headed prelate may think there is no good intent to 
religion ; but I must answer, that his brain-sick zeal would 
work a goodly reformation surely, to force a conformity to 
a religion, whereas yet there is hardly to be found a church 
to receive an able minister to teach the people. I appeal 




The deplora- 
ble state of 
the Church, 

to any equal-minded man, whether they or I be more in 
the right.' 

Wentworth again writes to Laud, ' Just at this present, 
I am informed that my Lord Clanrickard hath engrossed 
as many parsonages and vicarages, as he hath mortgaged 
for four thousand pounds and eighty pounds rent ; but in 
faith have at him, and all the rest of the ravens. I spare 
no man among them, let no man spare me. Howbeit I 
foresee this is so universal a disease, that I shall incur a 
number of men's displeasure of the best rank among 
them.' And in another letter he says, ' It is no longer 
since than this term, a poor vicar was restored to an im- 
propriation and two vicarages, usurped these thirty years 
and better by the Earl of Cork ; and considering the usur- 
pations upon the Church have been a contagion, so uni- 
versally spread throughout this kingdom, as hardly can a 
jury be got, but where a great (if not the greatest) number 
would feel themselves interested in the question ; such a 
desolation have these wars brought upon GoaVs portion? 

That Wentworth and Laud were influenced in these 
their opinions and measures, by a sincere regard for the 
Church, and not by any special respect either for the per- 
sons, or immediate interests of churchmen, will clearly 
appear, by the following extracts from their letters. Laud, 
in reply to several communications from Wentworth, des- 
criptive of the plunder practised on the Church, observes, 
* Nor can I answer what became of the primate, and the 
rest of the bishops, while the poor inferior clergy were 
thus oppressed, more than this, that I ever thought, it was 
not in their power to help it ; but if it shall appear to you 
otherwise, and if any of them be as bad for the oppression 
of the Church as any layman, great pity it is, but some 
one or other of the chief offenders should be made a 


public example, and turned out of his bishopric ; such a century 
course once held would do more good in Ireland, than any 

thing that hath been done there this forty years.' VoU - p - 156 - 

On the other hand, we find Wentworth thus expressing 
himself, ( Nothing new here, except that I have in the 
case of the bishop of Killalla, adjudged and given him 
possession of as much land, usurped from the see, as is 
worth at least one hundred pound per annum/ 

* I have sent for the Archbishop of Cashel,but his grace 
returns, he is ill of the sciatica, and not able to travel ; — 
likes not, I believe, to come to a reckoning, but 1 have writ 
his answer. In good faith, my lord, his grace has beguiled 
me, and keeps his sixteen vicarages still, but I will roundly 
prepare for him a purge, so soon as I see him.'* 

* It may be necessary here to remark that most of these descrip- 
tions of the state of the church, were written before the rebellion 
and massacre of 1641, — what then must have been its state after that 
sad event ? 












ce ntury The secret leaning of Charles the Second to the Romish 

Church, and his conspiracy with the King of France to 

subvert the religion and liberty of the country, are now 

* ' We are arrived/ says Mr. O'Connell in his Memoir, ' at 
the restoration. An event of the utmost utility to the English 
and Scotch royalists, who were justly restored to their properties ; 
an event which consigned irrevocably, and for ever to British plun- 
derers, and especially to the soldiers of Ireton and Cromwell, the 
properties of the Irish Catholic people, whose fathers had con- 


fully known. His brother the duke of York, was a less century 

disguised adherent, and the head of the Roman Catholic 

party in England. The secret of his religion was but 
formal. The court party, for the most part indifferent to 
any form of religion, were favourable to a system, which 
essentially served to promote the re-establishment of arbi- 
trary power. The cause of Rome in those days, was the 
cause of prerogative; but there was in England a popular 
spirit, not to be braved, by the most cautious manifesta- 

tended against the usurped powers, to the last of their blood, and 
their breath.' — (p. 31.) 

You are quite too confident, Mr. O'Connell, in your assertion, that 
this property, ( was irrevocably and for ever consigned to British 
plunderers.' Why these very men, or their descendants, were in 
the first parliament, held by James II. in Dublin, 1690, deprived of 
this very property. The act of settlement was repealed, and above 
two thousand four hundred persons attainted by name. And why, at 
the first meeting of the repeal parliament in Dublin, should the 
same process be considered impossible ? — we have also a precedent for 
this in the conduct of a Protestant House of Commons in former 
days, when by one resolution, they deprived the clergy of Ireland 
of more than three-fourths of their property, and that without the 
intervention of the House of Lords. 

Again, Mr. O'Connell states that ' the Duke of York, afterwards 
James the second, took his own share of the plunder, about eighty 
thousand acres of land belonging to Irish Catholics, whose cause of 
forfeiture was nothing more, than that they had been friends and 
supporters of his murdered father, and the enemies of his enemies.' 
-(p. 32.) 

Oh, fie Mr. O'Connell, I'm quite ashamed of you, that you should 
circulate such a vile calumny against a magnanimous Catholic 
Prince, who in the language of the Archbishop of Rheims, ' viola 
un bon homme, qui a quette trois royaumes pour une masse,' ' be- 
hold a good man, who has given up three kingdoms for one mass ! ' 
and to degrade him to a level, ' with British plunderers, and espe- 
cially with the soldiers of Ireton and Cromwell.' 



The Roman 
the coalition. 

century tion of these dispositions, and Ireland was of course, the 

'— appropriate stage for the first experiments of the court. 

Eari Berkeley With this view, Berkeley was sent over with instructions 

sent over to * 

Ireland. to give every sanction and encouragement to a party, 

which has seldom been slow to seize a fair occasion. The 
Roman Catholic prelates at once flung aside caution and 
concealment. They silenced an effort made by the more 
moderate of the clergy, to disclaim the doctrine of the 
pope's power over the civil government of nations. They 
celebrated their ordinances with ostentatious solemnity ; 
and it is related, that Talbot, the Roman Catholic Arch- 
bishop of Dublin, applied for, and obtained a loan of the 
plate of Dublin Castle, for the celebration of the mass. 
This request was granted, with a courteous message from 
secretary Leighton, that he hoped the mass might, ere 
long, be celebrated in the cathedral of Christ's Church. 

The The Romanists at this time were divided into two 


divided into parties, on a point of considerable moment to a Protestant 

two parties. ■*-'.*■ 

monarch. For nearly a century, the measure of obedience 
due by the Romanists to the civil power, was a question 
frequently discussed, and one which had given rise to great 
violence during the late commotions. On the restoration 
of Charles the Second, some of the Irish Roman prelates 
and clergy, commissioned Peter Walsh,* a Franciscan 

* Bishop Burnet gives the following character of Peter Walsh : 
' He was, the honestest and learnedest man I ever knew among them, 
and was indeed in all points of controversy almost wholly a Pro- 
testant. But he had senses of his own, by which, he excused his 
adhering to the Church of Rome, and maintained, that with these 
he could continue in the communion of that church without sin ; 
and he thought no man ought to forsake that religion, in which he 
was horn and bred, unless he was clearly convinced, that he must 
certainly be damned, if he continued in it : he was an honest and 

The remon- 
strants and 
the anti-re- 


friar, to present to the king a congratulatory address on century 

the occasion ; praying for the benefits of the peace made 

with Ormond, in 1648. Walsh thinking it right to obviate 
the objection against the toleration of the Romish religion 
by a Protestant government, drew up what was called the 
remonstrance of the Romish clergy of Ireland. 

In this, they acknowledge that the king was supreme 
lord, and rightful sovereign of Ireland. That they were 
bound to obey him in all civil and temporal affairs, and to 
pay him faithful loyalty and allegiance, notwithstanding 
any sentence or declaration of the Pope or See of Rome ; 
— they disclaimed the power of any foreign authority, to 
free them from the declaration, — and declared their reso- 
lution to detest and oppose all conspiracies and traitorous 
attempts against the king. 

This remonstrance was presented to Ormond, who ob- 
jected, that it was not signed by the clergy, but offered on 
the authority of Walsh alone. One Roman Catholic 
bishop, and twenty of the clergy, immediately signed it ; 
a few declined subscribing to it ; circular letters were then 
addressed to the Roman Catholic prelates, inviting them 
to concur in an address, which was soon signed by an 
additional number of the clergy, and several lay lords and 

This remonstrance was censured by Cardinal Barberini, 
and the internuncio of Brussels, who was charged by the 
pope with the care of the ecclesiastical affairs of Ireland. 
A party was soon formed against it ; counter-addresses 
were proposed and rejected ; some expressed a wish that 
the subject should be debated in a national synod. A 
declaration of fidelity to the king from such a body, at a 

able man, much practised in intrigues, and knew well the methods 
of the Jesuits and other missionaries.' 

T 2 




The remon- 
strants ex- 

time when he was at open war with France, and had 
reason to suspect the practices of the discontented at 
home, was very desirable. Ormond therefore gave permis- 
sion for the assembling of the clergy ; after some opposition 
the synod was held on the eleventh of June 1666, but the 
assembly broke up without coming to any decision ; the 
members divided into two parties, those who supported the 
remonstrance, and those who opposed it. 

On the arrival of Lord Berkeley, provincial councils and 
diocesan synods were convened — in these the Pope, who 
named the bishops, and commanded the preferments of 
regulars, had a superiority ; the remonstrants were every 
where deprived, and Walsh and his associates were excom- 
municated. The anti-remonstrants had lately received a 
powerful addition to their party in the person of Peter 
Talbot, who was nominated by the Pope to the Arch- 
bishopric of Dublin, and who had through the patronage 
of Buckingham acquired great favour at the English court. 

The whole body of the Romish clergy was now on the 
point of uniting in the doctrine of the Pope's unlimited 
authority. The remonstrants, who opposed this doctrine, 
requested permission to lay their case before the Lord 
Lieutenant ; but he refused them an audience. Marget- 
son the primate pleaded for them, but in vain. The inter- 
cession of the Duke of Ormond in favour of the remon- 
strants, was complained of by Berkeley as officious, who 
openly declared that he would consider any new orders 
from the council of England, as the dictates of the Duke, 
and pass them by unnoticed. Peter Talbot, and his col- 
leagues, proceeded securely in the exercise of a foreign 
jurisdiction, and in their severities against those who pre- 
sumed to maintain the odious doctrine of allegiance. 

Berkeley went on resolutely, but insidiously, to pull 



down the outworks of the Church of Ireland, or to fill century 
them with persons hostile to its interests ; the magistracy 
was transferred ; the corporations were attempted to be 
thrown open ; a common council of the popular party at 
once placed the city at the mercy of its enemies ; one step 

The out- 
works of the 
Church en- 

The corpora- 
tions at- 

only remained, the silent and gradual change of the com- be thrown 


Change of the 
of the army. 

position of the army, to complete the triumph of the court, 
over the country and the constitution. Whilst a commis- 
sion of enquiry was issued, the ostensible object of which ^ n° ™ mis 
was ' justice for Ireland? but the real design was to effect cn< i uir y- 
a similar change with respect to property.* The alarm, 

* What a striking similarity do we find in the mode adopted in 
our day, to that pursued in the worst days of Charles the Second, 
for removing the principal obstructions to the separation of the two 
countries. The agitators found in Ireland as high-spirited, and un- 
daunted a set of men, as ever lived, in the middling and lower orders 
of the Protestant population. These men were not to be cajoled, 
but saw through the plausible curtain, which concealed from view 
the real designs of the Romish party. These excellent men were of 
course denounced, as the chief cause of Ireland's distracted state. 

The English Government gave a willing ear to these calumnies. 
Orangemen, (as all conscientious Protestants are now called), were 
discountenanced in every possible way, and a bill was brought into 
parliament, and passed into a law to prevent their commemoration 
of the glorious victory of the Boyne, where (as Dalrymple says), 
1 the constitution of England was won ; ' whilst the Romanists were 
left at perfect liberty, to commemorate what events they pleased. 
This act is, in fact, a penal law against the Protestants, and against 
them only. 

The renewal of this act, even for a short period, is an insult, 
which, as the party affected by it did not deserve, they will, we 
hope, be the better able to tolerate and forgive. It does not tell 
well (as the Earl of Wicklow observed in his place in parliament) 
'for the impartiality of ministers, if coercing a Protestant party, 
(whose loyalty has never been impeached), they leave a Roman 
Catholic party, (whose disaffection is as notorious as it is trouble- 


century however, of the Protestant party, both in England and 
Ireland, soon rendered it necessary to desist from the pro- 

The alarm of J r 

theProtes- jected innovations. The commission of enquiry was 

tant party in " ± •/ 


some), quite at liberty to act as they please on those subjects, from 
which the former are prohibited.' The destinies of England, not- 
withstanding-, hang, humanly speaking, on the nod of these ill-treated 

The following letter from the curate of a neighbouring parish 
speaks for itself, and proclaims to the world the kind of stuff the 
Protestants of Ireland^are made of, — 

' St. Johnstown, Edgeworthstown, 
1 12th September, 1844. 
' Dear Sir, 

' I presume you have seen in the public Journals, the account of 
a daring burglary, committed for fire-arms, in the noon-day of 
the 26th of July, at the house of a Protestant Yeoman, by name 
Archy Gerrard, of the Parish of Clonbrony, County of Longford, 
and of the gallant and chivalrous pursuit of the robbers, with the 
capture of two of them, and the recovery of all the arms. 

i The following is a brief statement of the case : — 

' Archy Gerrard has been for a long time well known and esteemed 
by all parties for his straightforward character and unflinching- 
loyalty ; so much so, that during all the disturbance that from time 
to time has been rife in the County of Longford, his house has been 
one of the few that never was attempted for arms ; it being well 
known that he would defend them resolutely. 

' On the day in question he had been in the fair of Bunlahy ; his 
youngest son, John, who is Clerk and Schoolmaster of this Parish, 
was at his school, and his son Thomas was in the bog. About two 
o'clock in the day, four robbers proceeded to the house, two of them 
went in under pretence of smoking, and getting a drink ; Mrs. Ger- 
rard, an old woman, went out for a minute to look after the cows, 
and on her return saw one of the party coming down stairs with the 
four guns under his^arm. 

' Just at this moment the youngest son (a lad about nineteen,) 


superseded, and the king declared his resolution to main- century 

tain the acts of settlement. Lord Berkeley was removed 

from the government, the obnoxious proceedings in the 

was near the gate, returning home, when he heard his mother shriek- 
ing, and perceived the four men with the guns ; he instantly gave 
chase, and although they turned round on him, repeatedly threaten- 
ing to run him through, and snapping the guns at him, he still held 
on, and was soon joined by his two brothers, one of whom was 
coming from the bog, and the other had been working at a saw-pit 
near, and hearing the shouting, came to their aid. — They ran them 
down in about half a mile, when the three unarmed young men 
closed with the robbers, armed with four guns, (one of which was 
loaded,) and two bayonets, and after a short and desperate struggle, 
in which they received some severe blows, and the eldest of them, 
James, three bayonet wounds in the arm, they succeeded in re- 
taking their four guns, and one bayonet, and not only that, but 
in making prisoners two of the robbers, and bringing them be- 
fore Mr. Howley, the Stipendiary Magistrate, by whom they 
were committed to Longford gaol, to stand their trial at the next 

' The heroic bravery of these young men, which under God's 
blessing issued in such a happy result, falls short of their after 
conduct, exhibiting as it does the true spirit of Bible Christianity, 
" not rendering evil for evil," nor trampling over a fallen foe. Wot 
only did they from the moment their prisoners surrendered them- 
selves, treat them gently and humanely, but on the way to the Magis- 
trates, when they stopped at their own house to get a drink, they 
brought out milk, and made their prisoners drink, before they drank 

' Their servant girl, and a neighbouring lad, who was working 
with them in the bog, behaved also most nobly, joining in the 
pursuit, and lending all the aid they could ; they are both Pro- 

' Another fact, which still further enhances the moral courage 
of this action, is, that their neighbours, though called on to help, 
offered no assistance ; on the contrary, (keeping clear of an overt 
act,) did as much as they could to impede and hinder : so much so, 



century corporation of Dublin were reversed, and the ejected 
Protestants restored to their places. The public counte- 
nance so inconsiderately shewn to the popish interest was 

that while the Gerrards were contending with the robbers, one of 
their guns, which had fallen to the ground, was hid in a bush, with 
the intent of stealing. 

' Such chivalrous and manly conduct reflects a credit on our 
county, and is the best and most effective check to such lawless 
proceedings. Animated with this feeling, and encouraged by some 
of the resident gentry, I have thought it well that there should be 
some mark, in the way of reward, presented to the Gerrards, by 
the gentry of the County Longford, to show how much they admire 
their conduct, and sympathise with their high-minded bravery. 
Some of the gentry have already promised their donations, to which 
I most willingly add my own. 

1 Will you be so kind as to let me know, at your earliest con- 
venience, if I may add your name to the list of subscribers, and 
the amount of your donation ; I conceive the best mode of proceed- 
ing will then be to appoint three or four of the neighbouring gentry 
as a Committee, to regulate the disposal of the money which may be 

1 The Government were pleased to grant a Reward of Twenty- 
four pounds among the Gerrards, and Six pounds between the 
boy and the girl, but this appears to fall so far short of their deserv- 
ings, that a further and a county recognition of approval seems to 
be called for. 

'■ I have the honour to remain, 

' Dear Sir, your obedient servant, 

<T. 0. Moore. 

' Curate of Clonbroney.'' 
To the Dean of Ardagh, 

But the agitators found the landed proprietors, who were Protes- 
tants in the proportion of ten to one, ardently attached to England, 
and inflexibly determined to put down agitation. These men were 
therefore proclaimed as tyrants, oppressors, murderers, unfit as magis- 
strates to distribute justice, whose partial, unfeeling and avaricious 


for a time withdrawn ; and the administration of Berke- century 

ley's successor, Lord Essex, passed in the usual course of — 

Irish government, without exhibiting any extraordinary or 
important incidents. 

conduct, had brought the peasantry to ruin and despair. These accu- 
sations have succeeded but too well in England. The consequence is, 
that landlords and magistrates have lost their legitimate influence in 
the country, have become victims to their own noble and confiding 
nature, and to the artful machinations of their implacable enemies. 
A commission of enquiry (a preparatory step to all changes of late 
years) as in the days of Charles the second, has been appointed to 
consider the relative situation of landlord and tenant, and sacri- 
fices will, I suppose, be required in the vain hope of satisfying those, 
whom nothing short of separation will ever satisfy. 


JAMES II.— FROM 1685—1688. 

















century Fourteen years had now elapsed, since the royal bro- 
thers, Charles and James, first betrayed their purpose of 


establishing the popish religion in Ireland, where they century 

deemed the experiment less hazardous than in England, - 

and where it was tried in consequence of their private 
agreement with France. Terrified by the spirited remon- 
strances of an English parliament, they for a while sus- 
pended their attempts, but renewed them when the royal 
authority seemed above controul ; Charles, from a careless 
desire to accept of any measures, which might promise to 
confirm the ascendancy he had acquired ; James, from a 
bigotted and passionate affection for popery: the latter 
when his schemes and power were apparently on the 
point of ruin, suddenly found himself invested with _ 4 

*■ ' J Extravagant 

sovereignty. He ascended the throne amidst the accla- §^[ s ^ he 
matrons of a triumphant faction, which he mistook for P art ?- 
the universal joy of all his subjects. His religion had 
not been concealed ; it was now openly and formally 

Such a Prince unexpectedly seated in such triumph 
on the throne of England, naturally inspired^ the Romish 
subjects of Ireland with the most extravagant expecta- 
tions. They already saw the victory of their religion over 
all its adversaries ; they fancied themselves restored to the 
possessions of their fathers ; and roused from that depres- 
sion they had long endured, they enjoyed the flattering 
prospect of redress, of power, of consequence, and royal 
favor, — in short, of every advantage to be derived, from a 
King of their own religion. 

The Duke of Ormond, whom the violent and bigotted Jrm?nd ke ° f 
of their party considered as a mortal enemy, was removed 
from his government, as Lord Lieutenant, with evident 
impatience of his continuing in power, even for the short- 
est time. He was directed to resign the sword immediately 
to two lords justices. The age and infirmities of the 




The Protes- 
tant militia 

Duke were assigned as the cause of his removal ; and in 
public, Ormond affected to believe this to be true. 
During his administration a stately hospital had been 
erected near Dublin for the reception of old soldiers ; 
hither he invited the military officers to an entertainment, 
and at the conclusion, holding his glass filled to the brim, 
he thus addressed himself to the company, * See, Gentle- 
men : — They say at court I am old and doating, — but my 
hand is steady, nor doth my heart fail ; and I hope to 
convince some of them of their mistake. This to the 
King's health.' 

James, in his first letter to the Lords justices, said, it was 
judged necessary to recal the arms of the militia, and to 
deposit them in the King's stores. This militia was entirely 
composed of Protestants ; the order for resigning their 
arms was received with consternation by men who had an 
habitual horror of the Romish Irish, and who now ex- 
pected to be exposed defenceless to their fury. This 
consternation was increased by the intemperance of the 
Romanists, who exulted over their rivals, and threatened 
them with the vengeance of government, should they be- 
tray their rebellious purposes, by retaining any arms, even 
those of their own property. The Lords-justices were not 
without their fears, that the proclamation for disarming 
them might be attended with some commotion. Primate 
Boyle was employed to communicate with the citizens of 
Dublin, and laboured to dissipate their terror. He ex- 
horted them to display their loyalty, by cheerfully deposit- 
ing their arms in the King's stores, where they would be 
well preserved, and lie at hand ready to be resumed on 
any danger. The citizens resigned their arms with a 
better grace, by pretending to yield to the force of his 
arguments. Their example influenced other quarters of 


the kingdom, and in all places the orders of government century 
were obeyed without apparent reluctance.* 

The disarming so considerable a body of Protestants, 
was but the beginning of that great work which James 
now meditated, and which to the utter dissatisfaction of 
the impatient Irish, was to be disclosed gradually, and 
with some degree of caution. A new chief governor was 
now destined for Ireland, who might act with greater 
authority, and a more cordial compliance with the King's 
wishes, than could be expected from the present lords 

The King's near affinity to Clarendon, and the exalted clarendon, 

° J the new Lord 

principles of loyalty and submission which this Lord pro- Lieutenant. 
fessed, and which was indeed the fashionable language of 
courtiers, persuaded James, that he would not be averse 
to promoting his designs, nor were these entirely con- 
cealed from him. In his public instructions, the King 
intimated a desire of introducing Catholics into corporations, 
and investing them with magistracies and judicial offices. 
At the same time, some condescension was to be shown to 
the terrors and suspicions of the Protestant party. The new 
Lord Lieutenant was commanded to declare that his 
Majesty had no intention of altering the acts of settle- 
ment. Thus, by ascertaining the bounds which he was 
not to pass, James reserved the liberty, (and almost inti- 
mated his purpose,) of indulging the Irish Romanists in 
every other particular. 

Lord Clarendon, in his speech to the privy council on 
receiving the sword of state, expressed his satisfaction at 
assuming the administration at a time of perfect peace and 

* The first act of the conciliation-system in our day was the dis- 
arming of our Protestant yeomanry, a force exactly similar to the 
militia of the days of James the Second. 


century quietness. But in this he was insincere, or greatly de- 

ceived ; for at this juncture, Ireland was in considerable 

ferment. No sooner had the Protestant Militia been dis- 
tories attack armed, than those savage banditti, called tories,* issued in 
lessprotes- vast numbers from their private haunts, to the extreme 


terror and annoyance of the civilized and industrious. 
The Protestants were defenceless against their ravages; 
whilst the Romanists would not oppose their friends and 

This grievance was so manifest and urgent, that Cla- 
rendon was empowered to restore some arms to those who 
were fit to be entrusted, and most exposed to depreda- 
tions ; but he was too cautious to exercise this power with 
the necessary speed and alacrity. In the mean time the 
Protestant subjects not only became a prey to robbers, 
but were exposed to the malice of another set of enemies 
still more formidable. A number of informers suddenly 
started up in various quarters, and laboured to involve 
their neighbours in the guilt of treason. They tortured 
their inventions for plausible fictions, or ransacked their 
memories for the casual conversations of several years 
past, in order to accuse the Protestant inhabitants of words 
spoken against the King when Duke of York. The Pro- 
testant who exacted rent from his tenant; he who repelled 
the violence of a tory ; he who had at any time given any 
offence to his neighbour, was suddenly accused, some- 
times imprisoned, exposed to a litigious prosecution, or 
harassed with continual apprehensions from revenge and 
perjury. Informations multiplied in every part of Ireland, 
and were daily brought before the Lord Lieutenant. He 

* I am afraid the Irish protestants in our days, are not likely to 
receive better treatment from the English tories, than they did in 
former days from the Irish. 


saw clearly through their falsehood and malice, yet could century 


not venture openly to discourage them, as the King re- 
tained an unprincely resentment of offences committed 
against him, before his accession, and also felt particular 
jealousy of his Protestant subjects in Ireland. 

The Irish Romanists were no strangers to this prepos- 
session of the King, nor were their leaders inattentive to 
take advantage of it. Though they could not as yet 
attempt to subvert the act of settlement, they prepared Romanists 
a petition for the relief of those who had suffered by these King for re- 
acts ; an application not in itself entirely unreasonable, sufferers. 
but justly offensive in the manner of it ; for it was agreed 
to choose agents from the several counties, who, with- 
out any intervention of the Lord Lieutenant, were to 
repair to England, and address themselves directly to the 

The more moderate of their party refused to concur in 
a proceeding, disrespectful to the governor who had acted 
with lenity, and even with some degree of indulgence to the 
Irish Romanists. Their next petition therefore, was con- 
veyed to him; and in this they had the hardiness to desire, 
a general reversal of the outlawries occasioned by the 
rebellion, of the year sixteen hundred and forty one. This 
as Lord Clarendon expresses it, * would greatly alarm the 
English, and perhaps startle some of the Irish too, who 
had gotten new estates/ And however the case of some 
particulars might have merited attention and favor, yet 
the petition, if granted in its full extent, must have been 
considered as the previous step to an utter subversion of 
all establishments of property. But the Irish knew no 
moderation in their demands. Their gentry crowded 
round Whitehall, and were graciously received. Thither Tyrconnei 
Tyrconnel had repaired, on the arrival of Lord Clarendon London. 





The power 
of Tyrconnel 

The seals 
taken from 

Three Pro- 
Judges re- 

Lord Claren- 
don remon- 
strates in- 

in Ireland, and made such representations of Irish 
affairs, as suited the interests of his party, or gratified the 
violence of his passions, and was heard with perfect confi- 
dence by his deluded master. 

It soon appeared that the power of this Lord was irre- 
sistible, and that the most violent and offensive measures 
were most agreeable to the cabinet. The seals of Ireland 
were suddenly taken from Primate Boyle, and a new 
chancellor was sent from England, — Sir Charles Porter, a 
man whose distressed circumstances, promised to render 
him implicitly submissive to the court. Three Protestant 
judges, without any reason assigned, or any objection 
alleged against their conduct, were at once removed ; in 
their places, two Romish lawyers of Irish birth, Nugent 
and Daly, and one Ingolsby, an Englishman, were raised 
to the bench ; and when Ingolsby declined this prefer- 
ment, Rice, another Irish lawyer, not of unexceptionable 
character, was chosen to supply his place. 

In vain did Lord Clarendon represent, that the admis- 
sion of Roman Catholics into offices of trust and honour, 
without taking the oath of supremacy, was contrary to 
law. To James such language was impertinent and un- 
courtly. All these new Romish judges and some Romish 
lawyers, were admitted into the privy council of Ireland, 
an honour not hitherto conferred on men of their rank. 
Rice was ashamed of such advancement and hesitated ; 
Nagle, an active and skilful lawyer of the Romish party, 
and greatly favored by Tyrconnel, declined to accept an 
honour which would interfere with the business and solid 
advantages of his profession. 

Even the rumours of such changes and appointments 
were sufficient to alarm the English Protestants. Traders 
sold their effects, and abandoned a country in which they 


expected a speedy establishment of Romanism, and a century 

total confusion of property. The Irish, instead of waiting ■ — — - 

quietly for the effects of the king's favor, seemed rather 
solicitous to augment the terror of their rivals. They 
boasted of their correspondence with Whitehall, and 
their intelligence of every purpose of their favorite 
monarch. They talked with confidence of alterations to 
be made in the army ; and whispered their expectations 
of some extraordinary changes in ecclesiastical affairs. 
The Archbishopric of Cashel was vacant, nor could the 
king be persuaded to fill it up, and the revenues of this 
and other vacant sees, were reserved for the maintenance 
of Romish bishops. Orders were issued by the king's 
command, that the Romish clergy should not be molested 
in the exercise of their functions ; and these were soon 
followed by a notification of the royal pleasure, that their 
prelates should appear publicly in the habit of their 
order ; and the Protestant clergy were at the same time 
prohibited from treating of controversial points in the 
pulpit ; they were also deprived, for the most part, of 
their subsistence. They could demand no tithes from 
the Romanists, while Popish incumbents, who every day 
multiplied by the death, cession, or absence of Protestants, 
exacted them from all parties. Yet in this day of perse- 
cution, both clergy and laity felt an unusual fervour of 
devotion, and crowded to their places of worship. The 
Popish government was offended and possibly alarmed at 
these meetings. A proclamation was issued, confining 
Protestants to their respective parishes ; which in effect 
excluded great numbers from public worship, as in several 
parts of Ireland, two parishes or more had but one church. 
But the Romish clergy were for measures more direct and 
violent. By the assistance of magistrates, they seized 



century churches for their own use, not in the country only, but 

in the capital. The Protestants remonstrated with James : 

he acknowledged his promise of protection, and published 
a proclamation against these outrages. But the clergy 
and their votaries disdained obedience to any orders 
repugnant to the interests of " the faith." A contest now 
arose between the priests and their king ; and in this 
contest James had the exquisite mortification of finding 
himself foiled and defeated. His orders of restitution 
were sometimes evaded, by representing the Church 
demanded for the Protestants, as a place of strength, and 
therefore improper to be entrusted to their custody. 
Christ Church in Dublin was seized and could not be 
restored, because some arms were said to be concealed in 
it. When no such frivolous pretences could be urged, 
the priests and popish magistrates retained the churches 
with a contemptuous disregard of the repeated orders of a 
king, whose authority in ecclesiastical affairs they totally 
renounced. And whatever impotent resentment he 
expressed at this insolence, he still resigned himself 
servilely to the clergy : and seemed only solicitous to 
employ his momentary power for making Ireland what he 
called " a Catholic kingdom". An order was issued in the 
name of his governor of Dublin, that no more than five 
Protestants should meet together, even in churches, on pain 
of death. The alarm of an invasion indeed was pleaded 
for this severity, but vulgar bigotry was ever the predo- 
minant principle of James. At the very moment, when 
formidable enemies were gathering round him, he thought 
himself worthily employed in filling the diocese of Meath 
with popish incumbents, and erecting a Benedictine nun- 
nery in Dublin.* 

* The Church in England is at this moment suffering by 



arrives in 

To increase the crloom now evidently impressed on century 
every Protestant, the earl of Tyrconnel arrived in Ireland 
with power to command and regulate the army, indepen- 
dently of the Lord Lieutenant, with particular orders for 

means of as deeply concocted a conspiracy, as ever emanated 
from the college of the Jesuits, to bring the Church again under the 
yoke of the papal See ; and in the midst of all this peril and danger, 
arising from the introduction of e false doctrine, heresy, and schism,' 
many of her Bishops appear to he very inadequately impressed with 
the dangers which threaten, and the enemies which surround her. 

The Bishops of London and Exeter have considered themselves, 
like James the Second, "worthily employed " in following the rubrical 
question put forward by a master-mind to divert attention from the 
real question at issue, and to induce the bishops to advance in a wrong- 
direction. For the present however, they have happily in compliance 
with the wise and dignified advice of the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
withdrawn this ecclesiastical command, on matters non-essential 
in themselves, and whose only tendency appears to be, the alienating 
the Laity from the Established Church. 

In the Bishop of Exeter's pastoral, he insisted upon the whole 
rubric, 1 and relies chiefly for support on the Act of Uniformity ; — 

1 Immediately after the creed in the communion-service, ' The 
curate shall declare unto the people what holy days, or fasting days, 
&c, and then also, (if occasion be,) shall notice be given of the 
communion, &c. Then shall follow the sermon, &c.' 
Again, ' when the minister giveth warning for the celebration of the 
holy communion, &c, after the Sermon or Homily ended? 
he shall read the exhortation following.' I should like to know the 
bishop's directions in this case. The only way in which I can recon- 
cile these two contradictory rubrics, is, that in our parish churches, 
where the service generally concludes with the Nicene creed, the 
first rubric is to be followed, and in our cathedral and collegiate 
churches, where the third service is introduced, the second is to be 

U 2 



century the admission of Romanists to the freedom of corpora- 
tions, and the offices of sheriffs and justices of the peace, 
and with a number of new military commissions, whereby 
the old Protestant officers were suspended, and the worst 
and meanest of the Romish party substituted in their 
place. His natural violence was inflamed by the extrava- 
gant adulation with which the Romish party received 
their patron and protector, and prompted him to the most 
insolent and contemptuous treatment of the Lord Lieute- 

declaring the sermon to be part and parcel of the communion-service, 
commanding the use of the surplice at all times in the pulpit, and in- 
hibiting extempore prayer in that place. It appears however to be a 
question, whether the rubric be law, by the Act of Uniformity ; but 
even if it be, its observance as a whole is impossible. By the bishop's 
own late decision, if the parish were to provide albe, cope, and vest, 
these and not the surplice, should be worn in the pulpit. It is denied 
also, that the sermon is any part of the communion-service ; its 
very nature seems to preclude the possibility of its being so, for 
the whole of that beautiful service is verbally prescribed ; and 
perhaps it is for this very reason, that the preacher throws off the 
ecclesiastical garment, when ceasing to utter the authoritative 
voice of the Church, and commencing to deliver his own sentiments. 
The decision of the bishop appears, however, to be partial ; why 
are not the Homilies required to be read according to law ? Because 
they are unpalatable to the rubrical party. Why is not morning 
and evening prayer in every church in the diocese commanded 
according to the rubric 1 Because the thing is impossible. Why 
are the canons neglected which enjoin the stated preaching of 
sermons against popery ? And house-visitations of papists by the 
clergy, with earnest diligence to awake them to their errors ? Because 
it is unpalatable. Justly may the Editor of the Standard newspaper 
exclaim, ' Is it not deplorable that a mind like the Bishop of Exeter's, 
should be employed about such things.' — See the Bishop of Worces- 
ter's address. Appendix, No. 2. 


nant. He proceeded to execute the king's commands century 

with eager impatience ; officers and privates were dis- 

missed from the army, without any plausible cause assigned, 
frequently with abuse and contumely, sometimes with 
injustice and cruelty. Their places were supplied by Irish 
Romanists, and those only admitted to preferments who 
entertained the highest notions of the authority of 
the Pope. The vulgar, in their ignorance, when they 
had taken the oath of fidelity, imagined that they 
had sworn fidelity to the Pope and their religion, and 
declared that their priests had forbidden them to take any 
other oath. 

The bolder and more violent of the Romish party 
declared, that in a few months, not a Protestant would be 
left in the army ; and now that they had gotten arms, 
they would speedily regain their lands. Some of the old 
proprietors cautioned the tenants against paying any rent 
to their Protestant landlords, and in the same spirit, 
some Romish clergy forbad the people to pay tithes to 
the Protestant incumbents. 

In the mean time, Clarendon was accused to the King 
of mal-administration, in several instances, and this was 
alleged without regard to candor or veracity. His defence 
was clear and satisfactory; but his brother Rochester re- 
fused to renounce his religion and was removed from the office 
of treasurer ; and he himself was not found an instrument 
suited to all the designs wildly conceived, and hastily pur- 
sued by the bigotted or insidious counsellors of a bigotted 
and deluded King. The appointment of a successor to Lord 
Clarendon became an object of deliberation in the cabi- 
net. Several Lords were proposed and rejected by the 
King. Sunderland, the prime minister, flattered the par- 





Lord Deputy. 

tialities of his master, by recommending Tyrconnel, the most 
unworthy and dangerous of all the competitors, who, stipu- 
lating to pay him an annual pension from the profits of the 
Irish government, was appointed chief governor of Ireland, 
with the inferior title of lord deputy.* 

* Tyrconnel was a native of Ireland, descended from an old 
English race of the pale ; he was born about the time when this 
race united themselves with the original Irish, and concurring in 
their political intrigues, was led to concur also in their insurrections. 
From his infancy he imbibed his sentiments of religion and politics 
from the most bigotted Romanists, and those most hostile to English 
government. His obsequiousness and vivacity recommended him to 
the royal brothers on the continent, at a time when an obsequious 
and lively associate was particularly suited to the vacant hours of 
their exile. Here he displayed his revengeful spirit in no very 
honorable manner, by proposing to assassinate Oliver Cromwell. 
When provoked by the supposed injuries of Ms party, he threatened 
to turn his poignard on the Duke of Ormond ; he was incautious 
and precipitate, virulent in his censures, with such a total disregard 
to truth, as even became proverbial : furious in his animosities to a 
degree of apparent frenzy, yet not with that placability which 
sometimes attends the sudden burst of passion ; — his revenge was 
steadily and unalterably pursued. In the vanity of that power he 
gradually acquired, he insulted his superiors and tyrannized over 
those beneath him : to the one his deportment was vulgar, to the 
other brutal. If at any time, he condescended to artifice and insin- 
uation, the violence of his natural temper was soon discovered, for 
the least disappointment cast him into a paroxysm of rage. Every 
step of his exaltation was gained by bribery and flattery, and 
enjoyed without temper, justice or decency. It is now ascertained 
that, doubtful of the king's success in the struggle for restoring 
Romanism in England, he had made secret overtures to some of the 
French agents, for casting off all connection with England in case 
of James's death, and with the aid of Louis, proposed placing the 
crown of Ireland on his own head. M. Mazure has brought this 
remarkable fact to light. Bonrepos, a French emissary in Eng- 
land, was authorized by his court to 


To this Romish delegate of a Romish Prince, Lord century 

Clarendon resigned the sword of state, in a general and 

violent agitation of the kingdom. He embarked at the 

port of Dublin, attended by fifteen hundred of its Pro- Fifteen hun , 

testant families, who abandoned a country where their dreaprotes- 

J; " ■ "' J tant families 

peace, property, and lives, were exposed to the malice }J* ve d ^ 
of a party now exulting in the fulness of their triumph 
having their friend and patron in supreme authority, 
who was attended by Romish ministers and officers of 

Sir Charles Porter had not proved so pliant as the 
King expected. He conducted himself to all parties with 
that equity and impartiality which suited his station, and 
declared against being instrumental in any illegal or clan- 
destine designs. He was removed from his office, and Sir 
Alexander Fitton placed at the head of the chancery in 
Ireland, a man convicted of forgery, but who redeemed 
the infamy of his character by conforming to the King's 
religion. An appointment so odious and alarming, was 
soon followed by substituting Nagle, the popish lawyer, 
as Attorney General in the place of Sir William Dom- 
ville, a Protestant long distinguished by his loyalty and 
abilities. Nugent and Rice were advanced to the station 
of chief judges ; Irish Romanists were chosen to succeed 
them, and three Protestants only were suffered to remain 
on the bench, Keating and Worth, who were considered as 
implicitly obedient, and Lyndon, a man equally mean and 

with Tyrconnel, for the separation of the two islands, in case a 
Protestant should succeed to the crown of England. He had 
accordingly a private interview with a confidential agent of the 
Lord-Lieutenant at Chester, in the month of October, 1687, when 
Tyrconnel undertook, that in less than a year every thing should 
be prepared. 




The army of 



The Protes- 
tant corpo- 
rations dis- 

insignificant. In courts thus supplied, were the validity 
of outlawries and forfeitures, the title of Protestants, and 
the claims of Romanists to be determined. 

Almost the whole army of Ireland was by this time 
formed of Irish Romanists, whilst a number of Protestant 
officers, deprived of the commissions which they had pur- 
chased, and who had been gradually driven from the king- 
dom, sought shelter in Holland ; where, making known their 
grievances to the Prince of Orange, they were by him pro- 
tected and employed. The admission of Romanists into the 
several corporations had proceeded slowly during the admi- 
nistration of Lord Clarendon ; but some more summary 
method was now to be devised, to invest this party with 
the whole power of the kingdom, and especially the power 
of modelling all future parliaments. Tyrconnel addressed 
himself to the city of Dublin, and without even assigning 
any plausible pretence, recommended to them to resign 
their charter to the King. They hesitated, he grew more 
peremptory ; they still delayed their answer ; enraged, he 
loaded them with reproaches, and thundered out the seve- 
rity of the royal vengeance on their perverseness. It was 
in vain to urge reason on the deputy, or to expect justice 
from him. Their Recorder was therefore despatched to 
Whitehall ; introduced to the King by the Duke of 
Ormond, and presented their petition, setting forth their 
loyalty and services, and imploring the continuance of their 
charter. The application was rejected, a quo warranto 
immediately issued, and judgment hastily pronounced 
against their charter. Many other corporations were dis- 
solved by the same procedure within the short space of 
two terms ; some corporations were either flattered or in- 
timidated into a surrender of their charters. In several 
instances, a new charter was granted to such men as 


the attorney general approved, who were put in possession century 

of the corporation by a Romish sheriff, and the former '— 

possessors left to bring their action against the intruders 
before Romish judges, and where these had the greatest 
power, the ancient members were often imprisoned for 
their disobedience. 

In forming the new corporations, it was the general 
custom, that in great cities, where the English interest 
had been predominant, two thirds of the members should 
be Romanists, and one third Protestants, but the so-called 
Protestants were chosen from the poor, the profligate, and 
contemptible, and although lords and gentlemen of the 
adjacent country were taken into every corporation, yet it 
was found necessary, in order to complete these bodies, to 
receive an additional number of the most scandalous and bar- 
barous Irish ; so that in one northern city, a man was made 
chief magistrate who had been condemned to the gallows. 

From the attacks made by James on the learned bodies 
of England, it could not be expected that the university 
of Dublin, the only Protestant Seminary in Ireland, 
should be left entirely unmolested. It was indeed an 
object of particular envy to those who wished to make the 
whole island papal, and before Lord Clarendon's removal, 
the King's mandate was presented to the governors of the 
University, directing them to admit one Green, a Romanist, 
to a professorship, with all its emoluments and arrears of 
salary. It was styled in the King's letter a professorship of 
the Irish language, but so ignorant were his advisers, 
that they were not aware that no such professorship had 
ever been established. The founder and his grant, the office 
and its emoluments, existed only in their own imaginations. 
Green was thus disappointed ; but the University dread- 
ing further interference, and sharing in the general con- 


16— 1 J 

century sternation of Protestants on the appointment of Tyrconnel 
to the government of Ireland, seem to have expected 
with the timidity of retired men, the worst results from a 
popish administration. 

In consequence of these apprehensions they resolved to 
convert most of their plate into money, for the purpose of 
erecting new buildings, and purchasing new lands. The 
consent of their visitors was obtained, and also the 
consent of Clarendon, for transporting the plate (duty 
free) into England, it being considered a better market. In 
the mean time, Tyrconnel arrives, is informed of this 
transaction, seizes the plate in the port of Dublin, and 
deposits it in the King's stores. The more moderate of 
his advisers, ashamed of this tyranny, interposed, and pre- 
vailed on him to restore it to the University. The plate 
being sold, in an instant, all the absurd fury of Tyrconnel 
was rekindled. The purchaser appearing before him, 
Nugent, the Lord Chief Justice, accused him of purchasing 
stolen goods, the property of the King, and obliged him 
to give security to prosecute the governors of the Uni- 
versit} 7 . Happily Nagle was possessed of more reason and 
temper, and by the authority of his opinion defended them 
from further outrage. 

But the terror excited by this senseless violence of 
Tyrconnel had scarcely subsided, when another letter from 
the King directed that a person named Doyle should be 
admitted to a Fellowship, without taking any but the Fel- 
lowship oath. This man was both ignorant and profligate, 
but being lately reconciled to Romanism, the merit of his 
conversion must be rewarded. Yet here again, the igno- 
rance of his patrons happily defeated the designs of their 
party. The oath of a fellow included in it the oath of 
supremacy, and this Doyle refused to take. The terms 



of the King's mandate were so explicit, that the Romish century 
judges directed him to procure a second letter ; but his 
character proving infamous, his friends were ashamed 
to make any further effort in his favour. The vexation 
of Tyrconnel at this disappointment was expressed in a 
manner worthy of him ; he stopped the pension annually 
paid to the University from the exchequer, and which, 
at this time, constituted the chief part of its revenue.* 

* This Tyrconnelian mode of suppressing Protestant institutions, 
has been carried to a frightful extent, within the last few years. 
There is not one Protestant institution in the whole country, with 
the exception of Trinity College, Dublin, which has not suffered 
more or less from this and other baneful processes. Chartered 
institutions, which had been the object of the Irish parliament's 
especial bounty, have been suppressed, and even their incorporated 
property has been confiscated, and otherwise appropriated ; and 
there is now more money granted annually for Romish purposes, than 
ever was contemplated for Protestant churches. 

The Maynooth grant is now to be augmented. ' It may be recol- 
lected,' says Sir Robert Peel, ' that when in opposition, I resisted a 
motion made for the purpose of taking from that college the allow- 
ance now usually granted to it. I stated, that such a proposal was 
in violation of an engagement, which had been entered into by a 
parliament exclusively Protestant, and that engagement was to pro- 
vide domestic education for Roman Catholic ecclesiastics in Ireland. 
The engagement was to supply a want of ecclesiastical education, 
by the foundation of a college, for the giving a spiritual education in 
that country.' 

My Lord Sandon, the member for Liverpool, adopts this statement 
of Sir Robert Peel's, as the foundation of his intention to support 
the government augmentation. On the same occasion, he said, l He 
was not acquainted with the peculiarities of Maynooth, but he consi- 
dered it to be an inheritance from the Irish parliament, and he con- 
fessed, that he thought it was their duty to carry out the spirit of 
the engagement.' This English mode of legislating for Ireland, is 
what will make Ireland a nation of repealers. i His lordship is not 


century These repeated disappointments did not discourage the 
priests, from their designs against the University of Dub- 
lin, nor was James deterred by the consequences of his 
interference with the English Universities. In a few 
months after his arrival in Ireland, a mandamus was pre- 
sented to the governors of the Dublin University in favour 

acquainted with the peculiarities of Maynooth/ the very thing he 
ought to have made himself acquainted with, and yet he gives his 
support to what he acknowledged himself to be in perfect igno- 
rance of. 

Sir Robert Peel on a former occasion declared, ' that not even the 
solemn compact of the act of union between two ancient and inde- 
pendent kingdoms, would stand in his way, if he thought that the 
established church in Ireland ought to be destroyed.' The stress 
laid therefore upon the Maynooth compact, is a mere piece of 
state policy and convenience, and this becomes the more evident 
when we find upon enquiry, that there is not, and never was any 
such compact, either expressed, or implied. 

The act by which Maynooth College was established passed the 
Irish parliament in 1795, and it states in the preamble the cause 
which rendered it necessary. ' Whereas by the laws now in force 
in this kingdom, it is not lawful to endow any college or seminary 
for the education exclusively of persons professing the Roman 
Catholic religion ; and it is now become expedient that a seminary 
should be established for that purpose,' &c. &c. 

This act was passed at the request of the Roman Catholics them- 
selves ; the Romish Archbishop, Dr. Troy, memorialized the govern- 
ment, insisting on the hardship and the danger of obliging the 
Irish priests to obtain their education abroad, and thus obtained 
permission to establish a college. 

The first clause names the trustees, and provides that, ' the said 
trustees shall have full power and authority to receive subscriptions 
and donations, to enable them to establish and endow an academy.' 
But it is obvious that a donation towards tlie establishment of an 
academy, can never imply a contract to pay the same, or a larger 
sum for the annual maintenance of that establishment, and accord- 
ingly we find, that while subsequent grants were made, they often 



of Green, who had been already disappointed of his ima- century 
ginary professorship. He was now destined to another 
office, that of senior fellow of Trinity College. 

At a time when this body shared deeply in the general 
calamity; hen no rents could be collected ; when their 
pension from the exchequer was withheld ; when their 
daily food was purchased by selling some part of their re- 

were of smaller amount than the first. Thus in 1800, only £4093 
was given, and in 1801, only £5820. 

Where then, is the contract, by which the state bound itself to 
maintain Maynooth? On the contrary we have the highest 
authority for asserting, that in consenting to the establishment of 
the college, and in giving a donation ' towards its establishment,' 
the government of that day never contemplated taking upon itself 
the maintenance of the institution. In the debate of April 29, 1808, 
Sir Arthur Wellesley, now Duke of Wellington, said, and he had 
the fullest opportunity of knowing the truth of what he asserted, 
that 'the fact was, that when the Maynooth institution was first 
established, it was not intended, that it should be maintained by the 
public purse ; — the memorial presented previously to the foundation 
of that establishment, prayed for a charter, in order that their funds 
might be better secured.' 

One more pretext remains, by which the idea of a contract, is 
sometimes kept up. It is said ' that the British parliament received 
from the Irish parliament a list of certain annual grants to 
charities, &c, and virtually engaged to continue these payments.' 

Sir Robert Inglis shewed the fallacy of tins pretence, in the 
debate of June 23, 1840. He then said ' I was content in former 
years to vote for this grant, though with great repugnance, as a 
legacy from the parliament of Ireland. There were about thirty-six 
votes for charities, which the Irish parliament regularly maintained, 
I felt that I ought not to resist the vote for this college ; but now that 
parliament has broken through this rule, taking away grants to 
Protestant institutions, which stood on the same footing, I feel that 
every case must stand on its own merits, and that the argument 
from precedent, and the idea of a legacy from the deceased parlia- 


century maining plate, when the terrors of royal vengeance were 


thundered in their ears, and James and his forces at hand 
to execute their threats ; the governors undauntedly re- 
fused obedience to the mandamus. They pleaded their 
own cause, before Sir Richard Nagle ; they urged the 
incapacity of Green, and the false allegations of his peti- 
tion ; ' But there are much more important reasons/ said 

ment is gone.' So much then, for the idea of a national compact 
concerning Maynooth, the whole indeed appears to be an absolute 

For the information of my Lord Sandon, and others who are { not 
acquainted with the peculiarities of Maynooth,' we now state that 
the object of the college is, to provide a supply of priests to offer 
1 the sacrifice of the mass,' for a portion of the population of Ireland 
who profess the religion and worship of the Church of Rome. 
Now this sacrifice of the mass is declared upon oath by the Queen, 
Lords, and Commons, to ' be superstitious and idolatrous," 1 and pro- 
nounced by the articles of religion of the united Church of England 
and Ireland to be ' a blasphemous fable, and dangerous deceit,' unto 
which sentence every clergyman of the church has given his 
solemn assent, and ex animo, with his hand subscribed, being con- 
vinced, that fins protestation, for which the martyrs of the reformed 
Church of England laid down their lives at the stake, is perfectly 
true, and according to the scriptures. And not only is the mass an 
antichristian sacrifice, but the priesthood, which is ordained to 
offer it, is an antichristian priesthood also. For Jesus Christ the 
eternal priest, after the order of Melchisedec, when he offered him- 
self "once," and "once for all," put an end to all priesthood upon 
earth to offer for sins, and now in the tabernacle above, whereinto 
he has passed, with his own blood, and where he " ever lives to 
make intercession for us," retains in his own person, the same priest- 
hood, which is as untransferable and incommunicable to any man, or 
creature, as is his own eternal Spirit or Godhead ; — the high altar 
that sanctified, the gift and sacrifice of his human body for our 

To establish then, or to perpetuate in the country, as a govern- 
ment institution, the college of Maynooth, is to oppose Christ him- 


they, ' drawn as well from the statutes relating to religion century 

. 16—19. 

as from the obligation of oaths we have taken, and the — 

interest of our religion (which we will never desert) that 
render it wholly impossible for us, without violating our 
consciences, to have any concurrence, or to be any way 
concerned in the admission of him.' 

The issue of this unequal contest, was speedy and deci- 
sive. In a few days fellows and scholars were forcibly 

self, and directly to set up, and maintain against, him, and his 
1 unchangeable priesthood,' another order of i sacrificers,' which 
being not ordained of God, is, and must be, in its origin and essence 
c pagan and antichristian.' When viewed in this light, and weighed 
in the balance of the sanctuary, how hateful must the conduct of 
Protestant England appear in the eyes of a jealous God, who 
searcheth the hearts and trieth the reins of the children of men. 

Since writing the above, I have read Lord Sandon's Speech on the 
Maynooth Endowment Bill. His Lordship appears to be as ignorant 
of the history of his country, as he is of the peculiarities of May- 
nooth. ' England,' says his Lordship ' was perfectly right, when 
she reformed herself, to take the national Church property with 
her ; but what did they do in Ireland ? Why without any change 
in the religious principles of the people, their property was taken 
from them. He might now look upon this measure, as some resti- 
tution for the spoliation then committed.' 

In England, the property was taken from the entire bench of 
bishops (with one solitary exception) ' without being reformed, or 
any change in their religious principles.' ( Restitution for spolia- 
tion then committed,' may be necessary there, but in Ireland, the 
case was totally different, as the Reformation was in that country 
carried into effect by the unanimous concurrence of the whole body 
of the people, lay and ecclesiastic. The faith of the primitive 
Irish Church was proclaimed by act of parliament, and joyfully 
received by all the inhabitants of the land. A large proportion of 
the people since that period becoming dissenters, as was the case 
also in England, gives no claim whatever for restitution, when no 
spoliation had ever taken place. — See chap. XIII., Queen Elizabeth. 

merits turned 
into prisons 


century ejected by the soldiers of a Prince, who had promised not 

— only to defend, but to augment their privileges. The 

property of particular members, the communion plate, 

of h Dubiin ge library, and furniture, of the community, were all seized. 

the k a e paS' Their chapel was converted into a magazine. Their cham- 
bers into prisons. The members of the College only 
obtained their personal liberty through the intercession of 
the bishop of Meath ; and this on the express condition 
that three of them should not meet together on pain of 
death. Petre is said to have suggested to James, the de- 
sign of conferring this college on the Jesuits. In the 
mean time, Moor, a Romish Ecclesiastic, was nominated 
Provost, a man of liberal sentiments, and a lover of 
letters ; who with the assistance of Macarthy, another 
of his order, preserved the library, books, and manuscripts, 
from the ravages of a barbarous army.* 

* l Dark and mysterious rumours are whispered,' says Dr. Miller 
in his ' Present Crisis/ 'of important innovations in favour of 
Romanism, to be introduced into the university of Dublin, the 
main support of the Protestant Church in Ireland, as that church 
is of the Protestant religion of this conntry and to the integrity of 
the empire.' Let the present governors of our University keep con- 
stantly in view the bright example set before them by their pre- 
decessors in James the Second's times, and remind the Premier in 
the language of Doctor Miller, the distinguished Nestor of the 
University and of the Church, ' that an effort was once made, in 
circumstances not very dissimilar, to put down the Protestant 
Church of England ; and that it signally failed, as I confidently 
predict of this other, which appears to be at present directed against 
the Protestant church in this country. When James the Second 
undertook to establish the Church of Rome on the ruin of the 
national religion, all opposition in parliament to his government 
appeared to have been overcome, and it seemed, it must be supposed, 
to himself, that he might carry into execution, any measures, which 

REVOLUTION OF 1688. 305 

Ireland now exhibited a gloomy scene of oppression and century 

dejection ; of power exercised without decency, and injuries 

sustained without redress. The English interest^hxch. Princes 
and statesmen had wisely laboured to establish in the coun- 
try, was discouraged, and threatened with final extirpation. 
But new changes, and new commotions were at hand, the 
obstinacy and bigotry of the King — his headstrong and 
insidious counsellors — his foreign enemies — the spirit of 
the old republicans not yet extinguished — the just and 
general indignation of subjects whose rights had been 
trampled down with scorn, — their well-grounded fears for 
the constitution — their solicitude for religion, all con- 
spired to produce a revolution, the most glorious and 
important of those events, which dignify the annals of the 
British Empire. 

The enterprize of the Prince of Orange was yet a secret Enterpri 


the Prince 

to James, when Tyrconnel received intelligence of his f orange 
design from Amsterdam, and conveyed it to the King. It 
was received with derision both by Sunderland and his 
master. But this infatuated Prince was soon awakened 
to a sense of his danger ; and on the first certainty of an 

he might be disposed to dictate. He accordingly proceeded to try 
the desperate experiment, and in the prosecution of it, endeavoured 
to render the Protestant church the agent of its own ruin, hy 
requiring its clergy to read in their churches a proclamation for 
establishing a general liberty of religious profession, which might 
shelter from observation and objection the advances of the Church of 
Rome. The scheme was, however, frustrated, by the determined, 
because conscientious, opposition of a small number of Protestant 
prelates, who refused to become the betrayers of their church. 
These were brought to trial for uttering a seditious libel, in present- 
ing a petition to be excused ; they were acquitted of the charge by 
a verdict of their country ; and the power of their infatuated 
sovereign was from that moment at an end.' — (p. 12, 13.) 



century invasion, Tyrconnel was directed to transport four thou- 

-; sand troops to England. Every day ushered in new reports. 

In Ireland they were received with astonishment. Pro- 
testants and Romanists alike rushed in crowds to Dublin, 
impatient for intelligence, and eager to confirm their 
hopes, or allay their fears, by conferring with their asso- 

The Romanists still affected to despise the Prince of 
Orange and his attempt. They exclaimed that the states 
of Holland were weary of him, and therefore were sending 
him on a desperate enterprize, to end his days on a scaf- 
fold like the Duke of Monmouth. Nugent, the Lord 
Chief Justice, delivered these sentiments from the Bench, 
and spoke with delight of English rebels hung up every 
where in clusters. But advices were soon received that 
the Prince had landed, and that James was deserted by 
his subjects. 

Anonymous letters extensively circulated, now spread 
among the Protestants the conviction, that a general mas- 
sacre was intended. Those letters gave circumstantial 
accounts of this design, and mentioned Sunday the ninth 
of December, as the day fixed on for their extermination. 
The capital became a scene of uproar and confusion ; 
numbers rushed to the coasts and embarked for England. 
Others sought shelter in walled towns, and Protestant 
settlements. In the northern countries, where their num- 
bers gave them confidence, they collected such arms as still 
remained among them, and prepared for defence. 

On the first alarm of the Prince of Orange's invasion, 
of h i)fr a ^ rison Tyrconnel had withdrawn the garrison of Derry to Dub- 
withdrawn. \[ n . but soon sens ible of his mistake in leaving such a post 
in the hands of the townsmen, he detached a regiment of 
1200 men, to take possession of the city. On the approach 


of this body, considerable doubt existed in the town as to century 
what course it was advisable to adopt, some proposed to ■ — 

shut the gates against TyrconneFs troops, others to submit 
quietly. At length, when the advanced guard appeared 
within three hundred yards of the ferry-gate, nine young 
men drew their swords, made themselves masters of the 
keys of the city, raised the draw-bridge and locked the 
ferry-gate ; and being quickly joined by others, the remain- 
ing gates were soon secured. 

The Earl of Antrim's regiment consisted entirely of 
Romanists, Irish and Highlanders. This body of 1200 
men, tall and imposing in their aspect, followed by a crowd 
of women and children, arrived at Limavady, a village 
within twelve miles of Derry, at the very moment when 
the inhabitants, receiving the information of an intended 
massacre, were deliberating on this important intelligence. 
The proprietor of this village was terrified at the disorder 
and turbulence of a body, which, during this time of sus- 
picion, seemed rather instruments of slaughter and bar- 
barity, than the regular forces of government. He 
instantly dispatched the most alarming accounts to Derry 
of the number, appearance, and destination of his guests, Leiand 
conjuring the citizens to shut their gates against the ' bar- 
barous crew.' This letter was the means, under God, of 
preserving the Protestants of Ireland. Rosen, who was 
sent to command the siege, conducted it with vigor and 
address, thundered out menaces against the besieged, and 
thus, by convincing them that no mercy was to be 
expected, confirmed their resolution to hold out to the 
last. Outrageous at this obstinacy, Rosen declared, that 
if the town were not surrendered by the first day of 
July, all the Protestants throughout the country as far 
as Ballyshannon, Charlemont, Belfast, Innishowen, pro- 

X 2 


centuby tected and unprotected alike, should be given up to 


plunder, and driven under their walls, there to perish, 
tants driven unless relieved bv a surrender of the town. The appointed 

under the ^ . . . x L 

waiis. day arrived, but the garrison continued their defence. 

The next morning a confused multitude was seen hurrying 
towards the walls. At a distance they were mistaken for 
enemies ; the garrison fired on them, but happily without 
injury to the thousands of miserable Protestants, of all 
ages and conditions, infirm, old, young, women, infants, 
goaded on by the soldiers, whose ears were tortured with 
their shrieks, and who executed their orders it is said with 

The afflicting spectacle transported the garrison to fury. 
Numbers of the wretched sufferers thus driven to perish 
beneath their walls, conjured them with bended knees, 
and lifted hands, by no means to consider their sufferings, 
but to defend their lives bravely against an enemy, who 
sought to involve them all in one common ruin. Happily 
the intelligence of these barbarities speedily reached Dublin. 
The Bishop of Meath remonstrated with James, who 
answered, that he had already ordered these captives to be 
released, observing, that such severities were usual in 
foreign service, however shocking they might appear to 
his subjects. Those who survived a confinement of three 
days without sustenance, or shelter, were thus permitted 
to return to their homes, where the ravages of the soldiery 
had left thetn utterly destitute. Some of their ablest 
men had been stolen into the town, and five hundred 
useless people in exchange had been exchanged for them, 
who passed undiscovered, notwithstanding the vigilance 
of the enemy. 

The garrison, with a confirmed horror of the besiegers, 
continued their obstinate defence, and even made desperate 


and successful sallies, but were too much weakened by century 

hunger to pursue their advantage. The flesh of horses, — — 

dogs and vermin, hides, tallow, and other nauseous sub- 
stances, were purchased at extravagant prices and eagerly 
devoured. Even such miserable resources began to fail, 
and no means of subsistence could be found for more than 
two days. Still the languid and ghastly crowds listened to 
the exhortations of Walker ; and still he assured them 
from the pulpit, that the Almighty would grant them a 

* We might dwell with astonishment on this desperate attempt 
of a garrison, in a town meanly fortified, and miserably supplied ; 
encumbered with thirty thousand fugitives, who could give them no 
assistance, and assailed by twenty thousand besiegers. But the 
plain, unstudied, unadorned effusion of their brave governor, 
Walker, still rallied their sinking spirits, and inspired hope. ' It 
did beget,' saith he, 'some disorder among us, and confusion, when 
we looked about us, and saw what we were doing, our enemies all 
about us, and our friends running away from us. A garrison we 
had, composed of a number of poor people, frightened from their 
own homes, and seemed more fit to hide themselves, than to face an 
enemy. When we considered that we had no persons of any expe- 
rience in war among us, and those very persons that were sent to 
assist us, had so little confidence in the place, that they no sooner 
saw it, than they thought fit to leave it ; that we had but few horse 
to sally out with, and no forage ; no engineers to instruct us in our 
works ; no fireworks, not so much as a hand-grenade to annoy the 
enemy ; not a gun well mounted in the whole town ; that we had 
so many mouths to feed, and not above ten days' provision for them 
in the opinion of our former governors ; that every day several left 
us, and gave constant intelligence to the enemy ; that they had so 
many opportunities to divide us, and so often endeavoured it, and 
to betray the governors ; that they were so numerous, so powerful, 
and well appointed an army ; that in all human probability, we 
could not think ourselves in less danger than the Israelites at the 
Red Sea ; when we consider all this, it was obvious enough, what a 


century "While their minds were yet warm with his harangue, 

— — delivered with all the eagerness of a man inspired, they 

discovered three ships in the river making way to the 
town. Kirk, who had abandoned them from the 13th of 
June to the 31st of July, at length thought fit, in their 
extreme distress, to make a hazardous attempt for their 
relief; an attempt which might have been made with less 
danger at the moment of his arrival, and which possibly 
might still have been deferred, had he not received some 
intimations of a treaty for surrendering. 

The two ships laden with provisions, and convoyed by 
the Dartmouth frigate, advanced in view, both of the 
garrison, and the besiegers. On this interesting object 
they fixed their eyes in all the earnestness of suspence 
and expectation. The enemy, both from their batteries, 
and with their musketry, thundered furiously on the ships, 

dangerous undertaking we had ventured upon. But the resolution 
and courage of our people, and the necessity we were under, and 
the great confidence and dependence among us, on God Almighty, 
that he would take care of us and preserve us, made us overlook all 
these difficulties.' 

With minds thus possessed, they resisted both the persuasions 
and the assaults of their besiegers. They made their sallies in a 
manner unauthorised by military rules. Any officer that could be 
spared, engaged in the adventure, and any soldiers who pleased 
followed his standard. Such were the repeated successes of this 
irregular warfare, that when the besiegers battered the walls, the 
garrison had the hardiness to advise them to spare their labour and 
expense, as their gates were ever open, and wider than any breach 
they could make. Eleven days James continued his assaults with 
repeated mortifications, and without any prospect of success. 
Impatient of his disappointments, he left the camp and returned to 
Dublin, peevishly exclaiming, that if his army had been English, 
they would have brought him the town piece-meaL 


which returned their fire with spirit. The foremost of the ce ntur y 

victuallers struck vehemently against the boom that had 

been thrown across the river, broke it, but rebounding with 
violence, ran aground. The enemy burst instantly into 
shouts of joy, and prepared to board her; on the crowded 
walls, the garrison stood stupified by despair. The 
vessel fired her guns, was extricated by the shock and 
floated. She passed the boom, and was followed by her 
companions. The town was relieved and the enemy relieved. 

Of the seven thousand five hundred men in garrison in 
Derry, four thousand three hundred only remained to be 
witnesses of this deliverance, and of these more than one 
thousand were incapable of service. These wretched 
spectres had scarcely tasted food, when they had the hardi- 
ness to march in quest of the enemy ; and some few were 
lost by adventuring too boldly on their rear-guard. The 
enemy retired in vexation to Strabane, having lost eight 
thousand men by the sword, and by various disorders, in a 
siege of one hundred and five days.* 

I cannot here resist the temptation of giving an account 
of the conduct of the gallant Enniskilleners. During the Ennis- an 
whole course of this siege, James's army had been consi- kllleners * 
derably embarrassed in their operations by the Enniskillen 
men, so were the Protestants named, who had collected 
about Enniskillen, and chosen Gustavus Hamilton gover- wniiam and 
nor of their town, and proclaimed William and Mary. ciSed. 
Lord Galmoy marched to reduce them, and invested 
Crom Castle, their frontier garrison, seated on Lough 
Erne. As he found it impossible to bring up his cannon, 

* For a full and most interesting account of the siege, see " Derry, 
by Charlotte Elizabeth." 


ce ntury he recurred to a ridiculous artifice ; eight horses were 

employed to draw two pieces formed of tin, bound with 

cords, and so coloured as to resemble cannon. "With this 
new species of artillery, he threatened to batter the castle. 
The garrison however returned a defiance ; and being 
reinforced from Enniskillen, sallied forth, and drove the 
enemy from their trenches, returning in triumph with 
considerable booty, and the tin cannon which had been 
drawn up with so much apparent difficulty. 

Galmoy thus became contemptible ; and soon afterwards 
rendered himself detestable. On his march he had taken 
two youths prisoners, with whom he found commissions 
from the Prince of Orange, and whom he proposed to 
exchange for one of his own officers. The officer was 
returned, but the youths were executed; and the northerns 
were thus confirmed in their abhorrence of an enemy at 
once so cruel and so faithless. Their numbers daily in- 
creased, and both their numbers and successes were so 
magnified, that the ruling party in Dublin expected them 
speedily at their gates. 

But their real numbers were insufficient for any con- 
siderable enterprize ; nor were they furnished with arms 
or ammunition, until their victory over a party of the 
enemy at Belturbet, and the arrival of Kirk, supplied their 
necessities. They then became so formidable, that a plan 
was formed, to attack them at once, by three different 
armies. For this purpose, Macarthy, a gallant and expe- 
rienced officer, lately created a Peer, encamped at Beltur- 
bet, with seven thousand men. Sarsfield, another general 
equally distinguished, led an army from Connaught ; and 
Fitz James, Duke of Berwick, prepared an attack from 
the north. 

The ignorance of the Enniskilleners of their danger, 


proved the means under God of their deliverance. They century 

knew only of the motions of the Connaught army, and ^— 

marched out with a rapidity so unexpected and astonish- 
ing, that they surprised the enemy's camp, and routed 
them with considerable slaughter. Against the Duke of 
Berwick, they were however less successful. As he ap- 
proached Enniskillen, some companies sent to seize on a 
post, which they might have defended against his numbers, 
venturing beyond the bounds prescribed, were surprised 
and cut to pieces ; but at the approach of Hamilton, the 
governor, Berwick retired. 

Macarthy, the remaining general, was still more formid- 
able ; with an army which had already suppressed Lord 
Inchiquin in Munster, he marched towards Enniskillen, 
and invested Crom. An officer called Berry, was detached 
to the relief of the Castle, but as the enemy advanced 
against him, with a superior force, he found it necessary 
to retreat. Being pursued, a skirmish followed, in which 
the Enniskilleners were victorious ; and the arrival of the 
main bodies on each side, (the one commanded by Macar- 
thy, the other by Wolsley, one of Kirk's officers), produced 
a general engagement near Newton Butler, and Lisnaskea, 
from both of which places the battle has taken its name. 
The inferior number of the northerns was supplied by 
an undaunted resolution, and an abhorrence of the enemy. 
They defeated and pursued them with great slaughter. 
About two thousand fell by the weapons of an enemy 
transported by zeal and resentment ; about five hundred 
plunged into Lough Erne, but one only of that number, 
escaped a watery grave ; the same number were made 
prisoners, and with them their General Macarthy. Stung 
with the disgraceful issue of his expedition, he had 
rushed upon the enemy from a wood, whither he had been 




Leland iii. 
533, 534. 

driven with a 

wounded he 

fear that his wounds might 

few horsemen, when being desperately 

was conducted to Enniskillen, expressing 

not prove mortal. The news 

victory was soon conveyed to the army which 
from Derry, and served to precipitate their 

of this 

When the Enniskilleners had joined the Duke Schom- 
berg's army, and formed his advanced guard, in all the 
pride of victory, when their success had been completed, 
by gaining Sligo, from which the Irish garrison, com- 
manded by Sarsfield fled precipitately on a false alarm of 
danger, — the English beheld these men, whose exploits 
had been so celebrated, with surprize and disappointment. 
Instead of a regular and well-disciplined regiment, they 
found them a mere militia without any of the pomp, and 
scarcely furnished with the conveniences, of war : their 
equipage mean and unseemly, and their horses of the low 
breed of the country; and yet with all these disadvantages, 
they retained on undaunted spirit, and a contempt of the 
enemy ; they beheld their reconnoitering parties with 
impatience, and lamented the scrupulous discipline of 
Schomberg, which prevented them from flying to the 
attack. These undaunted men distinguished themselves 
again at the battle of the Boyne, and in our day the heavy 
brigade, consisting of the Enniskilleners, the Scotch 
Greys, and the Dragoon Guards, gained additional renown 
on the bloody field of Waterloo. 

The noble example of Derry and Enniskillen was 
followed by other northern towns. In different counties, 
parties arose under the direction of their respective lead- 
ers, and county councils were nominated, beside a general 
council at Hillsborough, which had the power of appoint- 
ing officers, and directing operations. In the mean time 


the Prince of Orange, who had now been invested in Eng- centuky 

land, with that sovereignty which James had by his flight 

to France abandoned, gave assurances of assistance, and 
in consequence of this William and Mary were proclaimed 
in all the northern towns. 

During the greater part of the unconstitutional and The depiora- 
tyrannical reign of James the second, and the long the church. 
and bloody wars, that followed his abdication ; the 
clergy received from their lawful property scarcely suf- 
ficient to purchase bread for their families ; whilst their 
enemies were daily increasing in violence, and offering 
them continued affronts and injuries, and indeed only 
waiting for the opportunity which might be afforded by 
a parliament, for voting them, ' the main grievance of the 
nation.' * 

* The phraseology of the British House of Commons has not 
been much improved by the introduction into it of Romish and 
radical members. The parliament of the present day, is a new and 
improved edition of the Irish House of Commons in the days of 
James the Second. In those days the church in Ireland was only 'the 
main grievance of the nation,' but now when it has become one of 
the most useful and truly spiritual churches on the face of the earth, 
it is called by Mr. Gisborne, (himself the son of a clergyman), ' a 
rotten church.' Mr. Roebuck " the public accuser " becoming quite 
sublime on the occasion ; calls it ' a cancerous sore, from which 
exuded the mephitic blood, which went through the veins, carrying 
poison into every portion of the body, until it at length became a 
horrible and putrescent carcase.' ' It was the abomination by means 
of which the people of that country were maddened.' Truly it may 
be said of such men, that " with their tongue they have used deceit, 
and that the poison of asps is under their lips." We really were in 
the habit of thinking in our ignorance that Romanism was the 
disease which circulated in the veins of Ireland, but we must bow 
of course to the superior knowledge of these gentlemen. 

But Mr. H. G. Ward out-Herods them all in his proposition, 


century \ that the House of Commons should humbly address our gracious 
~ sovereign herself, (sworn " to maintain, and preserve inviolably the 

settlement of the united Church of England and Ireland,") for the 
purpose of denouncing the establishment of that church, as the 
chief grievance of Ireland, and of proffering the co-operation of her 
commons in parliament assembled towards its demolition.' ' A 
motion for which,' (says Mr. Dudley Perceval), 'in better times 
of the House, the mover would have been sent to the Tower, — if not 
to Tower Hill ; and ought to have been so sent ; if there is any 
sense in exacting the oath of allegiance from every member of 
parliament before he takes his seat there, and if the duties of the 
subject implied in that oath are correlative (as surely they must be) 
with the duties of the sovereign, as ascertained, defined, and ex- 
pressed, by the permanent and fundamental law of the land, in the 
greatest of all constitutional solemnities.' — Speech of the late Right 
Hon. Spencer Perceval, with notes by Dudley Perceval, Esq. 
Page 103. 



WILLIAM III.— FROM 1688—1702. 

the revolution — james lands in ireland — calls a parlia- 
ment to meet in dublin — the acts of settlement re- 
pealed — james himself precluded from pardoning 

william determines to support his friends in ireland 

duke schomberg with his army arrives in ireland 

james's only ship of war captured — the fort of charle- 
mont taken — king william lands at carrickfergus' — his 

first act in ireland james marches to meet him wil- 

liam's army moves towards the boyne — william slightly 
wounded, supposed to have been killed — paris illumi- 
nated in consequence of it — the battle of the boyne — 
james, considering the contest as decided, flies to water- 
ford and embarks for france — james's adherents carry 
on the war — william arrives in dublin waterford capi- 
tulates the unsuccessful attack on athlone and lime- 
rick william embarks for england the siege of ath- 
lone the town taken the battle of aughrim galway 

surrendered — the siege of limerick — capitulation of 
limerick — the articles of capitulation — the war con- 

The revolution in England was followed by a war in Ire- century 
land of three years' duration ; a war, on both sides, like 

that of sixteen hundred and forty-one, for self-preserva- tion - 




James lands 
in Ireland. 

Calls a par- 

The acts of 


tion. James, who had been soliciting assistance from the 
court of France, sailed from Brest, on the seventh of 
March, with fourteen ships of war, six frigates, and three 
fire-ships, having on board twelve hundred of his native 
troops in the pay of France, and one hundred French 

He landed at Kinsale on the twelfth, and arrived in 
Dublin on the twenty-fourth, with all the pomp of 
royalty. He instantly removed from the privy council all 
the Protestant members, and supplied their places with 
Roman Catholics. He issued five proclamations ;— by the 
first he commanded all Protestants who had lately aban- 
doned the kingdom, to return, under the severest penalties, 
and that his subjects of every persuasion, should unite 
against the Prince of Orange. The object of the second 
was to suppress robberies, ordering all Roman Catholics, 
not of his army, to lay up their arms, in their several 
abodes. A third invited the country to bring provisions 
to his troops ; by the fourth, he raised the value of money ; 
and by the last, a parliament was summoned to meet at 
Dublin on the seventh of May. 

In this parliament, a Bill for repealing the acts of set- 
tlement was passed, with a preamble which exculpated the 
Irish from their rebellion in 1641, and a clause, whereby 
the real estates of all those who dwelt in any of the three 
kingdoms, and did not acknowledge king James' power, or 
who aided or corresponded with those who rebelled against 
him, were declared to be forfeited and vested in the king. 
Thus by an act of severity at once ridiculous and detesta- 
ble, almost every Protestant in Ireland was to be deprived 
of his estate. 

But this Irish parliament, not contented with recovering 
the estates of their ancestors, and expelling the Protestant 


proprietors, in the fulness of triumphant insolence, they centuhy 

resolved on a proscription as violent as any that had ema- 

nated from Rome, by which a number of persons in the 
service of the Prince of Orange, — those who had retired 
from the kingdom, and did not return in obedience to the 
king's proclamation ; — numbers who were residing in 
Britain, and therefore presumed to be adherents to the 
new government, were all attainted of high treason, and 
adjudged to suffer the pains of death, and forfeiture, 
unless they surrendered within certain periods assigned. 
It was also provided that the estates even of those who 
were detained abroad by sickness, or nonage, should 
be seized by the king : and in defiance of justice and 
humanity, they were to prove their own innocence before 
they could be restored. 


esses, Prelates, Baronets, Knights, Clergy, gentry 


names were hastily collected by their respective neigh- 
bours, and received with so much precipitation, that Nagle, 
on presenting the Bill to James, declared, that ( many were 
attainted on such evidence as satisfied the house, and the 
rest on common fame/ This act was so framed, as to pre- 
clude the king from all power of pardoning, after the first James P re - 

° L *■ ° eluded from 

day of November 1689. In the mean time, a statute, pardoning. 
which affected the lives and properties of so many thou- 
sands, was carefully concealed from them, and lay unpub- 
lished in the custody of the chancellor. At length, when 
four months had elapsed beyond the day limited for par- 
doning, Sir Thomas Southwell obtained a view of this 
fatal act, for the instruction of his lawyer, who was to 
draw a warrant for his pardon, which James had promised. 


century Nagle was surprised and enraged at this discovery : and 

'— after some evasions, he insisted that the king was only a 

trustee for the forfeitures, and had not now the power of 

pardoning Southwell. Nothing therefore remained for 

James but to reproach his Attorney-General for having 

framed an act intrenching on his prerogative.* 

tenmtoMto It was at length determined by William to support his 

mends? 1S adherents in Ireland, with more effect than he had 

hitherto done, and to undertake the conduct of the 

war in person. On the 13th of August, the Duke 

schomber Schomberg arrived in the bay of Carrickfergus with 

with Ms 10,000 men and some artillery, and landed near Bangor 

army arrives ' J ° 

in Ireland. { n the county of Down ; 7,000 Danes landed also at Belfast, 
under the command of the Prince of Wirtemberg. 
Schomberg began to furnish his frontier-garrisons with 
stores. James also prepared for the campaign ; before 
the opening of which, a trivial incident served to increase 
the king's mortification. The only frigate he yet retained 
of that royal fleet which once obeyed him, lay in the bay 
of Dublin, ready to convoy some small vessels to France 
laden with various goods, for which he had forced his 
brass coin on the proprietors. Some firing was heard 
from sea, when James flattered himself that it was occa- 
sioned by some of his English subjects returning to their 
allegiance. The Strand was quickly crowded, and James 
himself rode towards the shore at the head of his guards, 
and thus became spectator of the gallantry of Sir 
Cloudesly Shovel, who had sailed with a few ships from 

* Leland iii. 337, 338. Could this be one of the three cases, 
alluded to by Mr. O'Connel, when he says, ' the Irish Catholics, 
hree times since the Reformation were restored to power, and never 
ersecuted a single person, blessed be God.' — p. 74. 


Belfast, and now, after some resistance, took the frigate century 

with the whole convoy. 

But what afflicted James still more sensibly was the jjjj^JSLmt 
loss of Charlemont. This fort was esteemed so strong taken - 
and so well provided, that Schomberg in his progress did 
not venture to attack it. In spring, however, when his 
forces<>were more capable of action, Caillemote, a brave 
French officer, was posted on the Blackwater, and 
harassed and straitened the garrison : and as the season 
advanced, the castle was more closely invested, and the 
governor summoned to surrender. This governor, 
O'Regan, a brave Irish officer, deigned no reply, but 
that 'the old knave Schomberg should not have this 
castle.' The distresses of the garrison, however, soon 
becoming intolerable, and the governor, of course, less 
arrogant, he proposed terms of capitulation, and was 
allowed to march out with all the honours of war. P . 558.' 

In the mean time, several regiments of English, Dutch, 
and Brandenburghers, arrived ; and on the 14th day of 
June, 1690, King William landed at Carrickfergus, King 
attended by Prince George of Denmark, the young Duke lands at c a r- 
of Ormond, and several persons of distinction.* 

The first act of his civil authority was the issuing his His first act 

i i in Ireland. 

warrant for the payment of an annual pension of twelve 
hundred pounds, to the teachers of the presbyterian con- 

* ' William's resolution to take the Irish war on himself saved 
not only that country but England ; our own constitution was won on 
the Boyne. The star of the house of Stuart grew pale for ever on 
that illustrious day, when James displayed again the pusillanimity 
which had cost him his English crown ; yet the best friends of Wil- 
liam dissuaded him from going into Ireland, so imminent did the 
peril appear at home/ — (Dalrymple i. p. 97.) 





marches to 
meet him. 

gregations of the northern province,* whilst his military 
authority was shown by ordering his forces immediately 
to take the field; they assembled at Loughbrickland 
where they were joined by William and his train. From 
thence he removed southward with an army of thirty-six 
thousand well-appointed men ; the fleet coasting slowly 
in view to supply them with necessaries. 

James, on receiving the intelligence of William's land- 
ing, committed the guard of Dublin to a body of militia, 
and marched with six thousand French infantry, to join 
the main body of his army which lay near Drogheda, on 
the banks of the river Boyne ; his army collectively 
amounted to about thirty-three thousand. His council 
of officers advised him not to hazard an engagement 
against superior numbers ; they represented to him, that 
by a defensive war the resources of the enemy must be 
exhausted, and as the French monarch had promised to 
send a fleet to destroy William's transports, his retreat 
would be cut off. James, however, contended for the 
necessity of acting vigorously, and expressed his satisfac- 
tion, that he had at last an opportunity of having one fair 
battle for the crown ; at the same time, with an ominous 
precaution, he despatched Sir Patrick Trant to Waterford, 
to prepare him a ship to convey him to France, in case of 
a defeat. 

On the 30th of June, William's army moved towards 

* These men acted with the greatest possible zeal against the 
cause of Romanism, and the late King. One of their body had the 
merit of first encouraging the populace to shut the gates of Deny ; 
several of them had patiently endured the hardships of the siege ; 
and in every part of Ulster, these ministers had shared deeply in the 
distresses of the war. It was happily the custom in those days 
for the government to reward its friends. 


the Boyne in three columns, he marching at the head of his century 
advanced guard, which soon appeared within a few miles of — — r — 
Drogheda. Here, from the summit of a hill, he took a view army moves 

c i i • • i i tS 1-I/-M1-I--I-1* towards the 

oi the enemy ; on their right lay Drogheda, filled with their Boyne. 
troops ; eastward of the town, on the further banks of the 
river, their camp extended in two lines, with a morass on 
the left, difficult to pass ; in their front were the fords of 
the Boyne, deep and dangerous, with rugged banks, 
defended by some breastworks ; in the rear at some 
dis tance, lay the church and village of Donore ; and three 
miles further was the pass of Duleek, on which they 
depended for a retreat. 

William's army was now marching into their encamp- 
ment, when, anxious to gain a nearer and more distinct 
view of the enemy, he advanced with some officers within 
musket-shot of a ford, opposite to the village of Oldbridge. 
Here he conferred for some time on the best method of 
passing and planting his batteries ; riding on still west- 
ward, he alighted and sat down to refresh himself on a 
rising ground. 

Neither the motions of William, nor of his army were 
unnoticed by that of James ; Berwick, Tyrconnel, Sars- 
field, and some other generals, rode slowly along the 
opposite bank, and discovered the present situation of the 
king. A party of about forty horse immediately appeared 
in a field, opposite to the place on which he sat ; in their 
centre they concealed two field-pieces, which they planted 
unnoticed, under cover of a hedge, and retired. William 
having mounted his horse at that moment, the first dis- 
charge killed a man and two horses at a little distance 
from him ; another ball, which instantly followed, touched 
the banks of the river, whence it rose in a slanting direc- 
tion, and slightly wounded his right shoulder, when the wounded. 

Y 2 





royal attendants, as might be expected, crowded round 
the king in the utmost confusion. 

In the enemy's camp it was supposed he was killed ; 
the news was conveyed to Dublin, and from thence to 
Paris, which was illuminated, the guns of the Bastile 
firing a feu de joie on the occasion. In the evening 
William assembled his principal officers, to whom he 
declared his resolution of passing the river in front of the 

enemy ; Duke 


endeavoured to dissuade 

him from this hazardous enterprize, but not being able 
to prevail, he proposed that part of the army should be 
immediately detached to secure the bridge of Slane, about 
three miles westward of the enemy's camp, to cut them 
off from the pass of Duleek, through which they might 
retreat ; this counsel being also treated with indifference, 
the Duke retired.* James discovered the same inattention 

* It is generally imputed to the indifference with which his 
counsel was received, that this general retired in disgust, and re- 
ceived the order of battle in his tent, declaring that, ' It was the 
first ever sent to him there,' and it proved to be the last, as he was 
killed the next day, at the head of the Huguenot forces, when point- 
ing to some French regiments in their front, and crying out, 
' allons, messieurs ; voila vos persecuteurs.' 

These were his last words. Caillemote, the brave commander of 
the French Huguenots, received his mortal wound a little time be- 
fore, and as he lay bleeding in the arms of four soldiers, he collected 
strength to exclaim repeatedly, in his own language, ' A la gloire, 
mes enfans ! a la gloire.' 

The third remarkable person who lost his life on this occasion, 
was Walker the clergyman, who had so valiantly defended London- 
derry against the whole army of King James. He had been very 
graciously received by King William, who presented him with a 
reward of five thousand pounds, and a promise of farther favour ; 
but his military taste still predominating, he attended his royal 
patron in this battle, and being shot in the belly, died in a few 

the Boyne. 


as William did to this important pass ; in his council of century 


war, Hamilton recommended that eight regiments might — — - 

be sent immediately to secure the bridge, when James 
proposed to employ fifty dragoons in this service; the 
general in astonishment bowed and was silent. 

At midnight William rode through his camp with The battle ©f 
torches, inspected every post, and issued his final orders. 
Early on the succeeding morning Count Schomberg, son 
of the Duke, with his cavalry, and Douglas with his 
infantry, which composed the right wing, marched 
towards Slane with greater alacrity than the troops sent 
from the other side to oppose them. They crossed the 
river without any opposition, except from a regiment of 
dragoons stationed at the ford ; then advancing, they found 
their antagonists drawn up in two lines. In forming they 
mingled their horse and foot promiscuously, until the 
arrival of more infantry, when they changed their position, 
drawing their horse to the right, by which they consider- 
ably outflanked the enemy. But they had to force their 
way through fields inclosed by deep ditches, most difficult 
of passage, especially for the horse, which in the face of 
the enemy, were obliged to advance in order : while 
beyond these fields lay a morass, still more embarrassing. 

The infantry was ordered to plunge into the river, and 
while the horse found a firm passage to the right, they 
forced their way with fatigue and difficulty ; the enemy fled 
instantly towards Duleek, and were pursued with great 
slaughter. When it was supposed that the right wing had 
made good its passage, the infantry in the centre, which 

minutes. The bishopric of Derry became vacant three days before 
the battle, and had he survived that day, he would in all probability 
have been promoted to that See. 


century was commanded by Duke Schomberg, was put in motion. 

The Dutch guards first entered the river on the right 

opposite to Oldbridge ; the French Protestants and Ennis- 
killeners, Brandenburghers and English, at their several 
passes on the left, plunging in with alacrity, while the 
water in some places rose to their breasts, and obliged 
the infantry to support their arms above their heads. 

The Dutch having gained the opposite banks, formed 
gradually, and drove the Irish from their posts ; as they 
continued to advance, the squadrons and battalions of the 
enemy suddenly appeared in view behind the eminences 
which had concealed them ; five of these battalions bore 
down upon the Dutch, who had already passed, but were 
firmly received and repulsed. The efforts of the Irish 
horse were equally unsuccessful, two attacks were repelled 
when the French and Enniskilleners, arriving to the 
support of the Dutch, drove back a third body of horse 
with considerable execution. Meanwhile general Hamil- 
ton led the Irish infantry to the very margin of the river, 
to oppose the passage of the French and English, but 
without making any impression ; whilst the enemy's 
cavalry attacked a squadron of Danes with such intrepi- 
dity, that they fled back through the river; the Irish 
horse pursuing, and on their return fell furiously on the 
French Huguenots, who were instantly broken. 

The Duke Schomberg now rushed through the river, 
and placed himself at the head of the Huguenot forces, 
who were deprived of their leader, Caillemote. The 
Irish horse, who had broken the French Protestants, 
wheeled through Oldbridge, in order to join their main 
body, but were here cut down by the Dutch and Ennis- 
killeners. About sixteen of their squadron escaped, and 
returning from the slaughter of their companions, were 


mistaken by the Huguenots for some of their own friends century 

and suffered to pass ; they wounded Schomberg in the head, 

and were hurrying him forward, when he was killed by a 
shot from his own men. 

After incessant firing for an hour, a respite ensued for 
both sides. The Irish retreated towards Donore, where 
James stood during the engagement, surrounded by his 
guards, and here drawing up in good order, once more 
advanced ; William at the head of the Dutch, Danish and 
English cavalry, which composed the left wing of his 
army, had now crossed the river, through a dangerous and 
difficult pass, where his horse floundering in the mud, 
obliged him to dismount, and receive the assistance of his 
attendants. When the enemy had advanced almost 
within musket-shot of his infantry, they halted and again 
retreated to Donore ; where, facing about, they charged 
with such success, that the English cavalry, though led on 
by their King, was forced from their ground. 

The battle, however, was still maintained with ardour. 
King William constantly mingled in the hottest part of 
the engagement, where his presence gave double vigour to 
his soldiers. The Irish infantry was finally repulsed. 
Hamilton at the head of his horse made one brave and 
desperate effort to turn the fortune of the day : but 
though the attack was furious, they were routed, and their 
General conveyed a prisoner to William. 

While the right wing of William's army, which had 
forced its way through difficult grounds, pursued the 
enemy close to Duleek, Lauzun, a French officer, rode 
up to James, who still continued at Donore, and advised 
an immediate retreat, as he was in danger of being sur- 
rounded. His counsel was at once adopted, and James 
marched from Duleek at the head of Sarsfield's regiment, 




James flies 
to Water- 

James* ad- 
herents carry 
on the war. 

followed by his army, which poured through the pass, not 
without some annoyance from a party of English dragoons. 
Their loss in this engagement was computed at fifteen 
hundred, whilst that of William's army amounted to 
scarcely one third of that number. 

James now looked on the contest as decided ; he hurried 
to Dublin, assembled the magistrates and council, told 
them that nothing remained but that he and they should 
shift for themselves. He advised them to set their pri- 
soners at liberty and submit to the Prince of Orange. 
Having thrown out some reflections on the courage of the 
Irish troops, the officers were provoked to retort ; and 
contrasting the active part which William had taken in 
the battle, with the conduct of James, who looked on as an 
indifferent spectator, they exclaimed, ' exchange Kings, 
and we will once more fight the battle.' James fled to 
Waterford, breaking down the bridges to prevent a pursuit, 
and instantly embarked for France. 

Although James had now abandoned his adherents, they 
determined to carry on the war, and the greater part of 
the army marched to Limerick and Athlone. Dublin was 
threatened with all the evils of anarchy, when Fitzgerald, 
a military officer, dissuading the Protestants, who had been 
now set free, from executing their purposes of retaliation, 
assumed the government, and sent to William for assis- 
tance. This monarch advanced slowly towards the metro- 
polis, whence he issued a declaration, calculated to detach 
the lower orders from their leaders ; proclaiming pardon 
to all who would return to their dwellings and surrender 
their arms ; but declaring his resolution at the same time, 
of leaving the leaders to the event of the war. A com- 
mission was also issued for seizing and securing all forfei- 
tures accruing to the crown by the rebellion of the Irish. 


Eight days after the battle of the Boyne, William century 

divided his army. General Douglas was detached to 
reduce Athlone, while the king moved southward. On 
his march he received intelligence of the defeat of the 
united fleets of England and Holland by the French. 
Anxious to gain a secure station for his transports, he 
prepared to reduce Waterford and Duncannon. Wex- 
ford had already declared for him, Clonmel was abandoned ; 
Waterford soon after capitulated, as did Duncannon-fort, 
on the appearance of Sir Cloudesley Shovel with sixteen 
frigates. Having obtained his object, and thinking his 
presence necessary in England, William prepared to 
return, and leave the conduct of the Irish war to his 
Generals. Receiving, however, intelligence that the 
French fleet had retired, he altered his intention and 
returned to his camp. 

In the meantime, Douglas proceeded to Athlone, he 
marched as through an enemy's country ; his men plunder- 
ing with impunity. To his summons, Grace, the governor 
of Athlone, returned a defiance ; Douglas then commenced 
a vigorous siege, though without any considerable effect. 
After several disasters, he determined on retiring, and de- 
camped unmolested at midnight. His army was accom- 
panied by a number of Protestants, who had accepted 
protection from the Irish army, and on the approach of 
Douglas, had declared for the English. Douglas then 
joined the royal army, which was advancing towards 
Limerick, where the enemy's principal force lay. On the 
ninth of August, William began his march towards the 
town ; having driven the enemy from the open country, he 
encamped within cannon-shot of the walls. His heavy 
artillery had not yet arrived, but he summoned the garri- 
son to surrender ; Boileau, the governor, expressed his 



century surprise at the summons, and declared his resolution to 

make a vigorous defence. William was at the same time 

assured, that this spirited answer by no means corresponded 
with the sentiments of the garrison, who were restrained 
from an immediate submission, only by the remonstrances 
of the governor, the Duke of Berwick, and Sarsfield. His 
hopes of success were further strengthened, by Ginckle, 
his Dutch General, gaining a ford about three miles from 
the town, and posting a strong detachment at each side of 
the river. 
cassfuiattack Meanwhile the garrison prepared for a vigorous defence. 
on Athione Having received information of the train expected by 
Limerick. William from Dublin, and all the particulars concerning 
its route, Sarsfield determined on attempting to surprise 
it. He apprehended from the state of the garrison, that 
if this train should arrive the enemy must soon become 
masters of Limerick. With a party of chosen cavalry, he 
crossed the Shannon near Killaloe, and in the mountains 
waited the approach of the convoy. The besiegers having 
become acquainted with his motions, William ordered Sir 
John Lanier to march with five hundred horse, to meet 
the train — this order was executed too slowly ; the train 
arrived within a day's march of the English camp, and the 
officer who commanded the convoy, apprehending no 
danger, encamped without sufficient caution. Sarsfield, 
taking advantage of their situation rushed suddenly on 
them, and either killed or dispersed the whole party ; then 
collecting the cannon, carriages, waggons, and ammunition, 
he filled the cannon with powder, fixed their mouths in the 
ground, and laying a train to the heap, fired it on his 
retreat. The explosion announced to Lanier the success 
of the enterprize. 

The news of this ^disaster was received in the English 


camp with consternation ; William alone maintained his century 

*■ 16 19. 

composure. Furnishing his batteries with two cannon, 

the only ones that had been saved from the enemy, and 
some guns brought from Waterford, he began his opera- 
tions on the 27th of August, when a breach was made, 
and furiously stormed by 500 grenadiers. They were 
opposed with the greatest spirit, but at length made a 
temporary lodgment ; the beseiged then rallied and re- 
turned to the breach, which they defended in the most 
gallant manner. The women joined in the defence, en- 
couraged the men, advanced before them, defied the be- 
siegers, and assailed them with stones. After a struggle 
of three hours, William ordered a retreat to be sounded ; 
immediately after he dismounted his batteries, and gra- 
dually withdrew his troops, unmolested by the garrison. 
Leaving the command of the army to Count Solmes and 
Ginckle, and committing the civil government to two 
Lords Justices, Lord Sidney and Thomas Coningsby, with 
a blank in their commission to be filled with a third wniiam 

embarks for 

name, he embarked for England at Duncannon fort. England. 

Whilst William laid siege to Limerick, the Earl of 
Marlborough had been detached from England with 5,000 
men to effect the reduction of Cork and Kinsale. He 
was now reinforced by Ginckle, on whom the chief com- 
mand had devolved in consequence of the departure of 
Count Solmes. He succeeded against both these towns, 
both of which surrendered in twenty-three days. Hitherto, 
Ginckle had kept his troops posted in different places 
about the Shannon. When William abandoned the siege 
of Limerick, Boileau withdrew with his French troops to 
Galway to join his countrymen, who were recalled, and 
waiting for transports to retire to France. The Irish 
were not displeased at losing their allies ; a good under- 


century standing never having subsisted between them. The natives 

felt displeased at the preference continually shown to 

the French officers, and being now left to the command of 
Sarsfield, a popular and distinguished leader, they threat- 
ened some desperate attempt ; but on the reduction of 
Cork and Kinsale, Ginckle withdrew his troops into winter 

The motions of the Irish army now indicated some 
movement of importance ; a magazine of forage was pro- 
vided at Athlone for 5,000 horse for ten days, and it soon 
appeared that an attack on the English garrison of Mul- 
lingar was intended : the garrison was accordingly rein- 
forced, and Ginckle arriving at Mullingar with 2,000 foot, 
and 1,000 horse, advanced on the enemy, who were driven 
to the moat of Grenoge ; here a skirmish took place, and 
the Irish were finally driven, with some loss, to Athlone. 

A considerable difference of opinion prevailed in the 
Irish army, with respect to the line of conduct now to be 
pursued. Tyrconnel had returned from France, with no 
other aid than £8,000 and some clothing ; he declared for 
moderate measures, and proposed to submit; on this 
account he was accused of treachery, and to this it was 
imputed, that when in France he had recommended 
officers, stores and provision to be sent to Ireland, without 
any troops. Sarsfield opposed the temporising counsels of 
Tyrconnel ; and the officers who agreed with him in de- 
claring for war, flattered their followers with hopes of as- 
sistance from France. Some French officers gradually 
arrived, and repeated the assurance of speedy succour. 

At length M. St. Ruth landed at Limerick with a com- 
mission of commander-in-chief. Sarsfield was naturally 
highly indignant at this preference shown to a foreigner ; 
nor was he reconciled to the appointment, by having the 


title of Earl of Lucan conferred on him by James, century 


St. Ruth not being supplied with the stores which the 
Irish had expected, he resolved on a defensive war, ordered 
the towns on the Irish side of the Shannon to be strength- 
ened, and with the main body took up a position behind 
Athlone. Hearing of this movement, Ginckle assembled 
his army at Mullingar, being determined to open the 
campaign with the siege of Athlone. The fort of Bally- 
more, which was occupied by 1,000 men, surrendered, after 
sustaining the attack of Ginckle's army only for one day. 
After driving some of the enemy's infantry into the town, 
the English army commenced the siege. Athlone is divided 
by the Shannon into two parts, connected by a bridge ; of Athlone. 
the besieged were soon driven from the eastern side, but as 
the western arch of the bridge was broken down, the 
assailants were unable to pass ; the passage of the river 
was a matter of great difficulty — the ford between the two 
towns being deep, narrow and stony. Ginckle therefore 
formed a plan for passing the river at Lanesborough ; but 
his design being discovered and prevented, in order to 
accomplish his purpose, he commenced the construction of 
a wooden work, by throwing planks over the broken arch 
at Athlone. This was no sooner completed, than a Ser- 
jeant and ten men in armour, rushing from the opposite 
side, attempted to destroy it, but being all killed, another 
party repeated the desperate attempt, and succeeded, by 
throwing all the planks and beams into the river, two 
alone surviving to return in triumph. 

Ginckle, being still determined to persevere, soon com- 
pleted a close gallery on the broken arch ; it was then 
resolved in a council of war to pass the Shannon at three 
different places ; one party was to force the bridge, 
another to pass the ford below it, while a third was to 





The town 

cross the river higher up on floats. The enemy, however, 
discovering their design, reinforced the garrison from the 
camp, and the best of the Irish troops were drawn to the 
works. Still the besiegers determined to persevere, and 
all was anxiety on each side, when suddenly some 
grenadiers from the town ; set fire to a parcel of fascines 
which lay on the bridge. The flames soon destroyed the 
gallery, which rendered it necessary to abandon that 

Ginckle now summoned another council of war, in 
which it was determined to attempt the passage by the 
ford. This desperate design was put into execution on 
the next day with complete success ; the Irish were driven 
from the town, and the castle soon after surrendered. 
When the first intelligence that the enemy was crossing 
the ford was conveyed to St. Ruth, he exclaimed, it was 
not possible they should attempt the town while he and 
his army lay near. Sarsfield gave it as his opinion, that 
the enterprise was not too difficult for English courage, 
and advised him to send speedy succours. The French 
general was offended, and an altercation ensued, which 
was only put an end to by the arrival of a messenger, who 
informed them that the enemy had already entered the 
town ; when after a fruitless attempt to drive them out, 
St. Ruth retired. 

Both parties were now equally anxious to bring the con- 
test to a final issue, by some decisive action. Ginckle, 
before he advanced in search of the enemy, deemed it 
both necessary and just, to publish such a proclamation 
and encouragement to those who should submit, as might 
break the force of the enemy, and possibly prevent the 
necessity of an engagement. A material difference of 
opinion, however, had long existed between Ginckle, and 


some of the great English subjects of Ireland on this century 

. . . 16—19. 

point. Their views were directed to the extermination of - 

William's enemies, and not to their reconciliation to the 
government. Ginckle nevertheless published a proclama- 
tion of pardon, which the Lords-justices seemed at first 
inclined to disavow ; but in two days after they themselves 
issued a proclamation, offering advantageous terms to all 
who should surrender in three weeks. 

This proclamation, however, was published too late to 
be of much use. Though some sued for protection, and 
many laid down their arms, still St. Ruth collected a 
strong body from the different garrisons, and posting them 
advantageously, he resolved to await the approach of the 
enemy. Ginckle also strengthened his army, by with- 
drawing from the English posts all the troops that could 
be spared. 

On the 10th of July, Ginckle marched from Athlone 
with 18,000 men, and encamped along the river Sue, in 
the county of Roscommon ; the Irish, 25,000 strong, 
took their station to greater advantage, about three miles 
further to the south-west. Their camp extended more 
than two miles along the heights of Kilcommeden, with a 
rivulet on their left, which ran between hills and morasses, 
and was skirted by a large bog, on the edge of which the 
castle of Aughrim commanded the only pass on that side 
of their camp. In their front the bog extended about The battle of 

K ° Aughrim. 

half a mile to the right, where another pass opened 
through a range of small hills into wider ground ; the 
slope of Kilcommeden, intersected with hedges and ditches 
communicating with each other, was lined with mus- 

St. Ruth seeing from his eminence the English cross 
the river, and preparing to give him battle, drew out his 


century main army in front of his camp, and going in person from 

— rank to rank, he excited them to the most courageous and 

valorous exertions. 

On the 12th of July (the fogs of the morning being so 
dense as to prevent their earlier movement) the English 
army advanced at noon in as good order as the unevenness 
of the ground would admit. It was in the first place 
deemed necessary to gain the pass on the right of the 
enemy ; but unfortunately a small party of Danes, who 
were sent for this purpose, fled instantly at the appearance 
of an inferior force. Some English dragoons were next 
employed, who, after an hour's obstinate contest, forced 
their way even to the other side of the bog. It was now 
debated, whether the battle should not be deferred till 
the next morning ; the council, however, resolved upon 
an immediate engagement ; by the advice of General 
Mackey, it was determined to begin the attack on the 
enemy's right wing. About the hour of five in the after- 
noon the left wing of the English advanced against the 
enemy, who obstinately maintained their posts, until the 
combatants on each side closed with each other; the 
English retiring by their lines of communication, flanked 
their assailants, and charged them with unabated vigour. 

The engagement was thus continued for an hour and a 
half, when St. Ruth found it necessary to draw a consider- 
able part of the cavalry from his left, to support his right 
wing. Mackey seized the favourable moment, and while 
the English cavalry were put in motion to gain the pass 
by Aughrim castle, which was thus left exposed, he 
ordered several regiments of infantry in the centre to 
march through the morass, which extended along his 
front, and to post themselves on the top of the lowest 
ditches, until his horse having gained the passage, should 


wheel from the right to support the charge of the infantry, century 

These plunging into the bog, instantly sunk to the middle ; '— 

gaining the opposite side with difficulty, they received a 
fire from the hedges and trenches occupied by the enemy. 
They advanced, however, with intrepidity, the enemy at 
the same time retiring to draw them forward, until, forget- 
ful of their orders, they pressed forward almost to the 
main body of the Irish ; both horse and foot now poured 
down upon them, in front and flank, forced them from 
their ground with great slaughter, drove some of them 
back into the bog, and made several prisoners ; while St. 
Ruth exclaimed in rapture, that he would drive the Eng* 
lish to the very walls of Dublin. 

His attention, however, was soon attracted to the Eng- 
lish cavalry on the left, commanded by Tollemache, who 
seeing the alarming disorder of the centre, rushed with 
incredible ardour to their assistance and passed close by 
the walls of the castle, amidst the continued fire of the 
enemy. St. Ruth asked some of his offices ' What do 
these English mean ? ' he was answered, To force their 
way to our right ; he exclaimed ' They are brave fellows ! 
it is a pity they should be so exposed.' Through a 
narrow and dangerous pass, Mackey, Tollemache, and 
Rougviny, now gradually pressed forward from the right, 
bearing down all opposition, and giving the infantry of the 
centre an opportunity of rallying, and regaining their 
former ground ; the left wing fought with great valour, 
and was opposed with equal intrepidity. 

St. Ruth, now finding it necessary to make an impress 
si on on the enemy's cavalry in their rapid progress from 
the right, rode down from his station on the hill of 
Kilcommeden, and having ordered where the fire of one 
of his batteries should be directed, led a body of horse 





Galway sur- 

against the English; but while so gallantly conducting 
his enterprise, a cannon-ball deprived him of life. The 
intelligence of his death ran quickly through the lines ; 
the cavalry halted, and being without orders, returned to 
their former station. The whole Irish army was now dis- 
mayed ; Sarsfleld, on whom the command devolved, had 
been neglected by St. Ruth since their altercation at 
Athlone ; and the order of battle not having been com- 
municated to him, was not able to follow up the plan of 
the late general. The English, in the mean time, pressing 
forward, drove the enemy to their camp, whence the 
latter, being still pursued, fled precipitately towards 

In this battle, and bloody pursuit of three miles, seven 
thousand Irish were slain, while on the side of the con- 
querors only seven hundred were killed, and about a thou- 
sand wounded. 

In a few days Ginckle led his troops to Galway ; the 
garrison consisted of seven weak regiments, but reinforce- 
ments were expected ; when, however, it was found that 
no assistance could be obtained, the townsmen and magis- 
trates proposed to surrender ; this was at first opposed by 
the garrison, but finding it impossible to hold out, they 
soon agreed to a treaty of capitulation. They were then 
allowed to march out with all the honours of war. 
A free pardon was granted to the inhabitants, with 
full possession of their estates and liberties under the acts 
of settlement. The Roman Catholic clergy and laity were 
allowed the private exercise of their religion, their lawyers 
were permitted to practice, and such as had estates were 
allowed to bear arms. The terms granted by this capitu- 
lation induced many, immediately after, to lay down their 
arms, and take the oath of allegiance to the king and 


The surrender of Galway was considered by many as century 

* J * 16 19. 

an event, the immediate consequence of which must be '— 

the final reduction of Ireland. Yet the Irish under the 
command of Sarsfield, spoke with confidence of again 
meeting the enemy ; Ginckle in the mean time, proceeded 
cautiously. Limerick, which he now approached, was 
notwithstanding the apparent resolution of the garrison, a 
scene of discord and jealousy. Tyrconnel was dead ; 
three new Lords-justices, Fitton, Nagle, and Plowden, had 
assumed the government in the name of the abdicated 
king, and declared for submission ; but Sarsfield, brave, 
violent, and enterprising, was averse to all accommodation. 
The French generals also, expecting succours from abroad, 
declared for war. 

In the mean time, Ginckle strengthened his army by 
withdrawing from the towns every garrison that could be 
spared ; he secured the passes of the Shannon ; and his 
artillery was brought up under a strong escort, with every 
possible precaution. On the 25th day of August he 
advanced to the town, approaching it in the same manner 
as in the former siege. Perceiving that the only effectual 
means of reducing it was to invest it on all sides, he resolved 
to gain, if possible, the opposite side of the river; and 
to conceal his design, gave such orders as indicated an 
intention of raising the siege. The Irish saw with exul- 
tation his batteries dismounted, and, lulled into security, 
never suspected any danger, until seeing a bridge of tin 
boats which had been almost completed in the night, they 
found that a considerable body of forces had been con- 
veyed into an island, between which and the main land 
the river was fordable. 

Notwithstanding this success, it was debated whether 
the siege should be carried on, or converted into a blockade ; 

z 2 





The seige of 

of Limerick. 

so great were the difficulties which still prevented the 
reduction of the town. In this situation, Ginckle issued 
a declaration, promising pardon and restitution of their 
estates to such of the garrison, and inhabitants of Limerick, 
as should submit within eight days. This declaration not 
being attended by any immediate result, Ginckle felt it 
difficult how to proceed ; at length it was resolved to lead 
another body of troops across the river. On the 22nd of 
September, Ginckle, with a considerable body of cavalry 
and infantry, animated with the intelligence of the reduc- 
tion of Sligo by the Earl of Granard, marched over the 
bridge of boats. Their advanced guards were at first re- 
pulsed, but in the end they succeeded in driving back the 
besieged. The grenadiers, supported by four regiments, 
were ordered to assault the works which covered Thomond 
bridge. Here the contest was for some time desperately 
maintained, until, at length, the English routed and pur- 
sued the enemy. A French major, who commanded at 
the bridge, fearing the grenadiers would close with his own 
party, ordered the drawbridge to be raised, and thus left 
the fugitives to the mercy of their pursuers. 

On the 23rd of September, after the garrison had for 
many hours kept up an incessant fire, they beat a parley. 
The besiegers granted a truce, to continue for three days, 
to give time for their horse, now encamped at some dis- 
tance, to take advantage of the projected capitulation. On 
the last day of the truce, the Irish leaders proposed the 
terms on which they offered to capitulate. They required 
an act of indemnity for all past offences, with full enjoy- 
ment of the estates they had formerly possessed ; freedom 
for the Roman Catholic worship, and an establishment of 
one Romish ecclesiastic in each parish. They demanded, 
that Roman Catholics should be declared fully qualified for 


every office, civil and military ; that they should be ad- century 

mitted into all corporations ; and that the Irish army, if — 

willing to serve, should be kept up, and paid in the same 
manner as the king's other troops. Ginckle refused to 
grant these terms, and gave orders that new batteries 
should be raised. By a second deputation, he was desired 
to propose such terms on his part, as he could grant. He 
consented that all Irish Roman Catholics should enjoy the 
exercise of their religion, as in the reign of Charles II, 
and promised that their majesties should endeavour to pro- 
cure them further security in this particular, when a par- 
liament could be convened. He engaged that all included T he Articles 
in the capitulation should enjoy their estates, and pursue tion. apiua 
their employments freely, as in the reign of the same king 
Charles ; that their gentry should be allowed the use of 
arms, and that no oath should be required of any except 
that of allegiance. The garrison readily accepted these 
concessions as the basis of a treaty. On the first day of 
October the Lords Justices arrived in the camp. On the 
third, the capitulation was adjusted and signed; the civil 
articles by the chief governors, Porter and Coningsby, and 
the military, by the English general. Wherein last it was 
stipulated, that every facility should be afforded to such of 
the Irish troops as wished to enter into foreign service, and 
accordingly 14,000 of them departed for the continent. 

The war was now concluded, the contest for power The war 
finally decided in Ireland, and the authority of the crown concluded - 
of England established — leaving at the same time the 
church in a deplorable state of destitution. 












century The church in Ireland had scarcely time for repose, after 

the war of the revolution, when new troubles assailed her 

Srii tr th U e bles from an opposite and unexpected quarter. The years 
1717 and 1718 are memorable, as the commencement of a 
practice, which has operated most injuriously, in different 
ways, and with powerful effect, on the religion and church 
of Ireland, from that day to the present hour. Hundreds 
of Protestant families about this period departed from 
the northern parts of the kingdom, for the West Indies, 
Cape Breton, and other countries of North America, for 
the purpose of seeking more eligible settlements in those 
remote regions. 
Archbishop Archbishop King, in a letter dated June 2, 1719, 
explains to the Archbishop of Canterbury the real motives, 


which induced the Irish Protestants in such numbers to leave century 


the kingdom, and transplant themselves to the other side ■ — 

of the Atlantic. e The truth of the case is this ; after the 
revolution, most of the kingdom was waste, and abundance 
of people destroyed by the war. The landlords there- 
fore, were glad to get tenants at any rate, and let their 
lands at very easy rents. This invited abundance of 
people to come over here from Scotland, and they have 
lived here very happily ever since ; but now their leases are 
expired, and they are obliged not only to give what was 
paid before the Revolution, but in most places treble, 
so that it is impossible for people to live, or subsist on 
their farms. 

6 The landlords set up their farms to be disposed of 
by cant, and the Papists, who live in a miserable and sor- 
did manner, will always outbid the Protestants ; nor are 
they much solicitous, whether they pay the rents cove- 
nanted or no. The business is to put out the Protestants, 
and when that is done, they get into arrears with the 
landlord, a year or two, and then run away. Many have 
been thus served, and yet it will not teach others wisdom, 
By these means most of the farms of Ireland are got into 
their hands, and as leases expire, it is probable, the rest 
will go the same way. This is that which forces Protes- 
tants of all sorts out of this kingdom ; not only farmers, 
but artificers, since they can have no prospect of living 
with any comfort in it. 

' By the act against popery, that hinders papists to 
purchase lands, they have turned themselves entirely to 
trade ; and most of the trades of the kingdom are en- 
grossed by them, and by this covetousness of the land- 
lords, they will get possession of the lands, and how the 
Protestants will secure themselves, or England secure Ire- 





land, when all the commonalty are all papists, is surely 
worth consideration.'* 

I would now advert to what Primate Boulter says on 
the same subject. His letters embrace a period of time, 
from 1724 to 1739, during which from the almost constant 
absence of the Lord Lieutenaut, he acted as one of the Lords 
Justices, and in that capacity, corresponded with various 
members of the British government. Writing to the 

* 'A just estimate would state, (says Mr. O'Connell in his 
Memoir) that the Catholics went into the persecution, (that is the 
penal laws in 1692) about two millions in number. The Protestant 
persecutors, for at that day, they were all persecutors, were one 
million. The Catholics have increased to nearly seven millions ; 
the Protestants still scarcely exceed the original million. The com- 
parative increase of the one under persecution is enormous. The 
comparative decrease of the other, whilst persecuting, is astonishing ; 
in the first instance, the Catholics were at the utmost only two 
to one, — in the second, they are near seven to one.' — (p. 48, 49.) 

In 1672, just twenty years before the commencement of the penal 
laws in 1692, the population of Ireland, according to Sir William 
Petty, the best authority of the day, was one million one hundred 
thousand, not three millions as Mr. O'Connell states ; of which three 
hundred thousand were Protestant, not one million, and the 
Romanists eight hundred thousand, not two millions, as he has 
stated. In the twenty years intervening between the years 1672 and 
1692, the bloody wars of the Revolution must have reduced the 
number very considerably. The encouragement of early and pauper 
marriages by the Romish priesthood, and the enormous drain occa- 
sioned by the emigration of the Protestant population for upwards of 
one hundred and twenty years, have as a necessary consequence in- 
creased the one and diminished the other. The present population 
of Ireland is eight millions, two millions being Protestants and six 
Romanists, and of these (the produce of pauper marriages), Mr. 
O'Connell assures us, 'there are two millions, three hundred 
thousand individuals, dependent for subsistence on casual charity.'— 
(p. 89.) 


Archbishop of Canterbury, he says, ' A great part of our century 

clergy have no parsonage-houses, or glebes to build them ■ — 

on. We have many parishes eight and ten, twelve and 
fourteen miles long, with perhaps only one church in 
them, and that often at the end of the parish. We have 
few market towns, that supply convenient food, nor farmers 
that can supply the common necessaries of life without a 
moderate glebe, and there can be no hopes of getting 
ground of the papists without more churches, and more 
resident clergymen/ ' In many parts by means of impro- 
priations, there are vicarages or curacies, worth but five 
or ten pounds per annum, so that in several places, the 
Bishop lets the same person enjoy three or four, on to 
seven or eight of these, which possibly all together make 
up sixty, eighty, or one hundred pounds per annum, and 
there is, it may be, but one or two churches on all the 
denominations, which is the name we give these parishes/ 
Again, writing to the Duke of Newcastle, he repeats, 
' until we can get more churches, and resident clergy, 
instead of getting ground of the papists, we must lose to 
them, as in fact we do in many places, the descendants 
of many of Cromwell 1 s officers and soldiers being gone off 
to popery.' * 

* There seems to be a fatality attending all the acts of the British 
government respecting Ireland. For many years previous to 1793, 
the Romanists were leaving their church in considerable numbers, 
particularly in the south of Ireland ; and if the process had con- 
tinued for some years longer, a great proportion of the inhabitants 
would have become Protestants, and all this I believe for the sole 
purpose of enjoying the privileges which were then confined exclu- 
sively to Protestants. 

This system had been carried to such an extent, that Archbishop 
Boulter expressed great alarm at the number of pseudo Protestants 


century We have now arrived at that period of our church's 

Jg ]Q •*- 

— history, in which the Irish landed proprietors, the imme- 
diate descendants of Cromwellian and Williamite dissen- 
ters, disliking the church of England little less than that 
of Rome, conspired to exempt all their grass lands from 

who were employed in different situations in the state in his day ; 
and a bill was actually passed, ' to disable any one who had not 
professed that religion for five years, from acting as a barrister or 
solicitor.' ' The practice of the law from top to bottom, is almost 
wholly in the hands of these converts.' — (Letters i. p. 226.) But 
the moment the bill of 1793 passed into a law, granting the elective 
franchise to the Romanists, the conversions almost entirely ceased. 

But some may very naturally object to all this and say, such 
conversions were not to be trusted, no dependance can be placed on 
them ; this may in many respects be true, but I know from my 
own experience, that many of the best men in the south of Ireland 
at this moment, are the descendants of these very converts. This 
measure was also highly injurious to the Protestant population. 
There had been, as before mentioned, for a considerable time before 
this period, an annual emigration of them from the kingdom, which 
was increased tenfold afterwards, as the landlords could now pro- 
cure Romish voters at a cheaper rate than they formerly did, when 
Protestants alone possessed the elective franchise, never dreaming, 
though forcibly warned by the late Earl of Rosse, that the time would 
come, when these men would turn against their landlords, and vote 
with the Romish party. 

Again, a few years previous to the fatal act of 1829, the whole 
country was in motion towards Protestantism. In many places 
flourishing congregations of converted Romanists had been formed. 
The usual mode of agitation was resorted to, partly to divert the 
minds of the people from better things, and partly for promoting 
the ultimatum of Romanism, separation. The consequence was, that 
a more extensive measure of emancipation than was ever thought of 
before, was granted to the Romanists. 

Of course the work of conversion was again for a short period 
arrested in its progress ; and now the same agitation, with greater 
power than ever, is carried on, nominally for the repeal of the 


tythe, and succeeded in the attempt, through the cele- century 

brated vote of the Irish House of Commons against the 

tythe of agistment, and by that vote (professedly adopted aSstmeS. * 
for the benefit of the Protestant interest, and compared 
with which the passive resistance of modern days is of 
trivial criminality), they literally abolished tythes in three 
fourths at least of Ireland, and threw the clergy for 
support upon the oats and potatoes of the pauper 

' It is a remarkable circumstance, that in the year 1733, 
a virtual suspension of the last act had taken place, in 
favour of the dissenters, and in the very next year, the 
Irish House of Commons, by way of offering first-fruits 
for this indulgence, passed the agistment vote against 
tythe of pasture for dry cattle, voting in fact, that two 
thirds of the maintenance of the established church should 
not henceforth be demanded. The difference of course, 
being added, like the spoliation of our day, to the rent of 
the landlords/ And it is equally remarkable, that in the Munerum 
year 1829, the relief bill (falsely so called) was passed in mbemise, 

Vol. i. p. 105. 

union, but in reality to arrest the progress of the Reformation, 1 and 
to put a stop to the tariff now in many places in operation, in order 
to limit the exorbitant fees of the priests. The partial conduct of 
the present government in sacrificing the best interest of the country, 
in the vain hope of allaying agitation, is beginning to produce a new 
combination, which will call the attention of every reflecting man 
in the country, to the observation of Archbishop King on a former 
occasion, with a very slight alteration. l How the landed proprie- 
tors can secure themselves, or England secure Ireland, when all the 
commonalty are all repealers, is surely worth consideration % ' 

1 See the Rev. Thomas Moriarty's statement of the persecution at 
Dingle. — Ap. iii. 




The resolu- 
tions of the 
Irish House 
of Commons. 

favour of the Roman Catholics ; and in the year 1831, the 
passive resistance system commenced, which reduced a 
great proportion of the clergy of the church of Ireland to 
the greatest possible destitution. 

It may not be uninteresting to some of our readers, to 
furnish here the details of the celebrated resolutions of the 
Irish House of Commons in 1735, whereby they inflicted 
a wound not yet healed, on the country ; and by which they 
(one of the fountains of law and justice) crowned that 
system of plunder, which Wentworth so truly characterizes 
as national, though not peculiar to Ireland.* 

* It may be necessary to give an account of the proceedings, 
which occasioned all the evils here mentioned. On the fifth of 
March, 1735, the petition of Samuel Low, and many others, from 
different parts of Ireland, complaining, that the clergy had com- 
menced suits for a new kind of tythe, under the name of agistment, 
for dry and barren cattle, being read, it was ' ordered, that a com- 
mittee be appointed to examine the allegations thereof, to meet to- 
morrow morning at nine o'clock ; five to be a committee, and that 
all members who come have voices.' 

Report from the Committee on the petition of Samuel Low and 
others, in behalf of themselves, and the rest of the gentlemen, land- 
holders in this kingdom, concerning agistment tythe, and the prose- 
cutions instituted by the clergy thereon, March 18, 1735. Then the 
House, according to order, resumed the adjourned consideration of the 
report of the committee appointed to take into consideration the peti- 
tion of Samuel Low and others, (whose names are thereunto sub- 
scribed) in behalf of themselves and the rest of the gentlemen and 
landholders in this kingdom, and the rest of the report and resolu- 
tions were read as follows : — 

Resolved — ' That it is the opinion of this Committee, that the 
petitioners have fully proved the allegations of their petition, to the 
satisfaction of the Committee, and deserve the strongest assistance 
the house can give them. To which resolution, the question being 
put, the House did agree. 

Resolved—' That the allotments, glebes, and known tythes, with 


Boulter's Bill, passed in 1728, proves that pasture was century 

so universally prevalent in Ireland, as to render it a desir- 
able object to enforce the tillage of every twentieth acre, 
and from such an enactment, it may fairly be inferred, 
that at the time, not more than every fiftieth acre was 
actually tilled. Under such circumstances, the Irish 

other ecclesiastical emoluments, ascertained before this new demand 
of tythe of agistment for dry and barren cattle, are an honourable 
and plentiful provision for the clergy of this kingdom. 

Resolved — ' That the demand of tythe agistment for dry and 
barren cattle is new, grievous, and burdensome to the landlords and 
tenants of the kingdom, who could have no notice thereof previous 
to their purchases and leases, nor the least apprehensions that such 
unforeseen demands could have been claimed.' 

A motion being made, and the question put, ' that the commenc- 
ing suits upon these new demands, must impair the Protestant inte- 
rest, by driving many useful hands out of the kingdom ; must disable 
those that remain to support his Majesty's establishment, and occa- 
sion popery and infidelity to gain ground, by the contest that must 
naturally arise between the laity and clergy.' 

Noes 50, Ayes 1 10. It was carried in the affirmative. Tellers 
for the Noes, Mr. Cope and Mr. Dawson. Tellers for the Ayes, Mr. 
Morgan and Mr. Rochfort. 

Resolved further — ' That all legal ways and means ought to be 
made use of, to oppose all attempts that shall hereafter be framed 
to carry demands of tythe agistment into execution, until a proper 
remedy can be provided by the legislature.' 

To devise that ' proper remedy,' gave the Irish House of Com- 
mons no further trouble, until the day of its own extinction came, 
when, through fear of retributive justice from an imperial parlia- 
ment, they insisted on a legal abolition of a right, which their 
predecessors had for sixty-five years illegally destroyed, before they 
would consent to a final surrender of their legislative functions. 
The progress of the act of union was delayed until the Irish minis- 
ter was, however reluctantly, compelled to introduce a Bill for 
abolishing a tythe long defunct. 





The evils re- 
sulting from 
this resolu- 

House of Commons, abolished tythe of pasture, that is, 
they exempted ninety-six acres at least out of every hun- 
dred, from contributing to the support of the clergy. The 
fatal effects resulting from this measure was, that it 
encouraged pasture, and discouraged tillage, but above all 
it relieved the rich Protestant landlords and graziers, 
while it threw the burden of supporting the church upon 
the poor Roman Catholic farmers and cottiers, and as a 
natural consequence, this measure so impoverished the 
benefices of the clergy, as to compel the government, and 
the bishops, in order to relieve them, to aggravate an old 
evil, arising from the poverty and plunder of the church, 
viz., to unite several parishes, and to diminish the number 
of the working clergy, in order to afford a decent compe- 
tence to the remainder.* 

* The two great master evils of the church in Ireland, have been 
pluralities and unions. The latter abuse however, has been greatly 
magnified of late years, and nothing has so much tended to mislead 
the public mind on this subject, as the early Editions of the Irish 
Ecclesiastical Register, published under the sanction of the bishops 
of Ireland, by John Callard Erck, Esq., now one of the paid Com- 
missioners of the Ecclesiastical Board. 

In that unfortunate publication, there are many unions inserted, 
composed of from six to ten parishes, when in fact these denomina- 
tions called parishes, are in some cases nothing more than small 
portions of land, originally belonging to the numerous monastic in- 
stitutions, that were so common in the ancient Irish church, in 
consequence of its eastern origin. In some cases these lands are 
tythe-free ; in others, they are not known to exist in the part of 
the country, where the union is situated ; and in others, they 
are small vicarages, avaraging from five to twenty pounds per 

The evil effects resulting from this work, were soon manifested 
in the two houses of parliament. When any radical or whig member 
wished to make an attack on the church, it was only necessary for 


But besides these resolutions of the Irish House of century 

Commons, in 1735, c there were some other votes, (says '— 

Primate Boulter) ready to pass ; one particularly to fall 
on the Barons of the Exchequer, which, though they were 

him to open the Ecclesiastical Register, and read an extract from a 
document published under the sanction of the Bench of Bishops. 
There was no contradicting this, and English members naturally 
regarding a parish, as a parish, concluded, that the income arising 
from such an union must be enormous, when in fact the income of 
the entire, frequently did not exceed three or four hundred pounds 
per annum ; and all this occurred at a period, when the church had 
not a member in the lower house, who cared for, or knew anything 
of the matter : the two Ecclesiastical Boroughs, the College and 
Armagh, being filled, one by a liberal, and the other by a young 
man, totally ignorant on the subject. 

The system of pluralities was also carried on to a great extent in 
Ireland. The bishops in many cases considering their patronage as 
much their own property as the temporalities of their sees ; conse- 
quently nepotism abounded to a great extent in most of the dioceses. 
The three last primates have, however, been honourable exceptions 
to this practice, and the present one, greatly to his credit and repu- 
tation, has, as far in him lies, put a stop to this system, by refusing 
to grant faculties in any case whatsoever. The declaration of the 
late Bishop of Cashel, Doctor Sandes, is also worthy of being 
recorded, who, in answer to an attack made on him, with respect to 
his patronage, replied, ' I hold my patronage in trust for the good 
of the congregations, and not of individuals,' which declaration he 
conscientiously adhered to. 

The church had been for many years gradually righting itself, 
when the reform mania commenced, and a sacrifice was demanded 
to appease the growing spirit of popish domination. No person un- 
acquainted with church matters, can form an adequate idea of the 
extent of the loss sustained by the church temporalities bill, in 
direct violation, as it would seem, of the coronation oath, and the 
act of union between the two countries. The temporalities of 
sixteen (one half of our thirty-two) bishopricks, and one deanery, 
with a considerable proportion of the temporalities of Armagh and 


century stopped by some of that house, that were wiser, yet seem 

— to have intimidated that court, almost as much as if they 

had passed.' 

How very singular it must appear, that in the year 

Derry, and lesser portions of almost all the others, with a percentage 
on the property still reserved to the remaining bishops, was the 
first instalment made to satisfy the enemies of the church. The sup- 
pressed bishopricks were Clogher, (the most Protestant diocese in 
Ireland), Raphoe, Elphin, Ardagh, Dromore, Killalla, Achonry, 
Clonfert, Kilmacduagh, Kildare, Ferns, Leighlin, Waterford, 
Lismore, Cork, and Ross, with the deanery of Christ Church. The 
bishops that remain are Armagh, Meath, Derry, Down, Connor, 
Kilmore, Tuam, (the only resident bishop now in the entire pro- 
vince of Connaught,) Dublin, Ossory, Cashel, Emly, Limerick, 
Ardfert, Cloyne, Killaloe, and Kilfenora. 

But this is not all, the property of the reserved bishops, deans, 
&c, is no longer their own, they have merely a rent-charge on it. 
Any tenant may now take out a lease in perpetuity, from the eccle- 
siastical commissioners, with or without the consent of the incum- 
bent, by adding the renewal fines to the rent. 

A few years ago, a tenant applied for a perpetuity of a farm, 
which he held under a deanery lease. The dean considering that 
his consent was necessary, instantly gave it. Some months after, 
the dean applied to his tenant to know if he had done any thing 
more in the business. The reply was, that the thing was all settled. 
This is impossible said the dean, for I have neither signed the lease, 
nor received a duplicate of it. He was then informed, that his 
signature was not necessary, and the duplicate was not to be lodged 
with him, but with the board, and that even his consent to the 
transaction was not of any consequence. This is indeed the fixity of 
tenure principle carried out to perfection. 

As we descend to the second order of the clergy, we find every 
living of upwards of three hundred pounds per annum, taxed in pro- 
portion to its value, and in addition to this, and in open defiance of 
all vested rights, the fourth part of the tythe income of every clergy- 
man, has been wrested from him by act of parliament. Another 
instalment has been made, since the passing of this act of three 


1836, after a lapse of a century, scenes nearly similar, century 

should be re-acted in Ireland, though by very different ■ 
personages ; and that in the imperial parliament, similar 
censures should have been threatened against the Barons 

more deaneries, Lismore, Dromore, and Kildare, with a number of 
prebendaries, sinecures, &c. &c. Thus the entire property of the 
church is fast merging into the hands of the ecclesiastical com- 
missioners, ready on any future occasion to be transferred, (should 
such present itself,) by a radical ministry into the hands of the 
highest political bidder. And to what a miserable condition has 
the Irish Church, formerly distinguished from all the other western 
churches, by the multiplicity of her bishops, been now reduced ; 
two, three, and sometimes four bishoprics are now heaped on the 
head of one individual, whilst from the great reduction of the 
incomes of the clergy, the old ruinous system of pluralities has 
been in a degree resorted to, the patrons in some instances declining 
to appoint, on a parish becoming vacant, by the incumbent's 
removal to another, in order to secure a sufficient income by leaving 
both parishes in his hands. 

If the noble example of Bishop Bedell, with respect to pluralities, 
had been followed generally in the church, we might have been in 
all probability saved from our present distress : * The manner in 
which Bishop Bedell proceeded in this business was exceedingly 
temporate, and wise, and its result was great and unexpected suc- 
cess. He called his clergy together, and affectionately addressed 
them from the pulpit, on the subject, — he laid before them out of 
scripture, the antiquity and institution, the nature and duties of the 
ministry of the gospel of Christ. After the sermon he addressed 
them in Latin, as his brethren and fellow-presbyters ; and not 
appearing to assume the least civil pre-eminence over them, he ex- 
horted them to reform that intolerable abuse, which, as it brought 
a heavy scandal upon the church, and gave their adversaries great 
advantages against them, so it must very much endanger their own 
souls, and the souls of their flocks.' He then afforded them the 
example, by resigning the bishoprick of Ardagh to Dr. Richardson. 
All his clergy, with only one exception, when thus appealed to, 
answered and said with a loud voice, c As thou hast said, so must 

2 A 



century of the Exchequer, though we rejoice to state, with results 
very different. 

The Antitythers of 1735, were the Protestant nobility 
and gentry, who were permitted by a feeble government 
to violate the law, and to intimidate the Court of Exche- 
quer from a conscientious discharge of its duty. The 
antitythers of 1836, were the Roman Catholic demagogues 
and people, resisted also by a feeble government, in their 
lawless and active efforts to enforce ' a passive resistance ' 
to legal rights ; furnishing at the same time the truly 
singular and ominous spectacle, of the King's Court of 
Exchequer, assailed for its efficient protection of those 
rights, by the servants of the antitythers on the one 
hand, and by the servants of the crown on the other.* 

A pamphlet published in the year 1746, a few years 
after the passing of the foregoing resolution of the House 
of Commons, gives the following account of the landlords 
of that day ; — the same men, it will be observed, who 
plundered the clergy for the good of the church. 

' Popish tenants are daily preferred, and Protestants 
rejected, either for the sake of swelling the rental, or 
adding some mean duties, which Protestants will not 
submit to ; but the greatest mischief in this way, is done 
by a class of men, whom I will call land-jobbers. Land- 
jobbers have introduced for farmers, the lowest sort of 
papists, who were employed formerly as labourers, while 

we do,' and freely and unanimously relinquished their pluralities. 
This person was the dean, Dr. Bernard who was so ashamed of his 
conduct afterwards, that, unwilling to continue in the diocese, ex- 
changed his deanery for one in another diocese.'— (Mason's Life of 
Bedell, page 176.) 

* Cause of the failure of the Reformation in Ireland, by William 
Harty, M.D. of the city of Dublin. 


this was occupied by substantial Protestants ; but since century 

potatoes have grown so much in credit, and burning the 

ground has become so fashionable, (a manure so easily and 
readily acquired) these cottagers, who set no value on their 
labour, scorn to be servants longer, but fancy themselves 
in the degree of masters, as soon as they can accomplish 
the planting an acre of potatoes. 

' One of this description not being able singly to occupy 
any considerable quantity of ground, twelve or twenty of 
them, and sometimes more, cast their eyes on a plowland 
occupied by many industrious Protestants, who, from a 
common ancestor placed there perhaps a hundred years 
before, have swarmed into many stocks, built houses, made 
various improvements, and nursed the land, in expectation 
of being favoured by their landlord in a new lease. These 
cottagers seeing the flourishing condition of this colony, 
the warm plight of the houses, but especially the strong 
sod of the earth, made so, by various composts collected 
with much toil and care, and which secures to them a long 
continuance of their beloved destructive manure, made 
by burning the green sward, engage some neighbour to 
to take this plowland, and all jointly bind themselves to 
become under-tenants to the land-jobber, and to pay him 
an immoderate rent. 

' This encourages him to outbid the unhappy Protes- 
tants, and the great advance of rent tempts the avaricious 
and ill-judging landlord, to accept his proposal. The Pro- 
testants being thus driven out of their settlements, trans- 
port themselves, their families and effects to America; 
there to meet a more hospitable reception amongst stran- 
gers to their persons, but friends to their religion and civil 
principles. Notwithstanding this dismal relation of the 
evil consequences of so mean a traffic, (for the truth of 

2 a 2 


century which I appeal to all who know the condition of the 

16—19. f r . . 

country,) the present profit is so sweet, that many pro- 
prietors grudge the land-jobber his fag-rent, and are 
grown so cunning, that they set the land originally to the 
mean cottagers, and so take the whole price for a season ; 
not once reflecting that their sons will not have by this 
ruinous practice, an estate so valuable, as that they re- 
ceived from their fathers. 

' Some endeavour to excuse themselves by saying, that 
Protestant tenants cannot be had. They may thank them- 
selves, if that be true ; for they have helped to banish 
them, by not receiving them when they might. But it is 
to be hoped, we are not yet so distressed. Those who 
have the reputation of good landlords, and encouragers of 
Protestants, never want them; but there is a Protes- 
tant price, and a popish price for land ; and he 
who will have valuable Protestants on his estate, must 
depart from his Popish price. Hence, I fear the matter 
will stick. It will be as hard to persuade a gentleman to 
fall from one thousand pounds a year to eight hundred, 
as it was to prevail on the lawyer in the gospel, to sell all 
and save his soul.' 

We are now arrived at that period in the history of the 
Reformed Irish Church, in which it can be said for the 
first time, that anything like an adequate provision was 
made for her ministers. In consequence of the American 
war, the increasing agriculture of the country, enabled 
them to assume the appearance of professional men, and 
to occupy that station which fitted them to minister with 
effect to the temporal and spiritual wants of the people ; 
nor do we hesitate to affirm, that their sphere of usefulness 
increased with the means provided for their existence, as 
an ecclesiastical body. 


It is true indeed, that after the many struggles, which century 

at different periods, the Irish church was destined to sus- 

tain, and which have been briefly adverted to in the fore- 
going pages, that recovering from temporal pressure, she 
appeared, like the Jewish church of old, to forget for a 
season, the hand that fed her, and to settle down in a cold 
quiescent enjoyment of her increasing prosperity. It is 
however the pleasing task of one, who has been feebly 
endeavouring to rescue her from much unmerited obloquy, 
to assert, that the remarkable revival of religion which 
has taken place in the Established Church in Ireland, 
within the last forty years, (a revival unparalleled, we be- 
lieve it may be said, in Church History) did not take place 
in consequence of external pressure, but when she was in 
the fullest enjoyment of her temporal blessings, and long 
before the war-cry was raised either against her property, 
or her clergy : and it is the undoubted conviction of those 
best qualified to judge, that this cry would never have 
been heard, had she remained basking in the sunshine of 
earthly prosperity, — exhibiting at the same time the marks 
of spiritual declension. 

But when it pleased God to awaken many of her The revival 

. . . . of the 

ministers from a state of supmeness and inaction ; and church. 
in accordance with their solemn ordination vows to 6 be 
ready with all faithful diligence to banish and drive away 
all erroneous and strange doctrines contrary to God's 
word ; ' — when not only the members of their own flocks 
became objects of their spiritual solicitude, but the 
ignorant and superstitious population around them; — 
when scriptural schools were opened in their respective 
parishes, and above all, when the Irish tongue was made 
use of in many districts as the vehicle of religious instruc- 
tion ; then, and not till then, was it discovered, that her 


century wealth was the cause of all the failure that had attended 

■ — her former ministrations, as well as the fruitful source of 

multiplied present evils : presenting the anomalous 
spectacle of a richly-endowed church, in the midst of a 
depressed and pauper population. 

I hope to have the pleasing task, if it be the will of 
God, to trace (in a second volume, of " Ireland and her 
Church in the nineteenth century," now preparing for the 
press,) more minutely the progress of the Irish Church, 
since its revival ; and I hope to be able then exactly to 
ascertain what number of churches, glebe and school- 
houses, have been built since the commencement of this 
century, and other important facts illustrative of the self- 
denying zeal of the Irish clergy. 

When this is done, we may hope that many of her Eng- 
lish opposers, who have been led by false accusations, to 
' take up a taunting proverb against her,' (some of whom 
we doubt not were honest in their opposition,) may 
speedily retrace their steps, and rally round a church, 
whose claims to British sympathy and support, stand 
upon a basis, broad as the constitution of England itself; 
and which, if overlooked, will involve in ruin, the best and 
highest interests of the empire. 

In Ireland, cursed as it is, by the absenteeism of many 
of its reforming landlords, where could the distressed and 
helpless have found assistance, had not the clergy formed 
a kind of middle aristocracy in the country ? The parson- 
ages in Ireland, it must be allowed, (our enemies them- 
selves being judges), have ever been the refuge of the 
poor, and where the cry of want has found its readiest 

It has indeed pleased God to permit the spoiler to come 
into his vineyard, and to his all-wise permissive providence 


it is to be hoped the Irish clergy will cheerfully submit, century 

One-fourth of their income in tythe has been already — 

forcibly taken from them, and further reductions may be 
made, as good faith does not seem particularly to mark 
the measures of our government. But let the Roman 
Catholics of Ireland remember, that in all such reductions 
they themselves will be sufferers, we doubt not, in full 
proportion to those so deprived of their incomes ; and were 
it lawful to wish evil to our enemies, perhaps we could 
wish no greater evil to fall on them, than to see the tythes 
of the established church transferred to the hands of their 
own clergy. 

Some well-disposed persons often express sentiments 
on this subject, which though piously intended, shew 
great want of reflection and common sense. They affirm, 
that as the promises of God are made absolutely [to his 
church, and that as the gates of hell cannot prevail against 
it; therefore men who believe this, should feel no uneasi- 
ness regarding its temporal concerns, and should not 
mingle themselves up in any effort to preserve its revenues 

Now though it is allowed in the most unreserved man- 
ner, that the promises of God must stand, <e that they are 
all yea and amen in Christ Jesus ;" yet as He works by 
means, and has no where promised to any particular 
country a perpetuity of the light of the gospel ; we do 
maintain that it is the bounden duty of every man, who 
feels the maintenance of the established church, to be 
intimately connected with the well-being of Ireland, to 
make every effort, that prudence and wisdom can suggest, 
to preserve that church in its temporal, as well as spiritual 
rights to the people. 

If the maintenance of the clergy be further reduced^ 



ce ntu ry one consequence must follow. An inferior order of clergy 

will ^occupy our churches. Men will not go to the expence 

of a suitable education for their sons, to place them in a 
church where no decent support can be expected, and 
where from their habits and feelings they would be unfitted 
to bear the pressure and many evils of poverty ; and thus 
the higher grades of society at all events would be left 
destitute of teachers to whom they could look up with 
respect, and with whom they could feel the sympathies 
common to each, and which they have hitherto experienced 
in intercourse with their ministers. 

To enter more fully into the evils likely to result from 
the oppression of the clergy, and deprivation of their 
incomes, is, the writer thinks, unnecessary ; all that re- 
mains is to reply to an objection that may be taken against 
this work, namely, ' that every evil that has been felt, 
respecting the Irish church, has been traced to privation 
of income, either at early or late periods of her history ; so 
that to secure her usefulness nothing would seem to be 
necessary but to bestow on her suitable church revenues.' 
But most earnestly would the writer deprecate such a 

In truth and simplicity, he has stated facts as he could 
collect them, to rectify mis-statements and assertions, that 
have been made regarding her temporalities and their 
abuse. But most fully would he state it, as his deliberate 
belief, that no revenues however great, no clergy however 
learned, no external means however various, or apparently 
efficient, can accomplish the great work of enlightening 
an ignorant, or ameliorating the condition of a poor popu- 
lation, except so far as God himself, by his directing and 
quickening Spirit, shall be pleased to bless them. Much, 
very much, no doubt, has been amiss among ourselves ; 


and though the church in Ireland stands deservedly high, century 

yet individually and collectively before God, must we not — 

say, " to us belongeth shame and confusion of face." 

Let it however be evident that our ' bishops and curates ' 
are united in mind and in purpose, holding fast the pure 
unadulterated doctrines of the Reformation, and maintain- 
ing with firmness her claims as a catholic and apostolic 
church, on the dutiful affections and cordial acceptance 
of the people. Let it be seen that our late chastenings, 
have been the means in God's hands of awakening a spirit 
of deeper piety, and calling forth new energies into the 
work of the ministry, and that whilst we seek to be consis- 
tent churchmen, we do not arrogantly despise those who 
conscientiously differ from us ; endeavouring to exercise that 
candour towards others, which we claim for ourselves. 
" Let these things be in us and abound," and then indeed 
we may conclude, that all the efforts of our enemies will 
be unavailing, and that we shall occupy a vantage-ground, 
from which we can view with calm and holy composure, 
the many evils that may threaten our temporal existence, 
— feeling assured it is but " the wind and storm fulfilling 
His word." 


No. I. 


We, the undersigned Prelates of the United Church of England and 
Ireland, have judged it to be our duty, upon some former occasions, to 
address those members of the Church who are directly committed to 
our care and government, and all others who are disposed to look to us 
for counsel and support, concerning the question of the Education of 
the Poor in Ireland. And as there are various particulars in the actual 
state of that question, which appear to make a similar address from us 
peculiarly needful at the present time, we proceed once more to the 
discharge of this anxious, and in some respects painful, though, as 
we cannot but feel, clear and most important duty, in humble reliance 
upon the guidance and blessing of Almighty God. 

Upon the former occasions to which we have referred, we felt con- 
strained to make known the very unfavourable judgment, which we 
had formed of the National System of Education for this country, — 
distinctly declaring that we could not approve of it, or assist in the 
management of it, or recommend to the Patrons or Superintendents 
of Schools that they should place them in connexion with it. 

It was with much reluctance and regret that we felt ourselves obliged 
to declare so decidedly and publicly against a plan of education estab- 
lished and maintained by the. State, to which we owe, and are ready to 
render, all duty not interfering with that which we owe to God. But 


this higher duty compelled us to express thus plainly and strongly our 
disapprobation and distrust of this system ; and we lament that it does 
not now permit us to retract, or to« soften, those declarations of our 
opinion. We consider it to be the more necessary to state this ex- 
plicitly, because it is conceived by some persons that certain modifica- 
tions of its rules, from time to time introduced by the Commissioners 
of National Education, have done much to remove the objections, on 
which it has been from the beginning opposed and rejected by the 
greater portion of the Members of the Established Church. And as 
we are unable to form the same opinion of these changes, we deem it 
our duty to obviate the misapprehension to which our silence might give 
rise, by stating distinctly, that we cannot discern in them any sufficient 
reasons for withdrawing or qualifying the condemnation, which we have 
deliberately and repeatedly pronounced. 

When the Government first announced its determination that this 
system should supersede those to which the State had before given 
support, it was very generally opposed by the Clergy and the Laity of our 
Church. The grounds on which this opposition was made to rest were 
various. The undue prominence given to secular, to the depreciation 
of religious instruction — the disregard shown to the position and claims 
of the Clergy of the Established Church, tending to throw the direc- 
tion of National Education into the hands of the priesthood of the 
Church of Rome, — and other defects and evils, both of the system 
itself and of the machinery by which it was to be worked, were urged as 
grave objections against the proposed plan of Education. While its 
opponents differed as to the importance which was to be assigned to 
some of these objections, there was one, upon the paramount importance 
of which all were agreed. The rule by which the Holy Scriptures were 
to be excluded from the Schools during the hours of general in- 
struction, was treated by all as so fundamentally objectionable, that 
while this should continue to be the principle of the system, they could 
not conscientiously connect their Schools with it, even though all the 
other grounds of opposition were taken away. 

In the former Societies for the Education of the Poor, with which 
the Clergy were connected, they had, in accommodation to the unhappy 
divisions of this country, consented to forbear from any attempt to 
teach the Formularies of our Church to the children of Dissenters, 
Protestant or Roman Catholic, who attended the Schools of which 
they had the superintendence. But they did not judge themselves at 
liberty so to deal with the Word of God. There was in every School 
a Bible-class, and in every School to read the Bible was a part of the 
daily business : and all the children in attendance, of whatever re- 
ligious communion, took their places in this class, as soon as their 


proficiency enabled them to profit by the reading of the Holy Scrip- 
tures. But the distinction of the New System was, that it placed the 
Bible under the same rule with books of peculiar instruction in religion, 
and excluded it, with them, from the hours of general education. And 
moreover, this great change was, avowedly, made as a concession to the 
unlawful authority by which the Church of Rome withholds the Holy 
Scriptures from its members. 

It should not have been expected that the Clergy of our Church, 
who are bound by obligations so sacred to resist the spiritual tyranny 
and to oppose the errors of the Church of Rome, would join in a 
system of Education, of which the distinctive claim to acceptance and 
support was the aid which it gave to one of the most violent exercises 
of this tyranny — that which is in fact the strength and protection of 
its worst errors. It was not merely a question of the amount of good 
which was to be done by retaining the Bible in its proper place in the 
Education of the Poor ; — though it would have been painful to give up 
this means of doing so much good to the Roman Catholic children, to 
whom, (commended as they are in so many ways to their sympathies,) 
the Clergy, in general, have the power of doing so little ; but there 
was a still graver question of the amount of evil which would result 
from the change, and the part which the Clergy were to take in effect- 
ing it. The principle of " the sufficiency of the Holy Scriptures," as 
it is maintained by our Church, is a fundamental principle of the most 
momentous importance. It is by means of it that truth has been 
guarded and handed down to us by those who have gone before us. 
And it is by means of it we are to preserve this deposit of truth, and to 
defend, and transmit it, pure and unmutilated, to those who are to 
come after us. While, on the other hand, it is by rejecting this prin- 
ciple that the Church of Rome is able to retain and to defend its errors, 
its superstitions, and its usurpations. It is well known that our Church 
exacts from all its Ministers an express declaration of their belief of 
this great doctrine, and a solemn promise that they will regulate their 
ministrations in conformity with it. And the steady maintenance of it 
is still further bound upon our Clergy, when they are, by God's Provi- 
dence, placed in circumstances in which they have to carry on a con- 
tinual contest for the truth, — not merely for the deliverance of those 
who are in error, but for the preservation of those who are more imme- 
diately committed to their care, — and in which it is plain that their 
prospect of success in either object depends altogether upon their 
adherence to this principle, and that when it is in any degree allowed to 
become obscure or doubtful, in the same degree the cause of truth is 
weakened, and that of error strengthened in the land. And they could 
not doubt that if they connected their Schools with the National system, 


and thereby entered into a compact to dispossess the Bible of the place 
which it had hitherto occupied in them, they would be, in the eyes of 
the young and of the old of both communions, practically admitting 
the false principles of the Church of Rome, and submitting to its 
tyranny, and abandoning the great principle of their own Church, con- 
cerning the sufficiency and supremacy of God's Holy Word. 

It would seem that the Board, to which the management of National 
Education is committed, has not been insensible to the force of this 
grand and primary objection. It changed the offensive, but true ground, 
on which the exclusion of the Scriptures from its Schools was origi- 
nally placed, for another which was much more specious and popular ; 
and parental authority was brought in to occupy the post at first 
assigned to the authority of the Church of Rome. Those who were 
acquainted with the state of the country, knew that there was no real 
objection on the part of Roman Catholic parents, speaking generally, to 
read the Bible themselves, or have it read by their children, but the 
contrary. And, in fact, when Ecclesiastical authority was first exerted 
to put down Scriptural Education in this country, it had to encounter 
very stubborn resistance from parental authority — a resistance which 
undoubtedly would have been successful, if it had been aided, as it 
ought to have been, by the State. But a renewal of this struggle was 
not to be looked for. For however true it be, that Roman Catholics, 
in general, would prefer that their children were taught the Bible, this 
desire is seldom so enlightened or so strong as of itself to arouse them 
to a contest with the authorities of their Church. Under former 
systems they resisted the despotic power which forbad their children to 
read the Bible, chiefly because their submission to it would have in- 
volved the loss of an improved method of secular education. But when 
in consequence of the establishment of the National System, no such 
loss would ensue, it was not to be expected that any considerable num- 
ber would persist in opposing the mandates of their Clergy, or that the 
latter would find any difficulty in constraining the parents, from whom 
they were able to withhold the Bible, to forbid the use of it to their 
children. This being the case, it must be felt that, under all the modi- 
fications which have taken place in the rules, the matter remained in 
substance and fact unaltered ; and that the parental authority, which 
is put forward so prominently, is really the authority of the Church 
of Rome, exercised on and through the parents of the children. 

It is still further to be considered, that parental authority, like civil 
and ecclesiastical, and all other lawful authority, derives all its force 
from the authority of God ; and therefore can possess none, when it is 
exerted in opposition to the Divine authority on which it rests. And, 
although a child, who, from tender years or false training, is unable to 


see clearly the opposition which may exist between his parent's will and 
the will of God, or to apprehend its effect in releasing him from the 
duty of submission, is not to be instructed or encouraged to resist the 
authority of his parent, even when it is unlawfully exerted, — yet that 
parent has no right to require others, who clearly perceive this opposi- 
tion and understand its effects, to be his instruments in enforcing an 
unlawful exercise of his authority over his child ; and others have no 
warrant to become his instruments in such a case. The distinction is 
obvious. Our clergy would and ought to abstain from any direct efforts 
to excite resistance, or even to encourage it on the part of a child, 
until they had good grounds for regarding that resistance as intelligent 
and conscientious. But they could not recognize such an exertion of 
parental authority, as if it were lawful, and lend their assistance in 
enforcing it. So that, even if it were voluntarily exerted in forbidding 
the Bible to be read, our Clergy could not consent to bind themselves 
to aid in giving effect to such an unlawful command. But when they 
regard the parent as himself in bondage to the usurped authority of the 
Church of Rome, and as not exercising his own free will, but obeying 
as a passive agent, in binding the same yoke upon his children, the 
duty of refusing to co-operate with him is still clearer. The Clergy 
may be able to do but little towards delivering their Roman Catholic 
countrymen from such bondage, but they can at least keep themselves 
free from the guilt of becoming instruments in rivetting its chains upon 
them : — and this, accordingly, they resolved to do. In which resolu- 
tion, — as in all that they have done in this matter, — they had the full 
concurrence and support of the Lay Members of the Church. 

The exclusive appropriation of the Parliamentary Grants for Educa- 
tion, having left the Church destitute of its accustomed aids for the in- 
struction of the children of the poor, the Clergy and Laity, to supply 
the want which had been thus created, united in forming the Church 
Education Society for Ireland. The immediate and chief object 
of this Society is to afford the means of Religious Education to the 
poorer children of our own communion. But an earnest desire being 
felt to extend the benefits of the Schools to other communions also, 
not only is the freest access given to all, but every thing is done, which 
can be done consistently with principle, to take away every hindrance to 
their availing themselves of the advantages which they afford. While 
the reading of the Bible forms a portion of the business of the Schools, 
in which all children, when qualified, are expected to take a part, the 
Formularies of the Church are required to be learned by none except 
the children of its own members. And although the attendance of 
Roman Catholic children at the Schools of the Church Education 
Society fluctuates considerably, as ecclesiastical authority is more or 


less actively exerted to restrain it, yet on the whole there appears no 
room to doubt, that united Education has been effected in a much 
higher degree in the Schools of this Society, than in those of the 
National Board. 

The very limited resources of the Society, however, being inadequate 
to the full attainment of its objects, Diocesan and other Petitions were 
presented to Parliament, praying for such a revision of the question of 
Education in this country, as might allow the Established Church to 
share in the funds appropriated to the Education of the Poor. These 
petitions having been unsuccessful, the operations and the wants of the 
Church Education Society were in the same way brought before the 
Legislature, with the view of obtaining a separate grant for the mainte- 
nance of its Schools. And afterwards, an application was made to the 
Government, soliciting that the Irish part of the United Church might 
be allowed to participate with the English, in the grant of money from 
which the latter annually draws support for a system of Education in 
conformity with its own principles. These appeals have been hitherto 
unsuccessful ; but we cannot bring ourselves to think it possible, that 
the striking inequality of the measure which has been dealt towards 
the Established Church of this country in the important concern of 
Education, and the great hardship of the position in which it has been 
thereby placed, can fail ultimately to attract towards it such fair conside- 
ration, as may procure for it due sympathy and redress. We, on the 
contrary, entertain a confident hope that, whatever be the hindrances 
which have hitherto obstructed that fair consideration, they are but 
temporary, and that they will pass away, leaving the Government free 
to afford the assistance, which is so greatly needed by the Church Edu- 
cation Society, and to which its objects and its circumstances give it so 
strong a claim. 

To all, then, who are interested in the maintenance and extension of 
the Schools of the Church Education Society, we recommend steady 
perseverance, and the employment of all suitable efforts to bring its 
case calmly and effectively before the public. And we cannot believe 
that our Brethren in the Faith in England will look on with apathy, 
while the Church in this country, faithful to its high office as " a wit- 
ness and a keeper of Holy Writ," is struggling, unaided, to discharge 
its most pressing duties, first to the children more immediately con- 
mitted to its care, and then to all whom God has placed within the 
sphere of its influence. But this will be as God pleases, and when He 
pleases. Let it be the aim of those who are engaged in this sacred 
cause, by His help to do His will, leaving the issue of their labours — 
the time and measure of their success — altogether to His wisdom. 


'* And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season we shall reap, 
if we faint not." 

John G. Armagh. 

Charles Kildare. 

Robert B. Clogher. 

J. Kilmore, &c. 

Rd. Down & Connor, and Dromore. 

S. Cork & Cloyne. 

Ludlow Killaloe & Clonfert. 

J. T. Ossory & Ferns. 

Robert Cashel, &c. 

January 1845. 

No. II. 



DECEMBER 21, 1844. 


It has been usual for the bishop, on occasions like the present, 
to address such pastoral advice to the candidates for orders as he may 
think best calculated to prepare their minds for the solemn engagements 
which they are about or soon to undertake ; and, in performing this 
important function of his episcopal office, to dwell upon the general 
duties of the clergy, the doctrines which they are bound to teach, and 
the habits of life which they should endeavour to form. These are 
important matters, and, in common times, such as cannot be too frequently 
pressed upon your attention ; but, in times like the present, it appears 
to me that it is incumbent on the bishop to be somewhat more particular 
in his instructions to those who are about to embark in troubled waters, 

2 B 


and who will need all the assistance which an experienced pilot can 
afford them. I have on former occasions, not only in my primary 
charge addressed to the whole diocese, hut afterwards when opportuni- 
ties like the present have occurred of giving advice to my younger 
brethren in the ministry, deprecated that spirit of innovation which, on 
the plea of a more punctual observance of the rubric, and a respect for 
the practices of the Primitive Church, was, I felt convinced, calculated 
to alienate the affections of the laity from the clergy, and thus to give 
a fatal blow to our beloved Church, which must depend very much, not 
only for its usefulness but its security, on retaining its hold upon the 
affections of the people. However necessary it may be to recommend 
caution and discretion in these matters to the clergy at large, it is more 
especially so to those who are just entering on the discharge of their 
sacred calling. It too often happens, that those who have once taken 
a wrong direction, however much they may afterwards be sensible of 
the evil consequences resulting from their indiscretion, are deterred by a 
false shame, and perhaps by a not unnatural indisposition to give way 
before the prejudices of their people, from retracing their steps, and 
restoring the intercourse between themselves and their parishioners to 
that happy state of peace and tranquillity which may be considered as 
the general character of our church before a mistaken regard for obso- 
lete forms introduced discord and dissention among us. Those of you 
who are on the morrow to receive the first orders of the Church, cannot 
have thus committed yourselves : and it may be reasonably hoped, that 
they who have for a short time been ministering as deacons have been 
too sensible of their subordinate rank in the Church to have ventured 
to take a decided line on these controverted points, till a longer experi- 
ence had enabled them to weigh certain evils against most problematical 
advantages. My advice to you then is, that in entering upon your 
several cures you retain the privilege which you at present possess, of 
not being committed to a party, and be cautious how you take a course 
which lam confident you will be anxious to retrace, when you have 
found that you have lost thereby the affections of your people, but in 
which a false pride and the feelings naturally belonging to party may 
induce you notwithstanding to persevere. In reviewing the history of 
our church since the Reformation, it is hardly possible to note a time 
when its prosperity and usefulness were more remarkable than the 
period immediately preceding the publication of the Oxford Tracts. An 
increased degree of zeal, a more entire devotion to their sacred functions, 
was manifest among the clergy ; and not only did the most complete 
concord exist between them and the laity, but the latter attested then- 
deep veneration for the church of their forefathers, by contributing 
most liberally to the erection of churches and the support of church and 


missionary societies. The service of the Church was then performed in 
strict accordance with the general directions of the rubric ; and though, 
on some trifling points, slight variations had been introduced, it was 
generally understood, that although these variations could not be legally 
sanctioned without the authority of convocation, they were made in de- 
ference to public opinion, and under the authority derived from the 
tacit acquiescence of the bishop. Schools were multiplied, the great 
truths of the everlasting gospel were more distinctly and more generally 
preached, and such was the impression gradually made on those who 
had separated from us, by such increased zeal and activity on the part of 
our clergy, that in several dioceses not only dissenting ministers, but 
whole congregations of dissenters, joined our communion. 

My brethren, I will not contrast this state of things with that which 
prevails at the present moment in other dioceses, and, I fear, in a small 
portion even of this diocese : but as nothing human is perfect, and as 
in all the transactions of life it must be our lot to decide upon a compa- 
rative balance of advantages and disadvantages, I will request you to 
make the comparison, and then ask yourselves whether the advantages, 
whatever they may be, which can be derived from a minute regard to 
ritual observances and the usages of antiquity, may not be purchased at 
too dear a rate, if purchased at such a price. The limits within which 
I must necessarily confine myself on an occasion like the present will 
not admit of my going into the various points which have of late been 
made the matter of so much unpleasant discussion ; but it may be use- 
ful to you that I should dwell upon one or two with regard to which 
you may entertain doubts, and on which you will be compelled to make 
up your minds when you take possession of your respective curacies. 
And, first, with respect to the habit which you ought to wear when in- 
structing your people from the pulpit. This is a question which I con- 
sider so utterly unimportant that I have never hitherto thought it worth 
while to express my opinion on the subject. I have myself been 
present during the celebration of divine service when the officiating 
clergyman has thought fit to preach in a surplice, without thinking it 
necessary to notice such a deviation from the general custom ; and 
though I certainly should have been better pleased if no such innova- 
tion had been attempted, still I considered the whole matter as much 
too insignificant to require my interference. What, however, is in 
itself insignificant, acquires importance when it is considered as the 
badge of a party, and when, on this account, it becomes a stumbling- 
block and an offence to others. On this ground I should be disposed 
to advise you to continue the practice which has so long prevailed of 
preaching in your academical habit, even though by so doing you de- 
viate from the precise directions of the rubric. For the sake of those 


however, whose consciences are tender on this point, I have carefully 
considered the question, and I have satisfied myself, and I hope that I 
may satisfy you, that it never has been the custom since the reformaj- 
tion for the clergy to preach in their surplices. The whole argument 
upon this point turns upon the sermon being a portion of the commu- 
nion service. If, therefore, we can show that the sermon is not a part 
of that service, there will remain no longer the slightest ground for an 
innovation which, though in itself indifferent, will be sure to shock the 
prejudices and excite the suspicion of your congregation. The 58th 
canon, which relates to this matter, is thus headed, ' Ministers reading 
divine service and administering the sacraments to wear surplices ;' and 
it directs that every minister saying the public prayers or ministering 
the sacraments or other rites of the Church ' shall wear a decent and 
comely surplice with sleeves, to be provided at the charge of the 
parish.' Now, can it be said that when we are preaching a sermon we 
are either saying public prayers or administering a sacrament ? That 
we are not doing the former is self-evident, and I will proceed to show 
that the sermon, though introduced in the course of the communion 
service, forms no part of the proper sacramental service of the Lord's 
Supper. It is worthy of remark that in the first Prayer-book of 
Edward VI. so little were the ten commandments or the sermon con- 
sidered a part of the sacramental service, that after this portion of the 
service had been concluded, the following rubric occurred : — ' Then so 
many as shall be partakers of the holy communion shall tarry still in the 
quire, or in some convenient place nigh the quire (the men on the one 
side and the women on the other side). All other (that mind not to 
receive the holy communion) shall depart out of the quire, except the 
ministers and clerk.' It is clear therefore that at that time, so far from 
the sermon forming part of the sacramental service, a complete inter- 
ruption occurred after the sermon, during which those who did not mind 
to receive the holy communion are directed to retire, and then the 
proper sacramental service commences. This rubric is not indeed re- 
peated in the second Prayer-book of Edward VI., or in the Prayer- 
book which we now use ; but it is clear that the like interruption of the 
service was contemplated, for immediately after the Nicene Creed the 
curate is directed to declare unto the people what holydays or fasting 
days are to be observed in the week following ; and all briefs, citations, 
and excommunications, are directed to be read ; and can these be said 
to form part of the sacramental service ? ' Then,' the rubric proceeds, 
' shall follow the sermon,' so that you perceive the preaching a sermon 
is classed with reading briefs, citations, and excommunications, which 
certainly, in the words of the 58th canon, can form no part either of divine 
service, or of administering the sacrament, during which ministers are 

> APPENDIX. 373 

directed to wear a surplice. The inference which I have attempted to 
draw from the rubric is further confirmed by the practice adopted at 
our two universities. It is well known that in no place is a regard for 
strict ritual observance more observed than in our universities ; and yet 
so little is the sermon considered a part of the sacramental service, that 
it is preached in a different place and at a different time from the col- 
lege chapels, where the sacraments are administered : and here I cannot 
but observe that if the surplice had ever been worn, as the proper habit 
of a preacher, it would have been adopted in our university pulpits ; 
but here we know that at the present time the gown is always worn, 
and I believe I may venture to say, that no record exists of the sur- 
plice having ever been used on such occasions, and the gown substituted 
for it : but such a change could not have been effected in a place where 
old customs are so strictly adhered to as in our universities without 
authority ; and if effected by authority, some record of it would un- 
questionably exist at the present day. Again, so far was the sermon 
from being considered as included in the reading of public prayers or 
ministering the sacraments, that we know it was frequently preached by 
some of our most eminent reformers at St. Paul's-cross, and it can 
hardly be supposed that the surplice was worn on such occasions. The 
true state of the case I take to be, that you are directed to use the sur- 
plice only when reading divine service or administering the sacraments ; 
you then appear in your proper character of priest or deacon, appointed 
to minister in holy things ; but when you preach, you assume the cha- 
racter of a teacher, and as such your proper habit (if, indeed, proper or 
improper be fit words for a matter so utterly insignificant) is your aca- 
demical gown, with a hood, denoting your degree at the university. I 
have thus attempted to prove that it is a mistaken notion to suppose 
that the surplice is the proper dress for you to wear in the pulpit. If I 
have not convinced you, I think you must all admit that, under the cir- 
cumstances which I have stated to you, it is at best a doubtful question, 
and in any doubtful question I feel sure that you would obey the apos- 
tle's direction, which ought to have much more authority with you than 
anything I can say, and "follow after the things which make for peace." 
Another change which has, of late years, been attempted in our 
church service, is the reading of the prayer for the church militant, 
which if originally intended to form part of the church service, had 
been almost universally discontinued in our parochial churches, and even 
in many of our cathedrals. Upon this point the rubrics are certainly 
inconsistent. In that which immediately precedes that prayer the fol- 
lowing words occur : — ' And when there is a communion the priest 
shall place upon the table so much bread and wine as he shall think 
sufficient, after which is done the priest shall say, " Let us pray for the 


whole state of Christ's church militant here on earth.' " Did this 
rubric stand alone, there could be no doubt that the prayer for the 
church militant was to be read only when the sacrament was about to 
be administered ; but another rubric occurs, inconsistent with the above, 
at the conclusion of the communion- service, where we read that ' upon 
Sundays and holydays, if there be no communion, shall be said all that 
is appointed at the communion until the end of the general prayer for 
the whole state of Christ's church militant here on earth.' It is difficult 
to account for these two contraiy rubrics, which appear to have been 
inserted at the same time, that is, at the second revision of the Prayer- 
book in the reign of Edward VI. ; but as they do exist, it is not ex- 
traordinary that the clergy should have felt themselves at liberty to 
observe which they pleased, and partly on account of the length of the 
service, so distressing to those who are in advanced years, partly on 
account of the awkwardness of being obliged again to exchange 
the gown for the surplice, this prayer became gradually discon- 
tinued. And here I cannot but observe that the disuse of this prayer 
is of itself a proof that the surplice was not usually worn in the pulpit. 
Had it been so there would have been no difficulty in the minister re- 
turning from the pulpit to the communion-table, and reading the prayer 
as directed by the second rubric to which I have referred. It was be- 
cause he wore a gown, and not a surplice, that this practice was found 
inconvenient, and therefore was discontinued. The only other point to 
which I think it necessary to call your especial attention on the pre- 
sent occasion is the use of the offertory, and the collecting of alms 
from the congregation on every Lord's- day. There is no doubt that 
originally this collection was intended as a substitute for the alms which 
used to be given at the doors of convents, and as it is still continued in 
Scotland and the Isle of Man, where no poor-rates exist, we may rea- 
sonably conclude that it could never have been discontinued in this 
country, if the poor had not been otherwise provided for by a rate 
levied on all the parishioners. The custom then became almost univer- 
sal, that it should only be used at the administration of the Lord's 
Supper. Attempts, however, have of late years been made by some of 
the clergy to renew the practice of reading the offertory and making 
collections every Sunday for the purpose of procuring contributions 
towards the support of our church societies ; and where this can be 
done without offence to the congregation, it is impossible to object to a 
practice which, while it encourages the charitable feelings of the con- 
gregation, might, if extensively adopted, materially aid those most 
valuable institutions. The consent, however, of the congregation is a 
material element in the propriety of adopting such a practice, for we 
have no right to force upon a congregation, without their consent, what 


is not strictly legal, and I have always been intimately convinced, that 
no collection can be legally made in a church during the reading of the 
offertory except for the benefit of the poor residing in the parish 
where the church is situated, or under the authority of a Queen's 
letter. The phrase of the ' poor man's box,' which occurs in the rubric, 
can have reference only to that box which used to be placed in all our 
churches to receive the alms of the charitable for the benefit of the 
poor of that particular parish. A very curious decision of Sir Lyttle- 
ton Powys, in the reign of George I. has been lately published, which 
sets this matter at rest ; for it is therein distinctly stated as the law at 
that time (and it does not appear that any adverse decision has been 
since made to reverse it), that no collections can be legally made in 
churches during the reading of the offertory, except for the poor of the 
parish, but by the leave and permission of the crown. If, therefore, you 
think fit to restore the use of the offertory in any of the churches where 
you may be appointed to serve, you will bear in mind that all the money 
so collected can only be legally applied to the relief of the poor of the 
parish. There can be no objection to collections being made for other 
purposes, in cases where the congregation themselves are consenting 
parties to them ; but, wherever such collections are resisted it will not 
be safe for you to persist, while the law upon this subject remains at 
least so doubtful. I have thus stated my opinion upon some of those 
points which have been the most fruitful cause of dissension between 
the clergy and the laity, and in conclusion, I will only refer you to one 
of the questions which you will be called upon to answer to-morrow. 
You will be asked, ' Will you maintain and set forward as much as 
lieth in you, quietness, peace, and love among all Christian people, and 
especially among those that are or shall be committed to your charge ? ' 
To this question you will be required solemnly to reply, ' I will do so* 
the Lord being my helper.' Be assured that your usefulness in your 
parishes will very much depend upon your fulfilling the pledge which 
you will thus give ; and if you will go forth 1jp your respective cures 
anxious to fulfil your sacred duties in the spirit of peace — not pertina- 
cious about trifles, even if the law be on your side, and still less so if 
this be doubtful — anxious only to win souls to Christ, and with this 
view endeavouring to conciliate the affections of your people, while you 
point out to them the way of everlasting life, the Lord will ' be your 
helper.' He will bless your ministerial labours with success ; and may 
you hereafter be enabled to appear before his judgment- seat, and say 
with well-grounded confidence, ' Of those whom Thou hast given me 
have I lost none." 


No. III. 


Dear Sir, 

The converts from the Church of Rome in this district feel 
much indebted for your generous defence of themselves and the church 
of their adoption. 

For the last four or five months we have been maligned, misrepre- 
sented, and abused in an unchristian manner, from the altars, and in 
the pages of the Kerry Examiner. The Roman Catholic people of this 
district are, indeed, naturally very much disposed to peace and good 
will towards us, who are " their own flesh and blood," or we could 
never have withstood the consequences of such terrible teaching. 

I am thankful to say that all this time we have preached from our 
pulpits peace and good will towards all — even our enemies, persecutors, 
and slanderers. Our people know this, and, thank God, are influenced 
by it. We have patiently and quietly listened to all that has been 
falsely said of us and uncharitably done against us. We are at last 
driven to act on the defensive. We have appealed to the government 
of our country for protection. All we ask is liberty of conscience — the 
birthright of every subject of the British empire. Would to God that 
we had it here. But we can never expect it while Roman Catholic 
priests are allowed with impunity to speak of us, and excite people 
against us, as they do, from their altars each Sunday. Our only crime 
is, that we have left their communion and conformed to the Established 
Church : this is very evident to the whole country ; and if the very worst 
character were to join us for a time, and to go back again to the Roman 
communion, he may be sure of caresses, loud praises, and temporal aid, 
that is never thought of for other poor Roman Catholic people. How- 
ever, our patience and forbearance may be misunderstood. The 
constant dropping of water wears the stone, and the greatest lies pass 
for truth with many when constantly repeated. To prevent any such 
consequence from the weekly repetition of false statements and abuse of 
us for the last few months, I beg leave to address the public through 
your pages. I shall state the truth, and nothing but the truth. I 
leave it to others to write under assumed names which betray then- 
want of moral courage, as well as their consciousness of a bad cause. 
What I write you need not be ashamed to publish : I shall state facts 


well known through this district, and capable of proof by most respect- 
able and impartial testimony. 

In the first place, then, I beg leave, through your pages, to inform 
the public, that we are insulted, threatened, and often assaulted when 
passing through the country on our lawful business, and for no other 
reason in the world than that we are converts from the Church of 

Secondly — Be it known that converts cannot purchase the necessaries 
of life in this district, and that the Roman Catholics in general refuse 
to have any dealings with them, for no other reason in the world than 
that they are converts from the Church of Rome. 

And thirdly — That the converts, and any of the Protestant gentry 
who have the moral courage to show any sympathy for them, are held 
up to public scorn in the Roman Catholic chapels of this districts, as 
well as in the pages of the Kerry Examiner. 

I shall now, with your leave, give the public a few out of many facts, 
in proof of each of these three assertions. 

A few weeks since it pleased God to take to himself the soul of one of 
our brethren ; he sealed the sincerity of his conversion at the trying 
hour of death, in presence of Romanists and converts ; he departed this 
life stedfast in the faith of Christ ; he was buried on Sunday ; and one 
would suppose that the solemn funeral procession, on the Lord's Day in 
particular, would be allowed to pass undisturbed through a professedly 
Christian country. One might expect some feeling from all as we 
passed, for the poor widow and orphans : but, no — I am sorry and 
ashamed to be obliged to say it of my countrymen, that they have 
been, latterly in particular, brought into such an unchristian and un- 
natural state of mind, that they could not let that funeral pass without 
shouting and insult of every kind. More than once several evil-disposed 
persons, on their way from the Romish chapel, made attempts to excite 
a row, but, thank God, in vain ; and on our return home, for a mile of 
the road, we were not only shouted after, but pelted with clods and stones. 
But how can it be otherwise — " as the priest is, such are the people." 
A new nickname for " the soupers " is proclaimed almost every Sunday 
from the altars, and wherever a convert goes through the country, he 
is saluted with those opprobrious epithets. What a spirit is in Roman- 
ism! when its poor deluded votaries, while actually on their knees around 
the chapel during the celebration of mass, could not let the converts 
pass on their way to church, without shouting after them and calling 
them opprobrious names. No convert can pass the high roads of this 
district without being grossly insulted and grievously provoked ; indeed 
he may be thankful if that be all. How often is the poor convert, on 
his way to and from the town of Dingle, not only insulted and pro- 


voked, but shouldered, pelted, and beaten ; a rush is often made by a 
party of people, as if in great haste, but with a view to run down the 
poor convert, if he be not expert enough to avoid it. 

I have seen the skeleton of a horse dragged out of the dike, with 
bad intent, before myself as I rode on a most dangerous mountain road 
— a horse well known to be skittish. A few weeks since a poor man was 
pelted on the road from Donquin to this — he ran from his persecutors 
into a forge for shelter— the smith pulled the red-hot iron out of the 
fire, and thrust it towards his face, desiring " the devil to be gone." 

Mr. John Cavanagh of this place, an educated and respectable con- 
vert, was attacked on the strand of Ventry by men with their faces 
blackened, only a few days after he had taken the liberty of asking 
the Roman Catholic priest why he abused him from the altar of his 
chapel. In Dingle the other evening the windows of Mr. Gayer' s 
school-house were smashed. 

A threatening notice was served on Lord Ventry, and the writer 
swore by the eternal God to shoot him if he did'nt discountenance con- 
verts and send away Mr. Gayer — the greatest benefactor and the best 
friend to the poor Roman Catholics of Dingle, as well as to the converts 
of the district. Every body knows that kind-hearted nobleman and his 
amiable lady have been held up to public scorn in the Romish chapels, 
and for no other reason (as is distinctly affirmed) than that he pities 
the poor converts and will not join in exterminating them. 

In cases where we knew the parties, we have occasionally availed 
ourselves of the ordinary course of law for our protection — many have 
been bound to keep the peace, and others convicted before magistrates 
and the assistant-barrister of assaults, &c, : often too, both before and 
after conviction, we have forgiven many with a Christian spirit — while 
the converts are not even charged before the tribunals of their country 
with any such crimes — still it is to be feared that no ordinary course of 
law can grapple with such a state of things, and magistrates require 
more than ordinary moral courage to take an active part in putting an 
effectual stop to such outrages upon civil and religious liberty ; if they 
do, they too come in for their share of the new ' gospel of the day ! ! !' 
In a word then, to conclude this part of the subject, I must say that 
the converts of this district, humanly speaking, could never stand their 
ground but for the clannish feeling of the country, and some fear of the 
law. Above all, we know that the Lord reigneth ; this is our greatest 
comfort and best protection. May he cause all to work together for 
our good. 

Let me now give a few facts in illustration of the second head of my 

Tis too well known, sir, in Dingle and throughout the country, that 


the Roman Catholics in general refuse to have any dealings or keep 
faith with the converts. They refuse to sell them potatoes, milk, fish, 
and other necessaries of life ; and we should have been obliged long 
since to import provisions for our flocks, but for what they are still 
enabled to sell to each other, together with what potatoes were grown 
on the Dingle colony farm. I have myself looked on in Dingle while a 
kind-hearted Roman Catholic bought potatoes, as if for himself, and 
gave them afterwards to some converts. Yesterday two Roman Catholic 
men went from this to Donquin to repair a boat belonging to the con- 
verts there, and they were refused bed or board in the two lodging- 
houses of the parish, because they went to repair the converts' boat. 

On Sunday last, I witnessed an instance of the cruelty and inhumanity 
of such a system. I left this as usual early in the morning for divine 
service at Donquin, which I reached with difficulty — the ground was 
covered with snow — it blew hard with pelting sleet — in the middle of 
all the storm and piercing cold, I met a young man, one of my little 
flock, on his way from Donquin to my house, for some drink for his aged 
mother who had been ill all night ; — not one of the neighbours would 
dare give or sell a drop of milk, for love or money, and all this through 
fear of the priest. I do bear the people in general testimony that 
they are driven to it against the natural bent of their own Irish hearts. 
One of my people, the other day, asked a Roman Catholic for loan of 
a tub in which to salt a pig he had killed. The Roman Catholic farmer, 
poor fellow, had to struggle between the fear of the priest and love for 
his neighbour ; at last, he said, I cannot give it to you, but if you send 
some one after nightfall, it may be found in the corner of the kitchen - 

We lived in peace and good will with the Roman Catholics of the 
country in general, till these new batteries were opened upon us, and 
certainly our enemies have, according to their bishop's order, ' kept up 
the fire' incessantly for the last four months. This is a desperate effort 
to put down the Reformation by starving and frightening back the poor 
converts, and driving them out of the country ; this object is openly 
avowed. Many and great are the trials, sufferings, and losses of the 
converts, as may well be imagined under such circumstances. The 
Roman Catholics are instructed to sue without mercy such converts as 
may owe them any thing ; many who bought pigs, potatoes, &c, on 
time, according to the custom of the country, have been processed before 
the expiration of the time ; if a poor convert's pig be one of many which 
commits trespass he is sued for all ; if his stock be put in pound, the 
pound-keeper refuses to give him his stock on his word or security, as 
to others. The Roman Catholic farmers are forbidden to give a con- 
vert labourer potatoe-ground. 


The converts cannot venture in spring or harvest to go to the east 
of the county, to Cork or Limerick, for work ; no man, not even a 
Romanists, dare go on such journeys without Repeal card and temper- 
ance medals as a passport. 

Several converts are thus deprived of the ordinary means of earning 
money wherewith to pay for their potatoe-ground, house, &c. ; a con- 
vert can hardly buy or sell anything. The other day a poor woman 
who ventured to ask the price of some fish, got a slap of the fish on 
the face in reply, and was rough handled by the woman who was selling 
it. Last Saturday week a convert had his pig sold and a penny earnest 
on his hand. Some one came up and said he was a ' souper ; 9 imme- 
diately the purchaser lets go the pig, she was kicked about the market ; 
the man himself was shouldered, thumped, and pelted with mud ; the 
poor fellow was so much concerned to keep an eye on his pig that he 
never minded who assaulted himself, and he escaped with difficulty. 
This is a lamentable state of things — 'tis dreadful. I know that the 
Roman Catholic priests have reason to be annoyed by the loss of much 
of their influence, as well as many ways of making money. Time was 
in this county when one-tenth of their present efforts would have 
banished most effectually all persons obnoxious to them ; but light has 
been spreading for the last few years throughout the district, and has 
not been without some effect on the minds of the people in general. 
We seldom or ever now hear of masses in fishing-boats, dairies, and 
such like — even masses for the dead are less sought after. This is their 
only ground of complaint. 

But I must hasten to the third part of the subject ; and this, too, is 
well known throughout the district. Who is among us ignorant of the 
fact that the converts and such of the Protestant gentry as show them 
any sympathy are held up to public scorn every Sunday from the altars 
of the Roman Catholic chapels ? The places said to be consecrated to 
the worship of the God of " peace and good will to men," of Him 
whose most glorious attributes, whose very name is love — the Saviour 
of the world, who is said to be present in his human as well as his 
divine nature, " as well as he is in heaven ; " that Saviour whose teach- 
ing is " love your enemies," &c. — these very places resound with the 
most uncharitable, the vilest, abuse of us converts, and of all the 
Protestant gentry who venture to show us any countenance in the 
country. Many leave the chapels in disgust, others hang down their 
heads in shame ; sometimes the people tremble ; again they laugh ; and 
such is the scene enacted during what is called the awfully solemn 
sacrifice of the body and blood, soul and divinity, of the Lord Jesus 
Christ for the sins of the living and the dead. Alas ! for religion, 
alas ! for the people who put up with such exhibitions. Can the priest 


himself possibly believe that he has brought the Saviour from the 
throne above, held him in his hand, laid him on the altar, and then turn 
about to enact such a scene before a crowded audience ? A new practice 
in the Dingle chapel of late — the sermon, or the scene before men • 
tioned, takes place in the middle of the mass. This is done of course 
with the view that none should lose the benefit of it, as some were in 
the habit under the old rule, of leaving chapel at the close of mass and 
before the sermon. Many of the respectable Roman Catholics of 
Dingle — to their credit be it told — have in many ways expressed their 
disapprobation of such conduct ; and latterly, as a sort of justification 
of it, people were told what incensed the priests so much against Lord 
Ventry was, that he exhibited to his children a book in which the 
Roman Catholic priests and their religion were caricatured. Now, if 
this were true one might make some allowance for men's feelings ; but 
a more infamous falsehood was never invented ; 'tis of a piece with the 
rest, and, as I said, seized upon as a provoking cause for the dishonour- 
able mention made of his lordship's name. 

"lis very true that a vile little book was circulated in Dingle about 
four years ago, reflecting on all religion, on converts as well as on 
certain strange practices of the Romish priests — 'twas in reality an 
infidel production, and more read by the Roman Catholics than by Pro- 
testants — it was written, I understand, by a stranger who visited this 
part of the country a few years ago. Lord Ventry was given a copy, 
which he first locked up from sight of all, and then put into the fire. I 
have often heard his lordship speak of it with severe disapprobation. It 
would be well for Roman Catholics that they had Lord Ventry' s reasons 
and motives for disapproving the like ; a mind enlightened by the word 
of God, and valuing pure and undefiled religion above all this world can 
bestow, can have no sympathy with the infidel's mocking of all things 
sacred — he cannot " sit in the seat of the scorner." 

In like manner, to justify attacks on myself, I am represented as 
having told at public meetings stories which never proceeded from my 
lips. I had, indeed, no necessity to invent stories ; facts are many and 
glaring before our eyes. I have never spoken half of them, through 
shame and pity for my poor country, which with all her faults I love the 
best. I have never even said as much as I have now written — but 'tis 
the truth, and is it a sin for me merely to say that these things are done, 
and no sin for them to do them ! 

Who has not heard of the abuse heaped on Lieutenant Clifford, in- 
specting commander of coast-guards, an officer beloved by his men, 
Protestants and Roman Catholics — a gentleman respected and esteemed 
as most benevolent and inoffensive ? And, will it be believed ! triumphs 
were sung on the death of the late, ever-to-be lamented, D. P. 


Thompson, Esq. He was, indeed, a public and a private loss. I know 
well how he detested dishonesty and hypocrisy in all men, whether Pro- 
testants or Romanists. He was a true friend to every honest man 
under his control, and many a family he raised to independence in this 
county. He was the widow's friend too. The Lord comfort his 
widow. Every one knows how the Ventry estates improved under his 
agency. He well knew the state of things in this district, and had the 
manliness to provide turf and potatoes for the poor persecuted converts, 
from the tenants under his charge. This was one of his last acts 
before leaving for Dublin : hence the triumphs at his death. 

Alas ! for religion. Alas ! for humanity itself — how devoid of both 
must be the hearts of these men. 

My sister was for six years enjoying liberty of conscience as a Roman 
Catholic in my house ; she was their idol and boast all that time — an 
angel in their eyes. When, after a long and painful struggle of con- 
science — best known to her late confessor — she comes to church, nick- 
names and abuse of all sorts are heaped upon her too by an unmanly 
priest. Even the editor of the Kerry Examiner is ashamed to print in 
his generally filthy pages the Dens' -taught expressions of this reverend 
gentleman ! 

I need not here more than allude to their abuse of my friend and 
brother, Mr. Gayer. It will appear before the public, I expect, at the 
coming assizes. The effect is already manifest to this country — in the 
smashing of his windows — the threatening notice to Lord Ventry, not 
allowing his servants to buy potatoes, turf, &c, in the markets. 

But I have said enough on this topic. One word I would add. Such 
is the excitement in Dingle particularly, that it behoves the authorities 
to be on the alert. We have lived for years as converts in peace with 
our neighbours, and why not now ? They are excited against us. The 
Lord only knows what may come out of it. May he preserve us. 

But I must bring this letter to a close. I have given few out of 
many — alas ! too many facts, in illustration of the state of things 
through this district. This is but small part of what can be proved 
before any tribunal by old Protestants, converts, and Roman Catholics ; 
but I have now stated enough to assure our Christian friends and the 
public that the Romish priests refuse us liberty of conscience in this 
district. However much it be talked of elsewhere, they seem to stop 
at nothing to banish us or bring us back ; but greater is he that is for 
us than all that are against us. Well may we sing the 124th psalm. 
We are still over 150 families, amounting to more than 800 souls, 
thank God, besides all who have departed this life in the faith, and 
some who have emigrated. If there be hypocrites and deceivers 
amongst us, none will rejoice more than we ourselves that this day 


shall declare them — this fire will try the work of what sort it is. The 
wood, hay, stubble will be burned up — the gold, silver, and precious 
stones will stand and be more purified and established. We have laid 
the good foundation — the rock of ages, Christ Jesus. We build no 
other — our material is mixed, like even that of the apostles. We dare 
not attempt to patch up the crumbling fabric of Rome. We would 
rather pull it down, and build up its material on our good foundation — 
'tis the only sure and safe remedy. 

W° preach peace and good will to our people, and pray for our ene- 
mies, persecutors, and slanderers, that God may forgive them and turn 
their hearts to the faith and fold of Christ — the Church of Saint 
Patrick and Saint Columbkill, to the ancient Irish, Rome- denying 
Church — which alone deserves to be called Irish and national, as she 
alone has given the divine word of God and all her offices in the lan- 
guage of our beloved country. 

What sacrilege for a man professing to be a minister of Christ, to 
burn a portion of this divine word the other day in this neighbourhood. 
The Lord open their eyes and convert them. 

May God grant us grace to be stedfast, immoveable, always abound- 
ing in the work of the Lord. 

I am, yours faithfully, 

Thomas Moriaty. 

V entry Parsonage, Dingle, Jan. 25, 1845. 

P.S. — Monday, Jan. 27. — Mr. Gayer received a letter this morning, 
threatening that his and other lives would be sacrificed if he did'nt 
leave the country. May the Lord, in whom we trust, preserve us. 


A'Becket, Thomas, Archbishop, 19 

Achill, Isle of, 66 

Adamnan, 44, Q6 

Adrian IV, Pope, 43, 46, 103, 164 

Agilulph, King, 76 

Aiden, Bishop, 60, 62 

Aix la chapelle, 39 

Albe, Bishop, 6 

Albigenses, 25 

Albion, 22 

Alcuin, 43 

Alemanni, 71, 73 

Alexander III. Pope, 100, 107 

Alexander, King, 68 

Alfred, King of Northumberland, 90 

Allen, The Jesuit, 210 

Alvanley, The Lord, 208 

Andrews, Saint, 68 

Andrew, Abbot of Dunkeld, 70 

Anicet, Bishop of Rome, 57 

Anselm, A.B. of Canterbury, 37, 95 

Antonius, Pius, 57 

Aongus Grove, 25, 97 

Arbon, 75 

Ardbracan, 40 

Ardmichor, 40 

Argyle, Duke of, 55 

Arklow, 40 

Armagh, 28, 69 

Armorica, 22 

Arnold, De la Poer, Lord, 157 

Arnulph, Earl of Pembroke, 98 

Artysson, Robin, 156 

Athanasius, Saint, 51 

Athlone, 331, 335 
Athunry, 39 
Aughrim, Battle of, 335 
Augustine, Monastery, 85 
Austin, 62 


Bacon, the Lord, 235 

Baggs, Doctor, 26 

Baganbun, 107 

Bale, Bishop of Ossory, 200, 209 

Baltinglass, 102 

Ballymore, 40 

Bangor, 73 

Barlow's, Brutem Fulmen, 192 

Barlow, Bishop, 209 

Bartholomew's day, 236 

Basil, Saint, 87 

Bective, 102 

Bedell, Bishop of Kilmore, 262, 353 

Bede, The Venerable, 20, 46, 52 

Benedict, Abbot of Ariane, 35 

Berenger, 87 

Berkeley, Earl, 274, 279 

Bernard, Saint, 37, 41, 102 

Bertram, Monk of Corbey, 87 

Black Rent, 125 

Bobbio, 32 

Bonagh, 4 

Boniface IV, Pope, 12, 76 

Boniface, Archbishop, 84 

Bonrepos, 294 

Borlase, Sir John, Lord- Justice, 250, 

Boulter, Primate, 147, 344 



Boyle, Primate, 288 

Boyle, 102 

Boyne, Battle of the, 325 

Bray, 40 

Brehon Laws, 45, 121 

Bridius, King, 54 

Brougham, the Lord, 133 

Brown, A. B. of Dublin, 200 

Bruce, Edward, 152 

Camden, 32, 35 
Camoys, the Lord, 133 
Campbell, the Lord, 134 
Campion, the Jesuit, 210 
Carte, 205 

Casey, Bishop of Limerick, 200 
Cashel, Council of, 43, 50, 112 
Cashel, Archbishop of, 138, 158, 

271, 289 
Cathaldus, 6 
Caulfield, Lord, 258 
Cealehyth, Council of, 38 
Cedda, Bishop of East Angles, 61 
Celestine, Pope, 15, 20, 23 
Celestius, 7 
Celsus, 100 
Ceolfred, Abbot, 66 
Cerberus, 8 

Chalcedon, Council of, 12 
Chalons, Council of, 39 
Chapters, The three, 12 
Charlemagne, 85 
Charlemont, 258, 321 
Charles, the Bald, 44, 85 
Charles the First, 249 
Charles the Second, 272 
Charter, the, 139 
Chorepiscopi, 40 

Christian, Bishop of Lismore, 103 
Church Temporalities Bill, 
Cistercian Order, 102 
Clanrickard, Lord, 270 
Clarendon, Lord, 285 
Clement XIV, 26 
Clonard, 40, 97 
Clondalkin, 40 
Clonfert, 48 

Clonmacnois, 48, 97 

Clovis ? 72 

Cluaninnis, 69 

Cole, Doctor, 201 

Cole, Sir William, 254, 259 

Coleman, Bishop, 32, 48, 49, 63 

Columba, Presbyter, 41, 47, 52 

Columbanus, 11, 34, 48, 73, 76 

Communion, Infant, 18 

Corny n, Archbishop, 130 

Con, King, 6 

Connaught, Kingdom of, 1 

Constance, Lake of, 75 

Constantinople, Synod of, 12 

Cormac, 6 

Coshery, 5 

Cottonian MS., 23 

Coverdale, Bishop, 209 

Cressy, 67 

Crom Castle, 311 

Cromwell, Oliver, 236, 266 

Culdees, 51 

Cumian the Elder, 22 

Cursus Scotorum, 42 


Daganus, Bishop, 11 

Dalrymple, Sir James, 52 

Damianus, 69 

Danes, 89 

David, King of Scotland, 69 

Davis, Sir John, 244 

Dearmach, Monastery of, 55 

DeBurg, 117, 124 

Declan, 7 

DeCourcy, 117 

DeGrey, Earl, 242 

Dermot, Macmorrogh, King of 

Leinster, 107 
Derry, London, 306 
Desmond, Earl, 124, 212 
Dichuill, 81 
Dioclesian, 7 
Dissentis, Abbey of, 76 
Domnald, Bishop of Armagh, 96 
Donagh, Bishop of Dublin, 92, 96 
Dowdall, Archb. of Armagh, 200 
Doyle, Bishop, 174 



Dublin, 40, 92, 125 
Duff, Adam, 157 
Duleek, 40 
Dungal, 88 
Dungannon, 258 
Dunshaughlin, 39 
Durrogh, Monastery of, 53 


Easter, 56 
East Angles, 62 
Edgecumbe, Sir Richard, 178 
Edmonds, Elizabeth, 202 
Edward the First, 140 
Edward the Second, 151 
Edward the Third, 124, 159 
Edward the Fourth, 173 
Edwin, 63 

Elizabeth, Queen, 203, 211, 218 
Eliot, Lord, 239 
Emly, 7 

Enniskilleners, 311 
Essex, Lord, 281 
Eugenius the Third, 39 
Everard, Sir John, 244 
Exeter, Bishop of, 291 

Fachan, Saint, 41 

Ferns, Bishop of, 133 

Fiech, Hymn of, 22 

Finan, Bishop, 32, 61 

Finglas, 40 

Finian, 47, 53 

Fitzstephen, Robert, 107, 115 

Fitzwalter, Lord, 202 

Flood, 176 

Fontains, 74 

Fostering, 165 

Fridolin, Missionary, 71 

Fuller's Ecclesiastical History, 61 

Gall, Saint, 32, 34, 48, 79 
Gallow-glasses, 5 
Galmoy, Lord, 311 
Gavel-kind, Irish, 3 
Geilana, 82 

George III., 135 

Germanus, 27, 49 

Gerrard, Archy, 279 

Gilbert de Stone, 19 

Gillebert, Bishop and Legate, 46, 95 

Giraldus Cambrensis, 33 

Gisborne, Mr. M.P., 315 

Glandelough, 41, 48 

Glarni, 72 

Gothard, Mount Saint, 75 

Gothric, King of Dublin, 93 

Gosbert, Duke, 81 

Gossipred, 165 

Graham, Sir James, 132 

Gregory, Pope, 12 

Gregory, Abbot of Dunkeld, 70 


Hallylonghort, 40 
Hamilton, Gustavus, 311 
Hamo, de Valois, 130 
Harpsfeld, 90 

Harvey, de Monte Marisco, 107 
Heber, 6 
Henry L, 99 

Henry II., 43, 46, 50, 111, 116 
Henry III., 119, 137 
Henry V., 172 
Henry VII., 124, 174 
Henry VIII., 185, 217, 226 
Higgins, Bishop, 145, 246 
Hilary of Poictiers, 72 
Holy Cross, 48 
Holywell, Monks of, 19 
Honorius, Pope, 30, 46 
Hospice, 76 

Hotchkins, Bishop, 209 
Hy, Island of, 55 

Ibar Saint, 10 

Ibarus, 7 

Ignatius, Saint, 49 

In Coena Domini, Bull, 26 

Images, 47 

Inchferrin, 48 

Inglis, Sir Robert, 301 
Inis-bo-fin, Q5 
2 C 2 



Innet, Doctor, 62, 67 

Inniscatry, 48 

Inniskeatra, 48 

Innocent II, Pope, 47, 102 

Innocent VIII, Bull of, 113 

John, Saint, 49 

John, King, 119 

Iona, 56 

Irenaeus, Bishop of Lyons, 6, 49, 58 

James the First, 234 

James the Second, 282, 318 

Jerome, Saint, 7 

Jesuits, 209 

Jocelyn, Lord, 240 

Johnson, Doctor, 55 

Jorse, Roland, Arch, of Armagh, 150 


Kellach, 66 

Kells, Council of, 39, 103 

Kenmare, the Earl, 134 

Kerns, 5 

Ketler, Dame Alice, 156 

Kiaran, 7 

Killian, Bishop, 81 

Kildare, Earl of, 124 > 181 

Kilkenny, the statute of, 163 

King, Archbishop, 342 

Kitchen, Bishop, 209 

Lacy, de, 115, 117 

Lancaster, Bishop of Kildare, 200 

Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, 

47, 93, 97 
Lanfrid, Queen, 63 
Laud, Archbishop, 270 
Le Blunde, Margaret, 138 
Legendre, L., 246 
Leixlip, 40 
Leo IX, 87 

Leverous, Bishop of Kildare, 200 
Liberias, Saint, 7 
Liewzuil, 32, 74 
LifFord, Lord, 45 
Limerick, 46, 92, 

Limmat, 74 

Lindisfarne, Isle of, 32, 60 

Lingard, Doctor, 265 

Lionel, Duke of Clarence, 163 

Lloyd, Bishop, 52 

Lorraine, Cardinal of, 206 

Loughseedy, 40 

Lupus, 27, 49 

Lusk, 40 

Louth, 125 

Lyons, 49 

MacEgan, R. Bishop, 215 
MacArthy, 312 
MacMahon, R. Bishop, 253 
Magee, Archb. of Dublin, 147 
Macguire, Baron of Enniskillen, 

253, 256 
Magio, 65 

Malachy, O'Morgan, 41, 100 
Malchus, 97 
Malmesbury, 32 
Manners, Lord John, 13, 15 
Mary, Queen of England, 195 
Massingberd, Rev. Frank, 209 
Mazure, M., 294 
Maynooth College, 299 
Meath, Bishop of, 308 
Meath, Kingdom of Meath, 40, 125 
Mellefont, 102 
Mercia, 62 

Miller, Doctor, 242, 304 
Montgomery, Robert de, 98 
Moore, Roger, 253, 263 
Mullingar, 40 

Multifernam, Abbey of, 251 
Murtogh, King of Ireland, 97 

. N 
Newcastle, Duke of, 345 
Newry, 102 

Nicholas, St. Galway, 113 
Nicholson, Bishop, 52 54 
Noailles, Francis de, R. Bishop, 196 
Normans, 89 
Northumberland, 62 



O'Connell, Daniel, M.P., 121, 236, 

247, 265, 272 
O'Connor, 19, 23, 51, 126 
O'Conolly, Owen, 254 
O'Driscoll, Historian, 50 
O'Halloran, Dr., 10, 17, 47 
O'Hely, R. Archbishop, 215 
O'Flanagan, Rev. T., 45 
Oglethorpe, Bishop of Carlisle, 209 
O'Neil, Sir Phelim, 253, 258 
Orangemen, 239, 277 
Orange, Prince of, 305 
Ormond, Duke of, 275, 283 
Ormond, Earl of, 124 
Oswald, King, 60, 62 
Oswy, King, 63, 66 
O'Toole, Laurence, Archbishop of 

Dublin, 128 

Palladius, 14, 20 

Pall, the, 103 

Palmer, Rev. William, 24, 88 

Paparo, Cardinal, 39, 103 

Parker, Archbishop, 209 

Parsons, Sir William, Lord Justice, 

250, 254 
Parsons, The Jesuit, 210 
Pascasius Radbertus, 86 
Patmos, Isle of, 49 
Patrick, Saint, 18, 21, 49 
Patrick, Bishop of Dublin, 93 
Paul, IV, Pope, 203 
Peada, King of the Middle Angles, 

Peel, Sir Rob., Bart., 220, 242, 299 
Pelagius, 7 
Pepin, 80, 83 

Perceval, Rt. Hon. Spencer, 147 
Perda, King of Mercia, 62, 
Peter, Saint, 64 
Petty, Sir William, 265 
Philip II, King of Spain, 214 
Picts, 54 

Pius IV, Pope, 237 
Pius V, Pope, 214 
Polycarp, Bishop, 17, 49, 57 

Polycrates, Bishop of Ephesus, 58 

Pothinus, 49 

Poynings, Sir Edward, 175 

Prosper, 15, 20 

Purgatory, 45 

Quartadeceman, 56 


Redesdale, Lord, 150 

Richelieu, Cardinal, 250 

Ridley, Bishop, 210 

Rochford, Simon, Bishop of Meath, 

Rock, Doctor, 7, 13, 23, 48, 50 
Roden, the Earl of, 208 
Rome, 6 
Ross-carbery, 41 
Round Towers, 48 

Sabhul, 31 

Sandon, Lord, 299, 303 
Saltzburg, 83 
Sarsfield, 312 

Saunders, the Jesuit, 210, 214 
Schaffhausen, 72 
Schomberg, Duke, 322, 324 
Scory, Bishop, 209 
Scoti, 14 

Scotus, Johanus Erigena, 44, 85 
Sedulius, 8, 44 
Sekingen, 72 
Seven Churches, 48 
Shovel, Sir Cloudesly, 324 
Sidney, Sir Henry, 230, 232 
Sigbert, King of East Angles, 61 
Sigebert, Missionary, 75 
Silitzic, Danish King, 92 
Simnel, 175 
Skrine, 39, 40 
Slane, Abbey, 33, 39 
Spencer, 231 
Stanley, the Lord, 220 
Staples, Bishop of Meath, 200 
Strongbow, Earl of Chepstow, 115, 



Talbot, Archbishop, 274 

Tallagh, 40 

Tanistry, Law of, 2 

Tarentum, 6 

Tawney, 40 

Temple, Sir John, 265 

Tertullian, 6 

Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury, 

Theoderet, 12 

Theoderic, King of Burgundy, 74 
Thiers, M. A., 246 
Trinity College, Dublin, 70, 297 
Tories, English and Irish, 286 
Travel's, Bishop of Leighlin, 200 
Tuam, Archbishop of, QQ 
Turlogh, King of Ireland, 93, 97 
Tyrconnel, 287, 291, 294, 307 
Tythe of agistment, 347 

Usher, Archb. of Armagh, 10, 52 

Valence, Council of, 86 
Valerio, Cardinal, 19 
Vercelli, Council of, 87 
Victor, Bishop of Rome, 57 
Vienne, 49 

Virgil, 37, 83 


Wacher, 72 

Walker, Governor, 309 

Walsh, Elect Bishop of Meath, 200 

Walsh, Peter, 274 

Ware, Sir James, 89 

Waterford, 92 

Wentworth, Lord, 270 

Whitby, Council of, 49, 63 

Wicklow, Earl of, 277 

Wicklow, 40 

Wilfred, 37, 63, 148 

Wilkins, Councils, 39 

William III., King, 320 

William of Malmesbury, 37 

Willibrord, 82 

Willoughby, Sir Francis, 256 

Winchilsea, the Earl of, 134 

Wolsey, Cardinal, 113 

Wurtzburg, 32, 81, 83 

York, 60 

Zachary, Pope, 84 
Zurich, 74 



Deacidified using the Bookkeeper process. 
Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide 
Treatment Date: April 2005 



1 1 1 Thomson Park Drive 
Cranberry Township, PA 16066 



38 444 2 $