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By the same Author 


Vols. I. and II. From the First Invasion of the 

Northmen to the year 1578. 

8vo. 32s. 

Vol. HI. 1578-1603. 8vo. 18s. 

London, New York, Bombay, and Calcutta 







VOL. II. 1642-1660 





All rights reserved 


v. 51 






The rebellion spreads to Munster 1 

The King's proclamation 3 

St. Leger, Cork, and Inchiquin 3 

State of Connaught 5 

Massacre at Shrule 6 

Clanricarde at Galway 7 

Weakness of the English party 8 

State of Clare Ballyallia 10 

Cork and St. Leger 12 



Scots army in Ulster Monro 14 

Strongholds preserved in Ulster 16 

Ormonde in the Pale 17 

Battle of Kilrush 18 

The Catholic Confederation 19 

Owen Eoe O'Neill 20 

Thomas Preston 21 

Loss of Limerick, St. Leger dies 22 

Battle of Liscarrol 23 

Fighting in Ulster 23 

General Assembly at Kilkenny 25 

The Supreme Council foreign support 27 

Fighting in Leinster Timahoe 29 

Parliamentary agents in Dublin 29 

Siege of New Ross 31 

Battle of Ross 32 

A papal nuncio talked of 34 





The Adventurers for land Lord Forbes 36 

Forbes at Galway and elsewhere 38 

A pragmatic chaplain, Hugh Peters 40 

Forbes repulsed from Galway 41 

A useless expedition 42 

Siege and capture of Galway fort 43 

O'Neill, Leven, and Monro 44 

The King will negotiate 46 

Dismissal of Parsons 47 

Vavasour and Castlehaven 48 

The King presses for a truce 48 

Scarampi and Bellings 49 

A cessation of arms, but no peace 50 

Ormonde made Lord Lieutenant 51 



The cessation condemned by Parliament 53 

The rout at Nantwich 54 

Monck advises the King 55 

The Solemn League and Covenant 55 

The Covenant taken in Ulster 57 

Monro seizes Belfast 59 

Dissensions between Leinster and Ulster 60 

Failure of Castlehaven's expedition 60 

Antrim and Montrose 61 

The Irish under Montrose Alaster MacDonnell 62 

Rival diplomatists at Oxford 64 

Violence of both parties 66 

Failure of the Oxford negotiations 68 

Inchiquin supports the Parliament 69 



The no quarter ordinance 72 

Roman Catholics expelled from Cork, Youghal, and Kinsale . . . 73 

The Covenant in Munster 74 

Negotiations for peace 75 

Bellings at Paris and Rome 76 

Recruits for France and Spain 77 

Irish appeals for foreign help 78 



Siege of Duncannon Fort * 80 

Mission of Glamorgan with extraordinary powers 84 

Glamorgan in Ireland 87 

The Glamorgan treaty 88 



Castlehaven in Munster 90 

Fall of Lismore, Youghal besieged . . . . . . . 93 

Relief of Youghal . . . . 94 

Coote in Connaught 95 

Rinuccini appointed nuncio 96 

Scope of his mission 97 

King and Queen distrusted at Rome 98 

Rinuccini at Paris 99 

His voyage to Ireland 100 

Arrival in Kerry and welcome at Kilkenny 102 



Glamorgan and Rinuccini 103 

Arrest of Glamorgan 104 

Charles repudiates him 106 

Mission of Sir Kenelm Digby 107 

Ireland must be sacrificed 108 

Sir Kenelm Digby's treaty 109 

Glamorgan swears fealty to the nuncio Ill 

Ormonde's peace with the Confederacy 112 

Lord Digby's adventures 114 

The peace proclaimed at Dublin 115 

Siege of Bunratty 115 

Battle of Benburb 117 

Scots power in Ulster broken 120 

Rejoicings in Ireland and at Rome 121 

Rinuccini opposes the peace 122 

Which the clergy reject 123 

Riot at Limerick 125 

Ormonde at Kilkenny 126 

Triumph of Rinuccini . 129 

Quarrels of O'Neill and Preston 130 

Lord Digby's intrigues 134 

Rinuccini loses his popularity 136 

Discords among the Confederates 137 





Dublin between two fires 140 

Mission of George Leyburn 141 

Ormonde's reasons for surrendering to Parliament .... 143 

Digby's last plots in Ireland 144 

Glamorgan as general 145 

His army adheres to Muskerry 146 

Preston routed at Dungan Hill 148 

Parliamentary neglect 149 

Victories of Inchiquin 150 

Lord Lisle's abortive viceroyalty 151 

Sack of Cashel 153 

Mahony's Disputatio Apologetica 154 

Rinuccini and O'Neill 155 

Battle of Knocknanuss 157 

Declining fortunes of the Confederacy 158 

Fresh appeals for foreign aid 159 

Inchiquin distrusted by Parliament 161 

Ormonde goes to England and France 162 



Inchiquin deserts the Parliament 164 

His truce with the Confederacy 165 

Rinuccini dependent on O'Neill 166 

Who threatens Kilkenny 168 

O'Neill, Inchiquin, and Michael Jones 170 

O'Neill proclaimed traitor at Kilkenny 170 

Ormonde returns to Ireland . . 171 

His reception at Kilkenny 172 

Monck master in Ulster .... 173 

The Prince of Wales expected 174 

The Confederacy dissolved 175 

Rinuccini driven from Ireland . . . . 176 



Ormonde's commanding position 179 

Charles II. proclaimed 180 

Milton and the Ulster Presbyterians 180 

Monck, O'Neill, and Coote in Ulster 182 

Inchiquin takes Drogheda 183 

Ormonde defeated by Jones at Rathmines 184 



Charles IL has thoughts of Ireland . .- 186 

Prince Rupert at Kinsale .... 187 

Broghill consents to serve Parliament . . . . . .189 

Cromwell leaves London 189 



Cromwell restores discipline in Dublin 191 

Storm of Drogheda 193 

Ormonde's treaty with O'Neill , . . . 196 

Death and character of Owen Roe O'Neill 197 

Cromwell at Wexford . 198 

Storm of Wexford 200 

Cromwell takes New Ross 201 

Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal join Cromwell 203 

Operations after New Ross . . . 204 

Siege of Waterford 205 

Siege raised 206 

Death of Michael Jones 206 

Cromwell winters at Youghal 208 

Broghill's campaign . . , 208 

Carrickfergus taken 209 

The Clonmacnoise decrees 210 



Cromwell's declaration 212 

A lady's experience at Cork 213 

Cromwell's southern campaign 214 

Operations in Leinster Castlehaven 216 

Cromwell takes Kilkenny 218 

Siege of Clonmel, assault repulsed 220 

The town capitulates 222 

Battle of Macroom, Cromwell leaves Ireland 223 

Submission of Protestant Royalists 225 


Dissensions among Irish Royalists 226 

O'Neill succeeded by Bishop Macmahon 227 

Englishmen turned out of the army 228 

Battle of Scariffhollis 230 

Assembly summoned to meet at Loughrea 232 



Ormonde excluded from Limerick 232 

Clanricarde excluded from Galway 233 

Surrender of Tecroghan and Carlow 234 

Waterford capitulates 235 

Charlemont taken 236 

Meeting of bishops at Jamestown 237 

Ormonde's adherents excommunicated 238 

Charles II. repudiates the Irish 239 

A conference at Galway 241 

The excommunication maintained no Protestant governor . . 242 

The Loughrea assembly can do little 243 

Ormonde leaves Ireland, Clanricarde Deputy 243 



Plague and famine 245 

A regicide government 246 

Hugh O'Neill at Limerick 247 

Charles IV., Duke of Lorraine 249 

Taaffe's mission to Charles II 251 

A Lorraine envoy in Ireland 253 

Extent of Lorraine succours 254 

Terms of agreement with the Duke 256 

Condemned by Ormonde and Clanricarde 257 

No help after Worcester 258 

Ireton passes the Shannon 261 

Coote and Reynolds elude Clanricarde 262 

Desperate defence of Gort Ludlow 263 

Siege of Limerick 263 

Ludlow in Clare 266 

Broghill's victory at Knockbrack 268 

Capitulation of Limerick 271 

Treatment of the besieged 273 

Death and character of Ireton 277 



Galway holds out 278 

The Irish in Scilly 279 

Meeting of officers at Kilkenny 280 

Horrors of guerrilla warfare 280 

Capitulation of Galway 283 

" Tame Tories " 284 

Clanricarde's last struggle 285 

Castlehaven leaves Ireland his memoirs 286 

Clanricarde goes to England his character 287 



Submission of Irish leaders 289 

Siege of Ross Castle 290 

The Parliament an avenger of blood 292 

The Leinster articles 293 

Richard Grace 294 

Ludlow's last service in the field ....;.... 295 

Arrival of Fleetwood . . . 298 



Last stand at Innisbofin 298 

Last stand in Ulster 299 

Exhaustion of the country 300 

Treatment of priests 301 

Swordsmen sent abroad 303 

Fleetwood commander-in-chief 304 

Sir Phelim O'Neill tried and executed 305 

Alleged commission from Charles 1 307 

Lord Muskerry acquitted . 308 

Primate O'Reilly pardoned 310 

Lord Mayo tried and shot 311 

The Crown bound by the Adventurers' Act 312 



Magnitude of the problem 315 

Effect of the 1641 evidence 317 

The Act of Settlement 317 

Lambert's abortive appointment as Deputy 319 

Expulsion of the Long Parliament 320 

Barebone's Parliaments Irish members 321 

Casting lots for Ireland 322 

Claims of the army 322 

The Act of Satisfaction 324 

Transplantation proceeds slowly 325 

The Protectorate established 326 

Fleetwood Deputy 327 

Cromwell's first Parliament Irish members ...... 328 

Transplantation Gookin and Lawrence 329 

Tories, name and thing 330 

The Waldensian massacre 332 

Difficulties of transplantation, Loughrea and Athlone .... 333 

Worsley and Petty the Down survey 334 

Clarendon on the settlement 338 

Desolation of the towns 339 

Proposed transplantation of Presbyterians 341 



HENRY CROMWELL, 1655-1659 


Henry Cromwell supersedes Fleetwood 343 

Deportation to the West Indies 344 

Henry and the sectaries 346 

Reduction of the army 347 

Oliver and his son 348 

Cromwell's second Parliament Irish members 349 

The oath of abjuration 350 

Henry Lord Deputy 352 

Henry made Lord Lieutenant by his brother 354 

Ireland in the Parliament of 1659 355 

Petty and his detractors 356 

Henry recalled by the restored Rump 359 

Attempted estimate of Henry Cromwell 360 



Provisional government, John Jones and Ludlow 362 

Monck interferes 363 

End of the revolutionary government 364 

The Irish army proves Royalist 365 

Monck gains Coote and Broghill 366 

Ludlow's last efforts 366 

Impeachment of Ludlow and others 368 

New commissioners of Government appointed 369 

General convention and declarations of officers 370 

Charles II. proclaimed in Dublin 371 

Ireland, to illustrate the Cromwellian settlement . . . to face p. 1 




THERE was no outbreak in Munster during November, but CHAP, 
Lord President St. Leger knew that he had no real means of XXI. 
resisting one. The Lords Justices had drawn off most of the T1 ? e , 1 . 


soldiers, the rest were occupied as garrisons, and practically spreads to 
he had only his own troop of horse to depend on. Before December, 
the end of the month the Leinster rebels had come nearly 1641 ' 
to the Suir, and he repaired with what men he could collect 
to Clomnel lest Lady Ormonde, who was at Carrick, should 
fall into the invaders' hands. The gentlemen of Tipperary 
came to meet him, but could or would do nothing. ' Every 
man stands at gaze, and suffers the rascals to rob and pillage 
all the English about them.' Ormonde's own cattle were 
driven off. St. Leger's brother-in-law having been pillaged, 
he took indiscriminate vengeance, and some innocent men 
were probably killed. He as good as told the Tipperary 
magnates that they were all rebels. In the meantime the 
Leinster insurgents had crossed the estuary of the Suir in 
boats, and ravaged the eastern part of Waterford. St. Leger st. Leger'a 
rode rapidly through the intervening mountains, though r 
there was snow on the ground, and fell upon a party of 
plunderers at Mothel, near Carrick. The main body were 
pursued to the river, and for the most part killed. About 
seventy prisoners were taken to Waterford and there hanged. 
He returned to Clonmel and thence back to Doneraile, for 
he could do no more. ' My horses,' he told Ormonde, * are 
VOL. n. B 


CHAP, quite spent : their saddles have been scarce off these fourteen 


^ t ' - days ; nor myself nor my friends have not had leisure to 
shift our shirts . . . the like war was never heard of no 
man makes head, one parish robs another, go home and share 
the goods, and there is an end of it, and this by a company 
of naked rogues.' l 

Mount- St. Leger's rough ways might furnish an excuse, but had 

fnvades no real effect upon events. The flame steadily spread over 
Munster. ^ w k o i e i s i an( j j an d the contest fell more and more into the 
hands of extreme men. The Tipperary insurgents were soon 
enrolled in companies, the leading part being taken by 
Theobald Purcell, titular baron of Loughmoe, and Patrick 
Purcell, who rose to distinction during the war. At the end 
of January Mountgarret, who acted as general, invaded 
Munster with a heterogeneous force. He was assisted by 
Michael Wall, a professional soldier, and accompanied by 
Viscount Ikerrin, Lords Dunboyne and Cahir, all three 
Butlers, and the Baron of Loughmoe. Kilmallock was easily 
taken, and the Irish encamped at Redshard, near Kildorrery, 
at the entry to the county of Cork. Broghill reckoned them 
at 10,000, of whom half were unarmed. The President, who 
had 900 foot and 300 horse, thought it impossible to dispute 
the passage, and preferred to parley. Mountgarret demanded 
freedom of conscience, the preservation of the royal pre- 
rogative, and equal privileges for natives with the English. 
St. Leger answered that they had liberty of conscience already, 
that he was not likely to do anything against the Crown, 
from whom he held everything, and that he himself was 
a native. At last, on February 10, articles were agreed upon 
by which the President agreed to abstain from all further 
hostilities, both sides covenanting to do each other no harm 
for one month. St. Leger was induced to grant these terms 
mainly by the sight of a commission from Charles with 

1 Carte's Ormonde, with the letters in vol. iii. of November 8, 13, 16, 18 
and 22, and December 11. Lismore Papers, 2nd series, vol. iv. St. Leger's 
letters of November 7, 10, and 28, and December 2 and 17. Beltings says 
' some innocent labourers and husbandmen suffered by martial law for the 
transgression of others,' and Carte gives instances. St. Leger's letters from 
November 1 to December 11 in Egmont Papers, i. 142-154. 


the Great Seal attached, but Broghill believed that this was CHAP. 
a mere trick, and the document fabricated. The President 
withdrew to Cork and Mountgarret into Tipperary. The 
armistice was ill kept by the Irish, who were under the in- mission. 
fluence of Patrick Purcell. Mountgarret never showed any 
military ability. 1 

St. Leger had long cherished the belief that Donough Muskerry 

MacCarthy, Viscount Muskerry, would remain staunch, 

Muskerry, who had great possessions, and who was married 
to Ormonde's sister, seems to have tried the impossible part 
of neutral, but was soon drawn into the vortex, and it was 
to him that the supposed commission to raise 4000 men had 
been made out. He tried to stop plundering, and even 
hanged a few thieves, but the open country soon became un- 
tenable for English settlers. Many flocked to Bandon, which 
was held by Cork's son Lord Kinalmeaky. Others fled to 
Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal, to which latter place Sir Charles 
Vavasour brought the first reinforcement of 1000 men. 
Vavasour carried over the King's proclamation of January 1 The King's 
against the rebels, of which only forty copies had been tkm. *" 
printed, and Cork immediately forwarded it to the Lord 
President. ' I like it exceedingly well in all parts of it,' said 
St. Leger, ' save only that it is come so late to light ... it 
were very good that we had some store of them to disperse 
abroad, for of this one little notice can be taken.' Cork 
maintained himself at Youghal and his sons in other places. 
St. Leger, as soon as he had received reinforcements, relieved 
Broghill at Lismore, and took Dungarvan from the Irish. 
Of all the old nobility Lord Barrymore, who had married 
Cork's daughter, alone stood firm and refused all offers from 
the Irish. On March 12 St. Leger wrote that he was practi- Cork be- 
cally besieged in Cork by a ' vast body of the enemy lying b 6 y the* 6 
within four miles of the town, under my Lord of Muskerry, In8hl 
O'Sullivan Roe, MacCarthy Reagh, and all the western 
gentry and forces to the number of about 5000.' The nominal 
chief of this army was Colonel Garret Barry, an experienced 

1 The best account of this episode is Broghill's letter printed in vol. ii 
of Smith's Hist, of Cork ; Bettings. 

B 2 


CHAP, soldier, but without originality, and more fit for a subordi- 

._ 7^'_^ nate than for a chief command. On April 13, two days before 

Ormonde's victory at Kilrush, Inchiquin who was married 

to St. Leger's daughter, and had studied war in the Spanish 

service persuaded his father-in-law to let him make 

inchiqnin's a sally. With only 300 foot and two troops of horse he sur- 

erpioit prised the Irish camp at Rochfordstown, routed the ill- 

^P" 118 > disciplined host completely, and pursued them for some 

miles towards Ballincollig and Kilcrea. Muskerry's own 

luggage fell into the victor's hands, and a great stock of 

corn, which was very welcome. The only serious fighting was 

in the attack of a small enclosure desperately defended by 

Florence McDonnell, called Captain Sougane, perhaps in 

memory of the last Desmond rebel. Inchiquin's loss was 

little or nothing, and he was soon able to ship gun a and 

take castles which obstructed the navigation of Cork harbour. 

The southern capital was relieved from all immediate danger. 1 

Limerick. Limerick did not at first take any decided part, but 

stood upon its defence. Clonmel and Dungarvan admitted 

the Leinster insurgents in December, a few days after St. 

Waterford. Leger's raid. A party commanded by Ormonde's brother 

Richard came to the gate of Waterford on the day after 

Christmas, but the mayor, Francis Briver, refused to let him 

in. Two other attempts were made before Twelfth Day. 

The mob of the town and a majority of the corporation were 

opposed to the mayor, but he held his own for some time, 

received English fugitives within the walls, and kept them 

there till shipping could be had for themselves and such 

1 Bettings, i. 76 ; St. Leger's letters of February 26, March 26, and 
April 18, 1641-2, in Lismore Papers, 2nd Series. Divers Remarkable 
Occurrences by Thomas Baron, Esq., who lived fifteen years six miles from 
Bandon and arrived in London July 2. This last contains a curious dirge 
on Captain Sougane, beginning, ' OTinnen McDonnell McFinnen a Cree ' 
which has these lines : 

Thy general Barry of three pounds a day, 
With armed Lord Muskerry did both run away. 
We Cork men bewail dee, but yet for dy glory 
Tank heaven to have pulled de from purgatory, 
For all our priests swear dou art not in hell, 
Dear Finnen McDonnell McFinnen farewell. 


property as they had been able to carry away. His own life CHAP. 
was frequently in danger, and his hand was badly bitten -_ t ' 
by a rioter who resisted arrest. On another day, says Mrs. 
Briver, who took an active part, ' when I heard so many 
swords were drawn at the market cross against my poor hus- 
band, I ran into the streets without either hat or mantle and 
laid my hands about his neck and brought him in whether he 
would or no. . . . This and much more the mayor has suffered 
seeking to let their goods go with the English.' Mountgarret 
was excluded, but in April his son Edmund was admitted 
with 300 men, and the townsmen gave up their cannon. 1 

Roger Jones, created Viscount Ranelagh, was Lord Presi- state of 
dent of Connaught, and lay at Athlone with only a troop of naught. 
horse and two companies of foot. The government of the 
county of Galway was vested by special patent in the Earl 
of Clanricarde, who positively refused the request of the 
Roscommon gentlemen to take command of their county, 
and thus ignore the Lord President's authority. Mayo was 
entrusted by the Lords Justices to Lord Mayo and to Dillon, 
Viscount Costello, who were both at this time professing 
Protestants. Sir Francis Willoughby, the governor of Galway 
fort, was in Dublin when the rebellion broke out, and 
his son Anthony, who was young and violent, commanded in 
his absence. Clanricarde was at Portumna when he heard 
of the outbreak, and he at once warned the mayor of 
Galway to be on his guard. The Lords Justices refused to 
send arms from Dublin on the ground that the passage 
was not safe, but told him to take what he could find at 
Galway. A hundred calivers, many of them unserviceable, 
and as many pikes were all that could be had. His own 
castles of Portumna, Loughrea, and Oranmore were in a 
defensible state, and he came to Galway on November 6. 
Richard Boyle, Archbishop of Tuam, took refuge in the 
fort, and Clanricarde's castle of Aghenure, on the western 
shore of Lough Corrib, was seized by the O'Flahertys. On the 
llth a town-meeting was held, and the citizens resolved to 

1 Lords Justices and Council to Leicester, Confederation and War, ii. 28 
Letters from Mr. and Mrs. Briver, il>. 7-22. 



Events at 

of the 






hold Galway for the King. During the next three months 
there were frequent acts of violence on both sides, Wil- 
loughby treating the citizens as conquered, and they retorting 
by capturing and confining his stray soldiers. On December 29 
the lords of the Pale invited the nobility and gentry of the 
county of Galway to join them, urging the legal grievances 
under which Roman Catholics laboured, and the severe 
measures of Coote and others. This did not make Clami- 
carde's task easier, but he came to Galway on February 5, 
and patched up an accommodation. On the llth he left the 
town for a fortnight, and during the interval an outrage was 
committed in the neighbourhood which rivalled the worst 
of the Ulster atrocities. 1 

According to the Rev. John Goldsmith there were about 
1000 English and Scotch Protestants in Mayo, many of 
whom tried to save themselves by going to mass. He had a 
brother a priest, and it was owing to the Jesuit Malone and 
an unnamed friar that he escaped with his life. Several 
Protestants, including one Buchanan of Strade. and John 
Maxwell, Bishop of Killala, sought the protection of Sir 
Henry Bingham at Castlebar, but he refused to admit Gold- 
smith, who was a convert from Rome, lest his presence 
should increase the animosity of the Irish. Lord Mayo 
promised to convoy the whole party safely to Galway fort, 
and they set out on February 13, Malachy O'Queely, Roman 
Catholic Archbishop of Tuam, ' faithfully promising the Lord 
of Mayo to accompany them with his lordship and several 
priests and friars, to see them safely conveyed and delivered 
in Galway, or at the Fort of Galway.' The first night was 
spent at Ballycarra, the second at Ballinrobe, the third at 
the Neale, and the fourth at Shrule, where a bridge joins the 
counties of Mayo and Galway. Lord Mayo seems to have 
declined all responsibility outside of his own county, and 
on Sunday the 17th he dismissed his followers except one 

1 A good account in Hardiman's Hist, of Galway. Clanricarde's letters, 
November 14 to January 23, 1641-2, in Carte's Ormonde, vol. iii., and the 
lords of the Pale to the Galway gentry, December 29, ib. Clanricarde's 
correspondence with the Roscommon gentry is in Contemporary Hist. 
i. 380. 


company commanded by Edmund Burke, who proposed to CHAP. 

go with them a few miles, and hand them over to an escort ^ '_. 

of the county Galway. Burke's men began to plunder the 
unarmed fugitives before they were out of Lord Mayo's sight, 
and he sent his son Sir Theobald to keep order ; according 
to Theobald's own account he ran over the bridge with his 
sword drawn to help the English, but was fired at and after- 
wards ' conveyed away for the safety of his life.' The promised 
escort, consisting of two companies of the O'Flahertys, then 
came up and joined the Mayo people in an indiscriminate 
massacre of men, women, and children. The Bishop of Killala 
and a few others were saved by the exertions of Ulick Burke, 
of Castle Hacket, but those killed were not far short of a 
hundred, including Dean Forgie of Killala and five other 
clergymen, of whom John Corbet was one. Thomas Johnson, Humanity 
vicar of Turlough, escaped to the house of Walter Burke, who Burke!* 6 ' 
treated him kindly and defended him. Young priests and 
friars asked Stephen Lynch, prior of Strade, in his presence 
whether it was not lawful to kill him as a heretic, and Lynch 
answered that it was as lawful as to kill a sheep or a dog. 
The insurgents threatening to burn Burke's house if he kept 
Johnson any longer, he managed to convey him to Clanri- 
carde's castle at Loughrea, and he ' ever after that time lived 
by the noble and free charity of that good earl, until of late 
his lordship sent him and divers other Protestants away 
with a convoy.' x 

Clanricarde returned to Galway on March 1. After a Murders at 
fortnight's argument he succeeded in getting both town and Galwa y- 
fort to make declarations of loyalty and of peaceable inten- 
tions towards each other. As soon as his back was turned 
the flames fanned by the clergy broke out afresh. A party 
of armed townsmen disguised as boatmen seized an English 
ship, murdered some of the crew, and towed her off in spite 

1 Deposition of Goldsmith in 1643 in Hickson, i. 375. Other witnesses in 
1653, ib. i. 387-399 and ii. 1-7. Henry Bringhurst's evidence, as being 
rather favourable to Lord Mayo, has been chiefly followed for the massacre. 
See also Hardiman's Hist, of Galway, p. 110, and the letters in Clanricarde's 
Memoirs, 1757, pp. 77, 80. The Galway men tried to throw the blame on 
their Mayo neighbours, for fear of Clanricarde. 



and the 

with the 

of Willoughby's fire. When Galway surrendered to Coote 
in 1652 the perpetrators of the outrage were specially excepted 
from pardon. The malcontents then closed the gates, dis- 
armed all the English within the walls, took an oath of union, 
and invited the O'Flahertys and the Mayo insurgents to 
join them. Willoughby burned some of the suburbs to 
prevent the O'Flahertys from occupying them, and this 
military precaution still further exasperated the citizens. 
But Clanricarde collected a quantity of provisions at Oran- 
more and relieved the fort. His castle of Tirellan, which 
commanded the river, enabled him to blockade the town, 
the neighbourhood being constantly patrolled by cavalry. 
Supplies ceased to reach the market, and before the end of 
April the leading citizens were tired of resisting. While 
negotiations were proceeding a man of war arrived with 
powder and provisions, and Clanricarde then took high ground. 
In vain did the warden Walter Lynch, whom Rinuccini 
afterwards made a bishop, fulminate the greater excommunica- 
tion against all who agreed to Clanricarde's articles. The 
mayor signed them nevertheless, agreeing that all soldiers 
harboured in the town should be sent away, that access to 
the town should be free and open, that the Anglican clergy 
should enjoy their legal rights, and that no arms or powder 
should be sold without Clanricarde's orders. The gates were 
accordingly thrown open on May 13, the young men of the 
town laid down their arms, and Clanricarde received the keys 
publicly from the mayor's hands. Ormonde approved of 
these proceedings, but the Lords Justices thought the re- 
bellious town had been too leniently treated. 1 

Contrary to Ormonde's own judgment, though he signed 
with the rest, the Lords Justices issued an order against 
holding any intercourse with the Irish living near garrisons 
and against giving protection to any of them. The soldiers 
were to prosecute the rebels with fire and sword, and when- 
ever Ormonde established a garrison the order in council 
was to be sent to the commanders with directions for en- 

1 Clanricarde to Essex, May 22, 1642 ; Ormonde to Clanricarde, June 13, 
in Carte'8 Ormonde. Hardiman's Hist, of Oalway, p. 111. 


suring its observance. This order bound both Ranelagh and CHAP. 

Clanricarde, but neither of them approved of it, and indeed 7^-- 

it involved a censure upon the latter's pacification at Galway. 

Athlone had since Christmas been beset on the Leinster side 

by a mixed multitude under the general direction of Sir James 

Dillon, who had made a truce with the Lord President so Sir James 

far as to allow free access to the market. The castle, which Athlone. 

stands on the Connaught side of the Shannon, was thus 

provisioned and made safe against assailants who had no 

battering train. After a time the garrison began to make 

incursions into Westmeath, and this was regarded by Dillon 

as a breach of faith. He had been distrusted by the Irish 

for his moderation, but without gaining him the confidence 

of the Government, and he thought it would be better to have 

at least one side heartily with him. He accordingly seized 

the town on the Leinster side, and threw up a work which 

prevented the garrison from crossing the bridge. When he 

heard that Ormonde was coming to relieve the castle he 

withdrew into the county of Longford. Ormonde left Dublin 

on June 14, Mullingar and Ballymore being burnt at his 

approach, and on the 20th he was at the village of Kilkenny, 

about seven English miles from Athlone. There Ranelagh Ormonde 

met him and took charge of the 2000 foot and two troops of Athlone. 

horse provided to reinforce him under Sir Michael Earnley. 

Ormonde then returned to Dublin at once, though Clanricarde 

was most anxious to meet him. Ranelagh put the new troops 

into various castles, three hundred of them, under Captain 

Bertie, being assigned to a convent of Poor Clares on Lough An English 

Ree. The nuns had been hurriedly conveyed away by Dillon destroyed. 

to an island in the lake, but the vestments remained and the 

cellar was full. The soldiers drank the wine, and were 

masquerading in the vestments when they were attacked 

by a party sent by Dillon. Bertie fought bravely, but he 

and most of his men were killed. The Lord President then 

concentrated his forces at Athlone and the open country was 

left at the mercy of the Irish. 1 

1 Order in Council, May 28, 1642, in Confederation and War, ii. 45. 
Earnley's account, ib. 134; Bettings, i. 85. Carte's Ormonde, i. 346. 





x_ , 


Fight at 
July 1642. 

The Irish 



Ranelagh showed no energy, but he was in bad health 
and in want of money and supplies. He said Earnley's 
men were rogues and gaol-birds, and that he longed for a 
commission to raise men of his own country. In the mean- 
time he neglected to requisition the provisions available in 
the neighbourhood, and the soldiers died of want and neglect. 
Coote provided ten days' bread, and pressed him to do some- 
thing while a few men were left alive, whereupon he ordered 
an attack on Ballagh, which was not taken without loss, and 
which Earnley says was quite useless. Afterwards he joined 
his forces to those of Coote at Roscommon, and Sir James 
Dillon attacked Athlone in his absence with 1500 men, but 
was beaten off by the remnant left behind. A considerable 
Irish force under O'Connor Roe and others assembled after 
some skirmishing at Ballintober, where they were routed 
with a loss of six hundred men. Coote and Earnley were not 
allowed to follow up the victory, and Ranelagh refused to 
feed the latter's men any longer. They were therefore dis- 
persed among the garrisons which Coote commanded. Rane- 
lagh made no further attempt to keep the field, and in October 
he made a truce for three months with the Irish. Clanricarde 
approved of this, and would have been glad to have its opera- 
tion extended, for vengeance ' need not be so sharp here, as 
where blood doth call for deserved punishment.' But the 
Lords Justices were all for war to the knife, though they 
had not the means to wage it successfully, while Lord Forbes 
and Captain Willoughby did their best to prevent peace. 
The English Parliament were too busy at home to do much, 
while arms and ammunition from the Continent poured in 
through Wexford and the Ulster ports, with ' most of the 
colonels, officers, and engineers that have served beyond 
seas for many years past . . . which furnish all parts of the 
kingdom but those few that adhere to me for his Majesty's 
service.' l 

Strafford's proposed settlement of Clare was never carried 

1 Sir Michael Earnley's Relation (soon after July 20, 1642) in Con- 
federation and War, ii. 134. Clanricarde's letters of July 14 and 20, and 
October 26, in his Memoirs, pp. 190, 197, 281. 


out, but the Earls of Thomond were Protestants, and en- CHAP. 


couraged English tenants, so that a considerable colony had 
in fact been established. Inchiquin, who had agreed to the 
abortive plantation, threw his influence in the same direction ; Clare, 
but the great mass of O'Briens, Macnamaras, and others 
favoured the insurgents. The outbreak in the north and the 
attempt on Dublin were known at the fair of Clare on Nov- 
ember 1, but it was not till the end of the month that certain 
news came of the insurrection having spread to the part of 
Tipperary near the Shannon. Barnabas Earl of Thomond, 
who had an English wife, tried to keep the peace, and adopted 
a trimming policy, but soon lost all control over the country, 
though he held Bunratty and some other places. Bobberies 
of the Protestants' cattle soon began, and by Christmas the 
owners were generally on their guard in castles, of which 
thirty-one were in friendly hands. Three weeks later the 
troops raised by Thomond were siding openly with the rebels. 
Ballyallia Castle, on a lake near Ennis, belonged to Sir Defence of 
Valentine Blake, of Galway, who was a noted member of the Feb.-Sept. 
Catholic confederacy, but was leased to a merchant named 1642> 
Maurice Cuffe, and became a place of refuge for at least a 
hundred Protestants. Others from the neighbourhood 
escaped to England in a Dutch vessel. About a thousand of 
the Irish encamped near the castle and built cabins, but 
without coming to close quarters. They captured Abraham 
Baker, an English carpenter apparently, and with his aid 
constructed a ' sow,' such as was frequently used during the 
war. It was a house 35 feet by 9 feet, built of beams upon 
four wheels, strengthened with iron and covered by a sharp 
ridge roof, and was moved by levers worked from inside. 
The whole was kept together by huge spike -nails, which 
cost 51., ' being intended for a house of correction which 
should have been built at Ennis.' Captain Henry O'Grady 
summoned the castle, pretending to have his Majesty's 
commission to banish all Protestants out of Ireland. Where- 
upon ' a bullet was sent to examine his commission, which went 
through his thigh, but he made a shift to rumbel [sic] to the 
bushes and there fell down, but only lay by it sixteen weeks, 


CHAP, in which time unhappily it was cured.' A girl who fell into 

TTlfT . . 

. ._ 7" r ^ the hands of the besiegers was tortured until she confessed 
that the shot was fired by the Rev. Andrew Chaplin. The 
Irish had no artillery, but devised a cannon made of half- 
tanned leather with a three-pound charge. The breech was 
blown out at the first fire, and the ball remained inside. 
The sow was soon taken and those within killed. A kind of 
loose blockade lasted from the beginning of February until 
near midsummer. The besieged often suffered much from 
want of water, but sometimes they ventured to skirmish in 
the open, joining with the garrison of Clare Castle and cap- 
turing cattle. Baker, who was taken in the sow, joined 
his captors, whereupon ' the Irish immediately hewed in 
pieces his son, Thomas Baker, a proper young man, who was 
with them in their camp.' After the fall of Limerick Castle 
one piece of artillery was brought against Ballyallia, but the 
gunner was at once shot, and little was done. After this 
the siege was much closer, famine and sickness reducing the 
garrison by one half. They got horseflesh at times, but were 
driven to eat salted hides, dried sheepskins and cats, all fried 
in tallow. At last they were forced to capitulate, and the 
terms were ill-kept, but in the end the survivors escaped 
to Bunratty, nearly all ill and stripped of everything. 1 

Cork and Cromwell is reported to have said that if there had been 

an Earl of Cork in every county the Irish could never have 
raised a rebellion. All his resources were expended in re- 
sisting it, and St. Leger, though he co-operated with him, 
could not but feel bitterly the inferiority of his own position. 
The Lords Justices never communicated with him, and 
though they allowed him to levy forces, sent no money to 
pay them ; and indeed they had none to send. Earnest 
applications for cannon, ' six drakes and two curtoes,' were 
made in vain, and to take the field without guns was im- 
possible. ' If they have not wholly deserted me,' he wrote 

1 Narrative of Maurice Cuffe, printed by T. Crofton Croker, Camden 
Society, 1841. Joseph Cuffe to H. Jones, November 12, 1658, MS. in 
Trinity College, 844, No. 37. Burnet says (i. 29) guns partly made of 
leather were used with effect by the Scots at Newburn. 


to Ormonde, ' and bestowed the government on my Lord of CHAP. 


Cork, persuade them to disburden themselves of so much . - 

artillery as they cannot themselves employ.' He died a 
few weeks later, leaving the presidential authority in In- 
chiquin's hands. In the meantime Cork himself had held 
Youghal, securing a landing-place for all succours from 
England. His son Broghill defended Lismore, and Kinal- Bandon - 
meaky was governor of Bandon, which his father had walled 
and supplied with artillery. Clonakilty was an open place, 
and the Protestant settlers there and in the country round 
about escaped to Bandon, where the townsmen made them 
pay well for their quarters. ' They were compelled,' said 
Cork, ' to give more rent for their chamber or corner than my 
tenants paid me for the whole house.' After Kinalmeaky's 
death at Liscarrol Sir Charles Vavasour became governor, and 
the town was never taken ; the Bandonians making frequent 
sallies, like the Enniskilleners in a later age. Lord Cork, 
who had enjoyed a rental of 50Z. a day, lost it all for the time, 
and was often in difficulties, but he saved the English interest 
in Munster from total destruction. 1 

1 St. Leger to Ormonde, May 12, 1642, in Carte's Ormonde, iii. Appx. 
No. 78. Inchiquin to Cork, November 24, 1642, with the answer, in 
Bennett's History of Bandon, chap. vii. 







WHEN Charles received the news of the Irish insurrection, he 
at once called upon the Scottish Parliament to aid him in 
suppressing it. They replied that Ireland was dependent 
on England, that interference on their part would be mis- 
understood, and that they could only act as auxiliaries to the 
English people by agreement with them. Early in November 
the Parliament at Westminster resolved to send 12,000 men 
from England, and to ask the Scots to send 10,000 more. 
But Episcopalian jealousy was aroused, and the demand on 
Scotland was reduced to 1,000. Nothing was done for the 
moment, but on January 22, by which time some of the 
English troops had reached Ireland, both Houses agreed to 
ask for 2,500, and to this the Scots Commissioners in London 
assented. The King hesitated about giving up Carrickfergus 
to the Scotch regiments, but the Commissioners hoped that 
his Majesty, ' being their native king, would not show less 
trust in them than their neighbour nation,' and this appeal 
was successful. Money and military stores were stipulated 
for, and it was agreed that if any other troops in Ulster 
should join the Scots, their general was to command them 
as well as his own men, and he had also power to enlarge his 
quarters to make such expeditions as he might think fit. 
The Scottish estates had before offered 10,000 men, but 
nothing like that number ever went. A little later the 
command was given to Leven, who stayed but a short time 
and did nothing. The expeditionary force remained in the 
hands of Major-General Robert JVtonro, who had been em- 
ployed to keep order at Aberdeen, and did so with no light 
hand. He set up, says Spalding, ' ane timber mare, where- 


upon runagate knaves and runaway soldiers should ride. CHAP. 
Uncouth to see sic discipline in Aberdeen, and more painful ^^El^ 
to the trespasser to suffer.' Monro will live for ever in the 
form of Dugald Dalgetty, for whose portrait he was the chief 
model. Sir James Turner, who contributed some touches to 
the picture, says his great fault was a tendency to despise 
his enemy. Monro's training was that of the Thirty Years' 
War, and Turner, who belonged to the same school, thought 
he carried its lessons too far. 1 

Monro landed at Carrickfergus on April 15 with about The Scots 
2500 men, Lord Conway and Colonel Chichester retiring with 1642. P 
their regiments to Belfast. On the 28th he marched towards 
Newry, leaving a garrison behind him, and was joined by 
Conway and the rest, making up his army to near 4000 men. 
The Irish under Lord Iveagh were posted in a fort at Ennis- 
laughlin near Moira, but were easily dislodged next day, and 
fled into the Kilwarlin woods. No quarter was given, to which . 
Turner strongly objects. On the third day they marched 
through Dromore, where only the church was left standing, 
to Loughbrickland, where there was a garrison in an island. 
Monro bribed six Highlanders to swim across, and one of these 
succeeded in bringing away the only boat. The island was 
then occupied and all the Irish there killed. No attempt Newry 
was made to defend the town of Newry, but the castle gave 
some trouble, and Monro was unwilling to assault or burn it, 
lest the prisoners confined there should suffer. The garrison 
were allowed to march out without arms on May 3, but over 
sixty townsmen, including a Cistercian monk and a secular 
priest, were hanged next day in cold blood. Turner criticises 
Monro's conduct, and claims to have saved nearly 150 women 
whom the soldiers proposed to kiH. At least a dozen women 
were shot or drowned, notwithstanding his interference. 
The natural result of Monro's system was to make the Irish Sir Phelim 
desperate, and O'Neill burned Armagh, ' the cathedral with bums 
its steeple and with its bells, organ, and glass windows, and Arma g h - 

' Sir James Turner's Memoirs, pp. 26, 28 ; Spalding's Memorials ; 
Burton's History of Scotland, chap. 73 ; May's Long Parliament, p. 431 ; 
Rushuxrrth, iv. 407, 501 ; Gardiner's History of England x. 70. 








Cole at 


the whole city, with the fine library, with all the learned 
books of the English on divinity, logic, and philosophy.' 
Many lives were also taken by the Irish in revenge for Monro's 
severities. After leaving a garrison at Newry the army 
marched through the Mourne mountains, and from one end 
of Down to the other. Turner mentions a frightful storm 
attributed by the superstitious to Irish witches, which if 
true he considered a good proof that their master was really 
prince of the air. Some of the soldiers died from sheer cold. 
On the twelfth day Monro returned to Carrickfergus. A 
detachment which he had left in the outskirts of Belfast had 
been attacked during his absence and driven off. A large 
number of cattle had been taken from the Magennises and 
Macartans, but the English soldiers everywhere complained 
that the Scots got most of the plunder. 1 

Sir Frederic Hamilton was at Londonderry on October 24. 
On hearing of the outbreak he rode hard with a dozen 
mounted servants, who made a great show by blowing 
trumpets and carrying two lighted matches each. The little 
party reached Donegal unmolested, succoured the English 
settlers there, and at Ballyshannon killed some rogues on 
the road, and reached Manor Hamilton in safety. Connor 
O'Rourke, sheriff of Leitrim, visited Hamilton on the 31st, 
but his professions of loyalty did not last long. The arrival of 
a few stray Scots soldiers, some from Carlisle direct, increased 
the garrison to fifty men. By December 4 twenty-four 
prisoners were taken, and to avenge the deaths of English- 
men at Sligo, eight of them were hanged upon a conspicuous 
gallows. Fifty-six persons, including one woman, died thus 
by martial law between December 3, 1641, and February 18, 
1642-3. Hamilton complained bitterly that he was not 
supported by Sir William Cole, and their quarrels became 
the subject of an inquiry by the English Parliament. Cole 
held Enniskillen throughout, and without much difficulty, 

1 Monro's despatch to Leslie, May 18, printed in Contemporary History 
of Affairs in Ireland, i. 419 ; Sir James Turner's Memoirs, 22 ; Roger Pike's 
narrative in Ulster Archteological Journal, viii. 77 ; O'Mellan's narrative in 
Young's Old Belfast, p. 211. 


while Captain Ffolliott maintained the important post at CHAP. 
Ballyshannon. Meanwhile the brothers Sir William and Sir , __. 
Robert Stewart, who were both professional soldiers, were 
active from Rathmelton in Donegal to Newtown Stewart in 
Tyrone. Their levies grew into an army which came to be The 
known as the Laggan forces from a name locally given to the army!" 1 
district. Londonderry and Coleraine also held out, and 
were never taken during the war. 1 

Ormonde returned to Dublin in the middle of March, Ormonde 
and on April 2 set out again with 3000 foot, 500 horse, and KM are, 
five guns to waste the county of Kildare. Captain Yarner, A P n1 . 1642 - 
with two troops, burned ten or twelve villages under the 
Wicklow mountains, and killed about the same number of 
armed men. A trumpeter was killed by a shot from Tipper 
Castle, near Naas, whereupon Coote blew up the house and 
put all to the sword. Ormonde garrisoned Naas, established 
a Protestant corporation there, and advanced to Maryborough, 
whence he sent most of his cavalry by forced marches to re- 
lieve Burris in Ossory and Birr, and to return by Portnahinch 
The old men, women, and children of about sixty families 
were brought away safely and settled at Naas. Monck, George 
who now appears for the first time in Ireland, was sent to 
secure their return passage over the Barrow. Other detach- 
ments were sent to relieve Ballinakill, Clogrennan and Carlow, 
and on the twelfth day Ormonde was back at Athy without 
any loss except of a few over-ridden horses. Great numbers 
of cattle were taken, and Coote gave 300 milch cows to the 
fugitives at Naas on condition of selling milk to the troops at a 
halfpenny a quart and making butter and cheese, and bread, 

1 An exact Relation of the good service of Sir Frederick Hamilton, 1643, 
Information of Sir Frederick Hamilton ... to the committee of both 
kingdoms, 1645. Audley Mervyn's Relation, 1642. The first of these 
contains a letter from O'Connor Sligo, who urged Hamilton to capitulate, 
all Sligo, Mayo, and Leitrim being against him. Hamilton answered : 
' Your loyalty to your King, your faith to your friends, once broke, never 
more to be trusted by me, but revenged as God shall enable the hands of 
him who was loving to your loyal predecessors, whose course will contribute 
to your destruction, for extinguishing the memory of their loyalties. Thus 
I rest with contempt and scorn to all your base brags. Your scourge, if I 
can. F.H.' 



CHAP, he supplying corn at ten shillings the Winchester barrel. 
^_ T ' ^ Ormonde found that the enemy had concentrated in the 
meantime at the ford of Mageney on the Barrow with a view 
to intercept him on his return. Mountgarret and Roger 
O'More were both present, as well as Hugh MacPhelim O'Byrne, 
who was retreating from Drogheda to the Wicklow moun- 
tains, and they had more than 6000 men, but badly armed 
and with very little powder. Ormonde left Athy early in 
the morning of April 15, his force being considerably reduced 
by the garrisons left behind. The Irish were soon visible 
to the eastward trying to reach the pass at Ballyshannon 
before him. As they had no baggage they would probably 
have got there first, but Ormonde was superior in horse, and he 
Battle of sent on all that he had under Sir Thomas Lucas. The Irish 
April 15". finding themselves forestalled, had to fight in a less advan- 
tageous position at Kilrush. They had no real head, and the 
Munster and Leinster men disputed about the division of the 
spoil before the battle was won. The English cavalry had it 
all their own way, Coote charging like a man of thirty. He 
lost his cap, ' but bare-headed scoured about the field, crying 
" Kill ! kill ! " and with his hand gave the example, while my 
Lord of Ormonde secured the cannon and victory with some 
divisions of foot, and beat their van into a speedy retreat.' 
There was very little fighting, the Irish soon taking refuge 
in a bog near at hand. The number of killed on their side is 
uncertain, but it included some persons of rank, and the army 
simply ceased to exist. O'More and his brother fled to their 
home at Ballina near the Boyne, Mountgarret and others to 
Tullow, and the O'Byrnes to their Wicklow mountains. 
Ormonde lost some twenty men. That night he slept at 
Castlehaven's house at Maddenstown, where Antrim and the 
Duchess of Buckingham were staying, and Coote ' to pleasure 
the lady,' fired a salute of artillery and musketry. According 
to an Irish writer Sir Charles boasted of the day's victory. 
The men were silent, but the Duchess upbraided him as being 
less loyal than the Irish, and as ' a poor mechanical fellow, 
raised by blind fortune, as informer and promoter against 
all that is just and godly, being chief instrument of the 


shedding of many innocent blood [sic], and of the commence- CHAP. 


ment of the new distempers.' Coote, who was of a good old . . 

family, had served three sovereigns faithfully both in peace 
and war, and fell three weeks later righting bravely against 
enormous odds. 1 

On June 22 that part of the House of Commons in Dublin The Irish 
which accepted the oath of supremacy expelled forty-one purged. 
' rotten and unprofitable members ' who were either in open 
rebellion or indicted of high treason. Of these Richard 
Sellings, who sat for Callan, was the most important. Among 
the others were Rory Maguire the northern leader, Sir Valen- 
tine Blake of Galway, who was Clanricarde's friend, and Sir Beginning 
James Dillon. In the meantime what claimed to be a new catholic 

legislature was being gradually formed. On May 10, 11, 13, 

and 14 a congregation of the Roman Catholic hierarchy sat 

at Kilkenny. There were present three archbishops, six 

bishops and the procurators of four more, with several abbots 

and other dignitaries ; and the plan of the proposed con- 

federation was sketched out. The prelates declared that the 

war had been justly undertaken for religion and for the 

King, against sectaries and especially against Puritans. 

Any province, county, or city making separate terms with 

the enemy was to be held excommunicate. A number of 

lords and gentlemen joined the prelates, and out of their 

joint deliberations grew the Supreme Council in its first 

shape two members out of each province with Mountgarret 

as president. An oath of association was framed binding the The oath 

confederates to obey the council and to do nothing without ti on ^ 80cia ~ 

their consent. The main object was the establishment of 

the Roman Catholic religion ' in as full and ample a manner 

as the Roman Catholic secular clergy had or enjoyed the same 

within this realm at any time during the reign of Henry VII.' 

Significantly, the regular clergy are not mentioned at all. 

The secular clergy were to enjoy all temporalities ' in as 

1 Bettings, i. 80, with a plan of the battle ; Aphorismical Discovery, 
i. 31 ; Carte's Ormonde ; Captain Yarner's Relation, May 4, 1642. Yarner, 
who was personally consulted, testifies that Ormonde made all the disposi- 
tions himself. He guesses at 500 as the probable number killed ; but 
Bellings says ' scarce one hundred and no prisoners.' 

c 2 




Owen Roe 


large and ample a manner as the late Protestant clergy 
respectively enjoyed the same on October 1, 1641.' All laws 
to the contrary made since 20 Henry VIII. were void. Before 
a more regular assembly could meet Preston had landed in 
the south and O'Neill in the north, and their arrival gave 
events a new turn. 1 

Owen Roe O'Neill was son of Art MacBaron, the great 
Tyrone's brother, whence he was often called Owen MacArt. 
In the Spanish service he was known as Don Eugenic O'Neill. 
He was a captain in Flanders in Henry O'Neill's Irish regi- 
ment as early as 1607, and colonel of the regiment about 
1633. With the rank of maltre de camp he commanded the 
garrison of Arras during the siege in 1640, and marched out 
with the honours of war on August 9. For some time before 
the outbreak he had been in frequent communication with 
the Irish leaders, but perhaps without any well-formed 
intention of going over himself. When he heard that the 
plot to seize Dublin had been discovered ' he was in a great 
rage against O'Connolly, and said he wondered how or where 
that villain should live, for if he were in Ireland, sure they 
would pull him in pieces there ; and if he lived in England 
there were footmen and other Irishmen enough to kill him.' 
It was less than eight years since another Irish colonel, 
Walter Butler, had murdered Wallenstein. O'Neill then 
asked his general Francis de Mello to let him go to Ireland, 
and the Spaniard answered that he should go and be well 
supplied for the enterprise if he could find a safe landing- 
place in his own country. It was, however, given out that 
he was in disgrace with the Spanish authorities, and years 
afterwards, when Hyde was at Madrid, Don Luis de Haro 
kept up the mystification and spoke of him as a deserter from 
his sovereign's service. Where Spain was concerned there 
were always long delays, and the summer of 1642 was well 
advanced before O'Neill announced to Luke Wadding that 
he was about to start. Everything, he said, was going on well 

1 Sellings' narrative and documents in Confederation and War, ii. 34, 47, 
210. The acts of the ecclesiastical congregation are in English, but the 
Latin version (probably the original form) is in Spicilegium Ossoriense, i. 262. 


in Ireland, but there was sad want of powder. If the Pope CHAP. 
knew, he said, how fatal that powder would be to heresy ^ XXII 1 - 
and heretics he would make haste to procure a plentiful 
supply. O'Neill sailed from Dunkirk round Scotland, and O'Neill 
landed in Lough Swilly about the last day of July. He ukter^ 
captured two prizes at sea and detached a small vessel to Jul y 1642 - 
Wexford with arms, which arrived safely. O'Neill brought 
to Ulster ' ammunition, arms and a few low-country officers 
and soldiers of his own regiment,' and he sent his ships back 
to Flanders for more. Sir Phelim sent 1500 men to join his 
kinsman, who went round by Ballyshannon to Charlemont, 
where he arrived without having met an enemy. 1 

Thomas Preston, a son of the fourth Viscount Gormanston, Preston 
was fifty-six years old when the Irish rebellion broke out. He wexford, 

was a captain in the same regiment as Owen Roe O'Neill in 

1607, but was never on good terms with him. They were 

rivals in recruiting during the reign of Strafford, who favoured His rivalry 

the man of English descent as far as he could. In 1635 O'Neill. 

Preston distinguished himself in the defence of Lou vain 

against the combined forces of France and Holland, and in 

1641 in the defence of Genappe against Frederick Henry of 

Orange. In 1642 his nephew, Lord Gormanston, urged him 

to return to Ireland. In March of that year Mountgarret 

sent Geoffrey Barron, Wadding's nephew, to Paris, and in 

July he met Preston there. Richelieu, who had not forgotten Attitude of 

T> i 11 T i 11 IP i i i T i i Richelieu. 

Rochelle, did not declare himself openly, but he discharged 
all the Irish soldiers in the French service, allowed war 
material to be purchased in France, and let it be understood 
that help would be forthcoming to the extent of a million of 
crowns. Preston sailed from Dunkirk, accompanied by 
several officers, and arrived in Wexford harbour at the be- 
ginning of August. Here he was joined by at least a dozen 
vessels laden with war material from St. Malo, Nantes, and 
Rochelle. He reconnoitred Duncannon fort, which he 

1 State Papers, Ireland, July 22, 1607 (No. 297) ; Aphorismical Dis- 
covery in Contemp. Hist. ed. Gilbert, with the evidence of Henry MacCartan, 
tfc. i. 396, and O'Neill's letter to Wadding, ib. 476 ; Colonel O'Neill's Journal 
in Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica, vol. ii. ; Clarendon's Hist. xii. 108 ; Claren- 
don S.P. ii. 144. 




June 1642. 

Death of 
St. Leger. 
June 1642. 

thought could be taken in fifteen days, and then went to 
Kilkenny, where the confederates were still assembled. 
Public opinion quickly designated him as the fittest person 
to have military command in Leinster, and Mountgarret, who 
was no soldier, was very willing to yield the place to him. 1 

The army which Inchiquin had driven from before Cork 
came together again at Limerick, and St. Leger had no force 
to molest it there. After standing neutral for a time the city 
had joined the confederates, but the castle was held by 
Captain George Courtenay with sixty men and very little 
powder. Supplies were ordered by Parliament, but did not 
reach the garrison. The Irish stretched a boom across the 
river, which prevented any relief by water, and ran mines 
under the works, while the garrison were harassed by a con- 
tinual fire from the walls of the cathedral. Courtenay 
capitulated on June 21, and Barry and Muskerry went south 
again with three pieces of cannon taken in the castle. Among 
these was a thirty-two pounder weighing about three tons, 
which was laid in the scooped-out trunk of a tree and dragged 
up hills and through bogs by twenty-five yoke of oxen. 
The whole county of Limerick was soon in Irish hands. 
St. Leger died on July 2, and the sole command then devolved 
on Inchiquin. His position as vice-president was confirmed by 
the Lords Justices, who associated Lord Barrymore with him 
for the civil government, but the latter died at Michaelmas. 
Patrick Purcell, acting as major-general under Barry, took 
up a strong position at Newtown near Charleville, but was 
beaten out of it by Inchiquin with very inferior numbers. 
This check caused a long delay, but at last Barry advanced 
with six thousand foot and five hundred horse and sat down 
on August 20 before the strong castle of Liscarrol. Here he 
was joined by Lord Dungarvan, who had just taken Ardmore 
Castle and hanged 117 men, leaving the women and children 
at liberty. A garrison of thirty men could do little against 
the fire of heavy guns, and Liscarrol surrendered on 
September 2. On the 3rd, Cromwell's lucky day, Inchiquin 

1 Sellings in Confederation and War, and the documents there, i. xxxix. ; 
ii. 67 ; Carte's Ormonde ; Martin's Hist, de France, chap. 70. 


advanced, as he supposed, to their relief. His force of CHAP. 

3000 foot and 400 horse was about half of Barry's, but much ^_ T 1^ 

better armed and disciplined. The Irish, having a good Lhoarroi 

position under the walls of the castle, were at first successful Se P*- 1642 - 

against the charge of a small division of horse consisting 

of Cork and Bandon men, without even helmets ; but Lord . 

Cork's son Kinalmeaky, ' who was clothed with armour of 

proof ' was shot dead. Though one else fell, his followers 

were driven back in confusion and the battle seemed lost, 

but the foot stood firm, and Inchiquin, coming up with some 

more regular cavalry, succeeded in rallying the fugitives. 

He killed Oliver Stephenson, the Irish cavalry leader, with 

his own hand, and had himself more than one narrow escape, 

being wounded in the head and hand. The Irish were routed 

and ' recovered Sir William Pore's bog near Kilbolaine,' 

where they were out of reach. Inchiquin only lost some twelve 

men killed, and Barry is said to have losfc seven hundred, 

but the victory was not of much use, for there were neither 

money nor provisions to follow it up. Liscarroll Castle 

was reoccupied, and three pieces of cannon brought from 

Limerick were taken. Inchiquin then fell back to Mallow, 

and dispersed his men in garrisons, while the Irish went to 

their several homes. 1 

There was perpetual fighting in Ulster during the summer The Scots 
of 1642. Monro marched on June 17, with about 2000 men, June 1642 
from Carrickfergus to Lisburn, where he was joined by Lord 
Montgomery and others with some 1100 foot and four troops 
of horse. Lord Conway brought his regiment and five 
troops of horse. Next morning the Scots general, with his 

1 Bettings, i. 92 ; Carte's Ormonde, i. 343 ; Smith's Hist, of Cork ; A most 
exact Relation of a Victory, &c., London, October 3, 1642 ; Digitus Dei, or a 
miraculous victory, London, September 20. The latter writer notes that 
Stephenson had ' an exceeding rich saddle.' A Journal of the most memorable 
passage in Ireland, London, October 19, 1642, by an eye-witness, notes that 
' almost all the Lords of Munster were present ' Roche, Muskerry, Ikerrin, 
Dunboyne, Brittas, Castleconnell, and one of Ormonde's brothers. As to 
Ardmore, besides the Journal, see A True Relation of God's Providence in 
Munster, which says between seventy and eighty were hanged. The letter 
quoted in Several Passages, &c., London, September 16, says 116, adding, 
' this is most true.' 


CHAP, own foot and nearly all the horse, marched through the plain 
>_ r '., to Dromore, while Montgomery cleared the woods of Killul- 
tagh, most of the Irish flying across the Bann with their 
cattle and ' burning the country all along.' The fighting 
was not severe, and the two divisions coalesced somewhere 
near Banbridge. Monro, being short of provisions, decided 
not to follow the enemy into Tyrone, and went off with some 
troops of cavalry towards the Mourne mountains, leaving 
the other leaders to do the best they could. Three hundred 
cows were captured, and the bulk of the army came to Kinard. 
A priest was also taken, ' Chanter of Armagh and a prime 
councillor to Sir Phelim O'Neill, who was since hanged, 
but would not confess or discover anything.' The chief 
had gone to Charlemont, and his men ran away who ' for 
Kinard haste did not kill any prisoners,' so his house was burned, 
which was ' built of free stone and strong enough to have 
kept out all the force we could make.' Two hundred miser- 
able captives were released, in rags and with faces like ghosts. 
The plunder was considerable, including Sir Phelim's plate, 
which was on carts ready to carry oft. News was heard of 
Lady Caulfield, who was ' kept at a stone house near Brain- 
tree woods,' and here Captain Rawdon found her with her 
children, just in time to prevent the rebels from taking her 
off into the forest. Rawdon was not so successful in the case 
of Lady Blaney, who had been carried away into the wilds 
of Monaghan the night before he came on the scene. As he 
rode through Kinard the second time there was ' nothing 
left quick but angry dogs and embers.' Charlemont had 
been strengthened with some skill, and there was no possibility 
of taking it without guns, though Sir Phelim was nearly 
captured trying to go there, and had to fly into Tyrone. 
Dungannon was afterwards taken and garrisoned, with the 
usual hangings, Sir William Brownlow and other prisoners 
there having overcome the rebel guard ' with the help of pome 
Charie- Irish that had formerly had relation to -them.' Two brass 
retained by guns were taken, but they were not heavy enough to make 
the Irish. ^ e (jig erence a Charlemont, and on the eighth and ninth 
days the army returned from Armagh through Loughbrick- 


land to Lisburn. A great many cattle had been taken, and CHAP. 


all not eaten or stolen were divided among the men, one to ,_i*.*L, 
every four foot soldiers and to every two troopers. 1 

On June 25 Clotworthy left Antrim with 600 men in twelve Desultory 
boats built for the service on Lough Neagh. On the flat of The war. 
Tyrone shore little resistance was made, and Mount joy was 
taken with no loss. Here he entrenched himself strongly, 
and ' notwithstanding the next was the Lord's day ' spent 
it in building huts for his men. Before leaving it to be main- 
tained by a garrison of 250 men he scoured the woods as well 
as he could, and lost very few men, though the pressure of 
hunger was severe, for he could not catch cows without 
cavalry, and there were 500 rescued British prisoners of both 
sexes and every age to feed along with the soldiers. The 
want of horse was partly supplied by making 200 men strip 
to their shirts for lightness, and they did not object, thinking 
it mean to wear armour against men that had none. Gener- 
ally speaking the Irish would not stand against them, but 
they seemed to have ammunition enough, which was said to 
come from Limerick. One hundred cows were taken near 
Moneymore, after which the soldiers fared better, but 
there was much sickness from want of proper food, and from 
having to sleep on the ground. 2 

The provisional supreme council, which had been formed A general 
at Kilkenny in the early summer, did what they could to give meets, y 
their organisation something of a legal shape. ' Letters,' 
says Sellings, ' in nature of writs were sent from this council 
to all the Lords spiritual and temporal, and all the counties, 
cities, and corporate towns that had right to send knights and 
burgesses to Parliament.' The general assembly so con- 
stituted met on October 24, a year and a day after the first 

1 A Relation from Viscount Conway, from June 17 to July 30, London, 
1642. This was sent to a worthy M.P., who published it ; it is well written, 

but badly printed. 

2 A True Relation of the Taking of Mount joy, &c., June 25 to July 8, 
London, August 4, 1642 ; A Relation from Belfast, London, August 17, 
carries this a little further. A good many cows were caught, and the 
country, without taking Charlemont, was swept for some twelve miles from 
Mount joy. 




The name 
of Parlia- 



The King 







outbreak in Ulster, at the house of Robert Shee, heir to Sir 
Richard Shee. The Lords spiritual and temporal and 
Commons sat in one room, Mr. Pat Darcy bareheaded upon a 
stool representing all or some that sat in Parliament upon 
the woolsack. Mr. Nicholas Plunket represented the Speaker 
of the Commons, and both Lords and Commons addressed 
their speech to him. The Lords had an upper room for a 
recess for private consultation, and upon resolutions taken 
the same were delivered to the Commons by Mr. Darcy. 
The name of Parliament was eschewed, and Plunket was 
called prolocutor or president, and not speaker. Burgesses 
were to be paid five shillings a day, and knights of the shire 
ten shillings during the session, and for ten days before and 
after. The first act of the assembly was to establish the 
Roman Catholic Church as it had been in the time of 
Henry VII., and the statute law was to be observed so far as it 
was ' not against the Catholic Roman religion.' Allegiance 
to King Charles came second. For the protection of the 
King's subjects against murders, rapes and robberies ' con- 
trived and daily executed by the malignant party, and for 
the exaltation of the Holy Roman Catholic Church and the 
advancement of his Majesty's service,' a Supreme Council 
was appointed, with both executive and judicial authority; 
control over all officers, even generals, in the field ; and power 
to hear and determine all matters capital, criminal or civil, 
* except the right or title of land.' Owen Roe O'Neill was 
appointed general for Ulster, Preston for Leinster, and 
Colonel Gerald Barry for Munster. For Conn aught, Colonel 
John Bourke was named lieutenant-general only, in the 
hope that Clanricarde would be induced to join. There were 
some bickerings between Owen Roe and Sir Phelim, who had 
just married Preston's daughter, and who wished to be in 
command of his own province, and between Rory O'More and 
other Leinster gentlemen, but they were smoothed over for 
the time. All the generals had seen service on the Continent. 1 

1 Sellings in Confederation and War, i. Ill ; Acts of General Assembly, 
ib. ii. 73 ; Richard Martin's letter of December 2, 1642, in Clanricarde's 
Memoirs, 296. 


The Supreme Council consisted of twenty-four persons, CHAP. 
four taken from each province. Of these only four, an O'Neill ^_ T '__^ 
and a Magennis from Ulster, an O'Brien from Munster and tf" 8 ,^ e 
Lord Mavo, were not sworn in at the time. Lord Mountgarret Supreme 

^ Council. 

was appointed president, Sellings secretary, and Richard 

Shee clerk. Of the whole twenty-four four were peers and Provincial 

five bishops. Provincial and county councils were also 

constituted, but they had no real existence, or a very shadowy 

one. That for Leinster was appointed, but was over- 

shadowed by the Supreme Council, and events soon showed 

that military force and not new-fangled civil departments 

was the determining quantity during the revolutionary period. 

The assembly decreed that lands taken from their owners Protes- 
since October 1, 1641, should be restored on pain of the new n'eutrais to 

possessor being treated as an enemy ; provided that if the 
old owner ' be declared a neuter or enemy by the supreme 
or provincial,' then the land should be surrendered not to 
him, but to the council, ' to be disposed of towards the main- 
tenance of the general cause.' The war was a religious one, 
and thus the lands of all who were not prepared to espouse 
the Roman Catholic cause were to be forfeited, or at the 
least sequestered. English, Welsh and Scotch Roman 
Catholics were to be treated as well as natives of Ireland. 
All Church temporalities were at one stroke transferred Church 
from Protestants to Roman Catholics. It must have been be trans- 
from the first evident to all cool observers that no accommo- erred - 
dation on these terms could ever be made with any settled 
English Government. After sitting for about a month the 
assembly adjourned till May 20 next. They had ordered 
4000/. worth coin to be struck, and 5820 men to be raised as 
the Leinster contingent. The Kilkenny government never 
had any real authority, except in the south-east of Ireland. 1 

The Supreme Council assumed sovereign power, the King The royal 
figuring largely in negotiations with Ormonde, but seldom slighted 7 
appearing in documents intended for home consumption. 
Flags were devised with various religious emblems and Flags. 
mottoes ; but in each case there was an Irish cross on a green 
1 Acts of General Assembly, ut sup. ii. 88. 




gences and 

Free trade. 

field, ' Vivat Rex Carolus ' below, and C R with a crown imperial 
above. Francis Oliver, a Fleming, was appointed vice- 
admiral, and letters of marque to prey upon ' enemies of the 
general Catholic cause ' were freely granted. Half-crowns 
and shillings and copper money were struck with Charles I. 
on one side and St. Patrick on the other, but this was not done 
without much opposition, for the coinage was unnecessary, 
and was an evident encroachment upon the Crown. Agents 
were accredited to the Emperor, the King of France, the 
Pope, the Duke of Bavaria, the Viceroy in Belgium, and the 
Governor of Biscay. The Franciscan Luke Wadding, a 
native of Waterford, was agent at Rome, and as this was 
emphatically the Pope's war, the instructions to him are 
of special interest. The first thing asked for was a supply of 
indulgences for the confederates and of excommunications 
for all opponents and neutrals. The Pope was requested to 
send letters in their favour to the Queen of England, to the 
Catholic princes of Germany, Spain, France, Portugal, Poland, 
and Bavaria, to Genoa, and to the Catholics of Holland. 
Wadding was directed to impress upon his Holiness that the 
Catholic cause in Protestant countries would be much advanced 
by the success of the confederates. Free trade with France, 
Spain, and Holland was solicited through the Pope's media- 
tion. In general he was to be asked to give the council 
power over ecclesiastical patronage, and not to admit appeals 
during the war. In particular Thomas Dease, Bishop of 
Meath, had been suspended by the provincial synod of Armagh 
for refusing to approve of the war, and his appeal was to be 
rejected without trial. The Supreme Council thus engrossed 
to themselves all the chief prerogatives of the Crown which 
they professed to defend. 1 

1 Letters from the Supreme Council to foreign powers, November and 
December 1642, Confederation and War, ii. 99-129. The oath of association 
of the Confederates, ib. 210 ; also in Cox, appx. xiv. and (omitting the last 
paragraph) in Walsh's Remonstrance, appx. i. p. 31. The latter, dated 
July 26, 1644, is evidently not the earliest form. In Vindicice Catholicarum 
Hibernite, Paris, 1650, p. 6, is a much shorter Latin oath, which places the 
Church first, the King second, and the national liberties third, but is called 
' associations juramentum,' like the others. 


Preston's first service in the field did not augur well for CHAP. 


his success as a general. Ormonde was anxious to relieve the 1 - 

garrison of Ballinakill on the borders of Queen's County g^^ou 
and Kilkenny, and in December he sent Monck with a convoy Dec - 1642 - 
and enough men to guard it. This service was duly performed , 
but Preston and Castlehaven, with a thousand foot and 
three troops of horse, attempted to cut him off on his return to 
Dublin. Monck passed by Timahoe, where there was a 
confederate garrison, who lined the hedges by the roadside ; 
but hearing that he was pursued, he avoided the snare by 
drawing aside to some level ground backed by a hill, where 
he placed his foot to serve as support in case the horse were 
worsted. The contrary happened, and after the first charge 
the whole of Preston's force was driven under the shelter 
of Timahoe. The numbers engaged on each side were about 
equal, but a crowd of spectators on a distant hill were mis- 
taken for reinforcements, and Monck prudently continued 
his journey to Dublin. Castlehaven thought most of the 
Irish foot would have been destroyed had the enemy pursued 
their advantage. 1 

* The check at Timahoe,' says Castlehaven, ' made us Pariiamen- 
pretty quiet till towards the spring following,' when the ^ 
Lords Justices resolved upon an expedition into Wexford. 
The sympathies of Parsons, who was the ruling spirit, were 
certainly with the Parliament, but the event was uncertain, 
and even after Edgehill it was hard to say whether the King 
would succeed or not. Since the end of October there had 
been a committee from the Parliament in Dublin consisting of 
Robert Reynolds and Robert Goodwin, members of the House 
of Commons, and of Captain William Tucker, agent for the 
English adventurers in Irish land. Part of their business 
was to induce soldiers to take debentures in lieu of pay. 
By the advice of the Chancellor Bolton these three were 
admitted to sit at the Council board. Tucker kept a journal 
of the proceedings, and it is clear that he was not much im- 
pressed by the wisdom of the Irish Government. The 
sittings were generally occupied in mere talk, and very little 
1 Sellings, i. 90 ; Castlehaven, 35. 




Lisle and 

takes the 

was done in the field. Thus, when Sir Francis Willoughby 
took Maynooth Castle Tucker reports that the rebels ran 
away after one day's siege, that four or five men were killed on 
each side, and * no service done at all, but only expectation 
and the gain of one ass.' In the middle of January Lord 
Lisle, the Lord Lieutenant's son, proposed to relieve the 
empty treasury by leading out fifteen hundred men to live 
upon the enemy's country. Lisle was general of the horse, 
and Sir Richard Grenville major of Leicester's own regiment, 
and it was intended that these two officers should command 
in the field. Grenville, according to Clarendon, was noted for 
his cruelty, but he had served with credit at Kilrush, and he 
was major of Leicester's regiment of horse. In January 
came a commission from the King giving power to Ormonde, 
Clanricaide, and others to treat with the Irish, and the Lords 
Justices supposed that the field would thus be left clear for 
Lisle. 1 

When the King's letter was read at the Council board 
Ormonde, according to his chaplain's account, said he had no 
wish to be a commissioner to hear Irish grievances, ' for I 
know that nothing grieves them more than that they could 
not cut all our throats,' but that as general he would com- 
mand in the field. His right could not be denied, and he had 
lately endeared himself to both officers and soldiers by his 
exertions to obtain their pay and other advantages for them. 
But the Lords Justices and the parliamentary commissioners, 
who had advanced money for Lord Lisle, were nob at all 
pleased. Tucker, indeed, held that the money could not be 
decently denied to Ormonde, but his career and that of 
his colleagues in Ireland was cut short before the campaign 
actually began. In the middle of February came a letter 
from the King directing that the committee should no longer 
be admitted to the Council-chamber, and fearing arrest they 
returned to England before the end of the month. On 

1 Tucker's Journal in Confederation and War, ii. 189, January 30, 1642-3. 
The Commission, dated January 11, is in Carte's Ormonde, iii. No. 117- 
Castlehaven. , 


March 1 Ormonde set out with 2500 foot and 800 horse, and CHAP. 


with two siege-guns and four field-pieces. 1 

At Timolin, which was reached on the third day, the Bloody 
Irish defended the castle and an old church. One culverin TimoiL. 
reduced the former, and all the men were killed before night. 
The besiegers had about thirty killed and wounded in a 
premature attempt to storm, Lieutenant Oliver, the only 
engineer in the army, being among the slain. The church 
tower held out till next day, but the whole garrison, except 
one man, were killed by shot or falling stones. The garrisons 
of Carlow and Athy were strong enough to prevent Preston 
from being reinforced by the Wicklow insurgents, but the 
latter had some prisoners whom they proposed to exchange 
with the survivors of Timolin. ' There be not many of them 
alive now,' said Monck, ' and what there is take you with 
you.' According to Sellings, who is generally fair, part of 
the garrison were slaughtered by the soldiers of Lisle's regiment 
after quarter had been given by Ormonde. On the seventh 
day from Dublin the army passed, without further righting, 
through Clohamon in Wexford, where a fair was being held, 
and some cattle were swept off by the soldiers. On the tenth New ROSS 
day New Ross was reached, ' where,' says Ormonde's chap- 
lain, ' we saw flags set up on the walls and the inhabitants 
making ready for a siege.' Women and children were sent 
over the Barrow into Kilkenny, and men were introduced 
in their places, so that the number of the garrison soon equalled 
that of the besieging army. One culverin was turned upon 
the south gate near the river, and a breach was soon made, 
but the defenders dug a great trench inside, and attempts to 
storm were frustrated. Another culverin was in position 
at the north end of the town, but the shot failed to reach 
those who were maintaining the breach, and Ormonde's 
soldiers suffered sorely from rain as well as from musket balls, 
and no doubt envied the enemy, for they could see the women 
plying them constantly with drink. Meanwhile there were 
two English vessels of 120 and 60 tons, with eight guns 

1 Tucker's Journal in Confederation and War, ii. ; Creichton's faithful 
account, ib. ii. 248. 




Battle of 
March 18, 


between them, lying in the tideway below the town. They 
could neither escape nor get near enough to do much service, 
and when artillery was brought to bear they were scuttled 
and abandoned. The victuals and ammunition sank or were 
captured by the enemy, but the sailors joined Ormonde and 
did excellent work afterwards as gunners. The supply of 
provisions was very limited, and at the approach of Preston's 
army the siege was practically raised. Six hundred men 
under Sir James Dillon came from Westmeath as far as 
Ballyragget in Kilkenny, but few or none of them ever joined 
Preston, having been attacked by the garrison of Ballinakill 
on St. Patrick's night. ' They being very merry for honour 
of their saint, and for that they expected a great victory the 
next day, and being full of drink,' were cut to pieces or 
dispersed, and all their arms taken. On the morning of 
March 18 Ormonde's army were encamped on a heathy hill 
half a mile to the eastward of Old Boss, but before ten o'clock 
they had taken up a position some three miles to the north- 
west and a little short of a village called Ballinafeeg. Mr. 
Brian Kavanagh voluntarily gave his services as a guide. 
The deep glen of Poulmonty lay a little further on. Preston 
with 5000 foot and 600 horse had passed the Barrow at 
Graiguenemanagh, and now advanced across the glen to 
attack Ormonde. Cullen and others tried to dissuade him 
from fighting, pointing out that the English army was short 
of provisions and must needs retire through a very difficult 
country to Carlow, and that there would be many opportuni- 
ties of attacking it at great advantage. Ormonde had six 
guns with him, which he placed on a rising ground behind his 
main body. The opposing armies did not come to close 
quarters until after two o'clock in the afternoon. Preston's 
men came up by a narrow lane, and on their serried masses 
every shot told. The guns were admirably served by eleven 
of the sailors whose ships had been destroyed, and who fired 
six rounds from each piece, right over the heads of their 
friends. As the Irish horse came out into the open Ormonde 
ordered his own cavalry under Lisle and Grenville to advance, 
fire one round, and then fall back. This movement was 

THE WAR TO THE BATTLE 05 EOSS, 1642-1643 33 

punctually executed, but some of the Irish horse mingled with CHAP. 
them as they retired, a panic followed, and they galloped ^~ , _^ 
off to the rear. Lisle called out ' Ten pounds, twenty pounds 
for a guide to Duncannon,' and an old apothecary, named 
Silyard, who was attached to the army, and who was in his 
proper place among the baggage- waggons, reproached him for 
running away, and a veteran officer named Morris, who lay 
wounded in a litter, offered to rally the men if Lisle would 
lend him a horse. Then Sir Eichard Grenville clapped my 
Lord Lisle on the shoulder : ' Come, my lord,' said he, * we will 
yet recover it.' ' Never while you live,' said Mr. Silyard, 
and to his friends that stood by " I mean his credit," said 
Mr. Silyard.' Cullen got up to the guns, on one of which 
he laid his hand saying, ' This is mine,' but he was soon 
surrounded by infantry and taken prisoner, his life being 
saved by Ormonde's personal exertions. The rout of Preston's Defeat of 
army was completed by the return of Lisle and his cavalry. 
* A man might see them, 5 ' says the chaplain, ' through the 
smoke of the gunpowder run twinkling like the motes in the 
sun.' The pursuit was continued until darkness came on, 
with great loss to the defeated army, who escaped into Kil- 
kenny by the way which they came. Ormonde, who spent 
the night on the ground, lost only about a dozen men. 1 

Ormonde encamped on the second night at Graiguene- Ormonde 
managh, and on the third at Burris, where his artillery oxen Dublin, 
were stolen by ' two lusty young clowns ' of the Kavanaghs. 
Fresh beasts were obtained from Carlow, and Dublin was 
reached on the 27th, without further fighting. Lord Moore, 
hearing that the Irish had gathered from all sides, and expecting 
to catch Ormonde in a trap, took advantage of the defence- 
less state of Cavan and drove off much cattle without resist- 
ance. A great part of Preston's army dispersed every man 

1 Creichton's Faithful Account and that of Sellings, p. 130, give the 
official views on the two sides. The Aphorismical Discovery is much to the 
same effect, adding the usual bad language, and describing Preston as 
' either drunk, a fool, or a traitor.' Creichton exaggerates the number of 
Preston's army ; while Bellings unduly diminishes the number of slain. 
' Scarce one hundred slain upon the place ' takes no account of the pursuit. 
See also Truth jrom Ireland expressed in Two Letters, London, April 22, 1643. 

VOL. n. D 





May 1643. 

on the 

to his own village, but Sir James Dillon, who had not taken 
part in the battle, joined him with a strong unbroken regi- 
ment, and he made some pretence of pursuing Ormonde in 
order to lessen the popular disgust at his defeat. What he 
really did was to besiege Ballinakill, where Sir Thomas 
Ridgeway had planted an English colony, and established 
ironworks. There being thus no want of hands, Ridgeway's 
castle had been strengthened and his fishponds utilised 
for filling wet ditches. The Protestant farmers on the estate 
had driven in their cattle, and there was food enough for all. 
Preston lay for about seven weeks before this place, where he 
lost 100 men, and he could not have taken it but for the 
arrival of two twenty-four pounders and a mortar from 
Spain. A shell fell on the roof and penetrated the floors 
below, while ' the women within very fearful, as not accus- 
tomed to such pastimes, cried out with every shot, to the 
exceeding comfort of the assailants, and mighty disgust of 
the defendants.' The contest had been carried on with 
great bitterness, the garrison throwing the heads of their 
prisoners over the works, while the besiegers stuck the heads 
of theirs upon poles within sight of the wall. The place 
became untenable after the arrival of the battering train, 
and capitulated on May 5, but Preston was glad to give 
fair terms, and Castlehaven escorted all the English safely 
to the neighbourhood of Dublin. 1 

There were cool-headed Irish Catholics at home and 
abroad who saw the essential weakness of the Confederates' 
position. Clanricarde was Walsingham's grandson. Alone 
among men of his creed he held the King's commission, 
and knew the real interests of the Crown, as well as the 
impossibility of separating Ireland from England. Among 
the insurgents were many who had been ' instruments of foul 
and horrid acts ; there being yet some who do boast and glory 
in those inhumanities. And if God's judgment and wrath 
be not first appeased, it is much to be feared there will be 
a long expectation of a more settled time.' The Jesuit 
O'Hartegan, in daily communication with his countrymen and 

1 Sellings, i. 149-151 ; Aphorismical Discovery, i. 65 ; Casflehaven, p. 36. 


with the nuncio at Paris, had none of Clanricarde's scruples, CHAP. 


but he had misgivings of his own. The hatred of the heretics ._ '__^ 
would stop at nothing, and the faithful had gone too far to 
retreat. Men and money were available, but there was no 
head, no order or discipline ; ' one of our birth-attributes is 
never to submit ourselves willingly to any of our own nation, 
to live as companions or equals, and think ourselves as worthy 
of any command and of superiority as each other of our 
compatriots.' Foreigners were always thought much of, First pro- 
even when there were better men at home ; and it was neces- send a 
sary to send a stranger to take charge. He should be ' of n 
long experience, of good learning, and charitably affected 
for compassionating our infirmities, and it is unquestionable 
these conditions do concur in an Italian best of all nations.' 
Ireland could support 100,000 men, but a head was necessary. 
To support this army O'Hartegan proposed to seize all Crown 
revenues and rights ; all goods of English, Scotch and Dutch 
heretics ; all goods of Irish heretics such as Ormonde, Kildare, 
Thomond, Barrymore and Inchiquin ; and of Catholic neutrals 
like Clanricarde and Antrim ; all Church lands and all lands 
confiscated from natives, including the Desmonds. In such 
a cause, too, the people would readily pay heavy taxes and 
submit to monopolies. In the absence of a supreme head 
every commander and nobleman would cut and carve for 
himself, ' and every mere Irish pretend his ancestors were 
illegally dispossessed.' A nuncio of the highest rank, even The Pope 
the Pope himself, could be made comfortable at Wexford, welcome. 
Waterford, Kilkenny, Clonmel, or Limerick.' l 

1 Clanricarde to Gormanston, December 21, 1642, in Carte's Ormonde, 
iii. No. 115 ; O'Hartegan (Paris) to Wadding (Rome), November 7, 1642, 
in Roman Transcripts, B.O. 

D 2 




CHAP. To gain possession of the land in English hands was at least 
KXin. one mam o kj ec t of the Irish rebellion. Much property had 
been acquired by various confiscations and plantations, 
but there was no idea of abandoning that policy. The war 


would be extremely costly, and the Irish were to be made to 
pay for it by giving up some of the land which was still theirs. 
It was assumed that at least 2500 acres of good land would 
be forfeited ; and upon that security a large sum was subscribed 
by Adventurers, as they were always called. It was pro- 
vided that the money should all go to the reduction of Ireland ; 
but necessity has no law, and much of it was spent in making 
head against the King in England. It was not till the quarrel 
at home was settled that Parliament could act effectively 
on the other side of St. George's Channel. 1 

Expedition l n June 1642 the Adventurers determined to send an 
Forbes, expedition to Ireland. The arrangements were completed 
in a fortnight by a committee of fifteen under the presidency 
of Sir Nicholas Crispe, afterwards the noted Royalist, who 
had subscribed 1500Z. Ten ships were hired, each of which 
carried or towed a flat-bottomed barge for landing men and 
ascending rivers. The admiral was Captain Benjamin 
Peters, with the famous Rainsborough, one of the committee, 
a vice-admiral, and Captain Thompson, also a member of 
the committee, as Rear-Admiral. Hugh Peters was chaplain. 
One thousand soldiers were embarked under Alexander 
Lord Forbes, and the expedition sailed from Dover on July 1, 
having lost two of the barges in an easterly gale. In Mount's 

1 Act for the speedy and effectual reducing of the rebels, &c., Scobett, 
i. 26. The royal consent was given March 19, 1641-2. 


Bay they spoke a King's ship with the late garrison of CHAP. 


Limerick Castle on board. In mid-channel a vessel was . ^ 

detached with a letter to St. Leger, reciting a commission from 
the King and both Houses to raise additional forces, and 
asking the Lord President to say where the expedition could 
be most usefully employed. St. Leger had died before the 
letter was written, and Forbes turned a deaf ear to Inchi- 
quin's entreaties for help. On July 11 the squadron was 
off the old head of Kinsale, and the town was found to be 
full of justly suspected Irish and of Protestant refugees, 
' living in miserable holes and huts.' Lord Kinalmeaky came 
in from Bandon, of which he was governor, and Peters preached 
on a Thursday. Next day Forbes marched to Bandon with 
600 men, of whom 100 were seamen, and two small brass 
guns. Seven thousand English, including many clergy- 
men, had gathered round Kinalmeaky, many of them being 
in great distress. Peters notes that the river was full of 
salmon. Next day Forbes went to the relief of Captain Gallant 
Freke, who had been beset at Rathbarry ever since the 
middle of February. About 1800 sheep, 200 cows, and 
50 horses had been captured by the troops and driven as far 
as Clonakilty, through which the line of march lay. Forbes 
foolishly divided his force, leaving three companies to guard 
the cattle. As soon as the main body were out of sight the 
Irish attacked the detachment, and Captain Weldon was 
killed with a great part of two companies. Captain Groves, 
whose men were part of the Bandon garrison, and understood 
the work better, fought his way through the enemy to a rath 
on the Rosscarbery road, and there maintained himself till 
he was relieved. The Irish fled towards the sea, and many 
of them were killed on the shore. After rescuing Groves, 
Forbes went back to Bandon, and left Freke in worse case 
than ever, for most of his men took the opportunity of desert- 
ing. A few sick soldiers were left in their places, ' and so 
factious that I and my servants were often endangered of 
our lives among them, and some that had fled from the fight 
at Clonakilty much discouraged us with that relation.' They 
held out, enduring almost incredible hardships, for eleven 




Forbes at 

weeks longer, when relief came under a more capable com- 
mander than Forbes. 1 

Forbes was repulsed with loss from Timoleague Castle. 
Lady O'Shaughnessy, whose husband, Sir Roger, was loyal, 
offered to surrender it to Kinalmeaky and Sir William Hull, 
but not to strangers. The soldiers then burned the town and 
abbey containing a thousand hogsheads of wine. Two spies 
were taken, but, says Ensign Jones, ' the rogues slight death, 
for we could get nothing out of them ; so our men mangled 
them to pieces.' So Forbes returned to Kinsale, and on 
July 25 sailed to Castlehaven. The Irish appeared in force 
on the hills, and the castle of their chief, O'Donovan, was 
blown up with one barrel of powder. It was sixty feet high 
with very thick walls, but it fell half on one side and half 
on the other. O'Driscol's castle at Baltimore was burned, 
and the neighbouring islands harried. About 100 camp- 
followers of the worst kind followed Forbes' s wake. They 
entered and plundered houses without provocation, and 
even killed children within sight of the soldiers. Meanwhile 
Forbes had been summoned to Galway, without Clanricarde's 
knowledge, by Willoughby, who having a commission to 
execute martial law from the Lords Justices, had hanged 
a sergeant in Lord Clanmorris's company for extortion. 
Clanmorris retaliated by hanging some soldiers of the fort 
who had strayed into the open country. The Lords Justices 
sent Captain Ashley with his frigate to Galway, and he and 
Willoughby combined to seize corn, cattle, and timber upon 
requisition. Only tickets were given in exchange, and Clanri- 
carde's friends and tenants were injured. Forbes anchored 
off the town on August 9, Willoughby and Ashley coming on 
board the same night, and at once sent letters to Ranelagh, 
Clanricarde and the corporation of Galway. The lieutenant- 
general of the additional forces by sea and land, so he styled 
himself, proposed to join hands with the Lord President, 

' Arthur Freke's Narrative, printed from the Sloane MSS. in the 
Journal of the Cork Historical Society, 2nd series, i. 1 ; True Relation of 
God's Providence in Ireland, by Hugh Peters, November 18, 1642 ; Day's 
edition of Smith's Cork, ii. 153, 1894 ; Exceeding Good and True News from 
Ireland, London, August 20, and Exceeding Joyful News, August 27. 


and so to subdue the rebellion. Kanelagh answered that he CHAP. 
would come from Athlone to Galway, though at some personal ^._ * _^ 
risk. ' I observe,' he said, ' in your lordship's letter an 
inclination to make a distinction of persons ; and truly, my 
lord, if that course shall not be held, I see little hope of a 
speedy reducing this kingdom to obedience, seeing most men 
are possessed of an opinion that an utter extirpation is in- 
tended, and that conceit being fomented by the priests and 
friars, all are falling into such a course of desperation, that 
being once engaged and their counsels and force united, 
will certainly be an occasion to lengthen the war, and draw 
a vast charge upon the Crown to make a complete conquest.' 
The only chance of peace, he thought, was in ' a just distinc- 
tion between practick and passive rebels, with severity to the 
one and moderation to the other.' Of the citizens of Galway 
Forbes demanded that they should lay down their arms, 
admit a garrison, and place themselves under his protection, 
submitting absolutely to the King ' and the state of England, 
under whose blessed government they had en joyed a sweet and 
long-continued peace.' The mayor in reply urged his griev- The mayor 
ances against Willoughby, and declined all further answer till 
Clanricarde had been consulted, under whose government and carde - 
by whose mediation they had lately enjoyed some degree of 
peace. To Clanricarde himself Forbes made much the same 
proposals as to Ranelagh, with the additional suggestion that 
he should allow him to garrison Tirellan as a basis of opera- 
tion against the O'Flahertys, whom the Earl had acknowledged 
to be ' out of protection and fit persons to receive chastise- 
ment.' The invitation to give up a convenient private residence 
to the soldiers who had burned his cousin's town of Timo- 
league was politely declined, but Clanricarde was ready to 
come from Loughrea and to receive Lord Forbes as a guest. 1 

Peters thought Clanricarde's letter in which he excused cianri- 
the Galway people and laid the blame on Willoughby was 
well written and showed the writer to be ' a man of wisdom 
and parts.' In the meantime John de Burgo, titular bishop 

1 Hugh Peters and Smith's Cork, ut sup. ; Clanricarde's Memoirs, 
August 1642, pp. 203-215. 




harries co. 




of Clonfert, let the head of his family know that no one would 
fight for him if he sided with Forbes. While the correspond- 
ence proceeded, a detachment from the English squadron was 
landed on the Clare shore, and harried the lands of Daniel 
and Tirlogh O'Brien, who had both helped to provision the 
fort. Peters says they burned ' a whole town.' Two demi- 
culverins were landed on the west side of Galway, but it was 
' as strong and compact as most towns in Europe for houses 
and walls.' Forbes said he would raze the latter if the 
townsmen did not agree to his terms, but the task did not 
prove easy. In the meantime Forbes's men landed at various 
points on the north side of Galway Bay, burning every house 
and hamlet that they could reach as in an enemy's country. 

The country was so little safe that Clanricarde went to 
meet Ranelagh at Carrowreagh ford on the Suck with 200 
horse. Ranelagh brought the same and as many foot, but 
no attack took place, and with the horse only they rode 
the first night to Clonbrock and the second to Loughrea. 
Clanricarde then sent to invite Forbes to dinner at Tirellan, 
but he did not care to venture so far inland, and proposed 
that the place of meeting should be the fort. Clanricarde, 
who took his stand upon the royal commission to him as 
governor of Galway, objected to this as beneath his dignity, 
especially after Forbes had refused his hospitality, and also 
because some attempt might be made to detain him. Rane- 
lagh, who thought it unwise to stand upon mere points 
of honour, and who did not believe any one would dare to 
touch him, made no difficulty about entering the fort. He 
found Forbes much under the influence of Peters a ' prag- 
matic chaplain from London ' who urged him to attack the 
town. In the meantime soldiers both from the fleet and the 
fort ravaged the coast, many men and some women were 
killed, and Clanricarde had the pleasure of seeing his tenants' 
houses burning. Forbes propounded large schemes of con- 
quest with the aid of the Scots army in Ulster, over the 
impracticability of which Ranelagh and Clanricarde had a 
good laugh together. The President tried to persuade Forbes 
to go to Sligo, or to Tralee, whence help might be given from 


the sea, but he preferred to press Clanricarde to admit his CHAP. 


garrison to Tirellan. Some forty guns were landed, but ._ . 
there was no wood to make platforms, and Forbes soon 
recognised that he could not take Galway, where every house 
was like a castle. Sir Charles Coote had been expected, 
but he did not come. Clanricarde returned to Loughrea 
and Kanelagh to Athlone, while Willoughby remained in 
command of the fort, and on the worst terms with the towns- 
men. 1 

The officers knew that a strong town could not be taken Forbes 
with the means at their disposal, but the sailors were ' readier from 8e 
to fall on nakedly than forsake the work, and the soldiers no Galwa y- 
way backward.' The guns were taken on board, and Forbes 
departed to the Shannon. Askeaton, which had made so 
gallant a stand in the last Desmond war, surrendered without 
a blow. Sir Edward Denny continued to press for the 
relief of his castle at Tralee, but Forbes wasted two or three 
days in harrying the poor islands of Arran, and when at last 
he arrived off Ballingarry in Kerry it was only to hear that 
Tralee had fallen, the garrison having been reduced to eating Tralee 
hides. The expedition then returned to the Shannon, and 
captured a great piece of ordnance called ' roaring Meg ' 
with which the Irish had taken most of the castles there- 
abouts. The gun was found in one boat and the carriage 
in another, so that this was an easy task. It was then pro- 
posed to destroy Sir Daniel O'Brien's house at Clare Castle 
on the ground that he was no friend to the Parliament. 
Yet he acted in strict unison with the loyal and Protestant 
Earl of Thomond. Even the latter was doubted, 'and in The 
truth,' says Peters, ' his case is nice, the chief of the country Thomond. 
being his kindred and himself without power saving fifty 
horses in his stable.' He was, however, unwilling to see his 
country laid waste, and declined to join in the work. The 
Limerick shore was devastated instead. The Knight of 
Grlin sent a letter of recommendation from Clanricarde, and 
offered to give cattle for the use of the squadron. Glin 

1 Clanricarde's Memoirs, August and September, 1642 ; Bettings, 
i. 139-148 ; Hugh Peters, ut sup. 




Glin taken. 

Result of 

of Hugh 

Castle was nevertheless battered and stormed, the defenders 
being short of bullets. ' Most matters,' says Peters, ' fell as 
at the last siege forty years since,' but in shorter time and 
with the loss of only four men. ' The plate and silver were 
gone for Limerick, which receives most of which is in Ireland.' 
A garrison was put in, and guns mounted on the walls. This 
was done on September 26, and so the expedition ended, 
for the ships had only been hired till Michaelmas. Five 
vessels had been taken worth 20,OOOZ., including one from 
Barbadoes with a cargo of tobacco, and corn to the same 
value had been destroyed. Many Irish towns had been 
burned, and many English relieved. Thousands of cattle 
had been taken or spoiled, and a diversion had been made 
on the west coast. This is Peters's own summary, and it 
does not amount to much. It is more certain that Forbes 
did everything in his power to aggravate the bitterness of a 
war which was already sufficiently horrible. The pragmatic 
chaplain's political remarks are interesting. He had been 
assured that a million of English had been murdered, and he 
hoped many more Irish slain. The cause of the war was 
Popery on the one side and profaneness on the other. The 
royalism of the Irish was a mere catchword. ' An Irish 
rebel and an English cavalier in words and actions we found 
as unlike as an egg is to an egg,' he adds rather ambiguously. 
Among the English there were many abuses both in ecclesi- 
astical and civil government, many unfaithful ministers, and 
many scurrilous and ignorant congregations. Ireland, he 
prophetically concludes, will be reduced ' when soldiers and 
commanders there shall rather attend the present work than 
the continuance of their trade.' l 

When Clanricarde returned from the conference at Trim 

1 Hugh Peters, ut sup. The narrative was ordered to be printed by a 
committee of the House of Commons immediately after Forbes's return. 
Two letters from Forbes to the two Houses, dated Glin, September 27 and 
28, were brought over by Peters and published October 11. He says the 
Irish were ' so impudently bold as to father their rebellion upon his sacred 
Majesty,' though they had never seen any warrant. Their ' priests and 
prime commanders ' tried to make them fight desperately by saying there 
was no hope of pardon. 


he found things in a bad way at Galway. Little or no support CHAP. 
was given him from Dublin, while agents of the confederates 
did all in their power, ' both by spiritual and temporal 
practices,' to seduce his men and to sap his great local in- 
fluence. He was somewhat comforted by a letter from the 
King, who approved of his conduct, protested that Lord 
Forbes had no orders from him, and declared that he would and 
support him rather than ' those who pretend that they do Forbes! GS 
really serve us by rebelling against us.' Colonel John Bourke 
was acting as lieutenant-general for the confederates on 
Christmas Eve, and the question of closely besieging the fort 
was at once entertained. Willoughby had exasperated the 
townsmen by firing into their houses, and many were ready 
to retaliate, though the more prudent hesitated. His necessi- 
ties forced him to drive cattle wherever he could, and he 
was not particular about the exact opinions of the owners. 
On one occasion fifty of his men were intercepted by a party 
from Galway, several being killed and others taken prisoners. 
From accounts given by the latter general Bourke was con- 
vinced that the fort might be starved out, and breastworks 
were erected on the points at the mouth of the river to prevent 
relief by sea. Chains were afterwards drawn across the 
channel. Of relief by land there was little chance, for Clanri- 
carde's castle of Claregalway had been betrayed to the Irish, 
and it was as much as he could do to provide for the safety 
of Loughrea and Portumna. Bourke had a garrison at 
Athenry, and some of his troops watched Eoscommon so 
as to prevent Kanelagh from making any move. Preston 
had occupied Banagher, and Inchiquin, though he wrote 
civil letters, could find neither men nor money. Early in 
May Bourke besieged the fort in force, with about 1000 Galway 
men, but he made no approaches, and trusted to famine. On besieged, 
or about June 10 Captain Brooke, who commanded a man- 
of-war in the bay, sent in a flotilla of boats to attempt the 
relief of the fort, but they were beaten back by boats from 
the town, assisted by the fire from the breastworks. Wil- 
loughby believed this to be his last chance, and as a choice 
of evils proposed to surrender his post into Clanricarde's 




The fort 

by the 
Aug. 1648. 

Owen Roe 
and Sir 


hands. This could not be done without the consent of the 
Irish, and the terms offered by Bourke were such as Clanri- 
carde could not in honour entertain. He held the King's 
commission, and yet he was required to take the confederate 
oath of association, and to do nothing without the consent 
of the corporation of Galway, and of several other persons, 
the betrayer of Claregalway being one. Negotiations upon 
this basis necessarily failed, and Willoughby capitulated on 
the 20th without making Clanricarde a party. The garrison 
marched out with the honours of war, and were allowed 
to go on board ship. The post at Oranmore, which belonged 
to Clanricarde, was surrendered on the same terms without 
his consent. The day after the capitulation was signed a 
squadron sailed into the bay, which had it come sooner 
would have been able to relieve the fort. On August 6 Galway 
opened its gates to Bourke and granted him 3001., which 
enabled him to proceed to the siege of Castle Coote. The 
castles of Athlone and Roscommon in the Lord President's 
hands, Loughrea, Portumna and Kildogan in Clanricarde's, 
were the only other places in Connaught of which the Irish 
were not by this time masters. 1 

Owen Roe O'Neill had been appointed general of Ulster 
by the confederates, but it was some time before he was 
fully acknowledged, for Sir Phelim was very unwilling to 
yield the first place. It was found necessary to send primate 
O'Reilly as a peacemaker. Leven arrived in Ireland soon after 
O'Neill, but attempted little, and left the country in Nov- 
ember, driven out, as Turner believed, by the insubordinate 
action of the officers. O'Neill claimed him as an ally if he was 
for the King, but would consider him an enemy if he was 
for the Parliament. * I charitably advise you,' he wrote, ' to 
abandon the kingdom and defend your own native country.' 
According to O'Neill's panegyrist this letter drove him 
away, but perhaps he really went because the Parliament 
of England invited him. According to Turner he appropriated 
2500Z. sent to him from England for the use of the army ; 
' and truly this earl who lived till past fourscore, was of so 
1 Clanricarde's Memoirs, April to August ; Sellings, L 


good a memory that he was never known to forget himself, CHAP. 
nay, not in extreme old age.' When leaving Ireland he told ... J^ 
Monro that O'Neill would be too much for him, if ever he 
succeeded in getting an army together. 1 

O'Neill could get as many men as he wanted, but arms O'Neill 
and ammunition were not so plentiful. He succeeded, how- Monro. 
ever, in equipping a force of about 1500 men during the 
winter. In May 1643 Monro attacked him with superior 
numbers near Charlemont, but without much result, though 
he himself fought on foot to encourage his men, calling out 
' Fay, fay, run away from a wheen rebels.' A second attack 
some weeks later also ended in nothing, but in July O'Neill 
was defeated by Robert Stewart near Clones, with the loss 
of 150 men. Shouts of ' Whar's Macart ? ' showed that the O'Neill 


great object was to capture the Irish leader, and he had a at Clones 
very narrow escape. O'Neill afterwards made his way to 
Mohill in Leitrim, where he procured a small supply of arms 
from Kilkenny and then encamped near Boyle. This camp 
was surprised in August by a small English force, and about 
160 men killed and wounded, the sentries having been made 
drunk by Irish sutlers who brought them spirits from the 
neighbouring garrisons. Immediately afterwards O'Neill was 
ordered by the Supreme Council to join Sir James Dillon in 
Meath with as many men as possible. He succeeded in col- 
lecting 3000, with whom he marched across Cavan, taking 
castles on the way, till he came to Portlester near Trim. 
The castle near the ford was taken after a short cannonade, O'Neill in 


and O'Neill prepared to defend the passage of the Boyne Lord 

against Lord Moore, who was approaching from Dublin with 
a superior force. A short fight took place, and Moore was cut Septi 12> 
in two by a cannon-ball, the gun being laid by O'Neill himself, 
with the assistance of a ' perspective glass.' The attempt to 
cross was then abandoned and the cessation was agreed to 
three days later. 2 

1 Sir James Turner's Memoirs, p. 25 ; Aphorismical Discovery, i. 45 ; 
O'Neill's Journal ; Sellings, i. 116. Leven was back at Edinburgh, Novem- 
ber 30, 1642, Spalding's Hist, of the Troubles, ii. 100. 

2 O'Neill's Journal; Bettings, i. 152; Aphorismical Discovery, i. 72; 




The King 
decides to 

bat is not 
to concede 

In the meantime Charles had made up his mind to treat 
with the Irish. As early as July 31, 1642, the nobility and 
gentry assembled at Kilkenny had petitioned the Bang for 
an interview where they might affirm their loyalty, and 
explain the grievances which had induced them to take up 
arms. This was forwarded through Ormonde, who was 
warned that if he refused to transmit it he would be held 
' guilty of all the evils that may ensue.' He first communi- 
cated with the Lords Justices and Council, who agreed to for- 
ward a copy of the petition to the King with remarks of their 
own, but as they took a long time about it Ormonde sent 
over the original himself, ' being well assured that his 
Majesty's judgment is not to be surprised with any colours 
these rebels can cast upon their foul disloyalty.' Charles 
took no notice of the document, and in December the Koman 
Catholics sent fresh petitions both to the King and Queen. 
They asked to have a place appointed where they might 
state their grievances at length. The result was a royal 
commission, dated January 11, to Ormonde and others, 
authorising them to meet representatives from the rebels 
and hear what they had to say. Thomas Burke, one of the 
Irish Parliamentary Committee who contributed to Strafford's 
condemnation, brought over the packet and was himself 
joined in the commission, which made a very bad impression 
on the Protestants, since he was believed to have been an 
abettor of the original outbreak. ' We have not thought fit,' 
Charles wrote to Ormonde at the same time, ' to admit any 
of them to our presence, who have been actors or abettors 
in so odious a rebellion.' He also sent a paper pointing out 
that an abrogation of the penal laws would be asked for, 
but that nothing more could be granted than a mild admini- 
stration of laws which were never severe. A repeal of 
Poynings' Act, or any measure tending to make the Irish 
Parliament independent, was refused beforehand. Inquiries 

Letter of Monck and other officers, September 12, in Confederation and 
War, ii. 363. Some wit produced the following : 

' Contra Romanes mores, res mira, dynasta 
Moms ab Eugenio canonizatus erat.' 


into forfeitures or titles could not be carried further back CHAP. 


than the beginning of the reign, and Recusants were never ^_ T _j. 
to hold the majority of official posts. Drogheda was at first 
designed as the place of meeting, but this was objected to 
by the Irish, and the conference took place at Trim on Conference 
March 17. Ormonde was absent in the field, but the statement March, ' 
was received by Clanricarde, Moore, Roscommon, and Sir 1 
Maurice Eustace, and by them transmitted to the King. 1 

The Remonstrance presented to Clanricarde and his Irish 
colleagues at Trim is an able paper, but it hardly afforded a strance. 
basis for lasting peace between parties whose objects were 
radically different. The remonstrants objected to the penal 
laws, which resulted in driving all professors of the old 
faith from the service of the state, and in employing in their 
stead upstarts whose great aim was to enrich themselves. 
The attacks upon property which Strafford had begun were Attack 
continued after his death, and Sir William Parsons in par- Parsons, 
ticular had incurred the gravest odium by using his position 
as Lord Justice and Master of the Wards to oust the old 
proprietors from their estates. They demanded a free Parlia- 
ment, that is, a Parliament in which they would have an 
overwhelming majority. The Protestant party had never 
been the most numerous, and with the country in military 
possession of their opponents they could only hope to return 
very few members. The immediate result of the Trim meeting who is 
was that Charles superseded Parsons and appointed Sir Henry 
Tichborne Lord Justice in his stead. A few days later he 
authorised and commanded Ormonde to conclude a truce 
for one year with the Confederates, and when that was done 
to carry the Irish army over to Chester. 2 

Inchiquin had not much to fear in Munster from such a 
general as Barry, but he had no money to support an army 
in the field. He sent one part of his force to Kerry, where 
means of subsistence were found, and another under Sir 

1 Ormonde to Nicholas, August 13, 1642, in appendix to Carte's 
Ormonde ; Confederation and War, ii. 50, 129, 139, 243. 

2 Remonstrance of grievances, March 17 ; the King's letters and Com- 
mission, April 23, Confederation a id War, ii. 248, 265. j 


CHAP. Charles Vavasour to the borders of Tipperary, while he him- 


AAiii. ge j ga j. ft own b e f ore Kilmallock. He had no hope of being able 
to effect anything without money or stores. Vavasour took 
Cloghleagh Castle, near Mitchelstown, and after the surrender 
some of his followers slaughtered the defenders, and apparently 
some women and children with them. In the meantime 
Castlehaven received a pressing invitation from some of the 
Cork gentry, who had no confidence in their own general. 
He persuaded the council at Kilkenny to give him money, 
with which he soon raised a body of horse, and on June 4 
he routed Vavasour near Kilworth. On Castlehaven's side 
only cavalry were engaged, Barry, with the main body, being 
more than two miles off, and the result was due to panic. 
Vavasour's horse for the most part escaped, but he himself 
was taken prisoner and his force routed. This action was 
important, because it was the first victory of the Irish in the 
field since the beginning of the war, for the affair at Julians- 
town scarcely counted as a battle. Cox, with all his preju- 
dices, says it was a just judgment on Vavasour and his 
followers, ' for suffering some inferior officers to violate the 
quarter they had given to the garrison of Cloghleagh.' : 
King and During the spring and summer Charles continued to 

ment. press for a cessation of arms, full discretion as to terms 
being given to Ormonde. The commission to him sets forth 
that the two Houses of Parliament 'to whose care at their 
instance we left it ' to manage the Irish war, had long failed 
to support the army and to defend loyal subjects. The general 
assembly of the Confederates met at Kilkenny on May 20, 
and appointed commissioners with powers to treat, but nothing 
was actually done for more than a month, when they delivered 
their first proposition at Castlemartin in Kildare. Ormonde 
gave his answer within a week, and the commissioners then 
asked for an adjournment till July 13. Time was in their 
favour, for the treaty would confirm each party in possession 
of what they held, and they were gaining ground. On the 
appointed day the commissioners returned a dilatory answer, 
and Ormonde resolved if possible to try conclusions with 

1 Inchiquin to Cork, May 25, in Smith's History of Cork ; Castle- 
haven, p. 41. 


Preston in the field. He collected 5000 men and succeeded 
in retaking Edenderry and some other strong places, but 
his opponent evaded a general action, and scarcity of pro- 
visions soon forced him to return to Dublin. On August 1 Preston. 
orders arrived from the King to arrest four Privy Councillors 
who sided with the Parliament as much as they could, and 
against whom charges had been brought. Sir John Temple, Arrest of 
Sir Adam Loftus, and Sir R. Meredith were accordingly shut 
up in the Castle, Parsons being excused on making affidavit 

that confinement would injure his health. The opposition ciliors, 
was thus silenced, and Ormonde found himself complete 
master. In the meantime Pier-Francesco Scarampi, an Arrival of 
Oratorian, arrived at Kilkenny with a commission from the "" Jimpl) 
Pope, and immediately threw his weight into the scale against 
peace. The Confederates, he urged, appeared to be winning, 
and if they continued to fight vigorously they would probably 
get control of the country. Nothing was to be expected from who 
the justice of any English party, but if they made themselves anyTruce. 
formidable they might extort respect from the victors, 
whether King or Parliament. Instead of giving money to 
Charles ' to be converted by his ministers, our enemies, to 
their own use,' it would be much better to employ their 
resources in driving the Scots out of Ulster. The Scots would 
not be bound by the cessation, which would be a sham as 
long as it was necessary to fight them. Foreign princes would 
be offended if arms supplied by them were laid down without 
their consent. The real object of Scarampi's mission was 
to ' reinstate the Catholic religion and worship throughout 
the whole country, and to restore to the entire island the 
splendour of its ancient sanctity,' and not to beg an uncertain 
truce for a year. Sellings, on the contrary, who expressed the Beiiings 
official view taken by the Supreme Council, argued that 
it was above all necessary to show that they were no rebels, 
to join with the English to drive out the Scots, and ' that 
the Catholic Church may, in safety and freedom, by a tacit 
licence from the Bong, exercise her rights and jurisdiction 
among us.' There was a great difference between what 
ultramontane priests were determined to get, and what 
VOL. n. E 




unable to 
the war. 


Sept. 15. 

A truce 
not a 

laymen, and especially lay landowners, were willing to 
accept. There can be no doubt that Scarampi, and Rinuccini 
after him, had plenty of justification for refusing to trust 
the King, who could do nothing unless he were victorious 
in England, and who would then be able to defy everyone. 1 
Ormonde offered to continue the war, in spite of the 
King's wishes, if the Privy Council could find any means 
of feeding the army. This he knew they could not do, and 
the Confederates knew it too. All the chief officers declared 
that a truce was necessary. Both sides were fighting in 
the King's name, and it did not suit either of them to disobey 
his direct orders, so that the conference was renewed at 
Sigginstown, near Naas, and there the terms of cessation 
were agreed to on September 15. The King's commission 
being to Ormonde personally, he signed the articles alone 
on the one part. Ten persons signed on the part of the Con- 
federates, of whom Lord Muskerry, Sir Robert Talbot, and 
Geoffrey Brown were perhaps the most notable. A meeting 
of the Privy Council was held immediately afterwards, and 
the articles were solemnly approved. Clanricarde and Inchi- 
quin were present. In the articles of cessation none of the 
grievances so often brought forward by the Confederates 
were touched upon at all. On the other hand they refused 
to make any stipulation as to sending an army to England. 
This they were willing to do, but declined to bind themselves 
until after the conclusion of a truce. There was a cessation 
of hostilities for one year and nothing more, based upon the 
actual condition of affairs. All places in possession of the 
King's Protestant or Roman Catholic subjects respectively 
were to remain so during the year, and trade was to be free. 
Prisoners were to be mutually restored. The practical mean- 
ing of this was that Ormonde retained the coastline from 
below Bray up to and including Belfast, and a strip of terri- 
tory, including Naas, Navan, and Lisburn, with detached 

1 Commission dated Oxford, April 23, in Confederation and War, i. 267 ; 
Propositions of the Confederates, June 24, with Ormonde's answer, June 29 ; 
Boilings' reasons in favour of a cessation and Scarampi's answer, July and 
August. The above are in Confederation and War, ii. ; Bettings, i. 160 ; 
Carte's Ormonde. See the observations in Gardiner's Great Civil War T 
chap. xi. 


garrisons at Athboy, Maryborough, and Carlow in Leinster. CHAP. 
In Ulster Londonderry, Coleraine, and Enniskillen were also ^ XXIII^ 
held by the Protestants, and in Munster they had the ports of 
Cork, Youghal, Kinsale, and Courtmacsherry, and the valley 
of the Blackwater from above Mallow to the sea. In Con- 
naught Clanricarde, though not a Protestant, yet adhering to 
Ormonde, retained Loughrea and Portumna, while the Lord 
President kept the castle of Athlone, Roscommon, and Castle 
Coote. Monro and his Scots held Carrickfergus and Lough 
Larne, and all the rest of the island was in the hands of the 
Confederates. Within a week the cessation was proclaimed 
at several places in the Pale, and at the three Connaught 
fortresses, and directions for doing the like were sent to all 
principal officers. On September 16, the day after the signing 
of the articles, the Confederate commissioners granted the The Con- 
King 30,OOOZ., half in cash and half in bullocks, payable by Set 68 
instalments extending over six months. A further sum of g"" 1 * 110 

& the King. 

800?. was to be paid within two months to maintain the 
garrison at Naas. 1 

In April 1642 Ormonde had received a jewel and the Ormonde 
thanks of the House of Commons for his services against 
the ' wicked, bloody rebels.' In the following August, a few 
days after the raising of the royal standard, Charles made 
him a marquis. After the cessation he was appointed Lord 
Lieutenant, and the farce of Leicester's viceroyalty came 
to an end. The latter was a very good but very weak man, 
and his vacillations prevented his being trusted by any 
party. Meanwhile Ireland had been left to substitutes without 
either the ability or the position required to command success. 
The ruling party in the English Parliament, whatever their The 
shortcomings may have been, were opposed to the cessation, 
The King having informed them of his commission to menfc 

against the 

Ormonde, they retorted that they had just cause to suspect cessation, 
an impious design on foot to sell for nought the crying blood 
of many hundreds of thousands of British Protestants, by a 

1 Confederation and War, ii. 364-384 ; Bettings, i. 156, 163 ; Declaration 
of Clanricarde, Inchiquin, and fifteen others that the cessation was neces- 
sary, printed by Cox, ii. 133. 

E 2 




The Irish 
insist on 
the trace, 

failed to 
the war. 

dishonourable, insufferable peace with the rebels, and then 
to lav the blame and shame of this upon the Parliament, a 
plot suitable to those counsels that have both projected 
and fomented this unparalleled rebellion ' ; for those who 
contrived the powder treason intended to lay it on the Puri- 
tans. The Lords Justices and Council informed both King 
and Speaker that their position was bad in the extreme, 
and that this was owing mainly to Parliament having failed 
to send the necessary supplies. To this the two Houses 
replied that they had made great efforts, and that in any 
case the direction of the war belonged to them, as well as 
the privilege of acting as bankers to the Irish Council. Full 
control had been conferred on them by Act of Parliament, 
and the King had no power to deprive them of it. This joint- 
letter is dated July 4, but was not delivered in Dublin till 
October 6, after the cessation had been actually concluded. 
The Lords Justices, with Ormonde and thirteen others of 
the Irish Council, rejoined in greatest detail, reviewing all 
that had passed between the two Governments. Such was 
the lack of money, after the great local efforts, that the 
sack of Dublin by the unpaid soldiery was a calamity daily 
expected. The parliamentary ships had failed to guard the 
coasts, so that the Confederate cruisers often intercepted 
such scanty supplies as were sent ; and even captains em- 
ployed by Parliament prevented the passage of necessaries 
from Liverpool to Ireland. A cessation was the only means 
of self-preservation, ' and seeing that the charge of this war 
was referred to and undertaken by the Houses of Parliament 
of England, and that by those despatches they fully under- 
stood the condition of affairs here, we offer it to any man's 
consideration whether or no we had not just cause to con- 
ceive and accordingly to express, that our difficulties were 
occasioned through the Houses of Parliament in England.' * 

1 Lords Justices and Council to the King, May 11, 1643, and to the 
two Houses, October 28 ; the Speakers of both Houses to the Lords Justices 
and Council, July 4 all in Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, book vii. 334, 
366. Ormonde was appointed Lord Lieutenant November 13, and sworn 
in January 21 following. As to Leicester, see the preface to Blencowe's 
Sydney Papers and his letter of complaint to the Queen in Collins's Sydney 
Papers, ii. 673. 




AFTER the cessation had been concluded, but before its CHAP, 

actual terms were known in London, the two Houses pub- ^ J_, 

lished a declaration against it, as destructive of the Pro- ;^ ation 

testant interest, and for the benefit of the ' furious, blood- condemned 

by Parha- 

thirsty Papists.' Protestant opinion even in Ireland was ment. 
certainly against the cessation, and yet it was evidently a 
military necessity. If the troops left Dublin the Irish would 
be able to take it, and in the meantime, being unpaid, they 
robbed and plundered almost as if they had been in an enemy's 
city. The general result was that Ormonde and the thorough- Changed 
going Eoyalists were henceforth engaged, not in endeavouring O f parties, 
to suppress a rebellion, but in trying to make terms with 
misguided belligerents. Those Protestants who thought more 
of religion and less of loyalty gravitated towards the Parlia- 
ment. Ormonde lost no time in obeying the King's order 
about sending troops to England. Before the end of October Troops 
one regiment from Munster had landed at Minehead, and England, 
another at Bristol, under Vavasour and Paulet. They were, 
says Clarendon, very good and excellently officered, but not 
many in number, and they went to swell Hopton's ill-fated 
army. The common men sympathised largely with the 
Parliament, though discipline and the hope of reward kept 
them together. About the middle of November 2500 men 
from Leinster landed at Mostyn, in Flintshire. About the 
same number came partly to Beaumaris and partly to the 
Dee early in the next year, but before that the first detach- 
ment had suffered a great disaster. Nantwich was garrisoned 
for the Parliament, and Sir William Brereton faced Lord 
Byron in the field. Hawarden, Beeston, and Northwich 




The rout 
at Nant- 
wich, Jan. 

with the 

quickly fell into the hands of the Royalists, and about the 
beginning of January Byron summoned Nantwich, which 
was soon hard pressed. Fairfax spent his Christmas in Lin- 
colnshire, and after the capture of Gainsborough a message 
from Stamford informed him that Brereton was hard prebsed 
in Cheshire. At Manchester, which he did not reach till 
January 12, he collected every available man, and on the 
21st marched towards Nantwich with 2500 foot and 28 
troops of horse. Byron's force was about the same or perhaps 
a little stronger. Fairfax gained a complete victory, a large 
part of the contingent from Ireland being captured in 
Acton church. Seventy officers and about 1600 men were 
taken prisoners, including Monck, who was present as a 
volunteer, Colonel Warren, who commanded his late regiment, 
being also taken. ' Warren's regiment,' says Sir Robert 
Byron, ' though they had their beloved Colonel Monck in 
the head of them, was no sooner charged than they broke, 
and being rallied again, the next charge ran quite away.' 
Their hearts were not in the work, and some 800 men chiefly 
from this regiment afterwards took service under the Parlia- 
ment. They were Englishmen and Protestants, but this 
was not generally believed, and nothing made the King's 
cause so hopeless as the imputation of having brought an 
army of Irish Papists into England. Lord Byron wished 
that reinforcements should be ' rather Irish than English ' 
because they would have no seditious sympathies and he 
did not see why the King should not employ them, ' or the 
Turks if they would serve him.' 1 

Ormonde had misgivings about the royalism of his army, 
and events showed that they were well founded. To make 
things as safe as possible he obliged all who went to England 
to sign a protestation of allegiance to the King and the 
Church, with a promise to hold no communication with 

1 Bell's Memorials of the Civil War (Fairfax Correspondence), L 68 ; 
Dugdale's Journal in his SJwrt View. Fairfax's report to Essex is in 
Rushworth, v. 302 ; the accounts of Byron and his brother Robert in 
^Carte's Original Letters, i. 36-42. See also Fairfax's Short Memorials in 
Somers Tracts, v. 387 ; Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, rii. 403 ; and 
Gardiner's Civil War, i. 346. 

AFTER THE CESSATION, 1643-1644 5, 

Essex or any other parliamentary officer. The soldiers were CHAP. 
so anxious to get out of Ireland, where they had been . ^ _ 
starving and in rags, that they made no difficulty. Colonel 
Monck and Colonel Lawrence Crawford were the only officers 
who refused. Crawford, who was a covenanted Scot, was 
threatened with imprisonment, and took refuge with Monro. 
Monck, who objected to political pledges, was deprived of 
his regiment and allowed to go to Bristol, where he was 
arrested by direction of Ormonde in a private letter, but 
was soon allowed to go to the King at Oxford. Digby pro- Monet's 
cured him an audience in Christ Church garden, where he the King, 
told Charles that the war was ill-managed, and that the army 
should be reduced to 10,000 men, thoroughly equipped and 
with professional officers trained in the Low Countries. A 
commission was given him to raise a fresh regiment with the 
promise of a major-general's command. Not having done 
the work before Nantwich, he preferred to fight there in the 
ranks, and when taken was sent to the Tower, where he 
remained in a destitute condition for two years, writing his 
book on military affairs and making love to Ann Radford. 
Charles, who had little to spare, once sent him 100Z., a kindness 
which Monck never forgot. 1 

While Ormonde was negotiating with the Confederates The 
under the title of ' His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects Lea*gue 
now in arms ' he had not allowed them to style themselves covenant 
* Catholics ' simply a common danger was drawing the 
Scottish estates and the English Parliament into a closer 
alliance. One week after the conclusion of the Irish cessation 
the solemn League and Covenant was published by order of 
the House of Commons. The word League was introduced 
by Vane to emphasise the political character of the compact, 
for the growing Independent party had no idea of submitting 
themselves to the strict yoke of Presbyterian polity. Making 
this reservation and reducing the sum promised to 30,000?., 

1 Gamble's Life of Monck, 18 ; Carte's Life of Ormonde, i. p. 468. Crawford 
wrote an account of his proceedings under the title of Ireland's Ingratitude 
to the Parliament of England, &c., which was published by order of the 
House of Commons, February 3, 1643 ; and see Carlyle, i. 173. 




Ireland a 
party to 

we may accept Baillie's account : ' The authority of a General 
Assembly and Convention of Estate was great ; the penalties 
set down in print before the Covenant, and read with it, were 
great ; the chief aim of it was for the propagation of our 
Church discipline to England and Ireland ; the great good, 
and honour of our nation ; also the Parliament's advantage 
at Gloucester and Newbury, but most of all the Irish cessa- 
tion, made the minds of our people embrace that means of 
safety ; for when it was seen in print from Dublin, that in 
July his Majesty had sent a commission to the Marquis of 
Ormonde, the judges, and committee there, to treat with these 
miscreants ; that the dissenting commissioners were cast in 
prison ; that the agreement was proclaimed, accepting the 
sum of 300,OOOZ. sterling from these idolatrous butchers, and 
giving them, over the name of Roman Catholic subjects now 
in arms, a sure peace for a year, with full liberty to bring in 
what men, arms, money they could from all the world, and to 
exterminate all who should not agree to that proclamation ; 
we thought it clear that the Popish party was so far coun- 
tenanced, as it was necessary for all Protestants to join 
more strictly for their own safety ; and that so much the 
more, as ambassadors from France were come both to 
England and us, with open threat of hostility from that 
Crown.' Monro refused to be bound by the cessation, but 
abstained from open hostilities until orders came from 
Scotland. ' Here,' says Turner, ' was strange work, a man 
not able to prosecute a war, yet will not admit of a cessation. 
It cost us dear, for since the King's restoration, all our arrears 
were paid us by telling us we were not in the King's pay y 
since we refused to obey his commands ; and very justly we 
were so served.' By a clever stroke of the politicians rather 
than the theologians Ireland was made a party to the 
Covenant as ' by the providence of God living under one 
King, and being of one reformed religion, 'thus excluding the 
Irish confederates from the rights of subjects. 1 

The confederate assembly sat at Waterford in the early 

1 Text of the Solemn League and Covenant in Rushworth ; Baillie's 
Letters, ii. 102-103 ; Sir James Turner's Memoirs, p. 29. 

AFTEK THE CESSATION, 1643-1644 57 

part of November, and summoned O'Neill to meet them there. CHAP. 


It was determined to attack Monro, and indeed a chief object 
of the cessation was to have their hands free for so doing, 

Their great difficulty was about the choice of a general. O'Neill Con - 
was the ablest officer available, but they feared to put so much 
power into his hands, and were influenced by ' that ancient 
and everlasting difference ' between the North and South. 
They could not name Preston, between whom and General 
Owen O'Neill there was ' such an antipathy as, from their 
first apprenticeship in soldiery, which they had passed at 
least thirty years before, notwithstanding their having 
served for all that time the same princes, and been employed 
in the same actions of war, could not be removed.' After 
much discussion Castlehaven was chosen, for he was generally 
liked, and no one suspected him of personal ambition. O'Neill 
was pleased at the rejection of his enemy, but he wished to 
be general-in- chief, and the evils of divided command were 
not long in showing themselves. In the mean time Antrim 
came to Waterford, and there were some who thought good 
might be done at the English Court by giving : him the title 
of Lieutenant-General. It was, however, expressly stipulated Antrim's 
that he should have no real military authority in Ireland, command. 
He did not so understand it himself, or perhaps he only pre- 
tended not to understand, and proposed to carry into England 
the very forces which had been provided for the invasion 
of Ulster. This claim was quickly set aside, and Castlehaven 
was ordered to continue his preparations. 1 

Early in December, Owen O'Connolly arrived in Ulster The 
with instructions from Westminster, and at once invited 
the English to take the Covenant. Lord Montgomery, his Ulster - 
uncle Sir James, Sir Robert Stewart, Sir William Cole, Colonels 
Arthur Chichester, Hill, and Mervyn, and Eobert Thornton, 
mayor of Londonderry, met at Belfast on January 2 and 
decided not to do so, but to consider themselves under 
Ormonde's orders, which involved acceptance of the cessa- 
tion. In writing to the Parliament they merely asked for 
money to prosecute the war against the rebels. But the bulk 

1 Colonel O'Neill's Journal ; Castlehaven, p. 46 ; Bettings, iii. 3-7. 




A deputa- 
tion from 


in Ulster 
for the 

of the men composing what were called the British regiments, 
as distinguished from Monro's Scots, were of Scottish origin, 
and were induced to take the Covenant by the Presbyterian 
ministers, who were vigorously supported by Sir Frederick 
Hamilton. All were required at the same time to repudiate 
StrafEord's black oath and to confess their fault in taking it. 
A deputation of four ministers, one of whom was William 
Adair, was sent over by the Scotch General Assembly, and 
reached Carrickfergus at the end of March. Monro readily 
embraced the Covenant with all his officers and soldiers except 
Major Dalzell, whom Adair calls an ' atheist,' and who after- 
wards served in Russia, where he learned methods of warfare 
which made him no less odious as a persecutor than Claver- 
house or the Laird of Lag. The country people followed 
the example of the soldiers. At Belfast, where Chichester 
commanded, the ministers met with some opposition, for he 
had published the proclamation against the Covenant by 
Ormonde's orders ; but everywhere else they were received 
gladly. At Coleraine, Colonel Audley Mervyn and Sir Robert 
Stewart were at first hostile, but the majority were favourable. 
At Londonderry Adair and his colleagues appeared in the 
market-place while the Church of England service was going 
on in the principal church, and the mayor and others, ' coming 
from their sacrament, stood somewhat amazed,' but did not 
molest the meeting. At Enniskillen they were equally 
successful, Sir William Cole, after some little hesitation, 
taking the Covenant himself. They went as far west as 
Rathmelton and Ballyshannon, and on their return to London- 
derry Mervyn took the Covenant, the soldiers greeting him 
with shouts of ' Welcome, Colonel.' Sir Robert Stewart 
followed suit at Coleraine. 1 

Towards the end of December the English Parliament 
resolved to put the British and Scottish forces in Ulster 
under one commander, and Leven was named. He did 
not return to Ireland, but was authorised to appoint a 
lieutenant, and so at the end of April 1644 Monro obtained 

1 Rev. Patrick Adair's MS. in Reid's Presbyterian Church, ii. 439-464. 
Adair's narrative was published at Belfast in 1867. 

AFTER THE CESSATION, 1643-1644 59 

the full command. Some of his unfed and unpaid troops had CHAP. 


gone back to Scotland, but the remonstrances of the Ulster ~ _ '__. 
Protestants prevailed, and the policy of withdrawing from 
Ireland was not persevered in. The colonels of the British 
regiments met at Belfast on May 13 to deliberate as to what 
degree of obedience they would give Monro, and he resolved 
to anticipate their decision. In spite of Chichester and his He seizes 
proclamation the Covenant was popular in Belfast, and had May"^, 
many friends among the soldiers. Scouts were sent out during l )44> 
the night after the meeting of the colonels in consequence of 
reports as to hostile intentions on Monro's part. They 
returned about six in the morning, saying that they had been 
within three miles of Carrickfergus and had seen nothing, the 
probability being that they had met the Scots and come to 
an understanding with them. At seven Monro appeared, 
and Captain MacAdam's sergeant, who commanded the 
guard, at once opened the gate. Monro marched through the 
town unopposed, seized the gate at the other end, and took 
possession of all the cannon. Chichester was allowed to 
remain in the castle, which was his own house, with 100 
men, but the other regiments were quartered outside the 
town. As soon as Belfast was secured, Monro marched on to 
Lisburn, but there he found the garrison on their guard and 
devoted to Ormonde. The English regiments were left in and 
possession, but Monro succeeded in getting all the Protestant general 
troops in Ulster to serve under him. On the last day of obedience - 
June he had collected 10,000 foot and 1000 horse at Armagh, 
and with these he marched to Cavan. l 

Castlehaven's army of 6000 foot and 1000 horse were in Expedition 
the meantime ordered to assemble at Granard, but not more under 
than half had arrived when Monro's approach was announced, 
He left Mountgarret's brother, John Butler, to defend the 
passage into Leinster at Finnea between Lough Sheelin and 
Lough Kinale. According to an Irish writer, Butler was given 
to carousing at critical times, and he failed to maintain his 
position. Monro advanced as far as Carlanstown Castle, 

1 Benn's Hist, of Belfast, 103-109 ; Turner's Memoirs, p. 33 ; Report to 
Ormonde, May 27, 1644, in Contemp. Hist. i. 586. 




and Ulster 


a failure. 

which he burned, but finding that Castlehaven and O'Neill 
had joined forces at Portlester in Meath, he withdrew north- 
wards again. He had started with provisions for only three 
weeks. Castlehaven then called on O'Neill to perform his 
promise of co-operating in an invasion of Ulster with 4000 
foot and 400 horse, and O'Neill assured him that he should 
have no reason to complain when actually operating in the 
northern province. During the greater part of August and 
September, Castlehaven lay at Charlemont and Monro at 
Tanderagee, but there was no general action, and O'Neill 
was ill nearly all the time. In a skirmish at Scarva on the 
borders of Down and Armagh, Captain Blair was taken, and 
about 100 Scots killed. In another encounter between 
Benburb and Caledon three of O'Neill's officers fell, Colonel 
Ffennell looking on with some of Castlehaven's horse, but 
doing nothing to save them. There was evidently no love 
lost between the Leinster and Ulster men, and at last, about 
the beginning of October, Castlehaven returned to his own 
province. O'Neill upbraided him with the conduct of his 
officer, ' a gentleman I see here, Lieutenant-Colonel Ffennell, 
with the feather, a cowardly cock, for seeing my kinsmen 
overpowered by the enemy, some of them hacked before his 
face, and a strong brigade of horse under his command, and 
never offered to relieve them.' Castlehaven had very little 
help from the Ulster Irish, except in the way of provisions. 
4 O'Neill,' he said, ' began to be very weary sometimes of 
assisting me with cows,' and attributes the ill-success of the 
whole expedition to the ' failing, or something else, of General 
Owen Roe O'Neill.' On the other hand, we are told that 
O'Neill went to Kilkenny and demanded an inquiry, saying 
that the foreign residents would think very little of the 
Confederacy if neither general lost his head. A committee 
sat accordingly, but no report transpired. 1 

Having failed to acquire any real influence at Kilkenny, 

1 Castlehaven's Memoirs, 48-53 ; O'Neill's Journal in Contemp. Hist. iii. 
202-4 ; British armies in Ulster to Ormonde, ib. i. 602. The abusive account 
in the Aphorismical Discovery may be neglected ; it absurdly states that 
Castlehaven was 'no soldier,' ib. i. 84. Sellings, iii. 11. 

AFTEK THE CESSATION, 1643-1644 61 

Antrim went to England, and arrived at Oxford December 16, CHAP. 
1643. He talked about providing an army of 10,000, but , XXIV. 
was not at first taken very seriously. ' We know the person Antrim* f 
well,' said Digby, ' and therefore wondered to find those 
probabilities which he made appear unto us of his power 
with the Irish.' But Montrose was at Oxford, and saw his 
chance at once. On January 28, an agreement was made 
between Montrose, ' his Majesty's Lieutenant-General ' for 
Scotland and Antrim, ' his Majesty's General of the isles and 
highlands of Scotland,' binding both to appear in arms by 
April 1. Antrim's share of the work was to levy all the men His agree- 
he could in Ireland and in the Scottish isles, ' and with the Montrose, 
said forces invade the Marquis of Argyle's country in Scotland.' J^^ 
The witnesses were Digby, Robert Spotswoode, and Daniel 
O'Neill. The King himself directed Ormonde to give Antrim 
every possible assistance, and Daniel O'Neill was sent with 
him ' by way of ballast,' and as ' the fittest person to steer 
him.' It was very hard to bring the King to this point, for he 
distrusted Antrim and disliked O'Neill. But Digby was in 
his element, and he persuaded Charles to give Antrim a 
marquisate, which he vainly imagined would make him 
Ormonde's equal, and to appoint O'Neill a Gentleman of 
the Bedchamber, which was his great object of ambition. At 
Oxford Antrim talked chiefly of the moderate courses to 
which he intended to lead the Irish, but at Kilkenny he had 
encouraged them to hope that by his interest all their objects 
would be easily gained. 1 

Antrim and O'Neill reached Kilkenny on February 23. TheCon- 
In obedience to the King's instructions, their first business was hesitate to 

to persuade the Confederates to send him ' 10,000 men, weU 
armed, to be transported into England with all possible land 
expedition,' and to provide them with artillery, ammunition, 
and shipping. The Supreme Council replied that they 

1 The agreement between Montrose and Antrim is printed from the 
original in Hill's Macdonnetts of Antrim, 267. If the date, January 28, be 
right, then the King's and Digby's letter to Ormonde of the 20th were 
not despatched for several days. Digby to Ormonde, February 8, 1644-5, 
in appendix to Carte's Ormonde. The intrigues at Oxford are amusingly 
described by Clarendon, Hist, of the Rebellion, book viii. 264-278. 


CHAP, would wait until they had a report from their agents at Oxford. 
^_ r 1^ Prince Rupert's application for muskets and powder was also 
set aside, but some were sent in the following autumn. The 
expedition to the Scottish isles was agreed to, and the Council 
undertook to provide ' 2000 muskets, 2400 pounds of powder, 
proportionable match, 200 barrels of oatmeal, by May l,upon 
knowledge first had that all other accommodations be con- 
curring, and a safe and convenient port provided in Ulster ; 
provided the same port be commanded by Walter Bagenal.' 
Ormonde objected to put Carlingford or Greencastle into the 
hands of the Confederates' nominee, and also to Bagenal's 
being made governor of Newry, the rather that he had 
Antrim hereditary claims there which might prove awkward. After 
small force, much wrangling, the Council agreed that the expedition 
should embark at Passage in Waterford harbour, but the 
flotilla, consisting of two Flemish and one Irish vessel, did not 
sail till June 27. The delay was aggravated by the difficulty 
of finding shipping, and by the necessity of watching the 
parliamentary cruisers. According to Antrim's own account, 
the number of men sent was about 1600, and 800 more were 
discharged for want of shipping. Three weeks later Ormonde 
informed Digby that Antrim had sent ' from Waterford and 
other adjacent places,' 2500 men well armed and provisions 
under for two months. The chief of the expedition was Alaster, or 
Mac- F Alexander McColl MacDonnell, often, but incorrectly, called 
donneii, Colkitto. He was a man of great courage, remarkable for 
his strength and stature, and Leven thought him the most 
formidable leader of the Irish. On the way to Scotland 
several prizes were taken, on one of which were three ministers 
named Weir, Watson, and Hamilton, being among those who 
had gone over to administer the Covenant. Weir and Watson 
died in prison after enduring dreadful hardships, but Hamilton 
lived to be exchanged after ten months' confinement. Mac- 
Donnell reached the Sound of Mull in safety, and seized upon 
the castles of Mingarry and Lochaline. The prospect was 
so unpromising that he thought of re-embarking ; but Argyle, 
with the help of two English vessels, mastered his ships, and 
he was forced to go on. The Flemings surrendered at once, 

AFTER THE CESSATION, 1643-1644 63 

but the Irish sailors, who fought desperately, were all killed CHAP. 


and their ship burned to the water's edge. He harried all ^ _- 

the Campbell territory that he could reach, and afterwards 

that of the Mackenzies, and then tried to recruit his forces on 

the Spey. In the meantime Montrose had entered Scotland who joins 

and summoned MacDonnell to meet him at Blair Athol. The 

Irish contingent took part in the victory of Tippermuir on 

September I. 1 

The epic of Montrose belongs to Scotland, but it should be import- 
remembered that the Irish, as they are always called, formed j^ the 
the nucleus and the only stable part of his army, and that Montrose - 
when Alaster Macdonnell forsook him, victory forsook him too. 
Antrim was Tyrone's grandson, and the remains of the Ulster 
clans had no objection to follow him, though some of his levies 
were islemen or Hebrideans settled in Ireland. Patrick 
Gordon calls them ' strangers and foreigners,' adding that Their 
they showed no pity or humanity, nor made any distinction 
between man and beast, ' killing men with the same careless in & 8 - 
neglect that they kill a hen or capon for supper. And they 
were also without all shame, most brutishly given to unclean- 
ness and filthy lust ; as for excessive drinking, when they 
came where it might be had, there was no limit to their beastly 
appetites.' Spalding, who was present when Montrose 
sullied his fame by allowing the sack of Aberdeen, says they 
murdered and ravished for four days. The corpses lay 
unburied until women ventured to move them, for no man 
could show himself : ' the wife durst not cry nor weep at her 
husband's slaughter before her eyes, nor the mother for the 
son, nor daughter for the father ; which if they were heard, 
then were they presently slain also.' As long as the business 
consisted in harrying Campbells or Mackenzies, Alaster 

1 The King's instructions to Antrim, January 12, 1643-4, in Confederation 
and War, iii. 88 ; Negotiation at Kilkenny, ib. 112; Boilings to Ormonde, 
ib. iv. 276 ; Letters of Daniel O'Neill in Contemp. Hist. i. 569 ; Antrim to 
Ormonde, June 27, 1644, in appendix to Carte's Ormonde ; Ormonde to 
Digby, ib. July 17, and to Nicholas, July 22 ; Narrative by one of Mac- 
donnell's officers in Carte's Original Letters, i. 73 ; Reid's Presbyterian 
Church, i. 459-464 ; Napier's Memoirs of Montrose, chap. 22. Turner 
(Memoirs, 39), who, however, was not present at Tippermuir, says Moutrose 
won with ' a handful of Irish, very ill-armed.' 




Cruelty of 
the Cove- 

agents at 


Macdonnell had no difficulty in getting recruits from his 
fellow tribesmen on the main land, but after Kilsyth he and 
his Highlanders, who were gorged with plunder, deserted 
Montrose that they might carry their acquisitions home. 
No commands or entreaties of their general could prevail, 
says Sir James Turner, ' to Cantire they would go, and to 
Cantire they did go.' They cared nothing for Lowland or 
English politics. Some 500 Irish remained faithful ' because 
they had no place of retreat,' and these were cut to pieces 
at Philiphaugh, 300 of their wives being butchered there, 
and many others later at Linlithgow, where the horrors of 
Portadown bridge were repeated with the parts reversed. 
Those who are disposed to deny the Ulster massacres may 
ponder the words of Spalding and Gordon, while nothing can 
excuse the cruelty practised in retaliation. 1 

As early as November 1643 the Supreme Council of the 
Confederates, acting by order of their General Assembly, 
nominated seven commissioners as agents to attend the King 
and to state their grievances to him. The persons chosen 
were Lord Muskerry, Antrim's brother Alexander Macdonnell, 
Sir Robert Talbot, Nicholas Plunket, Dermot O'Brien, 
Geoffrey Brown, and Richard Martin. There is some doubt 
about Martin, but all the others went over. The Lords 
Justices granted them a safe conduct in January, but there 
was considerable delay first at Kilkenny, and afterwards 
in waiting for a wind at Wexford. They landed in Cornwall 
and reached Oxford March 24. As soon as it was known in 
Ireland that the King would be likely to receive the Con- 
federate agents, the more zealous Protestants began to prepare 
for a counter-mission. Charles expressed himself ready to 
hear both sides. Lords Kildare, Montgomery, and Blayney 
were the chiefs of the Protestant movement, and a deputation 
waited on Ormonde the day after he was sworn in as Lord 
Lieutenant. Michael Jones was the spokesman. Ormonde 

1 Spalding's Hist, of the Troubles, ii. 265-7 ; Patrick Gordon's Abridg- 
ment, 65, 133, 161, 181. Wishart thinks Alaster ' Macdonaldorum res 
privatas impendio curasse : de publico parum solicitum.' See also Napier's 
Memoirs of Montrose, chaps. 22-27, and Gardiner's Civil War, chaps. 26, 30, 
33, and 36 ; Turner's Memoirs, p. 240. 

AFTER THE CESSATION, 1643-1644 65 

answered that he was somewhat taken by surprise, but ' for CHAP. 


you English and Protestants, I assure you both of assistance __,__!, 
and protection, and that, if need be, to the hazard even of 
my life and fortunes.' The envoys first chosen were Sir 
Francis Hamilton, Captains Ridgeway and Jones, and Fenton 
Parsons. Jones, whose parliamentary sympathies led him 
to avoid the Court, refused to go, and Sir Charles Coote was 
substituted with the King's consent. A petition of the 
Protestants was read in the Irish House of Commons on 
February 17, and approved by the House. The agents did 
not reach Oxford till April 17, and the King received them 
next day ' in the garden at Christ Church,' and desired them 
to prepare definite proposals. Charles had sent to Ireland 
for Chief Justice Lowther, Sir Philip Perceval, Sir William 
Stewart, and Mr. Justice Donnellan, who arrived about this The Irish 
time, accompanied by Sambach, the Irish Solicitor-General, ment sepa- 
Sir H. Tichborne and others went over later. Strafford's old presented, 
secretary, Radcliffe, who was already at Oxford, was ordered 
to join in their consultations. The whole case was then 
handed over to a committee of the Privy Council, consisting 
of the Earls of Bristol and Portland, Lord Digby, Secretary 
Nicholas, Colepepper, and Hyde. 1 

Hyde and Colepepper were hostile to the Confederates' Attitude of 
demands, and RadclifEe was even violent, ' which,' says a Digby and 
correspondent of Ormonde, ' makes the Irish swagger very 
severely.' Digby, who was much more favourable to them, 
said their first propositions were scandalous, and that all 
negotiations would have to be broken off unless they amended 
them. Muskerry, on the contrary, had assured Ormonde 
that their demands were an irreducible minimum. ' Neither,' 
he said, ' is the highest of them such a rock, but that the 
King may find a way to satisfy his people in Ireland without 

iii. 6, and in the same volume, Safe conduct for agents, 
January 4, 1643-4, and letter to Sellings, April 7-10 ; Michael Jones's 
speech, January 22, in appendix to Carte's Ormonde ; Ruahworth, v. 897- 
900. The names of the Committee of Council are given by Carte, but in 
the first letter to Sellings, mentioned above, Cottington is added and 
Hyde omitted. It appears from Rushworth that both attended the Com- 





of Con- 

prejudice to his party in England. And the real advantage 
of the assurance of our kingdom, and of a nation so faithfully 
affected to his service, is much more considerable than the 
fears and jealousies to discontent a party.' Unfortunately for 
this argument, Ireland was divided into parties quite as much 
as England, and concessions to Irish national feeling were 
certain to deprive the King of all effective English support. 
In spite of Muskerry's assurance, Digby found him and his 
colleagues ' beyond expectation counsellable, and they have 
this day, instead of the former, presented these enclosed 
propositions, which though in many things unreasonable 
for the King to grant, yet are not very scandalous for them 
to ask.' Ormonde wrote to Muskerry advising moderation, 
and foretold that the time might come when * his Majesty 
might with more safety grant, than he can as yet hear pro- 
pounded ' such of the agents' desires as were in themselves 
just. The amended propositions demanded the repeal of all 
penal laws affecting the Roman Catholics, their relief from 
disabilities of every kind, and that a free Parliament, entirely 
independent of the English legislature, should at once be 
called. All proceedings of the Irish Parliament since 
August 7, 1641, should be annulled, as well as all outlawries, 
attainders, and other acts affecting the Roman Catholics 
prejudicially since that date. All forfeitures to the Crown in 
Connaught, Clare, Tipperary, Limerick, Kilkenny, and 
Wicklow since 1634 were to be abandoned, and the ancient 
possessors confirmed by law, the Court of Wards abolished, 
and trained bands established in every Irish county. The 
other demands were of less importance. Among the pro- 
posals waived by the agents was one which virtually placed 
all titles to land created since the beginning of Elizabeth's 
reign at the mercy of the Irish Parliament. Another clause 
proposed to deprive the King of all right to maintain a 
standing army in Ireland. It was also required ' that the pre- 
sent Government of the said Catholics may continue within 
their quarters and jurisdictions until the Parliament, and 
after until their grievances be redressed by Acts of Parlia- 
ment, and for a convenient time for the execution thereof.' 

AFTEE THE CESSATION, 1643-1644 67 

The original propositions were such as might have been CHAP, 
dictated by the victors to a conquered country. ' The amended ^ , _^ 
propositions, though containing many things ' in themselves 
just,' involved the complete subjection of the Protestants in 
Ireland, and could never be granted by an English Govern- 
ment. If the King granted them it would only be because he 
had no longer any real power. The Irish Privy Councillors 
at Oxford, though more moderate than Coote and his col- 
leagues, held that the toleration of Romish priests had been 
the cause of the rebellion, that what was called a free Parlia- 
ment would contain few or no Protestants, most of them 
having been murdered or exiled, and that Poynings' Act was 
one of the wisest ever made and ' one of the precious jewels 
of his Majesty's imperial diadem.' x 

If the propositions of the Confederate agents seemed Protestant 
scandalous to Digby, those of Coote and his colleagues will not equaiiT 8 
seem less so to modern readers. They demanded, among extreme - 
other things, that all penal laws should be strictly executed, 
that all the Roman Catholic clergy should be banished out of 
Ireland, that the oath of supremacy should be taken by every 
member of Parliament, mayor, sheriff, or magistrate ; that 
no lawyer refusing to take that oath should be allowed to 
practise ; and that there should be a ' competent Protestant 
army.' After a few days, the Protestant agents were sum- 
moned to meet Ussher, Henry Leslie, Radcliffe, and others. 
RadclifEe, on behalf of the Committee of Council, said their 
proposals were unreasonable, and that peace could never be 
made on any such terms. The agents then agreed to modify 
the demands, but still insisted firmly on the full execution of 
the penal laws, on maintaining the existing Parliament and 
Poynings' law, on the encouragement of plantations, and on 

1 The original propositions are in Confederation and War, iii. 128 ; the 
amended ones in JRushworth, v. 909. See also the following letters inappendix 
to Carte's Ormonde : Arthur Trevor to Ormonde, March 25, 1644 ; Radcliffe 
to Ormonde, April 2 ; Digby to Ormonde, April 2 ; Muskerry to Ormonde, 
March 29 ; Ormonde to Muskerry, April 29. Statement by the delegates 
of the Council of Ireland in Egmont Papers, i. 212-229, which seems to have 
been read or spoken by Lowther or one of his collleagues to Charles's Privy 

F 2 




* 1 

No com- 

Failure of 

disabling lawyers who refused the oath of supremacy. They 
waived the expulsion of Roman Catholic priests and the oath 
ex officio, and also the demand that all churches should be 
restored to them, rebuilt and refitted ' at the charge of the 
Confederate Roman Catholics.' A week later the agents 
were summoned before the King in council. Charles asked 
them whether they wanted peace or war. They said they 
preferred peace, but only upon honourable terms ; and the 
King answered that he also would choose the hazard of 
war rather than that they should suffer by a peace of his 
making. He could not, he added, help them with men, 
money, arms, ammunition, or victuals, nor could he allow 
them to join with those who had taken the Covenant. It was 
consistent with Charles's love for tortuous ways that he had 
tried to prevent Coote and his friends from knowing what the 
propositions of the Confederate agents were. They had 
oozed out, of course, and, making a virtue of necessity, the 
King now gave them a copy and requested their answers. 
This was done, and the absolute incompatibility of the two 
sets of agents was conclusively shown. 1 

Muskerry and his colleagues left Oxford first, and were 
followed by the Protestant agents on the last day of May. 
Both missions were dismissed civilly enough, but neither had 
gained their point. Percival told Ormonde that the failure 
of the Council to make any decision was reported to be the 
work ' of one that labours to be commanded to Ireland, and 
hopes to rule all there.' This points unmistakably to Digby, 
who probably encouraged the King to refer everything back 

1 Rushworfh, v. 901-917. A manifesto published in French at Lille, 
January 26, 1642-3, and intended for foreign consumption, contains the 
following demands of the Confederates: (1) That the Catholic religion, 
the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and the religious orders be restored, and no 
sect or heresy tolerated, except that of Protestants existing (qui a vogue) in 
England, Germany, and some other provinces ; that there be no bishop 
other than Catholic ; that the priests enjoy all benefices and Church 
revenues ; and that the Protestant ministers enjoy only such bishoprics [sic} 
or benefices as those of their sect shall procure them for a living. (2) That 
we be governed by a Catholic President, Council, and officers ; that all 
governors of castles, fortresses, towns, and districts be Catholics,' &c. 
Reprinted in Confederation and War, iii. 336. 

AFTEE THE CESSATION, 1643-1644 69 

to Ormonde. This was done by a commission dated June 24, CHAP. 

and to enable the Lord Lieutenant to arrive at a decision, all ' 

the propositions by both sides during the Oxford negotiations 

were sent to him, and also the King's answer to the Con- referred to 


federate agents. They were told that the King would not 
x declare Acts in themselves lawful to be void,' but that the 
penal laws had never been harshly executed ; and that if his 
Irish subjects would live peaceably and loyally, they should 
be as moderately administered ' as in the most favourable 
times of Queen Elizabeth and King James.' He would 
allow a new Parliament to assemble, but ' would by no means 
consent to the suspension of Poynings' Act.' Many lesser 
demands were wholly or partly conceded, but religious tolera- 
tion and the Irish Parliament would still depend on the 
King's will. If the Confederates could be got to accept such 
terms, Ormonde was authorised to conclude peace upon that who is 
basis, and to go further if he found it consistent with the to make 6 
present preservation of the Irish Protestants. If peace P eace - 
<;ould not be had on reasonable terms, then he might renew 
the cessation for as long as he thought expedient. Ormonde 
lost no time in informing Muskerry and his colleagues that 
he was commissioned to treat for a peace or truce, and asked 
them to prepare the ground among their friends. ' Let me An 
tell you,' wrote that astute courtier Daniel O'Neill, ' that our tsk SS 
friend the Marquis of Ormonde has a hard task put upon 
him : for it is imposed upon him to end that in Ireland 
which all the Council durst not look upon in England.' x 

During St. Leger's illness and since his death, Inchiquin inchiquin 
had been acting-President of Munster. His services had oxford, 
been great, and he was not willing to see anyone put over his 
head. ' If the King,' he wrote to Ormonde from Cork, ' have 
bestowed the ' presidency on any other (though more worthy) 
personage, I hope your lordship will not command my stay 
longer here.' Ormonde disliked his going, but gave no direct 

1 Sir Philip Percival to Ormonde, May 23, in appendix to Carte's 
Ormonde ; the King's commission to Ormonde, his instructions, and his 
answers to the Confederate agents, in Confederation and War, iii. 175, 198, 
208 ; Daniel O'Neill to Arthur Trevor, July 26, in Carte's Original Letters, 





He sides 
with the 

order, and Inchiquin was at Oxford early in February. It 
soon appeared that the King had many years before promised 
the presidency to Portland, and though KadclifEe and Digby 
were in despair, the most that could be obtained for Inchiquin 
was the reversion. As Portland would not waive his claim, 
this really amounted to nothing. Inchiquin received a war- 
rant for an earldom ; but that was not what he wanted, and 
he did not use it. Hopes were held out to him of commanding 
the Munster troops in England ; but his best regiments had 
been assigned to Hopton and others, and he saw no chance of 
anything in that direction. At Oxford he dissembled his ill- 
humour, but before the end of March it was generally known 
in Ireland that he ' came discontented from Court.' 
Ormonde's idea was to keep the presidency of Munster 
vacant, so that Inchiquin should be kept quiet by seeing the 
great prize always dangling before him. Portland's object 
was to sell his interest without going to Ireland ; but he does 
not appear to have offered it to Inchiquin, who kept pretty 
quiet during the spring and early summer. When the result 
of the Oxford negotiations was known, he and the other 
Munster officers declared strongly against a peace which could 
not be had without abandoning the Protestants. As a proof 
of their danger, they cited a Franciscan named Matthews 
who had been executed as a spy after having confessed that 
he was concerned in a plot to betray Cork to Muskerry. 
Ormonde had heard reports that there was some plot. After 
Marston Moor it became evident that the King was powerless 
to protect the Irish Protestants, and Inchiquin resolved to 
throw in his lot with the Parliament. Broghill afterwards 
told Ludlow that he persuaded him without much difficulty 
to take this step. The letter in which Inchiquin declared 
himself for he assured Ormonde that this was his first ad- 
vance was signed also by Broghill as governor of Youghal, 
and by the governors of Cork, Kinsale, and Bandon. Each 
of the subscribers offered to go on board a parliamentary ship 
as a hostage, there to remain until all four towns were in sure 
hands. A letter with the same signatures was also sent to- 
the King, who was urged to come to terms with the Parlia- 

AFTEK THE CESSATION, 1643-1644 71 

ment as the only means of saving the Irish Protestants. CHAP. 


Aware that he might be distrusted, Inchiquin reminded the ^ , _~ 
governor of Portsmouth that he was forsaking a plentiful 
fortune ' for the good of the cause,' and that he was ready to 
make room if another commander was thought fitter to 
subdue the Irish rebels. Bandon was easily secured, for it 
was a Protestant place ; but Inchiquin took the strong step 
of expelling the Irish inhabitants from Cork, Youghal, and and 

SGC tire 

Kinsale. This was a very harsh measure, especially for a Cork, 
chief of the O'Briens ; but it may be defended on military 
grounds, the only defence of the Munster Protestants lying in 
the four garrisons, without which they would be quite cut off 
from England. Inchiquin's brother Henry, after making 
great professions of attachment to the King, surrendered 
Wareham on August 24 and brought his regiment over to 
serve the Parliament in Ireland. 1 

1 Inchiquin to Ormonde, January 3 and February 10, 1643-4, in appendix 
to Carte's Ormonde, and in the same volume letters from Radcliffe and 
Digby to Ormonde, February 8-20, and Ormonde to Digby, March 8 ; 
Sellings, iii. 14, and one of March 29 from the Supreme Council to Ormonde ; 
Inchiquin to Ormonde, July 23 and August 4, in Calendar of Clarendon S.P. ; 
Letters of Inchiquin, Broghill, and others to the King and Parliament, and 
Declaration of Munster Protestants, July 17 and 18, in Rushworth, v. 918- 
924 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, ed. Firth, i. 85. Besides those in Rushworth, 
Inchiquin's letters to Jephson, governor of Portsmouth, to Colonel St. Leger, 
and to Sir J. Powlet were published in pamphlet form in 1644. For Henry 
O'Brien, see Walker's Discourses, p. 46, and Sellings, iv. 10. 




The no- 



PROTESTANTS in Ireland complained with reason that they 
got little help from England during the truce, while com- 
munication with the Continent was quite free to the Con- 
federates. There were parliamentary cruisers, but not 
nearly enough to do the work, and a Spanish captain named 
Antonio was engaged by Castlehaven to keep them at a 
distance. His frigate of 400 tons and sixteen guns appears 
to have been cast away at Dungarvan ; but he commanded 
other ships and was active to the very end of the war. Letters 
of marque were issued from Kilkenny, and it was long before 
even the port of Waterford was closed. The numerous 
inlets on the west coast it was impossible to blockade at all. 
There were endless complaints on both sides as to breaches 
of the truce, but the recriminations on this subject are scarcely 
worth discussing. After he had once taken the Parliamentary 
side, Inchiquin gave himself a free hand. 1 

On October 24, 1644, both Houses at Westminster passed 
an ordinance to the effect that no quarter should be given 
to any Irishman, nor to any Papist born in Ireland, taken in 
hostility against the Parliament in England and Wales or 
on the high seas. All officers by land and sea were therefore 
ordered to leave all such Irishmen and Papists out of every 
capitulation, agreement, or composition. If taken, they were 
to be ' forthwith put to death.' When the French National 
Convention made a similar order about British prisoners, 
French officers refused to carry it out ; and the majority in 
the Long Parliament evidently feared such a refusal, for they 

1 Castlehaven to Ormonde, November 7, 1643, in Confederation and 
War, iii. 40 ; La Boulaye Le Gouz, Tour in Ireland (1644), p. 35. 


declared that every officer neglecting to observe their ordinance CHAP. 
should be ' reputed a favourer of that bloody rebellion in ^_^ V 1^ 
Ireland,' and liable to such condign punishment as both Houses 
might inflict. Pym and Hampden were dead, and it is un- 
certain under whose influence this savage decree was passed ; 
but it seems that Captain Swanley and others had anticipated 
it by throwing prisoners into the sea, and that they had been 
blamed for so doing, as there were many English prisoners in 
Ireland upon whom it would be easy to retaliate. 1 

Cork had some time ago agreed to give 4000Z. for the 

support of the army, and a part of this sum still remained and 
unpaid. Inchiquin's first order during the last week in July Kmsale - 
was that the citizens should pay the balance or make up its 
value in provisions and bedding. All the Roman Catholic 
inhabitants were ordered to leave the town, except the 
mayor and aldermen and their families, one hundred men 
selected by the rest, the widows of aldermen, and the sick. 
They were to carry out nothing with them, but if the supplies 
required were provided, they were to be allowed to return 
from time to time and carry off all their property, but not to 
remain in the town during the night. Robert Coppinger, the Harsh 
mayor, made the best fight he could, but, according to his O f the 
own account, Inchiquin exacted more corn and money than cltlzens - 
was owing, and was very harsh in other ways. He gave 
warrants, says Coppinger, to enter the houses of the banished 
inhabitants, to carry off almost everything that might be 
useful to the garrison, ' leaving all the doors of the houses 
wide open, and exposed, with all the rest of the goods therein 
remaining to the insolency of the common soldiers.' When 
the people came back for their property, according to the 
proclamation, there was very little left. From the nature 
of the case, and from what we know of Inchiquin, it is not 
likely that the work was very gently done ; but it is nowhere 
alleged that any life was lost. Similar measures were taken 
at Youghaland Kinsale. Broghill was governor of the former Broghm at 
town, and he forbade all officers, soldiers, and others ' to break 

1 Husband's Collection, p. 576 ; Gardiner's Great Civil War, i. 396 ; La 
Boulaye Le Gouz, Tour, pp. 2, 135. 





The Queen 
on Irish 

open the houses of any persons who have in obedience to my 
proclamation left this town,' or to plunder any Irish Papists 
' on pain of death.' On August 24 eleven parliamentary 
ships entered Cork harbour, while seven appeared at Youghal 
and six at Kinsale. Proclamation was at once made that all 
civilians should leave Cork unless specially licensed to remain, 
giving security to keep themselves in provisions for six weeks. 
All Irish Roman Catholics were henceforth to leave the town 
at six until Michaelmas, and at five after that day, so that the 
garrison might be always ready to resist an attack. A market 
was established outside the north gate. The Youghal people 
took the Covenant, and Inchiquin told Ormonde that he should 
be compelled to do the same, unless the Lord Lieutenant 
put himself at the head of the Protestant movement. A 
stringent oath was at the same time administered to Protes- 
tants, who declared themselves allied for defence and swore 
never to make peace until the terms were approved by 
Parliament as well as by the King. Colonel Brockett, 
governor of Kinsale, wrote to Ormonde in commendation, of 
Inchiquin's zeal, and announced that a ship laden with pro- 
visions had come from Middleburgh to Cork for the relief of 
the distressed Protestants. A little later in the year there 
was a curious intrigue, the object on both sides being probably 
to see how far Ormonde would go. Major Muschamp, the 
governor of Cork fort, let Muskerry know that he had Royalist 
leanings and might be induced to surrender his post to the 
Lord Lieutenant. Muskerry forged an order from Ormonde 
to deliver the place to him. Muschamp said the order must 
be placed in his hands ; but this Muskerry refused for obvious 
reasons. The plot came to nothing, and Muschamp told the 
whole story to Inchiquin in presence of his staff. Ormonde 
was doing his best to serve the King without betraying the 
Protestant cause, but he had little thanks from anyone. 
That Henrietta Maria should call Inchiquin a miserable 
knave was not to be wondered at. As to Ormonde, she is 
reported to have said it was hard to trust him or * any Irish- 
man that is a Protestant, for every Irishman that goes to 
church does it against his conscience, and knows he betrays 


God.' The letter containing this passage was intercepted, CHAP. 


and a certified copy came to Ormonde's hands. 1 ^_ "7 _^ 

The result of Ormonde's application to Muskerry and his First nego- 

colleagues in the Oxford business was a letter from the 

general assembly of the Confederates appointing commis- 
sioners to treat for peace. The Oxford agents, all lawyers 
except Muskerry, Antrim's brother, and Colonel O'Brien, 
were nominated, with the addition of Mountgarret, Antrim, 
Archbishop Fleming, Sir Richard Everard, Patrick Darcy, 
and John Dillon. Of these commissioners, Martin, Dillon 
and Barren were afterwards proposed by the Confederates 
as judges of the superior courts, and nearly all the others as 
Privy Councillors. Ormonde objected at once to ' your 
Archbishop of Dublin, who, though a man as free from 
exception (as unto his person) as any we could expect to 
be treated with, for we have heard exceeding much good of 
him, and we do believe no less, so as if we were to admit any 
of his function he should be the man.' He had already 
announced that he would not treat with any clergyman, and 
the Confederates gave way. Some delay had been caused, 
and the commissioners did not meet Ormonde until Septem- 
ber 1, when they practically repeated the Oxford propositions. 
The cessation was at once prolonged to December 1, and 
questions of statute law and of title to land being involved, 
a committee of lawyers was appointed to assist the Lord 
Lieutenant. The chief demands were the repeal of the penal 
laws, the suspension of Poynings' Act, and the power of their 
' free Parliament ' to try offences. They were all rejected. 

The negotiations were then suspended for a time. Sir Ormonde's 
Henry Tichborne, who thought the cessation very dishonour- 
able, left Oxford on December 31. He and others were taken 
at sea by one of Swanley's captains, and were sent to the 
Tower. Tichborne was soon released, and afterwards sided 

1 For the expulsion of the Cork citizens see Confederation and War, 
iii. 221-230 and 235-247; for Broghill's proceedings Caulfield's YougMl 
Council Book, p. 545 ; Calendar of Clarendon 8.P., July 31 November 27, 
1644. For the Protestant oath and for Henrietta Maria's opinions, as 
reported by the Jesuit O'Hartegan, see Confederation and War, iv. 49, 84 ~ 
Muskerry to Ormonde, February 2, 1644-5, in appendix to Carte's Ormonde. 





at Paris. 

definitely with the Parliament in Ireland. About the same 
time Swanley intercepted some correspondence between the 
Confederates and their foreign allies, and he sent copies to 
Ormonde, cautioning him about the dangers hanging over 
his ' truly honoured family ' and his ambiguous position with 
regard to the Protestants. The Lord Lieutenant's task was 
indeed a hard one. The question of a universal act of oblivion 
was left undecided, the Confederates contending that their 
oath of association precluded all exceptions, while Ormonde 
was unwilling to pardon criminals merely because the country 
had been in a state of war. In the end, Charles conceded the 
act of oblivion to ' all treasons and offences, capital, criminal, 
and personal ' on land, and to piracy and its attendant crimes 
in the Irish seas. 1 

The negotiations dragged along slowly and intermittently 
throughout 1644 and 1645, but peace, as between Ormonde 
and the Confederates, was preserved by frequent renewals of 
the cessation. In the meantime the Kilkenny government 
sought eagerly for foreign support. Bellings left Galway on 
the last day of December 1644 with credentials addressed to 
Louis XIV., Anne of Austria, Henrietta Maria, Mazarin, 
Innocent X., the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Cardinals Grimaldi 
and Bentivoglio, and the Governments of Venice, Genoa, and 
Belgium. He had not intended to visit anyone at Paris 
except Henrietta Maria ; but the Jesuit O'Hartegan, who was 
resident agent for the Confederates, persuaded him to see 
Mazarin. The Cardinal was very inquisitive, and might stop 
Bellings in France if thwarted. He did not like the applica- 
tion of the Confederates to Rome, because Innocent X. was 
much under Spanish influence ; but Bellings answered that 
though his employers were bound to neutrality as among 
Catholic princes, yet their natural leaning was to France, 
where their exiled Queen had found shelter. Bellings him- 
self had certainly French sympathies, and told Mazarin that 

1 Ormonde to Digby, October 1644, in Confederation and War, iii. 29, 
with the documents referred to at foot ; and see ib. v. 296 ; Brabazon, 
Tichborne, and Ware to Ormonde, January 5, 1644-5, ib. iv. 116, and 
Swanley's letter, 121 ; Tichborne's letter to his wife, appended to Temple, 
pp. 327, 330. 


it was from France that Ireland really expected help. ' And CHAP. 


in truth,' he adds, ' the promises given now and often before, . 
had they been performed, might well have satisfied our 
expectation.' On reaching Home, Bellings found that Sellings 
Kinuccini was already appointed nuncio. The two men Rinuccini. 
disliked each other from the first. When Bellings found that 
Innocent was sending a moderate sum of money, he importuned 
for more, but was told that the late war in Italy and pre- 
parations against the Turks had exhausted the papal treasury. 
He then loudly proclaimed that he was quite satisfied with Attitude of 
the Pope, lest his backwardness should be an excuse for x! n ' 
others. Innocent was at least liberal with his briefs, but 
they had no effect either at Florence or Genoa. Bellings did 
not even visit Venice, the Cretan war being excuse enough 
for the republic. On his return to Paris he found that there 
was little or no hope from France without assuming a hostile 
attitude to Spain. As the final result of his long expedition Barren 
Bellings reported that ' all men wished well to the cause, but pathiep. 
no man was in condition to assist it.' He accompanied 
Binuccini to Ireland. 1 

Bellings understood that the help of France and Spain French 
' rather seemed a traffic for men and a gratification for the Spanish 
levies made in Ireland for the service of both crowns, than c 
marks of a royal bounty and a real will to assist them.' 
Early in 1643 the Confederates allowed Spain to recruit in 
Ireland, the number of men, after some haggling, being fixed 
at 2000. Philip IV. then made them a present of 20,000 
crowns, which was laid out in arms and ammunition. With 
the Parliamentarians in command of the sea, it took a long 
time to get the men away, and they could not be spared till 
after the cessation. Then it became necessary to promise the 
same number of soldiers to France. At last, in February 
1643-4, the Spanish agent or envoy was received by the 
Supreme Council, and told that he should have his men by 
June 25. He was a Burgundian named Foisset, and came, 
not from Spain, but from Don Francisco de Melo in the 

1 Bettings, iv. 1-6, and Monnerie to Mazarin, February 20, 1644-5, in 
the same volume. 







Talbot and 

Netherlands. Next day the French representative, De la 
Monnerie, was received and had exactly the same answer. 
Monnerie was a gentleman of the bedchamber, and his sole 
business was to get as much food for powder as possible in 
Ireland. It would seem that both agents were privately told 
that the great object of the Council was to favour their respec- 
tive sovereigns. Meanwhile their lawful King was calling for 
Irish troops in vain. Monnerie did manage to get off 1300 
men from Gal way early in 1645, not being able to get shipping 
for more in Ireland, and Mazarin failing to send the vessels 
which he promised ; but the recruiting still continued. 
Monnerie seems to have done better than his rival, and 
reported that ' the Spaniard who is here ' began to lose heart 
and to declare loudly that the Supreme Council was quite 
French. It was Mazarin against Don Luis de Haro. A 
Colonel Plunket was promised forty crowns by Ottavio 
Piccolomini for every man he could land in Flanders, but the 
Kilkenny authorities would not let him do the work. 1 

Immediately after the outbreak in 1641 the Irish of 
Western Munster had sent Francis O'Sullivan, a Franciscan, 
to solicit the help of Spain. A little later, James Talbot, an 
Augustinian, was sent on the same errand, and returned with 
3000Z. in silver, 4000 muskets, four pieces of cannon and other 
stores, purchased with the 20,000 crowns obtained from 
Philip IV., but not without much bickering as to whether the 
Celtic O'Sullivan or the Anglo-Norman Talbot deserved the 
credit. In acknowledgment, it was proposed to send 1000 
men to Spain ; but there was a difficulty about transport, and 
they never started. Talbot was sent again in June 1643 
with an offer of two thousand and directions as to how he 
should spend any further sum he might receive. The landing 
of the money and arms at Dungarvan during the negotiations 
for a cessation made Ormonde's task harder ; but the Spanish 
Government had transferred the matter to the Governor of 
the Netherlands. Talbot went there instead of to Spain, 

1 Receptions of Foisset and Monnerie, February 1643-4, in Confedera- 
tion and War, iii. 102, 106 ; Monnerie to Mazarin, February 20, 1644-5, 
ib. iv. 147. 


and returned with Foisset. He perhaps thought it the best CHAP. 

thing to do, but the Supreme Council never fully trusted him ___^__- 

afterwards. It was found that unauthorised persons had been 
begging in Spain for the Irish cause, and had kept the money 
received, and it was thought expedient to cancel all former 
credentials and to send a new envoy to Spain. The person 
selected was Hugh Bourke, a Franciscan, who had been doing Hugh 
good service in the Netherlands, whence he was transferred 
directly. He went by Paris, where he met Kinuccini on his 
way to Ireland, and impressed him by his cleverness and 
energy. The instructions to Bourke, dated December 12, 
1644, throw great light upon the position of the Confederates. 
The war was represented as being purely a struggle * for the 
Catholic Church in its splendour.' Nothing at all is said The story 
about the Ulster barbarities, but the Protestant party are abroad, 
simply described as ' taking advantage, before we were 
provided of arms and ammunition, to destroy many thousands 
of people unarmed, and exercise barbarous cruelties against 
man, woman, and child, sparing none that did come within 
their power, and intending to extirpate the whole nation.' 
Nevertheless, the Confederates, having received some arms 
from abroad, had re-established the Catholic religion in full 
splendour and been victorious everywhere except ' in some 
particular places and parts of the kingdom.' Among those 
particular places, unfortunately, were Dublin, Cork, Youghal, 
and Kinsale, Londonderry and Coleraine, Carrickfergus and 
the rising settlement of Belfast. If the Spaniard inquired 
why such a victorious party had agreed to a truce with 
Ormonde, Bourke was to reply that it was thought wise to 
be on terms with one hostile party so as to be free to crush 
the other. Nor had the calculation been unsuccessful, 
for Ormonde had sent 12,000 men to England, most of whom 
had been killed. As to the Oxford propositions, the Con- 
federates had thought it expedient to ask for freedom of 
religion only, and ' you may inculcate the reason (which God 
knows to be true), it was to win time, and our construction 
shall be freedom in splendour if holpen with possibility of 
subsistence.' The ultimate goal was to be an Ireland whose 




Heresy to 
be extir- 

Siege of 

in the 




victorious soldiers ' would not rest satisfied, but try their 
valours elsewhere for religion, as long as any heretics did 
remain in the neighbouring provinces.' The duplicity of 
Charles I. was rightly complained of by the Confederates ; 
but it was not greater than their own. 1 

Duncannon Fort in Wexford guards the approach both 
by the Suir to Waterford and by the Barrow to New Ross. 
Every large ship must necessarily pass under the guns, but 
the place is very weak on the land side, being commanded by 
higher ground. The defences had been strengthened in 1611 
by Sir Josias Bodley, a younger brother of Sir Thomas, who 
founded the Oxford library. Bodley was a skilful engineer, 
and was fully aware of Duncannon's weak point, though he 
probably considered his works strong enough to resist a 
purely Irish attack. When the rebellion broke out the 
governor of the fort was Laurence Lord Esmond, a strong 
Protestant Royalist, and he held it for the King ; but the 
majority of his men were much more inclined to the Parlia- 
ment. Summoned by the Confederates to join them as the 
loyal party, Esmond refused to do so without orders from 
the Lords Justices, and those orders were of course never 
given. He made great efforts to maintain discipline, but as 
he could neither pay nor feed his men they were forced to 
drive cattle and otherwise spoil the country. With the help 
of some English ships they burned Dumnore in Waterford, 
which was too near a neighbour, but in an attempt to seize 
the Hook Tower, their over-enterprising leader, Captain Aston, 
and some sixty of the garrison, were taken or slaughtered, 
having been surrounded in a fog by a large number of the 
natives. This was as early as July 1642, and it settled the 
question as to whether the fort was really friendly to the 
Confederates or not. The garrison continued to plunder 
in 1643 and 1644 without regard to the cessation, and it 
was soon resolved at Kilkenny that the fort must, if possible, 
be reduced. Among Esmond's officers two should be men- 

1 Aphorismical Discovery, i. 32, 49 ; Bettings, iii. 8, and the receipt to 
Talbot for the Spanish money in the same vol., p. 273. For Bourke's 
mission, ib. 126 and iv. 90 ; Rinuccini's Embassy, 106, 307. 


tioned, Major Ralph Capron, who said he was ' too old to CHAP, 
forego his loyalty,' and Lawrence Larcan, lieutenant of ^ " '_^ 
Esmond's own company of foot, who made no secret of his 
adhesion to the English Parliament. Esmond made great Lord 
efforts to obtain relief from Ormonde, but nothing effectual difficulties. 
could be done for him, and early in August Inchiquin sent 
Captain Smithwick to induce him to declare for the Parlia- 
ment. This he steadfastly refused to do, but told Ormonde 
that his life was not safe ' among so desperate and mutinous 
a pack,' as the garrison had become. ' Poverty is the cause 
of this, and to tell truth, my lord, they are indeed naked.' 
A month later Captain Bright arrived in the Parliamentary 
vessel Jeremie, and anchored off the fort. He brought A rival 
with him the Covenant and a commission from Inchiquin The 6 
appointing Larcan to the command. The Covenant was Covenant - 
eagerly subscribed by all but Esmond himself, Capron, 
Richard Underwood the principal chaplain, and perhaps one 
or two other officers. Captain Bright promised supplies, 
and the soldiers refused to obey Capron, whom Esmond 
accordingly sent with despatches to Dublin. Larcan, who is 
described as active and witty and a leader of men, said ' the 
King was a tyrant, an extortioner, an oppressor of the subject, Charles I. 
and a Papist,' and he hoped that the Parliament would soon ised. 
' scour ' him. In the meantime Larcan did what he could to 
scour the country, while Parliamentary captains were busy 
at sea. The fort became such a scourge that the Confederates 
resolved to besiege it. 1 

Preston sat down before Duncannon on January 20, Preston 
1644-5, with about 1500 foot. He had both cannon and cannon, 
mortars, and the wonder is that the place held out at all. 
There was a garrison of about 150 men with twenty- two guns, 
but no proper supply of water inside the fort, and no doctor 
or surgeon. A French engineer named Lalue directed the 
siege operations, which dragged out to a great length. Three 

1 Bodley to Salisbury, October 15, 1611, in State Papers, Ireland, and 
to Carew, in Carew Col. 123 ; preface to Confederation and War, iv. xxvii-xl, 
and in the same vol. 381-2 ; Captain Thomas Aston's Brief Relation of 
passages at Duncannon since June $, July 22, 1642, written very shortly 
before the writer was killed. 





Failure to 
from the 

An un- 

weeks after the first investment Inchiquin wrote to say that 
he could give no relief unless help first arrived from England, 
and he pointed out that the Confederates might have easily 
mastered all the Munster towns if they had not exhausted 
their strength in the Ulster expedition under Castlehaven. 
Admiral Swanley wrote about the same time from Milford 
to say that he was sending a collier under convoy to give 
the garrison fuel, and also shipping to convey reinforcements 
for Inchiquin, but that ' as for the soldiers from this country 
(England), they are not to be drawn from this service without 
an inevitable prejudice.' Inchiquin could hardly hold his 
own, nor could he trust unpaid men. Communications 
between the fort and the sea were never interrupted, and 
small supplies were sent in from time to time, and thirty-eight 
seamen took their part in the defence on shore. At the 
beginning of the siege an attempt was made by the Parlia- 
mentary ships to drive the assailants from their works, but 
very few shot went even near the mark. Fire from a floating 
platform is seldom satisfactory against an enemy on a hill. 
As Lalue drew his lines closer and advanced his guns, still 
less could be done from the sea. On February 19, five ships 
anchored under Credan Head in full view of the fort, but 
their commanders dared not come within reach of the plunging 
fire, by which one Parliamentary vessel had already been 
sunk. Frequent sallies of the garrison annoyed the enemy, 
who suffered from bad weather and from the labour of making 
approaches in the rocky ground. Lalue contrived an infernal 
machine which appears in advance of his time. A trunk 
filled with explosives and calculated to go off when opened 
was left near the gate of the fort. Esmond suspected a 
snare, and advised that the trunk should be soaked in the 
sea for some hours, but the soldiers were too impatient, and 
the explosion took place. The besiegers heard the noise 
and expected great results, but only one person was killed, 
a woman who had drawn near out of curiosity. There were 
some men in the fort who sided secretly with the besiegers, 
and when the trenches approached the ditch communicated 
with them by letters tied to bullets and flung by hand. At last 


an assault was made, but, says Sellings, the musketeers who CHAP. 

"Y"Y" V 

were to cover the storming party had their pieces rendered ^ T _^ 
unserviceable by a whirlwind which blew away the priming 
and filled the pans with gravel. The assailants were beaten 
off with great loss, but Larcan, who had been the soul of the 
defence, was hit by a stone which a round shot had displaced. 
A surgeon might have saved him, but there was none, and he 
died. The sap went on until a mine was brought up to the 
rampart, and the second assault was likely to be successful. 
Vice-Admiral Smyth with the Swallow and other vessels 
lay in the offing, and to him Esmond made a last appeal. 
' Your lordship,' the sailor quaintly answered, ' hath but Vice- 
two things to consider of : first, the potency of the enemy ; Smyth's 
next, your abilities to subsist. For, before any relief can advice - 
overtake you, it will be ten or eight days at soonest. Now, 
if you find in your strength a disability, then our Saviour Jesus 
Christ gives you the best counsel, who sayeth : agree with 
thy adversary quickly while thou art in the way.' If they 
waited for the assault, he argued, they would all be put to 
the sword, but if they capitulated so many gallant men 
would be available for future service, and might perhaps 
even have a hand in recapturing the fort. As for the guns, 
they must go with the place, for if they were ' all of beaten 
gold ' there was no means of embarking them. The poor 
old governor could only lament that he had been encouraged 
to hope for help which had never come, and replied that he 
would try one stratagem more by asking for a Protestant 
garrison named by Ormonde. Two days later he still defied 
Preston, and declared that he would not surrender without 
the direct orders of the King or the Lord Lieutenant. Larcan 
being gone, the other officers prepared to take Smyth's advice, 
and Esmond was at last forced to ask for a parley. Preston The fort 
was not bloodthirsty, and on March 19, being the fifty-ninth 
day of the siege, the garrison marched out with the honours 
of war, and were allowed to go to Dublin, Bristol, or Youghal, 
as they themselves preferred. A few men took service with 
Preston. Esmond waited till a carriage could be got, but 
died at Adamstown on the road to Enniscorthy. The fort 

G 2 


CHAP, was not without provisions or ammunition at the time of 


^_ r 1^ surrender, but the want of fresh water was very pressing. 
There had been torrents of rain, but either from want of time 
or from want of vessels it had not been sufficiently utilised. 
Only about thirty men had been killed, though the besiegers 

High mass h a( | burned 19,000 pounds of powder. Duncannon was taken 
on March 19, and on Lady Day Scarampi came in and said 
high mass. The Confederates boasted much of their success, 
in announcing to their friends at Paris the capture of what 
they call the ' impregnable fort of Duncannon.' * 

The Charles had handed over the reduction of the Irish rebels 


mission to Parliament early in the day, and had told the Protestant 
agents at Oxford that he would rather have war than peace 
at their expense. As long as negotiations were entirely in 
Ormonde's hands this was no empty promise, but when the 
King decided to employ a private envoy as well, the situation 
was a good deal modified. The person selected was Lord 
Herbert, eldest son of the Marquis of Worcester, who had made 
immense sacrifices for the royal cause. Both father and son 
were Roman Catholics, and ardent champions of their faith. 
In history the latter is best known as Earl of Glamorgan, 
and so Charles styled him, though the creation was never 
formally made. On April 1, 1644, when the Irish agents 
were at Oxford, the King had granted him under the Great 
Seal a patent of so extraordinary a character that its main 
provisions must be repeated, though perhaps no episode in 
English history has been more thoroughly discussed. By 
An extra- this document he was constituted generalissimo with extra- 
patent^ ordinary powers of three armies, English, Irish, and foreign, 

admiral of a fleet at sea ; with authority to raise money 
by pledging wardships, customs, woods, and other hereditary 
property of the Crown. ' Persons of generosity ' were to 

1 Preface to Confederation and War, iv. xl-xlvii, and in the same vol., 
which contains three plans of Duncannon, a diary of the siege, written by 
Bonaventure Barren, the famous Latinist, in his favourite tongue, 189 ; 
Depositions of officers and soldiers, 210-237 ; Letters of Supreme Council, 
203-209 ; Letters of Smyth, Swanley, &c., and articles of capitulation, 
177-183. The author of the Aphorismical Discovery, i. 102, says ' the 
defendants behaved themselves exceedingly well.' 


be encouraged to subscribe in return for titles of honour, ' for CHAP. 

whom,' the King wrote, ' we have intrusted you with several ._ "7 _ - 

patents under our Great Seal of England, from, a marquis to 
a baronet, which we give you full power and authority to date 
and dispose of without knowing our further pleasure.' Charles 
solemnly bound himself to ratify all the patentee's acts, and 
and to give his daughter Elizabeth to Glamorgan's son 
Plantagenet ' with 300,0002. in dower or portion, most part 
whereof we acknowledge spent and disbursed by your father 
and you in our service.' Finally he was promised the duke- 
dom of Somerset with power to ' put on the George and blue 
ribbon ' at his pleasure, and to bear the garter in his coat of 
arms. The affixing of the seal to this patent may have 
been an amateur performance, the joint work of Endymion 
Porter and of Glamorgan himself, ' with rollers and no screw 
press,' but the document was genuine, and the king knew all 
about it. 1 

His sanguine hopes of Irish and foreign forces having been introduc- 
dashed, and Marston Moor having been fought, Charles Glamorgan 
turned to Glamorgan again. The latter had married Lady o nnonae 
Margaret O'Brien, the late Earl of Thomond's daughter, and 
his many Irish connections might give him influence. Ormonde 
was informed that ' Lord Herbert ' the title of Glamorgan 
was dropped here had business of his own in Ireland, and 
that he might be found incidentally useful in bringing about 
a peace. ' His honesty or affection to my service, says the 
King in a cypher postscript, ' will not deceive you ; but I will 
not answer for his judgment.' Yet to this man of more than Three 
doubtful discretion were given three commissions, the first gj^ 1 
of which authorised him to levy an unlimited number of men ^^ 
in Ireland and other parts beyond sea. By the second 1044-5 
Charles promised ' in the word of a King and a Christian ' to 
confirm all Glamorgan might do, whatever irregularities 
might appear when his powers came to be criticised. The 

1 Dated Oxford, April 1, 1644 : ' and for your greater honour and in 
testimony of our reality we have with our own hand affixed our Great Seal 
of England unto these our commission and letters, making them patents.' 
Printed hi Birch's Inquiry, p. 22, and elsewhere ; S.R. Gardiner in English 
Historical Review, ii. 687. 





lays down 
of peace, 

third was a royal warrant to treat with the Confederate Roman 
Catholics of Ireland, proceeding with all possible secrecy. 
Ormonde was warned by friends in England to be on his 
guard against Glamorgan, who left Oxford soon after receiving 
the last commission, but circumstances changed a good deal 
before the latter reached Ireland. He sailed from the Welsh 
coast, but was chased by a Parliamentary ship and driven 
to Lancashire, whence he made his way to Skipton Castle, 
and there stayed for three months, during which Naseby was 
fought. In his instructions to Glamorgan which preceded the 
first of the three commissions above mentioned, the King 
promised solemnly to ratify whatever should be ' con- 
sented unto by our Lieutenant the Marquis of Ormonde,' 
but authorised him to supply if possible anything ' upon 
necessity to be condescended unto and yet the Lord Marquis 
not willing to be seen therein, or not fit for us at the present 
publicly to own.' Glamorgan seems to have given a verbal 
promise to consult Ormonde in everything, but there is no 
evidence that the Lord Lieutenant knew this, and it is only 
known to historians because Glamorgan, after his failure, was 
reproached by the King for not having done so. 1 

A few days after giving Glamorgan his instructions, 
Charles wrote to Ormonde defining clearly the extreme point 
of his possible concessions to the Roman Catholics. He 
promised that ' the penal statutes should not be put into 
execution, the peace being made and they remaining in their 
due obedience. And further that when the Irish give me that 
assistance which they have promised, for the suppressing of 
this rebellion, and I shall be restored to my rights, then I will 
consent to the repeal of them by a law. But all those against 
appeals to Rome and Prcemunire must stand.' A month 
later the orders were that Ormonde should hasten the peace 
upon the terms already granted, but that if he could not do 
so he was to avoid a rupture and to continue the cessation. 

1 The instructions to Glamorgan' are dated January 2, 1644-5, the 
three commissions referred to in the text being of January 6 and 12 and 
March 12 respectively. The King to Ormonde, December 27, 1644, in 
Carte's Ormonde, appendix to vol. ii., Xo. 13. 


Only three days later came a ' command to conclude a peace CHAP, 
with the Irish, whatever it cost, so that my Protestant ._ ^ ^ 
subjects there may be secured and my regal authority pre- granges 1 
served.' Charles said he would not think it a hard bargain his mind - 
if the Irish could be heartily engaged on his side in England 
or Scotland, upon condition of repealing the penal laws at 
once, and of suspending Poynings' Act for that and kindred 
purposes. But he did not tell Ormonde whether he still 
considered the statutes against foreign ecclesiastical jurisdic- 
tion part of his ' regal authority,' and he directed him to 
' make the best bargain he could, and not to discover his en- 
largement of power till he needs must.' The King's position 
remained substantially unaltered during the spring and early 
summer, but four days after Naseby he told Ormonde that 
Irish help was more necessary than ever. ' If,' he wrote, still 
' within two months you could send me a considerable assist- after 
ance, I am confident that both my last loss would be soon aseb J"- 
forgotten, and likewise it may (by the grace of God) put such 
a turn to my affairs, as to make me in a far better condition 
before winter than I have been at any time since the rebellion 
began.' The Lord Lieutenant was to conclude the peace as 
quickly as possible, and then to come over himself at the head 
of an army. The course of events was destined to be very 
different. 1 

When Glamorgan reached Dublin about the beginning Glamorgan 
of August, he found no peace signed and no army ready to August 
embark. As Charles's necessities grew, so did the demands 1645> 
of the Irish bishops, and the King's orders to conceal his 
powers prevented Ormonde from saying at once what was the 
furthest point to which he could go. Glamorgan was present 
at some of the meetings between the Lord Lieutenant and the 
Confederate commissioners, and he then went to Kilkenny. 
Ormonde told his brother-in-law Muskerry, who went there 
also, that the news of Naseby had made the conclusion of 
peace more needful than ever. He urged him to help Glamor- 
gan, but at the same time acknowledged his independence, 

1 The King to Ormonde, January 18, 1644-5 ; February 16, February 27, 
May 21, 1645 ; June 18 and 26 all in Carte's Ormonde, appendix to vol. ii. 






CHAP, and to some extent deprecated the idea that he was 


_ r 1- acting in concert with him. ' I know,' he wrote, ' no subject 
in England upon whose favour and authority with his Majesty, 
and real and innate nobility you can better rely than upon 
his lordship's.' Muskerry, who was anxious to come to terms 
with the King, no doubt made full use of this testimonial, 
and so Glamorgan, relying entirely on his commission of 
March 12, proceeded to ' engage his Majesty's royal and 
public faith ' for the due performance of the articles known 
as ' the first Glamorgan treaty.' Ormonde was no party to 
them in fact or in name. ' Free and public use and exercise 
of the Roman Catholic religion ' was granted to all without 
exception. All churches possessed by the Roman Catholics 
at any time since October 23, 1641, were granted to them, 
' and all other churches in Ireland other than such as are now 
actually enjoyed by his Majesty's Protestant subjects.' All 
jurisdiction of the Protestant clergy over Roman Catholics 
was taken away, and an Act of Parliament was promised to 
abrogate the penalties for breaches of the Acts of supremacy 
and uniformity. Glamorgan also promised ' on behalf of his 
Majesty,' confirmation to the Roman Catholic clergy of 
all temporalities possessed by them at any time since the 
fatal October 23, two-thirds of the profits for three years 
or during the continuance of the war being applicable to the 
royal service and one-third to the support of the clergy. 
Glamorgan afterwards explained that he intended the im- 
mediate wants of the Protestant clergy to be provided for 
out of the two-thirds reserved to the King. That any English 
Protestants at that time were willing to grant unlimited 
toleration may well be doubted, but it is certain that there 
were none ready to confirm everything that had been done 
against their own clergy since the rebellion began. The 
consideration offered by the Confederates was 10,000 men, 
armed one half with muskets and one half with pikes, to be 
shipped by Glamorgan to any port he might choose. These 
troops were to be kept together in one entire body under the 
Earl's leadership, all other officers being appointed by the 
General Assembly or Supreme Council. Ten days later 

An army 
offered in 


Glamorgan solemnly swore to tell the King everything, and CHAP. 
' not to permit the army entrusted to his charge to adventure . , 1 - 
itself, or any considerable part thereof, until conditions from 
his Majesty and by his Majesty be performed.' In the mean- Ormonde 
time the treaty was kept secret, and the negotiations between the dart. 
Ormonde and the commissioners of the Confederates went on 
pretty much as before. 1 

Glamorgan soon returned to Dublin, leaving the original Copies of 
of his treaty in the hands of the Confederates, but Archbishop are 
Walsh ordered copies to be given to several ecclesiastics, and circulated 
the secret was not very long kept. Meanwhile the negotia- 
tions with Ormonde dragged their slow length along, and the 
arrival of Lord Digby, who in those days was an Anglican 
champion, did not make concessions on ecclesiastical matters 
more probable. The appearance of a papal nuncio at this 
stage was the one thing needful to make the situation hopeless. 
After Rinuccini landed in Kerry, but before he reached 
Kilkenny, Archbishop Queely was killed in a skirmish before and thus 
Sligo, and a certified copy of the Glamorgan treaty was public, 
found upon his person. As early as the previous April 
Charles had written two letters, one to the nuncio and one to 
the Pope, and had entrusted them to Glamorgan for delivery. 
He promised Rinuccini to perform all that he should agree 
upon with Glamorgan, whom he praises in exaggerated 
language. ' This,' he concludes, ' is the first letter that Charles 

-i -r. writes to 

we have ever written directly to any minister of the Pope, the Pope, 
hoping that it will not be the last, but that after you and 
the said Earl have done your business, we shall openly show 
ourselves, as we have assured him, your friend.' When the 
King wrote this dangerous letter, Rinuccini was already at 
Genoa on his way to Ireland. 2 

1 Carte Papers, vol. xv., from which the letters, &c., are printed in 
Confederation and War, v. 62-79 ; and the treaty dated August 25, 1645, 
printed from Husband's Collection, p. 821. When examined before the Lord 
Lieutenant and Council, Glamorgan said he ' did not consult or advise 
with any person whatsoever concerning any the matters contained ' in the 
treaty, ib. 220. 

2 Charles I. to Rinuccini, April 30, 1645 (in French), printed by Birch 
from the Holkham MS. Archbishop Queely was killed on October 17. 






MILITARY operations in Munster, though contributing towards 
the general result of the war, did not at the moment interrupt 
the negotiations between Dublin and Kilkenny. As Lord 
President of Munster for the Parliament, Inchiquin was not 
bound by any truces but those of his own making, and Broghill 
as governor of Youghal was practically in the same position. 
Duncannon being taken, and the truce expiring soon after, 
Castlehaven invaded Munster with 5000 foot and 1000 horse. 
' The enemy,' wrote Castlehaven long afterwards, ' in this 
province had always been victorious, beating the Confederates 
in every encounter . . . every gentleman's house or castle 
was garrisoned, and kept the country in awe. To begin, 
therefore, this field I made my first rendezvous at Clonmel, 
and the army encamped not far from it. Thither came Dean 
Boyle, now Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and then married to 
my Lord Inchiquin's sister ; his business was to persuade me 
to spare Doneraile and other houses and castles not tenable.' 
They parted friends, but Castlehaven made no promise, and 
Cappoquin marched to Cappoquin, where he summoned the castle, 
believing that the failure to take it before had been owing 
to the town being attacked first. Here and elsewhere his 
terms were fair quarter in case of immediate surrender, but 
' no quarter at all ' in case of prolonged resistance. Cappoquin 
preferred the first alternative, but the commandant was 
afterwards executed by court-martial for cowardice. Accord- 
ing to Broghill and others, articles of capitulation were not 
always well observed, but from what we know of Castlehaven 


this may have been the fault of his subordinates. The posses- CHAP. 

"V" V\7T 

sion of Cappoquin bridge enabled him to pass the Blackwater ^_ 1^ 
at will, and Inchiquin was too weak both in men and supplies 
to oppose him seriously. Youghal was summoned with 
the boast that mass should be said there in six days, but 
Broghill replied that God should be worshipped there for six 
months. Mitchelstown refused the first summons, but soon Mitchels- 
yielded at discretion, when ' two or three,' says Bellings, ' of 
which one was a minister, that were charged to have been 
upon several actions cruel to the Irish were hanged for their 
unsoldierly obstinacy.' The logic or morality of this is not 
very clear. Dromana surrendered, as well as Knockmone, 
which Sir Eichard Osborne had defended since the beginning ; 
but Lismore held out under Major Power. In the meantime 
a strong body of horse under Broghill had crossed the Black- 
water by the ford of Fermoy, and Purcell persuaded Castle- 
haven to detach his own cavalry, ' which I count certainly 
among my other follies.' As Purcell came on, Broghill Action 
retired over the river and faced about at Kilcruig, half-way Castle 
between the ford and Castle Lyons, with a scrubby wood L y ns - 
between him and his pursuers. The Irish straggled through 
the covert, and before they had time to reform, Broghill 
charged and defeated them with great loss. The main body 
of Castlehaven's army being visible in the distance, he retired 
to Castle Lyons and sent all the men he could spare to Inchi- 
quin. 1 

From Fermoy Castlehaven proceeded to clear the country Castie- 
north of the Blackwater. Mallow, Doneraile, and Liscarroll generally 
were taken with little or no resistance, but Milltown, which successful > 
had made a brave defence in 1641, threatened to give trouble. 
Some boys who made a hole in the courtyard wall to steal 

' Castlehaven's summons to Cappoquin is dated April 14, 1645, 
Youghal Council Book, 552. Mitchelstown fell May 7 or 8, ib. hi. Castle- 
haven's Memoirs, 54-56. For Castlehaven's effort to make his soldiers 
respect capitulations, see ib. 61. Sellings, iv. 8. Writing to the Parlia- 
ment, Broghill says Colonel ' Ridgway, though drunk, killed nine men that 
day with his own hand. His drunkenness was owing to two tumblers of 
ryley ale, which he had from the Irish sutler ' Smith's Cork, ed. Day, 
ii. 88. 




but Inclii- 
quin holds 
his own, 





cattle found a way into the castle : soldiers followed, and the 
place was taken by assault. Annagh Castle, which was then 
surrounded by bog, made a brave resistance under Lieutenant 
Fisher. A breach was made with the artillery and the 
garrison was put to the sword. The English account says 
this was done in cold blood after Fisher had been treacherously 
killed during a parley in sight of his own men. Bellings 
acknowledges the slaughter, but says it was during an assault. 
While Castlehaven was busy to the north of the Blackwater 
Inchiquin fell upon the district of Imokilly between Cork 
and Youghal. Eostellan and Castle Martyr both held for 
his uncle Edmond Fitzgerald. In the final division of the 
spoils the first fell to his lot, and the second to BroghilTs, and 
no doubt both leaders intended something of the kind from 
the first. At Eostellan, says Bellings, ' Sir Richard Meagh, 
the Catholic Dean of Cork, and Captain William FitzJames 
Barry were hanged, which actions, how justifiable soever by 
arms, yet made a great noise and increased the animosities 
between them, the clergy of both sides being therein concerned. 
Hearing of Inchiquin's raid, Castlehaven hurried to the relief 
of Castlemartyr, but was delayed by a flood at Fermoy, 
and when he passed the river met the late garrison. He 
thought that 140 men with plenty of arms and provisions 
ought to have made a better fight. He found the castle 
burned, and having just failed to intercept part of the Youghal 
garrison who retreated with their guns at his approach, 
he seized Cloyne and Aghada and recaptured Rostellan after 
a short struggle. Thomas Barham, Dean of Ross, was 
hanged to match the other dean, and Inchiquin's brother 
Henry, ' one of the most malicious of our enemies,' would 
have had the same fate, but that the officers preferred to 
reserve him for special judgment by the King. This was 
just before Naseby. Ballyhooly and Castle Lyons were also 
taken, and at Conna Castlehaven made an example ' by 
putting to the sword some, and hanging the rest.' He believed 
that the siege of Youghal would ' rather be a work of hours 
than days,' but there were plenty of men there, and the sea 
was open. Broghill hurried off to England for help and to 


place his wife and his sister, Lady Barrymore, with the young CHAP. 

-y "V"\7T 

Earl, in a place of safety. 1 1 

Castlehaven reported that he had cleared the baronies of TWO 
Imokilly and Barrymore completely both of people and depopu- 8 
cattle. ' I conceive in this I have done my Lord of Inchiquin lated ' 
more mischief than in killing a thousand of his men,' for this 
source of supply was quite cut off. He hoped to take Youghal 
and to besiege Cork before harvest, but this sanguine letter 
was written two days after Naseby. Lismore was taken Pali of 
at last after a gallant defence by Major Power, and the 
garrison admitted to quarter. Templemichael capitulated, 
Castlehaven undertaking the safe custody of the garrison to 
Youghal, but Broghill complains that he kept them for a 
fortnight and sent them in when nearly starved. The 
general's proceedings at Mogeely and Strancally were also 
objected to, but both banks of the Blackwater from Mallow 
to the sea were in his hands before the end of June. Several The 
hundreds of the King's soldiers taken at Naseby were sent prisoners, 
to relieve Youghal, but the curious experiment was hardly 
successful, for when provisions ran short they deserted. ' I 
could wish,' writes a zealous Protestant, ' no more might be 
sent over. They are brutes, void of reason or understanding, 
or they would never hasten so much to the herd of unclean 
beasts.' Some of them, however, might have taken the oath 
of allegiance devised for the benefit of Protestant Royalists, 
involving the independence of the Irish Parliament and co- 
operation with ' the Confederate Catholics (saving in the 
freedom of religion).' About the middle of July an Irish Siege of 
vessel reached Nantes with the news that Youghal had fallen, 
and that Castlehaven was on his way to Cork, but the wish 
was father to the thought. Inchiquin sent some reinforce- 
ments from Kinsale, but the Duncannon frigate with many 
men was blown up in Youghal harbour during an artillery 

1 Smith's Cork, ed. Day, i. 289, ii. 87, where the Eginont MS. is cited ; 
Bettings, iv. 8-11 ; Castlehaven's Memoirs, pp. 58-60 ; Castlehaven to the 
Supreme Council, June 17, 1645, hi Confederation and War, ii. 281-4. Lady 
Broghill was Lady Margaret Howard, daughter of the second Earl of 
Suffolk, and is supposed to have been the heroine of Suckling's delightful 
lines, ' I tell thee, Dick, where I have been,' &c. 





army is 

of Con- 

duel with one of the Confederate batteries. After this Youghal 
was effectively blockaded on both sides of the river, but the 
besiegers never came to close quarters. At the beginning 
of October Preston came with his army, but finding that in 
Munster he would be only second to Castlehaven, went back 
in dudgeon to his own province, leaving the country, as 
Sellings mildly puts it, ' much offended at the unusual 
liberty the soldiers assumed in his return.' Youghal was no 
longer in danger, having been relieved early in September by 
Broghill, who brought over reinforcements from England. 
Inchiquin also was able to send supplies from Cork and 
Kinsale, and the Parliamentary Vice-Admiral Crowther 
commanded the sea. After Preston left him, Castlehaven 
attempted to take the great island in Cork harbour, which 
was of the highest importance to Inchiquin. The bridge at 
Belvelly appears not to have been then in being, and the 
attempt to cross the narrow channel failed, both horses and 
men sticking in the mud. After some indecisive skirmishing 
in the direction of Blarney, Castlehaven returned to Youghal, 
where he found his army dwindling away, and disheartened 
by Preston's desertion. Those who remained were dispersed 
into winter quarters, and Youghal was left to itself. So far as 
Munster is concerned, this failure may be called the turning 
point of the war. 1 

While Castlehaven was in Munster the Scots threatened 
Connaught, where there were now virtually three provincial 
presidents Lord Dillon of Costello for the King, Sir Charles 
Coote for the Parliament, and Archbishop Queely for the 
Kilkenny Confederacy. Ormonde steadfastly abstaining 
from denouncing the Scots as rebels, for many who had taken 
the Covenant were really Royalists, and those who had refused 
it were still worse disposed to the Parliament, whose promises 

1 Rinuccini, Embassy, p. 45 ; Broghill's Letter-book, Additional MS. 25, 
287; Beltings, iv. 11-16; Castlehaven to the Supreme Council, June 17, 
1675, in Confederation and War, iv. 281. As to the bad relations between 
Preston and Castlehaven. Sellings agrees with the Aphorismical Discovery, 
i. 196 : ' Two generals with unsubordinate power in one and the same army, 
neither obeying the other, or either said by a council of war.' Youghal 
Council Book, lii. 


of help had not been kept. The hard treatment of the King CHAP. 


at Uxbridge and Montrose's successes in Scotland had a great ^_ r _. 
effect in Ulster, and for a moment Ormonde thought it possible Ormonde 
to unite the English and Scots forces there under his own scots. e 
banner. The officers of the British forces in Ulster exclud- 
ing Monro and the new Scots met at Antrim on May 17 and 
agreed to receive commissioners from the Parliament. They 
proposed, in spite of all the misery they had undergone, to 
continue the war until the conclusion of a safe and honourable 
peace by consent of King and Parliament, but, they signifi- 
cantly added, they ' called heaven and earth to witness 
that it was not their fault, if they were forced to take any 
other way whatever for their preservation and subsistence.' 
Five days before this Coote, who was in England, received 
a commission as President of Connaught. He hurried over Activity 
to Ireland, and the presence of so resolute an officer with the 
necessary authority soon changed the aspect of affairs. First 
he entered his province at Ballinasloe and ravaged the 
country almost up to Galway. His next thought was to take 
Sligo, which was held by Teige O'Connor with a colonel's 
commission from the Confederates. Four thousand foot and 
500 horse assembled at Augher in Tyrone on June 17, con- 
sisting both of English and old Scots, and battering guns 
were sent to Sligo by sea. At the instance of Clanricarde, 
Ormonde gave a commission to Lord Taaffe, authorising him 
to raise troops and resist all who invaded Connaught in 
breach of the cessation, and Lord-President Dillon was 
directed to use his services in the last resort ; but the appoint- 
ment was ineffectual for the immediate purpose. Ten days 
later cannon were brought to bear upon Sligo Castle, and Sligo 


O'Connor surrendered. The town was defended a little July 8 
longer, but was carried by assault with great slaughter. The 
Irish accounts say that men, women, and children were killed 
after quarter had been promised, ' so as never a man escaped 
but two men and two women ' ; but these charges were gener- 
ally made by both sides during the war, and it is not always 
possible to test them. The Sligo district was now at the mercy 
of Sir Frederick Hamilton and his allies, but recruits flocked to 




Battle of 
October 17. 

Pour days 

landed in 




Taaffe's standard in considerable numbers, and he turned his 
attention to Roscommon. Tulsk was taken by storm, and 
Major Robert Ormsby, a redoubtable partisan of the Parlia- 
ment, was taken prisoner. Carrigdrumrusk and Boyle also 
fell, and then Lord TaafEe was recalled to Dublin. The chief 
authority in Connaught was for a short time in Archbishop 
Queely's hands, but Major Luke Taaffe appears to have com- 
manded the force which attempted to recover Sligo in October. 
A priest is out of place at the head of any army, and probably 
some of the evils attending a divided command were felt. At 
all events a very bad look-out was kept. On October 17 a 
cavalry detachment from Sir Robert Stewart's army, under 
Lord Coloony and another Coote, fell upon the Irish and put 
them to flight. Sir Frederick Hamilton came up in time to 
take part in the pursuit, and there was great slaughter. 
Archbishop Queely was killed, and upon him was found the 
copy of the Glamorgan treaty which played so important a 
part. 1 

Giovanni Battista Rinuecini was of a good old Florentine 
family, and had been carefully educated. He was in his 
fifty-third year, and had been Bishop of Fermo since 1625. 
In 1631 he refused the archbishopric of Florence, telling the 
Grand Duke Ferdinand II. that he was too much attached to 
his flock to leave them. When the Irish Confederacy begged 
for a regular nuncio, Luigi Omodei, afterwards a cardinal, 
was first chosen, but passed over as a Spanish subject, whose 
appointment might be disagreeable to France. This was the 
reason given, and it seems sufficient, but according to Bellings 
Rinuecini was preferred to please Ferdinand, and that the 

1 Carte's Ormonde, i. 54 ; Confederation and War, iv. 353 ; Sellings, 
iv. 16 ; Aphorismical Discovery, i. 93. The authorities are collected in the 
two modern histories of Sligo by Archdeacon O'Rorke and Colonel Wood- 
Martin. Scarampi wrote : ' Posteaquam se pactis dediderant, occiderunt 
barbare prsesidium nostrum circa ducentoruru militum necnon omnes 
pueros et mulieres ' Spicilegium Ossoriense, i. 293. The Irish Cabinet 
containing the captured papers is in Husband's Collection, p. 782, reprinted 
in Harl. Misc. v. 485, and hi Somers Tracts, v. 542. Good News from Ireland. 
communicated to Parliament, January 12, 1645-6, and printed by authority, 
January 15. As to Coote's first movements, Clanricarde to Ormonde, 
May 6, Carte MSS. vol. Ixiii. f. 443. 


revenues of Fermo might be applied for a time in liquidation CHAP. 


of the bishop's debts. He was given almost unlimited ^ T _. 
ecclesiastical authority and patronage in Ireland, with power His 

, . . . . ,. instruc- 

to visit all monastenes and nunneries, even exempt junsdic- tions. 
tions, and to settle disputes between the various orders. 
He was directed to be chiefly guided by the advice of arch- 
bishop Queely and Bishop Emer Macmahon, and he was to 
establish the Tridentine decrees firmly. With regard to church 
lands in lay hands, he was to use his own discretion, treating 
each case on its merits, and giving grants or leases as he 
thought best, but always with the proviso that a sufficient 
part of the profits should be retained for the support of the 
clergy. About ecclesiastical matters in Ireland the Roman 
court was very well informed, Luke Wadding being at hand 
to answer every question. But political affairs were less The Curia 
well understood. Rinuccini was told, for instance, that the fectly 
Parliament had ' bound themselves by a sacrilegious oath to " 
maintain and defend what they called the true refoimed 
Protestant religion against all Popish inventions and innova- 
tions, and determined to extinguish every spark of the Catholic 
religion, by extirpating all who adhered to that faith, not 
only in England and Scotland, but even in Ireland. This 
dreadful sentence came to the knowledge of the Irish at a time 
when four thousand men were in arms, who had been levied 
for the service of the King of Spain, but were then detained in 
Ireland by order of the Parliament.' The detention of the 
troops was indeed one great cause of the outbreak in 1641, but 
the men had been levied originally not for any foreign prince, 
but to enable Charles and Strafford to crush the English 
Parliament and their Scots allies. Parliament was undoubtedly 
ready to oppress the Roman Catholics, but there is no evidence 
of any intention to extirpate them. The friars persuaded the 
people that this had been determined on, and the argument 
was too convenient to be neglected. The main object of Scope of 
Rinuccini's mission was to ' restore and re-establish the public nuncio's 
exercise of the Catholic religion in the island of Ireland, and E 
further to lead her people, if not as tributaries to the Holy See, 
such as they were five centuries ago, to subject themselves 
VOL. n. H 


CHAP, to the mild yoke of the Pontiff, at least in all spiritual affairs 


~_ thus to gain over souls innumerable to the glories of Paradise.' l 

Opinion The nuncio was informed that the cessation and its various 

Ormonde, renewals had done no good, and that peace was unlikely 
because Ormonde would ' never yield save by force to the 
wishes of the Catholics.' The Lord Lieutenant's Protestantism 
was sincere, but in Rinuccini's secret instruction a lingering 
hope is expressed that he might be gained over, perhaps 
through the Queen or ' any particular predilection of which 
advantage might be taken.' He had one predilection, the 
supremacy of the Crown in Church and State. The same 
The Queen secret instructions declared that Henrietta Maria must be 
kept out of Ireland, because Royalist heretics would flock 
round her and make the Irish suspicious, and because queens 
are expensive people to maintain. The Pope would give no 
help to the faithful in England except on condition that all 
disabilities affecting them should be taken away, the oath of 
supremacy abolished, and no peace made until these conces- 
sions were confirmed by Parliament. ' To secure these con- 
ditions all the fortresses in Ireland must be put into the hands 
of English and Irish Catholics, because without some such 
pledge, their Majesties' promises can not be depended on.' 
No Irish army was to be landed in England if of less force 
as well as than 10,000 men, ' who may be able to defend themselves 
without danger of being cut to pieces by the English who 
serve under the King . . . the Irish Catholics are so hated 
by the English Protestants that they would be in constant 
danger of treachery, if marching with cavalry, commanded 
by Protestant officers,' and therefore the provision of a body 
of English Catholic cavalry proportionate to the Irish infantry 
was a condition precedent to the latter serving in England, 
and there is much more of the same kind. Had Charles known 
what ideas prevailed at Rome there would have been no 
Glamorgan treaty, no royal letters to the Pope or nuncio, and 
very probably no battle of Naseby. 2 

1 Papal brief of March 15, 1645 (Latin), in Embassy in Ireland, xiii. 
Instructions to Rinnccini, ib. xxvii. 

2 Secret Instructions to Rinuccini in Embassy, li. ; Memoranda for him, 
ib. Ivii. 


Rinuccini travelled by Florence and Genoa, where the CHAP. 
Doge's attentions much delighted him, to Marseilles, and ^ XX ; VI 1 
thence by Lyons, where the cardinal archbishop was barely The . 

J <f J nuncio s 

civil, and he reached Paris at the end of the third week in journey to 
May. He had strict orders not to linger long in the French 
capital, ' lest the ill-affected should warn the Parliament of 
the enterprise.' They were not likely to be ignorant, for the 
English merchants at Leghorn had plotted to intercept him 
at sea between Genoa and Cannes. He carried with him the 
golden rose, which was a dead secret, and he was ordered not 
to deliver it to Anne of Austria unless he was sure that it 
would be well received. There was some ill-feeling on account French 
of the Pope's late refusal to make Mazarin's brother a cardinal, 
and this was increased by the mistake of a secretary who 
infringed diplomatic usage by neglecting to inform the nuncio 
at Paris of Einuccini's mission. The refusal to give up 
Beaupuis, who was implicated in the conspiracy of the 7m- 
portants, and had been arrested at Eome at the French queen's 
instance, made matters worse, and Rinuccini soon determined 
not to offer the rose, which would probably be refused under 
the circumstances. The Irish flocked to the nuncio with 
requests and advice, but the French were not enthusiastic. 
The Duke of Orleans, indeed, and the Prince of Conde, were 
friendly, the latter expressing the most extravagant devotion 
to the Holy See, but Mazarin was merely smooth and cautious. 
Jealousy of Spain was much more apparent in Court circles 
than sympathy with Ireland, but the devout Duke of Venta- 
dour promoted a subscription of 100,000 crowns. After the Effects of 
news of Naseby the French became cooler than ever, but 
Henrietta Maria begged Rinuccini to bring about peace 
between the Irish, saying that she was empowered to do this 
by her husband. The persons trusted by her in the matter 
were the Jesuit O'Hartegan, whom Charles considered a 
knave ; Bellings, who had reached Paris soon after the nuncio ; 
and the inevitable Jermyn. Scarampi in the meantime was 
writing from Ireland that ' the peace, if concluded, would be 
fatal.' Rinuccini's long stay in France was so far favourable to 
Scarampi's views that the Confederates were unwilling to 

H 2 




Attitude of 









voyage to 

conclude anything until he arrived, and in the meantime the 
King's necessities grew more pressing. ' I have observed,' 
says the nuncio, ' that many in France are anxious to assist 
the King of England, but would rather it should be by the 
help of others, and consequently they would greatly like he 
should be aided by the Irish. Mazarin, who made some diffi- 
culty about an audience, gave vague promises, but was very 
cautious. Henrietta Maria offered to see Rinuccini privately, 
but he declined anything short of an official reception. It is 
perhaps true that she tried to prevent him from going to 
Ireland, for Scarampi showed from her letters that she was 
' always ready to treat of peace without one word concerning 
religion,' and indeed it was quite impossible for her to act so as 
to alienate Protestant Royalists. It was equally impossible 
for her to please all parties. 1 

Sellings, who is a very hostile witness, says Rinuccini 
disliked the idea of Ireland, and tried to get himself appointed 
nuncio to France instead of Monsignor dei Bagni, and Mazarin 
seems to have been of the same opinion. However that may 
be, it is certain that he lingered for more than three months 
in Paris, and that he was severely reprimanded by the Pope 
for doing so without showing a sufficient reason to vary his 
original instructions on that point. At the date of that 
reproof he had got as far as Tours on his way to the coast. 
He succeeded in wringing 25,000 crowns from Mazarin, and 
persuaded Bellings to go to Flanders in the hope of preventing 
him from getting first to Ireland. O'Hartegan had letters in 
his possession which showed that Charles was trying to use 
the Irish for his own purposes, and had taken care that they 
should be known in Ireland, his object being to prevent 
any peace without extraordinary securities. Rinuccini sailed 
at last from the island of Rhe, more than six months after 
leaving Florence, accompanied by Bellings and about twenty 
Italians, of whom the most remarkable was Massari, Dean of 
Fermo. A nephew of the great Spinola, who soon died at 

1 Embassy in Ireland, pp. 8-52, particularly Rinuccini's letters of 
August 4 and 11 ; Scarampi's letter of May 8, ib. 553 ; and of July 14, in 
Spictiegium Oasoriense, i. 292 ; Aphorismicol Discovery, i. 91. 


Kilkenny, was sent before to explain or excuse the delay. CHAP. 


There had been much difficulty about shipping, but the ._ T JV 
frigate San Pietro was obtained with Mazarin's money. The 
cardinal said the French flag would protect all on board, but 
this turned out not to be the case. Binuccini carried with him 
a considerable sum in specie and a large quantity of arms 
purchased in France, a consignment of swords, pistols, and 
muskets with 20,000 pounds of powder having preceded him 
to Ireland. The total amount received from Rome and from 
Mazarin was about 200,000 dollars, and of this nearly one-half 
had been laid out in arms and other warlike material. At sea 
the nuncio was chased first by an English squadron and 
afterwards by Plunket, a notorious rover or pirate, who, 
having become ' a Puritan,' was trusted by the English 
Parliament. Superior speed averted the first danger, but 
Plunket would have succeeded had not a fire broken out in 
his galley. ' The frigate,' says Rinuccini, ' was dedicated to 
St. Peter, whose gilded image was placed at the poop . . . 
and truly I see the hand of the Saint in the miraculous issue 
of this pursuit.' In spite of this it was thought too dangerous 
to approach Waterford, and after six days at sea the San 
Pietro at last found shelter in Kenmare bay. The nuncio's The 
first letters are dated from Ardtully, about four miles to the lands in 
eastward of Kenmare. ' And here,' he writes, ' I may give October \\ 
your Eminence another proof of the Divine providence 
towards me in having discovered and touched land on 
October 21 and 22, which seem to be consecrated to an 
archbishop of Fermo, as on the 21st my Church celebrates 
the feast of Saint Mabel, one of the 11,000 virgins, whose 
head we have at Fermo, and whom we believe on no slight 
grounds to have been of Irish birth ; while on the 22nd we 
also celebrate the martyrdom of St. Philip, Bishop of Fermo. 
. . . My first lodging was in a shepherd's hut, in which 
animals also took shelter.' The arms were temporarily stored 
in Ardtully Castle, and to avoid Inchiquin, Rinuccini pro- 
ceeded by Macroom and Millstreet through the mountains to The 
Limerick. The ruggedness of the roads and the steepness 
of the passes were, he says, indescribable, but the faithful 


CHAP, flocked to meet him, and Ormonde's brother Richard, specially 


___, !_ sent by the Supreme Council, was among those who escorted 

him. At Limerick he found Scarampi, who had succeeded 
in making the hitherto neutral city declare itself, and heard 
of Archbishop Queely's death. He reached Kilkenny on 
November 12, and was received with much pomp, which he 
Be ^P tion evidently enjoyed. The Supreme Council held a special 
kenny. sitting in the Castle, and the nuncio had a chair covered with 
' red damask enriched with gold and handsomer than the 
president's,' but Mountgarret did not leave his place either at 
the beginning or end of the ceremony. The arrangements 
were made by Bellings, who would be sure to preserve the 
dignity of the civil power.' l 

1 Rinuccini's Embassy, p. 90 ; Bellings, iv. 5-7. See also the translation 
of a paper preserved at Rome, reprinted in appendix to Meehan's Confedera- 
tion, from the Dublin Review for 1845. 




WHILE at Rochelle waiting for his ship, Rinuccini had seen CHAP. 

" " 

Geoffrey Baron, treasurer of the Confederation, who told him 
that no peace had yet been made in Ireland, and who brought 
a letter from Glamorgan. Baron, ' a cavalier of excellent nuncio, 
countenance and very affable manner,' was on his way to 
Paris to succeed O'Hartegan, who seems to have returned 
to Ireland a little later. Glamorgan returned from Dublin 
to Kilkenny one week after the nuncio's arrival, and in due 
course delivered the King's letter to him. Of that to the 
Pope he only showed the address, but he disclosed the con- 
tents of two ' patents in which the King gives him secret but 
full powers to conclude a peace with the Irish, on whatever 
terms he thinks advisable.' In the meantime Lord Digby, Digby in 
who bore the now empty title of principal secretary of state, 
had arrived in Dublin. It was characteristic of Charles's 
diplomacy that his English minister was even more ignorant 
of Glamorgan's business than his Irish viceroy. Glamorgan 
was sanguine that the nuncio would agree to everything 
required ; but Ormonde calls him ' the Italian bishop,' and 
an ' unbidden guest,' which he would not have done had he 
known of the King's letter to him. Rinuccini found that Rinuccini 
the majority of the Confederates were inclined to accept con- the 
Ormonde's political articles, and to leave the religious n d t e tes 
question for later consideration. Noblemen and lawyers accord. 
saw plainly enough that the King could not grant what would 
satisfy the Pope without making his position in England 
hopeless, and they wished to save their properties with the 
hope of later concessions in church matters. The certain 
ruin of the royal cause was the worst thing that could 


CHAP, happen, for from the Parliament nothing but evil was to be 
s_ r _' expected. Some, says Kinuccini, ' audaciously declare that 
the Catholic interest could not fail to prosper under the 
government of a nobleman so warmly attached to the cause 
of Ireland as the Marquis of Ormonde ; others are not ashamed 
to say that it is sufficient to perform the Catholic service in 
secret, provided it can be done in safety, and that to expect 
more than this from the King, restricted as he is at the present 
moment in his liberty, would be open injustice ; and finally, 
that it is not lawful to contend with him in this cause. No 
one holds forth more loudly in favour of this doctrine than 
that priest Leyburn sent here six months ago by the Queen, 
Attitude of and whose words almost amount to sedition.' Leyburn's 
Maria. mission was known and feared at Rome, where it was well 
understood that Henrietta Maria was willing to make peace 
' without one word concerning religion,' and considered ' the 
whole well-being of the Catholics to depend on peace with 
the Protestants.' A still greater obstacle to peace on 
Rinuccini's terms was the personal popularity of Ormonde, 
and the fact that the Council ' were mostly relations, friends, 
clients, or dependants of his house.' l 

Arrest of A copy of the Glamorgan treaty came into Ormonde's 

morgan. hands, and was shown to Digby, who was in Dublin before 
the end of November. Glamorgan himself reached the Irish 
capital on Christmas Eve, and on St. Stephen's Day he was 
arrested at Digby's instance, and closely confined to the 
Castle, ' yet with needful attendance and accommodation,' 
and not as Rinuccini heard, ' without even a servant left to 
attend him.' The prisoner being brought before the Council, 
Digby produced copies of the treaty, of the ' pretended 
authority ' of March 12, 1644-5, and of the oath taken by 
Glamorgan. The King complained at this time that Ormonde 
had been long without writing, the fact probably being that 
he knew just enough to make him cautious and not enough 

1 Embassy in Ireland, November and December, 1645, pp. 98, 103, 554, 
569. Correspondence between Glamorgan and Ormonde in Confederation 
and War, v. 197-200; 208-210. It appears from DumouJin's letters to 
Mazarin that Leyburn was at Limerick in April 1645, ib. 314, 325. 


to enable him to advise. The fatal papers were read to the CHAP. 


Irish Council, Digby declaring that the commission was either __'. 

forged or obtained by fraud, or at the very least limited by 
other instructions. It was * destructive both to his regality 
and religion,' and such as the King would never grant to save 
his Crown or life, or the lives of his wife and children. Next Examina- 
day Glamorgan was examined on interrogatories, framed so Gia- 
as to shield Charles while accumulating blame upon his agent. r 
It was not sought to prove that he had forged the King's 
commissions of January 12 and March 12, for probably both 
Ormonde and Digby knew in their hearts that they were 
genuine, though they had not seen them before the conclusion 
of the treaty. The fourth interrogatory was as follows : ' Did 
your lordship grant, conclude, and agree, on the behalf of 
his Majesty, his heirs and successors . . . that the Roman 
Catholic clergy of Ireland should and might from thenceforth 
for ever hold and enjoy all and every such lands, tenements, 
tithes, and hereditaments whatsoever by them respectively 
enjoyed within this kingdom, or by them possessed at any 
time since October 23, 1641, and all other such lands, tene- 
ments, tithes, and hereditaments belonging to the clergy 
within this kingdom, other than such as are now actually 
enjoyed by his Majesty's Protestant clergy ? ' In reply His 
Glamorgan acknowledged the words of the treaty, while con- 
sidering them ' not obligatory to his Majesty.' He was after- 
wards allowed to add the words ' and yet without any just 
blemish of my honour, my honesty, or my conscience.' At 
the end of four days Glamorgan was released from close 
imprisonment, but confined to the walls of the Castle for more 
than three weeks longer. In reporting to the King the Lord 
Lieutenant and Council confess that they were ' stricken with Jho Irish 

most wonderful horror and astonishment to find so sacred a merit 

majesty so highly scandalled and dishonoured.' And, said struck" 
Ormonde for himself, ' it is manifest that the retarding of the 
peace is no way on the part of me the Lieutenant, but ought 
rather to be attributed to that underhand dealing of the said 
Earl, whereby that party have been encouraged to hope for 
such concessions as they themselves had before receded from, 






as wanting confidence to insist on matters so unreasonable.' 
It was pointed out that Glamorgan had mis-recited the 
commission authorising Ormonde to treat for peace, that he 
had acknowledged Mountgarret's ' usurped style and title ' 
as Lord President of the Supreme Council, and that ' he had 
strangely misinterpreted the facts of the case when he 
discerned the alacrity and cheerfulness of the said Catholics 
to embrace honourable conditions of peace.' They had shown 
their loyalty by ' entertaining a nuncio from the Pope,' and 
at the same time negotiating with a messenger from the 
King of Spain, ' and how comely it is that such treaty with 
foreigners should be held at the same time that they are in 
treaty with his Majesty's commissioners we humbly submit 
to his Majesty's high wisdom.' l 

As soon as Charles heard of the proceedings in Dublin, 
he proceeded characteristically to repudiate Glamorgan, to 
whom, he said, he had given a commission to raise and 
employ troops, ' and to that purpose only.' All his other 
doings were without warrant, and ' framed of his own head.' 
For himself the King was quite ready to go to London and to 
confer with the two Houses on the basis of making no peace 
in Ireland without their consent. Failing such a conference, 
Ormonde was to make a treaty which would preserve the 
Irish Protestants and the Crown, without being derogatory 
to the King's honour and public professions. With chivalrous 
loyalty, which cannot be too much commended, Glamorgan 
kept silence under this undeserved rebuke. He had already 
shown Ormonde the original and given him an attested copy 
of a document which was probably the patent of April 1, 
1644, strictly charging him to keep it secret. It might be 
useful to the Lord Lieutenant for his ' future warrantry to 
his Majesty,' but publication would not be for the King's 
service. Ormonde sent a copy of this paper to the King, 
describing it as ' of an extraordinary nature and way of 

1 Lord Lieutenant and Council to Secretary Nicholas, January 5, 
1645-6, printed in appendix to Carte's Ormonde and in Confederation and 
War, v. 234. Interrogatories, etc., ib. 211-222. Digby's letter to Nicholas. 
January 4, 1645-6, was one of those which Fairfax rescued from the sea 
at Padstow, Husband, p. 816. 


penning,' but expressing no doubts of its genuineness. The CHAP. 


Supreme Council at Kilkenny said negotiations could not go ^ ; _. 
on nor Chester be relieved until ' a nobleman, so highly ^ofsfai- 
esteemed by the nation, and chosen general of that army peace in- 

. terrupted. 

by the unanimous vote of the Confederate Catholics, were 
released.' To Ormonde Charles averred ' on the word of a 
Christian ' that he never intended Glamorgan to do anything 
without his approbation. A prosecution of the Earl was 
necessary to clear his Majesty's honour, but he had been 
actuated by mistaken zeal. The King was quite satisfied 
with the Lord Lieutenant, and begged him not to sentence 
Glamorgan, unless he found it too dangerous not to do so. 
Glamorgan was liberated after nearly a month's detention, 
but bound to appear within thirty days after summons, bail 
being given for 40,OOOZ., half on his own part and half on that Glamorgan 


of the Earls of Clanricarde and Kildare. Both the sureties on bail, 
had houses in Dame Street, where service was declared good. 
Glamorgan went back to Kilkenny, entering the town late 
' to avoid the vanity ' of popular demonstrations in his 
favour, and Rinuccini was rather sorry to see him, because 
his return removed one obstacle to the conclusion of peace. 
The interest of Rome was to continue the war, and the nuncio 
pleaded hard for delay, at least until the articles came to 
which the Pope had agreed. 1 

In the spring of 1645 Henrietta Maria sent Sir Kenelm Mission 
Digby to Rome. The choice of this fantastic genius was Kenelm 
not a happy one, and the cool-headed Italians soon found lg y> 
that he was not a serious diplomatist. He could show no 
authority from the King, and that derived from an exiled 
Queen, who was hated in England and not much loved in 
Ireland, hardly afforded security enough. He received an 
order for 20,000 Roman crowns to be laid out in munitions 
of war, and carried with him articles to which he undertook 
to get the royal consent. He left Rome in December for 

1 The King's declaration, January 24, 1645-6, printed (from Reliquiae 
Sacrae Carolinae) in Confederation and War, v. 252. Glamorgan to Ormonde, 
January 7, 20 and 29, ib. 244, 255 ; Supreme Council to Ormonde, 
January 16, ib. 246 ; Embassy, p. 115 ; the King to Ormonde, January 30, 
Carte MSS. vol. Ixiii. /. 386. 







reed to be 





Paris, where he was to see the Queen. After that he proposed 
to visit the King in England and the nuncio in Ireland. He 
was at Nantes at the end of January and on the point of 
sailing for Ireland, but returned to Paris instead, whence he 
made his way back to Rome a few months later. ' Let him 
say what he will,' wrote Bona venture Barron to Wadding, 
' this is certainly true that excepting going to mass, the Queen 
has no other religion than the Lord Jermyn's, and that both 
are all agreeing in this, that while there is any hope of re- 
lieving the King by a Protestant, a Catholic shall never be 
admitted to his succour, and while they think the Scots can 
do it, the Irish shall never be admitted to a communication 
in the work, much less to any good conditions for our nation, 
which is equally hated by the King, Parliament, Scots, Queen, 
and Jermyn.' This was written in May, after Charles had 
left Oxford on that sad journey which ended in the Scotch 
camp, but the learned Franciscan was well informed, and had 
perhaps seen some of the letters received by the Queen. In 
January the King had told his wife that Ireland ' must at all 
times be sacrificed to save the crown of England, Montreuil 
assuring me that France, rather than fail, will assist me in 
satisfying the Scots' arrears.' His later letters to her are in 
the same spirit, and with some reason from his own point of 
view, he declares the Irish wanting in generosity. Colepepper 
about the same time pronounced Ireland to be a broken 
reed, and the same simile was applied at Rome to the 
heretics upon whom King and Queen alike were disposed to 
lean. 1 

A copy of the articles agreed to with Digby was sent to 
Rinuccini early in November 1645, and reached him in due 
course. This paper was unsigned, and differed in some 

1 Rinuccini to Pamphili, March 5, 1645-6, in Embassy ; Fr. Barron to 
Wadding, May 11, 1646, in Spicilegium Ossoriense. ii. 24; Charles I. to 
Henrietta Maria, January 8 and February 8, 1645-6. Nuncio's Memoirs 
(April or May) in Birch's Inquiry " Pamphilius et nuncius in hoc negotio 
caste et sincere partes egerunt suas ; alii vero Regem Reginamque 
impulerunt ad deferendum tractatum pontificium, et spem in baculo arun- 
dineo, haereticorum brachio, collocandam.' Colepepper to Ashburnham, 
Feb. Cal. of Clarendon 8.P. 2136. 


respects from the formally authenticated version entrusted CHAP, 
to Sir Kenelm himself, but the main points were the same. Jz 7 
Seven articles applied to Ireland, and by them the King was 
required to grant the free and public exercise of the Koman 
Catholic religion, and to restore the hierarchy, with all churches 
and church property. The abbey lands ' pretended ' to have 
been confirmed to lay grantees by Cardinal Pole were to be 
left to a free Parliament, and so were the bishoprics in the 
King's hands. All penal laws passed since ' the defection of 
Henry VIII.' were to be first abrogated by the King and then 
repealed by a free Irish Parliament, ' independent of that 
of England.' The viceroy and all the chief placeholders were Protest- 
to be Catholics, and all towns, including Dublin, to be placed excluded 6 
in Catholic hands, and the King was to join his forces with fromoffice - 
those of the Confederate Catholics so as to drive the Scots 
and the Parliamentarians out of Ireland. When the King had 
done these things, ' and whatever else Monsignor Kinuccini 
may add to or alter in these articles,' the Pope would give 
the Queen 100,000 Koman crowns. In England all penal 
laws were to be repealed and all disabilities removed, and 
the kingdom was to be invaded by 12,000 infantry under 
Irish chiefs, who were to be assisted by at least 2,500 English 
cavalry with Catholic officers. As soon as a landing and An Irish 
junction had been effected the Pope was to pay his money England 
in twelve monthly instalments, a like sum to be paid in the 
second and third year if circumstances justified it. By an 
article added afterwards six months were given for the 
ratification of the Irish articles, and ten for the English, 
' after which his Holiness will not be bound by his present 
promise. ' Rinuccini received this document in February while 
the General Assembly was sitting at Kilkenny. Glamorgan, 
not without some wry faces and much to the disgust of 
his friends, at once agreed to abandon his own treaty and 
to adopt Sir Kenelm Digby's. It was an excuse for delay 
that the original had not yet come to hand, and that was the 
nuncio's main object. Glamorgan was reminded that he had 
exceeded his instructions, that he had talked at Dublin about 
what he had orders to keep secret, that he had spoken of 




who gives 
up his 

on the 

using an Irish army to force the King's hand, and in short 
that he could only cast off his load of responsibility by sub- 
mitting to the Pope. It was evident that he could do 
nothing by himself, and that his promises had melted into 
air, ' Lord Digby having declared that the Protestants would 
rather throw the King out of window than permit his Majesty 
to confirm them.' Speaking in the assembly Rinuccini said 
that Glamorgan's treaty was worthless because its confirma- 
tion depended on the will of another, and that the Roman 
treaty was every way preferable. Both were really waste 
paper, and everyone at Kilkenny knew it except the clergy 
and the clericals. Ormonde reminded Glamorgan that the 
chief object of the peace was to relieve Chester, and that could 
not be done unless troops were sent at once. To this the poor 
man answered that the Queen's powerful hand effaced the 
' clandestine hopes ' of his own endeavours. A burnt child, 
he said, dreads the fire, and he would most willingly leave 
treaty-making to the Lord Lieutenant, who could not as 
' a great and public minister of State and real Protestant ' 
appear publicly, but who might give a hint to his friends at 
Kilkenny to deal with the nuncio. For himself he proposed 
to raise 100,OOOL in Catholic countries, which was impossible 
if the Pope were ' irritated,' or the nuncio ' disgusted.' 
Rinuccini, he added, had agreed to let 3000 men go at once 
for the relief of Chester, and he believed shipping could be 
readily had. When this was written Chester had fallen, 
and a rumour had reached Ormonde when he penned an 
answer in his best manner. ' My Lord,' he said, ' my affec- 
tions and interests are so tied to his Majesty's cause that it 
were madness in me to disgust any man that hath power and 
inclination to relieve him, in the sad condition he is in, and 
therefore your Lordship may securely go on in the ways you 
have proposed to yourself to serve the King without fear of 
interruption from me, or so much as inquiring into the means 
you work by.' For himself he had a commission to treat with 
the Confederates, and he intended to do so without venturing 
' upon any new negotiation foreign to the powers he had 


received.' In the meantime the proposed succours were CHAP. 
likely to be too late. 1 XXVIL 

Glamorgan was not satisfied with abandoning as worthless 
the treaty which had cost him so much, he must needs swear 
fealty to the nuncio in terms such as perhaps no other English fl 
layman has ever used. ' I swear,' he wrote, ' to obey all 
your commands readily without reluctance and with a joyful 
mind. I make this perpetual protestation on my bended 
knees to your most illustrious and reverend lordship, not only 
as the Pope's minister but also as a remarkable personage, 
and as witnesses of the purity of my intentions I invoke 
the Blessed Virgin and all the Saints of Paradise.' The Conclusion 
result of this alliance was the consent of the Supreme Council 
to prolong the cessation till May 1, so as to give time for the 
arrival of Sir Kenelm Digby's original articles. Neither 
Digby nor the documents ever reached Ireland, for the Queen 
did not choose that they should, and peace was concluded 
with Ormonde on March 28, on the understanding that 
the terms were not to be divulged until May 1, Rinuccini 
failing to get a further postponement. ' I command you,' 
Charles had written, ' to conclude a peace with the Irish, 
whatever it cost ; so that my Protestant subjects there may 
be secure, and my regal authority preserved. But for all 
this, you are to make the best bargain you can, and not to 
discover your enlargement of power till you needs must.' 
This was early in 1645. Six months later, after Naseby, 
the King ' absolutely and without reply,' commanded 
Ormonde to make the peace, with the consent of his Council 
if possible, but to make it anyhow. The contracting parties 
were Ormonde alone on the King's part and the following 
commissioners for the Confederate Catholics : Ormonde's 
uncle, Viscount Mountgarret, and his brother-in-law, Viscount 
Muskerry, Sir Robert Talbot, TyrconnePs eldest brother ; 

1 Sir Kenelm Digby's articles were printed by Birch, and are also in 
Embassy, pp. 573, 577. The nuncio's advice to Glamorgan, ib. p. 120, and 
his speech, p. 122 ; Ormonde to Glamorgan, February 3, 1645-6, Carte 
MSS., vol. Ixiii. /. 354 ; Glamorgan to Ormonde, February 8, in Confederation 
and War, v. 258, and Ormonde's answer, February 11, in appendix to 
Carte's Ormonde. Chester surrendered on February 3. 


CHAP. Colonel Dermot O'Brien ; Patrick Darcy of Plattin ; Geoffrey 

_ , lx Brown and John Dillon, two lawyers who were designated 

as future judges. The conditions of a peace which was no 
peace might seem hardly worth dwelling on, but that they 
mark clearly the furthest point to which Charles would openly, 
if not altogether willingly, go in his dealings with the Irish 
Koman Catholics. A few weeks after the peace was signed, 
and before it was published, he ceased to be a free agent, and 
the desperate expedients of a prisoner scarcely count. The 
articles occupy twenty-two printed pages, but the principal 
points may be clearly brought out in a short abstract. 
Summary 1. The oath of supremacy to be abolished, so far as con- 
articles, cerns Roman Catholics, in the next Irish Parliament ; and an 
oath of allegiance substituted. All statutory penalties and 
disabilities to be repealed by the same Act. ' That his 
Majesty's said Roman Catholic subjects be referred to his 
Majesty's gracious favour and further concessions.' 

2. An Irish Parliament to be held before November 30, 
when all the articles were to be performed by law, the King 
undertaking to make no alterations under Poynings' Act. 

3. All legal acts done against Koman Catholics since 
August 7, 1641, to be vacated. Debts to remain as they 
stood before the outbreak. 

6. Titles to land to be confirmed under the graces of 1628. 

7. All educational disabilities affecting Roman Catholics 
to be removed. 

8. All offices, civil and military, to be open to Roman 

9. The Court of Wards to be abolished on payment of 

10. 11. Peers without estates in Ireland to have no votes. 
Irish Parliament to be as independent as it ever had been. 

12. Titles to land to be decided by law and not by the 

13. Acts in restraint of trade to be repealed. 

14. Viceroys to hold for a limited term of years and not 
to acquire estates. 

15. An Act of oblivion for all offences civil and criminal 


since October 23, 1641, with some exceptions to be hereafter CHAP, 
specified. XXVII. 

16. Officials and judges to have no interest in the revenue. 

17. Monopolies abolished. 

18. To regulate the court of Castle-chamber. 

19. ' That two Acts lately passed in this kingdom, pro- 
hibiting the ploughing with horses by the tail, and the other 
prohibiting the burning of oats in the straw, be repealed.' 

20. Breakers of the cessation or of this peace to be 

21. 22. Simplification of legal remedies. 

23, 24. Quit-rents increased by Strafford to be reduced 

25. Commissioners named to raise and transport to 
England 10,000 men for the King's service, and to collect 
overdue taxes. 

26, 27. Commissioners named to appoint to judicial 
offices until Parliament meets, but without power to decide 
questions of title, and no other judges to have power within 
the Confederate quarters. 

28. The status quo as to garrisons. 

29. Further details as to taxation. 

30. The judicial commissioners to have jurisdiction in 
every case, including murder, arising since September 15, 

These articles when duly executed were placed in Clan- Delay 
ricarde's hands, to be kept secret until such time after May 1 claries. 
as Ormonde might choose for their publication. Before that 
day the Parliamentary fleets had begun their summer cruises 
and the sea was entirely at their mercy. Chester having 
fallen, it was almost out of the question to land men in Wales. 

1 The articles were printed in London in September 1646, and are 
reprinted in Confederation and War, v. 286. Glamorgan's oath of allegiance 
to Rinuccini, Febuary 16, 1645-6, is given (Latin) in Gardiner's Civil War, 
ii. 420. The King to Ormonde, Febuary 27, 1644-5; May 22, 1645, in 
Carte's Ormonde, iii. and July 31 in Halliwell's Letters of the Kings of England. 
On August 24, 1646, Charles wrote to his wife : ' I have returned two 
messengers into Ireland with my approving the peace there, to which I 
shall firmly stick,' Charles I. in 1646. 







opinion of 
Charles I. 

condi tion. 

Six thousand of the promised troops were ready, and orders 
were given for levying the remainder, but shipping could not 
be provided, and there was no money either at Dublin or 
Kilkenny. The attempt to put down the English people 
with Irish troops failed as it had failed in the days of Strafford, 
and as it was destined to fail in the days of Tyrconnel. In 
the meantime Lord Digby found a plan of his own for bringing 
the Prince of Wales to Ireland and rallying round him there 
all the forces opposed to the Parliament. Rinuccini dreaded 
the success of this scheme, but it was not he who prevented it. 
Digby sailed with two small frigates and 300 men to Scilly, 
where the Prince remained from March 4 to April 16, but did 
not get there till after the latter date. ' The men of the 
island,' wrote Plunket to Ormonde, ' put themselves in arms 
and loudly cried that no Irish rebels should land there, the 
Lord Digby thereupon parted thence with one frigate, and 
one hundred of the men to Guernsey or Jersey.' The other 
frigate with the remaining men returned to Waterford. 
According to Daniel O'Neill, the King's principal secretary 
was ' drunk nine days out of ten with white wine ' during the 
preparation of his little expedition, which may have had 
something to do with its being late. The Confederates 
depended on Glamorgan's treaty for relief to their religion 
further than that promised by Ormonde. It was true that 
both sets of articles depended really upon the King's word 
and upon his ability to keep it, but as professed Royalists 
they could not reject the first nor assume the permanent 
absence of the second. Rinuccini, who had no duties except 
to the Church, very rightly held that Charles's word was 
worth nothing, and it was evident to him that if the royal 
power was destroyed in England it could not long survive 
in Ireland without foreign help. The King had justified 
the nuncio's opinion by repudiating Glamorgan, and when this 
was known at Kilkenny he lost all credit, ' with the mer- 
chants in particular, so that he really had not enough to live 
upon.' He spoke to the French agent Dumoulin about leading 
the troops intended for England into Louis XIV.'s service, 
but there was no chance of that being allowed. The nuncio's 


position was strengthened by a royal letter to Ormonde written CHAP, 
from Newcastle under Scotch influence. ' We think fit,' , v _, 
the King said, ' to require you to proceed no further in treaty 
with the rebels nor to engage us upon conditions with them 
after sight hereof ' ; the alleged motive being anxiety for the 
safety of the Irish Protestants. This came to Ormonde's 
hands three months after the signature of the Dublin peace. 
A very few days later Digby returned from France, where a 
letter had been received from the King in which he declared 
that he was no longer free, and that Ormonde was to proceed 
as before. Digby accordingly publicly declared the New- 
castle letter to be a forgery or written under duress. This 
satisfied the Council, and the peace was proclaimed in Dublin The peace 
on July 30. On August 3 the Supreme Council at Kilkenny atDubn, 
followed suit. ' We require,' they wrote, ' the above pro- jg]^ 80> 
clamation to be printed, and do order and require the 
same to be published, and due obedience to be given there- 
unto by all the Confederate Catholics of Ireland.' l 

Barnabas O'Brien, sixth Earl of Thomond, had en- Siege of 
deavoured to stand neutral during the early years of the war, March- 
and to live quietly in Clare. As a Protestant his natural u y> 
leaning was to Ormonde, who could not protect him ; and 
in October 1644 the Kilkenny assembly, treating neutrals 
as enemies, ordered his tenants to pay no rent, and took 
steps to sequestrate his vast estates for the benefit of the 
Confederacy. Finding his position intolerable, Thomond 
surrendered Bunratty to the Parliament in March 1646, and 
soon went himself to England. A Parliamentary fleet under 
Penn lay in the Shannon, and there was no difficulty about 
putting a garrison of 700 men under Colonel MacAdam into 
Bunratty Castle, which lies upon the estuary of the Ogarney 
river. It is now the most melancholy of ruins ; but Kinuccini, 
who beheld it in its days of grandeur, thought it the finest 
thing he had ever seen, and Bellings's description bears him 

1 N. Plunket to Ormonde, May 7, 1646, in Confederation and War 
v. 335 ; Digby's Declaration, July 28, and Proclamation of Peace, July 30 
and August 3, ib. vi. 55-60 ; Daniel O'Neill to Ormonde, April 18, in Con- 
temp. Hist., i. 671 ; Rinuccini's letter, March 22, in Embassy, p. 153; the 
Newcastle letter, June 11, in Birch's Inquiry, p. 208. 

i 2 




The castle 
in its 

Fight at 
Six mile- 
April 1. 

out. ' It is,' he says, ' a noble structure, reputed strong 
when engines of battery were not so frequent, and before 
time and experience had brought the art of taking in places 
to perfection. On the south it hath the river of the Shannon, 
distant from it about a mile of marsh and meadow ground. 
On the east it is washed by the river which falling to the 
Shannon at the end of a goodly plain, ebbs and flows with it. 
To the north at some distance from the castle it is environed 
with an eminent ridge of earth, which bounds a goodly park, 
save that it wanted the ornament of timber trees ; it was 
then stored with the largest deer in the kingdom.' Glamorgan, 
who was now entirely in the nuncio's hands, went to Limerick 
and busied himself about preparations for the recovery of 
Bunratty ; but the garrison were at first successful. A party 
of Irish, consisting of 120 horse and 300 foot, came from Six- 
milebridge and burned a few houses, but were routed by a 
sally and lost eighty men, their commander, Captain Magrath, 
and his lieutenant, being taken prisoners. In the afternoon of 
the same day the victors, amounting to fifty horse and 600 
foot, went to Sixmilebridge and attacked the Irish camp. 
About 1400 men were strongly entrenched there, but were 
driven out and took to the woods. A few were slain, but 
a more important success was the capture of 250 barrels of 
meal, which supplied the garrison of Bunratty with bread for 
six weeks. Next day they went as far as Ballyquin, where 
the Irish had first encamped, burned a large store of corn, 
and returned with some plunder to Bunratty. Magrath 
and his subaltern both died of their wounds and were buried 
with military honours. 

It was not till the middle of May that the Irish began to 
press the siege by taking the outlying castles of Cappagh and 
Rossmanagher. The works of Bunratty itself were streng- 
thened by the labour and skill of the sailors, but it became 
difficult to supply the garrison with food and ammunition. 
The besiegers encamped in the park, where the underwood 
supplied material for gabions and fascines, and ate the deer, 
which they roasted with the dry wood of the palings. Mus- 
kerry arrived at the end of the month, and after that the 


siege became closer. Letters were received from Broghill, CHAP, 
but no relief came. Einuccini came to Limerick about the 
middle of May, where he had the satisfaction of superintending 
the rejoicings for Benburb, but he found that the siege of the sie s e - 
Bunratty was likely to be raised for want of money to pay the 
soldiers. There were frequent sallies from the garrison, but 
nothing decisive on either side. The nuncio went himself Einuccini 
to the camp at the end of June with all that remained of the besiegers. 
Pope's money, to which he added some of his own, and the 
attack was after that pressed with more vigour. Colonel 
MacAdam was killed by a stray round shot which came in at 
a window, and his loss proved fatal to the defence. Eighteen 
bags of money and some of Thomond's plate had been guarded 
by the commandant ; but this treasure was now divided 
among themselves by the officers who found it, in spite of 
Penn's remonstrances. When Muskerry's men succeeded 
in getting heavy guns down to the shore where the action 
of the defenders was weak, ships could no longer lie near, 
and want of provisions soon became felt. On July 14 the Bunratty 
garrison capitulated, and were carried off in Penn's boats, i^ea^' 
Binuccini was satisfied that his presence and assistance July 14> 
during the siege would cause ' the people to recognise it as 
an apostolic undertaking,' and a Te Deum was sung in the 
cathedral, where ten captured colours were displayed. 1 

While Einuccini was at Limerick, and before Bunratty Battle of 
was taken, O'Neill gained his great victory at Benburb. B ^e 5 rb> 
The tidings were peculiarly grateful to the nuncio, in that 1646t 
success was entirely due to the Ulster Irish, and in no sense 
to the Supreme Council or to any who favoured Ormonde's 
peace. And, moreover, the efficiency of O'Neill's army 
was mainly due to the Pope's money, brought over and dis- 
tributed by Binuccini himself. 

In the early summer of 1646 the Confederacy was so Mom-o 
weakened by internal dissensions that Monro thought it attock^n 
possible to take Kilkenny. It was arranged that Sir Robert Kilkenny. 

1 There are accounts of this siege in Bettings, v. 20-24 ; in Penn's 
Memorials, i. 165-210 ; and in Rinuccini's Embassy, pp. 182-191 ; and see 
Frost's Hist, of Clare, pp. 371-376. 




fidence of 
the Scots. 

Stewart's army should enter Connaught while he engaged 
O'Neill. In the event of both attacks being successful, he 
could then march southwards without any great probability 
of meeting an enemy that could stop him. He had 3400 foot 
' effective under arms,' with eleven troops of horse and six 
field pieces. Campbell of Auchinbreck was left in command 
at Carrickfergus. The general's nephew, Colonel George 
Monro, was to join him at Glaslough in Monaghan, bringing 
240 musketeers and three troops of horse from Coleraine. 
Monro left the neighbourhood of Belfast on June 2, and spent 
the night of the 3rd at or near Dromore. On the following 
morning he detached a troop of horse, under Daniel Monro, 
with orders to cross the Blackwater at Benburb and meet his 
namesake at Dungannon. At Armagh Daniel learned from a 
prisoner that O'Neill was concentrating his forces at Benburb, 
and the fear lest George Monro should be cut off probably 
accounts for the Scottish general's subsequent proceedings. 
The army spent the night of the 4th at Hamilton's Bawn, 
and in the morning Monro went through Armagh to view the 
bridges and ford at Benburb. Both are commanded by high 
rocks crowned by Shane O'Neill's castle, and it was impossible 
to attempt the passage in front of the Irish army. Monro 
then marched to Caledon, where he crossed the Blackwater, 
doubled back on the left bank, and faced the enemy late in 
the afternoon. After the long march it would have been 
prudent to halt till the morning ; and, moreover, sun and 
wind were in the eyes of the Scots, but they were over- 
confident of victory. ' All our army,' says Monro, ' foot and 
horse, did earnestly covet fighting, which was impossible for 
me to gainstand without being reproached of cowardice.' 
Sir James Turner, however, declared that his greatest fault 
as a general was a tendency to underrate his enemy. O'Neill 
had with him about 5000 men, including 500 horse, ' such as 
they were,' and took up a position on hilly ground to the west 
of Benburb. He detached the greater portion of his mounted 
men to intercept George Monro, but they scarcely did more 
than neutralise that skilful leader. The two armies met at 
Drumflugh, between the Oona brook and Benburb. O'Neill 


made a short speech to his men, reminding them that they CHAP. 

were the ancient inhabitants of Ulster, professing the same 
faith as those who first brought Christianity into Ireland, 
' You have arms in your hands,' he said, ' you are as numerous speech, 
as they are ; and now try your valour and your strength on 
those that have banished you and now resolve to destroy 
you bud and branch. So let your manhood be seen by your 
push of pike ; and I will engage, if you do so, by God's 
assistance and the intercession of His blessed mother and all 
the holy saints in heaven, that the day will be your own. 
Your word is Sancta Maria ; and so, in the name of the Father, 
Son, and Holy Ghost, advance, and give not fire till you are 
within picket-length.' l 

The battle did not begin till about six in the evening, The Scots 
by which time the sun was well in the eyes of the Scots. The defeated, 
wind was also against them, and there were clouds of dust 
and smoke. Monro's guns were placed on high ground, but 
they did little damage, the round shot going over the heads of 
O'Neill's men as they descended into the plain, which was 
full of bushes and scrubby timber. Monro's front was too 
narrow, and there were no proper intervals for his rear divi- 
sions to come out in front. So learned a general might have 
remembered something about the Roman maniples. Over- 
crowding resulted in confusion, and this was increased by a 
squadron of his own cavalry, ' consisting,' as he says, ' for the 
most part of Irish riders, although under the English com- 
mand, who did not charge, but retreated disorderly through 
our foot, making the enemies' horse for to follow them at 
least one squadron.' He thought they were at least half 
traitors. The foot fought on bravely till sunset, when they 

1 All the contemporary accounts mention O'Neill's short speech, which 
evidently made a great impression. None say whether it was in English 
or Irish. The ' British Officer ' has been followed in the text, ' MacArt 
spoke in the front of his own men these words, as I was told, or to 
that effect.' The much longer speech in the Aphorismical Discovery is 
obviously a mere grammarian's figment containing allusion to Gratian, 
Hannibal, Scipio, Plutarch, Polybius, the Maccabees, etc. The number 
of Monro's army are given from his account, but the ' British Officer ' 
thinks the foot were near 5000. The numbers of the Irish are from O'Neill's 
journal, and O'Mellan says nearly the same. 




with great 


An old 



broke and fled. The majority sought the neighbouring ford 
of the Blackwater, where Battleford Bridge now is, and the 
slaughter there was frightful. Sir Phelim O'Neill, who com- 
manded the horse, specially charged his men to take no 
prisoners and to give no quarter. Others fled towards 
Caledon, and many of them were drowned in Knocknacloy 
Lake. Of those who crossed the river a large number were 
killed in passing through the county of Armagh. Most of 
the horse escaped with Monro, who acknowledges a loss of 
500 or 600 men ; but the Irish accounts say that from 3000 
to 4000 bodies were counted. A long train of carts followed 
the army, so that many camp-followers were probably 
killed, and the truth is likely to be somewhere between the 
two extremes. The Irish slain were under forty, and the 
wounded under 250. George Monro got back to Coleraine 
without the loss of a man. Monro's wig, cloak, sword, and 
cap fell into the victor's hands with thirty-two colours and 
the standard of the cavalry. Even those who escaped for 
the most part threw away their arms, which enabled O'Neill 
to enrol fresh men. Lord Blayney, who commanded the 
artillery, was killed, all his guns being taken. Lord Mont- 
gomery of Ardes, who led the cavalry during the battle, was 
taken prisoner with about twenty other officers. Monro's 
army was not annihilated, but it was to a great extent dis- 
armed, and ceased to be an aggressive force. Over-confidence 
was certainly one main cause of his defeat. ' The Lord of 
Hosts,' he says himself, ' had a controversy with us to rub 
shame on our faces, as on other armies, till once we shall be 
humbled ; for a greater confidence did I never see.' The 
* British Officer ' agrees that this was the chief cause of 
disaster ; also mentioning the sun and wind and the long 
march, and that the soldiers, who had had little rest or 
refreshment since leaving Lisburn, stood to their arms for at 
least five hours. Another reason, he adds, is ' that the Irish 
pikes were longer by a foot or two than the Scottish pikes, 
and far better to pierce, being four square and small, and the 
other pikes broad-headed, which are the worst in the world. 
Withal to my knowledge, the soldiers, I mean some that 


were not strong in the British army for his pike on a windy CHAP. 

~Y ^r\m 

day, would cut off a foot, and some two, of their pikes - _. 
which is a damned thing to be suffered.' l 

Military authorities are agreed that the general who wins Small 
a great victory ought to pursue his beaten enemy to the of 8 the 8 
uttermost. One reason why O'Neill did not do this may victor y- 
have been that he was afraid of Sir Kobert Stewart falling 
upon Tyrone in his absence ; but he was a man of few words, 
and it does not appear that he ever said as much. He raised 
new regiments, which he armed with the spoils of victory, 
and waited for orders from Kilkenny. Want of money was 
no doubt a cause of delay. His appearance at Augher 
caused Stewart to retire towards Londonderry, and O'Neill 
lay inactive, first at Tanderagee and then at Loughanlea in 
Cavan. Four days after the battle he sent Boetius MacEgan, 
an eminent Franciscan, to Limerick with a letter to Rinuccini, 
who was quite certain that a miracle had taken place. The 
Jesuit O'Hartegan, who had returned from France, followed Rejoicings 
with the captured colours, which were carried in procession Limerick, 
through Limerick to the cathedral. The people filled the 
streets and windows, the Te Deum was sung by the nuncio's 
choir, and high mass afterwards by the Dean of Fermo in 
the presence of four bishops and of the civic magistrates. 
When the news reached Rome, Innocent X. attended at and at 
Santa Maria Maggiore and heard a Te Deum sung there also. 
Rinuccini was sure that if he had only money enough he 
could make the greater part of Ireland obedient to the Pope. 
All his letters declare that money would do almost everything 

1 The battle is described by Bellings and in the Aphorismical Discovery. 
In Contemp. Hist, of Affairs in Ireland, i. 676-686, are printed (1) a short 
notice from Carte Papers, xvii. 25 ; (2) Monro's despatch to the Scotch 
estates ; (3) a London tract dated June 15, 1646; (4) Rinuccini's account 
(Italian) published as a tract at Rome and Florence ; (5) the ' British 
Officer's ' account from Hist, of the Wars in Ireland. An eighth account 
is in Colonel O'Neill's journal, ib. iii. 204. A ninth not the least valuable 
is in Young's Old Belfast, being a translation from the Irish of O'Mellan 
the Franciscan, who was chaplain to Sir Phelim O'Neill. The Rev. W. T. 
Latimer, in his Hist, of Irish Presbyterians (Belfast, 1893) identifies the 
localities from O'Mellan and from his own local knowledge. I have satisfied 
myself by actual inspection that he is right. A tenth account is in O'Neill's 
letter (Latin) to Rinuccini printed in Confederation and War, v. 




y VT7TT 



leThis m 


in Ireland ; but it was a scarce commodity, and without it 
even the clergy could not ' keep the soldiers quiet and united.' 
The nuncio had still a little left, and he despatched Dean 
Massari to Ulster, who gave three rials to each soldier and larger 
sums to the officers. The donative was small, but it tended 
to foster the notion that it was the nuncio's war, and that 
little regard need be paid to the viceroy or to the Council at 
Kilkenny, where Anglo-Irish influences were in the ascendant. 

Preston had also been successful in Connaught, but the 
capture of Roscommon, though important, paled before the 
glories of Benburb. Neither general was in a condition to 
attack Sligo. Preston had no ammunition for a siege, no 
means of drawing his guns over the Curlew hills, and no money 
to pay his men. Even the sums promised for they had not 
arrived at the end of July were not enough to last for a week 
on active service. The country was so wasted that every- 
one would have to carry a month's provisions with him, and 
this could only be had for ready money. Ormonde urged 
Preston to reduce Connaught before the summer season 
slipped away, but admitted that little help in money for the 
Leinster army could be expected from Leinster. Both 
Preston and O'Neill offered Rinuccini to march on Dublin, 
looking no doubt to him for the means ; but he refused 
because Dumoulin, the French agent, was there, lest the Pope 
might be embroiled with the Most Christian King. The part 
Q f ^at p rov j nce w hi cn bordered on Ulster was overrun by 
O'Neill's men, who plundered all classes and creeds imparti- 
ally, so that they appeared as conquerors rather than allies. 
Ormonde atributed it ' to the necessities imposed on General 
O'Neill for want of means to go on or to keep his men in better 
order where he is.' l 

Want of money and ill-feeling between the native and Anglo- 
Irish notables prevented the greatest of Irish victories from 
having any permanent results. Rinuccini left the Supreme 
Council at Limerick under the impression that he would not 

1 Officers of Preston's army to the Supreme Council, July 27, 1646 ; 
Ormonde to Preston, August 3, and to Bellings, August 10 all in Con- 
federation and War, vi. Rinuccini's Embassy, pp. 173, 181, 189 ; Bellings, 
v. 16 ; O'Mellan's Narrative. 


ob j ect further to Ormonde's peace, but he continued to counter- CHAP, 
mine it while they despatched Muskerry, who would have ^_ T ^ 
been more useful in Munster, to be present at the proclama- 
tion in Dublin. Arriving at Waterford at the beginning of 
August, the nuncio summoned the clergy to meet him there 
in order to take steps for constituting a national synod. 
When he had got them together, they immediately fell to The clergy 
debate the peace ; and this had, no doubt, been his real object. f or a. 
Scarampi, who had not yet sailed, was authorised to write 
letters urging the municipalities of Limerick, Cashel, Clonmel, 
Kilkenny, Galway, Wexford, and New Ross not to allow the 
peace to be published. In the meantime, Ulster King-at- 
Arms had arrived at Waterford with orders from Ormonde 
to proclaim the peace there. The mayor and aldermen 
refused him permission on various grounds. They had 
already been warned by the previous appearance of a pur- 
suivant, who had to give a little boy sixpence to show him the 
way to the mayor's house, and who declared that there were 
' by imagination about a thousand priests and friars gazing ' 
upon him and Ulster when they had succeeded in getting an 
interview with the corporation. After two days they were The peace 
allowed to go in peace to Kilkenny, not without covert claimed at 
threats of violence if their departure were longer delayed. ' 

Scarampi's letters were written before they left Waterford, 
though the attitude of the civic authorities was nominally 
due to the fact that proclamation had not been first made 
at Kilkenny and by order of the Supreme Council. Water- 
ford was preferred on the ground that it was the most ancient 
city of Ireland after Dublin ; but perhaps Ormonde hoped that 
his herald would create dissension enough to break up the 
clerical assembly. 1 

The Supreme Council at Kilkenny transmitted the original The clergy 
articles of the peace to Waterford by the hands of Nicholas pe J ace. 
Plunket and Patrick Darcy. The nuncio had not seen them 
before, though he was, of course, well acquainted with their 

1 William Roberts, Ulster, to Ormonde, August 11, 1646; Declaration of 
William Kirkby, pursuivant ; Letters by Scarampi all in Confederation and 
War, vi. 67, 110, 126. Rinuccini in Embassy, pp. 192, 197 ; Bettings, vi. 16. 




Peace pro- 
claimed at 

and Cashel 




substance. After several days' debate it was decided ' that 
all and singular the Confederate Catholics, who shall adhere 
to such a peace, or consent to the fautors thereof, or other- 
wise embrace the same, be held absolutely perjured : especially 
for this cause, that in these articles there is no mention made 
of the Catholic religion, and the security thereof, nor any care 
had for conservation of the privileges of the country as is 
found promised in the oath [of association] ; but rather all 
things are referred to the will of the most serene King, from 
whom in his present state nothing certain can be had.' In 
the meantime everything remained subject to the authority 
of Protestant officials, ' to free ourselves from which we took 
that oath.' And it was plainly hinted that excommunication 
would follow in due course. The document was signed by the 
nuncio himself, by two archbishops, ten bishops, and many 
vicars-general and heads of religious houses. It professes to 
be absolutely unanimous ; but Archbishop Bourke of Tuam, 
Bishop Dease of Meath, and the Franciscan Peter Walsh, 
whose stormy career in Ireland now begins, did not sign, 
though they took part in the debates and were among those 
to whom the question was referred. On the same day the 
peace was proclaimed at Kilkenny ' in the presence of the 
mayor and the magistrates only, the people not choosing to 
appear,' according to Rinuccini, who says the Supreme 
Council terrorised the city with soldiers. At Callan, Fethard, 
and Cashel proclamation was made in spite of clerical opposi- 
tion, but there was no popular enthusiasm. The corporation 
of Clonmel declared that they would do as Waterford had 
done. The town had received supplies of arms from the 
nuncio and was subservient to the clergy, though some of the 
more prudent inhabitants would have complied. The most 
the herald could obtain was a promise to reopen the question 
after proclamation had been made at Limerick. 1 

The proclamation at Kilkenny was an open declaration of 
war with the nuncio, who immediately sent Dean Massari 

1 Decree of Ecclesiastical Congregation, August 12, 1646, in Confedera- 
tion and War, vi. 69 ; Sellings, ib. 17 ; Roberts to Ormonde, August 17, 
ib. 115; Embassy, p. 198. 


to Rome to explain that both clerg} r and people were against CHAP. 


the peace, and that its few supporters could do no harm. ___^__1, 
Meanwhile, Ulster went on his way to Limerick. Arriving adventures 
after the gates were shut, he was refused admittance, and J*. 


had to pass the night in an old house outside. Next day 
he was received by Sir John Bourke, the mayor, and at first 
it seemed that all would go smoothly ; but the civic authorities 
went on arguing the question till the following day was well 
advanced, and time was thus given for a formidable agitation 
to grow. James Wolfe, a Dominican friar, harangued a mob The drum 
in the streets, and declared that all who adhered to the astic. 81 
peace would incur the penalties of excommunication. The 
chief citizens assembled at the mayor's house, where Dr. 
Walter Lynch, warden of the Galway college, employed his 
eloquence in the same cause. A third priest ' carried a great 
crucifix through the streets on the top of a pole.' The mayor, 
nevertheless, favoured the proclamation and tried to protect 
the herald while doing his office, but stones flew like hail, 
and his house was wrecked. He was himself knocked down 
and nearly murdered, while Ulster was hunted from the 
room, the friars calling out in Irish, ' Kill, kill ! I will absolve 
you.' He received two serious wounds on the head and one 
in the hand, while his body was covered with cuts and bruises. 
Dr. Thomas Arthur, a famous physician, who had succeeded 
twenty years before in curing Archbishop Ussher of a disease 
which had puzzled the London faculty, did what he could to 
pacifv his co-religionists and to save the herald's life at the Gaol the 

1 f 

risk of his own. Appeals to the law of nations which protects place. 
heralds were fruitless, and the more moderate citizens were 
forced to carry Roberts to gaol for safety and to give out that 
he was dead. He and his companions were detained for ten 
days, when Rinuccini said they might be discharged. Bourke Th e 
was deposed from the mayoralty, and Thomas Fanning, a approves 
leader of the rioters, was installed in his room. The new 
mayor received the nuncio's thanks and apostolical bene- 
diction for his good conduct in the matter. 1 

1 Narratives of Roberts and Kirkby in Confederation and War, vi. 119- 
130 ; Rinuccini's letter, August 22, ib. 96 ; Embassy, p. 200. 








and Owen 


While the Congregation at Waterford were fulminating 
their censures against all who adhered to the peace with 
Ormonde, the Protestant clergy who had taken refuge in 
Dublin were congratulating him on having * preserved not 
only in this city, but also in all the out-garrisons, the free and 
full exercise of the true reformed religion.' They besought 
him to continue in this way as the only means to make Ireland 
obedient to the King, and to provide them with some main- 
tenance until they could return to their benefices. * If any 
of our number,* they concluded, * be found disaffected to the 
religion, book of service, public worship, government of the 
Church, his Majesty's service, or disturbers of the present 
peace, we do not supplicate for such, but leave them to your 
lordship to be proceeded with as you shall find convenient.' 
This was signed by eleven archbishops and bishops and by 
seventy-seven other clergymen, many of whom afterwards 
rose high in the Church. Ormonde's loyalty to the Church 
of England was incompatible with Rinuccini's views ; but it 
did not prevent the Council at Kilkenny from inviting the 
King's representative to his own town and castle. He left 
Dublin on August 28 and reached Kilkenny on the 31st, 
where he was received with triumphal arches and many 
demonstrations of joy ; and even succeeded in collecting some 
of his long-lost rents. Ormonde left 1500 foot at Gowran, 
under Sir Francis Willoughby, and took 500 horse on with 
him, whom he quartered about Bennetsbridge. In passing 
Naas he took the precaution of borrowing eight barrels of 
powder from Sir John Sherlock, the governor, and they proved 
very useful. Digby and Clanricarde accompanied him to 
Kilkenny. His previous negotiations with Preston led him 
to believe that that general would keep the victorious Ulster 
army at a distance. Ormonde's last act before leaving 
Dublin was to send Daniel O'Neill to his uncle, Owen Roe, 
with power to make him great offers if he would adhere to the 
peace. These included the custody of all lands in O'Neill- 
land belonging to men who questioned the King's authority 
and of all Lord Caulfield's estate, and confirmation in his 
command. These were promises, while the nuncio was 

THE OBJtON'DE PEACE, 1644 127 

able to give hard cash, without which an army could not be CHAP. 
moved 4000J. at first out of the Pope's money, and 5000/. XXVT ^. 
Later from the contributions of the faithful, or by means of an 
advance from the Spanish agent. 1 

After staying a few days at Kilkenny, Ormonde went to 

his other house at Carrie k, so that he might be near Water- .* rrttn. 
ford and in a position to confer with the clergy ; but they 
were past the reach of argument. Rinuccini issued a decree 
ordering them all to denounce the peace publicly and to 
threaten actual excommunication by himself of all who 
favoured it. He had seen, he said, ' with grief of heart 
that the Protestant ministers in some places appear, and 
threaten that they will recover both the churches and the 
exercise of their religion.' Finding that nothing could be 
done on the Waterford side, Ormonde set out for Cashel, 
intending to encourage those who had proclaimed the peace 
there ; but he was met on the road by a messenger from the 
mayor begging him not to draw down upon the town the 
vengeance of O'Neill, who was already at Roscrea. Piers O'Neill 
MacThomas Fitzgerald, with the Munster horse, * appeared p re ton. 
upon a hill to the left hand, near Clonmel.' Preston had 
been summoned to attend, but he pleaded ill-health, and a 
few days later declared that, though he distrusted the Ulster 
army, he had ' received a positive inhibition from the clergy 
that neither myself nor any of my commanders, upon pain of 
excommunication, shall obey any orders from my Lord 
Lieutenant.' The position of Ireland could scarcely be better Limit*. 
described than in this letter of Preston's. The Confederates irish 
had all along professed loyalty to the Crown, and had never 
denied that Ormonde was the King's representative. But 
when it came to a trial of strength between the viceroy and 
the papal nuncio, it was the latter that they were forced to 
obey. 3 

Castlehaven was sent to sound the clergy at Waterford, 

1 Carte's Ormonde, i. 880-687 ; Remonstrance of the bishops and clergy, 
August 13, 1046, &. ii. appendix No. 471. 

* Bellinijg, vL 18 ; Decree of Excommunication, September 1, 1646, 
In Canftderation and War, vt 132 ; Sail, Mayor of Cashel, to Ormonde, 
September 10, ib. 134 ; Preston to Ormonde September 5 and 17, ib. 132, 139. 





back to 

The many- 




but he found them impracticable, rejoined Ormonde near 
Cashel, and persuaded him to get back to Dublin as quickly 
as possible, lest he should be intercepted and captured. 
Castlehaven argued that the clerical party was getting stronger 
every day, ' and that the Supreme Council were dissolved on 
the proclamation of peace, and consequently of no authority 
to make good the public faith.' Other advices were to the 
same effect, and it seemed probable that O'Neill's object was 
to get between the viceroy and his capital. Castlehaven 
tried in vain to gain over MacThomas, who followed 
Ormonde as far as Callan, but without coming to blows. 
Orders were sent to Willoughby to seize the fortified pass 
over the Barrow at Leighlin Bridge wrh his infantry. 
Colonel Walter Bagenal, who was in command there, 
offered no opposition, and Ormonde joined the main body 
at Kilcullen. He had sent Castlehaven and his brother-in- 
law, Sir George Hamilton, to the corporation of Kilkenny, 
offering to stand by them if they wished it and would 
adhere to the peace, but they begged him to pass on his 
way. The mob plundered his baggage, and the very men, 
says Bellings, ' who a fortnight before had employed 
both cost and invention in erecting statues and triumphal 
arches adorned with inscriptions, setting forth his own 
actions, and the trophies of his ancestors, were suddenly as 
busy in pulling them down, and defacing the monuments 
of his solemn entry, lest the northern army, which could 
have easily mastered, might be incensed to their destruc- 
tion.' Willoughby, when expecting an attack, found that 
the bulk of his powder, which had been given in part 
payment of 30,OOOZ. by the Confederates at the first cessa- 
tion, was so bad as to be quite useless, and but for the eight 
barrels lately borrowed from Sir John Sherlock he would 
have been in no condition to fight. 1 

Digby remained at Kilkenny and made one more 
effort for the King. He proposed that the nuncio and 
three or four bishops should give an undertaking in writing 

1 Castlehaven, p. 66 ; Bettings, vi. 19 ; Aphorismical Discovery, i. 125 ; 
Carte's Ormonde, iii. 580-583. 


to support the peace and unite with Ormonde against CHAP, 
the common enemy, on condition of receiving a firm private J~Y~^ 
assurance that the penal laws should be repealed and that 
they should not be disturbed in their church possessions 
until a meeting of a new Parliament to carry out the 
articles. Rinuccini would hear of nothing less than 
Glamorgan's treaty fortified by part of Sir Kenelm Digby's. 
Of the latter he never received the official text, and his 
instructions were not to proceed without it. He entered Triumphof 
Kilkenny in triumph and took the city into his protection, Bmuccmi > 
relieving it from the interdict which Roth, Bishop of Ossory, 
had proclaimed. O'Neill's army encamped in the imme- 
diate neighbourhood and made all resistance impossible. 
Rinuccini then proceeded to imprison the old Supreme 
Council. Mountgarret's eldest son Edmond, Bellings 
the secretary and historian, and Lord Muskerry, the 
viceroy's brother-in-law, were among those confined in 
the castle. Geoffrey Brown, who had been conspicuous 
among the commissioners for concluding the peace, and was 
intended to be a judge, was arrested at Gal way, but the 
citizens refused to send him to the nuncio. O'Neill and O'Neill 
Preston both entered Kilkenny, and assisted ' the lord Preston at 
nuncio and congregation of the clergy ' in choosing a new * enny> 
council of seventeen members. Four were bishops, Walsh 
of Cashel, Bourke of Clonfert, Macmahon of Clogher, 
and French of Ferns ; among the others were Glamorgan, 
who was appointed general of Munster in Muskerry's place, 
Owen Roe O'Neill, Preston, and Sir Phelim O'Neill. The 
great object was now to take Dublin, and Ormonde was told 
that he had no chance of defending himself against 17,000 
foot and 1700 horse. If the city was taken by assault 
it was likely that neither man, woman, nor child would be 
spared, but this might be averted if Ormonde would adhere 
to the Glamorgan treaty. ' If,' was the Lord -Lieutenant's Ormonde 
answer, ' I could have assured the clergy my lord of Glamor- cfia? ref 
gan's conditions, I had not retired hither. They are things mor P an - 
I have nothing to do with, nor will have. If they be valid 
in themselves, they need no corroboration ; if invalid, I 
VOL. n. K 








His army. 


on bad 

have no power to give them strength.' After this Rinuc- 
cini concluded that if he wanted Dublin he would have 
to get it taken, while Ormonde, who felt his weakness, 
opened communications with the English Parliament. 1 

Rinuccini wished O'Neill to attack Dublin before Or- 
monde could return thither ; but the Ulster general excused 
himself on the ground that he had no artillery, and came 
to Kilkenny instead. Benburb had been fought and won 
by men who were defending a strong position in their own 
country, and the means for a serious siege were wanting. 
An officer who was with the northern army near Birr 
described it as consisting of 5000 infantry, of which rather 
more than half were pretty well armed, ' the rest as the 
rabble used to be in the beginning of the distractions.' 
The horse were under 400, good and bad, and there were 
only five field-pieces ' of about a foot and a half long.' 
When O'Neill was at Kilkenny a month later Ormonde 
learned that his army was composed of 8000 foot, more 
than half of them without muskets, and seventeen or eigh- 
teen small troops of miserable horse ' whereof not above 
two armed with pistol, and none with defensive arms.' 
About 8000 ' of the Ulster families, unarmed,' accompanied 
the troops. Preston's cavalry were well appointed, but 
it was estimated that the combined armies could not in any 
case exceed 13,000, with five pieces of artillery and very 
few stores of any kind. The two generals acted quite 
independently. O'Neill took all the castles and towns 
in Queen's County, and made himself master of Athlone. 
Preston temporised, and both were much more intent 
upon outwitting each other than upon taking Dublin. 
The Leinster people did not like to see the hungry northerns 
devouring their province, and they flocked to Preston's 
standard, so that he became as least as strong as his rival. 
Early in October Rinuccini went to Kilkea, then in the 
possession of Robert Nugent, provincial of the Jesuits, to 
whom it had been granted for the use of the Society by his 

1 Bettings, vi. 21. Order by Rinuccini and the generals, September 26, 
1646, in Confederation and War, vi. 144 ; Carte's Ormonde, iii. 583. 


kinswoman Elizabeth Countess of Kildare. Nugent lent CHAP. 


15001. to the nuncio, and voluntarily undertook the task 
of victualling the army ; but this clerical commissary was 
not more successful than a clerical general proved to be sar y- 
later on. ' The good man,' says Bellings, ' how perfect 
soever his mathematical demonstrations might have been, 
failed in the practice, which affords a thousand circum- 
stances that commonly lie out of the road of divinity and 
speculation.' The two armies were together, though not 
united, in the neighbourhood of Kilcock, whence they 
advanced by Harristown and Naas to Lucan, within seven 
miles of Dublin. The Leinster men thought O'Neill's object 
was to conquer them, while he believed, or perhaps only 
professed to believe, that Preston was conspiring with 
Ormonde to place him between two fires. Successful 
joint action under these circumstances was impossible, and 
it appeared to the nuncio that ' arms at first devoted to 
religion were about to minister to private passions alone.' 
The two generals met at Lucan, but could not agree, and The 
Rinuccini joined them there in hopes of at least preventing an^his 
a collision between Leinster and Ulster. 1 generals. 

' Besides the hatred of the generals,' Digby wrote from Ulster and 
the midst of Rinuccini's partisans, ' their men have a greater irrecon- 
animosity one against another, than those at Dublin have Cllable> 
against either.' But for this the capital might probably 
have been taken, for the defences were very weak, ammuni- Dublin 
tion was scarce, and famine was always in sight. The 
fortifications were, however, repaired as well as possible, 
the ladies, with the Marchioness of Ormonde at their head, 
setting an example to the citizens by carrying baskets 
of earth. Ormonde had destroyed the bridges over the 
Liffey, and the mills, so that the Irish had great diffi- 
oulties about food. Negotiations were opened by the Lord 

1 Rinuccini's letters, September 21 to December 29, 1646, in Embassy, 
pp. 204, 224 sqq. The nuncio was with the two generals at Lucan on 
November 11. Sir Robert Talbot to Ormonde, September 10 ; Captain 
Cadogan to same, September 12 ; Ormonde to the Council, October 11 all 
in Contemp. Hist. i. 703-713. Digby to Ormonde, October 13, in Carte's 
Ormonde, iii. 506. Bellings, vi. 22, 36. 

K 2 




tions with 
the Scots, 

and with 
the Parlia- 

but no- 
thing is 

Lieutenant with the Ulster Scots, but they ended in nothing, 
for the survivors of Benburb were too few and too much 
discouraged to play an active part. Colonel George Monro, 
whose Royalist proclivities were doubtless known to Ormonde, 
apologised for his enforced inactivity. The Lord Lieutenant 
suggested that 500 Scots should come to Dublin, but the 
officers did not see their way to go so far south, though they 
were willing to act as a garrison for Drogheda. The Lord 
Lieutenant was not likely to accept such an offer, for Drogheda 
was in no danger. Negotiations had also been opened with 
the Parliament, whose fleet lay out in the bay. Sir Francis 
Willoughby, Sir Gerald Lowther, Chief Baron, and Sir Paul 
Davis, clerk of the Council, sailed on Michaelmas Day, and 
reached London a fortnight later. They were heard by a 
committee of the Commons, and five commissioners, of whom 
Sir John Clotworthy was one, reached Dublin on November 12 
with power to treat for its surrender. The negotiations 
lasted for ten days, failing at last mainly because Ormonde 
would not deliver up the sword of state without actual orders 
from the King, and thus dissolve the remnant of the Irish 
Parliament on which the Protestants relied. The other 
points upon which the Lord Lieutenant insisted and the 
commissioners failed to satisfy him, were that they could 
give him no assurance for their estates ' to the Papists who 
adhered to his Majesty's Government since October 22, 1641 ' ; 
that the Covenant should not be pressed, nor the Book of 
Common Prayer suppressed ; and that official vested interests 
should be preserved. Ormonde was perhaps less anxious 
to come to terms because the mere appearance of the com- 
missioners had averted the danger of a siege, and because he 
had been allowed to procure powder from the Parliamentary 
ships. The supplies intended for Dublin were carried by 
Clotworthy and his colleagues to Ulster. 1 

The conduct of Preston throughout the whole of these 

1 The negotiations between Ormonde and the Parliamentary com- 
missioners are given fully in Riishworth, vi. 418^444. Bellings (vi. 28-35) 
gives the correspondence with the Ulster Scots. Digby to Ormonde, 
October 13, 1646 ; Ormonde to Digby, October 12 and November 20, in 
Carte's Ormonde., vol. iii. 


proceedings showed the weakness of the Confederate position CHAP, 
as well as of his own character. First he gave Ormonde to ^ xvn - 
understand that he would prevent O'Neill from marching Valuation 
southwards, and then he let the nuncio persuade him to join Preston, 
forces with the northern general in the attempt to intercept 
Ormonde and in threatening Dublin. On August 26 he 
wrote to invite the Lord Lieutenant's commands as to the 
disposition of troops to prevent O'Neill from entering Leinster. 
On September 5 he excused himself from personal attendance. 
On the 17th he lamented that clerical threats of excom- 
munication prevented him from obeying any of the Lord 
Lieutenant's orders. On October 10 he found that the 
peace published in his camp and by his authority was ' de- 
structive to my religion and liberty of the nation,' and con- 
trary to his oath as a Confederate. On the 21st he swore 
solemnly to aid O'Neill in attacking Dublin, to ' use and 
exercise all acts of hostility against the Lord Marquis of 
Ormonde and his party,' and to damage him in every possible One of 
way. Digby, who was a sanguine man, thought it possible ^hJmes 
to kidnap O'Neill and Rinuccini and carry them to Dublin, 
and to spike Preston's guns, and he was also inclined to believe 
that something might be done with that vacillating general. 
Ormonde was less hopeful, but his patience was inexhaustible, Preston's 
and he resolved to make another effort, and Preston took care serva- 
to let him know privately that he was not really irrecon- tlons> 
cilable, and would not join O'Neill, and that if he captured 
towns or castles it was only to prevent the Ulster general | 
from getting them. Clanricarde was sent for from Portumna, 
and came to Luttrellstown, where he was in a position to 
communicate with all parties. 1 

Preston never really co-operated with O'Neill, but he Extreme 
joined him in making certain proposals to Ormonde in which O f thT s 
the nuncio's hand can be very clearly seen. The first was nuncl - 
that the Roman Catholic religion should be exercised in every 
part of Ireland as in Paris or Brussels. The third was ' that 

1 Preston's letters, of which the dates are in the text, are all in Con- 
federation and War, vol. vi. Ormonde to Digby, October 22, 1646, and all 
Digby's letters at this time in Carte's Ormonde, vol. iii. 




of the 

Digby and 

Dublin, Drogheda, Trim, Newry, Carlow, Carlingford, and all 
the garrisons within the Protestant quarters be garrisoned 
by the Confederate Catholics.' They were to be held for the 
King, but only in name. ' The madness of their propositions 
to you,' Digby wrote to Ormonde after he had joined Clanri- 
carde, ' makes him almost despair of doing any good with 
Preston.' Ormonde did not condescend to discuss the pro- 
positions at all, but contented himself with asking who com- 
posed the Council of the Confederates and by whose authority 
they were established. ' These questions,' says Bellings, 
pithily, ' were too knotty to be resolved on the sudden, 
and therefore, as it is the custom in such cases, they were not 
answered.' Four days later Clanricarde was at Tecroghan, 
near Trim, and at once opened communications with Preston. 
Safe-conducts were granted to him and Digby, but to the latter, 
who was still nominally Secretary of State, not without great 
difficulty. ' I conjure you,' said Ormonde, ' (as you expect 
to serve our master, or his hereafter) not to venture any more 
among so faithless a generation, if you have any probable 
hope of getting away from thence. For, if I have any judg- 
ment, your coming will be fruitless.' And fruitless it was. 
Two days later the Parliamentary commissioners reached 
Dublin, and O'Neill, probably fearing to be caught in a trap, 
threw an extempore bridge over the LifEey at Leixlip, collected 
his men by firing a gun, and passed them all over to the left 
bank. It was thought that Sir Phelim O'Neill, who was 
jealous of Owen Roe's supremacy in Ulster and who had 
married Preston's daughter, might be induced to join the latter. 
Digby's plan was to make Clanricarde general, who would 
thus be in a position to make the best terms for his own 
Church, while loyally co-operating with the Lord Lieutenant. 
Preston and his friends bound themselves most solemnly 
to embrace the peace in consideration of such additional 
securities as Clanricarde undertook to procure. These 
included the repeal of the penal laws and enjoyment by 
Catholics of such churches and ecclesiastical possessions as 
they held at the conclusion of the peace, until a settlement 
by a free Irish Parliament, ' his Majesty being in a free con- 


dition himself.' To confirm these promises Clanricarde was CHAP, 
to procure an engagement under the King's hand as well as ^ X J^ 
from the Queen and Prince of Wales and the French crown. 
The peace once concluded on these terms the Catholics were 
to be ' forthwith invested in such commands by his Majesty's 
authority, both in field and garrison, as may pass for a very 
sufilcient part of the security.' Ormonde was no party to 
this treaty, which could not be performed without his help, ^^ a t e 
and he was not anxious for it after he had got rid both of adopt it. 
O'Neill and the Parliamentary commissioners. Rinuccini's 
influence was at work all the time, and it was insisted that 
the first thing should be the admission of a Prestonian garrison 
into Dublin. Ormonde insisted on the original peace being 
first accepted, and so the negotiations fell through. Digby 
thought that if Preston had been promptly dealt with he 
would have attacked O'Neill, but his judgment is not for a 
moment to be set against Ormonde's. Preston was satisfied, 
and in a letter to the mayor and citizens of Kilkenny, urged 
the acceptance of Clanricarde's terms. What the ultimate Proposed 
position of the Protestants would have been may be judged o^Pro-^ 
from this document. 'We have,' he said, 'by the divine testants< 
Providence, wrought the splendour of religion to that ex- 
tension as from Bunratty to Dublin there is Catholic religion 
publicly professed and exercised, and from Waterford to the 
lower parts of Tyrone, and confined heresy in this province 
to Dublin, Drogheda, Dundalk, and Trim, these places which 
in four days will be garrisoned by my army, by God's help ; 
and then think you in what posture of religion these parts 
are in, for us and ours, having all penal laws against Catholics 
repealed ; all in our own hands, churches and church livings 
secured till the King in a free Parliament declare the same for 
us ; the government in the Catholics' hands ; petitions of 
right allowed the parties grieved ; and, to make this good, 
our arms in our own hands.' This was written under the Dublin 
impression that Dublin would soon be in his hands, though in taken, 
the same letter he admits that he could not take it even with 
O'Neill's help. Rinuccini and his council had already left 
the camp, and Preston's officers were soon induced to break 




tide turns 



The Con- 
tion breaks 

with Clanricarde on the ground that no concessions would be 
of any use without a garrison in Dublin. ' That being denied 
did beget a desperation of future .performances.' l 

The nuncio, says Sellings, entered Kilkenny, ' very 
incognito in his single litter without guards or attendance, 
and the council and congregation dropped in one after another 
without pomp or ceremony.' The tide had turned, and the 
odium which so often attaches to authority in Ireland, especially 
when it fails to make itself feared, was borne by the clerical 
party. Rinuccini, yielding very unwillingly to Nicholas 
Plunket and fearing lest the mob should do it without his 
leave, allowed the old council to be liberated, and devoted 
his attention to the elections for the next general assembly. 
All over the country the clergy administered oaths to candi- 
dates binding them to reject the peace. Absolution for other 
sins was denied to those who refuse to take such an oath, 
and O'Neill's soldiers were everywhere called in to enforce 
the clerical decrees. The vacant places in the Ulster returns 
were filled up from the creaghts or nomad herdsmen whom 
Owen Roe had planted in the Queen's County ' nay,' says 
Sellings, ' with such an overcharge of supernumeraries, as for 
some boroughs three have been returned and actually voted.' 
When the session began, the verification of these returns 
proved to be impossible, and after much wrangling the 
assembled members turned as they were to other business, 
' and all formalities, how necessary soever, were quite omitted.' 
In the meantime Preston had again gone over to the nuncio. 
On December 10 Walter Bagenal wrote by his orders to 
Ormonde, pressing him to advance at once so as to join forces 
against the northern army, all the nobility and gentry 
being ready to support him. ' If you fail or delay,' Bagenal 
concluded, ' you ruin us all and yourself in us.' On the same 
day that this was written, Preston made his submission to 

1 Preston and O'Neill to Ormonde, November 2, 1646, and the answer, 
November 4, in Contemp. Hist. i. 713 ; Ormonde to Digby, November 10, 
in Carte's Ormonde, iii. 512, and all the letters there till November 26. 
Negotiations between Preston and Clanricarde in Confederation and War, 
vi. 151-162. Preston's letters to the mayor of Kilkenny (from Lucan), 
November 24, 6. 162 ; Theobald Butler to Ormonde, ib. 165. 


the nuncio, who had threatened excommunication. Ormonde CHAP, 

advanced to the neighbourhoood of Gowran, which was to . ^_ 

be the place of meeting. He found reason to believe that ^^ ers 

there was another plot to cut him off. A letter from Preston communi- 


to Clanricarde was brought to him at Grangebeg in which proof.' 
the general said that ' his officers not being excommunication- 
proof, were fallen from him to the nuncio's party.' On first 
receiving this Clanricarde had so far forgotten his usual 
serenity as to call Preston traitor. It was followed by a 
similar letter to Ormonde, and by an abject declaration of 
obedience to the nuncio's commands. Ormonde professed Preston 
to believe that the letter, which was printed and circulated, to the 
was ' a forgery, as also the reports raised that some of your nuncl - 
army are gathered in a body at Castle Dermot, with intent to 
intercept my return, or destroy the remainder of my quarters.' 
He withdrew into Westmeath and Longford, where there was 
still some country undevastated by O'Neill, and where he 
maintained good discipline among his men. Dublin was 
relieved for a short time without distressing the country, 
and the Westmeath gentry actually scraped together a volun- Ormonde 
tary contribution of 1000Z. At Kells an attack was made meath. 
upon some of Ormonde's men by a party of O'Neill's soldiers. 
Ormonde says two officers were barbarously murdered. 
Bellings admits that a very bad impression was made, but 
O'Neill was hardly a party to the negotiations. After con- 
ferring with the Lord Lieutenant, Clanricarde went to Kil- 
kenny in the vain hope that he might to some extent counter- 
act the nuncio and induce the assembly to embrace moderate 
ideas. Ormonde soon found it necessary to reopen com- 
munications with the English Parliament. 1 

The Confederate assembly met at Kilkenny on January 10, Discord at 
' with all those signs,' said Rinuccini, ' of discord and intrigues 
which generally reign in such meetings.' The tempers of the 
old council had not been improved by imprisonment, while 
the clergy, knowing that they had a majority, were in no 

1 Bellings, vi. 46 ; vii. 18. Papers of December 1646, in Confederation 
and War, vi. 164-168, and in Carte's Ormonde, vol. iii. Embassy, p. 347 ; 
Walter Bagenal to Ormonde, December 10, Carte MS 8., vol. Ixiii. 




A clerical 

The things 
that are 

the peace, 

but it is 
Feb. 2, 

conciliatory mood. Bellings admits that former assemblies 
had been turbulent ' and loud in their ayes and noes, yet now 
it was grown clean another thing.' Edmond Dempsy, 
Bishop of Leighlin, who was a famous preacher, and had pro- 
bably a good voice, sat upon a lofty bench which recalls the 
revolutionary Mountain. He had only to wave his hat to 
raise a storm, the mass of members, ' like a set of organ-pipes, 
as senseless and louder, depending for their squeaking, or being 
still, on the hand of another.' After a few days the turmoil 
partially subsided, and then the nuncio demanded an audience. 
He was received with the same ceremony as at first, and 
proceeded to justify his assumption of dictatorial power. 
He declared in plain terms that the ecclesiastical authority 
was superior to the temporal, ' and that ignorance of the true 
source of power had ruined the neighbouring kingdom.' 
Above all things he urged the assembly to reject the peace 
with Ormonde, and to take a fresh oath adverse to it. A letter 
was read from Dumoulin, the French agent, who had positive 
orders from his government to press for confirmation of 
the peace, but this had no effect, though a letter from Mazarin 
had been previously received urging them to merit help from 
France by re-establishing the King of England. A remarkable 
speech of Walter Bagenal's has been preserved by Bellings, 
in which he urged them to remember how strong England 
was and how certainly they would be overwhelmed if they 
did not support the King. Ormonde sent Lord Taaffe and 
Colonel John Barry to represent him at Kilkenny, but the 
clericals would listen to nothing, and it soon became evident 
that the peace would be rejected publicly. This was done 
after three weeks' wrangling, but by no means unanimously, 
and Scarampi started at once to carry the news to Borne. 
It was found necessary at the same time to declare that the 
commissioners and others who had a hand in the peace had 
* faithfully and sincerely carried and demeaned themselves 
in their said negotiation pursuant and according to the trust 
reposed in them, and given thereof a due acceptable account 
to this assembly.' This important matter being settled, 
a new and stringent oath of association was taken by which 


all bound themselves to make no peace without the consent CHAP. 


of the General Assembly. One of the conditions precedent _ _ J. 
was that the Roman Catholic clergy should enjoy all churches 
and church property in as ample a manner as the Protestants 
enjoyed them on October 1, 1641, in all places which the Con- 
federates should at any time possess ' saving the rights of 
Roman Catholic laymen according to the laws of this kingdom.' 
The law, in other words, was to protect Roman Catholics, 
but not Protestants. All this referred to the secular clergy 
only, for the question of abbey-lands was too dangerous to 
touch. To avoid the appearance of an open breach with the 
Lord Lieutenant, Dr. Fennell and Geoffrey Baron, who 
had just returned from France, were deputed to see him. 
Their proposals for a sort of offensive and defensive alliance 
with Ormonde came to nothing, but successive truces were 
patched up until April 10. l 

1 Rinuccini's narrative and speech in Embassy, pp. 241, 244, 250 ; 
Bettings, vii. 1-12. The new oath of the Confederacy in Confederation and 
War, vi. 168 ; Declaration by the General Assembly against the peace, . 
February 2, 1646-7, ib. 177 ; overtures of Fennell and Baron, March 3, ib. 






to sur- 



An emis- 
the Queen, 



RINUCCINI'S attempt on Dublin had completely failed, but 

Ormonde's position there was nevertheless made worse. 

The two armies had descended like locusts upon the districts 
from which he had drawn his chief supplies. Excise could no 
longer be levied, and the citizens were reduced to penury 
for the support of the garrison, and yet the soldiers were 
half paid and half fed. As soon as it became evident that the 
Kilkenny assembly would reject the peace Ormonde offered 
to surrender the sword and his garrisons to the Parliament 
on the terms lately offered by their representatives. The 
despatch was long delayed upon the road, but the Parlia- 
mentary commissioners in Ulster at once agreed to the terms 
proposed. English or Anglo-Irish soldiers who had hitherto 
obeyed Ormonde found no difficulty in following where he 
led. Sir Henry Tichborne was continued as governor of 
Drogheda, and ' embraced it with cheerfulness.' In the 
meantime George Leyburn, whose diplomatic name was 
Winter Grant, visited Ireland for the second time with powers 
from Henrietta Maria and the Prince of Wales * to renew,' 
in Ormonde's words, ' motions of peace or accommodation.' 
He was a learned English priest, educated chiefly at Douai, 
and one of the Queen's chaplains since 1630. He had been for 
a time in the Tower, and knew Monck, whose future greatness 
he foretold. Leyburn was sent to Dublin, but was driven by 
wind to Waterf ord, and found that the assembly at Kilkenny 
had just broken up. He had letters for the nuncio and clergy, 
but was forbidden by his instructions to deliver them until 
after showing them and all his other papers to Ormonde. 
The Queen would have made peace on almost any terms, 


but the clerical party at Kilkenny maintained their position. CHAP. 
Dr. Fennell and Geoffrey Brown, who were despatched to ^ _\ 
Kilkenny, would not commit themselves so far as to make 
proposals in writing, nor even sign what Ormonde took down 
from their mouths. He asked for a continuation of the truce, 
but this was refused, and on April 10, the day on which it 
ended, Preston invested Carlow, which resisted only for a few Hostilities 
days. Still Ormonde professed himself willing to delay the 
reception of Parliamentary troops in consideration of a truce, 
but to this no answer was given. Both parties were anxious 
to have the credit of making the last peaceful overture, the 
Confederates because they were alarmed at Inchiquin's 
progress, Ormonde in order to make it clear that he did not 
close with Parliament till the last possible moment. 1 

At Kilkenny Leyburn attended the council, where his chair Mission of 
was placed next to Antrim's, who presided. He told them that 
the Queen and Prince were anxious for peace, without which 
the Catholic religion would be ruined, but that he must see 
Ormonde first of all. Horses were provided and he was 
passed on to Dublin. The Lord Lieutenant, says Leyburn, 
expressed himself ready to cast away one son if necessary for 
the King's service, but would ' give up those places under his 
command rather to the English rebels than the Irish rebels, 
of which opinion he thought every good Englishman was. 
To this I answered nothing.' It took the inexperienced 
diplomatist two days to decipher his instructions, which he 
then presented to Ormonde, who requested him to go back to 
Kilkenny and obtain a truce for three weeks from April 17 A truce 
if possible, without binding him not to receive fresh Parlia- 
mentary forces during its continuance. Leyburn consulted 
the French agents Dumoulin, De la Monnerie, and Tallon, 
according to his instructions, but he found the Council 
sanguine about the probable successes of their army, and they 
refused any truce for less than six months. There were 
already two thousand Parliamentarians in Dublin, and 
Leyburn did not think it prudent to re-enter the city ; but he 

1 George Leyburn's Memoirs, 1722 ; Tichborne's Letter to his wife, 
June 8, 1657 ; Bettings, vii. 15 sqq. 




and the 







He is 

was in constant communication with Digby, who had found 
quarters in Sir Nicholas White's house at Leixlip, and who 
professed to know Ormonde's mind. Leyburn accompanied 
Bishop Macmahon to Kilkenny, and informed the nuncio 
that the conditions of peace concerning religion had been 
referred to France, and that Ormonde would not treat except 
on the basis of the peace which the clergy had already rejected. 
Rinuccini said he wished for peace, but was against a pre- 
liminary truce, which Ormonde, who had already once deceived 
him, wanted only to gain time, and that he could not trust 
him. ' I could see,' says Leyburn, ' he was not my Lord 
Lieutenant's friend. ... I found in him great animosity 
to my Lord of Ormonde's person, my Lord of Clogher being a 
better hider of his thoughts.' The Council of the Confederates 
as well as the clergy came to Clonmel about the beginning 
of June, and Daniel O'Neill brought a proposal from his 
uncle to establish a sort of joint government between the Lord 
Lieutenant and the Council ; but he was arrested for not having 
a pass. Leyburn handed in the paper for him, but all these 
delays had been fatal, for a letter came to Digby to say that 
the Parliamentary commissioners had landed at Dublin with 
1500 men, and that Ormonde would now be forced to conclude 
matters with them. Leyburn could come to no terms with 
the clergy, who would have nothing to say to the rejected 
peace, while Ormonde would treat on no other basis. They 
said God was not once mentioned in it, and he could only 
reply that questions of religion might be settled later. He 
continued to discuss matters with Digby and his secretary, 
Edward Walsingham, who, according to Nicholas, was ' a 
great babbler of all his most secret employments,' but it 
all led to nothing. Leyburn, however, persuaded Clanri- 
carde not to leave Ireland, which he had made up his mind to 
do. In the end the best he could do for Digby was to procure 
him a safe-conduct through the Confederate quarters, and 
he escaped to France with some difficulty. At his earnest 
request Leyburn himself remained in Ireland, and was shel- 
tered by Clanricarde at Gal way from August 1647 until the 
following March. In November he received a letter of recall 


from the Queen dated three months back, and in February CHAP. 
another from Digby to the like effect. He sailed in the same ^ _. 
ship with Glamorgan and his wife, who had now become 
Lord and Lady Worcester, and reached Havre in five days. 1 

Leyburn, who was a very honest as well as intelligent man, Leybum's 
favoured the peace of 1646. The demand for a Catholic 
governor, he says, was one which the King could not grant, 
and the objection to Ormonde's religion was therefore 
invalid. He thought the divisions of Irish parties made 
effective action hopeless, and that the hatred of the Leinster 
men to O'Neill and the old Irish ' overbalanced their reason.' 
The cause of the rebellion and of its savage character was that 
the ' Irish had not enjoyed such a pleasant bondage under 
the English, but that they had contracted ill will enough 
against their masters . . . they ran hastily and furiously 
to all kind of bloody executions, and as their rebellion was 
without order so were their actions without measure, none 
that was called English and was within reach escaping their 
fury . . . they either killed the English or forced them to 
forsake their habitations.' The men of the Pale joined in 
because they had no arms, and were not trusted by the 
Government. The massacres had been amply revenged with 
much cruelty, the one committed * by a rude, headless multi- 
tude, the other by soldiers under order and command.' 
Insurgent slaves, he says, seldom make good soldiers, and the 
Irish were always beaten until Charles drew away to England Effect of 
the army which had been ' with his consent employed against cessation. 
them by the Parliament,' which is perhaps the strongest 
argument against the cessation of 1643. 

' The marquis,' says Clarendon ' in his defence of Ormonde, Ormonde's 

T.TI-J. T -i 11 reasons for 

believed it much more prudent, and agreeable to the trust surrender, 
reposed in him, to deposit the King's interest and right of the 
Crown in the hands of the Lords and Commons of England, 
who still made great professions of duty and subjection to 
his Majesty, and from whom (how rebellious soever their 
present actions were) it must probably revert to the Crown, 

1 Leybum's Memoirs ; Digby's letters in Carte's Ormonde, vol. iii., 







CHAP, by treaty or otherwise, in a short time, than to trust it. with 
the Irish, from whom less than a very chargeable war would 
never recover it, in what state soever the affairs of England 
should be ; and how lasting and bloody and costly that war 
might prove, by the intermeddling and pretences of foreign 
princes, was not hard to conclude.' To the Lord Lieutenant 
Ireland was essentially part of the same State as England, 
and the King being temporarily in abeyance, the actual wielders 
of power were trustees for the Crown. Parliamentary troops 
began to be received in Dublin at the end of March, and on 
June 7 the new commissioners arrived. At their head was 
Arthur Annesley, son of Strafford's Mountnorris, and after- 
wards well known as Earl of Anglesey. Other forces followed, 
and arrangements were soon made. Ormonde sailed from 
Dublin on July 28, having left the sword of state in the hands 
of the Parliamentary commissioners. ' He was,' says Carte, 
' attended by the prayers of the distressed clergy, great 
numbers of whom, with their wives and children, had been 
kept from perishing through want by his and his lady's 
bounty, and landed on August 2 at Bristol.' Colonel Michael 
Jones became governor of Dublin for the Parliament. His 
father, the Bishop of Killaloe, had died there just nine months 
before. 1 

Lord Digby's schemes were always unsuccessful, but he 
continued plotting to the last moment. After a meeting at 
Leixlip with Sellings, Sir Robert Talbot, and others of the 
Confederates who were more or less opposed to Rinuccini, 
Digby urged Ormonde not to leave Ireland after delivering 
the sword, but to go to Rathfarnham or some other country 
where his presence would be a protection to the well-afEected. 
He might raise a force and transport it to France with Mus- 
kerry's help, who was absolute in Munster. In this way 
he would avoid all appearance of joining with the English 
Parliament. Ormonde received this strange proposal only 

1 All the material facts for this paragraph are in Carte's Ormonde, and 
Rinuccini's Embassy, pp. 276-329 ; Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, 
Ireland, p. 39. The garrisons surrendered with Dublin were Drogheda, 
Naas, Trim, Dundalk, Carlingford, Narrow-water, Newry, Greencastle, 

Digby and 


five days before he sailed. He replied that Preston and the CHAP. 

~W \7TTT 

rest who refused his help while he still possessed an army r_ _^ 
and fortresses would not be much impressed by his arguments 
in a private capacity, that the Parliament commanded the 
seas, and that the very worst way to get their leave to trans- 
port troops was to put himself into the power of the Con- 
federates. For himself, he could always go from England to 
France, but to go from France to England would be virtually 
impossible. True to the policy which had prevailed since Pariia- 
Strafford's time, the dominant party in England refused to 
allow troops to be sent from Ireland into the service of any 
foreign prince. It was evident that they might be used ment. 
against England if France or Spain were to espouse the 
King's cause. Yet it is probable that unrestrained foreign 
enlistment would have gone far to settle the Irish question, 
and might have made Cromwell's terrible campaign unneces- 
sary. 1 

At the beginning of 1647 Clanricarde reported that Glamorgan 
Glamorgan was despised and dejected, and Ormonde said it as gen< 
mattered little what became of him or of Antrim ' if it were not 
for a natural propension in this people to love their cozeners.' 
But the Kilkenny assembly had made Glamorgan general of 
Munster, and an effort was required to make the appointment 
a reality. He told the King that he had been forced to 
undergo a seeming commission which should put him at the 
head of 12,000 foot and 2500 horse, but that his enemies 
never rested and that he had small hope of success. Binuccini 
and his council moved to Clonmel at the beginning of June, 
and for a moment it seemed as if they were going to have 
their own way. Glamorgan, though not much of a soldier, 
had had some experience in raising troops, but in Munster 
he did little, finding it easier to multiply officers under the Character 
King's commission of January 6, 1644-5, so that later on it army 8 , 
was difficult to ' dissolve even this airy structure, and to pro- 
portion the officers to the men the province was able to con- 
tain.' Rinuccini, with the help of these new colonels and 
captains, thought he could establish clerical supremacy 

1 Letters of Digby and Ormonde in Carte's Ormonde, iii. 17-23, July. 






He is 
ousted by 

out of 



in Munster and displace all who adhered to Ormonde's peace. 
Of these last Muskerry was by far the most important, for he 
had the confidence of the soldiers, and the nuncio had been 
unable to exclude him from the council. But his life was 
thought to be in danger, for three Dominican chaplains 
suggested that it would be no harm to murder him or the 
Munster commissioners. This kind of casuistry, as Rinuccini 
saw, ' made the impression to be expected on these idiots.' 
Muskerry came to Clonmel and took his seat amongst the 
hostile clericals, but feared a second arrest, and escaped to 
the camp. He found the old officers friendly and afraid of 
being superseded by Glamorgan's creatures. Moreover they 
professed themselves excommunication-proof, and declared 
that they were ready to live and die with Muskerry. The 
men were then mustered, and it was explained to them that 
their pay would be diverted to the new officers, for that the 
province could not bear both. They gladly followed suit, joy- 
fully repeating Muskerry's name with cheers and casting up of 
hats. ' And thus,' says Sellings, ' was the army, in the space 
of one hour, without noise, save what witnessed their public 
satisfaction, placed under his command.' Their resolution 
proved irrevocable, and though the nuncio himself might be 
respected, his adherents could not venture into the camp. 
Rinuccini therefore went to Galway, and the Council returned 
to Kilkenny.' l 

While Ormonde was making his arrangements with 
Annesley and Jones, Preston was at Monasterevan collecting 
an army with which he hoped to neutralise the Parliamen- 
tarians in Dublin. Digby still struggled to make this force 
available for the King's service, and his secretary Walsingham 
wrote from Monasterevan that he had been cherished and 
received as an angel of peace. When mustered a few days 
later on the Curragh of Kildare, Preston's army amounted to 
7000 foot and 1200 horse, well officered and well appointed. 

1 Clanricarde to Ormonde, January 8, 1646-7, with Ormonde's answer 
of same date, in Carte's Ormonde, iii. ; Bettings, vii. 21-27 ; Rinuccini's 
Embassy, June 18 and August 22, 1647 ; Muskerry to Clanricarde, June 17, 
' from the camp, near Kilmallock,' in Confederation and War, vii. 203 ; 
Glamorgan to the King, March 31, Additional MSS., 28,938, /. 129. 


Leyburn says the foot were ' as lusty appearing men, and as CHAP. 


well accoutred with, arms and clothes as ever I did see,' and C^; _. 
the horse up to the average. Jones, with a much inferior 
force, advanced to Naas, while Preston encamped on the left 
bank of the LifEey not far off. Jones drew back to Johnstown, 
and then detached some cavalry to go round by the south of 
Naas and intercept some of Preston's men. Leyburn had A sluggish 
warned the latter of the danger he incurred from the superiority gen ' 
of the English horse, but there was a moment when they 
might have been annihilated between Naas and Johnstown, 
and Sellings himself remonstrated with the sluggish general, 
but it was then too late, and Jones was allowed to rally all his 
men in safety on a hill near Kill, whence they reached Dublin 
without further fighting. Preston's next encampment was 
at the Boyne close to Trim. Walsingham came there by 
appointment, but found that the political wind had changed, 
and that the general had changed with it as usual. The 
presence of Bishop French was probably fatal to any negotia- 
tion, and the unfortunate private secretary returned to 
Dublin. Trim was held by an English garrison, and Preston 
wished to take, while Jones was anxious to relieve it. Hear- 
ing that the Ulster Protestants had come as far as Dundalk 
on their way to join Jones, but that they would be obliged 
to retire in ten days for want of provisions, Preston withdrew 
to an unassailable position at Portlester, where he intended 
to remain until the invasion was passed. But Bishop French Preston's 
and Sir Nicholas Plunket advised him to take active measures 
lest his own supplies should run short. Jones, who in Bellings's 
words ' fought but for bread and elbow-room about Dublin,' 
could not have kept the field long, and Preston, by taking the 
advice of a priest and a lawyer on a military question, lost the 
advantage of dividing his enemy's forces and perhaps beating 
them in detail. Sir Henry Tichborne and others came to 
Skreen with nearly 2000 men and two guns, and the united 
forces marched through Trim. Jones mustered his army at 
the famous hill of Tara, and found himself almost equal in 
strength to Preston, and rather superior in horse, of which he 
despatched 500 under Major Harman to reconnoitre at 

L 2 





Battle of 

August 8, 

Portlester, but they lost their way. Preston left his almost im- 
pregnable position and marched to Agher, south of Trim, where 
he again took up strong ground. But news came from 
Leixlip that there were only 500 soldiers in Dublin, and the 
Irish general, as rash as he was generally supine, decided to 
make a dash for the capital through Maynooth, which had 
already ' by especial Providence ' voluntarily surrendered to 
Jones. Preston left Agher on August 8, Harman with his 
troopers hanging upon his skirts, and causing as much delay 
as possible. 1 

The wheel of a waggon which came off at a ford delayed 
Preston's march, and the bulk of the enemy's cavalry gradually 
drew up to Harman's support, while their whole army was 
visible in the distance. Jones was upon Lynch's Knock or 
Summerhill, and Preston upon Dungan Hill, after which 
the battle is generally named. It was evident that Maynooth 
would never be reached without fighting, and Preston pre- 
pared for battle in what he thought was a good position. 
Without any preliminary cannonade the Parliamentary 
army advanced across the interval between the two hills. 
The Irish horse were routed at the first charge, having been 
posted in a narrow lane with high quickset hedges and without 
power of forming line to the front. Perhaps the real cause 
of their misfortune was that they were commanded by Lord 
Costello instead of by their well-tried leader MacThomas 
Fitzgerald. Costello knew nothing of war, but he was a 
recent convert, and that seems to have been thought sufficient. 
A large part of the infantry stood in some very tall wheat, 
where they were useless. Battalions were separated from 
each other by high banks, and no manoeuvring was possible. 
The best fight was made by four hundred Scotch Islanders 
under a Glengarry, but most of them were killed. The 
bulk of the infantry took refuge in a bog, where they were 
first surrounded, and then ' our foot,' says Jones, ' followed 
into the bog, where they put to the sword all not admitted to 
quarter ; such of the rebels as left the bog fell into the power 

1 Beltings, vii. 27-32 ; Culme's Diary referred to below ; Leyburn's 


of our horse.' There is the usual dispute as to whether CHAP. 

y VV I IT 

men were slain after quarter given or not. Bellings says ~_ r J^ 
' most of the officers and some soldiers repaired to the red 
colours, and to preserve them Colonel Flower commanded 
his regiment to stand to their arms in a body ; and having 
brought them to Colonel Jones, they had quarter.' Jones's 
own account tallies pretty well with this, for he says ninety- 
five commissioned officers were taken prisoners, and only 
about 300 non-commissioned officers and men. Five thousand 
four hundred and seventy bodies were counted on the field, 
and many stragglers were afterwards killed by the troopers. 
No mercy was shown to any English, nor to such of the 
Anglo-Irish as had changed sides. Jones thought scarcely 
500 of the infantry escaped. The English lost three officers, 
of whom one, Captain Gibbs, really died of drinking ditch- 
water when heated. The total number killed was under 
twenty. Four twelve-pounders with sixty-four draught oxen, 
and what was even more important, Preston's papers fell into 
the victor's hands. All the colours were taken, which Jones 
' could not be persuaded to be brought into Dublin in triumph, 
as savouring (said he) of ostentation, and attributing unto 
men the glory of this great work due to the Lord only,' but 
there was a public thanksgiving in all the city churches. l 

The House of Commons voted 1000Z. each to Jones and to The Par- 
Fenwick, who commanded at Trim, 500Z. to Colonel Conway, neglect 
200Z. to Tichbome, who commanded the rear guard, and Ireland> 
100Z. to Colonel Culme, who brought the letter. They also 
talked about sending provisions, but these were long delayed. 
One thousand five hundred pounds borrowed on personal 
security was looked upon as a god-send. Preston retired to 
Carlow, giving up Naas and other places in Kildare, and 
busied himself in collecting another army. In the meantime 

1 Sellings, vii. 32, 349 ; Jones's account in Rushworih, vii. 779 ; Rinuc- 
cini's account in Embassy, p. 306 ; Borlase's Rebellion ; A Diary of Passages, 
August 1-10, 1647, brought to London on August 18 by Lieut. -Colonel 
Arthur Culme, who was present, and presented by him to Parliament, to 
which a list of prisoners is appended, giving the names of 101 com- 
missioned and twenty-five non-commissioned officers, with 241 privates 
not named. Lord Westmeath is at the head of the list. 








Inchiquin had become formidable in Munster. Early in 
May 1647 he took Cappoquin, where there was no powder 
to fire a shot, and Dromana, where the garrison only fired 
four or five. Inchiquin had studied these places, and in 
1642 had pointed out how easy it would be to take Dromana 
and how troublesome to take Dungarvan. The latter did in 
fact make a stout resistance, but Inchiquin made himself 
master of the water-supply, which soon settled the matter. 
All the garrisons were allowed to march out with military 
honours, ' but some twenty Englishmen of the red-coats that 
had run to the rebels were hanged.' Three thousand cows 
and two thousand sheep were cut out from under the walls 
of Waterford. Dungarvan, being a seaport, completed 
Inchiquin's chain of posts from Kinsale to the mouth of the 
Suir, and its loss was much felt by the Confederates. The 
victor has a bad name, but many grumbled at his compara- 
tive lenity. Rinuccini attributed these disasters to general 
dissension among high and low, and to the non-payment of 
the soldiers. About midsummer Inchiquin invaded the 
county Limerick, and destroyed many castles, forced the 
passage of the Mulkear at or near Barrington's Bridge, 
and plundered the country up to the Shannon. A party 
crossed where O'Brien's Bridge had once stood, and the 
Bunratty. terrified Irish of Clare burned Bunratty, which had been 
so troublesome to take. Inchiquin then returned to Cork 
to rest his troops, who were ' generally barefooted and extreme 
naked,' but scarcely hungry after driving homewards 8000 
cows and 5000 sheep. In the meantime Colonel Byron, 
starting from the new base at Dungarvan and Cappoquin, took 
Castle Grace in Tipperary, ' put the rogues to the sword,* 
entered Limerick and stormed Adare ' where four friars were 
burned and three took prisoners.' Byron's party also drove 
off between two and three thousand cattle. Seven thousand 
pounds were voted to Inchiquin by Parliament about the 
same time, and Preston's defeat at Dungan Hill greatly 
increased his relative strength. 1 


1 Culme's Diary, ut sup. ; Lismore Papers, 2nd series, p. Ill ; 
vi. 486, 562, 632 and vii. 787 (Letter of August 12, 1647) Two letters from 


In January 1646 the House of Commons resolved that the CHAP: 

Government of Ireland should be vested in a single person of y 11 ^ 
honour, and that there should be a fresh appointment every 

year. In April Philip Lord Lisle, who as Leicester's son might L <*d Lieu- 
be supposed to have some claim, was made Lord Lieutenant 
accordingly, with power to appoint officers for two regiments 
of foot and one of horse, and with the command of all troops 
raised and to be raised for the reduction of Ireland. The 
Parliament exercised the power of naming a chief governor, 
and perhaps that was the real object, for no attempt was 
made to provide him with the means of doing anything. 
Lisle lingered in England for a year, and arrived at Cork 
on March 9, 1647, George Monck being one of those who 
accompanied him. Sir Adam Loftus and Sir John Temple 
were sent as commissioners for the civil government of Munster, 
but Lisle's appointment expired on April 15, and Inchiquin inchiqnin 
dissembled until then. Lisle lost no time in reporting that obey Lisle. 
he was equally ready to return to England or to remain in 
Ireland if his commission were prolonged, but that he could 
do nothing to reduce the rebels without further supplies. 
Then Inchiquin, who had been expecting to be arrested, 
exhibited his own patent as Lord President under the Great 
Seal, declared Lisle a private person, and hinted at putting him 
under restraint if he interfered any further with the troops. 
Most of the officers sided with him in spite of all the efforts of The 
Broghill, Loftus, and Temple. Lisle, finding himself power- support 
less, proposed to sail with his baggage on Vice-Admiral 
Crowther's ship, but here again he was foiled. Crowther 
said he would do nothing without the Lord President's orders, 
which were not given until Lisle's trunks had been searched, 
and in the end the late Lord Lieutenant was glad to get out Lisle 
of Ireland with his property and ten officers who refused to i re iand. 
serve under Inchiquin. Among them was Monck, who soon 
returned to command all forces, both English and Scotch, 
in Ulster, except those in charge of Sir Charles Coote. Brog- 
hill, Loftus and Temple went with Lisle, Parliament having 

Lord Inchiquin to the Speaker, May 4 and 10, 1647, ordered to be printed 
May 18. 


in the meantime decided not to send a chief governor. The 
whole authority in Munster, both civil and military, remained 
in Inchiquin's hands. 1 

When Ormonde left Ireland, Lord Taaffe, who had been 
and was to be his adherent, took the oath to the Confederacy. 
Muskerry, having got rid of Glamorgan, thought he could 
counteract Binuccini most effectually by attending the 
Council regularly ; and he handed over the command in 
Munster to Taaffe. The new general, who was perhaps not 
very sure of his troops, invaded the county of Cork, but 
avoided an encounter with Inchiquin, who disregarded him 
and made a dash into Tipperary, which had hitherto suffered 
little by the war, and where there were cows to be lifted and 
towns to be sacked. He reported the capture of twelve 
castles, of which Cahir was the most important. There were 
a hundred men in this strong place, which might have defied 
him if it had been bravely defended. One of his soldiers 
was wounded and taken in a plundering affray, and Colonel 
Hippesley, who had some skill in surgery, obtained access to 
him in the guise of a doctor. He used his opportunity to 
notice that there was a weak point in the courtyard wall, and 
that a timorous spirit prevailed among the garrison. The 
outer wall was carried by storm, and the castle surrendered 
on condition that the soldiers' lives should be spared. The 
moral effect of this success was great, for it was supposed 
then, and it has often been said since, that Cahir held out 
for two months against Essex. It is true that that ill-starred 
favourite wasted several weeks in Munster, but his siege of 
Cahir lasted only three days. On September 4 Inchiquin 
came before Cashel, where there was a garrison of four hundred 
men. A panic was caused by the fate of Cahir, and the 
soldiers with a large part of the inhabitants took refuge on 
the famous rock, which was well supplied with water and 
surrounded by strong walls. Others wisely distrusted the 

1 Rushworth, vi. 248, 455 ; Whitdock, March 9, 1646-7 ; Confederation 
and War. iv. 19-25 ; Blencowe's Sydney Papers, pp. 6, 13, 17 ; A True and 
Brief Relation of Lord Lisle's departure (a letter from Cork), 1647. Monck's 
Ulster appointment was made in July 1647. 


acropolis, and hid themselves in the woods and fields. CHAP. 

yy ITfTT 

Inchiquin offered to let the garrison march out with the ^ 
honours of war, without any conditions for the clergy and 
citizens ; but the officers bravely refused. The assailants 
had no cannon, but trusted to fire within the walls. One 
account says Inchiquin piled turf against the defences ', 
another, that firebrands were thrown over the battlements. 
The fine September weather did the rest. The assailants 
swarmed in over the north wall, and a terrible carnage ensued, Sack of 
About a thousand of the besieged perished, some women sept. 6 *! 
being killed and others stripped. ' Three of the secular clergy, 
the prior of the Dominicans, and one of our society (the 
Jesuits) fell in the performance of their sacred duties.' A 
bishop who was present managed to hide himself, as did the 
mayor and some others ; but no respect was paid to the 
church or even to the altar. According to the account most 
favourable to Inchiquin, he tried to stop the slaughter as 
soon as he reached the cathedral, but is said to have donned 
the archiepiscopal mitre, boasting that he was governor of 
Munster and archbishop of Cashel too. Ludlow says he ' put 
3000 to the sword, taking the priests even from under the 
altar : of such force is ambition when it seizes upon the 
minds of men.' The soldiers sold the plunder, including the 
sacred vessels, to the people who flocked in from the neighbour- 
ing villages ' as if to a fair.' Pictures of saints were used 
as horse-cloths, and insults were offered to statues of the 
Virgin. 1 

Money was expected from Rome at the beginning of the 
year, but did not come for twelve months, during which 
Rinuccini's influence waned ; and to this delay he attributed 
the expulsion of Glamorgan, the action of Muskerry, and 
the defeat of Preston. Six thousand crowns would have 

1 For the sack of Cashel I have chiefly followed Father Andrew Sail, 
S. J., who was a native of the place, and who appears from internal evidence 
to have been at least in the neighbourhood. A translation from his Italian 
narrative is printed in Murphy's Cromwell in Ireland, pp. 388-392. The 
Aphorismical Discovery (L 182) says thirty priests and friars were killed; 
Carte says ' near twenty.' Carte's Ormonde, ii. 7 ; Ludlow's Memoirs, 
ed. Firth, i. 85 ; Lenihan's Limerick, p. 161. 






The book 

burnt at 

and con- 
demned at 

prevented it all. With eight thousand more O'Neill could have 
retaken Sligo, subdued Connaught, and ' marched into Ulster 
to reduce the fort of Enniskillen, and to take possession of 
the Holy Place of St. Patrick's Purgatory, now about one 
hundred years in the hands of the heretics.' Having seen 
Ormonde safe out of Ireland, the nuncio himself withdrew 
to Galway, where his presence would still have some of the 
charm of novelty and where he might expect less resistance 
than at Kilkenny or Clonmel. But Clanricarde carefully 
avoided paying him any attention, and he was confronted 
with a new difficulty immediately after his arrival. A Jesuit 
named Cornelius Mahony, a native of Cork but living at 
Lisbon, published in 1645 what he called an ' apologetic 
disputation,' with an exhortation to his countrymen. He 
proves to his own satisfaction that the English Crown had no 
claims upon Ireland, having broken the conditions of Adrian's 
bull, and urges the Irish to ' elect a Catholic king, a vernacular 
or natural Irishman.' ' You have already,' he says, ' killed 
150,000 enemies in these four or five years, as your very 
adversaries' howling openly confess in their writings, and 
you do not deny. I think more heretic enemies have been 
killed : would that they had all been ! It remains for you 
to slay all the other heretics, or expel them from the bounds 
of Ireland, lest they infect our Catholic country with their 
heresies and errors.' A copy of this incendiary production 
reached Ireland from France, and others followed from 
Portugal. At Kilkenny the book was publicly burned, and 
close search was made at Galway. Binuccini expressed no 
disapproval of its doctrines, and refused to punish John 
Bane, parish priest of Athlone, with whom a copy was found. 
He attributed the outcry against it to those who were in 
possession of ecclesiastical lands, and to those who hated 
O'Neill, the only possible 'natural and vernacular' hero 
who could be chosen king. The Portuguese kingdom had only 
lately been re-established, and Mahony argued that the 
Irish had just the same right to upset a heretic dynasty 
as the Portuguese had to drive out their Castilian oppressors. 
Nevertheless, King John condemned the book, and the pos- 


session of a copy was forbidden under grievous penalties. CHAP. 
Peter Walsh preached nine sermons against it on five sue- ^_ T _. 
cessive Sundays and holidays in St. Canice's Cathedral, and 
had no difficulty in showing that loyalty to a Protestant 
king was an essential part of the Confederacy's political 
creed. l 

Rinuccini, though O'Neill was his only champion, came The 
to hate him almost as much as he hated Ormonde. He even dislikes 
made excuses for Preston, whose intrigues with the latter c 
might be explained by O'Neill's ambition ' under cover of 
religion.' After Benburb, the northern general had increased 
his army without orders, and he thirsted for the plunder of 
Leinster. Monck took care that he should have no supplies 
from Eastern Ulster. ' If I had not sent my confessor to 
dissuade him from so unjust a resolution,' said the nuncio, 
* Kilkenny would have been sacked and much innocent 
blood shed.' Wherever O'Neill went, the Ulster soldiers, 
' barbarous enough by nature, although good Catholics,' 
spread terror and destruction around. The worst of it was The 
that they called themselves the army of Pope and Church, 
and when they ' perform any act of cruelty or robbery, the 
sufferers execrate his Holiness and me, and curse the clergy, sava gery 
whom they consider the patrons of this army.' Two regiments 
harried the property of Mountgarret, who brought a crowd 
of women to the nuncio's house, ' where they made a dreadful 
uproar with howls and lamentations, thus giving it to be 
understood that I countenanced the cruelties perpetrated 
by the Ulster men.' After the failure of the attack on 
Dublin, O'Neill was made general of Connaught, and devoted 
himself to the affairs of that province. He was at Boyle, 
preparing to march against Sligo, when the news of Dungan 
Hill reached him, with a pressing summons to enter Leinster 
again, so as to prevent Inchiquin from joining hands with 
Jones. Muskerry was a party to this, for he could see no 

1 I have used the very scarce Dublin reprint of the Disputatio Apolo- 
getica : the original is, of course, still scarcer. Nearly all that is known of 
Mahony is in Walsh's Remonstrance, part ii. sec. 22. The Portuguese 
decrees are in Contemporary Hist. i. 739 ; Rinuccini's Embassy, p. 321. 




Mutiny in 



tion of the 




to fight. 

other means of safety ; but O'Neill refused to move. The 
personal entreaties of Bishop Macmahon at last prevailed, 
but many of his officers, with Alexander MacDonnell at their 
head, refused to obey. Partly by persuasion and partly by 
turning his guns on the mutineers, the general pacified them 
for the time, and established his quarters at Castle Jordan in 
Meath, until November 1647. He had then collected about 
12,000 foot and 1500 horse, and with these he proceeded to 
make a famine round Dublin. Tichborne followed the northern 
army everywhere, and cut off many stragglers. The destroyers 
passed near the scene of Preston's defeat to Dunboyne and 
Clonee, and all southern Meath was burned or spoiled. Turn- 
ing northwards, they went almost to Balbriggan. Two 
hundred fires were counted at one time from St. Audoen's 
steeple in Dublin. On the sixth day, between Ratoath and 
Garristown, Jones and Tichborne showed themselves ; and 
the latter wished to fight, but was overruled, so that O'Neill 
returned to Castle Jordan without having to strike a blow. 
He offered to quarter 4000 men in Minister, who were to spare 
the Confederates while galling Inchiquin's partisans ; but the 
provincials refused such help. Inchiquin's methods of making 
war were not gentle, but there was some excuse for doubting 
whether the deliverers would be much better. 1 

Having access to a sea which their friends commanded, 
neither Jones nor Inchiquin were easy to assail. They could 
always retire into their coast towns and exist there somehow. 
Yet the Munster Protestants were in miserable state enough. 
' It would make your soul bleed,' writes a resident in Cork 
to his cousin in England, ' to see the poor common soldier 
march out with never a whole rag to his back, nor shoe to his 
foot, feeble and faint for want of what should suffice nature.' 
The prospect of a battle was a relief, and ' those that were 
sickish skipped for joy.' Taaffe, says the author of the 
' Aphorismical Discovery,' ' was a well-spoken man of both 

1 Binuccini's report on O'Neill's proceedings, 1647, in Embassy, p. 281. 
For the great and increasing hatred excited by the Ulster troops, ib., 290, 
309, 324, 347, 353-4, 357, 359 ; O'Neill's Journal, 1647, in Contemporary 
Hist. iii. 206 ; Sir H. Tichborne's Letter to his wife ; Sir Maurice Eustace 
to Ormonde in Confederation and War, vi. 207. 


art and delivery, a fencer, a runner of a tilt, a brave, generous CHAP. 

y- v \7TTT 

gamester, and an exceeding good potator in any liquor you CL ; _~. 
please.' He was a brave soldier, but more diplomatist than 
general. In the King's interest, Digby had urged him to 
avoid a general action, but Fabian tactics require a Fabius, 
and probably he was forced to fight by the feeling which 
Inchiquin's doings at Cashel had excited. At all events, he 
drew his forces together early in November, when Inchiquin 
concentrated his at Mallow, and went to look for him. TaafEe, 
with 7000 foot and 1200 horse, was strongly posted on the Battle of 
hill of Knocknanuss, about three miles to the eastward of na u g8 ~ 
Kanturk. A bog and stream ran along his front. Inchiquin Nov - 18 - 
with a much smaller force advanced to a place called Garry- 
duff on November 12, where he received a letter from TaafEe, 
who declared that he was fighting in the King's cause, and 
proposed a contest between 2000 foot a side, ' more for recrea- 
tion ' than for any serious military reason. Inchiquin 
retorted that TaafEe was not really preserving the King's 
interest, and that he would wait till the morning before 
engaging in a battle for recreation. He sheltered his army 
in a wood for the night, and when the first light disclosed 
Taaffe's position, suggested in his turn that he should descend 
from his hill, cross the stream, and fight ' upon a very fair 
piece of ground.' TaafEe answered verbally that he was 
soldier enough to improve the advantage that he had. He 
refused to abandon his position, but did what was nearly as 
bad by shifting his men in sight of the enemy and finally 
posting them so that the bend of the hill hid his two wings 
from one another. The right, under Alexander MacDonnell, Aiaster 
consisted of Scots islanders and Ulstermen, the Munster ^neii 
troops being on the left, where TaafEe himself stood. Inchiquin a s ain - 
began the attack with his artillery, but the Highlanders, 
having fired a volley, threw away their muskets and rushed 
sword-in-hand upon the guns, of which they retained pos- 
session for an hour. Inchiquin's left was driven back towards 
Mallow, but on the right he was completely victorious. 
Rupert's faults were not his, and he did not pursue, but 
turned back to look after his defeated wing. The Highlanders 






Death of 




at Kil- 

and PurcelTs horse, believing the battle won, were scattered 
all over the country, and made no effective resistance. Half 
of Taaffe's army were slain, the remainder flying to Liscarroll 
and Newmarket ; while Inchiquin lost only about 150 men. 
' We were killing till night,' he says ; and few prisoners were 
made, except among the officers. The arms of 6000 men 
strewed the field, and TaafEe's commission from the Con- 
federates as general of Munster was taken with his baggage. 
Sellings had heard that Alexander Macdonnell was killed 
by an officer in cold blood, after quarter given ; but the 
English accounts give no hint of this ; and Rinuccini says 
distinctly that he refused quarter. The result of the battle 
was to place all Munster at Inchiquin's discretion, except 
Limerick, Waterford, Clonmel, and Kilmallock. He received 
the thanks of Parliament, and lOOOZ. were voted to buy 
horses. 1 

The General Assembly of the Confederates met at Kil- 
kenny on November 12, the day before the battle of Knock- 
nanuss. In the previous year there had been seventy-three 
members to represent Ulster, and these had given Rinuccini 
his majority. This time, ' from poverty or some other cause,' 
only nine appeared, who claimed to hold proxies for the whole 
number. This claim was disallowed, and Munster and 
Connaught, being under-represented owing to the difficulties 
of travel, the powers lay with ' the mob of Leinster, many of 
them the minions of Muskerry.' On the very day of meeting, 
apparently, the Assembly proceeded to pass what was in 
effect a new constitution. This document, extending to 
fifteen printed pages, and no doubt carefully prepared before- 
hand, begins by setting forth the ruin wrought by military 
violence. To repress this for the future a new Supreme 

1 Letters in Rushworth, vii. 916, 947 ; Inchiquin's letter to Taaffe is in 
Meehan's Confederation of Kilkenny ; Carte's Ormonde, ii. 9 ; Smith's Cork ; 
Rinuccini's official account of battle in Embassy, p. 335, and further parti- 
culars at p. 519 ; Bettings, vii. 34, 350 ; Inchiquin to Lenthall, November 18, 
1647, ordered by the House of Commons to be printed, November 30. 
A Perfect Narrative of. the battle of Knocknanuss, by an officer present, 1647 ; 
A Mighty Victory in Ireland, November 29, 1647, being a letter from William 
More written in the field on November 13. 


Council was appointed, consisting of twelve from each pro- CHAP. 


vince ; but the real power was given to a committee of twelve ^_ 
* residents,' three for each province, chosen out of the larger 
number. Sellings was one of the twelve, only two of whom The 
were bishops ; of these, Edmund O'Dwyer, Bishop of Limerick, party out- 
was a pronounced Ormondist ; while Emer Macmahon of 
Clogher was by no means averse to treating with the Lord 
Lieutenant. When seven, being an absolute majority of the 
committee, came to any decision, the dissidents were to sign 
as if they had been assenting parties. Elaborate orders were 
made for the repression of malefactors, for raising money, 
and for the arming and training of a militia consisting of all 
men between sixteen and sixty, ' forcing such as are able to 
provide for themselves swords and muskets, and the rest 
pikes and skeyns.' It was recited that in all former assem- A property 
blies many of the members had been ' serving-men and tion. 
men uninterested in the kingdom,' and ordered that only 
estated gentlemen should be eligible in future. Finally, 
orders were given for the regulation of the ' creaghts ' or 
nomad herdsmen of Ulster, who had followed Owen Roe 
O'Neill into the other three provinces and settled upon 
them like locusts, turning the cultivated country into a 
desert. 1 

' I wonder,' wrote Henrietta Maria to her husband a few The 
days before the Assembly met at Kilkenny, ' that the Irish op^ton 
do not give themselves to some foreign king ; you will force 
them to it in the end, when they see themselves offered as a 
sacrifice.' Many in Ireland were of the same opinion, and 
Einuccini feared that Louis XIV. would be chosen. His 
own sympathies were rather Spanish, but he could not deny 
that France was likely to be the best paymaster and the most 
vigorous protector. A neutral would be preferable, and, like 
a good Florentine, he suggested the Grand Duke Ferdinand II. 
who had sent or promised some arms. But the Assembly 
had no thought of repudiating the English Crown, though 
they eagerly sought help from Continental sovereigns, and 
even from the Dutch States-General. None of the envoys 

1 Rinuccini's Embassy, p. 343 ; Confederation and War. vi. 208, 232. 



to Spain, 

CHAP, chosen were such as Rinuccini approved. Bishop French 

y y V ITT 

, * _'^ and Sir Nicholas Plunket were sent to Rome, and in this 
asnTtio 3 case ^ e could say that the object of the Council was to get 
Rome, good men out of the way. They were to represent generally 
the fidelity of Ireland and her need of help, and in particular 
to beg the Pope's intercession with the Queen and Prince, 
with the sovereigns of France and Spain, and with all other 
Christian princes. If all else failed, they were empowered to 
invite Innocent to be himself protector of Ireland, and they 
were to ask his help even if matters should be accommodated 
with the Queen and Prince. Sir Richard Blake, a decided 
opponent of the nuncio, was sent to Spain with instructions 
to offer the protectorship to the King ; but only in the last 
resort and after they had heard the result of the Roman 
mission. The same instructions were given to those who 
went to France. Viscount Muskerry, Bishop Emer Mac- 
mahon, and Geoffrey Brown were at first chosen ; but Mac- 
mahon positively refused to go on the grounds that the 
Queen hated him, that Jermyn and Digby had threatened 
his life for opposing the Ormonde peace, and that he spoke 
neither French nor English. The latter can hardly have 
been strictly the case, but perhaps he did not speak well 
enough for diplomacy. It was nevertheless carried by a 
majority that he should be compelled to go. ' He then 
rose,' says Rinuccini, ' and, with much displeasure, added 
the following words : " You, sirs, have gained your victory, 
but I say that under no circumstances will I go to France." 
More than fifty members left the hall, exclaiming that the 
Confederation was at end ; but a bishop said that the dis- 
affection of one need not dissolve the union of others. Mus- 
kerry, Taaffe, and Preston wished to imprison Macmahon, 
but the mayor sheltered him. There was a cry that O'Neill 
was coming, and the city gates were shut. Preston went to 
look for soldiers, and when Macmahon returned to the 
Assembly next day he was driven away as being himself 
under discussion. The lawyers said a bishop might be 
imprisoned, but the clergy objected, and the Council contented 
themselves with forbidding him to leave the city. In the 

and to 


end, Antrim was substituted for the bishop as envoy to CHAP. 


France, and the matter dropped for the time. 1 ^r* i, 

On December 16 Inchiquin marched out of Cork with inchj- 
1000 foot and a few horse, ' and was fain to have a gathering bare-footed 
among the poor inhabitants to get so much monies as to buy a 
them brogues to keep their feet from being cut to pieces by 
ice.' Owing to the difficulty of feeding men and horses, he 
could not increase his force materially. But, small as it was, 
Rinuccini reported at the end of January that it met with 
no resistance anywhere. A few days later Inchiquin relieved is every - 
Cahir, occupied Carrick, and repaired the bridge there ; victorious, 
threatened Waterford, where Rinuccini then was, and, turning 
northward, took Callan by assault. No artillery was used, 
all the gates being blown down with petards, and three hundred 
men were put to the sword, ' besides some women, which the 
soldiers' mercy would not extend to, notwithstanding orders 
to the contrary.' The victors were unpaid and half starved, 
and even the officers underwent ' intolerable extremities.' 
Fethard was also in Inchiquin's hands, and the Council of the Flight 
Confederates fled in haste to Kilkenny from Clonmel, whither Supreme 
they had gone to compose local differences. Rinuccini went 
to Waterford, and Inchiquin raised contributions up to the 
very walls of Kilkenny. Perhaps he did not really want to 
take it, being already suspected of a wish to turn against the 

Parliament which had supplied his wants so ill. His officers inchi- 

. qum ill- 

continued to protest their fidelity, but dwelt upon the supported 

' improbable successes ' which they had attained without help. 
The Derby House Committee promised money and clothes, 
which either never came or came in ridiculously small quanti- 
ties, showing that they were distrusted. They would be 
obliged to make terms with the rebels, unless Parliament 
sent shipping to fetch them off. The officers' remonstrance 
was not read in the House of Commons until March 27, but 
Inchiquin had been for some time in communication with 

1 The Queen to the King, December ^, 1647, in Bruce's Charles I. in 
1646; Rinuccini's Embassy, pp. 330, 332, 340, 343; Bettings, vii. 36. 
Instructions for the agents to Rome, France, and Spain in Confederation and 
War, vi. 223-227. Speech of the agent in Holland, ib. 232. 



CHAP. Ormonde. This did not prevent him from attempting a 


"__ ; _:, junction with Jones, which was prevented by O'Neill, or 
re^iveTto ^ T0m 8en( ling Major Patterson to Edinburgh, offering to join 
desert. the Scots with 6000 men if they would declare for the King 

against the English Parliament. 1 

Ormonde On landing in England, Ormonde went for a few days 

England, to Acton, near Bristol, where he stayed with his uncle, Sir 
1647^8. e '' Robert Poyntz. Having received a pass from Fairfax, he 
went to London and to the King at Hampton Court, to whom 
he presented an elaborate account of his proceedings in 
Ireland. He had a friendly meeting with Fairfax at Putney, 
and lived for some time at Kingston, to be near the King ; 
but the army became jealous of the Royalist confabulations 
at Hampton Court, and on October 9 he had to take leave of 
Charles, whom he never saw again. He returned to Acton, 
which was conveniently near to Ireland, and sent, first, 
Colonel John Barry, and then Edward Synge, afterwards 
He escapes Bishop of Cloyne, to negotiate with Inchiquin. Fearing that 
he might be arrested, he crossed the country to Hastings 
and escaped in a fishing-boat to Dieppe. Many believed that 
he had gone to Scotland. He reached Paris early in March 
where he met Glamorgan and Antrim, each of them hoping 
to be the ' Catholic viceroy ' for whom Rinuccini had so long 
contended. Muskerry and Brown reached St. Malo on 
The Irish March 14, and on April 2 made written proposals to the 
Palis, 8 * Queen and Prince. They were debarred from considering 
164-H3 religious matters until the return of the envoys from Rome, 
and were content to stand for the present upon the terms of 
the Ormonde peace. In the case of property they were 
more specific, insisting that all lands forfeited since the first 
year of James and reconquered since October 23, 1641, from 
' any or the party adverse to us ' should be confirmed to the 
actual holders, that all who had lost their estates since the 
accession should be allowed to recover them, no statute or 
patent being pleadable to the contrary. No king of England 
could have granted these terms, and Henrietta was sur- 

1 Letter in Bushworth, vii. 947 ; ib. 1006, 1029, 1041 ; Rinuccini's Em- 
bassy, pp. 367, 370 ; Thurloe, i. 93 ; Bettings, vii. 36-39. 


rounded by English Protestants. Ormonde advised a CHAP. 


friendly answer without any definite promises, and this ' 

course was taken. The Queen and Prince regretted the 
violation of the late peace, declined to discuss matters of an evasive 

* . answer. 

religion with men who were not authorised to treat, and 
promised to send someone to Ireland empowered to ' con- 
descend to whatever may consist with justice and with his 
Majesty's honour and interest to grant unto the said Con- 
federated Catholics.' This answer was not given till May 13, 
by which time the situation in Ireland had materially changed. - 

1 Carte's Ormoiide, ii. 15. Ormonde's report on Ireland to the King 
is ib. iii. appendix No. 565 ; Rushioorih, vii. 795. The Paris negotiations 
in Confederation and War, vi. 228-232. Bettings, vii. 37. 

M 2 





' T 1 


and the 

INCHIQUIN'S espousal of the Parliamentary cause had been 
generally attributed to his disgust at the King's foolish 
appointment of Portland to be President of Munster over his 
head. But the motives of men are, for the most part, mixed, 
and he may have thought, as was indeed the fact, that he 
was taking the best course to protect the Protestants of 
southern Ireland. Ormonde could do little for them, and 
the masters of the sea could do much. But Parliament was 
torn by factions, and help was sent to Ireland grudgingly. 
Having gained two great victories and successfully main- 
tained the three seaports, Inchiquin thought he deserved 
better treatment. Besides all this, he disliked the Indepen- 
dents and dreaded their growing power. In November 1642 
he assured Ormonde that he was no Roundhead ; and in 
August 1645, after Naseby and after his expulsion of the 
Roman Catholics from Cork and Youghal, he told his brother- 
in-law, Michael Boyle, that he would waive all dependence 
on Parliament if he could see safety for the Protestants by 
He is any other means. Even before the battle of Knocknanuss 
' e ' he was distrusted in Parliamentary circles, and after it he 
began to draw towards Ormonde. The Confederacy was 
evidently on the decline, and there was some chance of a 
general combination against Owen Roe O'Neill. Purely 
selfish considerations would probably have confirmed him in 
his allegiance to the Parliament ; for since Cornet Joyce's 
raid it was easy to see that the ' Roundheads ' were going to 
win. On March 30, after the letter from Inchiquin's officers 
had been considered, three members of the House of Commons 
were appointed to go as commissioners to the Munster army. 


A fortnight later Major Elsing, one of the officers who refused CHAP, 
to follow their general, reported his defection to the House, ^1 T J_^ 
who thereupon recalled their commissioners, cancelled all 
Inchiquin's powers, and voted him a rebel and traitor. Before and voted 
declaring himself openly he had taken the precaution of April 14) 
bespeaking a welcome in France in case the worst came to 1 
the worst. Broghill, his rival in Munster, was also intriguing 
with Ormonde and the Queen ; but in his case it came to 
nothing. His cousin, Sir W. Fenton, and other officers who 
refused to declare for the King, had been imprisoned by 
Inchiquin, and this may have tended to prevent Broghill 
from joining him. 1 

Inchiquin having declared himself a Royalist, there was inchi- 
nothing to prevent those who had made the Ormonde peace trace/with 
from coming to terms with him also. When the late raid was * h ? Con ~ 
fresh in his memory, even Rlnuccini had seen the necessity 
of doing something of the kind. Now that Kilkenny and 
Waterford seemed safe he strenuously opposed any cessation 
or truce on the ground that it would leave things as before. 
Inchiquin's change of front had left him without allies, and Rinuccini'a 
this was the time to crush the author of the Cashel massacre. 
The Supreme Council urged that they were in no condition 
to maintain a war, and that even if they were it would be 
bad policy to drive Inchiquin to desperation. The result 
would be to deliver Cork, Youghal, and Kinsale to the Parlia- 
ment, who would always grant him fair terms for such valuable 
possessions. Inchiquin was certainly very anti-Catholic, 
' yet, as we are informed, he suffers our priests to live and 
mass to be celebrated within his quarters,' and he would allow 
tithes to be paid in Tipperary and ' Cashel and all the churches 
which were profaned there ' to be restored to their old uses. 
Michael Jones was making great preparations in Dublin, and 
the Confederacy would soon have to reckon with him. ' Your 
lordship knows by experience,' they reminded the nuncio, 
' that when the enemy insulted over your lordship at the walls 
of Waterford, and stood at defiance with us at the gates of 
Kilkenny, how slow our forces were drawing to a head, when 

1 Sellings, vii. 37 ; Rushworih, vii. 1060 ; Carte's Ormonde, ii. 24-31. 




The truce 
by the 
April 27. 

goes to the 

The truce 
in his 
May 20. 

after orders upon orders, ten times at least, issued by us, 
one on the neck of another, to General Preston, General 
O'Neill, and the Lord Taaffe, scarce three thousand men could 
be brought into the city before the enemy retreated.' But 
Rinuccini above all things dreaded the return of Ormonde, 
and persisted in opposing a truce ' with any of a contrary 
religion,' though he was willing to agree to an ' accommoda- 
tion, confederacy, or some such like contract,' based not upon 
the status quo, but upon a distinct advantage to be gained. 
He held a meeting of fourteen bishops, who decided that no 
one could with a safe conscience agree to the truce. There 
was a minority of six, but, according to the custom on such 
occasions, they signed with the rest. l 

' The nuncio,' says Sellings, ' seeing that no opposition 
he could give was of force to interrupt the cessation, judging 
it, perhaps, unfit for him to be present at the publishing of 
it, left the town in such a manner as might well persuade the 
people somewhat had been plotted against his person, for, 
passing through the garden of Mr. Shea's house, where he 
lived, and mounting to the town wall by a ladder, he went 
out at the gate, and thence to the northern army in Leix, 
where the Ulster creaghts, from the time Owen O'Neill had 
taken the fort of Maryborough on his advance to the siege 
of Dublin, had been planted. ' Bishop Macmahon left Kilkenny 
next day. Some monks had told the nuncio that a plot 
against his life had been revealed to them under the seal of 
confession. Somebody may have said this to drive him away, 
but that there was such a plot is quite incredible, and it 
may be doubted whether Rinuccini believed it himself. He 
fled to O'Neill at Maryborough, and when he was gone the 
truce was quickly concluded. The Council, more for the sake 
of popularity than because they wished for his presence, 
made great efforts to induce him to return, but he was irre- 
concilable, and was destined never to see Kilkenny again. 

1 Bettings, vii. 37-58, where the documents are all given. The episcopal 
declaration is dated April 27. Rinuccini's Embassy, pp. 380-391. The 
printed declaration and protestation of Lord Inchiquin and his officers, 
dated May 6, 1648, attributes their action to the fact that the Independents 
had denied them supplies. 


The truce was concluded without his consent on May 20, to CHAP. 


last until November 1, upon the basis of each party retaining . _ __!, 
its own and of a mutual exchange of prisoners. Inchiquin's 
quarters were denned as the counties of Cork, Kerry, and 
Waterford, with the proviso that he should not tax the 
baronies of Glenaheiry, near Clonmel, and Gaultier, near 
Waterford, nor the towns of Dingle and Tralee. He under- interdict 
took not to interfere with the free exercise of religion outside 

his garrison towns. A week later the nuncio excommunicated 
all who accepted the truce, and laid an interdict on towns and 
villages receiving it. Macmahon and four other bishops 
signed the document, and the penalties of excommunication 
were declared to be incurred by all who removed or defaced it. l 

' The lord nuncio's excommunications,' says Bellings, The 
' had now by his often thundering of them, grown more cheap.' 
A sense of this may have been the reason why he made it as 
stringent as possible, though he was without books or canonists, 
and therefore open to criticism in point of form. In the 
letters written at the time he admits that the result varied 
very much in different places, but in the narrative composed 
after he left Ireland he says he ' knew of no occasion when the 
censure has better deserved the name of a thunderbolt,' 
and that it had at once sent 2000 of Preston's soldiers over 
to O'Neill. The paper was publicly posted in Kilkenny, 
and the Supreme Council at once appealed to Rome. O'Neill O'Neill 
and his officers declared unreservedly for the nuncio, professing the P 
to believe that Ormonde was really a partisan of the Parlia- nunci - 
ment, and that those who adhered to him were inclined the 
same way. The Council thereupon revoked his commission 
as general of Ulster, and advised him and his officers by letter. 
O'Neill collected these missives and burned them publicly 
in the presence of Bishop Macmahon and others, and pro- 
ceeded to increase his forces as fast as possible. Some money 
brought from Eome by Dean Massari enabled him to do this. 
The Dean had also brought a sword from Luke Wadding, 

1 Rinuccini's Embassy, p. 393. The articles with Inchiquin in Con- 
federation and War, vi. 235 ; the Excommunication in Aphorismical Dis- 
covery, i. 194 ; Bellings, vii. 69. 





at war. 

Panic at 

which was said to have been Tyrone's, and for which he had 
a splendid scabbard made at Paris. As a former Pope had 
sent Tyrone a crown of peacock's feathers, so this was thought 
to be a confirmation of the report that Owen O'Neill was 
designated as king in Mahony's pamphlet. The sword never 
came into O'Neill's hands, and there is no evidence that 
he had any such ideas, though the nature of his ambition 
must always be somewhat questionable. Things came to a 
head about the end of July, when James Preston, the general's 
son, besieged Athy, which was held by Shane O'Hagan against 
the Confederates, and where O'Neill had established a bakery 
for ammunition-bread. Summoned by O'Hagan to his 
relief, the northern general came from Longford without 
meeting much resistance, and passed the flooded Barrow by 
felling an oak tree across it. Preston drew off at his approach, 
and he encamped a few days later in Lord Mountgarret's 
park at Dunmore with 10,000 foot and 500 horse. His men 
ate the deer and drank the good ale in the lodge. He made 
no attempt on the town, about which Preston had collected 
some troops, and after a stay of five days drew off into Queen's 
County, Inchiquin following him with a much inferior force. 1 
While O'Neill's tents were visible from the walls of Kilkenny 
there was great confusion inside. Some churches were shut ; 
others, in defiance of the interdict, remained open. A letter 
was intercepted in which Paul King, guardian of the Francis- 
cans and a special confidant of the nuncio's, invited the 
northern general to take possession. The Council imprisoned 
King and made Peter Walsh guardian. Walsh was employed 
to draw up queries and answers, which were afterwards 
signed by Bishop Rothe, against the validity of Rinuccini's 
censures. ' I remember very well,' writes the learned friar, 
' how (besides others) Richard Bellings, Esq., a leading member 
and chief secretary of the said Council, came several times 
from them to my chamber to hasten my despatch, and to 
tell me of the great danger of delay, being the enemy was in 
sight and the people so divided.' He worked for five days 


O'Neill's Journal ; Bellings, vii. 98, 104 ; Aphorismical Discovery, \. 


and nights consecutively without closing his eyes, and preached CHAP, 
in the cathedral at the end of it. A respectable number of XXIX ^ 
divines followed Kothe and Walsh, but it was evident that the 
Confederacy could not be restored. O'Neill, who alone of the 
Irish generals had the prestige of victory, openly defied the 
authority of the Council and adhered to the nuncio. Jones 
was gradually growing stronger in Dublin, and it was evident inchiquin 
that no one except Ormonde could have the weight necessary. Ormonde 
Inchiquin had urged him to come as soon as the truce was to retum - 
concluded. ' Divers of my men,' he said, ' have died of 
hunger, after they had a while lived upon cats and dogs, as 
many do now. And if, while I am in this condition, the 
Parliament shipping should arrive according to our expecta- 
tion, grounded upon good advertisement, with some officers, 
money, clothes, and victuals, and make tender thereof unto 
our soldiers, if they will give up the officers they have now, 
a greater strait than I shall be in cannot be imagined.' { 

After leaving Kilkenny, O'Neill marched to Borrisoleigh Activity of 
in Tipperary. Here he received an invitation to visit Clare, August- 
and went to Killaloe, whence he detached Rory Maguire Se P tember - 
to surprise Banagher. He then turned back into Tipperary, 
and sent another detachment to Nenagh, which was taken 
by storm. From Silvermines he went to Birr, where he heard 
that Athy was again closely besieged by Preston, and sent a 
party to relieve it. Inchiquin, in the meantime, recovered 
Nenagh by undermining the wall, while his men were sheltered 
with wooden barriers. The garrison surrendered before the 
mine was fired, and Inchiquin then went to Banagher, where 
he was joined by Clanricarde and Taaffe. They were so well He is 
posted that O'Neill was unable to raise the siege, and retired un"ucceL- 
by Tullamore to the neighbourhood of Belturbet in Cavan. ful< 
Athlone was already in Clanricarde's hands, so that the 
party opposed to Rinuccini had been successful all along 
the line. O'Neill's object had been to reach Kerry, which 
had not been devastated and where there were harbours 
to receive foreign supplies, and mountains suited to his 

1 Walsh's Remonstrance, xlvi. ; the Queries, ib., appendix 1 ; Bettings, 
vii. 103-12 : Inchiquin to Ormonde, May 29, 1648, in Carte's Ormonde, iii. 









and to 



and de- 
the Con- 

Sept. 30. 

peculiar tactics. He remained inactive in Ulster for the rest 
of the year. 1 

Early in September O'Neill employed Rory O'More, the 
original plotter of the rebellion, on a mission to Inchiquin. 
He offered to leave him the whole of Munster without any 
condition but that of non-interference in the other provinces. 
Adopting Rinuccini's view that anything was better than the 
Supreme Council, he also entered into negotiations with the 
governor of Dublin. Jones was represented by his brother, 
the Bishop of Clogher, while Macmahon, who claimed the 
same see, was hand-and-glove with O'Neill. The General 
Assembly declared that 'as Owen Roe and the Bishop of 
Clogher (Macmahon) mislead those adhering unto them with 
deep protestations of their loyalty, and desires to advance 
the Catholic religion, and his Majesty's interests, and his 
aversion to Jones and his ways ; so of the other side Jones 
with his Protestant Bishop of Clogher, by the same acts and 
illusions (while they be practisers with Owen O'Neill) en- 
deavours to persuade his officers and soldiers that he intends 
to prosecute him as a pestilent blood-sucker, and a sworn 
enemy to the English nation and Government ; and we are 
informed that when despatches come from Owen O'Neill, and 
the messengers of Vicar-General Edmond O'Reilly are seen at 
Dublin, Jones gives out that they are sent from the Council at 
Kilkenny. ' In his declaration against the truce with Inchiquin 
O'Neill denounced the Confederates for surrendering all to 
Ormonde, ' the great personage whom in their souls they 
know to be wholly disposed to betray the kingdom to the 
Parliament.' It is hard to believe that O'Neill thought 
any such thing ; at all events, he heartily congratulated the 
great personage on his safe arrival in Ireland. ' None,' he 
said, ' shall be found in the kingdom more obedient and dutiful 
to his Majesty, and consequently to your Excellency.' 
Ormonde replied that he would have no reason to complain 
if his actions were agreeable to his professions. In the mean- 
time the Supreme Council had proclaimed O'Neill a traitor, 
along with Bishop Macmahon, Vicar-General O'Reilly, 

1 Sellings, vii. 104-108 ; O'Neill's Journal, September, 1648. 


Dominic Fanning, and others, and had ordered all their CHAP. 

~Y"Y"T "V 

adherents to lay down their arms before October 25 on pain ^_ _^ 
of being held traitors likewise. l 

Ormonde reached Cork harbour on Michaelmas Day. Ormonde 
Inchiquin begged him to come, with or without money, but cork, & 
to multiply the real sum by four so as to encourage the Sept< 29- 
soldiers. What he actually brought was thirty pistoles, his 
slender resources having been expended through various 
accidents and delays before he left France. He issued an 
address to the Munster army, declaring that he had come ' to 
employ his utmost endeavours for the settlement of the 
Protestant religion, for defence of the King in his prerogatives, 
and for maintaining the privileges and freedom of Parliament, 
as well as the liberty of the subject.' Independency he would 
do his best to suppress. He had still all the legal authority 
of a viceroy, but his special powers to treat with the Irish had 
been exhausted in 1646. He had fresh powers from the Prince The 
of Wales, but they might be objected to, and the King was ^|' s s 
applied to for their confirmation. ' I must command you to him - 
two things,' wrote Charles from Newport, ' first, to obey all 
my wife's commands ; then, not to obey any commands of 
mine until I send you word that I am free from restraint. 
Lastly, be not startled at my great concessions concerning 
Ireland, for that they will come to nothing.' Ormonde stayed 
a few days at Cork, and then went to his own house at Carrick, 
so as to be near Kilkenny. 2 

The mayor of Galway attempted to proclaim the truce, Riot at 
as Kilkenny had done, but Binuccini opposed him in person, 
and in the riot which followed some lives were lost. The 
mob generally sided with the nuncio, and he had the bell of 
the Carmelites' church taken down, that order having opposed 
him. Two priests were posted at the door ' to keep Catholics 
from the mass, to the great scandal of Catholic religion in 
the country, where there are many Protestants that, by good 

1 Documents in Contemporary Hist., i. 745-754, September and October, 

2 Carte's Ormonde, ii. 39-41 ; the King to Ormonde, October 28, in 
Carte's Original Letters ; Ormonde to Sir R. Blake, Walker's Discourses, 
p. 71. 




The arch- 
defies the 









to Kil- 

example, might be converted to the Catholic faith.' Arch- 
bishop de Burgo reached the town at this juncture, and 
demanded the production of the warrant under which 
Rinuccini acted. ' I won't show it,' said the nuncio. ' And 
I won't obey you,' replied the archbishop, and ordered the 
church doors to be forcibly opened by a man who got in through 
a hole in the roof. The archbishop celebrated mass in spite 
of the interdict. In order to neutralise the action of the 
Kilkenny Council, Rinuccini summoned a national synod to 
meet at Galway on August 15 ; but Clanricarde, who had 
the assistance of Inchiquin, surrounded the town and quite 
prevented any episcopal gathering there. No letters reached 
the nuncio, and it was with great difficulty that he despatched 
any. On August 30 he published a declaration, which was 
signed by six bishops and some other dignitaries, setting forth 
that adhesion to the truce with Inchiquin was ' a deadly sin 
against the law of God and His Church.' This did not prevent 
the Assembly from meeting at Kilkenny on September 4, 
who denounced the malice and irregularity of those who 
signed the declaration, and pronounced them guilty of the 
late bloodshed at Galway. A few days later they sent John 
Roe, provincial of the barefooted Carmelites, to Rome with 
letters for the Pope. They had fought, they said, for the 
faith for seven years, and their reward was to have the papal 
thunders loosened upon their heads by the nuncio. As soon 
as Ormonde arrived they congratulated him, and announced 
their willingness to conclude ' a well-grounded and lasting 
peace ' with him. Commissioners, of whom Sir Phelim 
O'Neill was one, were appointed to carry on the negotiations. 
Early in November Ormonde was invited to Kilkenny, and 
entered the town with great pomp, the members of the 
Assembly going out along the road to meet him and conduct- 
ing him to his own castle. It was just three years since 
Rinuccini had been received with equal or greater rejoicing. 1 
Antrim was much disgusted at not being made Lord 

1 Rinuccini's Embassy, August and September ; Hardiman's Hist, of 
Galway ; Letter to the Pope, September 17, in Confederation and War, vi. 
280 ; ib., 300. 


Lieutenant, and reached Ireland about the same time as CHAP. 


Ormonde, with the intention of thwarting him. He was not ._ T L- 
trusted by the Confederates, and the most important part of ^ 
the Paris negotiations had been hidden from him. Wexford thwart 

c , Ormonde 

favoured the nuncio, and Antrim collected about a thousand 
men there with a view of making a diversion in aid of Owen 
O'Neill. They consisted of a battalion of Highlanders, under 
Macdonald of Glengarry, and of levies made among the 
O'Byrnes and Kavanaghs. They were attacked on the road 
between Wexford and Arklow by the Confederate forces, and 
routed by MacThomas and his cavalry. This is what Antrim 
in his autobiographical memoir calls ' living privately at 
Wexford and Waterford.' He escaped by boat to Arklow, 
and thence to O'Neill's garrison at Rebane in Kildare. In the 
following year he became a pensioner of Cromwell. 1 

In the meantime the aspect of affairs in Ulster had The 
changed very much. Coote was governor of Londonderry, 
but much straitened by the fort of Culmore, which was Ulster - 
held by Sir Robert Stewart. Stewart was now a decided 
Royalist, and his guns commanded the channel of the Foyle 
so that supplies reached the city with difficulty. Monro 
still held Carrickfergus and Belfast, while Monck held O'Neill 
in check from Dundalk and Lisburn. When Monro's nephew 
George, who had escaped so narrowly at Benburb, went over 
to Scotland for the King, he took with him men from most 
of the Scottish regiments. This was done with his uncle's 
connivance, and Monck had strict orders from the Parliament 
to seize Belfast. During the night of September 12 he Monck 
arrived accordingly before Carrickfergus with a strong force, carrick- 
The captain of the guard opened the gate, Monro was taken 

in his bed, and sent over to England. Belfast then surrendered September. 
without resistance. The thanks of Parliament, which was in 
good humour after Preston, were given to Monck, who was 
voted 500L and made governor of Belfast and Carrickfergus. 
A few weeks later, Coote was equally successful, and he also 
received the thanks of Parliament. Stewart was inveigled 

1 Hill's Macdonnells of Antrim, pp. 278-303 ; Bettings, vii. 114 ; Carte's 
Ormonde, ii. 42. 


CHAP, into Londonderry to attend a christening, and was seized, 
^_ T 1^ along with Audley Mervyn. They were sent over to England, 
and Culmore fort soon surrendered to Coote, as did Lifford and 
some other places. With the exception of Charlemont, which 
the Irish had held since 1641, every fortified place in Ulster 
was in Parliamentary hands by the end of the year. 1 
Mutiny in While Ormonde was negotiating at Kilkenny, a serious 
army. mutiny occurred among the cavalry of Inchiquin's army. 
Many of the officers were not Eoyalists, and many of the men 
had received no pay. It was true that their wants had been 
neglected by Parliament ; but the Houses had at least the 
means of becoming prompt paymasters, while Ormonde 
could only give promises. The proceedings in Ulster showed 
that the Parliamentary cause was gaining ground. By 
simultaneously seizing several of the chief officers, by offering 
an indemnity for the past, and by promising to detain no 
man against his will, Inchiquin quelled the mutiny ; but it 
was thought desirable that Ormonde should visit Cork, and 
Ormonde he left the Assembly sitting at Kilkenny. Kichard Fanshawe 
November, reached Kinsale at this juncture with letters from the Prince 
of Wales and power to announce that Rupert was coming 
with his fleet and supplies. The Duke of York was expected 
at once, and his elder brother as soon as he had recovered 
The Prince from an attack of smallpox. Ormonde urged the Prince of 
expected. Wales to come, for his presence was the one thing necessary 
to restore the confidence of ' a discouraged rather than dis- 
affected army.' Money and additional men would be very 
useful, but Charles himself much more so. Having done 
what he could in Munster, the Lord Lieutenant returned to 
Kilkenny within a fortnight as he had promised. 2 

Ormonde was ill after his return to Kilkenny, and the 

1 Benn's Hist, of Belfast, p. 122; Rusliworth, vii. 1277, 1282, 1386; 
Lodge's Peerage, vi. 244. 

2 Ormonde to the Prince of Wales from Cork, November 27, 1648, in 
Confederation and War, vii. 149 ; Carte's Ormonde, iii. 11 17. On December 
12, Digby reported, but without believing the story, that a ' she corre- 
spondent ' of Jermyn had told him that Inchiquin had agreed with the 
Derby House Committee and promised to give up Ormonde, Carte MSS. 
vol. 63, /. 565."? 


discussions about the peace were suspended till December 19 ; CHAP. 


but the Confederates were in no condition to drive a hard ^_ * \ 
bargain. Bishop French and Sir Nicholas Plunket had mKome. 
returned from Rome empty-handed, the Pope alleging 
troubles in Crete and a possible invasion of Italy by the Turks 
as reasons for turning a deaf ear to Ireland. The agents were 
also reminded that no account had been given of the large 
sum sent over by Massari. The Remonstrance of the army 
in England became known at Kilkenny about the same time, 
and it had a very sobering effect. The Assembly receded 
from its extreme claim in the matter of religion, and on 
January 17 a peace was concluded which differed but slightly Peace 
from that made in 1646 and afterwards rejected by Rinuccini's January 6 , ' 
advice. Everything was referred to a free Parliament to be 1648 ~ 9 - 
held in Ireland in six months, or as soon after as possible, 
and no man was to be molested for any matter of religion in 
the meantime. The Confederacy was dissolved and the 
powers of a provisional government were vested in twelve 
lay notables, of whom three were peers, afterwards known Commis- 
as the ' Commissioners of Trust.' The peace was signed at Trust 
Kilkenny and proclaimed on the same day, and a circular a PP mt 
letter was also sent out by nine bishops. These prelates 
advised their co-religionists to accept the peace loyally. 
' In the present concessions,' they said, ' and in the expecta- 
tion of further gracious favours from his Majesty's goodness, 
we have received a good satisfaction for the being and safety 
of religion ; and the substance thereof, as to the concessions 
for religion, is better than the sound ; by the temporal 
articles lives, liberties, and the estates of men are well pro- 
vided for ... you fight fiercely against sectaries and rebels 
for God and Caesar, and under those banners you may well 
hope for victories.' l 

While Ormonde was negotiating at Kilkenny, Rinuccini 

1 Articles of peace, proclamation of same, and circular of prelates, 
January 17, 1648-9, in Confederation and War, vii. 184-213. The Com- 
missioners of Trust were Viscounts Dillon and Muskerry, Lord Athenry, 
Alexander MacDonnell (Antrim's brother), Sirs Lucas Dillon, Nicholas 
Plunket, and Richard Barnewall, Geoffrey Brown, Donogh O'Callaghan, 
Turlagh O'Neill, Miles O'Reilly, and Gerald Fennell Esquires. 




on ultra- 






of his 

was in low estate at Galway. ' For eight months,' he wrote, 
' I have seen none of my attendants, and am reduced to such 
a point, that however bad the vessel, the sea is almost safer 
for me than the land.' He sent his confessor, Giuseppe 
Arcamoni, a Theatine, to Rome in order to counterbalance 
the efforts of the Carmelite Roe. The Confederates had gone 
so far as to order him out of Ireland to make his defence before 
the Pope in person, and to forbid him in the meantime to 
' intermeddle directly or indirectly ' in Irish affairs. A 
duplicate of this letter was sent to the Corporation of Galway, 
and both original and copy were accompanied by a long 
statement of charges against the nuncio. The corporation 
were peremptorily ordered to have no further dealings with 
the ' lord archbishop of Fermo.' He was accused generally of 
arbitrary and tyrannical conduct, of endeavouring to subvert 
fundamental laws and to withdraw the people from their 
allegiance to the Crown, and of plotting to ' introduce a 
foreign, arbitrary, and tyrannical government.' In a paper 
drawn up about this time Ormonde says, ' the nuncio is a 
foreigner, and no subject of his Majesty's ; therefore not 
at all interested in any agreement between his Majesty 
and his subjects, and may have aims prejudicial to 
both, wherefore his satisfaction may be as difficult as 
unnecessary.' * 

Rinuccini was completely beaten, though the great bulk 
of the clergy were with him. He could claim seventeen 
bishops against eight, and the vast majority of the religious 
orders, excepting the Jesuits. He had with him the Celtic 
population, as represented by Owen Roe O'Neill, and the 
poorer classes generally, who cared much for the Church and 
very little for the Crown. But the nobility and the legal 
profession were against him. ' A few days,' he wrote, ' after 
my arrival in Kilkenny some lawyers inquired from Father 
Scarampi if I were going to erect a tribunal. When he said 
yes, they replied that they would not put up with it by any 

1 Rinuccini's Embassy, October 31, 1648 ; Sir Richard Blake to Rinuccini 
and to the town of Galway, October 19, with enclosure, in Confederation and 
War, vi. 294 ; Notes by Ormonde in Contemp. Hwt. i. 756. ; 


means. ... In the public assembly Viscount Muskerry said CHAP. 
that the day of my arrival was a fatal one for the country ; ._ T J,^ 
in short, they have shown in every action that they cannot 
endure the authority of the Pope ; they are even not ashamed 
to say in private and in print that his succours were mere 
empty hopes, vanity, and vexation. It may be therefore 
by the will of God that a people Catholic only in name, 
and so irreverent towards the Church, should feel the thunder- 
bolt of the Holy See, and draw upon themselves the anger 
which is the meed of the scorner.' Rinuccini declared that 
a nuncio to a heretic viceroy was an absurdity, and prepared 
to leave the country. With difficulty he succeeded in securing 
the very San Pietro on board of which he had first come. 
Plunket and French went to Galway to report the result of 
their Roman mission, but he did not await their arrival, 
and it was thought that he feared orders from the Pope 
incompatible with his late proceedings. He sailed on 
February 23, crowds of weeping people accompanying him 
to the ship ; the poor were much better Catholics than the 
lords and lawyers. The demonstration on his arrival had been 
less than ' on the completion of his mission to a poor and 
persecuted minister, and could not be ascribed to the hopes 
of assistance which they entertained.' He thought the 
corrupted nations nearer Rome should ' journey to a distant 
clime where the sun is never seen, that they may fully com- 
prehend the due subjection of the faithful to their head.' In 
the meantime he sent his confessor to Rome with instructions 
to press for certain specific measures. The authorities were 
called upon to suspend Bishop Rothe of Ossory, to summon 
Archbishop de Burgo to Rome, to call Peter Walsh ' before 
the Inquisition or any other tribunal in Rome,' to summon 
the chiefs of the recalcitrant Carmelites, and to order Malone, 
provincial of the Irish Jesuits, out of Ireland. Arcamoni what was 
arrived in March, but Rinuccini lingered long in France and atKome. 
in his native Florence, and did not reach Rome till the 
second week in November. No one there approved of 
his proceedings in Ireland, and the Pope accused him of 
VOL. n. N 


CHAP, rashness. More than two years before he had abstained from 


-_ . '- making him a cardinal, though urged to do so by Bishop 


1 Rinuccini's Embassy, pp. 436, 467. The Pope's words to Rinuccini, as 
reported by Father Roe to Peter Walsh, were Temerarie te gessisti, Hist, 
of the Remonstrance, xxxiv. Castlehaven alludes to them, and may have 
had his information from either Roe or Walsh. Macmahon to the Pope in 
Spicilegium Ossoriense, i. 303 ; Robert Meynell to Hyde and Cottington, 
Rome, October 18, 1849, in Clarendon 8. P., and Father Roe to Hyde, Nov. 
27, ib. 




HAVING pacified the Confederates and driven away Rinuccini, CHAP. 
Ormonde was now for the moment almost master of Ireland. 
If he could only regain Dublin before Cromwell was ready, 
the chances of war and politics might yet turn in the young 
King's favour. He attempted to win over O'Neill, who had 
still 5000 foot and 300 horse, though many chiefs had deserted He tries 
him and 2000 of his men had gone to Spain under O'Sullivan O'Neill. 
Bere. O'Neill was willing to accept the peace if he might be 
allowed 6000 foot and 800 horse at the expense of the country, 
but the Commissioners of Trust, with whom all such questions 
rested, would not agree to more than 4000 foot and 600 
horse. When at last they yielded it was only on condition 
that the regiments of Sir Phelim O'Neill and others who had 
deserted the Ulster general should form part of the force. 
Suspecting ill-faith, Owen O'Neill turned to Jones and Monck, O'Neill, , 

Jones and 

from whom he might expect a supply of powder, and the Coote. 
former actually sold him some. Ormonde then approached 
Michael Jones, but he refused to abandon those from whom 
he held his command. Coote professed himself ready to 
obey the King's orders as soon as his Majesty was in a position 
to enable him to do so safely. He was, however, deserted by 
some of Sir Robert Stewart's old officers, who seized Ennis- 
killen, imprisoned Sir William Cole, and declared for the 
King. Ormonde pressed Charles to come to Ireland, but 
Scotch influences proved too strong. 1 

Ormonde went to Cork early in February in order to 
communicate with Prince Rupert. At Youghal on his 

1 Carte's Ormonde, iii. 55-65 ; Owen O'Neill to Ormonde, March 24, 
1648-9 ; to Plunket and Barnewall, March 25 ; Relation from Ireland, 
April 13 all in Contemp. Hist, of Affairs. 

N 2 




Charles II. 

and Jones. 

of Jones. 

Milton and 
the Ulster 

return he heard of the King's execution, and immediately 
proclaimed Charles II. The same was done wherever his 
authority extended, and the new sovereign lost no time 
in renewing his commission as Lord Lieutenant with the 
fullest powers. His negotiations with O'Neill at this time 
had no result, but he had some hope that the King's execution 
would detach Michael Jones from the Parliament. There was, 
he said, an evident intention to abolish monarchy, ' unless 
their aim be first to constitute an elective kingdom and 
Cromwell or some such John of Leyden being elected then 
by the same force to establish a perfect Turkish tyranny.' 
Nothing better could be expected from ' the dregs and scum 
of the House of Commons picked and awed by the army,' 
which was all that remained of the ancient constitution. 
Jones in his answer pointed out that the peace just con- 
cluded scarcely gave any protection to Protestants, and 
that none was to be expected from a Papist army. His 
business was not to meddle in affairs of State, but to carry 
out the work for which he was appointed. The intermeddling 
of Irish governors with English parties had always had the 
effect of weakening the colony, and Ormonde himself had 
provided a case in point by sending most of his English army 
across the channel, and thus very nearly abandoning Ireland 
to the rebels. The English interest could evidently only be 
preserved by the English, and it was upon that ground that he 
had surrendered Dublin to the Parliament, ' from which 
clear principle I am sorry to see your lordship now receding.* 
Jones said nothing either in approval or condemnation of 
the King's execution, but he did not allow it to affect his 
action. The Scots in Ulster, while condemning it unreservedly > 
did not think it a reason for supporting Ormonde. The 
Presbytery of Belfast were chiefly anxious to overthrow the 
sectaries who had departed from the Solemn League and 
Covenant, and even showed an intention of tolerating all 
religions, even ' paganism and Judaism.' But they were 
scarcely less bitter against those who ' combined themselves 
with Papists and other notorious malignants.' Milton, who 
was just beginning his career as Latin secretary, was em- 


ployed by the House of Commons to answer both Ormonde CHAP. 


and the Ulster presbyters. With the latter he had little ^ '__. 

difficulty, for they admitted that Ireland was dependent upon 
England and not upon Scotland. ' The Presbytery of Belfast, 
a small town in Ulster,' said the poet, should have enough 
to do in overseeing their own flock, without meddling in affairs 
of State. The House of Commons were accused of seizing 
upon the King's person, ' but was he not surrendered into 
their hands an enemy and captive by their own subordinate The Scots 
and paid army of Scots in England ? ' And Knox, who was the army, 
founder of Scotch presbytery, ' taught professedly the doctrine 
of deposing and of killing kings.' Ormonde on his part 
made a great mistake in comparing Cromwell to John of 
Leyden, for never was any man more unlike the Puritan 
chief than the polygamous scoundrel who had enjoyed a brief Ormonde 
royalty at Miinster. Cromwell, said Milton, had ' done in Cromwell 
few years more eminent and remarkable deeds whereon to c 
found nobility in his house though it were wanting, and 
perpetual renown to posterity, than Ormonde and all his 
ancestors put together can show from any record of their 
Irish exploits, the widest scene of their glory.' Dealing with 
the articles of the peace in greater detail than Jones had done, 
Milton shows that the Protestants of Ireland were really 
left at the mercy of those who were more or less responsible All the 
for the massacres. The cessation of 1643 and the abortive with the 
articles of 1646 were open to the same objection, but this 
last treaty went further in proposing to give an Irish Parlia- 
ment power to repeal Poynings' Act, and by abandoning 
the militia, ' a trust which the King swore by God at New- 
market he would not commit to his Parliament of England, no, 
not for an hour.' Nor did Milton omit to notice the article 
' more ridiculous than dangerous ' which provided for the 
repeal of laws against ploughing by the tail and burning in the 
straw, showing how ' indocible and averse from all civility 
and amendment,' the Irish rebels were. 1 - , 

1 Observations on the Articles of Peace, May 1649, in Milton's prose works, 
Bohn's ed. ii. 139. The articles with Ormonde's and Jones's letters and 
the Representation of the Belfast Presbytery are given in full. 

















George Monck was governor of Ulster for the Parliament. 
Being deserted by the Scots under Sir Robert Stewart and 
Sir George Monro, he found it hard to maintain himself, but 
he was able to victual Londonderry, Coleraine, Greencastle, 
and Lisburn. He himself lay at Dundalk, where he feared 
to be attacked on all sides. To keep O'Neill from joining with 
Ormonde was therefore his chief object. Sooner or later 
O'Neill would have had to accept the Lord Lieutenant's 
overtures, for he was entirely cut off from the sea and had 
no other means of replenishing his stock of powder. Monck, 
who knew that help was coming from England, resolved to 
give the necessary powder on condition of an offensive and 
defensive alliance for three months, during which O'Neill 
bound himself to make no terms with Ormonde or Inchiquin 
or with any opponent of the Parliament. Each of these two 
silent men, who were soldiers and not politicians, thought 
the preservation of his army the first object. O'Neill was 
responsible to no one ; but Monck took the precaution of 
reporting all he had done to Cromwell, who would understand 
the military argument, and see that political prudery was 
out of place in the midst of war. The immediate result of 
the treaty was to reduce the activity of the Scots by whom 
Londonderry was beset. Later on Coote followed Monck's 
example, and O'Neill's help enabled him to hold out until 
relief came from England. Ormonde, on the other hand, 
drove O'Neill out of Leinster, Maryborough, Athy, and other 
garrisons being taken by Castlehaven during the month of 
May. 1 

On June 19 Ormonde, with 7000 foot and 3000 horse, 
advanced almost to the walls of Dublin, and fixed his camp 
at Finglas, about three miles north of the town, his tents being 
visible to the besieged. Jones had nearly as many foot, 
besides armed citizens, but only about 500 horse. Outside 
the capital Parliament now held only Drogheda, Trim, and 
Dundalk in Leinster. Jones had no hay or oats for horses 
and oxen, and was short of provisions, there being neither 

1 Agreement between Monck and O'Neill, May 8, 1649, with other 
papers, reprinted in Contemp. Hist. ii. 216 sqq. 


fish nor flesh in the market ; but while the sea was open that CHAP. 


was not likely to last, though a more enterprising general . - T _ - 
might perhaps have succeeded in a sudden attack. The 
army, however, as it turned out, was not a very good one, 
and doubtless Ormonde knew it. Rupert was at Kinsale 
with his piratical fleet, and Ormonde urged him to blockade 
Dublin, but the prince either could not or would not comply Rupert 
while the possibility existed, and after Blake's arrival on help." 
May 22 even the possibility ceased. Pressed probably by 
want of forage Jones sent most of his cavalry to Drogheda, 
but they were attacked on the road by Inchiquin and suffered 
great loss. Inchiquin was then detached with 2000 foot and 
1500 horse to beleaguer Drogheda, and on the 28th it capitu- 

lated. The garrison were allowed to go where they pleased, 
and a few joined Jones, but the greater part went over to June28 - 
Ormonde. O'Neill's chief strength was at this time in Cavan 
and Monaghan, and at the beginning of May he held a pro- 
vincial council at Belturbet, where it was decided to help 
Coote if he would give the necessary ammunition. This 
negotiation failed at the time, and in June O'Neill drew 
down with 3000 men to the neighbourhood of Dundalk, 
where he encamped. Monck was ready to give the powder if Monck 
O'Neill would bring it off, and Colonel Ferral with the powder to 
requisite carts and an escort of 500 men was sent on this duty. 
From the town to the camp was only about seven miles, and 
the road was open. Inchiquin found out what was going 
on, and sent Colonel Trevor with a strong body of horse to 
attack the convoy. The Irish soldiers had got drunk in 
Dundalk, and made but a poor resistance, so that the stores 
were captured and most of the escort killed or taken. O'Neill but 

. . Inchiquin 

immediately fell back to Clones and renewed his negotiations captures it. 
with Coote, who was now willing to give thirty barrels of 
powder with sufficient match, and either three hundred 
beeves or 400?. in money. As soon as O'Neill approached O'Neill 
Londonderry the Scots marched away, and the bulwark of London- 
the North was threatened no more. Inchiquin was left free derry< 
to deal with Dundalk, which Monck had no idea of surrender- 
ing, had his men allowed him to hold it. But they were 


CHAP, hungry, they were unpaid, and to their eyes it seemed that 

~_ t _^ their chief was engaged in an unholy transaction with the 

authors of the Ulster massacre. Dundalk opened its gates 

and Monck was allowed to go where he pleased. He went 

to England to tell his own story. 1 

Ormonde After Drogheda and Dundalk were taken Ormonde crossed 

encamps at -IT-I-II- T- i 

Rath- the Lmey and established his camp at Rathmines, leaving 
Lord Dillon at Finglas with a small force. On the same day 
Jones received a reinforcement of 1500 foot and 600 horse 
under Reynolds and Venables, and the chance of taking 
Dublin was proportionately diminished, for the garrison 
had become more numerous than the besieging army. ' We 
had it,' says Ormonde, ' from many good hands out of England 
and from Dublin, that Cromwell was at the seaside ready to 
embark for this kingdom, and that his design was for Munster.' 
Lest Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal should fall while Dublin 
was still untaken it was decided by a council of war to send 
inchiqnin Inchiquin to Munster with three regiments of horse. This 
to Munster. proved fatal, but it was supposed that Cromwell meant 
to land the greater part of his army in the south, and his 
intention was made known by some who came in the ships 
which brought fresh troops to Jones. Ormonde realised that 
if he did not take Dublin before Cromwell came he was not 
likely to take it after. He diverted the conduit which brought 
the Dodder water from near Templeoge to Dublin, and thus 
stopped the mills, though there was still enough to drink from 
other sources. Wheat was selling in Dublin at 51. 10s. a quarter 
and rye at 41. 10s., yet the garrison would hardly starve 
while they had command of the river, but it was different 
with the horses who depended upon the grazing of the meadows 
between Trinity College and the mouth of the Dodder. Having 
first reduced Rathfarnham, which annoyed his rear, Ormonde 
decided to fortify Baggotrath Castle, which stood near the 
point where Waterloo Road now joins Upper Baggot Street, 
and thus deprive Jones's cavalry of their supply of fodder. 
Soon after dark on the night of August 1 he sent Purcell with 

1 O'Neill's Journal ; Monck's letters ut sup. ; The Present Condition of 
Dublin (two letters), London, June 22, 1649. 


1500 men to occupy the place, which had already been CHAP, 
examined carefully, and he expected to find tenable entrench- ^ t '_^ 
raents there in the morning. The distance was scarcely a 
mile, and Purcell had been at Baggotrath during the day ; 
but he wandered about all night, and when the morning 
broke nothing had been done. This was attributed to the 
treachery of a guide, and Peter Walsh says Edmund O'Reilly, 
afterwards Archbishop of Armagh, had been engaged in 
conducting an intrigue between Owen O'Neill and Jones, 
and that he was guilty of betraying the camp at Rathmines. 
Ormonde sat up during the night to write despatches, but Battle of 
rode to Baggotrath with the first light. He found very little mines, 
progress made with the entrenchments, while the garrison of ugus 2< 
Dublin were evidently on the alert and busily moving about 
under shelter of their works. Jones had 4000 foot and 
1200 horse under arms, having at first no intention but to 
prevent the Royalists from establishing themselves on the 
shore, but the first encounter gradually developed into a 
general engagement, when the superior quality of the Parlia- 
mentarian troops soon became manifest. Expecting no 
attack, Ormonde had lain down to rest about nine o'clock, 
and some of his officers left their posts, so that the troops 
were partly surprised. He himself was roused by the firing 
about ten, and most of his men made but slight resistance, 
' many of them running away towards the hills of Wicklow, 
where some of them were bred, and whither they knew the 
way but too well.' The fighting contr'nued for about two 
hours and ended in a complete rout, the cavalry dispersing 1 \ ,^ < - 
after the death of their commander, Sir William Vaughan. 
Jones's loss in killed was not above twenty, and he reported 
that he had taken 2517 prisoners and that 4000 Royalists .Total 
were killed ; but the latter figure is doubtless much exag- O f the 
gerated. A vast quantity of arms and stores of all kinds B y alists - 
fell into the victor's hands. Ormonde escaped with very few 
followers, having totally failed to rally his broken regiments,, 
but that portion of his army which had remained on the; 
north bank of the Liffey escaped to Drogheda and Trim. 
Many of Inchiquin's old soldiers afterwards took service with 


CHAP. Jones, and not a few of Ormonde's did the same, declaring 

.._ r L.S with loud shouts that they would return to their own country- 
men. Jones secured all the guns, and Ormonde lost his 
papers, besides ' velvets, silk, scarlets, wines, grocery, and 
some convenient quantity of money.' He went to Kilkenny, 
and a week after started for Drogheda with 300 horse. Jones, 
who had moved northwards to attack that town, thereupon 
withdrew into Dublin and awaited Cromwell's arrival. Rath- 
farnham, Maynooth, and other strong places near Dublin 
fell into the victor's hands, but Ormonde took Ballyshannon 
immediately after the battle, persuading the governor that 
Dublin had surrendered. When the truth was known Inchi- 
quin's soldiers in Munster began to desert and enter the 
Parliamentary ranks. 1 

Charles II. The peace was signed on January 17, and on the 22nd 
Ireland. Ormonde sent Lord Byron to invite the Prince of Wales to 
Ireland. If he could bring money and supplies with him he 
would be doubly welcome, but in any case his presence would 
be of the greatest value. All England and Scotland were 
either engaged in rebellion or subdued by the rebels, other- 
wise Ormonde would not have invited the Prince ' so far from 
the more vital part of his hopes.' Byron found Charles at 
the Hague nearly two months later surrounded by Scotch 

1 Ormonde's account is in a letter to the King, August 8, and in one 
to Lord Byron, September 29, Carte's Original Letter/9, ii. 392, 407 ; and see 
his answer to the Jamestown prelates, October 2, 1650, in appendix 48 to 
Cox's Hibernia Anglicana. Colonel John Moore to Fairfax, August 4, 
Egerton MSS. 2618, /. 36. Jones's account, dated August 6, is in Gary's 
Memorials of the Civil War, ii. 159 ; Clarendon's account is virtually Or- 
monde's, Hist, of the Rebellion, Ireland, pp. 77-79 ; Walsh's Hist, of the 
Remonstrance, p. 609 ; the account given by Bettings, vii. 127, does not 
differ materially from Clarendon's. The discipline of Ormonde's hetero- 
geneous army was probably bad. The author of the Aphorisimical Dis- 
covery, ii. 102, says the Lord Lieutenant ' kept rather a mart of wares, 
a tribunal of pleadings, or a great inn of play, drinking, and pleasure, 
than a well-ordered camp of soldiers.' For the topography of the battle 
I have used Mr. Elrington Ball's article in the Journal of the Royal Society 
of Antiquaries of Ireland, vol. xxxii. For the plunder taken see Contemp. 
Hist. iii. 158, and a version of Jones's account rather fuller than that given 
by Gary in Z. Grey's Examination of Neal, iv. appendix 6. As to the state 
of the garrison see Two Great Fights in Ireland, London, 1649, and a Bloody 
Fight at Dublin, July 4. 


lords, who were for the most part opposed to an Irish venture, CHAP. 


though Montrose strongly favoured it. On his way through '_. 

Paris Byron had seen Henrietta Maria, who thought the 
change of her son's condition from prince to king ' an argu- 
ment rather to hasten than retard his repair thither.' Charles 
himself was anxious to go, but he had no money and the 
States would give none unless he would go to Scotland and 
take the Covenant. Among the Scots the extreme Presby- But Scotch 
terians even insisted on his parting with Montrose. The idea ^evan? 6 * 
of going to Ireland was not abandoned for some months, but 
the means were wanting, and Charles spent some time at 
St. Germains, where he divided his attentions between Lucy 
Walter and Mademoiselle de Montpensier. He reached 
Jersey in the middle of September, and there heard for the 
first time of the defeat at Rathmines. Henry Seymour, 
who carried a garter for Ormonde, was sent to find out how 
things were really going in Ireland, but the news of the fall 
of Drogheda and of Cromwell's progress arrived before he 
could start. When he reached Ireland he found Ormonde 
still anxious for the King's appearance, but he must have 
seen that the cause was hopeless. Seymour was back in 
Jersey about the end of January 1650, and Charles left the 
island, which he had found intolerably dull, about a fortnight 
later. He went to Breda to make arrangements for becoming 
a covenanted King of Scotland and for denouncing Ormonde's 
treaty with the Irish Confederates, with which he had before 
declared himself highly satisfied. 1 

Prince Rupert left Helvoetsluys January 21, 1649, with Prince 

t ,1 n i F f i Eupert at 

three flagships, tour frigates and one prize . . . m company Kinsaie. 
with the Amsterdam, a Dutch ship of 1000 tons, and two 
others of less burden.' His own second-rate had but forty 
sailors and eighty soldiers instead of the normal complement 
of 300. The frigates, whose business it was to prey upon 
merchantmen, were a little better manned. The Duke of 

1 Ormonde to the Prince of Wales, January 22, 1648-9, in appendix to 
Carte's Ormonde, No. 601 ; Lord Byron to Ormonde, March 30 and April 1, 
1649, N.S., in Carte's Original Letters, i. 237, and October 12, ib. 319; 
Charles II. to Ormonde, February 2, 1649-50, in Carte's Ormonde, i. 108. 



sent to 

York was invited to sail with this fleet, but Hyde says he was 
dissuaded by 'his old Presbyterian counsellors.' Rupert 
was blown as far as Crookhaven, but by the end of the month 
he had collected his ships at Kinsale. Fanshawe was at 
hand to receive such part of the expected plunder as might 
help to fill the exiled King's exchequer, and Hyde impressed 
upon him the importance of maintaining friendly relations 
between Rupert and Ormonde. The Prince of Wales wrote 
to the same effect, but Rupert preferred to play an obscure 
game of his own and to intrigue with Antrim, O'Neill, and the 
Irish generally against the Lord Lieutenant. As a sea-rover 
he was at first successful enough, keeping a squadron at 
Scilly, which had revolted from the Parliament, and announc- 
ing his intention to make a second Venice of the little archi- 
pelago. A great many prizes were taken, but Rupert lost one 
frigate, taken at sea by Parliamentarian cruisers. His great 
difficulty was want of men, but he picked them up wherever 
he could about the Irish coast in sufficient numbers to man 
some extra ships. The depredations upon commerce lasted 
until May, when a powerful fleet under Deane, Popham, and 
Blake came before Kinsale. Towards the end of June Rupert 
made a show of attempting to break through the blockade, 
but had to draw back without fighting. He had greatly 
strengthened the fortifications at the harbour's mouth, which 
prevented the republican squadron from entering. Then 
provisions and crews began to dwindle again, and nothing 
more was attempted throughout the summer. In October 
Blake was driven off the coast by a storm. Rupert seized the 
opportunity to slip out, and Ireland knew him no more. 
His presence at Kinsale had no real influence on events. 1 

When there had been a difficulty about getting soldiers 
for Ireland in the spring of 16-17 the officers in Saffron Walden 

1 MS. quoted in Warburton's Life of Rupert, iii. 281 ; Hyde to Fanshawe, 
January 21, 1648-9, ib. 279 ; Rupert's letter of April 12, ib. 288 ; Prince 
of Wales to Ormonde, Carte MSS. vol. Ixiii. /. 570 ; letters of Blake and 
Deane, May 22, July 10, Leyborne-Popham Papers, pp. 17-21 ; Carte's 
Ormonde, ii. 65 ; Relation taken at Havre, April 13, 1649, printed from the 
Clarendon MSS. in Contemp. Hist. ii. 204, where it is noted that Rupert 
had met Ormonde at Cork ; Sir W. Perm's Memorials, i. 291. 


church had shouted ' Fairfax and Cromwell and we all go.' CHAP. 


Skippon was chosen, much against his will, but he never ^_ , _^ 
crossed the channel. It was not till March 1649 that Crom} 
well was appointed, and he hesitated to accept the command. 
He was ready to go where Parliament sent him, but could 
hope for no success unless the soldiers were satisfied as to their 
pay and arrears. He was much impressed with the im-f 
portance of reducing Ireland, lest England should be attacked 
by Presbyterians and Papists at once. He would rather see 
the Cavaliers triumphant than the Scots, but a predominant 
Irish interest would be the most dangerous of all. The money 
difficulties were got over, and it was decided to send 12,000 
men to Ireland, the regiments casting lots for the danger 
or honour. No individual was forced to go against his will, 
but those who refused were dismissed from the army, and 
their places easily filled by volunteers. The troubles with 
the Levellers followed, and it was not till July that Crom- 
well was ready to start. His first idea was to land in Munster, 
where the allegiance of Inchiquin's troops was known to be 
shaken, but reinforcements were sent to Jones, which enabled 
him to win the battle of Rathmines. In the meantime Broghin 


Broghill, who had been for some time inactive and thought to serve. 
of joining Charles abroad, was gained over by Cromwell 
on the understanding that he was expected to fight only 
against the Irish. 1 

On July 10 Cromwell left London ' in very noble equipage, Cromwell 
with coaches and six horses apiece, his lifeguard of eighty, London, 
who had all been officers, and a great number of attendants.' 
Many well-wishers accompanied him as far as Brentford. 
It was fifty years and a few weeks since Essex had started 
on his ill-fated expedition with the same title of Lord Lieu- 
tenant. Cromwell was at Bristol four days later, where he 
spent some days with his wife and other members of his 
family. A hundred thousand pounds, the want of which had 

1 Cromwell's speech to the officers is in Clarice Papers, ii. 200, and in the 
appendix to the new edition of Carlyle. For the episode of the Levellers, 
which hardly belongs to Irish history, see Gardiner's Commonwealth, chap. 2, 
and as to Broghill, ib. i. 106. 


CHAP, doubtless caused this delay, was despatched at the end of the 

. T 1- month, and he then pushed on to Milf ord Haven, where he saw 

Monck,who probably dissuaded him from going with his whole 
force to Munster. Cromwell was on board ship on August 13, 
and ' as sea-sick,' says Hugh Peters, ' as ever I saw a man in my 
life,' but before sailing he had the news of Rathmines, which 
Lands at he described as ' an astonishing mercy.' He reached Dublin 
August'is. two days later, with about 3000 men in thirty-five vessels. 
Ireton, with a second and stronger division, contained in 
seventy-seven ships, went as far as the mouth of Youghal 
harbour, where he, perhaps, expected a welcome ; but the 
pear was not yet ripe, and he was soon driven by stress of 
weather to Dublin. By the middle of September the whole 
force was assembled in and about the Irish capital. 1 

1 It is evident from the dates collected in Gardiner's Commonwealth, 
i. 115, 116, that Monck went from London to Milf ord and back again 
between August 1 and 10. Cromwell's letter to his daughter Dorothy, 
August 13, ' aboard the John ' ; Robert Coytmor to Popham, August 25 ; 
Blake to same, September 10 ; Deane to same, September 14, in Leyborne- 
Popham Papers, Hist. MSS. Comm. 




JONES had pretty well cleared Dublin of all but Protestants. CHAP. 


and it is, therefore, not surprising that the new Lord Lieu- T L, 

tenant was received with much rejoicing. He made a speech, ^ f ece P tlon 
of which no full report is extant, promising favour and 

reward to all who helped ' against the barbarous and blood- August 
thirsty Irish, and all their adherents and confederates, for 
the propagating of the Gospel of Christ, the establishing of 
truth and peace, and restoring of this bleeding nation of 
Ireland to its former happiness and tranquillity.' And the 
people shouted ' We will live and die with you.' When he 
had had a week to look about him, he found that profanely, 
swearing and drunkenness were prevalent, and issued a 
declaration to the citizens against them. These offences were He restores 
forbidden both by civil and military law, and all officers and 
soldiers were ordered under the severest penalties to co- 
operate with the mayor in suppressing them. A separate 
declaration to the army recited the too frequent practice 
of * abusing, robbing, pillaging, and executing cruelties upon 
the country people.' He was resolved, he said, to put down 
such wickedness by the most stringent enforcement of the 
articles of war, and officers found negligent would be cashiered. 
A free market was granted to all in every garrison, and ready 
money was to be always paid. A general protection was Civil 
granted till January 1, during which time the inhabitants peaceful ' 
of the country would have time to make up their minds. P e P le - 
Those who intended to plough and sow were to apply to 
the Attorney-General or other authorised persons for further 
protection. Some officers who appeared incorrigible were 


CHAP, actually got rid of, and proper discipline was henceforth 

. XXXL , established. 1 

The Ormonde's first care when he had rallied after Rath- 

Drogheda. mines was to garrison Drogheda with about 2000 foot and 
300 horse, the flower of his remaining force, and to victual 
it for a long siege. Ludlow and Bate say the majority 
of the garrison were English, but this has been denied by 
modern critics, and there is really no satisfactory evidence 
on the point. The choice of a Roman Catholic governor may 
be thought to indicate that the defenders were mainly Irish, 
but Sir Arthur Aston had been governor of Oxford under the 
late King's immediate eye, and no Royalist would be likely to 

Sir Arthur take offence at his appointment. Wood says he brought ' the 
flower of the English veterans ' to Ireland. Aston was a brave 
soldier, and had made a good defence of Reading against 
Essex, but he was an unpopular man, and Clarendon, who 
was at Oxford during his command there, has little good 
to say of him. He lost a leg from the effects of a fall ' when 
curvetting on horseback in BuUingdon Green before certain 
ladies.' At Drogheda he had much trouble with ladies 
who insisted on corresponding with Jones. A boy was em- 
ployed to carry letters, ' whom, I fear, is of too small a size 
to be hanged.' Ormonde did not think there was any serious 
plot, expressing an opinion that ' woman is given much to 

Cromwell's make little factions.' On September 2, Aston sent out men 
to seize the neighbouring castles, but Cromwell's advanced 
parties were beforehand with him, and no outlying obstacle 
could be raised against his main body. Next day the infantry 
made its appearance with some small field-pieces, and the 
Boyne was forded at Oldbridge, but the garrison sallied 
forth and drove them back. In announcing this small success 
to Ormonde the governor hoped ' shortly to understand of 
his Excellency's march with a gallant army.' 2 

1 The two declarations, August 23 and 24, are in the new edition of 
Carlyle's Cromwell, i. 455 and iii. 410. 

2 Wood's Fasti, ed. Bliss, 77, and his Life and Times, ed. Clark, i. 110. 
The correspondence between Aston and Ormonde, from the Carte MSS., 
August 25 to September 10, is in Contemp. Hist. ii. 233-261. As to the 
composition of the garrison see also Gardiner's Commonwealth, i. 124, and 
the note to Murphy's Cromwell in Ireland, p. 86. 


On August 31 Cromwell mustered a field force consisting CHAP, 
of eight regiments of foot and six of horse, with some 
dragoons, in a field three miles north of Dublin. He marched 
next day and encamped next night at Ballygarth on the Se P*- 8-11. 
Nanny River, very near Julianstown, where the English 
forces had been routed eight years before. On September 3, 
Cromwell's lucky day, he was close to Drogheda, where there 
was a week's delay before the batteries could be got ready, 
and the heavy guns landed below the town. On the 7th, 
Aston made a successful sally, but without in any way 
interrupting the assailants' preparations. On the morning of 
the 10th Cromwell summoned the town in the name of 
Parliament. ' To the end,' he wrote, ' effusion of blood may 
be prevented, I thought fit to summon you to deliver the ^~ 
same into my hands to their use. If this be refused you will 
have no cause to blame me.' Aston did refuse, and a can- 
nonade was opened against the south-east angle of the town, 
one battery being against the east, and the other against the 
south side of St. Mary's Church. The steeple fell, but the 
breach did not prove practicable until the next day. Some 
of the siege guns carried shot of sixty-four pounds weight, 
and the cannon of the defenders must have been quite over- 
matched. No regular approaches were necessary, and about 
five on the second day the breach was assaulted. The stormers The town 
were repulsed once, according to Cromwell and Ludlow, storm. y 
twice according to Royalist accounts. The general entered 
the breach himself at the head of a reserve of infantry, who 
carried the church and some trenches which the defenders 
had made inside the walls. These inner works really helped 
the assailants, for they prevented Aston from using his 
cavalry. The bank was too steep for the English horse, 
but the foot soldiers seized the entrenchments and drove a 
large part of the garrison ' into the Mill-mount, a place very /\j^Cr^ 
strong and of difficult access, being exceeding high, having 
a good graft and strongly palisaded ; the governor, Sir 
Arthur Aston, and divers considerable officers being there, 
our men getting up to them were ordered by me to put all 
to the sword ; and, indeed, being in the heat of action, I 



CHAP, forbade them to spare any that there were in arms in the 
'_* town.' This is Cromwell's own account, and he estimates 

quarter *^ e s ^ am a * a ^out 2000. A part of the defenders were driven 
across the bridge and as far as St. Sunday's Gate, at the far 
end of the town, where a tower was occupied, as was another 
near the west gate. About a hundred took refuge in St. 
Peter's Church tower, which was fired by Cromwell's orders. 
The parties near the two gates surrendered next day, and 
in one case, where fatal shots had been fired, ' the officers 
were knocked on the head, and every tenth man of the soldiers 
killed and the rest shipped for the Barbadoes ; the soldiers 
in the other tower were all spared as to their lives only, and 
shipped likewise for the Barbadoes. I am persuaded that 

AH avenger this is a righteous judgment of God upon these barbarous 
wretches, who have imbrued their hands in so much innocent 
blood, and that it will tend to prevent the effusion of blood 
for the future, which are the satisfactory grounds to such 
actions, which otherwise cannot but work remorse and 
: regret.' Sir Arthur Aston was known to be fond of money, 
and it was rumoured that much was hidden in his wooden 
leg. This turned out not to be the case, but 200 gold pieces 
were found in his belt. According to Wood's account he was 
actually despatched with this wooden leg. Several friars 
were in the town, and they were all killed. That some others 
of the slain were not soldiers is at least highly probable, 
for Cromwell himself mentions ' many inhabitants,' and in 
this the case of Drogheda does not differ from a hundred 
others, in which no special blame rests on the general. 
Ormonde says not a word about women having suffered ; 
but Bate, who was not in Ireland, states in a book published 
in the following year that ' there was not any great respect 
had to either sex.' The stories attributed to Thomas Wood, 
the great antiquary's brother, rest entirely on hearsay evi- 
dence, and Thomas was a noted buffoon. 1 

1 The chief authority for the storm is Cromwell's own letter to Lenthall, 
dated September 17 ; Ormonde's account is dated September 29. The above, 
with those of Ludlow, Bate, and Wood, are collected in Conte.m.'p. Jfisfc-^. 
262-276. For Cromwell's battering train see Mr. Firth's Cromwelts Army, 
p. 170. Elaborate accounts of the siege, with maps, are in Gardiner's 


That a garrison duly summoned should be put to the CHAP, 
sword after the storming of their works was not "contrary XXXL j 
to the laws of war in those days. Ormonde speaks of ' the The 


book of Martyrs, and the relation of Amboyna,' but the lasted for 

~ "*-- two days. 

case of Magdeburg would have been more to the point. 
Ludlow says ' The slaughter was continued all that day and 
the next, which extraordinary severity, I presume, was 
used to discourage others from making opposition,' but he 
says nothing more, though he did not love Cromwell. ' AncT 
truly I believe,' wrote Oliver to Bradshaw, ' this bitterness 
wijJ^save much effusion of blood.' The charge that many 
were killed after quarter given may be founded on fact, " 
but if quarter was anywhere promised it was by persons not 
authorised to give it, for Cromwell himself says that he 
forbade it immediately after entering the town. English 
and Irish alike were treated as accomplices in the Ulster 
massacre, though very few even of the latter could have 
had anything to say to it. Among those who escaped was 
Cornet Richard Talbot, afterwards Duke of Tyrconnel, who Bichard 
owed his safety to the humanity of Colonel John Reynolds. 
According to Hugh Peters the total number slain was 3552, 
the loss to the Parliamentarians being only sixty-four, while 
Cromwell estimates his killed at under a hundred, but with 
many wounded. Aston expected to be relieved, and was 
himself expected to hold out much longer. He complained 
that ammunition ran out fast, but it was certainly not ex- 
hausted when Cromwell forced the place, and Ormonde 
expressly states that there was enough for a long siege. He 
was not in a position to do anything, though he had about Demoraii- 
3000 men, for they were demoralised by the Rathmines Ormonde's 
disaster, and decreased daily, either by going to their own f ' 
homes, * or by the revolt of some officers and many private 
soldiers, the rest showing such dejection of courage, and upon 
all occasions of want, which are very frequent with us, venting 
their discontent in such dangerous words, that it was held 
unsafe to bring them within that distance of the enemy, as J 

Commonwealth, chap, v., and in Murphy's Cromwell in Ireland, chaps, vii. 
and viii. 

o 2 


CHAP, was necessary to have kept him united, and consequently, 
v_ T _.. one side of the town open to receive continual supplies.' As 
many as forty-three troopers deserted in one batch. Colonel 
Mark Trevor, with a strong party of horse, was in charge of 
ammunition and provisions at Ardee, but was unable to 
approach Drogheda on the north side. 1 

Ormonde's Even before the loss of Drogheda, Ormonde saw clearly 
with that his only chance was in an alliance with Owen Roe 

Oct.Ho.' O'Neill, who could still dispose of 6000 foot and 500 horse. 
He wrote to him immediately after the battle of Rathmines, 
and a few days later sent John Leslie, Bishop of Raphoe, 
and Audley Mervyn to confer with him. They were fol- 
lowed by the ubiquitous Daniel O'Neill, who was believed 
to have influence with his silent uncle. Immediately before 
the attack on Drogheda, Charles II. wrote from St. Germains 
to the Irish general, urging him to return to his allegiance, 
and Father Thomas Talbot, an elder brother of the more 
famous Richard, was sent by him to Ireland. Talbot was 
directed by Ormonde to carry his letters to Owen O'Neill, 
along with others for his nephew, ' and to proceed by the 
said Daniel his advice and direction, and not otherwise.' 
The negotiations ended in a treaty, but this was not concluded 
until October 20, and a great deal had happened in the 
Terms of meantime. The terms finally agreed upon were that the 
agreement. Kilkenny peace should include Ulster, and that O'Neill 
should be general of that province with 6000 foot and 800 
horse. In case of his death or removal, the provincial nobility 
and gentry were to nominate a successor for the approval 
of the King's Lord Lieutenant. A part of the Ulster army 
co-operated with Ormonde, but O'Neill was already ill and 
unable to lead them himself after the capture of Drogheda. 2 

1 Letters of Peters and Cromwell, September 15 and 16, in Whitelock, 
iii. 1 10, which were read in Parliament ; letters of Ormonde and Aston, uf 
sup. For Talbot's obligations to Reynolds see Clarke's Life of James II. 
i. 326. Hugh Peters says shortly ' Aston the governor killed, none spared.' 

2 The terms of the treaty between Ormonde and O'Neill from the 
Carte papers is in Contemp. Hist. ii. 300, the negotiations, ib. 237 sqq. The 
first mention of O'Neill's illness is in his letter of September 19, ' an un- 
expected fit of sickness in my knee, whereof I am not fully cleared yet.' 


Ormonde had given directions to burn and abandon CHAP. 
Dundalk and Trim, but the garrisons fled in too great haste, 
leaving their guns behind them. Having secured these im- 
portant places Cromwell sent Venables to join Coote, while abandoned 
he turned his own steps southwards. Carlingford, which con- 
tained the largest magazine in Ulster, capitulated after some 
well-directed shots had been fired at Captain Fern's frigate ; 
seven cannon and a thousand muskets, with much powder 
and many pikes, fell into the victor's hands. Newry also Cariing- 
surrendered on articles. At Lisburn, Trevor with his cavalry 

surprised Venables' camp by night and very nearly gained a 
complete victory, but the trained soldiers soon recovered Belfast 
from their panic, and re-formed in a position where horsemen 
could not reach them. Trevor had to fall back as far as the 
Bann, and Belfast capitulated soon afterwards, leaving guns 
and powder to the enemy. A large number of the Scotch 
inhabitants were driven out. Coote made himself master of Coieraine 
Coleraine, and by the end of November Ormonde reported 
that Carrickfergus, Charlemont, and Enniskillen were the 
only considerable Ulster garrisons still in Royalist hands. 
Before that time Owen Roe O'Neill had died at Cloughoughter, Death of 


in Cavan. In the previous May he had likened Ormonde to NOV. 6.' 
Baal, and rejoiced that he was one of those who had not 
bowed the knee ; but he saw clearly that it would be necessary 
to join either the King's or the Parliament's party, though 
opposed to both, unless help came from abroad. He was 
driven to extremity, and could not otherwise support his 
army, which he regarded as the last hope of Ireland. It was 
with bhis object that he had dealings with Coote, Monck, 
and Jones, and was driven finally to unite with Ormonde, 
to whom he wrote only five days before his death. ' Being His last 
now in my death-bed,' he wrote, ' I call my Saviour to witness Ormonde. 
that, as I hope for salvation, my resolution, ways, and inten- 
tions from first to last of these unhappy wars tended to no 
particular ambition or private interest of my own, not- 
withstanding what was or may be thought to the contrary, 
but truly and sincerely to the preservation of my religion, 
the advancement of his Majesty's service, and just liberties 





Siege of 
Oct. 1-11. 

of this nation, whereof, and of my particular reality and 
willingness to serve your Excellency (above any other in 
this kingdom), I hope that God will permit me to give ample 
and sufficient testimony in the view of the world ere it be 
long.' He concludes by recommending his son Henry to 
Ormonde's care. As a soldier all accounts agree in praising 
O'Neill, whose word was always kept, and who is not charged 
with any acts of cruelty or unnecessary severity. Of his 
patriotism there can be no doubt, but of Ireland as a separate 
nation he seems to have had no definite idea. He was a 
Royalist, and his natural leaning would have been towards 
Ormonde as the special representative of the Crown. But 
he was above all things attached to the religion of Rome, 
and Rinuccini's ban weighed heavily upon him. It was this 
that separated him so long from his natural ally, while it 
did not prevent him from helping Monck and Coote. ' The 
Bishop of Raphoe and Sir Nicholas Plunket,' wrote Daniel 
O'Neill, ' have agreed upon an expedient about the excom- 
munication which has so troubled that superstitious old 
uncle of mine in his sickness that I could render him to no 
reason.' The expedient was a letter signed by Plunket and 
Barnewall on behalf of the nuncio's opponents in the late 
Confederation, who agreed to petition the Pope to remove his 
censure, and also to write a sort of apology ' in a loving and 
friendly manner' to Rinuccini himself. 1 

After a few days' rest in Dublin, Cromwell marched 
towards Wexford. Fortified posts near Delgany, at Arklow, 
' which was the first seat and honour of the Marquis of 
Ormonde's family,' and at Limerick, ' the ancient seat of the 
Esmonds,' were taken without firing a shot. Ferns and 

1 Summons to Dundalk, September 12, 1640, in Carlyle. Venables to 
Cromwell, September 22, in Contemp. Hist. ii. 267 ; Brief Chronicle, ib. iii. 
157 ; Ormonde's report on the state of the armies, ib. ii. 465 ; O'Neill's last 
letter to Ormonde, November 1, ib. 315 ; Aphorismical Discovery, chap. xiv. 
In Spicilegium Ossoriense, ii. 33, are four letters from O'Neill, dated May 18, 
1649, to Rinuccini, to Dean Massari, and to Cardinals la Cuena and Pam- 
phili. Daniel O'Neill's letter of October 6 to Ormonde is in Contemp. 
Hist. ii. 294. There is no reason whatever to suppose that Owen Roe 
O'Neill was poisoned. 


Enniscorthy also surrendered without resistance, and on CHAP. 


October 1 the army came before Wexford, where there was a , t _. 
garrison under Colonel David Synnott, who was an old 
adherent of Preston, and therefore not very popular with 
the townsmen, who had favoured the nuncio. Two days 
later a summons was sent in the usual terms ' to the end 
effusion of blood may be prevented,' and Synnott was willing 
to parley, but Cromwell refused any truce during negotia- 
tions, ' because our tents are not so good a covering as your 
houses.' It was arranged that four persons should come out 
under safe conduct, but while Cromwell was expecting them 
Castlehaven managed to introduce 1500 Ulster foot on the Ulster 
north side of the town, and Synnott then changed his mind. thetown 
The safe conduct was withdrawn, and in the meantime Jones 
led a party of horse and foot round to the long point of 
Rosslare, at the end of which was a fort whose defenders 
at once took to the water and were all captured by the Parlia- 
mentary fleet. The weather was rough, and it took some days 
to land the siege train, but all was ready by the evening of 
the 10th. The battery was placed at the south-east corner 
of the town opposite the castle, which was outside the wall, 
Cromwell seeing that if it was once taken the town could 
make little further resistance. After nearly a hundred shots 
had been fired, ' the governor's stomach came down,' and he 
sent out four representatives on safe conduct with written Proposals 
propositions, which Cromwell forwarded to Lenthall ' for governor, 
their abominableness, manifesting also the impudency of 
the men.' The principal demands were that the inhabitants 
should for ever have liberty publicly to profess and practise 
the Roman Catholic religion, retaining all the churches and 
religious houses without interference, that Bishop French 
and his successors should have full jurisdiction in the diocese 
of Ferns, that the garrison should march out with flying 
colours, and be escorted to Ross with all their arms and 
other possessions, and that the townsmen should be guaran- 
teed their municipal privileges, lives, and properties. Crom- Terms 

. . ,,. offered by 

well engaged to protect the civilians, to give private soldiers Cromwell 
leave to go home, ' with their wearing clothes,' on condition 





among the 


after the 

of bearing arms no more against Parliament, and to spare 
the lives of the officers, they remaining prisoners of war. 1 

Considering the state of affairs, Cromwell's terms were 
not very hard, but there were divided counsels in Wexford. 
Synnott did not command confidence, and Ormonde, who 
appeared near the river, sent Sir Edmund Butler to supersede 
him with a further relief of 500 men. There was no truce 
during negotiations, and Captain James Stafford, who com- 
manded in the castle, was so much alarmed that he surren- 
dered his post before Synnott's answer was given. The men 
on the nearest part of the town wall were panic-stricken 
when they saw what had happened, and the Cromwellians 
scrambled over the battlements with the help of their pikes. 
Sir Edmund Butler had just arrived, but had no time to ferry 
over his men, and was killed by a shot while attempting to 
rejoin them by swimming. Barricades and cables had been 
drawn across the streets, and the passage of the assailants 
was hotly disputed by the garrison and by many armed 
citizens. The final contest was in the market-place, and the 
total number slain between soldiers and townsfolk was not 
far short of 2000. The loss of the besiegers was trifling, 
perhaps not more than twenty. For this slaughter Cromwell 
is not personally liable as he is for Drogheda, and he expresses 
some regret for it, but not very much. He mentions two 
instances in which, as he was informed, the Wexford people 
showed little mercy to others. ' About seven or eight score 
poor Protestants were put by them into an old vessel, which 
being, as some say, bulged by them, the vessel sank, and 
they were all presently drowned in the harbour. The other 
was thus : they put divers Protestants into a chapel (which 
since they have used for a mass-house, and in which .one or 
more of their priests were now killed), where they were 
famished to death.' A very large number of guns and several 
valuable ships were taken. As at Drogheda, little _Qr_no-*aercy 
was shown to priests or friars, the deaths of seven Franciscans 
being particularly recorded. As to the tradition of 300 women 

1 Cromwell's letters are in Carlyle, and the terms demanded by Synnott 
in Gary's Memorials, ii. 181. Castlehaven's Memoirs, p. 80. 


being slaughtered, the story first appears in Macgeohegan's CHAP. 
history, published in 1758, and Bishop French, writing in __, _ 1_ 

1673, made no mention of anything of the kind. A 
temporary account says ' There was more sparing of lives 
of the soldiery part of the enemy here than at Drogheda.' 
An empty town remained in the victors' hands. 1 
/ Less than a week after the capture of Wexford, Cromwell New BOSS 
marched to New Ross, on the right bank of the Barrow, OC^IQ. 
below its junction with the Nore. There was then no bridge, 
and Ormonde with Castlehaven and Lord Montgomery 
of Ards were able to ferry over 2500 men into the town, 
many of them under Cromwell's very eyes. The governor A /_ 
was Lucas Taaffe, who made some show of resistance when Y 
Cromwell appeared and sent the usual summons ' to avoid L ^j^^-. 
effusion of blood.' Two days later a breach was effected, f^f-5- 
and Colonel Ingoldsby was chosen by lot to lead the stormers. K?d 
Taaffe knew very well that the case was hopeless, and accepted 
the very liberal terms offered. The garrison were to march 
away with colours flying and with their arms, leaving the 
artillery behind, and ' protection from the injury and violence 
of the soldiers ' was guaranteed to the inhabitants. Those 
who wished to depart with their goods were given three 
months to think it over. ' For what you mention,' wrote Cromwell 
Cromwell, ' concerning liberty of conscience, I meddle not of 1 con-* : 
with any man's conscience, but if by liberty of conscience aclence - 
you mean a liberty to exercise the mass, I judge it best to 
use plain dealing, and to let you know, where the Parliament 
of England have power, that will not be allowed of.' He told 
Lenthall that there was nothing to prevent the garrison 
from recrossing the river without his leave. About 500 

1 Cromwell's despatch of October 11, 1649, in Carlyle. There are elabo- 
rate narratives of this siege in Murphy's Cromwell in Ireland, chaps, xiii. 
and xiv., and in Gardiner's Commonwealth, chap. v. There is a candid note 
by Father Meehan in the appendix to his Franciscan Monasteries, 4th ed., 
1872, p. 296. See also Carte's Ormonde and Castlehaven's Memoirs, p. 80. 
Peters wrote on October 22, ' It is a fine spot for some godly congregation, 
where house and land wait for inhabitants and occupiers ; I wish they 
would come,' in Collections of Letters, &c., London, November 13, 1649. 
The Taking of Wexford, a letter from an eminent officer (R. L.), London, 
October 26, 1649. 




men join 

adheres to 




English soldiers of the garrison, many of them from Munster, 
here joined Cromwell, as they had probably been long anxious 
to do. There was a considerable delay after this, for Oliver 
was determined before moving to make a satisfactory bridge 
for access to Kilkenny and the interior generally. Before 
the work was completed Cork and Youghal surrendered, and 
Inchiquin's once formidable army practically ceased to 
exist. 1 

Lord Broghill had played a very important part in the 
earlier years of the civil war, his last considerable exploit 
being the relief of Youghal in September 1645. He was never 
on very cordial terms with Inchiquin, but could work with 
him as the champion of the Protestant interest in Munster. 
The scene changed when Inchiquin deserted the Parliament, 
and Ormonde was fain to ally himself with the Kilkenny 
Confederates. Broghill retired to Marston Bigot in Somerset- 
shire, which his father had bought for him, and waited there 
for the times to disentangle themselves. The execution of 
Charles I. seems to have been too much for him, and the 
Royalist idea prevailed so far that he was preparing to go to 
Spa, nominally for the gout, but really to be within reach of 
Charles II. According to the Rev. Thomas Morrice, who is 
the sole and not very trustworthy authority for this passage 
of Broghill's life, Cromwell visited him at this juncture, and 
offered him his choice between the Tower and a general's 
command in Ireland. He accepted the latter on the under- 
standing that he was not expected to fight against any but 
the Irish. It is at all events certain that he was with Crom- 
well not very long after his arrival in Ireland, and that he 
told Inchiquin that he served upon some such terms and would 
be glad to do him personal service, ' though, perhaps, I might 
not believe it.' The promise of a general's commission is 
doubtful from what Ludlow says, but work was soon found 
for Broghill, who, in Cromwell's own words had ' a great 
interest in the men that came from Inchiquin.' At the begin- 

1 The correspondence between Cromwell and Taaffe is in Carlyle. The 
articles of surrender, dated October 19, are printed in Murphy's Cromwell 
in Ireland, p. 188, where there is a full account of the whole affair. 


ning of November 1649, he was at Cork and Youghal as a CHAP. 


commissioner for Monster, along with Sir William Fenton, T _. 

the two famous seamen Blake and Deane, and Colonel Phaire, 
who was on duty at the late King's execution. The military 
authority was at first in Phaire's hands, but a troop of re- 
formadoes that is, unemployed officers was given to Brog- 
hill, and before Christmas he was in command of at least 1200 
horse. Kinsale was the first Munster garrison to declare for 
Cromwell ; Cork soon followed, and commissioners from the Cork, 
English inhabitants were with him before he left Ross. an ^ 8 e> 
Their first request, ' out of a sense of the former good ^ ghal 
service and tender care of the Lord of Inchiquin to and for Cromwell. 


them, was that he should enjoy his estate and have his 
arrears paid up to the last peace, and that an Act of oblivion 
should be passed in his favour. This article Cromwell refused 
to answer, but promised that Inchiquin's defection should 
not be remembered to their prejudice, and that their charter 
should be renewed in its old form. Similar terms were given 
to the Youghal people, who abstained by Broghill's advice 
from making any conditions. He informed Cromwell that 
he and his colleagues were received at Youghal ' with all the 
real demonstrations of gladness an overjoyed people were 
capable of.' l 

After the capture of Ross Cromwell lay there for about a 
month, his men being occupied in making a bridge of boats 
over the Barrow, below its junction with the Nore. He Inchiquin 
ordered the invalided soldiers in Dublin to march along the diversion, 11 
coast to Wexford, which they did to the number of 1200, of 
whom nearly one-third were cavalry. Many of them were 
but imperfectly recovered. At Glascarrig near Cahore 
Inchiquin set upon them with a greatly superior force, the 
detachment sent to meet them not arriving in time. ' But it 

1 Mortice's Memoir prefixed to Orrery State Letters, i. 18 ; Inchiquin to 
Ormonde, December 9, 1649, in Clar. S. P. ; Ludlow's Memoirs, February 8, 
1651. The authorities as to the revolt of Cork and Youghal are collected 
from various sources in the new edition of Carlyle's Cromwell, some in the 
Supplement. Lady Fanshawe's Memoirs, p. 53. Blake to Popham, 
November 5, Leyborne-Popham Papers, p. 49. Cork and Youghal declared 
for Cromwell about November 1, Kinsale a few days later. 


CHAP, pleased God,' says Cromwell, ' we sent them word by a nearer 


._ '. way, to march close and be circumspect,' so that they were not 
entirely surprised. Inchiquin overtook their rear, but the 
passage was narrow between high sand-hills and the sea, 
so that the number of his cavalry was of comparatively little 
advantage. After a sharp fight the Dublin party were 

HM is t a victorious, and pursued Inchiquin's men for a short distance, 
after which they proceeded to Wexford without further 
molestation. Not many fell on either side, but Colonel 
Trevor, who had showed so much enterprise as a cavalry 
leader, was dangerously wounded. 1 

The bridge Cromwell was very ill during a part of his stay at Ross, 
but the bridge greatly impressed the Irish with a sense of his 
power as Caesar's had impressed the Germans in an earlier 
age. ' A stupendous work,' says the author of the ' Aphoris- 
mical Discovery,' ' for there were two main rivers, Nore and 
Barrow, joining there unto one bed, and the sea-tide passing 
over the town in the said rivers six or seven miles, he was 
building this bridge upon this swift and boisterous-running 
tide-water with barrels, planks, casks and cables.' Ormonde 
had a superior force in the neighbourhood, but the dissensions 
between his officers and between the English and Irish elements 
of his army made it impossible to risk a pitched battle. 
Taaffe made an unsuccessful attempt to destroy the unfinished 
bridge, and Cromwell lost no time in fortifying Rosbercon, 
on the Kilkenny bank. Ireton and Jones occupied Inistioge 
without fighting, but found the bridge at Thomastown broken 
down and the walled town garrisoned, while the bulk of 
Ormonde's army retired towards Kilkenny. The road into 
Tipperary was, however, open from Inistioge, and Reynolds 

Carrick-on- wa s detached with a body of cavalry to Carrick-on-Suir. While 

Suir taken. . . J _ . J 

he was parleying with the garrison at one gate, a part of his 
men surprised the other and took more than a hundred 
prisoners, the remainder escaping in boats over the Suir. 
The castle, ' one of the ancientest seats belonging to the 
Lord of Ormonde,' made no further resistance, and Cromwell 

1 Cromwell to Lenthall, November 14, 1649, Ludlow's Memoirs, i. 239 ; 
Carte's Ormonde. 


with the main body of his army, having taken Knocktopher CHAP. 

"Y\ r "VT 

by the way, passed through Carrick towards Waterford, which AAA1 - j 
he summoned on November 2 1. 1 

Waterford was unassailable from the left bank of the Suir, Siege of 
and Cromwell, like Mount] oy before him, had to cross at NOV.-DCC. 
Carrick. Before the naval superiority of the Parliament 
could be made available it was necessary to secure the forts 
at Duncannon and Passage below the city. Duncannon 
had been in the hands of the Confederates since 1645, and was 
commanded by Captain Thomas Roche, a very incompetent 
officer. Jones was detached from Ross with 2000 men to besiege 
the place, and he took Ballyhack, commanding the ordinary 
communication between the Fort and Waterford. Parlia- 
mentary ships lay near, and seeing that Duncannon was in 
danger Ormonde sent Captain Edward Wogan to supersede 
Roche. As a deserter from the Parliamentary army Wogan Caatie- 
f ought with a rope round his neck, and he restored the courage relieves 
of the garrison. Ormonde then sent Castlehaven to Passage Dun ~ 


opposite Ballyhack, whence he managed to get to Dun- 
cannon in a boat. After consultation with Wogan, Castle- 
haven returned, and that night embarked eighty horses without 
riders in boats, which slipped into Duncannon on the tide. 
Wogan mounted officers and picked men on the horses thus 
provided, and immediately attacked the Parliamentary camp. 
The appearance of cavalry where there had been none before 
seemed to indicate the approach of an army, and the siege was 
raised next morning. After this piece of service Ormonde 

made Castlehaven governor of Waterford with 1000 men, admission 

. to Water- 

but the citizens refused to admit him or his soldiers. 2 ford. 

While Cromwell was threatening Waterford, Ormonde Ormonde 
brought his whole army to Carrick, the recapture of which Waterford. 
he left to Taaffe and Inchiquin, while he marched on with 
the tidal river between him and the Parliamentary host. 
The city was open on the river side, and there was no difficulty 

1 Cromwell to Lenthall, November 14 and 25, in Carlyle ; Ormonde to 
Charles II., November 30, in Contemp. Hist. ii. 329. 

2 Castlehaven's Memoirs, p. 81. The siege of Duncannon was raised 
November 5. 







Nov. 24. 

The siege 
of Water- 
ford raised, 
Dec. 2. 

Death of 

in ferrying over 1500 Ulster soldiers with Lieut.-General 
Ferrall as governor. Jones had previously succeeded in 
occupying Passage, ' a very large fort with a castle in the 
midst of it, having five guns planted in it, and commanding 
the river better than Duncannon.' The garrison surrendered 
on condition of quarter only, and Ballyhack being already 
in Cromwell's hands, Waterford was pretty thoroughly cut 
off from the sea. The attempt to recapture Carrick failed, 
perhaps for want of a good engineer, for the assailants' mine 
exploded to their own injury, and without damaging the wall. 
Reynolds's men spared their ammunition and defended them- 
selves mainly with stones. The gates were burned, but quickly 
barricaded inside with rubble, and Inchiquin, having no stock 
of provisions, was forced to retreat with heavy loss. Ormonde 
on his return was very nearly captured, for he expected to 
find Carrick in the hands of friends, and had to ride twenty 
miles round to join his men at Clonmel. He met the Tip- 
perary rustics flying in all directions with their portable goods, 
so as to escape being plundered by the soldiers. 1 

Ormonde said that if the weather ' proved but as usual at 
this time of the year,' Cromwell might be repulsed from 
Waterford. Two days later the siege was abandoned for this 
very reason, a great part of the men being sick, and Cromwell 
marched to Kilmacthomas on ' as terrible a day ' as he had 
ever known. He found poor quarters, but in the morning was 
encouraged by a messenger from Broghill, who lay at Dun- 
garvan, which had lately surrendered to him, with about 
twelve or thirteen hundred men. Michael Jones died at Dun- 
garvan of ' a pestilent and contagious spotted fever,' contracted 
during a cold and wet march, and Cromwell lamented his 
loss both as a friend and as a public servant. The Parlia- 
mentary cause certainly owed him a great deal, though there 
is reason to believe that he did not approve of the execution 
of Charles I. At the moment Ferrall made an attempt to 
recover Passage, the loss of which made it very difficult to 
victual Duncannon, but Colonel Sankey was despatched with 

1 Cromwell to Lenthall, letter 116, in Carlyle ; Carte's Ormonde. The 
attempt on Carrick was on November 24. 


320 men from Cappoquin, and after a sharp fight succeeded CHAP, 
in taking about the same number of prisoners. Ferrall re- ^ _. 
treated into Waterford, where Ormonde was himself present, 
though the mayor absolutely refused to let his troops cross 
the river, saying that an increase of the garrison would cause Ormonde's 
a famine in the town. It was proposed to quarter them in 
huts outside the walls, but even this was rejected, and Passage 
remained in the enemy's hands, though an overwhelming 
force was ready to attempt its relief. Wogan was among the 
prisoners taken by Sankey, and Cromwell seriously thought 
of hanging him ; but he was sent to Cork, whence he soon 
escaped, and went to England to seek the adventure which has 
made him famous. 1 

When Cromwell broke up from before Waterford on Ormonde's 
December 2, he had not more than 3000 effective infantry in superiority 
the field, the garrisons taking up many and sickness accounting mnumbers - 
for more. Ferrall had as many men in Waterford as there 
were besieging him, and the whole of Ormonde's army was 
ten or twelve thousand including O'Neill's men, who were 
at least 7000 and all effective, ' these being the eldest sons of 
the Church of Rome, most cried up and confided in by the 
clergy.' The rest were old English, Irish, some Protestants, 
some Papists, and other popish Irish.' The interests of 
Ormonde, Clanricarde, Castlehaven, Muskerry, Taaffe, and 
the rest provided a formidable force, who could live on the 
country, for there were scarce twenty natives favourable 
to Parliament. ' God hath blessed you,' Cromwell wrote, 
' with a great tract of land in longitude, along the shore, yet 
it hath but a little depth into the country,' and the inhabi- 
tants were so robbed by their neighbours that they could 
give little help. Therefore it was still necessary to send Cromwell 

i f T-ITT i, , , i in Monster. 

money and stores from England, and to maintain a strict 
naval blockade, lest supplies should reach the enemy from 
abroad. But Ormonde had to disperse his men in winter 

1 Ormonde to Charles II., November 30, Contemp. Hist. ii. 330 ; Crom- 
well to Lenthall, December 19, 1649, in Carlyle ; Carte's Ormonde, ii. 103. 
Concerning Jones see a note in Gardiner's Commonwealth, i. 160. For 
Wogan see Clarke Papers, i. 421. 




He is 






quarters for want of means to support them in the field, and 
Cromwell did the same, his headquarters being at Youghal. 
He spent the short winter days in visiting Cork and other 
Munster garrisons. The tradition is that he went to Glengariffe, 
where the ruins of ' Cromwell's bridge ' may still be seen, 
but there seems to be no evidence of his having gone further 
west than Kinsale. His applications to Parliament for help 
were not in vain, for 1500 fresh men were sent to Dublin about 
this time, and a few weeks later Henry Cromwell came to 
Youghal with further reinforcements, followed by thirteen 
ships laden with oats, beans, and pease. The sick men 
recovered with rest and dry lodgings, and by the end of 
January Cromwell was able to take the field again. 1 

Broghill, who was now Master of the Ordnance, left 
Youghal about the middle of November with 500 foot and 
300 horse. A fort with three guns on the Corkbeg peninsula 
partially commanded Cork harbour, and had annoyed Blake's 
ships. Captain Courthope, ' who knew not only the com- 
mander of it, but every particular soldier in it, so well persuaded 
and terrified them that they delivered up the fort ' without 
fighting. At Belvelly, commanding the strait between the 
mainland and the island on which Queenstown now stands, 
Colonel Pigott had a strong castle and three Irish companies. 
Broghill had formerly ' particularly well known ' this officer, 
and in half an hour's private conversation satisfied him that it 
was a national quarrel. At Cork, Broghill found 700 armed 
inhabitants and 500 foot soldiers, who received him ' with 
as great a joy as is almost imaginable.' A messenger came 
from Kinsale to ofier that town to the Parliament, and a 
detachment was sent strong enough to check the garrison of 
the fort. At Bandon, Colonel Courtney, ' who had ever 
been my particular friend,' stood for the King ; but the towns- 
men and most of the soldiers were English Protestants, and he 
could but surrender. Broghill armed the inhabitants, and 

1 Cromwell to Lenthall, December 19, 1649, in Carlyle. Brief Chronicle 
published by authority in 1650, and reprinted in Contemp. Hist. iii. 157 ; 
Gardiner's Commonwealth, i. 163. note; Murphy's Cromwell in Ireland, 
chap. xx. 


nearly all the officers and soldiers ultimately joined him. CHAP. 
The people showed ' at least an equal joy to our reception XXXI^ 
at Cork.' The bridge at Bandon enabled Broghill to march 
straight to the south side of Kinsale harbour, where Eupert 
had greatly strengthened the fort, which was held by 400 
Irish under a Scotch governor. Tihe works were too strong 
to attack before the return of Blake's fleet, but the regiment 
inside was commanded by ' an Irish Protestant, a great 
sufferer by the rebellion ; an ancient dependant of our [the 
Boyle] family, and one particularly recommended to my care 
by my father,' who set the governor aside, and persuaded the 
soldiers to capitulate. After this Baltimore, Castlehaven, Baltimore, 
Crookhaven, and Timoleague surrendered without giving 
Broghill the trouble of a march, and Mallow did the same, thus 
securing the only bridge over the Blackwater, except that 
at Cappoquin, which was already in Parliamentary hands. 
Colonel Crosby was detached to see what could be done in 
Kerry. Cromwell might well say that Broghill had a great 
interest in the men and in the districts which were lately 
Inchiquin's, and that there could have been no rebellion 
if every county had contained an Earl of Cork. 1 

While Cromwell was building his bridge at New Ross, Surrender 
Dalziel was closely besieged in Carrickfergus by Coote and fergus, 
Venables. It was the most important place in Ulster, and Nov - 2< 
the Scotch veteran made good terms for himself and 
his men, agreeing to surrender on December 13 if not 
relieved in the meantime. A few days before that date Sir 
George Monro with Lords Montgomery and Clandeboye, 
collected a force which Coote, on the report of deserters, 
estimated at 2000 foot and 800 horse, their object being to 
relieve Carrickfergus. On December 1 they were at Comber 
and next day at Newtownards. After a good deal of manoeu- 
vring Coote took up his quarters at Lisburn, while Monro 
crossed the Laggan somewhere between that place and Moira. 

1 Relation of the Particulars of the Reduction of the Greatest Part of the 
Province of Munster, &c., London, 1649 (containing Broghill's letters of 
November 22 and 26, and the Remonstrance and Resolution of the Pro- 
testant Army at Cork, October 23) ; Caulfield's Council Book of Kinsale, 
pp. 55, 357-363 ; Bennett's Hist, of Bandon, chap. xii. 






Dec. 4. 

not to be 

On their return upon the Antrim side of the river, Coote 
allowed them to pass him, and then attacked their rear 
' upon a boggy pass on the plain of Lisnesreane.' Sir Theo- 
philus Jones, who had come out of Lisburn with his cavalry, 
met with little resistance, and during a pursuit of ten miles 
over 1000 were killed with scarcely any loss to the victors. 
Monro and Montgomery fled to Charlemont, most of their 
Scots followers leaving them, and Carrickfergus was then 
surrendered in due course. 1 

Rinuccini having departed and O'Neill being dead, the 
Irish were as sheep having no shepherd. Stubborn resistance 
was made in detail, but there was very little concerted action 
after Cromwell's arrival. The remains of the Confederacy 
still adhered to Ormonde, but it became evident after the last 
peace that he could never rally the native population. Under 
these circumstances twenty bishops, with the procurators of 
three others, the abbot of Holy Cross and the Provincials of 
the Dominicans and Franciscans, met at Clonmacnoise on 
December 4, of their own mere motion as they were careful 
to set forth. After some days' deliberation they announced 
that nothing could be done without unity, and that past 
differences must be laid aside. It was, they said, the evident 
intention of Cromwell and his masters to root out the Catholic 
religion, which could only be done by getting rid of the people 
and recolonising the country, ' witness the numbers they 
have already sent hence for the tobacco islands and put 
enemies in their places.' Cromwell had told the governor 
of Ross that he meddled with no man's conscience, but that 
a liberty to exercise the mass would nevertheless not be 
allowed of. This was naturally quite enough for the clergy, 
and doubtless for most laymen also. The formal decrees of 
Clonmacnoise were embodied in four articles. By the first 
fasting and prayer were ordered ' to withdraw from this 
nation God's anger, and to render them capable of his mercies.' 

1 Two Letters from William Basil, A.G., to Bradshaw and Lent hall, 
London, December 12, 1649 ; War in Ireland, p. 100 ; MacSkimin's Carrick- 
fergus, p. 16, where Dalziel's articles are given ; Two Letters of Sir Charles 
Coote to Lenthall with Scobell's imprimatur ; December 8 and 13, London, 
1649. Coote notes that ' Colonel Henderson that betrayed Sligo was killed.' 


By the second the people were warned that no mercy or CHAP. 
clemency could be expected ' from the common enemy ._ T J\ 
commanded by Cromwell by authority from the rebels of 
England.' By the third the clergy were ordered under 
severe penalties to preach unity, ' and we hereby manifest 
our detestation against all such divisions between either prcr- 
vinces or families, or between old English and old Irish, or 
any of the English or Scotch adhering to his Majesty.' The "iaie ( 
last decree was one of excommunication against the highway- command 
men called Idle Boys, and against all who relieved them. cated> 
Clergymen were forbidden on pain of suspension to give 
them the Sacrament or to bury them in consecrated ground. 1 

1 Certain Acts and Declarations made by the ecclesiastical congregation, 
&c., printed at Kilkenny and reprinted at London, 1650. Printed also, 
with some slight verbal differences, in Spicilegium Ossoriense, ii. 38-42. 

p 2 





Jan. 1649- 



IN their published utterances the bishops were careful to say 
nothing alarming to Protestants, and to lay stress upon the 
royalism or loyalty of those for whom they spoke. In writing 
to Rome they were silent about the King, but urged the 
necessity of union among Catholics. Ormonde, who had 
no illusions, thought it much that there had been no public 
demand for his own removal ; but this too was to come 
later. He knew that Antrim had been intriguing to obtain 
such a declaration, and he begged the King to recall him 
before his position became quite untenable. Charles directed 
him to hold on as long as possible, and to leave Ireland when 
he was finally convinced that nothing more could be done. 1 

The printed proceedings of the Clonmacnoise prelates 
reached Cromwell at Youghal, and he lost no time in answer- 
ing it. The task of uniting clergy and laity, he said, was 
only necessary because the distinction had been invented by 
' the Antichristian Church ' of Rome, and maintained by her 
priests as the foundation of their own power. Their royalism 
was a ' fig-leaf of pretence,' whereas they really fought for 
their own supremacy. Cromwell had a right to say that 
they began the war, but he much exaggerated the goodness 
of the terms on which English and Irish had lived before the 
outbreak. No doubt there were some friendships, but all com- 
petent observers had long realised that the Ulster settlement 
would be disturbed whenever the children of the dispossessed 

1 Letter from Clonmacnoise signed by the four archbishops and seven 
bishops, including the secretary of the congregation, to the Pope, December 
12, 1649, in Spicilegium Ossoriense, i. 327. Ormonde to the King, December 
15 and 24, and the answer from Jersey, February 2, 1649-50, in Carte's 
Original Letters, ii. 417-425. 


natives had the chance. As to liberty of conscience, he took CHAP. 

his stand upon the purely English ground that the mass had 

long been prohibited by law, and that he could not extirpate 

what had no root. He reiterated his statement to the 

governor of Ross and said plainly, ' I shall not, where I have 

power, and the Lord is pleased to bless me, suffer the exercise 

of the mass where I can take notice of it. ... As for the 

people, what thoughts they have in matters of religion in their 

own breasts I cannot reach ; but think it my duty if they 

walk honestly and peaceably, not to cause them in the least 

to suffer for the same.' He defended the raising of money 

by mortgaging lands which rebels would forfeit, but denied 

that there was any intention to extirpate the people. He 

defied anyone to give an instance since his arrival in Ireland The laws of 

of * one man not in arms, massacred, destroyed, or banished ' 

with impunity. Those who had been exiled to the West 

Indies were all in fact liable to be put to the sword according 

to the laws of war. All who had not been actors in the 

rebellion should be spared and protected. ' And having 

said this,' he concluded, ' and purposing honestly to perform 

it, if this people shall headily run on after the counsels of 

their prelates and clergy and other leaders, I hope to be free 

from the misery and desolation and blood and ruin that 

shall befall them ; and shall rejoice to exercise utmost severity 

against them.' Cromwell's ideas about toleration were in Cromwell 

advance of his age, but his knowledge of Ireland before 1641 e 

was derived from the published histories of May and Temple. 1 Ireland - 

When Lady Fanshawe joined her husband, a few weeks Lady 
before Cromwell's landing, she found Cork an agreeable a t 
place of residence enough, and so it remained for about six Nov- 1649 ' 
months. She lived in the old Augustinian Friary called the 
Red Abbey, which then belonged to Michael Boyle, Dean of 
Cloyne, who vied with Inchiquin and Roscommon in civility 
to her. She calls the latter Lord Chancellor, but he is not 

1 Declaration of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for the undeceiving 
of deluded people, January 1649-50, in Carlyle, ii. 1, and see the strictures 
on this ' remarkablest State paper ' in the notes to the 1904 edition and in 
Gardiner's Commonwealth, L 163-166 ; the Declaration was first printed at 
Cork and reprinted in London, March 21. 






in the 





of Fethard, 
Feb. 8. 

generally included in the list. ' My Lord of Ormonde had a 
very good army, and the country was seemingly quiet.' And 
so it continued outwardly for some time, though Inchiquin's 
power had been gradually wasting away since Rathmines. 
Suddenly one night, at the beginning of November, Lady 
Fanshawe was roused from her bed by the sound of cannon, 
and by screams and cries outside. Opening the window, 
she saw a crowd, who informed her that they were ' all Irish 
stripped and wounded and turned out of the town by Colonel 
Jeffries.' Hurrying off to the Colonel she reminded him of her 
husband's former civilities to him, which he handsomely 
acknowledged, and at once granted a free pass. She passed 
' through thousands of naked swords ' with her family, 1000Z. 
in cash and other light property, and got to Kinsale where 
she was safe for the moment. Cromwell was much annoyed at 
Fanshawe's papers having thus escaped him. 1 

The Parliamentary managers were alarmed by the nego- 
tiations of Charles with the Scots. They knew, too, that 
Fairfax could hardly be trusted to lead an attack on the 
Presbyterian kingdom, and they resolved to recall Cromwell. 
The letter was written on January 8, but it did not reach him 
until he was already in the field again, and he thought proper 
to treat the reports of its coming as Nelson treated the signal 
at Copenhagen. On January 29 he set out from Youghal 
with twelve troops of horse, three troops of dragoons, and 
between two and three hundred foot. Reynolds and Ireton, 
with about the same number of horse and dragoons and 2000 
foot, were sent to Carrick to threaten Ormonde's quarters 
at Kilkenny. Cromwell himself marched towards Mitchels- 
town, took Kilbenny Castle, Clogheen, and Rehill, near 
Cahir, and went from there to Fethard. The last-named 
walled town surrendered after a night's discussion ' upon 
terms which we usually call honourable ; which I was the 
willinger to give, because I had little above two hundred 

1 Lady Fanshawe's Memoirs, p. 53, ed. 1907. Sir Eichard Bolton 
died about a year before the revolt of Cork, after which the Great Seal of 
Ireland may have been placed irregularly in the hands of Roscommon, 
who had married Strafford's sister. 


foot, and neither ladders nor guns nor anything else to force CHAP. 

The besiegers had not fired a single shot. The honourable 
terms were that the garrison should march away with arms 
and baggage, and that the inhabitants, including priests, 
should be fully protected. Some Ulster foot at Cashel, Cashel 
hearing of Cromwell's arrival at Fethard, ran away in confusion, pr 
and he protected the townsfolk at their own request. He then Caiian 
went on to Callan, which he found already in Reynolds 's hands. fcaken> 
The garrison of two castles ' refusing conditions seasonably 
offered were put all to the sword.' Those in a larger castle 
surrendered, and were allowed to march away without 
their arms. Among the prisoners taken in a skirmish was 
one of those who had betrayed Enniscorthy, and he was 
hanged. Some Irish gentlemen had feasted the garrison and Ennis- 
sent in women to sell them spirits. When most of the soldiers surprised 
were drunk the enemy rushed in and killed all, except four ^ttken. 
who had been bribed to open the gates. Colonel Cooke, the 
governor of Wexford, soon retook Enniscorthy by storm, 
and in his turn put all the garrison to the sword. Reynolds 
was despatched to take Knocktopher, and after a fortnight 
in the field, Cromwell returned to Fethard, ' having good 
plenty of horsemeat and man's meat ' in that rich district. 
Ireton took Ardfinane, of which Henry II. himself had chosen Ardfinane. 
the site, and which was important to bring guns ' ammunition, 
and other things ' from Youghal and Cappoquin. Cromwell 
came before Cahir, which was surrendered without costing a 
man. He was told that it had stood an eight weeks' siege Cabir sur- 

. rendered, 

against Essex, but that most incompetent of heroes really Feb. 24 
took it in two days. Kiltinan, Groldenbridge and Dundrum 
were also taken, and the county of Tipperary submitted to a 
contribution of 1500Z. 1 

The regicide John Hewson was governor of Dublin with 

1 Cromwall to Lenthall, February 15, 1649-50, and to Bradshaw, 
March 5, in Carlyle ; also letters in the Supplement, pp. 54-56. In the 
articles for the surrender of Fethard (No. 55) it is stipulated that the garrison 
might retire to ' any place within his Majesty's quarters.' When Cromwell 
signed this, he either did not notice the draftsman's expression, or thought 
it did not matter. For Enniscorthy see Whitelock's Memorials, p. 437. 




in Leinster, 

March 1. 

a numerous garrison, consisting chiefly of sick and wounded. 
A division of these half-recovered invalids had won the 
fight at Glascarrig and joined Cromwell, and by the end of the 
year a good many more were fit for service, and some rein- 
forcements had also arrived from England. Kildare, the hill 
of Allen, Castle Martin and other places were occupied, but 
Kilmeague was found too strong to attack without artillery. 
When his provisions were spent Hewson returned to Dublin, 
where he received a curious proposition from the strong 
garrison of Ballisonan or Ballyshannon near Kilcullen. 
This he describes as ' having double works and double moats 
full of water, one within another, and a mount with a fort 
upon it, most of the officers with me esteeming the taking of 
it to be unfeazable.' After the rout at Kathmines some of 
Ormonde's fugitive cavalry had summoned this formidable 
stronghold, which surrendered to them under the impression 
that Dublin was taken. The defenders now offered to join the 
Parliament, on condition of being made a regiment with their 
own officers, liberty of religion, and two priests as chaplains. 
Their arrears since May were to be paid, Taaffe and Dillon to 
be excluded from any accommodation with the Parliamentary 
party. In fact, they preferred Cromwell to Ormonde, 
which shows how desperate the latter's position had become. 
Such terms were of course unacceptable, and Hewson attacked 
Ballisonan with a force of 2000 foot and 1000 horse, with 
two guns and a mortar. An entrenched battery was erected, 
but the place capitulated before any breach had been made. 
Hewson was glad to give easy terms, as Castlehaven was at 
Athy, and might make an attempt to raise the siege. The 
garrison marched out with the honours of war, Maryborough 
and Kilmeague were abandoned by the Irish, and all Kildare 
except the extreme south was in Hewson's power. 1 

After consulting the Commissioners of Trust, Ormonde 
allowed agents to meet at Kilkenny in January for the dis- 

1 Sellings, vii. 129. Several Letters from Ireland, March 18, 1649-50. 
This tract is reprinted in the Kilkenny Archaeological Journal, new series, 
i. 110, with a contemporary plan of Ballisonan, but the latter must have 
been drawn to illustrate the capture of the place by Jones in September 


cussion of grievances affecting the different districts, but CHAP. 


nothing was reduced to writing, and there were, as he ex- ^_ ; _ 
pected, no results. The agents proposed an adjournment ^iSdraws 
to Ennis, and to this he agreed. The approach of Cromwell's *? Clare > 
forces on the south and of Hewson's on the north had doubtless 
something to say to this, and the plague which began to 
rage in the town still more. Cromwell made a strong recon- 
naissance towards Kilkenny, where a Captain Tickle had been 
bribed or in some other way induced to undertake that one 
of the gates should be opened, but the plot was discovered 
and the captain hanged ; so that Cromwell had to retire. 
In spite of the plague and of enemies within and without, 
Castlehaven used to go out fox-hunting in the early morning. 
Ormonde met him in the field, told him that it was decided 
to withdraw into Clare, and appointed him, much to his Castle- 


disgust, general of Leinster. Ormonde himself went to commands 

Limerick during the first week in February, and was not 

destined to see Kilkenny again until after the Restoration. 

Cromwell, having failed in the plot with Tickle, waited 

patiently and let the plague do his work. Castlehaven had 

one success, surprising Athy and taking Hewson's garrison 

of 700 men, but he found the place untenable. ' Not knowing,' 

he writes, ' what to do with my prisoners, I made a present 

of them to Cromwell, desiring him by letter to do the like to 

me . . . but he little valued my civility, for in a very few 

days after he besieged Gowran, where Colonel Hammond 

commanded, and the soldiers mutinying and giving up the 

place, he caused Hammond with some English officers to be 

shot to death.' Cromwell's own account confirms this, and 

he adds that Hammond was ' a principal actor in the Kentish 

insurrection,' and so not entitled to mercy more than Lucas 

or Lisle. A priest who acted as chaplain to the Roman 

Catholic soldiers was hanged. ' I trouble you with this the 

rather because this was the Lord of Ormonde's own regiment.' 

At Gowran Cromwell was joined by Hewson, who had taken 

Castledermot, Lea, Kilkea, and other castles in the meantime, 

he himself having taken Thomastown. Castlehaven did not 

find himself strong enough to meet Hewson in the field. Lord 





The net 

tion of 
March 27. 




Dillon promised to join him with about 3000 men, but they 
never came, and all he could do was to provision Kilkenny and 
leave it with a garrison of 1000 foot and 200 horse. Soon 
afterwards an Ulster regiment, which was nearly half his 
army, deserted on account of the plague, saying that they 
were ready to fight against men but not against God. Having 
tried to relieve Kilkenny in vain he gave orders to the governors 
of the town and castle to make the best terms they could, and 
not to attempt to hold the latter after the former had sur- 
rendered. Cromwell and Hewson corresponded about this 
time by letters enclosed in balls of wax, so that the messenger 
might swallow them if necessary. Some of these reached 
Castlehaven, but only served to show him that he was hope- 
lessly overmatched. 1 

Cromwell approached Kilkenny by Bennet's Bridge and 
sent in his summons on March 22. Sir Walter Butler, a cousin 
of Ormonde's, was governor of the town, and briefly replied 
that he held it for the King. A battery with three guns was 
accordingly planted at St. Patrick's Church, and on March 25 
about a hundred shot struck the wall near the castle. An 
attempt to carry the breach failed with the loss of a captain 
and twenty or thirty men, the garrison having erected earth- 
works and palisades inside. At the same tune a thousand men 
were detached to attack the Irish town near the cathedral, 
where the wall was but weakly defended by the townsmen, 
and the Cromwellians entered with a loss of only three or 
four men. After this, the walled portion of the town on the 
other side of the Nore was easily taken, and the victors en- 
deavoured to enter the main city over St. John's Bridge, 
but they were driven back with a loss of forty or fifty men. 
In the meantime fresh guns were brought up, and the mayor 
sent to represent the difficult position of the citizens. No 
doubt, he wrote, Cromwell would be willing to grant them 
fair terms, but they were in the power of the garrison, and so 

1 Castlehaven's Memoirs, pp. 83-86 ; Cromwell to Lenthall, April 2, 
1650, in Carlyle. And see Murphy's Cromwell in Ireland, chaps. 24 and 25, 
and Lord Dillon's apologetic letter in Contemp. Hist. ii. 373 ; Clarendon's 
History, Ireland, p. 96. 


* in danger of ruin as well from our own party as from that CHAP. 

-*r "v-'VTT 

of your Honour's,' and it was reasonable that the soldiers ^ _ 
should be included. To avoid further loss, and perhaps to 
get away from the plague, Cromwell after some discussion 
acquiesced in this view, and on the next day Butler saw that 
further resistance would be useless. Considering that Kil- 
kenny had been the very centre of the lately powerful Con- 
federacy, the terms granted were liberal enough. The garrison Fair terms 
marched out with the honours of war, surrendering their arms 
two miles out of town and then going where they pleased. 
The citizens submitted to a payment of 20001. in two instal- 
ments, in consideration of which Cromwell had ' made it 
death for any man to plunder.' Those who wished to remove 
themselves or their property might do so, ' none excepted,' 
within three months. There was no armistice during the 
negotiations, and the garrison of Cantwell Castle, now called 
Sandford's Court ' very strong, situated in a bog, well 
furnished with provisions of corn ' surrendered, though 
specially ordered by Sir Walter Butler to abandon their post 
and strengthen the scanty garrison of Kilkenny. They were 
allowed to go beyond sea. 1 

Leaving the plague-stricken city with a small garrison, The town 
Cromwell went to Carrick. ' The goodness of God,' says a plundered, 
contemporary newswriter, ' was exceedingly manifested in 
preventing the plunder of the place, which must needs have 
hazarded the army by infection.' None of the soldiers, in fact, 
suffered, which was ' the Lord's own doing and marvellous 
in our eyes.' The clergy were not in any way excepted from 
the terms granted to the citizens, and there is no evidence 
that violence was done to any priests. But the churches Damage 
suffered terribly, Bishop Ledred's beautiful painted windows, churches, 
which even Bale had spared, were broken in pieces, and Thomas 
Earl of Ormonde's splendid tomb was totally destroyed. 

1 Articles for surrender, March 27, in Murphy's Cromwell in Ireland, p. 
301. All the letters extant are printed by Carlyle, vol. ii., see especially 
that of Cromwell to the mayor on March 26. The Aphorismical Discovery, 
ii. 69, states that the townsmen capitulated behind the governor's back, 
and that the garrison were not mentioned in the capitulation, which shows 
the untrustworthiness of the writer. And see Carte's Life of Ormonde, ii. 1 13. 




Death of 



Siege of 


appeals to 

and to 

A special interest attaches to the fate of the bishop, the learned 
David Rothe, who had opposed Rinuccini. There is nothing 
to show that he suffered from violence, but he was seventy- 
eight years old, and it is not surprising that he died in great 
discomfort, and in concealment. Bishop Lynch, who wrote 
from Clonfert in August, says he was stripped and mocked 
by the soldiers, but allowed to enter the nearest house, where 
he died within three weeks of old age and disease. Archbishop 
Fleming, who was also in Ireland, and who wrote in June, says 
much the same thing. ' 

In the meantime Ennisnag Castle was taken, ' where were 
gotten a company of rogues which had revolted from Colonel 
Jones. The soldiers capitulated for life and their two officers 
were hanged for revolting.' Adjutant-General Sadleir, with 
two guns, took all the castles in the Suir valley from Clonmel to 
Waterford without resistance except at Poulakerry, five miles 
below the former town. This was taken by assault, thirty or 
forty being killed, ' and the rest remaining obstinate were fired 
in the castle.' On April 27 Cromwell came before Clonmel, and 
offered favourable terms, which were promptly rejected by the 
governor, Hugh Boy O'Neill, a nephew of Owen Roe, who 
had about 1500 Ulster men with him. O'Neill, whom Cliffe 
describes as ' an old surly Spanish soldier,' had expected to 
be attacked as far back as February, and Ormonde had written 
from Ennis at the beginning of March to say that he would 
' draw all the forces of the kingdom into a body for the 
town's relief.' But he could do nothing, for the Commissioners 
of Trust were more anxious to thwart him than Cromwell, 
and would not allow a levy to be made in the county of 
Limerick. An attempt to send an expedition from the county 
of Cork was foiled by Broghill, and Clonmel was left to its 
fate. Preston had promised, but failed, to send ammunition 
from Waterford, and with Carrick in an enemy's hand it is 
not easy to see how he could have done so. O'Neill and the 

1 Cromwell's letter of April 2, in Carlyle, ii. 48, with the notes ; Grave's 
and Prim's Hist, of St. Canice'a Cathedral, pp. 74, 138, 296; Letters of 
Fleming and Lynch in Spicilegium Ossoriense, i. 341, 348 ; Murphy's 
Cromwell in Ireland, chaps, xxv. and xxvi. 


mayor, John White, made a last appeal to Ormonde. The CHAP. 


long threatened attack had come at last, and the preservation ^_ T ^ 
of the town was almost Ireland's last hope. ' It is,' they wrote, 
* our humble suit that the army, if in any reasonable condition, 
may march night and day to our succour.' But no such 
army was available, and Cromwell planted his battery with- 
out hindrance. Reynolds and Theophilus Jones had a force 
in the field sufficient to prevent Castlehaven from giving 
any trouble. Approaches were made from the north side 
of the town, and there were many sallies and much fighting 
before the breach was practicable. A comparison of extant Clonmel is 

* . r assaulted. 

accounts fortified by local tradition seems to indicate that 
the spot was near a gate which stood a little to the eastward 
of St. Mary's Church. The assault was made about eight 
in the morning of May 9, and the storming party entered 
without difficulty, but found that their work was still to do. 
O'Neill had manned the houses and erected two breastworks of 
' dunghills, mortar, stones and timber,' making a lane about 
eighty yards inwards from the breach with a masked battery 
at the end. The ' British Oificer,' who got his facts ' not only 
from officers and soldiers of the besiegers,' but also from the 
besieged, describes what followed. The stormers poured in 
and found themselves caught in a trap. Those in front cried 
' Halt,' and those behind ' Advance,' ' till that pound or lane 
was full and could hold no more.' Two guns hailed chain-shot 
upon this dense mass, while a continual fire was kept up 
from the houses and the breastworks. Volleys of stones were 
thrown, and great pieces of timber hurled from slides which 
O'Neill's ingenuity had provided, ' so that in less than an 
hour's time about a thousand men were killed in that pound, 
being atop one another.' Colonel Culham, who led the Cromwell 


stormers, and several other officers were among the slain, 
and the survivors were driven out again through the breach. 
Contemporary accounts estimate Cromwell's total loss at 
Clonmel at somewhere from 1500 to 2500. This repulse, 
said Ireton afterwards, was ' the heaviest we ever endured 
either in England or here.' His own regiment lost most of all. 
It is stated that Major Fennell, who commanded the few 







and the 





cavalry within the town, had plotted, like Tickle at Kilkenny, 
to open one of the gates. This was certainly believed at the 
time, but if there was such a plot it came to nothing. 1 

O'Neill had not ammunition to continue the defence, and 
he knew that there was no hope of relief. About 9 o'clock 
the same night he slipped out quietly by the bridge and made 
his way to Waterford, advising the mayor to make the best 
terms he could. White accordingly capitulated both for the 
inhabitants and for the garrison. All arms and ammunition 
in the town were surrendered, the civil population being 
guaranteed protection ' for life and estate, from all plunder 
and violence of the soldiery.' Next morning the besiegers 
marched in, and though Cromwell was angry at being out- 
witted, the conditions were kept. The garrison were pursued 
and stragglers cut off, amongst whom there were probably 
some women and at least one priest. On reaching Waterford 
admission was denied by Preston to O'Neill's men. There 
was plague both in his camp and in the city, and after a time 
he ordered his foot soldiers to shift for themselves. He and 
Fennell, with the horse, made their way to Limerick. 2 

Inchiquin was in Kerry in January, whence he invaded 
Limerick with three regiments of cavalry, sweeping away the 
cattle and devastating most of the county. Broghill and 
Henry Cromwell fell upon his camp towards the end of March, 
and drove him across the Shannon ' with more cows than 
horses.' Inchiquin's men were chiefly English, and some of 

1 Seven contemporary accounts of this siege, including one from Bates's 
Elenchus, are printed in Contemp. Hist. ii. 408-415. See Murphy's Cromwell 
in Ireland, chap, xxviii.; Ireton to Cromwell, July 10, 1651, Milton State 
Papers, p. 72. Cromwell's own account is wanting, but the notes to letter 
132 in Carlyle may be consulted. In the churchyard of St. Mary's, very 
near the breach, is a large stone inscribed NL ET SOCII, and the tradition 
is that fifty of Cromwell's soldiers lie beneath. 

2 Authorities as for last paragraph ; Aphorismical Discovery, p. 616 ; 
Dillingham to Bancroft in Cary's Memorials of the Civil War, ii. 217. The 
articles of surrender are printed in Murphy's Cromwell in Ireland, p. 341, with 
the date May 18, but the letter in Whitelock (456) says May 10. Certainty 
is unattainable, but Cromwell's battery was probably near the railway 
station on the slope of Gallows Hill. Since the above was written I have 
read the account of this siege in Rev. W. S. Burke's Hist, of Clonmel, 1907, 
but have not thought it necessary to alter the text. 


the officers were shot as deserters from the Parliament. After CHAP. 
this Broghill joined Cromwell, who was then preparing to ^ XXX IL 
attack Clonmel, and was detached by him to deal with a force 
of 4000 foot and 300 horse which had been raised in Kerry, 
chiefly by the exertions of Boetius Egan, Bishop of Ross, 
an Observant friar promoted by. Rinuccini. The Irish, bent 
on relieving Clonmel, advanced to Macroom, and garrisoned 
Carrigadrohid Castle on the Lee, which Broghill reached on 
April 8. He had 1500 cavalry, and hurried on, leaving a 
like number of foot to guard his rear. He seems to have had 
no guns with him, but the Irish probably thought he had, 
for they burned Muskerry's castle at Macroom, and assembled 
in the park. They were raw levies and probably badly Battle of 
armed, for they were routed in a very short time, ' though in April !' 
a place,' says Broghill, ' the worst for horse ever I saw, and 
where one hundred musketeers might have kept off all the 
horse of Ireland.' Several hundred were killed, and among 
the prisoners were the bishop and Lord Roche's son, the 
high sheriff of Kerry, who was in equal authority with him. 
Carrigadrohid was taken by parading pieces of timber with 
teams of oxen, as if they were guns. ' I gave orders,' says 
Broghill, ' that if the garrison in it delivered it not up, we 
should hang the bishop before it. The former not being 
done the latter was. . . . The bishop was wont to say there 
was no way to secure the English but by hanging them. 
That which was his cruelty became his justice.' The castle 
was then surrendered on fair terms, and Broghill went back 
to the siege of Clonmel. 1 

Cromwell quitted Ireland on May 26, leaving Ireton as Cromwell 
his deputy. His last extant letter before going was to Hewson, inland, 
in favour of young Lord Moore, son of the brave soldier who Mft y 26 - 
was killed at Portlester, and grandson of Lord Chancellor 
Loftus. Moore had fought against Cromwell, who never- 
theless ordered that he should be ' fairly and civilly treated, 

1 Broghill's letter, dated April 16, is printed in Murphy's Cromwell in 
Ireland, p. 324 ; Borlase's Irish Rebellion, p. 240 ; the Brief Chronicle 
printed in Contemp. Hist. iii. 165, says Roche was ' condemned to be shot 
to death by a council of war ' ; Cox's Hibernia Anglicana, ii. 16, where the 
date is erroneously given as May 16. 




His plans 
of reform. 


and that no incivility or abuse be offered unto him by any 
of the soldiery, either by restraining his liberty or otherwise ; 
it being a thing which I altogether disprove and dislike that 
the soldiers should intermeddle in civil affairs farther than 
they are lawfully called upon.' Necessity afterwards devised 
the major-generals, but it was to civil justice, to a Matthew 
Hale rather than a Desborough, that Cromwell looked for 
real improvement. It was a crime, he said, ' to hang a man 
for six and eightpence, and I know not what to hang for a 
trifle and commit murder.' In Ireland particularly much 
might be done for the poor people by the cheap and impartial 
administration of justice. They had suffered more by the 
oppression of the great than any ' in that which we call 
Christendom. And indeed they are accounted the bribingest 
people that are, they having been inured thereto.' And he 
rightly considered that the best guarantee for purity was to 
pay good fixed salaries to the judges and to get rid of the 
fees and perquisites which had been a ' colour to covetous 
practices.' l 

Some papers, which Broghill thought important, were 
found in Bishop Egan's possession. An anonymous corre- 
spondent of Hyde's says one of them was a letter in which 
Inchiquin proposed during the latter part of 1649 to go 
over to Cromwell. Carte, without giving his authority, 
says that some such letter was forged by Antrim, who 
was perhaps tricky enough to do it, and the editor of 
the Clarendon State Papers adopted Carte's account. 
Probability seems against Inchiquin having made any such 
overtures, but his position after Rathmines was very un- 
comfortable, for his men left him and he knew that the Irish 
would always hate him for his proceedings at Cork, Cashel, 
and elsewhere. He admitted that he had talked too freely 
to one of the enemy's trumpeters, and it may be that he 
asked questions which gave rise to the idea that he was 

1 Cromwell to Hewson, May 22, 1650, in Carlyle, Supplement 61 ; to 
John Sadler, December 31, 1649, tb. appendix 17. The latter letter offers 
Sadler, a master hi Chancery hi England, lOOOZ. a year as Chief Justice of 
Munster. Sadler did not go, but the place was given to a vigorous law 
reformer, John Cook the regicide. 


wavering. But in April 1650, when Kilkenny had fallen CHAP. 
and Ormonde had no army in the field, Protestant Royalists J^XXII. 
grew tired of the hopeless struggle, and Cromwell was ready ^}g 8 ~ ion of 
enough to meet them halfway. Nor did Ormonde make any Protestant 

J J Royalists. 

difficulties. Sir Robert Sterling, Colonel Daniell, and Michael 

Boyle, Dean of Cloyne, made the first advances ' on behalf 

of the Protestant party in Ireland now under the command 

or obedience of the Lord Marquis of Ormonde.' They were Easy terms 

all, whether soldiers or civilians, allowed to go where they glven< 

pleased on engaging not to act against the Parliament, taking 

all their movable property except horses, arms, and ammuni- 

tion, and even these they might sell to the army or to English 

Protestants. Questions of land were reserved for the decision 

of Parliament, and until that was given were referred to the 

Commissioners for Revenue, and those who gave assurance 

of fidelity to the Parliament might enjoy their estates in the 

meantime. Colonel Wogan and the officer who helped him 

to escape from Cork were the only persons excepted. Lord 

Montgomery surrendered at Enniskillen, Sir Thomas Armstrong 

at Trim, and Colonel Daniel! at Doneraile. Dean Boyle 

had strict orders not to make any overtures on behalf of 

Ormonde or Inchiquin, but Cromwell nevertheless sent them 

both passes to go beyond seas. Admiral Penn, whose squadron 

lay in the Shannon, was directed to make it easy for any of 

the Protestants who came in his way. Ormonde contemp- Safe 

tuously rejected the safe conduct, which was civil enough in rejected by 

point of form, adding that if he ever had to return the com- 
pliment he would not use it ' to debauch any that commanded ' In chiquin. 
under Cromwell. Inchiquin was angry, but his wife had 
already been allowed to depart with her family and servants 
under convoy to Middleburgh. 1 

1 Broghill's letter of April 16 ; Letter among the Clarendon MSS., July 6, 
o. s., endorsed by Hyde as from ' J. Barn.' (perhaps Barnewall).; Carte's 
Life of Ormonde, ii. ; Gardiner's Commonwealth, i. 153, 168. It is remarkable 
that in Hill's Macdonnells of Antrim nothing is said about the alleged 
forgery, though the writer can hardly have been ignorant of Carte's state- 
ment. Cromwell's articles granted to the Protestants, dated April 26, 
are printed in Contemp. Hist. ii. 393, where the other letters may be found, 
pp. 401-408, 410, and 411, and see Supplement 58 to Carlyle. 










meets the 
bishops at 



THE Anglo-Irish Catholics had been drawn into the war 
against their will in many cases, and in many others only in 
the hopes of obtaining religious toleration. They were 
genuine Royalists, though the interests of the sovereign did 
not always seem to be theirs. But the Celts cared extremely 
little for the Crown and a great deal for the Church ; even 
more perhaps for the land which they had lost. Rinuccini's 
whole influence went to widen the difference between the 
two sections. The dominant faction among the clergy were 
quite ready to submit to a foreign protector, and Ormonde's 
last struggles were with the bishops. The Clonmacnoise 
decrees having failed to secure union, he summoned twenty- 
four prelates along with the Commissioners of Trust to meet 
him at Limerick, whither he went after finally leaving Kil- 
kenny. They met accordingly on March 8, and five days later 
presented him with a paper of advice. They suggested that a 
Privy Council should be appointed consisting of ' peers and 
others, natives of this kingdom, at once spiritual and tem- 
poral,' to sit daily with the Lord Lieutenant and determine 
all weighty affairs. The answer to this was easy : that the 
appointment of Privy Councillors belonged to the King alone, 
and that in the actual condition of affairs the Commissioners 
of Trust were quite Council enough. There were vague 
charges of preferring Protestants to Catholics, and suggestions 
made as to the rendering of accounts and the administration 
of justice, very suitable for peaceful times, but not at all 
applicable to the desperate state of affairs really existing. 
Ormonde's immediate object was to place a garrison in 
Limerick, and there all was refused to him, Lord Kilmallock, 


Catholic though he was, being imprisoned by the citizens for CHAP, 
quartering part of his own troop within the walls by the r: ^ 
Marquis's orders. Some of the bishops made a faint attempt ^ciude^ 
to reconcile the townsmen ; but Ormonde went away to Ormonde's 
Loughrea on March 18, and the prelates and Commissioners 
followed him thither next day. It had been represented to 
him by some of them that all would be right if he would only 
get rid of Inchiquin ; while others told the latter that he, as 
a chief of the ancient Irish, was the proper person to command, 
if only he would separate from Ormonde. The two lords 
compared notes, and easily perceived that the real object in 
view was to get rid of them both. L 

By the fourth article of his agreement with Owen Roe A successor 
O'Neill, Ormonde was bound to give the command in Ulster R 0e w 
to the person nominated by the nobility and gentry of that ONeilL 
province, who assembled for that purpose at Belturbet in 
March, under the presidency of Eugene Swiney, who had been 
Bishop of Kilmore since 1628. Antrim, who had already 
been in communication with Cromwell and was soon to be 
in alliance with Ireton, was a candidate, and had many sup- 
porters among the officers. It was thought that Sir George 
Monro and his Scots might follow him, though they would 
dislike an Irish and especially a clerical general. Hugh 
O'Neill, who would have been by far the fittest man, was 
absent in Munster ; and Daniel O'Neill was practically dis- 
qualified by being a Protestant. The other candidates 
were Sir Phelim O'Neill, who had never shone as a soldier, 
Owen Roe's son Henry, General Ferrall, and Bishop Mac- 
mahon of Clogher. The bishop professed no great anxiety 
for the post, but there seems little doubt that he left no stone 
unturned. These intrigues were successful, and Ormonde Bishop 

,,. .. ., i t T i Macmahon 

signed his commission on April 1. He was, says the British appointed, 
Officer,' ' a great politician, but no more a soldier fit to be a pn 
general than one of Rome's cardinals.' 

Before the end of April, Monro surrendered Enniskillen to 
Coote ' for 500L and other trivial things.' At the beginning 

1 Clarendon's Hist. Ireland, 97-106 ; Cox's Hibernia Anglic/ana, 
appx. 45. 

Q 2 







of May the Bishop began his active campaign. Toome, at 
the foot of Lough Neagh, was surprised, and, though it was 
retaken not long after, this prevented Coote from besieging 
Charlemont ; and the Irish army got between his garrison at 
Londonderry and that of Venables at Coleraine. A council 
of war was held at Loughgall in Armagh to decide whether 
the attack should be on the Belfast district or on London- 
derry. According to the ' British Officer,' the latter course 
was taken owing to the secret practices of Sir George Rawdon, 
who wished to keep the war away from his own country. 
Macmahon summoned Dungiven, which was defended by 
Colonel Beresford with about sixty men, to whom he wrote, 
' if you shed one drop of my soldiers' blood, I will not spare 
to put man, woman, and child to the sword.' The place was 
taken by assault, the soldiers mounting the ramparts by means 
of short sticks thrust into the sods, and all found in arms 
were killed, except Beresford himself, who was sent wounded 
to Charlemont, where he recovered. The women, among 
whom, according to the ' British Officer,' were Lady Coote 
and Mrs. Beresford, were sent safely to Limavady, which was 
maintained by the successor of Sir Thomas Phillips. The 
Bishop hoped that some Scots would join him on Royalist 
grounds ; but he got rid of all Englishmen, and a declaration 
was published by himself and the Bishop of Down, which was 
signed by twenty-nine officers, every one of them with Celtic 
names. 1 

The Bishop of Clogher styled his followers ' the confident, 

1 Ormonde's Commission in Borlase's Hist, of the Rebellion, ed. 1743, 
p. 311, and in the Parliamentary Hist. xix. 297; Sir C. Coote to Lenthall, 
July 2, ib. appx. 28 ; British Officer's Warr of Ireland, 115-119; O'Neill's 
Journal in Contemp. Hist. iii. 212 ; Declaration of the Ulster Party, 
May 20, ib. ii. 418 ; Bishop Macmahon to Beresford, May 30, ib. ii. 422. 
In the English official account, ib. iii. 166, the Bishop's army is described 
as ' all Irish or Papists, not a Protestant among them, having taken up an 
opinion that they should never prosper till they had cleared their army of 
all Protestants.' A letter from Nantes, May 26, 1650, in Spicilegium 
Ossoriense, i. 340, says : ' Decreverunt Catholici nostri nullam dare auctori- 
tatem ulli Anglo, et specialiter Protestanti, quia experti sunt eos semper 
fuisse perfidos in omni occasione, et ita deduxisse nos in ultimam fere 


victorious Catholic army of the North,' but its career of CHAP. 

"V~ -y "Y TTT 

success was not long. Ballycastle, on the northern shore of r ' 

Antrim, was taken without resistance, and garrisoned ; but ^fgaence 
it could be of little use, and the army, amounting at this of Bishop 

* Macmahon, 

time to about 4000 foot and 400 horse, returned through 
the mountains. The Foyle was crossed at a little-frequented 
passage below LifEord, Coote being encamped higher up with 
a much inferior force. A smart skirmish took place in which 
the Irish had the best of it, Captains Taylor and Cathcart 
being killed. If the Bishop had followed up this success, he 
might have gained a great victory, for Coote had to retire by 
a narrow causeway through bogs. The Scotch settlers were 
numerous between LifEord and Londonderry, and agreed to 
give some provisions to the Bishop's army ; but Coote per- 
suaded them all to retire into Inishowen with their cattle, . 
so that there was little left for the enemy to eat. Macmahon 
occupied Lifford, which Major Perkins surrendered as soon as 
he saw Ormonde's commission, and remained there for a 
week, when supplies began to run short. He then imprudently who divide 
weakened his force by sending a large detachment to take the 
remote castle of Doe on Sheephaven, and smaller ones to 
forage about the country, so that when he took up a position 
at Scariffhollis on the Swilly, some two miles above Letter- 
kenny, he had not with him more than 3000 foot and 400 
horse. In the meantime, Coote was growing stronger : 1000 
foot, under Colonel Fenwick, came to him from Venables at 
Belfast, and every available man was drawn out of Ennis- 
killen, so that he had a large force by the fatal 21st of June. 
The principal officers in the Irish army were for adhering to and rejects 
the Fabian tactics of their late chief, his only son among them. O'Neill's 
Their arguments were sound and based on experience ; but 
we may be sure that the speech put into Henry O'Neill's 
mouth is very different from that uttered by him. The 
report occupies little more than a page, but in it are mentioned 
by name Mars, Ulysses, Ajax, Antiochus, Hannibal, Fabius 
Cunctator, Scipio Africanus, Scanderbeg, Spinola, and 
Maurice of Nassau. The Bishop retorted by actually accusing 
him of want of courage ; and after that there was nothing 




Battle of 

June 21. 

An old 




Bishop is 

left but to fight. They were, says Coote, posted on a moun- 
tain-side, ' inaccessible to either horse or foot,' but descended 
on the enemy's appearance into ground ' which was extreme 
bad,' but yet possible to traverse. The infantry on both 
sides were perhaps nearly equal, but the English had a great 
superiority in cavalry, so that when the Irish broke after an 
hour's hard fighting it was easy to pursue them in all directions. 
About 3000 were killed, including a large part of the officers, 
and few unmounted men can have escaped. Sir Phelim 
O'Neill got away to Charlemont, and the Bishop managed to 
keep some 200 horse together, with which he fled southwards. 
All his colours, arms, ammunition, and baggage fell into the 
victors' hands. Coote's casualties of all sorts were under a 
hundred, and only one officer was killed outright. Colonel 
Fenwick, who fell at the first fire, afterwards died of his 
wounds. ' Now the reader may observe,' says the British 
Officer, ' the sequel of making the Bishop a general that was 
nothing experienced in that lesson, nor becoming his coat to 
send men to spill Christian blood ; and how that for want of 
conduct and prudency in martial affairs he lost himself and 
that army that never got a foil before he led them.' 1 

One of the Maguires, who knew all the short cuts, hurried 
off to Enniskillen as soon as he saw the result of the fight, and 
warned Major John King that the Bishop was coming his 
way. King got out one hundred fresh horsemen and fell 
upon the fugitives, who were in no condition to resist. Mac- 
mahon's leg was broken in the scuffle, and he was taken 
prisoner. During his captivity he made a good impression, 
bewailing his many shortcomings and foretelling the course 
of events. King tried to save his life, but he was hanged 

1 English official narrative in Con fed. and War, iii. 166. Coote's account 
seems pretty faithful in his letter to Ireton of July 2, ut sup. The British 
Officer's Warr of Ireland gives some details. Aphorismical Discovery, ii. 86, 
can hardly be trusted, but it condemns the idea of an episcopal general 
as much as the last. An extract from a Latin narrative by John Lynch, 
printed from the Carte Papers in Confed. and War, iii. 154, says Coote had 
double his opponent's number of infantry and treble of cavalry, and that the 
Bishop gave battle ' concilio bellico refragante.' There is a good account 
in Ludlow's Memoirs, ed. Firth, i. 255, but it is certain that the Bishop was 
executed long after the battle. 


after some weeks and his head fixed upon one of the gates of CHAP. 


Londonderry. The responsibility for this must be shared be- * ', 

tween Ireton and Coote, but particulars are wanting. * I do executed, 
not know,' says the historian Lynch, ' what the Bishop fore- 
told, but I am certain that our nation never experienced 
worse calamities than she has done since he was taken from 
our midst.' Ormonde praised him long afterwards as a 
truthful man who kept to his agreements. Several officers 
of rank were put to death by Coote after the battle, some of 
them, if we accept O'Neill's Journal, with circumstances of 
great brutality. Henry O'Neill was among them, who O'Neill put 
reminded Coote that his father had saved him when he was 
near having to surrender Londonderry. To this Sir Charles 
replied that those services had been paid for at the time, 
and that he owed him nothing. The Irish accounts say 
that these officers had all been received to quarter and should 
have been treated as prisoners of war ; and it is remarkable 
that the English accounts say nothing about it, though 
Ludlow notes that there were few prisoners, ' being for the 
most part put to the sword.' It is never possible to ascertain 
exactly what happened in a battle, but the probability is 
that immediate quarter for life given on the field was not 
supposed to cover acts of treason or rebellion, and all Coote's 
victims would have come within those qualifications of the 
subsequent Act of Settlement which barred pardon for life 
and estate. 1 

Ormonde has been blamed by many Irish writers for not Ormonde is 

"* " uneup- 

supporting the Bishop of Clogher ; but he had no army with ported. 
him and no means of raising one. Inchiquin's force had dis- 
appeared in the manner already described, and Castlehaven 
could do little with his small following. Meanwhile, the 
Shannon estuary was at the mercy of the Parliamentary 
fleet. Kilrush and Tarbert were burned and all country 
boats destroyed, so that Clare was cut off from the rest of 

1 Lynch's MS. De Presulibus as above ; O'Neill's Journal in Contemp. 
Hist., iii. 212. Both Lynch and the Aphorismical Discoverer mention the 
Irishman (nefarius aliquis), who carried the news to Enniskillen, ' per 
viarum compendia,' and the latter says his name was Maguire. See Cox's 
Hibernia Anglicana, p. 23, and Borlase's Hist, of the Rebellion, ed. 1743, p. 313. 





April 27. 

kept out of 

Munster. The possession of Limerick was absolutely neces- 
sary to keep up the communications between Connaught and 
the other provinces, and Limerick was contumacious. To 
those who criticised him for keeping the few soldiers he had 
in scattered country quarters instead of concentrating them 
in important garrisons, the Lord Lieutenant sarcastically 
answered that the towns themselves were responsible, 
' wherein we cannot yet prevail, nor ever could, till by the 
enemies' lying at one end of the town we were, not without 
articling and conditioning, permitted to put such men as 
we could then get in at the other end.' He summoned a 
general assembly to meet at Loughrea on April 27, enclosing 
a copy of the young King's letter, which permitted him to 
leave Ireland if he could not secure obedience. He had a 
vessel ready in Galway Bay, but the conciliatory attitude of 
the assembly, owing to the presence of a lay element, induced 
him to dismiss her and to stay on in Ireland a little longer. 
The Archbishop of Tuam and Sir Lucas Dillon went to 
Limerick with directions to settle matters between the town 
and Ormonde, who in consequence received a rather halting 
invitation from the mayor, John Creagh. He came within 
four miles of Limerick, and agreed to visit the city on condi- 
tion that he should be received with the respect due to a 
Lord Lieutenant ; that he should have military command 
within the walls, and that he should be attended by his own 
guard of fifty horse and one hundred foot, all Roman Catholics 
and old soldiers of the Confederacy. The mayor would have 
agreed, but Dominick Fanning and a friar named Wolfe 
possessed themselves of the keys, collected a number of young 
men, who had already distinguished themselves by plundering 
Ormonde's papers on board a ship, and admitted Colonel 
Murtagh O'Brien with an Irish regiment consisting largely of 
recruits. Clanricarde, supported by the Commissioners of 
Trust, called upon the Bishop of Limerick to excommunicate 
Fanning and O'Brien ; but, of course, this was not done. 
Ormonde offered to remain in Limerick during the coming 
siege and take his chance with the rest, provided he was 
allowed to put in a proper garrison and strengthen the works 


as he thought fit ; but his efforts were all in vain, and CHAP. 

Gal way was equally determined not to admit Clanricarde. 1 ^ _ . _'.. 

While Ormonde persevered in his hopeless task, Ireton ca^de^uT 
was gradually reducing the few strongholds which held out ofGalw ay- 
to the east of the Shannon after Cromwell's departure. The p rogresa 
first to fall was Tecroghan, ift-the south-west corner of Meath, of ireton. 
which capitulated on June 25, only four days after the disaster Tecroghan 
at Scariffhollis. That strong castle belonged to Sir Luke j^\ 5 
Fitzgerald, whose daughter married the ill-fated Henry 
O'Neill, and had been Ormonde's headquarters when Cromwell 
came to Drogheda. Reynolds besieged Tecroghan about the 
middle of May, the garrison being commanded by Sir Robert 
Talbot, a kinsman of Lady Fitzgerald, under Ormonde's 
orders. This appointment displaced Major Luke Maguire, 
and the everlasting jealousy between the native Irish and the 
men of the Pale caused great dissension between the partisans 
of the late and present governor. In order to relieve the 
place, Clanricarde came to Tyrrell's Pass with 2000 foot and 
700 horse, under Castlehaven's command. Several miles of 
bog had to be crossed, and a council of war was disinclined 
to move ; but Castlehaven offered to march with the foot, 
leaving the cavalry to distract the enemies' attention, if 
possible. The latter part of the advance was along a narrow 
causeway with deep ditches on either side, and the rear- 
guard, under Captain Fox, was ordered to face about and 
protect the convoy. ' He turned to his men,' says Castle- Castle- 


haven, ' and spake something in Irish that I did not know, failed to 
and, marching two or three hundred paces in such a fashion 
that I could not tell whether he intended fighting or running 
away. At last he did run away, and all his party followed.' 
The van marched on into Tecroghan, but without the 

1 Charles II. to Ormonde from Jersey, February 2, 1649-50, in Carte's 
Life of Ormonde, ii. 107. The general assembly to Ormonde from Loughrea, 
April 30, 1650, and his answer (same place), May 1, in app. 46 to Cox's 
Hibernia Anglicana. Ormonde's correspondence with Limerick, June 12, 
in Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, Ireland, 117-121, and his instruction 
to Hugh O'Neill and John Walsh, June 29, in Confed. and War, ii. 430. 
Ormonde's letter of June 14 to the mayor of Limerick is printed by Cox, 
ii. 22. Captain W. Perm to Cromwell, April 5, 1650, Milton State Papers, 
p. 5. 




of Carlow, 
July 24. 

of Water- 
Aug. 10. 

provisions and ammunition ; and Castlehaven with difficulty 
got back. Fox was tried by court-martial and shot. No 
further attempt could be made to relieve Tecroghan, which 
capitulated on honourable terms, the garrison marching out 
with the honours of war, and protection was given for 
the property of Lady Fitzgerald and some of her friends. 
By a special article, half the guns in the castle were to remain 
with Talbot, provided he took them within eight weeks. 
Carte says this was not done, and calls it a shameful breach 
of faith ; but it is very likely that the pieces were not claimed 
within the specified time. l 

Ireton summoned Carlow on July 2, having already thrown 
a bridge over the Barrow. Major Bellew, who commanded 
a garrison of about 200 men, asked for three days' truce, 
which were granted, to communicate with the Bishop of 
Dromore and with Preston at Waterford. Further negotia- 
tions then took place, and it seems evident that the news of 
Scariffhollis had greatly damped the ardour of the defenders. 
Ireton took the bulk of the army with him to Waterford, 
leaving Sir Hardress Waller to take Carlow, which capitu- 
lated as soon as a tower near the bridge had been battered 
and carried by assault. The terms were as good as those 
granted to Tecroghan, and Ireton, says Ludlow, ' caused 
them punctually to be executed, as his constant manner 
was.' - 

After the fall of Clonmel and the departure of Cromwell, 
Waterford was almost isolated, though Duncannon was still 
in Irish hands, and communication by the river could not be 
altogether prevented. But Ireton had control of all the 
county of Waterford and of Carrick, where was the lowest 

1 Castlehaven's Memoirs, p. 91 ; Carte's Life of Ormonde, ii. 115 ; Dillon 
and others to Ormonde, May 16, in Contemp. Hist. 411, and the articles of 
surrender, ib. 489. The account of the Aphorismical Discoverer, who saw 
treason everywhere, is hardly to be trusted, but he notes that the cannon 
were not sent for within three or four weeks, and for a wonder does not 
accuse Reynolds of bad faith, ib. ii. 95. 

2 The summons and articles are in Borlase's Hist, of the Rebellion, ed. 
1743, appx. 26. Ludlow's Memoirs, ed. Firth, i. 255. The Diary of one 
of Waller's officers printed in Con fed. and War, iii. 218, says ' a passage over 
the Barrow was by one bridge of bulrushes and another of timber.' 


bridge over the Siiir. It was therefore practically impossible CHAP, 
to relieve the city, and a small force encamped at some distance xxxin - 
was probably enough to stop the introduction of cattle or 
other provisions by land. When Carlow was once invested, 
Ireton could spare a larger force, and he left that place early 
in July to press the siege of Waterford, having first sent a 
summons to offer fair terms. The garrison were to march out 
and surrender their arms within four miles of the town, 
officers and gentlemen retaining their swords and pistols. 
Cannon were not to be removed. Private property of all 
kinds was protected, and two months given to carry it away. 
Civilians were to be disarmed, but not otherwise interfered 
with in any way, and the soldiers might go where they pleased 
on promising not to serve against the Parliament in England 
or Ireland. No obstacle was placed in the way of taking 
service under any foreign government. These terms were 
rejected, and a further summons was sent after the surrender 
of Carlow. Preston or his son, Sir James, then made a sport- 
ing offer to admit Ireton's infantry and let them do what they 
could inside the town. There is a good deal of grim humour 
in the letters exchanged on this subject, Ireton suggesting 
that ' old General Preston ' must be dead. Of course, this 
came to nothing. More importance attaches to the murder Ireton's 
of a man named Murphy, who was going out of Waterford justice. 5 
into the country with 801. in his pocket. A major and a 
cornet were implicated, and Ireton had them both shot. At 
last, after much correspondence, Sir James Preston and 
others came out upon safe conduct dated the last of July. 
The place of meeting was then called New Cross, just outside 
the town on the south-east side and close to the Suir. It 
was probably the news of Carlow having fallen that decided 
Preston to surrender, for Ireton seems not to have been ready 
for an assault, though he could annoy the town with his 
artillery. The terms were virtually the same as those offered Waterford 
a month before, and on August 10, says Ireton, ' there marched 
out about 700 men, well armed, the townsmen more numerous 
than before we believed, and the town better fortified in all 
parts and more difficult to be attempted than our forces 




and Dun- 


of Charle- 
Aug. 14. 



Sir Phelim 

conceived, there being many private stores sufficient to have 
maintained them a long time.' Duncannon, which it was 
now evidently useless to defend, capitulated seven days 
later. 1 

Having taken a fortnight's rest after Scariffhollis, Sir 
Charles Coote proceeded to besiege the strong fort at Charle- 
mont, which had been in Sir Phelim O'Neill's hands since 
the first outbreak in 1641. As Sir Phelim had accepted the 
peace of 1649 it was reckoned as a royal fortress, and was 
the last to hold out for the King in Ulster. Venables joined 
Coote, and a hot fire was kept up with guns and mortars ; 
but it was not till near the middle of August that a practicable 
breach was made. The garrison made a desperate resistance, 
assisted by many women, ' who more appeared like fighting 
Amazons than civilised Christians.' The storming-party were 
assailed not only with shot, but with scalding slops and hot 
ashes, and were beaten back after two or three hours* fighting. 
Venables had a narrow escape, but Coote, who commanded 
in chief, remained ' a spectator, smoking of tobacco at dis- 
tance.' The total loss of the besiegers was not less than 
500 men, but O'Neill's ammunition was running short, and 
only thirty men out of 140 were able to bear arms, all the rest 
being killed or wounded. He went out himself to confer with 
Coote, while Colonel Audley Meivyn, afterwards Speaker of 
the House of Commons, and Major King, afterwards Lord 
Kingston, were sent in as hostages. The garrison marched 
out with arms and baggage, Sir Phelim having leave to go 
beyond sea, and Coote undertaking to find him a vessel. 
Unfortunately for himself, O'Neill remained in Ireland, while 
Venables returned to Carrickfergus and Coote to London- 

1 Ireton's account is in Parliamentary Hist. xix. 336. Diary of a 
parliamentary officer employed in the parleys in Contemp. Hist. iii. 219. 
Most of the letters are in the diary of Mr. Cliffe, who was Ireton's secretary, 
printed in Borlase's Hist, of the Rebellion, ed. 1743, appx. 32-45. Sir James 
Preston always signs as governor, and perhaps his father, whose patent as 
Viscount Tarah is dated Ennis (where Ormonde was), July 2, 1650, con- 
sidered himself as still general-in-chief. He stayed for some time injWater- 
ford after the siege. A round shot, which from its position may have come 
from the other side of the Suir, still sticks in the tower built by Reginald 
the Dane, which formed the south-east angle of the walls. 


derry. A Parliamentary garrison was left in the fort which CHAP. 


had been so dearly won. 1 . , ', 

While the strong places of Leinster, Munster, and Ulster Meeting 
were being reduced, Ormonde was struggling to maintain the t j^mes 3 
semblance of royal authority beyond the Shannon. The ^T' 6 
Loughrea conferences had led to no good result, and the 
bishops assembled on their own account at Jamestown in 
Leitrim on August 6. They announced their intentions to 
Ormonde through the Archbishops of Dublin and Tuam, who 
reminded him of what he knew only too well that there was 
no army and no money, and that the enemy were actually 
drawing large contributions from Irish Catholics, whose 
country was in their hands ; so that ' we are in a fair way for 
losing our sacred religion, the King's authority, and Ireland.' 
They invited the Lord Lieutenant to send a representative to 
Jamestown, but he answered with perfect truth that this 
would be useless after what had already happened. ' Ancient Ormonde 

,, . , , , . , n .-, ,. rebukes the 

and late experience, he said, hath made evident what prelates. 
power those of your function have had to draw the people of 
this nation to what they thought fit.' Yet they had been 
unable or unwilling to give him possession of Limerick, with- 
out which successful military operations east of the Shannon 
were quite impossible. But he wished the Jamestown 
assembly all success, especially if the object of the prelates 
was, as they themselves admitted, to clear their own con- 
sciences. He had endeavoured to show ' that the spring of 
our past losses and approaching ruin arises from disobedience, 
and it will not be hard to show that the spring of these dis- 
obediences arises from the forgeries invented, the calumnies 
spread against government, and the incitements of the 
people to rebellion by very many of the clergy.' 2 

The Jamestown congregation met as announced, and The 
after three or four days' deliberation they despatched Bishop rder PS 
Darcy of Dromore and Charles Kelly, Dean of Tuam, to u r j n f nde 


1 British Officer's Warr of Ireland, p. 131. Archbishop of Armagh and 
others to Ormonde, August 18, 1650, in Contemp. Hist. iii. 173. 

2 The letter of the two archbishops, July 24, and Ormonde's answer, 
August 2, are in Clarendon, Ireland, 130-132. 








Ormonde with full powers to explain their views. They had 
observed with ' grief and admiration ' that he threw some of 
the blame upon them, showed to their own satisfaction that 
they were not in fault, and left it to their emissaries to declare 
what they believed to be the only possible means of preserving 
the country. Ormonde prudently required the plenipoten- 
tiaries to put their message upon paper ; and the result was a 
peremptory notice to him to quit Ireland forthwith. The 
writers plainly said that he was of no use there, but that his 
great position and experience might avail something if he 
was by the King's side. In the meantime, he was to leave 
the viceregal authority in the hands of someone ' trusty to 
the nation, and such as the affection and confidence of the 
people will follow.' On the day before this message was 
deli vered the assembled prelates had actually excommunicated 
all who adhered to the Lord Lieutenant, so that there was 
little sincerity in sending the Bishop of Dromore and his 
colleague at all. The excommunication, with the declaration 
prefixed, though dated August 12, was withheld from publica- 
tion until September 15, so that Ormonde's answer might be 
first received. The Commissioners of Trust persuaded him 
to summon the bishops to another conference at Loughrea 
on August 26, and he went there himself ; but they only 
sent the Bishops of Cork and Clonfert, with no instructions 
except to demand an answer to their order for his leaving the 
kingdom. In giving this, Ormonde pointed out that he had 
returned to Ireland from a sense of duty, that he had been 
prepared in April last to make room for a Roman Catholic 
viceroy, but that many of the prelates themselves had then 
begged him to stay ; and that he waited now because the 
King's position in Scotland was hopeful and orders might 
come which he would be sorry should arrive in his absence. 
' We plainly observe,' he added, ' that though the division 
is great in the nation under our government, yet it will be 
greater upon our removal ; for which in a free conference we 
should have given such pregnant evidence as we hold not 
fit this way to declare.' The best chance of prevailing upon 
Charles to send supplies was to be able to tell him how obedient 


and dutiful the people were. A majority of the Commissioners CHAP. 


of Trust, all Eoman Catholics, wrote in much the same strain, r^ 
urging that disloyalty on the part of the clergy would reflect 
upon the nation at large, and could only result in general 


On August 16, four days after the decree of excommunica- Charles n. 
tion was passed at Jamestown, an event happened in Scot- ^e" 
land which was alone sufficient to destroy all Ormonde's 

plans. It is less famous and was less important than the rebels,' 

Aug. 16. 

Glamorgan treaty, but it shows that Charles was his father's 
son, and he even contrived to better the instruction. At 
Dumfermline on August 16, he was induced to sign a declara- 
tion in which he professed himself ' deeply humbled and 
afflicted in spirit before God ' for his father's sin in opposing 
the Covenant, ' and for the idolatry of his mother, the tolera- The King's 
tion whereof in the King's house, as it was matter of great 
stumbling to all the Protestant churches, so could it not but 
be a high provocation against Him who is a jealous God, 
visiting the sins of the father upon the children.' He further 
declared his conscientious conviction of the ' exceeding great 
sinfulness and unlawfulness of that treaty and peace made 
with the bloody Irish rebels, who treacherously shed the blood And 
of so many of his faithful and loyal subjects in Ireland.' For 
the future he would prefer affliction to sin, and employ no one 
who had not taken the Covenant ; and he ' recalled all com- 
missions given to any such persons.' The baseness of this Commis- 
declaration can hardly be matched in our history, but Cavaliers 
George IV. tried to emulate it when he authorised Mr. Fox to revoked - 
inform the House of Commons that he was not married to 
Mrs. Fitzherbert. Clarendon can only say that Charles was 

/ / 

1 The Jamestown congregation to Ormonde, August 10, and the Bishop 
of Dromore's statement, August 13, in Clarendon, Ireland, 133-137 ; 
Ormonde's answer, August 31, in Cox, ii. 32, where the date is misprinted ; 
eight Commissioners of Trust (none of the names Celtic, Sellings one) to 
the Archbishop of Tuam, September 2, in Contemp. Hist., iii. 179. Fourteen 
bishops and the procurators of several others signed the Jamestown declara- 
tion. Among the other subscribers were representatives of the Franciscans, 
Dominicans, and Augustinians. The Jesuits refused to sign on the ground 
that they were not allowed to meddle in politics and affairs of State, 
Spicilegium Ossoriense, i. 359. 




Opinions of 
Carte, and 


the peace. 


' absolutely forced to consent ' and other apologists take the 
same line, but Carte, with all his royalism, was not deceived 
by sophistry of this kind. He makes every allowance for 
Charles's youth and difficulties, but with the scathing 
reflection that ' if a man once gets over his natural mag- 
nanimity he is afterwards fit for anything ; and having done 
one mean thing, is capable of doing ten thousand.' l 

The articles of the peace had been brought by Lord 
Byron to the Hague early in March 1649, and Charles had 
written twice to confirm them, declaring himself ' extremely 
well satisfied.' These letters were found by Carte among 
Ormonde's papers, as well as the latter's acknowledgment, 
so that their delivery is not doubtful. Charles did not deny 
the facts, and he sought for the means of neutralising them 
as much as possible. The emissary chosen was Dr. John 
King, Dean of Tuam, who had taken refuge in Scotland, and 
we have his own account of the interview where he received 
his instructions. ' The Scots,' said Charles, ' have dealt 
very ill with me, very ill. I understand you are willing to 
go into Ireland. My Lord of Ormonde is a person that 
I depend upon more than anyone living. I much fear that 
I have been forced to do some things which may much pre- 
judice him. You have heard how a declaration was extorted 
from me, and how I should have been dealt withal, if I had 
not signed it. Yet what concerns Ireland is no ways binding, 
for I can do nothing in the affairs of that kingdom without 
the advice of my council there ; nor hath that kingdom any 
dependence upon this, so that what I have done is nothing.' 
It is only fair to say that after Dunbar had been fought he 
took the opportunity of another trusty messenger to express 
his gratitude, begging Ormonde not to run any unavoidable 
personal risk, but to leave Ireland whenever he pleased. He 
had already advised him that Scotland was not safe, and 
that he should seek France or Holland. It took Dr. King 

1 The Dunfermline declaration is in the Parliamentary History, xix. 362, 
and in Walker's Historical Discourses, p/170. Whitelock's summary leaves 
out the Irish part. Sir Edward Walker, who was with Charles at the time, 
remarks, ' What induced him to do it I cannot say.' 


about two months to get to Ormonde, and he at once under- CHAP. 
took ' through much hazard ' to take the answer back to ^ 
Scotland. The Dunfermline declaration was already known Effect of 
in Ireland through other channels, and Ormonde at first declaration 
thought the report was a fabrication circulated by the Scots " 
politicians for their own purposes, but the Dean of Tuam 
brought a printed copy with him, and there was no longer 
room for doubt. This was on October 13, and Ormonde at 
once summoned the Commissioners of Trust to meet him at 
Ennis on the 23rd, and by their advice convened an assembly 
to sit at Loughrea on November 15. To the Commissioners 
he explained in writing that the Dunfermline declaration 
had been ' by some undue means obtained from his Majesty ' 
upon one-sided assertions of the peace being unlawful and 
without hearing the other parties. For himself he was 
determined by every means in his power to maintain the 
validity of the peace as binding the King and all his subjects 
until the authorised representatives of the Irish nation should 
have ' free and safe access unto his Majesty,' provided always 
that the Jamestown declaration forbidding obedience to him 
as Lord Lieutenant should be revoked, that the bishops 
should acknowledge that they had invaded his Majesty's 
prerogative, and that he and the necessary forces under his 
command should be freely admitted into all garrisons. The TheCom- 
Commissioners of Trust accepted the excuses made for 
Charles, whose declaration they had read with ' inexpressible 
grief,' and for themselves agreed to the Lord Lieutenant's 
provisoes. In order to prepare matters for the ' assembly 
of the nation,' they asked and obtained leave to go to Galway, 
and to confer with the standing committee of bishops there. 1 

Six bishops met the Commissioners accordingly, among A confer- 
them being Darcy of Dromore, French of Ferns, who was 
Ormonde's bitter enemy, and Lynch of Clonfert, who had 

1 The papers concerning Dean King's mission, August to October 1650, 
are in Carte's Original Letters, i. 391-399 ; the King's second letter to 
Ormonde, September 13, ib. ii. 444, and his two letters confirming the peace, 
March 9 and |, 1648-9, ib. i. 363, 368. The Ennis negotiations with the 
Commissioners of Trust are in P. Walsh's Hist, of the Remonstrance, appx. 



CHAP, protested even against the short delay interposed between 
^_ T _J. the decree of excommunication and its publication. Bellings 
and his colleagues suggested that the peace and the main- 
tenance of the royal authority were the only means of pre- 
serving union, and to this end they asked that the excom- 
munication and declaration should be withdrawn with a 
promise not to renew them. It was understood by both 
parties that Clanricarde was Ormonde's only possible suc- 
cessor, but the bishops could and did argue irresistibly that 
Charles had withdrawn his own authority ' and thrown away 
The the nation from his protection as rebels.' With less wisdom 

will not they declared in the baldest way that it was a scandal to 
Protestant ^ ave a Protestant governor over Catholics, and that in the 
governor, abortive agreement between the Pope and Henrietta Maria 
this had been provided against. They positively refused to 
Theexcom- annul the excommunication or to promise not to renew it, 
ma^- Ca a and they reiterated the complaints of bad administration 
already so often made against Ormonde. In conclusion they 
agreed that Clanricarde should govern with the consent of all 
parties and with ' the King's authority from the Lord Lieu- 
tenant which he conceives is in him ' until a free and lawful 
assembly should otherwise order. If such a body decided 
to treat with the enemy the Church would acquiesce, though 
she would be the heaviest loser, but they conjured the 
Catholics of Ireland to imitate the Maccabees, whose fears 
were greater for the Temple than for their nearest and dearest 
kinsfolk. The result of this preliminary conference was not 
very hopeful, but the compromise was accepted by Darcy, 
who two months before had been authorised to demand that 
Ormonde should put the viceregal authority into commission, 
the commissioners being all Koman Catholics nominated by 
the bishops. This he had of course refused to do, and Clan- 
ricarde was the only alternative. 1 

The assembly began to meet at Loughrea on November 15, 
but did not constitute themselves until the 25th, when Sir 

1 Proposals of six Commissioners of Trust (Bellings being one), October 
29, and the six bishops' answers, November 5, in Walsh's Hist, of the 
Remonstrance, appx. 127-135. 


Hichard Blake was elected chairman. The lay element from CHAP. 

"V"y "VTTT 

the first asserted itself, and some bishops, who in purely t _'- 
ecclesiastical manifestoes considered themselves bound by A t ssembl y 

the majority, showed a certain amount of independence. Loughrea, 

J J Nov. 25. 

On December 7 an agreement was rather unexpectedly 

arrived at, and probably this was hastened by the fact that 
Ormonde was on shipboard and might leave Ireland without 
delegating his authority. First the prelates were induced 
to say that they had no intention at Jamestown of usurping 
the royal authority, and no aim but the ' preservation of the 
Catholic religion and people.' The assembled Lords Spiritual 
and Temporal and Gentry ' then declared their conviction 
that the royal authority was the best bond of union, and that 
no body of men in Ireland had any power to impair it. It is 
to be observed, and no doubt Ormonde did observe, that the 
deposing power of the Pope is not referred to. They then A Deputy 
besought the Lord Lieutenant to leave his authority in some appointed, 
person faithful to his Majesty ' and acceptable to the nation,' ^^" 
to whom they promised ready obedience. And they fully 
acknowledged that the retiring viceroy had risked person and 
property for the royal cause, and that, even when unsuc- 
cessful, he had ' faithful intentions and hearty affections to 
advance his Majesty's interests and service.' This manifesto 
reached Ormonde at Gleninagh in Clare, where he had put in 
before taking his final departure. He wrote to say that he 
"was not fully satisfied, but that he had sent a commission as 
Deputy to Clanricarde, and he left it to him to get further 
explanations and to accept or reject the charge according to 
their tenor. This was his last act in Ireland until after the 
Kestoration and, having refused Ireton's offer of a pass, he 
sailed on December 11 in a very fast vessel of twenty-four tons Ormonde 
and four guns which the Duke of York had provided for him Ireland. 
in Jersey. He was accompanied by Inchiquin, Bellings, 
Daniel O'Neill, and many officers, and it was three weeks 
before they reached land at Perros Guirec in Brittany. Forty 
men in a boat of twenty-four tons in the open Atlantic and 
in midwinter must have endured very great hardships. 
Ormonde made his way to Caen, where his wife and children 

R 2 


CHAP, were, and from thence to Paris. A second ship with Sir 

v "V"V"TTT 

-_ t" '- George Lane and others reached France, and a third with 
servants and baggage was lost at sea. The distinguished 
exiles were from the first in the direst distress. 1 

1 The Act of the Loughrea assembly, dated December 7, is printed by 
Cox, ii. 51. For Ormonde's movements see Carte's Life, ii. 136, and Clarendon, 
Ireland, 175 ; Ormonde to Sir E. Nicholas from Caen, January 9, 1650-51, 
in Nicholas Papers, i. 215. Cox says Ireton was advised to send a pass to 
Ormonde by a great man still living in 1688 this might seem to point to 
Ludlow, who, however, was not in Ireland at the moment. 




WHEN Ludlow landed in Ireland a few weeks after Ormonde CHAR 
left, one of his first acts was to sign a proclamation prohibiting XXX IV, 
the slaughter of calves and lambs. The waste of the war , The plague 

I and 

had been so great that there was a danger of depleting the I famine, 
country of its stock. Starvation was imminent everywhere, 
and to this the plague was added, which first appeared in 
Galway and was supposed to be imported from Spain. The 
Aphorismical Discoverer relates with something like glee that 
the first house visited was that of Sir Richard Blake, which 
had been cursed by Rinuccini, and that the contagion flowed 
thence ' as from a channel, the divine vengeance of high 
power unto the respective provinces of Ireland, except Ulster, 
as not guilty of either censure, curse, or ejection of my lord 
nuncio.' Ludlow says simply that it reached most parts, 
and Bishop O'Brien of Emly that it was in every corner. 
It was very bad in the south, Kilkenny, Waterford, and 
Limerick being severely scourged. Bishop Comerford of 
Waterford estimates the deaths in his own diocese at 5000, 
and many priests were taken. ' Our sins,' he adds, ' have 
provoked this scourge.' 

At first the English soldiers were nearly exempt, but 
suffered equally afterwards ; as a punishment, Ireton thought, 
for trusting in the carnal arm and not giving God the glory. 
The bishops and the clerical politicians generally do not A devoted 
show to advantage in their disputes with Ormonde, and 
the narrative of a poor friar is much better worth reading. 
Having visited in disguise Kilkenny, Ross, and many other 
places he came to Waterford, where many were dying of the 
plague. ' Here have I been,' he says, ' these six weeks 




A regicide 




ministering indifferently to poor and rich, and here I intend 
to stay until plague or gallows ends my life. I had no con- 
fessor until God sent an English priest to this city, who, 
coming lately out of Spain into England, was pressed for 
military service by the Parliamentarians, who did not know 
he was a priest, and sent with others to Ireland, where he 
escaped and is now in hiding here. I go freely about the city 
as gardener of its chief heretic, and even work at carrying 
burdens with the porters. I am indifferent whether God 
continues thus to hide me or not, but if I can get away un- 
recognised I will go to Dungarvan and Youghal and so round 
Ireland until He pleases to take me to Himself. Our father 
Gregory is within fifteen or twenty miles, but being known 
and unwieldy he cannot come to me, nor can I go to him or 
account of the scarcity of priests in these parts, all the native 
clergy being driven out.' l 

Ireton was Lord Deputy, and commanded the army, but 
the Council of State found it necessary to give him help in 
the civil government. After some discussion, Edmund 
Ludlow, Miles Corbet, John Jones, and John Weaver were 
appointed to settle the affairs of Ireland ' with the advice 
and approbation of General Cromwell, Lord Lieutenant 
thereof, and Henry Ireton, Esq., his deputy, or either of 
them.' Of these commissioners the first three were regicides, 
while Weaver had been appointed one of the late King's, 
judges, but had never acted. Ludlow was also general of 
the cavalry, and his friends suggested that Cromwell only 
wished to get him out of the way, ' but I,' he says himself, 
* could not think myself so considerable and therefore could 
not concur with them in that opinion.' He was not anxious 
to go, but Cromwell declared that he was the fittest man, and 
that private affairs must yield to those of the public. The 
Commissioners were instructed to advance religion and to 

1 Ludlow's Memoirs, i. 261 ; Aphorismical Discovery, ii. 97 ; Letter* 
(Latin) of the Bishop of Waterford, March 3, 1651, of the Bishop of Emly, 
March 29, and of Anthony Nugent, ' capucinus indignus,' June 30, all three 
in Spicilegium Ossoriense, i. 363-373. Borlase says 17,000 were reported to 
have died in and about Dublin. Ireton and his officers to Cromwell and 
the army in Scotland. July 10, 1651, Milton State Papers, p. 72. 


suppress ' idolatry, popery, superstition, and profaneness,' CHAP. 
executing the statutes against Recusants and taking care that 

Papists should have no public employment, nor be allowed 
to ' practise as counsellors at law, attorneys, or solicitors, 

* . * J , 

nor to keep schools for the training up of youth. They were Oct. 1650. 
to study the revenue and reduce expenses as soon as the 
progress of the war allowed, and to take especial pains as 
to the administration of justice. Ludlow and his colleagues 
were all at Waterford before the end of January, and Lady 
Ireton, who travelled with them, joined her husband there. 1 

After the surrender of Waterford, Galway, Limerick and Ireton a 
Athlone were the only walled towns still held by the Irish, general 
and the next work awaiting Ireton was to find a passage 
over the Shannon. Vast quantities of cattle, some stolen, 
had been driven into the Wicklow mountains, which were 
diligently searched by Ireton's parties. In Glen Imale, where 
the Royal Artillery now practise, a great herd was captured, 
and part of it was handed over to Sir Hardress Waller, who 
was detached at the beginning of September to summon 
Limerick, and to blockade it as far as that could be done from 
the left bank of the Shannon. By his defence of Clonmel Hugh 
Hugh O'Neill had earned the respect of his foes, and civilities Limerick. 
passed between him and Waller, but he declared his resolution 
to maintain the city to the death, ' for the use of his Majesty 
King Charles.' The citizens were well disposed to resistance, 
but the unfortunate governor had no soldiers, and the cor- 
poration would admit none. He himself was not ' excom- 
munication-proof,' to use Preston's phrase, and he thought 
it best to keep quiet until circumstances changed. His 
personal safety even was doubtful, and he begged Ormonde's 
pardon for not going to bid him farewell, since he ' gloried 
in nothing more than to be esteemed a faithful observer of 
monarchical government.' If Ireton had been a great com- 
mander he would not have divided his army, and probably 

1 The instructions to the Commissioners from the Council of State were 
laid before Parliament, October 4, 1650, and are given in the Parliamentary 
History, xix. 406. Corbet was substituted for Salwey, who had been named 
but excused at his own request ; Ludlow's Memoirs, i. 249, 259. 




Sept. 16. 






he could have taken Limerick by pressing it resolutely when 
no preparations had been made for resistance, and while 
dissensions were rife within the walls. Instead of this he 
went to Athlone, where the garrison abandoned the town on 
the Leinster side. Sir Charles Coote established a camp 
among the half-burned houses, and Ireton occupied himself 
in reducing scattered garrisons, which might safely have been 
neglected. The most important was Birr, which was deserted 
by its garrison on the approach of the army and occupied 
on September 28. Roscrea, Thurles, Cashel, and Thomas- 
town near Tipperary were visited, and on October 4 Ireton 
encamped near the old Desmond stronghold at Lough Gur, 
whence he approached Limerick on the western side. He 
asked for a passage through the city, which he would then 
protect, but of course this was refused, and on October 9 the 
Deputy went to see what could be done about making a bridge 
at Castle Connell. 1 

Axtell left Kilkenny with 800 men on October 6, and 
marched towards Athlone, from which Coote had withdrawn 
northwards. While he was on his way Clanricarde crossed 
the Shannon with over 3000 men, took Ferbane and besieged 
Kilcolgan in King's County. In the face of a superior force 
Axtell was unable to cross the Brosna, and drew back to 
Roscrea. The Irish then summoned Birr, taking Streams- 
town and two other castles near it, but retired again before 
a fresh advance of Axtell, whose force was trebled in a few 
days by the arrival of contingents from Tipperary and Wex- 
ford. On October 25 the Parliamentarians advanced to the 
Shannon, where they found the enemy strongly posted in the 
island or peninsula of Meelick, near Banagher, which was 
then accessible only by one passage flanked with bogs and 
defended by three separate entrenchments one behind the 
other. The two first were carried pretty easily, but at the 
third it came to a hand-to-hand fight. Axtell's men burst 

1 Hugh O'Neill to Ormonde, September 9 and 15, 1650, in Contemp. 
Hist. iii. 180 ; Diary of Parliamentary Officers, ib. 220 ; W. Basil, A. G., to 
Lenthall, November 3, ib. 265, and to Bradshaw, November 4, in Parl. 
Hist. xix. 439. 


into the island and the slaughter was very great, five hundred CHAP. 

-w- -V- -V- TTT 

being driven into the river and drowned in one body. Out : 

of at least 3000 men only 300 escaped by swimming across, ft MeeUck 
Clanricarde, who thought there was no danger, was away, Oct. 25. 
but his waggon and tent fell into the victors' hands. The 
lately captured castles were abandoned, and Axtell returned 
to Kilkenny, having sent a part of his force to help Ireton in 
besieging Nenagh. The latter place surrendered on Octo- 
ber 30, its garrison of 108 men marching out without arms, \y 
and the army soon afterwards went into winter quarters at 
Kilkenny. 1 

Charles IV., Duke of Lorraine, who, according to Voltaire, Charles 
spent his life in losing his dominions, had been a lover of the Lorraine, 
open-hearted Duchess of Chevreuse, for whose sake his state 
was made the focus of intrigue against Eichelieu. Louis XIII. 
when dying ordered this mischievous lady to be kept out of 
France, and Mazarin afterwards noted how disaster had 
dogged her footsteps in Lorraine and everywhere else. Her 
sojourn in England preceded the rebellion there, her voyage 
to Madrid was followed by the loss of Portugal and Catalonia, 
and her stay at Brussels coincided with the progress of French 
arms at the expense of Spain. Acknowledging the suzerainty 
of the Emperor and repudiating that of the French king, 
the Duke of Lorraine had visions of an eighth electorate, and 
of a commanding military position like that of Wallenstein. 
He lost his duchy, he did not gain his electorate, and the 
mercenaries whom he gathered from all sides, and supported 
by plunder or by forced contributions, were used by the A belated 
Emperor or the King of Spain with very little regard for the dottiere. 
permanent interests of their leader, who, however, made 
money by the business like an Italian condottiere of the 
fifteenth century. At the beginning of 1646 he gave a com- 
mission to Colonel Thomas Plunket to raise an Irish regiment 
for service in Flanders, and sought the assistance of Ormonde 
in so doing. Plunket brought letters to the Confederate 
Catholics, also, with money enough for recruiting purposes, 
and with a gift of four field pieces, thirty barrels of powder, 

1 Basil's letters and Parliamentary officers' diary, ut sup. 




The Duke's 

Mission of 



and some pikes and muskets. Through the Spanish am- 
bassador in London he had also obtained a safe conduct for 
himself and a passage for his men through the places held for 
the Parliament, and he was allowed to carry some of his levies 
to Flanders. As the Parliamentarians had command of the 
sea, it was easy for Ormonde to say that he countenanced 
nothing against the French court, and that there was little 
chance of Irish recruits being obtainable for the service of 
Louis XIV. 1 

At the beginning of 1646 the Duke proposed to send 
10,000 men 'into England to help Charles I., but the plan was 
frustrated, if it was ever meant seriously, by the unwillingness 
of France and Holland to allow the embarkation in their 
respective territories. Interference in England would have 
had sentimental motives mainly, but Charles had other 
reasons for looking to Ireland. He was a bigamist, having 
'children by a second wife during the lifetime of the first, 
and he was not of a rank to imitate Henry VIII. His object 
was to dissolve the first union and to legitimate the second, 
and assistance given to the Irish Catholics might gain him 
favour at Rome. The Irish officers in his service would 
naturally push him in the same direction, and the Irish clergy 
assembled at Clonmacnoise in December 1649 deputed 
Nicholas French, bishop of Ferns, and William Burke, pro- 
vincial of the Dominicans, to ask the Duke's help. French 
carried a secret commission signed by some bishops and 
others under their control, and without any regard to the 
viceroy. The strength of England had not yet been exerted, 
and the clergy fancied that Ireland could break off with some 
foreign help. Many regretted that they had not supported 
Rinuccini better. Patrick Rochfort, recorder of Wexford, 
a partisan of the nuncio, went to Jersey about the same time 
to open communications with Charles II., but he had no 

' Duke of Lorraine to Ormonde, February 8, 1646, in Confed. and War, 
v. 259 ; Dumoulin to Mazarin, May and June, ib. 346 ; Cousin's Madame de 
Chevreuse; Mazarin to Anne of Austria, April 1651, in Ravanel's Lettres du 
Cardinal Mazarin. I have followed Martin and the Biographie Universelle, 
as well as the Duke's own agreement with the Irish, in writing Charles IV. 
Gardiner and others call him Charles III. 


authority from anyone holding power in Ireland. His main CHAP. 


object seems to have been to intrigue for Ormonde's removal . r" f" . 
from the Irish Government. The Duke of Lorraine's first 
idea was to deal with Ormonde as the King of England's 
unquestioned representative, and he sent over Colonel Oliver 
Synnott nominally to recruit soldiers in Ireland as of old 
under Ormonde's authority, but also with letters relating to 
the more important negotiations. Rochfort followed Charles 
to Breda, and proposed to give Duncannon Fort to the Duke 
of Lorraine as security for an advance of 24,OOOZ. This 
negotiation was carried pretty far, but nothing actually came 
of it, and Duncannon was in Ireton's hands in the following 
August. Rochfort and Synnott reached Ireland in May, Abortive 
declaring that they had thrown overboard their most secret w lth mgs 
and important despatches for fear of their capture by a pur- Ormonde ' 
suing frigate. There seemed probability enough in their 
story to induce Ormonde to treat with them, and he gave 
a commission to Lord Taaffe, Lord Athenry, and Geoffrey 
Browne to negotiate on his behalf. Galway was now the 
object instead of Duncannon, but there was mutual distrust 
between Ormonde and Synnott, and they came to no agree- 
ment. 1 

While Synnott's business hung fire, Ormonde sent Lord Taaffe's 

. mission to 

Taaffe to the King, and he sailed from Galway Bay on the Charles n. 
last day of June, after the arrival of Charles in Scotland. 
The Duke of York, who was the next best authority, 
gave him a letter of credence to the Duke of Lorraine at 
Brussels. Taaffe, whom Carte rightly calls ' a bold and 
forward undertaker,' went first to Paris, which he found 
hard to leave, as Rinuccini had done before him, and as so 
many others have done since. Mazarin was much more Mazarin 

. . and 

anxious to keep on good terms with the Parliament than to De Retz. 

1 Nicholas to Ormonde, February |i, 1649-50, in Carte's Original 
Letters ; Long to Ormonde, ib. ; Duke of Lorraine to Ormonde, April 29, 
1650, in Contemp. Hist. ii. 399 ; Ormonde to Synnott, June 25, ib. 428. See 
also Carte's Ormonde, book v., and Hibernia Dominicana, p. 695 ; Clarendon's 
Hist. xiii. 176. Rochfort reached Jersey January 12, 1649-50, see Hoskin's 
Charles II. in the Channel Islands, ii. 367. Letters from Charles I. to the 
Queen, in the King's Cabinet Opened, February-March, 1644-5. 


CHAP, promote an Irish crusade. Moreover, his enemy De Retz 


was, by Hyde's account, the best friend Charles had in 
France, and he certainly gave him sound advice when he 
said that the profession of Catholicism, however desirable 
for his soul's good, would prevent him from regaining his 
kingdom. De Retz had befriended the Queen when he found 
her at the Louvre, a few days before her husband's death, 
without funds or credit, and obliged to keep the future 
Duchess of Orleans in bed for lack of a fire. The coadjutor 
attributes this destitution to Mazarin, and exaggerated his 
own services, but it appears from later researches that the 
Queen's or Jermyn's extravagance had much to do with it. 
The Duke of Lorraine had hesitated about embarking on an 
Irish adventure without knowing the King of England's 
views, but it was thought impossible to send a Catholic 
emissary to Scotland, and Henrietta Maria wrote twice to 
that effect, advising the Duke to place the fullest confidence 
in TaafEe. Later on she had not so good opinion of him, for 
without consulting her he tried to negotiate a betrothal 
between the Duke of York and the Duke of Lorraine's infant 
daughter. After lingering six weeks in the French capital, 
Taaffe did not reach Brussels till the end of November, 
nearly five months after his departure from Ireland. Want 
An exile at of means may have been one cause of delay, for he says : 
' I was like to starve at Paris, though every person saluted me 
wibh " votre tres humble serviteur jusqu'a la mort ! " It 
became clear to him that nothing could be expected either from 
France or Spain, but there was some chance from Lorraine. 1 

1 Taaffe to Ormonde, January 3 and 5, 1650-51, in Clanricarde's 
Memoirs ; Letters of James and Henrietta Maria, ib. 40-42 ; Clarendon's 
Hist. xiv. 66 ; Clarendon State Papers, iii. 128 ; De Retz Memoir es, part ii. 
vol. ii. 197, in the Grands Ecrivains edition. ' Les biographes de Charles nous 
racontent qu'a cette epoque de sa vie il etait revenu a 1'idee d'aller tenter au 
loin quelque grande aventure et a peu pres decide a ceder aux instances 
que les eveques catholiques d'Irlande lui faisaient continuellement adresser 
par le Pape, afin qu'il leur vint en aide contre la tyrannic de Cromwell. Us 
nous le representent comme occupe a signer aux Irlandais refugies a Bruxelles 
des patentes de colonels et d'officiers dans son armee de secours, armant 
des vaisseaux pour passer le detroit et deja tout pret a s'embarquer.' 
D'Haussonville's Hist, de la Reunion de Lorraine, ed.1860, chap. 23, pp. 221-2. 


Ormonde left Ireland in December 1650, and was destined CHAP. 


not to return until 1662. Meanwhile, the Duke of Lorraine 
sent Stephen de Henin, Abbot of St. Catherine's, a person 
much in his confidence, to Ireland, with letters addressed Ir eiand 
generally to the men in authority there. Shortly afterwards 
he wrote to the Pope claiming to be the Church's champion, 
and asking for Innocent's blessing and prayers. De Henin 
was accompanied by George Dillon, a Franciscan who was 
TaaftVs uncle, and who brought 500QZ. as an earnest of what 
might be expected from Lorraine. They landed at Galway Bishop 
on February 26, when Bishop French, who hated Ormonde Brussels'! 
above all created beings, had sailed for France with a private 
commission from some of the clergy. He stayed some time 
at Paris, went on to Brussels about the end of April, and 
speedily gained the Duke of Lorraine's ear. Madame de 
Chevreuse and the Duchess of Orleans gave what help they 
could, and De Henin found the viceregal authority in Clan- 
ricarde's hands, and being, in Clarendon's words ' a wise 
man and of phlegm enough,' he refused to treat with anyone 
else. Four of the Commissioners of Trust, of whom two had 
already been employed by Ormonde, summoned Clanricarde 
from Banagher, and he gave the Lorraine envoy a public 
audience at Tirellan. De Henin handed him the Duke's cianri- 
letter, and Dillon the two last from Taaffe to Ormonde, the e 
Dillon, who had had opportunities of knowing the Lor- 
rainer's plans, was called upon to submit proposals, and 
they were not such as Clanricarde could possibly agree to. 
It was suggested that the protectorate of Ireland should be 
handed over to the Duke, ' his heirs and successors,' that 
Limerick and Galway should be given in pawn for his outlay, 
that he should be invited to come over in person, and that in 
the meantime Lord TaaSe should ' have as ample com- 
mission to treat and conclude with his Highness, as his 
Highness's ambassador hath to this kingdom.' Many of the 
Commissioners of Trust and several bishops had come to 
Galway on hearing of the stranger's arrival, and they drew 
up fresh proposals less bold in form, but equally destructive 
of the viceregal authority. In the long negotiations that 




agreed to. 






of the 

followed, Clanricarde showed a good deal of diplomatic skill, 
and had no difficulty in proving that neither the King 
alone nor any popular assembly without him could convey 
away Ireland as an estate of inheritance. In the end the Lord 
Deputy covenanted with De Henin that the Duke of Lor- 
raine should give 20,000?., including what Dillon had already 
brought, on the security of Limerick and Galway, and of the 
whole nation collaterally, but without binding any man's 
separate estate. The Duke was to have the appointment 
of a commandant in each cautionary town, provided, never- 
theless, that ' in case of pressing necessity for the public 
service of the kingdom, the Lord Deputy may make use of 
his power as hitherto accustomed.' : 

Ormonde, and the rest of the exiled family's chief advisers, 
with Hyde at the head of them, had little hope from the Duke 
of Lorraine, whom they considered fond of money, very 
cunning, and very much inclined to have his pound of flesh. 
Nicholas saw very clearly that Taaffe was no match for him, 
and that he was liar enough to ' deceive the Earl of Norwich 
or any man living.' The object was to make a diversion in 
Ireland, and so give the King some chance in his Scotch 
venture. The Duke of Lorraine did actually give 20,OOOZ. for 
Ireland, but this was not enough seriously to affect the 
desperate situation there. If anything, the expectation of 
these shadowy succours had the effect of preventing the 
Irish from exerting themselves. Bad bargains were made in 
buying arms, there was a good deal of waste, and the dis- 
count on bills of exchange was so heavy that ' the sheer 
money,' to quote Sellings, ' came far short of the first mouth- 
ful.' Dean King reported that the 20,OOOZ. was thus reduced 
by 6,OOOZ. Rumours that more was coming were sedulously 

1 Duke of Lorraine to Innocent X., February 11, 1651, in Spicilegium 
Ossoriense, ii. 84 ; ib. 92 for French's movements ; Letters in Clanricarde 
Memoirs, February 27, 1650-1 till April 4, when the agreement was signed ; 
Clarendon's Hist., xiii. 182. According to D'Haussonville (chap. 23), the 
state of French politics was what really prevented Duke Charles from going 
to Ireland. He could not afford to be out of the way just when Mazarin's 
flight seemed to give him a chance. Ireton was well informed about these 
intrigues, as may be seen from William King's letter to him, March 24, 
1650-51, printed in Z. Grey's Examination of Neal, iv. appx. 7. 


propagated, and great things were expected as far off as CHAP. 
Madrid, and the farce was continued during the whole of ._ 7^ 
1651. This reliance upon a broken reed probably weakened 
the efforts of the Irish. The Duke proposed to send a small 
army, but neither Spain, France, nor Holland would allow it 
passage, and it was arms and money that were wanted, for 
of men there were already plenty in Ireland. It seems probable 
that the Duke had no intention of doing anything, and that 
his real object was to further his matrimonial suits at Eome. 
To that end he might be willing to outwit the Irish clergy as 
well as the Protestant Eoyalists and the non-clerical Deputy. 
In addressing the Pope he took his stand upon a decree of 
the Lateran Council under Innocent III., where legates from 
England and all other States were present, which gave the 
Pontiff power to appoint a protector if any state fell into 
heresy. Innocent X., however, was cautious, thought the 
Irish nation should be consulted, and that some more 
powerful prince might undertake the work. Bishop French 
told Taaffe and his colleagues that they derived their 
authority from the ' withered and accursed hand of one for 
several causes excommunicated a jure et homine, and at Eome 
accounted a great contemner of the authority and dignity Bishop f 
of churchmen, and persecutor of my lord nuncio and some abuse of 

bishops and other churchmen . . . who never joined the 
Confederate Catholics until he found the opportunity of 
bearing down the Pope's nuncio . . . comrade-in-arms with 
Lord Inchiquin, who not long before dyed his hands in the 
blood of priests and innocent souls in the church or rock of 
St. Patrick, in Cashel.' He urged the agents to ignore Clan- 
ricarde's commission, and to ' go on cheerfully in the contract 
with this most Catholic ' prince. Taking advantage of The vice- 
Taaffe's absence from Brussels, Plunket and Browne did authority 
accordingly make an agreement with the Duke of Lorraine setaside - 
without mentioning the Lord Deputy, and in the name of 
the ' kingdom and people of Ireland.' l 

1 The Duke of Lorraine's supplies reached Ireland in March 1651, 
Spicilegium Ossoriense, i. 368 ; Sellings to Ormonde, April 10, 1651, in 
Confederation and War, vii. 370 ; Clanricarde Memoirs, April-October ; 




Terms of 

There was an Irish agent at Paris named Tyrrell, who 
intrigued with Madame de Chevreuse and the Duchess of 
Orleans, but even before the battle of Worcester Ormonde 
saw that the Duke would do nothing serious. ' He must,' he 
wrote, ' sit down with the loss of 20,OOOZ, and they (the 
Irish) with the state of perfect slavery, the frequent lot of 
such as affect immoderate power upon weak foundations. 
The remaining consolation is that, if the King recover Eng- 
land, Ireland will soon follow, without which, if he had it 
again so peopled as it was, it would be lost.' The agreement 
was signed on July 2, but was not transmitted to Clanricarde 
until September, after the news of Worcester had reached 
Brussels. Taaffe, who had hitherto been so sanguine, now 
thought that the Duke of Lorraine would be unable to do 
anything ; and, indeed, he had probably no further object 
but to gain credit at Rome by a show of strong clerical 
leanings. ' His proposals,' Taaffe wrote, ' discovered more 
of self-interest than affection to his Majesty.' As far as the 
agreement could do it, he was constituted the ' true royal 
protector of Ireland, and this to pass to his heirs and suc- 
cessors.' The army and militia present and future were 
placed absolutely in his hands, with power in his absence 
to appoint a substitute ' professing Catholic religion, ex- 
cluding all other whosoever.' All heretics were to be ex- 
pelled from Ireland. When these points had been granted, 
certain provisoes making a show of preserving the royal 
authority were hardly worth the paper on which they were 
written. Ormonde, who might easily have been communicated 
with, never heard of the agreement until a copy was sent back 
by Clanricarde from Ireland. At the time of its despatch 
Limerick was closely besieged, and within a few days of 
surrender, but the corporation of Galway received a direct 

intercepted intelligence from Madrid, May 20, and from Rome, May 22, in 
Milton State Papers, p. 67. According to the Aphorismical Discovery, ii. 153, 
French's letter was written early in July (more probably the end of June, 
since the agreement inspired by it was of July 2). In Carte's Original 
Letters are several from Nicholas commenting on the Duke of Lorraine's 
proceedings. Dean King's report to Charles II., April 1, 1652, in Contemp. 
Hist., iii. 301 ; Nicholas to Hyde, April 4, 1651, in Nicholas Papers. 


letter from the Duke of Lorraine, in which, he held out hope CHAP. 


of further supplies, and claimed their help in carrying out . t _!. 
the agreement made with Plunket and Browne. Some 
powder was sent towards the end of 1651, but it was the 
' basest ever seen, not worth 2s. a barrel,' yet the Irish were 
afraid to complain for fear of offending the Duke. In 1652 
a very small further supply was sent to Innisbofin. They A 

" Protector 

sent a favourable answer by special messenger, addressing the Royal." 
Duke as royal protector of Ireland, and when the Lord 
Deputy remonstrated they practically refused to make any 
excuse. He reported fully to the Queen and to Ormonde, 
and he could do no more. The latter at least fully understood 
the matter. The object of the Irish clergy, he said, was to 
call in a Roman Catholic protector, ' from which office to 
absolute sovereignty the way is straight and easy,' and 
they were so intent upon this that they allowed the country 
to fall into the power of the English rebels. 1 

Clanricarde plainly told the Duke of Lorraine that he had cianri- 
been duped ' by the counterfeit shew of a private instrument, condemns 
fraudulently procured, and signed by some inconsiderable Lo e rraine 
factious persons.' He laid the chief blame on French, as the agreement, 
violent and malicious enemy of royal authority in Ireland, 
and ' a fatal instrument in contriving and fomenting all those 
diversions and divisions that have rent asunder the kingdom.' 
He bade Bishop Darcy of Dromore, and the Archbishop of 
Tuam, who must have known all about it, to observe the 
efficacy of that prelate's powerful spirit in persuading and 
' prevailing with the commissioner to break and betray their 
trust.' Letters took a long time in transit, but in February 

1 Ormonde to Nicholas, August 3, 1651, in Nicholas Papers. The agree- 
ment is dated July 2, 1651, and the Duke's covering letter to Clanricarde, 
September 10, but they did not reach him till October 12. The Galway 
letter to the Duke is of October 15 all in Clanricarde Memoirs. Taaffe to 
Ormonde, September 30 and November 23, in Fourth Rep. of Hist. MSS. 
Comm., appx. 569 ; intercepted intelligence from Paris, June 14 and 17, 
in Milton State Papers, p. 68 ; Ormonde to Hyde, in Clarendon S.P., June 30, 
1651 ; Patrick Archer to Ormonde, January 19, 1651-2, in Contemp. Hist., 
iii. 281. As to the supply to Innisbofin in 1652, ib. 356. Writing to 
Clanricarde on March 23, 1651-2, Charles II. says other supplies had been 
stopped ' by some rude people in Zeland,' Clanricarde's Memoirs, part ii. 52. 
VOL. n. S 





Charles II. 

The Duke 


on the 
results of 

1652 Charles II. wrote to Clanricarde, entirely approving of 
his conduct, expressing full confidence in him, and allowing 
him to leave Ireland whenever he thought fit. This did 
not reach the Lord Deputy until August, and in the meantime 
all negotiations with the Duke of Lorraine had been broken 
off. ' De Henin,' says Clarendon, ' returned in the same 
ship that brought him, and gave the Duke such an account 
of his voyage and people that put an end to that negotiation, 
which had been entered into and prosecuted with less wari- 
ness, circumspection, and good husbandry, than that prince 
was accustomed to use.' While still professing his anxiety 
to help the Irish Catholics, the Duke declined to have any- 
thing more to say to the Commisisioners, whose factiousness 
had spoiled all. Charles II had reminded him that Clanricarde 
was ' as zealous for the Catholic religion as anyone in Ireland, 
and that he knew the affections and interests of that people 
as well as any, whatsoever others pretend.' Of his dislike 
to Clanricarde he made no secret, calling him a traitor and 
base fellow, whom he would do his best to injure if he 
came within reach, and when the Marchioness reached the 
Continent he regretted that her sex prevented him from 
satisfying his feelings of revenge. The remnant of the Irish 
in Innisbofin continued to hold the island for the Duke of 
Lorraine, and to hope against hope for his arrival until 
late in the year 1652. 1 

When the news of Worcester reached Ormonde he knew 
that all was over for a very long time. A Scottish army in 
England under Charles in person, a still unsubdued Scotland 
behind that, and at the same time enough resistance in 
Ireland to occupy a large Parliamentary force, all these made 
a combination very unlikely to recur. The only chance, and 

1 Aphorismical Discovery, 996. Clanricarde's letters in October to the 
Duke of Lorraine, to Henrietta Maria, to Ormonde, Muskerry, Darcy, &c., 
are in his Memoirs, with the answers ; Duke of Lorraine's letter breaking 
off negotiations, February 14, 1652, in Clarendon Gal. For his hostility 
to Clanricarde see Hist. MSS. Comm. Calendar of Ormonde Papers, 1902, 
i. 256 ; for the difficulties in corresponding with Ireland at this time see 
Ormonde's letter to Muskerry of March Jf, #> 264 ; Clarendon's Hist., xiii. 
176-182. Other accounts of the whole affair are in Carte's Life of Ormonde 
and in Uibernia Dominicana. 


that a remote one, was that the parties into which England CHAP. 


was divided might fall out among themselves, and so the ~_ T V, 
King come by his own. ' This,' he wrote to Clanricarde, who 
may never have got the letter, ' I take to be a remote, lazy 
speculation, and very near lying in the dirt and crying God 
help. God often blesses very improbable endeavours, but I 
find not where he promises, or where he has given success 
to flat idleness, unless contempt or misery, which are the 
proper fruits of it, may be so called.' He thought the only No help, 

T t f i i 11 11 i even from 

thing to do was to seek foreign help, and that the best chance Rome, 
was to try to make the Pope a mediator. Attempts to get 
money from Rome for the Irish war had already failed, but 
it was proposed to send TaafEe there a little later. The Pope 
would do nothing unless Charles would satisfy him that he 
had joined the Roman communion, and to let this be known 
would have alienated England irretrievably. When, in due 
time, the treaty of Dover was signed, Ormonde was kept 
in the dark. Bishop French, who had reviled TaafEe for not Ormonde 
signing the agreement with the Duke of Lorraine, did not ultra- 
return to Ireland, but he attacked Ormonde long after the montanes - 
Restoration for preferring Cromwell's protectorate to that 
of a distinguished Catholic prince. It was, perhaps, im- 
possible for an Irish Ultramontane to understand the position 
of an English Royalist, but it is easy to see now that Ormonde 
and Clanricarde were essentially in the right. Neither they The 
nor their master could help the usurpation, but they would Lorraine's 
have destroyed their chances altogether by placing the 
sovereignty of Ireland in the hands of a foreign adventurer, 
who could not call a single sea-port his own. Two years later 
the Spaniards seized his person, and the French annexed 
his army. 1 

The Parliamentary Commissioners knew that the Irish 

1 Unfinished letter from Ormonde to Clanricarde in September 1651 ; 
Carte's Original Letters, i. 460 ; French to Taaffe, August 10, 1651, and 
the answer, September 22, in Clarendon S.P. French's Unkinde Deserter, 
published in 1676. ' Quelle destinee pour 1'ennemi obstine de la cour de 
France, pour 1'infatigable allie de la maison d'Autriche, de voir au bout 
de vingt annees, ses troupes au service des Frangais et sa personne au 
pouvoir des Espagnols.' D'Haussonville, chap. 24, p. 296. 

s 2 


CHAP, in Connaught had received arms and money from the Duke 

"V^?" V'TTT 

._ T 1^ of Lorraine^nd that they had great hopes from de Benin's 
neafof the H" 88 * 011 - /But Ludlow and the rest saw clearly that the 
struggle in subjugation of Ireland was only a matter of timej They did 
not advise any immediate reduction in the army, but a 
large part of the country was now contributing to its support, 
and they saw their way to diminishing the parliamentary 
-X*^" grant for Ireland from 33,000?. to 20,OOOZ. a month. They 
hoped that the area still to be occupied would on these terms 
be much narrowed by Michaelmas. Provisions and clothes 
Operations were scarce, ' yet your poor naked soldiers upon all commands 
midland do go out most cheerfully,' and they were seldom idle. The 
March 68 ' Irish were making great efforts to form a strong force out of 
the remnants of O'Neill's and Preston's armies in Westmeath, 
Cavan, and Longford. To prevent this coming to a head 
Hewson left Trecroghan on March 14, marching by TyrelPs 
Pass to Kilbride, which made some resistance, and through 
MulHngar to Donore, where Reynolds had stormed the castle 
with much corn and other plunder in it. The two officers 
here joined their forces to garrison and repair Lord Netter- 
ville's castle at Ballimore, which had been partly dismantled 
by the Irish. Ballinalack, which commanded a passage into 
Longford, was taken without much trouble, but a strong 
stand was made between Loughs Kinale and Sheelin, where 
Lord Westmeath had left a garrison in his castle of Finnea. 
He himself had retired with all portable property to a strong- 
hold at Termonbarry, in Roscommon. Colonel Alexander 
MacDonnell, Antrim's brother, and Philip MacHugh O'Reilly 
held the neighbouring village of Togher, where there was 
another castle, but there was little discipline, and whisky 
was easily obtainable, so that Hewson had an easy victory. 
Finnea O'Reilly, who had kept his own head clear, could do nothing, 
M & arch 14. and was fain to gallop away, Sir Theophilus Jones being sent 
in pursuit of the demoralised crowd. Many were killed and 
about 400 prisoners taken, including the colonel, lieutenant 
colonel, and major all MacDonnells, twelve captains, and 
twenty-eight subalterns. According to the Irish account, 
those who did not die in Dublin were ' transported to St. 


Christopher as slaves.' The garrison of Finnea then sur- CHAP, 
rendered on fair terms, the men marching away under safe- ^ T _*. 
conduct without arms, and Longford and Cavan were at 
the mercy of the Parliament. Many still remained in arms 
under Lord Westmeath's nominal orders, but they were little 
better than brigands, plundering the poor, and even de- 
priving fugitive friars of such cattle as they had preserved 
for their sustenance. 1 

Leinster and Ulster being now pretty safe, Coote was A turning 

. movement 

directed to cross the Erne near its mouth, and to turn the in Con- 
line of the Shannon. Reynolds was sent with a regiment of 
horse to help him, and there was no force in Connaught 
able to repel the invasion. Coote and Reynolds were at 
Athenry before the end of May, while Ireton himself advanced 
to the Shannon opposite Killaloe, and Hewson to Athlone. 
Castlehaven was at Killaloe with what were called ten regi- ireton's 
ments, ' but nothing answerable in numbers,' and there he castie- 
received a long letter from Ireton setting forth the justice haveili 
of the Parliamentary cause, speaking slightingly of the King, 
and inviting him to retire to England, where he would be 
well received. He would thus save his property and be spared 
a hopeless struggle in company unworthy of him. Peter 
Walsh was with Castlehaven, and by his advice Ireton's 
offers were spurned, after which all intercourse ceased between 
the two generals. Preparations for crossing at Killaloe, 
where the bridge was broken down, were openly made, and 
more quietly at O'Brien's Bridge, where there had been no 
bridge for generations. A few men were sent over in a boat Ireton 

. passes the 

at daybreak, and seized an old house on the Clare side, under shannon, 
cover of which and of field guns on the Tipperary shore 500 
men were ferried over in one hour. The Irish were seized 
with panic, and deserted their entrenchments, while Colonel 
Ingoldsby with 300 horse crossed the river unopposed at 
Castleconnell. Castlehaven came too late to rally the fugitives, 

1 Ludlow, Corbet, Jones, and Weaver to Lenthall, March (before the 
25th), 1650-51, in Gary's Memorials, ii. 253 ; Hewson to Lenthall, with the 
articles for surrender of Finnea, March 14, published by order of Parliament, 
London, March 25 ; Aphorismical Discovery, ii. 134-138. 




Coote and 





inarch to 

and in his absence Colonel Fennell deserted his post at 
Killaloe and' fled to Limerick. Ireton then crossed himself 
without trouble, while Castlehaven, whose force had dwindled 
to 300 horse, lost his plate and other property, and went 
northwards in hopes of joining Clanricarde and intercepting 
Coote and Reynolds, who had left Londonderry together 
on May 5, and who for the first time dragged two pieces 
into Donegal over Barnesmore gap, ' till then thought im- 
passable for the lightest carriages.' When they drew near 
the Curlew mountains, where Sir Conyers Clifford was over- 
thrown in the Elizabethan days, their scouts reported that 
Clanricarde had occupied the passes, whereupon they turned 
westward, and got ' by strange and unexpected ways un- 
discovered into the county of Mayo,' near Ballaghdereen, 
leaving Clanricarde two days' march in their rear. They were 
at Athenry on May 31, and outside Loughrea on June 2, 
where they lost no time, but pushed on towards Portumna 
without fighting. Clanricarde and Castlehaven were together 
at Loughrea, but too weak to do anything. They warned 
all the population to fly with their property, and retired 
beyond the Galway river, taking refuge in the town when 
Coote appeared on its eastern side. 1 

As soon as he heard of Coote's approach, Ireton sent 1000 
cavalry and dragoons to meet him, with whom Ludlow, 
who volunteered his services, started northwards through a 
desolate country. One ' creaght ' or encampment of half a 
dozen families with their cattle, was sighted, and the soldiers 
would have killed these poor people as enemies had not 
Ludlow interfered. ' I took a share with them,' he says, ' of 
a pot of sour milk, which seemed to me the most pleasant 
liquor that ever I drank.' Having marched forty miles in 
about twenty-four hours, Ludlow left the bulk of his men 
comfortably encamped, and hurried on with sixty troopers 
to Portumna, which, having repulsed one attack, surrendered 
next morning. Coote being safe, Reynolds joined Ludlow 
with 500 horse, and they pursued Clanricarde as far as 

1 Journal of Parliamentary officer in Contemp. Hist. iii. 227 ; Castle- 
haven's Memoirs, 95. 


Ballinasloe, which surrendered and was garrisoned. Reynolds CHAP. 


then returned to Portumna, and Ludlow marched through _ 7" _*. 
Clare to Limerick. At Gort he found that Sir Dermot 
O'Shaughnessy had gone to Galway, leaving his tenants with Desperate 
some soldiers under an English lieutenant named Foliot to Gort! Ce 
hold the castle. A countryman employed by Ludlow deserted, 
and told the garrison that he had no artillery or other 
equipage for a siege. But faggots or fascines were made, and 
each soldier carried one to use as a shield first, and afterwards 
to fill up the ditch. Enraged by the fall of two comrades the 
men climbed the twelve foot wall of the courtyard, helping 
each other to the top. Some ladders were found inside which 
gave admission to more, a window was soon forced open, 
and the occupants of the room killed. Foliot fought desper- 
ately ' with a tuck in one hand and a stiletto in the other,' 
but was soon run through the body. Faggots were piled 
against the gates and fired, when the garrison, fearing to be 
burned alive, hung out a white flag and threw down their 
arms. Ludlow gave one of his men twenty shillings to fetch 
out two barrels of powder that were near the fire, which 
could not be put out, eighty men besides many women and 
children being rescued by ' skeins of match thrown up into 
the chambers.' A few soldiers were put to death as defenders The laws of 
of an untenable post. Ludlow says he was pressed by his 
council of war to use this severity, but O'Shaughnessy's 
tenants were all dismissed unhurt to their homes, and 
the general went on to Ireton, driving before him 500 
cattle which his foragers had collected among the Burren 
hills. 1 

Ireton came before Limerick on June 3 on the Clare side Siege of 
of the Shannon. A large number of cattle had been collected june-Oct. 
at a place called Ferboe, a little above the town, where 
there was a narrow pass partly defended by an old castle. A 
stout resistance was made here, but Ingoldsby forced the 
passage with his cavalry and drove the Irish back to Thomond 
Bridge, about 150 being killed or drowned. The cattle formed 
a welcome addition to the commissariat, and Ireton marched on 
1 Ludlow's Memoirs, i. 269-274, May 31 to June 17. 





ment does 
little harm. 

Ire ton's 

without further opposition. The estuary was in the hands of 
the Parliament, and the next few days were spent in landing 
cannon and mortars. The word bomb was, perhaps, first 
applied to the mortar-shells used during this siege. June 18 
was set apart as a day of thanksgiving ' for the Lord's mercies 
in bringing us over the Shannon,' and other unexpected 
successes, and on the next day Ireton having formally sum- 
moned Limerick, at once began the bombardment. A battery 
of twenty-eight guns played upon the castle defending 
Thomond Bridge. Two mortars, afterwards increased to 
four, threw shells into the town, but the largest, carrying 
projectiles of two hundred weight, burst, but without hurting 
anyone. Ludlow joined Ireton three days later, and found 
that a lodgment had already been effected on the great 
salmon-weir above Limerick, where a castle still stands. 
Two guns were brought to bear, and from one the first shot 
went in at a window and broke a soldier's leg. The garrison 
at once took to their boats, but the fire was so hot that 
they all rowed to shore and surrendered, some to Tothill 
on the Clare bank, and some to Ingoldsby on the Limerick 
bank. 1 

Ireton, says Ludlow, ' was so great a friend of justice, 
even where an enemy was concerned, that, though Colonel 
Axtell was a person extraordinarily qualified ... he sus- 
pended him from his employment.' A court-martial had 
found that he killed prisoners who had been promised quarter 
by soldiers, though not by himself. This seems to have been 
in the attack on Meelick. Tothill was now charged with the 
same offence and deprived of his regiment, his ensign being 
also cashiered. Tothill pleaded that he thought no one 
could grant quarter but the commanding officer, and that the 
Lord Deputy would be angry if he showed mercy. Ireton 
said the punishment was too little for the offence and the 
excuses equally abominable, ' for the base and servile fear 
pretended in the latter part, as for the pride of spirit pre- 

1 Ludlow's Memoirs, i. 274 ; Ireton's letter of July 15, in Sad News from 
Ireland, published by order of Parliament, but Scobell's imprimatur is 
dated July 4, probably for 24. 


dominate in the former.' He was somewhat consoled by CHAP. 


the fact that Ingoldsby spared all lives on his side. 1 . t _L 

On the same day that the castle on the weir was taken, Fruitless 
the garrison of Limerick sent out a drum in answer to Ireton's atlons" 
summons. A truce was asked for, hostages to be given by June< 
thf Deputy during the time that the representatives of the 
besieged were in his camp. Both conditions were refused, 
but Ireton had no objection to treat for a capitulation, and 
six commissioners were sent out, two for the garrison, two 
for the citizens, and two for the clergy, a like number being 
named by the Deputy. Among the former were Major- 
General Purcell and Geoffrey Baron, one of the late Supreme 
Council; among the latter, Ludlow, Waller, and Colonel 
Henry Cromwell. They met in a tent between town and 
camp, dined together every day, and discussed the terms in a 
leisurely way ; but Limerick did not yet despair of relief, 
and the negotiations came to nothing. Meanwhile, the 
bombardment continued, two bridges being thrown across the 
Shannon, one of wood at Castleconnell and the other of boats 
or floats, below the weir. O'Neill tried to reduce the number Non-com- 

i i i T CT batanta 

of useless mouths by driving non-combatants out of the turned 
town. On one occasion Ireton ordered that four of these Limerick. 
poor wretches should be knocked on the head, but the order 
was wrongly given, and forty were killed ' an act much 
disgusted by his Excellency.' The castle on Thomond Bridge 
was stormed after many hand-grenades had been thrown in ; 
which, strange to say, failed to ignite some barrels of powder 
specially laid to blow up the assailants. An open arch 
under the drawbridge was filled up with rubbish and faggots, 
so that the captured work could be used against the town ; 
but 'the garrison broke down other arches, and there appeared 
to be no chance of entering that way. As soon as the floating 
bridge was finished, Ireton fortified the Clare end of it, and 
transferred the bulk of his army to the county Limerick side. 
More than a dozen boats were laden with men, and an attempt 
was made to seize the upper end of King's Island, upon the 

1 Ludlow's Memoirs, i. 263-274, and Ireton's letter, ut sup. See also 
Gardiner's Commonwealth, ii. 48, 52. 





June 18. 

Ludlow in 
Clare, July, 

lower end of which a large part of Limerick stands ; but here 
the besiegers met with a serious reverse. Four boats got 
over safely, under Major Walker, who had been distinguished 
at O'Brien's Bridge, and three other officers. Finding no 
resistance at first, the men got out of hand and ran through the 
enemies' line up to a fort in the middle of the island. The 
garrison sallied out and drove them back to their boats and 
to a fifth which was just coming ashore, so that nearly all 
were either shot or drowned. ' We find missing,' Ireton 
wrote, ' eighty-six or eighty-seven men, besides the four 
commissioned officers aforementioned, and not more what- 
ever may be reported.' Abundant reinforcements were at 
hand, but before order was restored it was broad daylight, 
and nothing more could be done. A night attack is always 
risky, and Ireton acknowledges that there was mismanage- 
ment ; but some of Tothill's men who had broken faith 
with the enemy were among those who perished, and 
on that account, he adds, ' that most justly the Lord 
hath rebuked us, and cast reproach and confusion of face 
upon us.' l 

The next day was set apart as one of humiliation for the 
sins of the army, and on the following came the news that 
Coote had taken Athlone Castle. Great efforts were made 
to relieve Limerick. Muskerry had about 5000 men in Kerry, 
with whom he intended to join Fitzpatrick, who collected 
what was left of the Leinster forces at Galbally, near the 
Glen of Aherlow. Meanwhile, David Roche was active with 
some 3000 men in Clare, and Ludlow was detached to look 
after him. Roche, who was besieging Carrigaholt, which had 
been but lately taken, drew off as soon as he heard that Ludlow 
had passed the Fergus, and Captain Lucas took the opportunity 
of slipping out with his men, whom he brought safe to the 
Parliamentary camp. Roche then occupied the passage of 
the river at Inch Cronan, so as to prevent Ludlow from 

1 Ireton's letter of July 15 in Sad News from Ireland, ut sup. ; Ludlow's 
Memoirs, i. 274-6 ; Diary in Contemp. Hist., iii. 241, where the abortive 
propositions for surrender are given. As Ireton suspected, greatly exag- 
gerated reports of the repulse at Limerick were circulated in England, 
see for example Lord Derby's letter in Cary's Memorials, ii. 287. 


returning to Limerick ; but his party were soon routed by a CHAP, 
superior force of cavalry. Some skirmishing took place _. 

among woods and bogs, during which Connor O'Brien of 
Leamaneh, who commanded a regiment of horse, and was 
perhaps the most considerable person in Clare, was shot. 
The Irish were so light of foot that Ludlow could do but little 
execution ; but Carrigaholt was burned or blown up, whether 
by him or by Roche does not seem quite certain ; it was too 
remote to have much effect on military operations. Having 
dispersed the Clare gathering and made all safe on that side, 
Ludlow rejoined Ireton, and while the engineers were pushing 
on the siege works accompanied him to Killaloe, where he ireton's 

* devotion to 

repaired or rebuilt the bridge. The Lord Deputy rode so duty, 
hard that he spoiled many horses, and hazarded some of the 
men ; but he was so diligent in the public service, and so 
careless of everything that belonged to himself, that he never 
regarded what clothes or food he used, what hour he went to 
rest, or what horse he mounted.' As a cavalry leader he 
might have done better by giving heed to Francesco Sforza, 
one of whose three leading principles was never to ride a 
horse that stumbled or cast its shoes. 1 

Lord Broghill thought his services had been insufficiently Broghin 
acknowledged, and when Cromwell left Ireland he announced general, 
that he would obey no one but Ireton and Adjutant- General 
Allen. Ludlow sympathised with his discontent, though he 
occupied in command of the cavalry the very post that 
Broghill coveted. This, he assured Ireton, he would never 
have accepted but as a matter of duty and in obedience to 
positive orders. He advised that something should be done 
to content Broghill, who, after much discussion, was appointed 
Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance, with the rank of a 
general officer. In July 1651 he was detached to intercept 
Muskerry, with not more than 600 foot and 400 horse as a 
field force ; but his own troop, consisting of reformadoes or 
unemployed commissioned officers, was particularly efficient. Hi8 
Muskerry collected nearly 3000 men, of whom about one- campaign 

J J _ against 

third were cavalry or dragoons, in the woods near Drishane, Muskerry. 
1 Ludlow, i. 276-279. 


CHAP, where he had defeated Colonel Elsing in the previous winter, 


._ T 11 and he got over the Blackwater to Dromagh without fighting. 
At Castlelyons, Broghill had a message from Ireton ordering 
him to use every exertion to intercept the Irish army. On 
the 21st he went to Mallow with this object, and next day 
followed them towards Castle Ishin, on the border of county 
Limerick, coming upon their outposts at midnight in a storm of 
rain and wind. Muskerry doubled back to Dromagh, ' but 
through a place and country that the very Teigs themselves 
could hardly march in,' leaving Broghill to bar the road to 
Limerick. On the 24th the Irish were at Drishane again, 
whither Broghill followed next day, crossing the Blackwater, 
which had risen much from the great rain. Unable to bring 
them to action, he determined to return to Mallow for fresh 
provisions and take up a position at Courtstown, where he could 
watch the road to Fitzpatrick's position at Galbally. Before 
they had marched half a mile the enemy suddenly appeared 

His victory on the hills to his rear, and at last their whole force descended 


Zanturk, into the plain at Knockbrack, to the south of Banteer railway 
station. Broghill' s men fought with great alacrity, and he 
thought ' better knocking ' had never been known in Ireland. 
One division of Irish pikemen particularly distinguished 
themselves, and all fought well, but, though almost sur- 
rounded by superior numbers, the veterans had the best of 
it. Broghill narrowly escaped with his life, which was 
specially aimed at, the Irish soldiers calling to each other 
to ' kill the fellow with the gold-laced coat.' He lost under 
thirty men killed, but there were four or five times as many 
wounded, and he admits that his force was extremely shattered. 
Having no means of keeping prisoners safely, he had given 
orders to make none, and at least 600 were killed, but a few 
Super- officers were taken to Cork. The priests had exhorted the 
Muskerry's Irish to fight, and fortified their speech with holy water and 
charms, many of which were ' found quilted in the doublets 
of the dead,' and there was also a large stock of spare ones. 
A specimen guaranteeing the wearer against war, water, fire, 
and pestilence, was sent for parliamentary inspection : it 
claimed to have been approved by the Council of Trent, and 


it was supposed that the Virgin Mary would appear to the CHAP, 
owner fourteen days before his death. 1 __ T _'- 

The fight at Knockbrack was the last in this war which The last 
deserves the name of a battle. There was a prophecy current 
among the country people that there would be one on that 
spot, and that the English would get the day. Broghill 
noted that it was like Naseby, fair weather at the beginning, 
then a thunderstorm, and then sunshine again. It made 
the relief of Limerick impossible, and Ireton was justified in 
firing salvoes of artillery and musketry. But guerrilla war- 
fare continued in many places, and the besiegers were always 
in danger of being attacked. At the end of August or begin- iretonand 
ning of September Ireton and Ludlow were both in Clare, ciare W 
catching horses and cows, but seldom their masters, and placing 
a garrison at Clonroad to curb Clare Castle. Seizing the 
opportunity of their absence, two thousand foot sallied out 
of Limerick and almost surprised the cavalry guard ; but the 
latter ' immediately mounted, and being not accustomed 
to be beaten,' drove them back into the town. Muskerry 
again collected some force, but Broghill easily dispersed them, 
and the Irish general soon retired to Galway. Occasionally 
the Parliamentarians suffered small reverses. Meelick, for 
instance, was recaptured by Fitzpatrick at the beginning 
of August, the garrison being all asleep. Phelim M'Hugh 
O'Reilly attacked Finnea on August 5, but was beaten back 
with great loss ; and there were other considerable bodies 
of the Irish still together in Leinster and Ulster. ' I found Guerrilla 
them unwilling to fight,' says Hewson, ' though their numbers 
be great.' But they sometimes surprised and routed small 
bodies of troops, and they exhausted the country and made 
it impossible for the people to contribute towards the support 

1 This account is taken from the narrative enclosed in Broghill's letter 
to Lenthall, dated Mallow, July 28, and printed by order of Parliament 
along with another dated Blarney, August 1. A copy is abstracted in the 
Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, addenda p. 303. Notes in Broghill's 
own hand, preserved at Lismore, are printed in Smith's Hist, of Cork, but 
wrongly placed under 1652. Journal in Contemp. Hist., iii. 246 ; Ludlow, 
i. 276. ' My boldest horse being twice wounded,' Broghill writes, ' became 
so fearful that he was turned to the coach.' Some accounts call this the 
battle of Knocknaclashy. 


CHAP, of the army. The detached Parliamentary garrisons could 

^ _'. just hold their own, but were scarcely able to act on the 

offensive. Early in October Venables made an attempt on 

Ballinacargy, O'Reilly's chief stronghold in Cavan, but was 

foiled, the Irish retreating to a bog whenever he advanced, and 

watching to intercept provisions, so that he had to return to 

Dundalk. It was evident that nothing of importance could 

be done as long as Limerick held out and kept the main 

strength of the army occupied. Even within a few miles 

of Dublin, Sherlock kept 2000 men among the mountains, 

and there was no force to attack him. Meanwhile, the coast 

was but carelessly guarded, no Government ships being seen 

Pirates between July and October. At Carrickfergus and at Wexf ord 

channel. rovers took many English vessels out of the harbours, and it 

was as hard to get in the customs as the assessments from the 

country. 1 

Limerick After the failure of the boat attack in June, Ireton had 


invested, been content to rest his hopes mainly on famine and on the 
plague which raged within the walls of Limerick. The garrison 
sometimes made signals with fire, but without result, and 
spies had not much chance. One poor woman brought a 
message from Roche, which might have caused a combined 
attack by the garrison and by his men in Clare, but she was 
caught and ' hanged for fear of giving further intelligence.' 
All attempts to escape from the doomed city were ruthlessly 
repressed. No threats were strong enough to deter these 
poor wretches, and an example was made by hanging two or 
three and having the rest driven back with whips. One old 
man desired to be hanged instead of his daughter, ' but 
that,' says Ludlow, * was refused, and he with the rest driven 
Sufferings back into the town.' A gibbet was then raised in sight of the 
besieged, walls upon which condemned criminals were hanged, and this 
stopped the exodus, but only for a time. Michaelmas came 
round without starving out the place, and Ireton, having 

1 Hewson to Bradshaw, August 6, 1651, in Part. Hist., xx. 32 ; Corbet, 
Jones, and Weaver to Lenthall, September 18, in appx. to Ludlow, i. 490. 
A disastrous skirmish near Cullenagh in Queen's Co. is reported at Sep- 
tember 15 by the Diarist, Contemp. Hist., i. 252. 


greatly strengthened his battering train, resumed active CHAP, 
operations, for the winter was approaching, and an Irish -_ T _J, 
soldier boasted from the walls that snowballs would beat 
bombshells. But heavy guns had been brought up from 
the ships, and the counsels of the defenders were divided. 
Overtures were made to Ireton early in October, but three 
weeks elapsed and a fresh bombardment began before the 
scale turned in favour of the party of surrender. The news 
of Worcester had probably destroyed all hope, but an actual 
breach was made before the decisive step was taken. A weak 
spot had hitherto escaped notice, where there was no counter- 
scarp in front and no mass of earth behind, and Ludlow thought 
it would soon have been untenable ; but Ireton, who had no 
vanity, thought the sudden surrender ' a mercy most season- 
able at the beginning of winter.' The English and Irish The party 
accounts agree that there were two parties in the beleaguered surrender 
city, and it is possible that the weak place was pointed out p 
by a deserter or by one of the commissioners who had been 
going and coming between city and camp. The charter 
required that a new mayor should be chosen on October 6, 
and the election resulted in the substitution of Peter Creagh, 
who was peacefully inclined, for Thomas Stretch, who had 
sworn that the city should be defended during his year of 
office. After more than two months of a mere blockade, 
' we began our approaches,' says Ireton, ' in one night, and 
finished our batteries and planted our guns the second, and 
next morning began to batter.' l 

The articles offered to the besieged in June and July Capituia- 
had been on the whole favourable, but an exception was made Limerick, 
as to those who ' committed the murders and outrages in the 
first insurrection before the first General Assembly.' The 
members of that first Assembly and the clergy generally 
were also denied all protection, so that the city contained 
many desperate men, who naturally prolonged the siege as 

1 Ireton to Lenthall, November 3, 1651, printed by order of Parliament, 
November 28 ; Ludlow, i. 286 ; Diary in Contemp. Hist. ii. 253, 262, 264. In 
the list of mayors in Lenihan's Hist, of Limerick Stretch's name does not 
occur ; perhaps there was a by-election. 






have no 

to Ireton. 

far as possible. This mistake was not now repeated, but 
twenty-two persons were excepted by name, who were all 
known or believed to have deceived or overawed the generality 
of the people into ' the obstinate holding out of the place.' 
All spies and a single Welsh deserter were also excepted. Of 
those named, the most important were Hugh O'Neill, the 
governor, the Bishops of Emly and Limerick, Major- General 
Purcell, Ormonde's old enemy, Alderman Fanning, and 
Geoffrey Barron, amongst the others being a few priests and 
friars. The corporation and the military officers met, and 
decided ' that the treaty should go on, and that they should 
not stick for any person exempted, or to be exempted, from 
quarter of life or goods ' ; but when they met next morning 
to choose commissioners, the two bishops, accompanied by 
others of the clergy, appeared, and threatened to excom- 
municate them all ' if they should deliver up the prelates 
to be slaughtered.' But the danger was too pressing and 
ecclesiastical censures had become too common, so that the 
commissioners were named nevertheless. The sentence of 
excommunication and a perpetual interdict of the city were 
posted on the church doors, whereupon Colonel Fennell 
and others were sent to seize St. John's Gate and the adjoining 
tower. O'Neill remonstrated, but Fennell said he had orders 
from the mayor and chief citizens. The governor, whose 
military authority at least had hitherto been unquestioned, 
then summoned a court-martial, but Fennell refused to 
appear. Lord Castleconnell took his part, so that no sen- 
tence was passed ; and Fennell, who had the keys and some 
powder from the mayor, turned the guns upon the town, 
and said plainly that he would not leave his post until sur- 
render was decided on. At last Ireton's preparations were 
complete, and seventeen heavy shot were discharged with 
great effect against one spot in the wall, whereupon a drum 
was sent out and negotiations began in earnest. Two hundred 
' redcoats ' were admitted by Fennell into the gate-tower, and 
on October 27 the articles of capitulation were signed. Accord- 
ing to one account, Fennell even threatened O'Neill with a 
pistol, when that brave soldier rode out alone and delivered 


his sword to Ireton himself, who treated him honourably. CHAP. 


Fennell was not among the twenty-two specially exempted . , _', 

from the benefit of the articles, but they did not protect him 

or others ' from prosecution to justice in a judicial way for 

any crimes they might be guilty of.' There is perhaps no posi- Fate of 

tive evidence against him, though he has always been considered 

a traitor by writers on the Irish side. He was accused of a plot 

to give up Clonmel ; and Castlehaven, who is not much given 

to calling names, accuses him of cowardice or treachery in 

quitting his post at Killaloe and flying to Limerick, after the 

fall of which, ' Ireton, with more than his usual justice, 

hanged him. Some say he was carried to Cork and there 

pleaded for his defence how he had betrayed me before 

Youghal ; but his judges would not hear him on his merits, 

but bid him clear himself of the murders laid to his charge.' 1 

Soldiers and citizens were allowed to go free, and time Treatment 

. , of the 

was given to remove personal property, but without any besieged, 
guarantee for lands or houses ; and Ireton evidently con- 
templated a partial colonisation. The garrison of 2000 had 
been reduced to about 1200, who marched out after giving 
up their arms, and the city contained about 4000 other men 
capable of bearing arms, though about 5000 persons had 
perished ' by the sword without and the famine and plague 
within.' He was inclined to spare those who had not shown 
themselves irreconcilable ; but there would still be plenty of 
room for settlers. In the meantime, he had himself to deal 
with as many of the excepted persons as he could catch. 
Besides the governor, ten of them voluntarily surrendered, 

1 Relation by Dr. William Layles (probably the same as Lawless, an 
old Limerick name), endorsed by Clanricarde, calendared among Clarendon 
MSS. at October 27. The writer was present in the town. The above is 
printed in Contemp. Hist., iii. 263, and the articles of surrender are at 
p. 254. The Aphorismical Discoverer, ib. 19, gives even greater importance to 
Fennell. Castlehaven's Memoirs, 95. Clarendon, Ireland, p. 199, says Fennell 
was executed some months after the siege, so that it was not Ireton's doing. 
The crime for which he suffered appears to have been the murder of Edward 
Croker near Youghal on Shrove Tuesday, 1642, Hickson, ii. 139. See also 
the letter in Spicilegium Ossoriense, i. 403, July 1653 : ' Those of the Irish 
army who forced us to render Limerick upon so base conditions were hanged 
at Cork, viz. Col. Ed. Fennell and Lt.-Col. William Bourke, of Brittas.' 





Bishop of 


Bishop of 

O'Neill is 

and their fate was reserved for further consideration. Some 
of the others were not caught, among them the Bishop of 
Limerick, who escaped in a soldier's dress, joined Muskerry 
in Kerry, and died at Brussels in 1654. Ireton did not regret 
this, as he found that he had not been one of the violent 
party ; he had formerly been well disposed to Ormonde. 
The Bishop of Emly took refuge in the pest-house, where he 
was quickly taken and hanged by order of a court-martial. 
He had been the soul of the defence all along, and has always 
been regarded as a martyr by those of his own faith. His head 
was placed over one of the gates, as were those of Stretch and 
of Purcell, who alone behaved in a pusillanimous manner. 
Five or six others were executed, including a priest named 
Walsh, who served as a captain, Sir Geoffrey Gallwey, 
Geoffrey Baron, and Dr. Higgins, a physician who, according 
to the military diarist, was ' powder-maker and money- 
coiner to the besieged. 1 

Hugh O'Neill was the last of that great clan who played 
an important part in Irish history, and he bore himself 
worthily. Ireton seems to have treated him personally with 
courtesy, but he influenced the court-martial against him 
because of the blood shed through his defence of Clonmel. 
He pleaded that the war had gone on long before he came upon 
the invitation of his countrymen, that he had always been a 
fair enemy, and that he had often advised the townsmen not 
to prolong a conflict which he had seen to be hopeless from 
the first ; that he had carefully observed the capitulation by 
surrendering all stores, ' without embezzlement, and his 
own person to the Deputy ' ; and that he was entitled to the 
benefit of the articles. Many of the officers, including Ludlow, 

1 From a comparison of all the accounts it is certain that the Bishop of 
Emly, Purcell, Baron, Stretch, Walsh, Fanning, and Higgins, were executed 
soon after the surrender. Layles, who was not present, had heard that two 
priests, Francis and George Wolfe, also suffered as well as Farming's two 
sons and brother. The Aphorismical Discovery says Fanning was betrayed 
by a servant, when taking refuge from the cold among the soldiers quartered 
in the cathedral. Clarendon, Ireland, 198, says he had been refused food 
and shelter by his own wife. See also note to Gardiner's Commonwealth, 
ii. 57. As to the execution of James Wolfe, a Dominican, there can be little 
doubt, see Clarendon, vi sup., 199, and Hibernia Dominicana. 568. 


accepted his defence, and Ireton, ' who was now entirely CHAP. 

"V "Y" "V T \T 

freed from his former manner of adhering to his own opinion, ^_ ^ __ 
which had been observed to be his greatest infirmity,' allowed and 


a third vote after sentence of death had been twice passed. 
He was acquitted, sent to England in the same ship that 
carried Ireton's embalmed body, and well treated in the 
Tower. After a few months he was released at the instance He returns 
of the Spanish ambassador, on the ground that he was born 
in Flanders a vassal of the King of Spain, that he was not con- 
cerned in the first outbreak in Ireland ' nor in the excesses 
which were committed at that time,' and that he would be 
very useful in managing the Irish soldiers whom the Common- 
wealth allowed to be recruited for the Spanish service ; and 
in the end this was agreed to. After the Restoration he wrote and claims 
to Charles II. pointing out that his cousin John's death had earldom of 
made him Earl of Tyrone, and asking the King to acknowledge T y rone - 
him as such. The attainder was, of course, not reversed, and 
O'Neill, who was in bad health when he wrote, probably died 
not long after. The title of Earl of Tyrone was conferred on 
Lord Power in 1673. 1 

Geoffrey Barron had been sent early in 1642 to solicit Geoffrey 
Richelieu's help for the Confederacy, and he had remained executed, 
throughout one of ^ its most irreconcileable partisans. He 
now pleaded that he had fought for the liberties of his country 
just as the English Puritans professed to do. Ireton thought 
it answer enough to say that Ireland was a conquered country, 
that the Irish had been only too well treated under Charles I., 
notwithstanding which they had robbed and murdered the 
English wholesale, and that in the matter of religion the 
Puritans fought to preserve their natural rights, whereas the 
Roman Catholics ' would not be contented unless they might 
have power to compel all others to submit to their im- 
positions upon pain of death.' The two points of view were 
hopelessly opposed, and the court-martial were satisfied 

1 LucUow, i. 288 ; Thurloe, i. 212 ; Contemp. Hist. iii. passim. Cromwell 
is said to have specially recommended O'Neill to Philip IV., as a good soldier. 
On February 4, 1652-3, O'Neill petitioned the Council of State, and on April 1 
he was discharged from the Tower, Col. of 8. P. Dom. 


CHAP, with the Lord Deputy's reasoning. During the short time that 
XXX v^ wag j e ^ Q j^ m g arron [ s ggjd t o have looked out a wedding 

suit of white taffety, in which he was hanged, in the belief 
that his soul would ' straight enjoy the pleasures of heaven, 
in the consummation of that eternal nuptial felicity.' l 
Reinforce- Starvation had not done its work as Ireton had expected, 
England? but no horses were found in Limerick at its surrender, and 
they had probably been eaten. The besiegers commanded 
the estuary, and were in no want of provisions, but the waste 
among the men must have been considerable, less by actual 
righting than by hardship and sickness. Reinforcements had, 
however, been poured into Ireland during the summer, and 
Ireton makes no complaint of insufficient numbers. An 
Act passed in April authorised the impressment of 10,000 
men, and was not suffered to remain a dead letter. As 
early as June 25 nearly that number had been landed at 
Dublin or Waterford. They were of three classes, drafts 
from English garrisons, pressed men, and volunteer recruits. 
Some were too young for the work, and these were mainly 
among the volunteers. Money and ammunition was also 
ungrudgingly supplied, and no time was lost in following up 
Ludlow in the capture of Limerick. On November 1 Ludlow marched 
November. out to Inchecronan with 2000 foot and 1500 horse, and on the 
4th, after some parleying, Clare Castle surrendered. Though 
very strong, it was evidently untenable now that the great 
siege was over. The guns lost in July were recovered, and 
about 230 men marched out with the honours of war and 
with power to go where they pleased. Those who desired 
protection were to have it, ' except Romish priests, Jesuits, 
and friars.' Carrigaholt also surrendered and was garrisoned, 
after which the whole of Clare was at the mercy of Parliament. 
Ireton Ireton joined Ludlow, and they visited the barony of Burren, 
jm ' ' where there is not water to drown a man, wood enough to 
hang one, nor earth enough to bury him,' but good pasture 
between the rocks. In riding through the Corofin district 
towards Ennis most of the horses cast their shoes among the 
crags ; they carried spare ones, yet a single shoe was sold for 

1 Ludlow, i. 288 ; Aphorismical Discovery, iii. 20. 


five shillings before night. Next morning came Lady Honora CHAP. 
O'Brien, youngest daughter of the late Earl of Thomond ^_ T _'- 
and niece of his successor, who was accused of harbouring the g^ ra 
enemies' goods and cattle while herself enjoying the Lord O'Brien. 
Deputy's protection. Ireton rebuked her, whereupon ' she 
burst into tears, promising to mend her ways, and begging 
Ludlow's intercession, which was successful. 'As much a 
cynic as I am,' said Ireton, ' the tears of this woman moved 
me.' 1 

The weather was very bad during this journey in Clare, Death of 
and both generals caught bad colds. Ludlow's constitution NOV. 26. 
triumphed, and he lived till 1692, but Ireton succumbed. 
In spite of entreaties he had neglected his health during the 
siege, not putting ' off his clothes all that time, except to 
change his linen,' and never resting, though he was in a burn- 
ing fever. Sir Robert King wondered that he was not as 
mad as a March hare, ' pen, tongue, head or both, or all, 
incessantly at work.' Ludlow was not with him when he 
died, and we have few particulars. In announcing his loss 
to Cromwell, the Commissioners call him an incomparable 
man, and it is certain that he had a high sense of duty and 
that he was not a self-seeker. Clarendon and others have 
thought that his republicanism might have prevented Crom- 
well's rise to supreme power, but of this there is no evidence. 
There have been equally vain speculations as to whether 
Mirabeau, had he lived, could have stopped the French Re- 
volution. Ireton had signed the death-warrant, and as a 
regicide was of course against restoring the Stuarts, but he 
was not a theoretical republican, though he would have dis- 
liked the supremacy of the army. 2 

1 Ludlow, i. 290-293, 278 (with Mr. Firth's note) ; Diary in Contemp. 
Hist., iii. 241, 249, 260 ; Scobell's Acts and Ordinances, ii. 154. ' A lady 
that went for a maid, but few believed it,' Lady Fanshawe's Memoirs, 57. 

2 See Preface to Clarke Papers, i. Ixviii. ; Irish Commissioners to Cromwell 
December 2, 1651, printed in appx. to Firth's Ludlow, i. 496, and ib. 297 ; 
W. Eowe to Cromwell in Milton State Papers, p. 17. 




still holds 
Dec. 1651. 


to Galway. 



IRETON wished to press on to Galway, and Ludlow thought 
it could easily be brought to surrender while the garrison 
were ' under a great consternation by the loss of Limerick.' 
But there was much sickness in the army, and officers generally 
were unwilling to begin another troublesome campaign in 
November. Coote, who had been for some time blockading 
Galway on the east side, came to the camp and gave his 
opinion against immediate action. He did not believe the 
place could be taken without attacking it on both sides. 
A bridge had been prepared for the short river between 
Lough Corrib and the sea, but the right bank was strongly 
fortified, and it would be impossible to throw it across. It 
would be necessary to go all round by Cong, where Clan- 
ricarde lay with 3000 men. Even if the passage were forced 
many rivers lay in the way, none of which were fordable in 
case of heavy rain, while horses could only be led from Cong 
to Aghenure near Oughterard, and from that on to Galway 
they could not travel at all. There was no forage in the 
country, and food and ammunition would have to be carried 
on the men's backs. This reasoning prevailed, and Ireton 
wrote from before Clare Castle merely to ofEer the same 
terms as had been tendered to Limerick in July : ' I will not,' 
he said, alluding to what had happened at Waterford, ' now 
do you the courtesy to summon you at such a distance, be- 
cause your gravity once chid me for it as unadvisedly, but 
for the good men's sake of the city who perhaps may not be 
so angry in the notion of a soldier's honour, as to understand 
the quibbles of it . . . though men of your unhappy breeding 
think such glorious trifling worth the sacrificing or venturing 


of other men's lives.' He desired him therefore on peril of CHAP. 


his head to communicate the offer made to the citizens. It ^__ T __1, 
was easy for Preston to answer that he fought in a good cause 
and that Ireton was risking men's lives in a bad one, while 
his head and those of his friends were as ' unsettled on their 
shoulders as any in the town.' The mayor and aldermen 
answered in the same strain ; and Ireton died a fortnight after 
the date of their letter. Ludlow was in Dublin at the moment, Ludlow 
and the Commissioners made him commander-in-chief until mander-in- 
the pleasure of Parliament should be further known. 1 Dec.'iesi. 

When Axtell left Ireland after his suspension by Ireton, The Irish 
he was captured by a rover at sea and carried to Scilly, then 
full of Irish soldiers who wished to kill him, the cause of his 
voyage having been made known by an intercepted letter 
from Weaver. Grenville or those about him knew that the 
islands could not be much longer in Royalist hands, and they 
feared retaliation. Axtell was therefore spared, and was 
back in Ireland and governor of Kilkenny soon after Ireton's 
death. Blake occupied the little archipelago not many weeks 
later, Bishop Henry Leslie being among those whom he 
found there. ' By the articles,' the Bishop wrote, ' I am to Bishop 
have my pass to go unto the North of Ireland, that is to say troubles. 
out of the frying pan into the fire ; for there I shall be in 
more danger of the Scots than of the Parliament soldiers.' 
In either company he was sure that his soul would be more 
vexed than Lot's was in Sodom. As to the Irish soldiers, 
it was agreed that they should be sent to Ireland, recruited 
up to 2000, and disposed of as the King wished. Blake 
offered to take them all into Dunkirk and keep them there 
till Grenville could arrange for France or Spain, he giving his 
word of honour never to employ them against the Parliament. 
This was refused, and Grenville remained in England, most 
of the Irish soldiers probably finding their way abroad. 3 

1 Diary in Contemp. Hist., iii. 260 ; Ludlow, i. 289, 294. Ireton's corre- 
spondence with Galway, December 7-12, 1651, is printed in Hardiman's 
Hist, of Galway, 129 ; Corbet, Jones, and Weaver to Lenthall, and to Crom- 
well, December 2, in appx. to Firth's Ludlow, i. 496. 

2 Ludlow, i. 265 ; Bishop of Down's letters, May 13 and 29, 1651, in 
Nicholas Paper*, i. 250, 255. 




Meeting of 
officers at 
Dec. 1651. 


tion of the 

used to 

During the winter of 1651 and 1652 there was thought 
to be some danger that the Dutch would retaliate for the 
Navigation Act by landing foreign troops in Ireland, facilitat- 
ing instead of opposing the embarkation of the Duke of 
Lorraine, who was still expected long after he had abandoned 
his scheme. A general meeting of officers was held at Kil- 
kenny just before Christmas, Coote having already been 
authorised to give the same terms to Galway as had already 
been offered to Limerick, provided they were accepted by 
January 9. It was now evident that all the strong places 
must soon be taken, and the deliberations at Kilkenny were 
chiefly directed against the guerrilla warfare, which was still 
formidable. The nature of the problem is set forth with 
great clearness in a report by Ludlow and his three colleagues 
in the Government to the Council of State. The great bogs 
were the chief difficulty. There are in these wastes many 
dry islands which were then generally wooded, and between 
them causeways along which horses could only go in single 
file. From such places the rebels could sally out at any time 
to harry the protected districts, thus depriving the army of 
its resources, while it was easy for them to secure their 
plunder. They were used to living in cabins and wading 
among swamps, where the English soldiers were a prey to 
dysentery from wet and cold. Ireton had successfully used 
rice to combat this disease, and large quantities were provided 
later by the London Government. 

The soldiers were always ignorant of the designs and 
movements of the combatant Irish, for whom the country 
people acted as scouts, being ' possessed of an opinion that 
the Parliament intend them no terms of mercy and therefore 
endeavouring to preserve them as those that stand between 
them and danger.' It was estimated that 30,000 me^n were 
still in arms among the Irish, a few in garrisons, but for the 
most part lurking among woods and bogs. The plan adopted 
to subdue them was to make a Pale from the Boyne to the 
Barrow, and to destroy the means of subsistence elsewhere. 
No smiths, harness-makers, or armourers were allowed to 
ply their trade outside of garrisons, no beer, wine, or spirits 


might be sold nor fairs and markets held beyond those limits. CHAP. 
The county of Wicklow, with parts of Dublin, Kildare, and ,_ ; \ 
Carlow, was outside the new Pale and excluded from pro- 
tection. All who resided within the doomed area after 
February 28 were to be treated as enemies, but permitted 
to live and graze their stock upon such waste or untenanted 
lands as might be assigned to them in the protected region. 
As soon as the appointed day had passed, Ludlow himself 
went to Talbotstown to plant a garrison, and then carefully 
searched Wicklow with horse and foot. Few people were 

met with, for they had look-out men on every hill, but all 

the houses and stores of corn were burned. ' He was an idle 
soldier,' wrote one officer, ' that had not either a fat lamb, 
veal, pig, poultry, or all of them every night to his supper 
... we have destroyed as much as would have served some 
thousands of them until next harvest.' l 

The day fixed for the surrender of Galway with the Claim- 
benefit of the first articles offered to Limerick was allowed 
to pass, and Clanricarde on behalf of many of the nobility 
and clergy ' with the corporation of Galway ' made pro- 
posals for a general peace. He was fain to profess, though 
he could hardly believe, that succours would come from his 
Majesty and allies ; if these failed, he and the assembly for 
whom he acted were prepared to sell their lives as dearly as 
possible. Ludlow answered from Dublin ten days later 
that it belonged to Parliament to grant terms, that those 
who had already long since refused to hear reason could 
hardly be admitted at the eleventh hour, and that they were 
relying upon ' vain and groundless expectations.' He 
believed that moderate terms would still be granted in 
individual cases, but refused to grant a safe conduct for 
commissioners pretending to represent the general body in 
arms. Clanricarde did his best to prolong the resistance Failure to 
of Galway, but left the town when he saw that the inhabitants 
were not prepared to endure extremities. A sortie to gather 

1 Ludlow, i. 300-304 ; the Four Commissioners to the Council of State, 
January 8, 1651-2, ib. 499 ; orders by the same Commissioners, January 13 
and February 13, in Contemp. Hist., iii. 277, 283. 





among the 


The clergy 
to King. 

cattle led to heavy loss, and of two corn ships which attempted 
to relieve the besieged one was taken and the other forced 
upon the rocks of Arran. The town was, however, not 
invested on the west, and there was always a chance that 
reinforcements or supplies might be introduced from that 
side. Coote thought the place very strong, and was in- 
clined even to exceed his authority in granting comparatively 
easy terms. 1 

There were dissensions within the walls of Galway as there 
had been at Limerick, and it is not easy to make out exactly 
what took place. The indefatigable Dean King left Charles 
at Stirling in June, just after Ireton had crossed the Shannon 
and when Coote had been some time in Connaught. He 
landed near Londonderry on the 20th and found his way to 
Galway by July 2. Bishop Lynch and others of the clergy 
tried to make out that he had not been with the King, and 
that his commission was a trick of Ormonde's. This was 
easily disproved, and clerical help was promised on con- 
dition that the chiefs of the old Irish in Connaught should 
be made colonels. Ten were so promoted, but not one of 
them could muster over 500 men, and every one thought of 
little but defending his own castle. These petty strongholds 
were daily taken with the pick of the Irish soldiers inside. 
The Ulster forces for the most part disregarded Clanricarde's 
summons, while those of Leinster, 3000 foot and 500 horse, 
dwindled daily and lived upon the spoil of the country, as 
there was no money to pay them, so that he thought it better 
to let them go back to their own province under the nominal 
generalship of Lord Westmeath. The only force upon 
which the unfortunate Deputy could rely was raised in his 
own county of Galway, and with these he kept an eye upon 
Coote's army. Dean King found that the clergy generally, 
headed by Bourke of Tuam and French of Ferns, were hostile 
to the King's government and anxious only for an accom- 

1 Clanricarde to Ludlow, February 14, 1651-2. In the text of Ludlow 
the date is wrongly given as March 14, but see the appx. i. 505, and 
Contemp. Hist., iii. 58, with Ludlow's answer in both places, and another to 
Sir Richard Blake, who had ' reiterated in effect the former application,' 
ib. 509. 


modation with the Parliament, in which they were sup- CHAP. 


ported by the Prestons father and son, by Sir Nicholas Plun- ^ _ , _, 
ket, and by Geoffrey Brown. The expectation of the 
Lorraine succours had paralysed all the Irish parties, so 
that no one exerted himself. The little that had been sent 
by the ducal pretender had been wasted or embezzled ; 
'20,000?. whereof 6000Z. defalked for the charge of the 
negotiations,' 1000 stand of arms, 1000 barrels of badly 
damaged rye, and ' thirty barrels of powder, the worst in 
the world.' To make confusion worse confounded, some 
of the bishops were using Einucccini's old excommunication 
to crush their opponents. There were nevertheless nearly 8tillmu8e - 
30,000 men under arms, but no means of keeping them 
together, and there were many harbours still open in Con- 
naught and Munster through which money and stores might 
be introduced. Dean King left Ireland on February 16 and 
reported to Charles at Paris on April 1 ; but the battle of 
Worcester had been fought and lost, and no help came. 1 

Clanricarde did what he could to prolong the defence of Capituia- 
Galway, but the citizens could not see that there was any- Gaiway, 
thing to gain by it. He had agreed to approach Ludlow lt ^ ' 
with proposals for a general pacification, but was determined 
to resist as long as he could. The town therefore acted 
without consulting him, though he was in the neighbourhood, 
and the articles of surrender contain no mention of King, 
Lord Lieutenant, or Deputy. Fear of famine and of hard 
terms when the inevitable end came were sufficient induce- 
ments to surrender, and there is no reason to suppose that 
Gaiway was betrayed in the common sense of the words, 
though in 1656 some of the inhabitants claimed special 
indulgence on the ground that they had favoured the English 
interest throughout the war, and had thereby ' contracted 
a malice from those of their own nation ' among whom they 
had to live. Coote has a bad name on the score of severity, Coote 
but he and many of those with him had estates in Ireland, s 

and some of them in Connaught, and they did not see with P endents - 
the same eyes as those who were bent upon planting new 

1 Dean King's report, April 1, 1652, in Contemp. Hist. iii. 300. 




Coote and 

granted to 

settlers everywhere. The extreme Independents called Coote 
and his men ' Tame Tories,' and there was jealousy of his 
position as President of Connaught. Ireton thought the 
provincial presidencies should be abolished, as an unnecessary 
burden to State and country, and the Commissioners in 
Dublin were of the same opinion. One hot-headed captain 
of the Munster army attached to that of Connaught wrote 
to say that Ireland being almost reduced, there was little 
left to do but to ' fall on Sir Charles Coote and his ' Tame 
Rebels.' The letter was intercepted, and Coote imprisoned 
the writer, whose curious defence was that many others 
agreed with him. Ludlow released him and blamed Coote 
for exercising authority over an officer not belonging to his 
province. From all this the Royalists had hopes, and no 
doubt Coote had never been a republican, but they had to 
wait several years for their realisation. In the meantime 
he was glad to get hold of Galway upon almost any terms.' l 

The conditions actually granted were not hard, and the 
Commissioners in Dublin thought them too easy. Quarter 
and freedom from pillage and military violence were granted 
to all, as long as they obeyed the Commonwealth of England, 
and were not guilty of murder before March 19, 1642, when 
a state of war began to exist in Galway. The murderers of 
Captain Clark's crew were excepted by name. All who wished 
to depart were given six months to sell such property as they 
did not carry away. This extended to clergymen provided 
their names were given in before the actual surrender, but in 
their case no protection was to be given after that time. 
Where property within the city and liberties was sold one- 
third was to go to the State, and the rest to be freed from 
extraordinary taxation, and this principle was extended with 
qualifications to lands possessed by the townsmen elsewhere. 
The charter was maintained until Parliament should other- 
wise direct ; and Coote promised to get a ratification within 

1 Order of the Irish Council as to Dominick Bodkin, &c., May 20, 1656, 
printed in O'Flaherty's Western Connaught, p. 244 ; W. Heald to T. Holder, 
December 12, 1651, in Contemp. Hist., iii. 353 ; Corbet, Jones, and Weaver 
to Cromwell, December 2, 1651, in appx. to Ludlow, i. 497. 


twenty days by the Dublin Government and legislative CHAP, 
confirmation in England as soon as possible. A fort on XXXV !- 
Mutton Island and another opposite Tirellan were sur- 
rendered at once, and the town, after one week's delay, on 
April 12, when Coote took actual possession. The news The terms 
reached Dublin on the llth, and the Commissioners there Dublin. " 
at once took exception to some ot the articles. They ob- 
jected, and so far we can sympathise with them, to any 
indemnity for murder committed ' by or upon any person 
not being in arms.' They insisted on the power of compul- 
sorily purchasing land or houses in the town when Parlia- 
ment considered their owners unsafe persons to remain ; in 
which case they would have to remove within three months. 
The protection as to outside property was considered too 
absolute, and should be left for parliamentary decision, and 
some minor matters were also reserved. An express The 
was at once sent to insist on the amendment of the articles, amended, 
with orders that the capitulation should be suspended until 
this was done, but when the messenger reached Galway he 
found the English garrison installed. The ratification of the 
articles was made dependent on the acceptance of the revised 
terms, but it can hardly be said that the condition was ful- 
filled. Only eight heads of families could be found to sign but the 
the certificate of assent, while over one hundred refused ; protest. 
and there were nearly a hundred absentees. Coote apologised 
for his mistake, but maintained that he had nevertheless 
done the best thing for the State. If he had not closed with 
the besieged there were great chances of the town being 
relieved, ' so that it might have kept all your forces this 
summer in those parts to attend that service.' l 

Clanricarde on his part announced that ' Galway having cianri- 
basely and perfidiously yielded,' he would resist while he struggles, 
could, and gave earnest of his determination by sending 
away Castlehaven in his only frigate, thus leaving himself no 

1 Corbet, Jones, and Ludlow to Lenthall, May 6, 1652, in appx. to 
Ludlow, i. 516 . The articles of surrender are in Hardiman's Hist, of Galway, 
appx. xxix to xxxiii., along with the strictures of the Commissioners and 
the list of those who had accepted or rejected the latter furnished by Coote, 
November 26, 1652. 


CHAP, means of escape. He summoned Westmeath and O'Ferrall 
^_ , '^ from Leinster, Muskerry from Munster, and O'Reilly from 

Ulster to join him in Sligo or Leitrim and ' unite in one clear 
score for God, our King, and country.' Gal way Bay was 
full of Parliamentary ships, so Castlehaven had to go first 
to Innisbofin and embark from there. He was chased, and 

Castle- had a smart fight at sea, but was saved by thick weather. 

haven ~ . J 

leaves Arthur Magennis, Bishop of Down, a nephew of Owen Roe 
O'Neill, died during the action ' by the wind of a bullet, 
for fear,' having no wound. Castlehaven got safely to Brest, 
and thence to Paris or St. Germain's, where he saw the King 
and Queen and Ormonde. As French affairs then stood 
nothing could be done, and he joined Conde as a volunteer, 
after which he commanded an Irish brigade of about 5000 
His Y j men. As late as 1680 he published his memoirs, confessedly 
to show that he was always a good Royalist and not to be 
confounded with the Irish ' as a confederate Catholic, which 
in plain English is a rebel.' Lord Anglesey, the son of 
StrafEord's Mountnorris, who was a great gainer by the 
Restoration settlement, reviewed Castlehaven's pleasant 
little book, saying that ' by a providence from heaven to the 
English the marquesses of Ormonde and Clanricarde, his 
Majesty's chief governors, encouraged the Irish to keep up 
a war against the English, wherein they were so much 
hardened to their ruin, that they were at length entirely 
subdued without condition to any save for life, and left to 
be as miserable as they had made others in all respects.' 1 
Charles It had long been evident to Clanricarde, as well as to 

cianri- Ormonde and his friends abroad, that the power of the 
to r go e , leave Parliament would establish itself in Ireland. But it was their 
policy to keep the flag of Royalty flying as long as possible, 
on the chance of some foreign complication. That this 
stubborn attitude increased the ultimate sufferings of the 
Irish masses is very probable. As early as the beginning of 

1 Clanricarde to Philip O'Reilly and Lieut. -General O'Ferrall, April 4 and 
12, 1652, in Apfwrismical Discovery, iii. 76 ; Castlehaven's Memoirs, 97, ed. 15, 
with Anglesey's letter of August 1680, appended p. 39 ; Clarendon 8. P., 
iii. 66. 


February, Charles, with many expressions of gratitude and CHAP. 


confidence, gave Clanricarde free leave to quit Ireland when ^_ i \ 
he thought fit, but adding that ' the keeping up of the war 
there in any kind, either offensive or defensive, is of the 
highest importance to us and our service that can be per- 
formed ; as the contrary would be of the greatest prejudice 
to all our designs.' Six weeks later he wrote holding out but urges 
hopes of further help from the Duke of Lorraine, and directing out! 
that no declaration should be issued which might increase 
the friction with the clerical party. The two letters reached 
Clanricaide together in the following August, when they 
were too late to have any significance. Meanwhile, in May, 
a second letter was given to Castlehaven, and forwarded by 
a sure hand, authorising the Deputy to leave his post at any 
time. This letter, though apparently not extant, probably 
reached its destination much sooner than the other two, and 
justified Clanricarde in making terms when he did. In the He takes 
meantime, he succeeded in getting a considerable force shannon, 
together, with which, after blowing up several castles, he ay ' 
swooped down upon the fort at Ballyshannon and took it by 
assault, dismissing the survivors unhurt and substituting 
his own garrison of 300 men. He took Donegal also, but the ?^ d 
success was only transient, for he had no means of feeding 
his men but by seizing cattle, and thus involuntarily making 
the task of the Parliamentarians easier. Venables came up 
from Down to join Coote, and they soon took Sligo and retook 
the other two places, giving punctual quarter in their turn. 
At the end of June the Lord Deputy, who, Ludlow says, was Submission 
practically surrounded in the island of Carrick, made terms carde? 1 " 
for himself, but none for his vast estates. He was left free June28 - 
to go abroad where he pleased with not more than twenty 
servants, to remain in Ireland for three months, and to enlist 
3000 men for foreign service. In the meantime he was to 
divest himself of his viceregal authority and do no hostile 
act. Six weeks later he was excepted by Act of the English 
Parliament from pardon for life and estate, but was neverthe- 
less left unmolested at his own place at Somerhill in Kent. 
His health had never been good, and was not improved by 




Case of 



his campaigning, but he lived till 1657, and was buried in 
Tonbridge Church. He was not a great general, but to 
most people he appeared, and still appears, as a loyal and 
worthy man. To the ultramontane clergy of his own day 
he was, as an independent Catholic who cared little for a 
nuncio's censures, more hateful even than the heretic Ormonde. 
Bishop French says he put Caesar before God, and Bishop 
Lynch that the Ulster men refused to follow him because he 
disdained to receive absolution from Rinuccini's excom- 
munication. The British officer PO often quoted says, on the 
contrary, that the Irish were well satisfied with him as true 
both to King and Church, ' being a good Roman Catholic,' 
and that he surrendered only because he could not fight 
Coote and Venables combined. ' Neither, indeed, was he 
ever practised in that trade [war], though a very fine, devout, 
liberal, hospitable gentleman, as any is in Ireland in his time, 
as I have heard many aver.' l 

Before finally leaving Clanricarde and the Duke of 
Lorraine something must be said of the case of Anthony 
Geohegan, which had no important results, but which shows 
how incompatible were the Royalist and clerical ideals. 
Geohegan had been preferred by Rinuccini at the early age 
of twenty-four to the nominal dignity of the mitred abbacy 
of Connall. Towards the end of 1650 he was studying 
divinity and canon law at Paris, and in correspondence with 
Abbot Crelly, who was in London, hoping against hope that 
the Parliament would grant toleration to his Church. He 
offered to go to Ireland if wanted, and Crelly reported this to 
Rome. Dean Massari, Rinuccini's old lieutenant, was 
Secretary of Propaganda, and gladly accepted the young 
priest's ofier. He reached Galway on March 14, 1651, while 
De Henin was there, with instructions to further the appoint- 
ment of a Catholic protector, and he stayed on after the 

1 Charles II. to Clanricarde, February 10, 1651-2 (enclosing one of 
February 6 to Duke of Lorraine), and March 23, in Clanricarde's Memoirs, 
part ii. 51 ; Castlehaven's Memoirs, p. 97 ; Clarendon State Papers, iii. 66 ; 
Aphorismical Discovery, iii. 122 ; Ludlow, i. 317, 323, 527 ; Warr of Ireland, 
by a British officer, 138 ; Bishop of Ferns' letter, April 21, 1651, in Spicilegium 
Ossoriense, ii. 92 ; Bishop of Clonfert's letter, August 31, 1652, ib. i. 386. 


Lorraine envoy's departure. Clanricarde suspected that he CHAP. 
was working against him, and some of his letters were inter- ^_ ^_~ 
cepted, in one of which he said that ' if the service of God Loyalty 
had been as deep in the hearts of our nation as that idol of Dagon. 
Dagon, a foolish loyalty, a better course for their honour 
and preservation had been taken in time.' He had noticed 
that at Limerick those favourable to Ormonde had got better 
terms than others, and he thought the Independents who 
professed liberty of conscience more likely to grant reason- 
able terms to the Irish than those who maintained the Church 
of England and the recusancy laws. Clanricarde would have 
tried Geohegan as a traitor, but the clergy took their stand 
upon the bull In Ccena Domini, and maintained that no lay 
governor or judge could try a priest. They had their way, 
and Geohegan was, of course, exonerated from all blame. 1 

Even before the surrender of Galway, the Irish leaders The Irish 
began to make terms for themselves and their followers. 8U bmit. 
Of these, the first was John Fitzpatrick, who had lately 
distinguished himself by taking and holding Meelick. On 
March 7 he agreed to transport 4000 foot and 300 horse 
to a state in amity with the Commonwealth, pay being given 
to them in the meantime, and hopes were held out as to his 
property. He made no conditions for his father and mother, 
or for the Catholic religion ; whereupon a declaration was 
published against him, and he was excommunicated. ' Some 
of his party,' say the Parliamentary Commissioners, ' have 
been cut off by the enemy, who did also cut off the ears of 
some whom they took prisoners.' The men were not popular, 
having lived by plunder, and the Government were glad to 
send them to Spain. Fitzpatrick and his father were both 
excluded by Act of Parliament from pardon for life or estate, 
but he afterwards married Ormonde's sister and was restored 
in 1661 to broad lands in the Queen's County. His mother, 
says Ludlow, ' was found guilty of the murder of the English, 
with this aggravation, that she said she would make candles 

1 Aphorismical Discovery, ii. 138-144,; ib. iii. 54, 285-293 ; Clarendon's 
Ireland, p, 194. See also Gardiner's Commonwealth, ii. 46, 59. 





March 28. 

terms of 

Siege of 
June 1652, 

of their fat. She was condemned to be burned, and the 
sentence was executed accordingly.' l 

The next important chief to surrender was Colonel Edmund 
O'Dwyer, who commanded in Tipperary and Waterford. He 
and his men had quarter for life and personal property only, 
with liberty to serve any friendly foreign State. Murderers 
of the English, members of the first General Assembly or 
Supreme Council, homicides after quarter given, deserters, 
and every ' priest or other of the Romish clergy in orders,' 
were excluded. By the end of June, when Clanricarde came 
to terms, the Parliament had not many enemies left in the 
field, though a few strongholds held out for some months 
longer. The articles of surrender, or authentic copies, are 
for the most part extant, and the terms granted generally 
amounted to little more than life and personal liberty to those 
who had not committed murder. Where priests are not 
specially excluded, they are generally left tacitly to the mercy 
of the victors. Landed property was to be distributed 
according to such qualifications as Parliament might deter- 
mine. In one case Sir Hardress Waller undertook ' indus- 
triously to solicit ' the authorities that priests who were not 
charged with any crime except officiating as such should be 
free to go beyond seas. 2 

There was a Parliamentary garrison at Dingle, which 
Muskerry made some effort to take, but otherwise Kerry had 
for a long time been in Irish hands. Murtagh O'Brien, 
when driven out of Clare after the fall of Limerick, joined his 
forces to those of Lord Muskerry, and together they amounted 
to several thousands. Their chief stronghold was Boss Castle, 

1 The tenour of the articles entered into can be seen from the subsidiary 
agreement printed in Contemp. Hist. iii. 293, the declaration of Walter 
Bagenal and others against him, and the despatch of Corbet, Jones, 
and Ludlow in appx. to Ludlow's Memoirs, i. 515. For Mrs. Fitzpatrick, 
ib. 340. In his preface to Contemp. Hist., iii. xviii., Sir J. Gilbert says the 
witness against her was suborned, but he gives no authority, and in the 
collection of massacres appended to Clarendon's volume on Ireland, several 
murders by Florence Fitzpatrick are mentioned, Elizabeth Baskerville 
testifying ' that Mrs. Fitzpatrick blamed the murderers because they 
brought not Mrs. Nicholson's fat or grease, wherewith she might have made 
candles.' Lodge's Peerage, ed. Archdall, ii. 345. 

2 Most of the articles are printed in Contemp. Hist. iii. 293-335. 


in an island or peninsula on the lower Lake of Killarney, CHAP. 


only approachable, as any tourist may now witness, by a - _ ; ^ 

narrow causeway with a bog on either side. Muskerry had 

been chief among the anti-nuncionist Catholics, and had 

never been forgiven by the priests of his own Church, many 

of whom had taken refuge in Ross Castle. When a siege was 

imminent, the clerical party went out and no doubt they 

acted prudently in this but a thousand well-armed men 

adhered to their general and resolved to hold out as long as 

possible. Ludlow, accompaned by Broghill and Walker, 

came to Killarney very early in June with 4000 foot and 

2000 horse. Dromagh had already surrendered, so that his 

rear was exposed to no attack. The woods on the other side 

of the lake were full of active enemies, who must have had 

boats of some sort to reach Innisfallen, and who supplied 

Ross with provisions. Ludlow's fellow-Commissioners were 

at Cork, and the mitred Scoutmaster-General at Kinsale, 

and they quickly provided him with the means of reducing 

Ross. Boats were brought to Castlemaine harbour under Boats 

convoy of a frigate. Of these some were probably dragged f r r m g the UP 

up the Laune with the help of many men. The two largest, sea- 

which were intended to carry guns, were sent from Kinsale 

in pieces, but so that they could be put together in two days. 

In order to make a safe way for them it was necessary to 

disperse a strong force of the Irish about Killagh Abbey, 

near the mouth of the Laune, while another division scoured 

the woods and put those who occupied them to flight. This 

was on June 13 ; five days later several of the boats had been 

brought to Ludlow's entrenchments near Ross, and by the 

20th they were swimming on the lake. The whole flotilla A flotilla 

was not wanted, for the garrison saw that resistance was Lower 

hopeless, and there was an ancient prophecy that Ross would Lake< 

not be taken until strange ships sailed on r 'Lough Leane. The 

fitting and management of the boats was entrusted to Captain 

Chudleigh, who had been a ship-carpenter, and many 

artificers went readily because he was with them. l 

1 Ludlow, i. 320, and his letter of June 24 to Lenthall, ib. 526. There 
is a good memoir on the siege of Ross by J. P. Prendergast in Kilkenny 

u 2 





of 1641. 


Even after the surrender of Galway the Leinster army under 
Westmeath's command had still an administrative existence ; 
but its leaders saw no prospect of ultimate success, and were 
ready to make such terms as might still be possible. The 
Parliamentary Commissioners were at Kilkenny on April 17, 
and had a conference with the chief officers of the army, 
where Dr. Jones, the Scoutmaster-General, produced an 
abstract of the depositions taken as to murders committed in 
the early days of the rebellion. This document was forwarded 
to Parliament and read there on May 18, the Commissioners 
and officers ' fearing lest others who are at a greater distance 
might be moved to the lenity which we have found no small 
temptation in ourselves,' forget past abominations, and make 
too tender concessions. But very few of the English who 
had any personal knowledge of the original massacres were 
still living, and it would therefore be hard to bring the guilt 
home to individuals. The whole Irish nation had to some 
extent condoned them, and Parliament was bound to take 
order for punishment ' in duty towards God, the great avenger 
of such villainies, who hath from the beginning of the war 
to this present always in your appeal by war against them 
appeared most signally.' Murderers or their aiders and abet- 
tors were not led to expect clemency, but the Commissioners 
declared that all persons living in Ireland should have the 
benefit of the Act dated September 27, 1650, repealing the 
clauses in Elizabethan statutes which imposed penalties for 
not going to church. This was a step in the direction of 
toleration, but the Act had been really intended for the 
relief of those who disliked the Book of Common Prayer, and 
provided also for the prosecution of those who did not attend 

Arch. Journal, iii. 2435, and a criticism of the same by Archdeacon Rowan 
in the Kerry Magazine, 1855, p. 101. Chudleigh's monument at Kinsale says 
he ' causavit terris velificasse ratem,' which is rather ambiguous, for no boat 
could actually sail on land. Perhaps it is doubtful Latin for ' inland.' 
Smith, in his History of Kerry, 1756, p. 315, says the boats were ' brought up 
by the river Lane by strength of men's hands,' and he alterwards mentions 
one Hopkins, sexton of Swords near Dublin a few years before, who lived 
to be 115, and who was one of the men employed in drawing the boats to 
the lake. 


some place of worship, and would be difficult to apply to those CHAP. 

who would have nothing but the forbidden mass. 1 . _ _. 

After much discussion, it was agreed that eleven regiments The 
of foot and six of horse should lay down their arms by June 1 
at Mullingar, Maryborough, Carlow, or Kildare. The military 
articles were liberal enough, officers retaining horses and arms, 
non-commissioned officers and men whose horses were taken 
receiving compensation. Officers were allowed to serve any 
foreign State in amity with the Commonwealth, and to 
carry 6000 men with them, the Commissioners undertaking 
to get leave for 6000 more if they could. Life and personal 
estate were secured, and owners of land were promised 
' equal benefit with others in the like qualification with them- 
selves,' when Parliament had made up its mind. Murder 
and robbery of persons not in arms might still be questioned 
' according the due course of law,' and the benefit of the 
articles was withheld from those who killed Parliamentary 
soldiers after quarter given. ' Priests or Jesuits, or others 
in Popish orders,' were to be dealt with as the Irish Govern- 
ment thought fit. The Commissioners were well satisfied 
with their work, which they had been obliged to do without 
positive orders from Parliament, for the Irish, being driven 
out of all forts, had nothing to do but range about the country, 
' retiring as they saw advantage to their bogs and fastnesses.' 
The Parliamentary officers had now for the first time leisure 
to deal with Clanricarde and with Muskerry, who had 3000 
foot and 600 horse. 2 

Muskerry and his party accepted the substance of the Surrender 
Leinster articles, but there was a fortnight's debate on certain kerry, 
points. The Irish officers feared lest they should be all held June 22 ' 
liable for the murder of the English, ' which,' says Ludlow, 

1 Ludlow, Waller, Corbet, Jones, Coote and fourteen other superior 
officers to Lenthall, May 5, 1652, in appx. to Ludlow, i. 512 ; Declaration 
of May 12 in Contemp. Hist. iii. 315 ; Scobell's Acts and Ordinances, 1650, 
cap. 27. 

2 The Leinster Articles, May 12, 1652, are in Aphorismical Discovery, 
iii. 94, 315 ; Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones to Lenthall, May 13, in appx. 
to Ludlow, i. 520. 


CHAP. ' was an exception we never failed to make.' An explanatory 
, _ ^ article was therefore granted, limiting the guilt to those 

Murder < wno during the first year of the war have contrived, aided, 

defined. J 

assisted, acted, or abetted any murder or massacre upon any 

person or persons of the English not in arms but following 

their own occupation in their farms or freeholds,' and to those 

who since that time had taken life knowing that quarter had 

Conformity been given or protection granted. As to religion, Ludlow 

enforced, and his colleagues would go no further than declare ' that it 

is not our intention nor, as we conceive, the intention of 

those whom we serve, fco force any to their worship and ser- 

vice contrary to their consciences.' Questions as to real 

estate were, at the request of Muskerry and his friends, ' left 

to the pleasure of the Parliament,' means being given them 

for pleading their own cause in London. They themselves 

asked for this in preference to the clause as to qualifica- 

EossCastie tions in the Leinster articles. In consideration of the above, 


960 able men marched out of Ross Castle, and at least 3000 
more followed their example. Murtagh O'Brien, with about 
200 men, kept at large in the Kerry mountains until Waller 
made them untenable, and then escaped across the Shannon, 
to give further trouble in Connaught. 1 

Richard Colonel Richard Grace, whose property was in King's 

still resists. County, did not accept the Kilkenny articles, but remained 
at the head of a considerable force, and burned Birr, which 
had been partly rebuilt. Three hundred pounds was offered 
for his head in a proclamation dated May 22, but he managed 
to cross the Shannon, and burned the towns of Portumna 
and Loughrea. The country was laid under contribution, 
and for some days no enemy appeared. Grace had near 
3000 men, but they were but odds and ends from various 
quarters, and were easily surprised by Ingoldsby, who routed 
the Irish horse and drove the foot into a bog near Loughrea. 
Grace had to fly with a few men, after which many of his 

1 Ludlow, i. 322, with Mr. Firth's note ; Jones and Corbet to Lenthall 
July 22, 1652, in Contemp. Hist. iii. 339. The articles, June 22, are printed 
ib. 324. 


followers dispersed or made terms for themselves. This CHAP, 
was on June 20. He managed to recross the river into . ^ . 
Leinster and again got some men together, with whom he 
at last took refuge in a strongly fortified island in Lough 
Coura, near Birr. Sankey surrounded the lake and made 
preparations for starving out the party, and Grace, who saw Submission 
there was no prospect of relief, sued for terms. To avoid a Aug^il?' 
long siege, and also perhaps out of admiration for a brave 
enemy, Sankey granted the substance of the Kilkenny 
articles and some further indulgence for the clergy sub- 
mitting with Grace, who is much praised by the Aphorismical 
Discoverer for insisting on the latter. The priests concerned 
had leave and four months' time to go beyond sea, with pro- 
tection in the interval, and a further respite in case of sick- 
ness or want of shipping. In the other cases, they had been 
left at the disposition of the Lord Deputy or Commissioners. 
Grace had had nothing to do with the original Irish rebellion, 
but had fought for the King in England until the surrender 
of Oxford, so that there was some personal reason for favour- 
ing him. He carried 1200 men to Spain, but the Govern- Grace leads 
ment there broke all their agreements with him, and he lost to Spain. 
half his regiment by starvation, desertion, and disease. He 
attached himself to the Duke of York, and died at Athlone 
fighting against William III. in 169 1. 1 

After the surrender of Muskerry, Ludlow turned his Ludiow's 
attention to Wicklow and Wexf ord, where Phelim MacHugh in the field, 
O'Byrne and others still had a considerable force under f 6 ^|'" Sept '' 
arms. He placed garrisons in suitable places, who reduced 
the Irish by destroying their means of subsistence. The 
green corn was cut and burned, and in a few months the 
soldiers knew every hiding-place as well as the mountaineers 
themselves. Early in August, Ludlow turned northwards 
and garrisoned Carrickmacross. Between that place and 
Dundalk he came to a cave where a number of men had 

1 Aphorismical Discovery, with the articles of surrender, dated August 
14, 1652, iii. 128-133, and the note ib. 392 ; Clarke's Life of James II. i. 268 ; 
Memoirs of the Family of Grace, 1823, 27-34. 




smoked in 

A modern 

The last 
of the 
1 cre- 


taken refuge. The soldiers tried to smoke them out, and 
entered when they supposed them smothered, but the leader 
was killed by a pistol from inside. It turned out that the 
cave was ventilated by a hole some way off, and Ludlow 
ordered this to be stopped. After a time groans were heard, 
which soon grew fainter, and the man who had fired the 
shot was drawn out dead. ' The passage being cleared, the 
soldiers entered, and, having put about fifteen to the sword, 
brought four or five out alive, with the priest's robes, a crucifix, 
chalice, and other furniture of that kind. Those within pre- 
served themselves by laying their heads close to water that 
ran through the rock. We found two rooms in the place, 
one of which was large enough to turn a pike.' This is not 
a nice story ; but Ludlow, who wrote in cold blood long after- 
wards, does not offer any apology nor show that he thought 
any necessary. Nearly two hundred years later the French 
in Algiers did the same thing on a much larger scale, but they 
knew that public opinion would be against them, and it was. 
St. Arnaud did not even venture to tell his own men that 
five hundred enemies of both sexes and all ages lay suffocated 
in the cave. 1 

After filling the mouth of the cave with large stones, 
Ludlow established posts at Castle Blayney and Agher, where 
he found one of the O'Neills living with his wife, whom he 
described as the Duchess of Artois' niece, and some children. 
They wandered about with the cattle as ' creaghts,' seeking 
for grass and water, and at each halt building a house ' in 
an hour or two.' Steps were soon afterwards taken to abolish 
this system, as one ' whereby the enemy comes to be relieved 
and sustained and the contribution oft damaged.' It was 
impossible to catch people who had no fixed abode, and who 
might even commit murder with every chance of impunity. 
Lisnaskea was fortified and small holds of the Irish at Bel- 

1 Isudlow, i. 328, 342 ; Aphorismical Discovery, iii. 125 ; Thureau-Dangin, 
Hist, de la Monarchic de Juillet, vi. 343 ; Kinglake's Crimean War, ii. 8. 
The French Government argued that conquest must precede philan- 


turbet and in one of the Lough Erne islands were taken. CHAP. 


Keynolds, who had reduced Leitrim, joined Ludlow at ^ , J^ 
Lisnaskea, and the news of Fleetwood's arrival reached them Arrival of 
there. Ludlow says he was glad to be superseded, his exer- September, 
tions for the public having been ' recompensed only with 
envy and hatred,' and he hastened to join the new commander- 
in-chief at Kilkenny. 1 

1 Ludlow, i. 330. Fleetwood landed at Waterford on or just before 
September 11. 





islands sur- 



THE historian Cox says that he could find nothing that 
looked like war during the year 1653, though the rebellion was 
not officially declared at an end until September 26. The 
early part of the year cannot, however, be considered as 
peaceful. There was still some resistance in Ulster, and the 
Irish also possessed a fortified post in the island of Innisbofin. 
To that remote stronghold Murtagh O'Brien had repaired 
after Muskerry's surrender, and with the help of some arms 
and ammunition from the Duke of Lorraine he continued to 
give trouble on the mainland. The fort of Arkin on the great 
island of Arran had been surprised through ' the supine 
carelessness and negligence of Captain Dyas ' shortly before 
Fleetwood's arrival, and the Irish garrison under Colonel 
Oliver Synnot did not surrender until the middle of January. 
Among those who took refuge in Innisbofin were Roger 
O'More, the original contriver of the rebellion, Bishop Lynch 
of Clonfert, Brian MacPhelim O'Byrne, and Colonel Dudley 
Costello. The governor was Colonel George Cusack, whose 
family had property in the Pale, and he soon came to terms 
with Reynolds. The islands of Bofin, Turk, and Clare were 
surrendered and facilities were given for transporting 1000 
men into the Spanish service. The officers retained their 
arms, ' prelates and clergymen ' being allowed to go with the 
rest. Some of the articles were more indulgent than usual, 
but Colonel Jones thought them ' suitable to the difficulty of 
gaining that place by force.' Only a few days before, near the 
neighbouring castle of Renvyle, on the mainland, 270 men 
who were on their way to attack Bofin fell into an ambuscade 
of 800 Irish, and only got through with the loss of four officers 
and forty-six men. According to the Aphorismical Discoverer, 
O'More, who could expect no mercy if captured, was basely 


deserted by Cusack and the Bishop of Clonfert. Donogh CHAP. 


O'Flaherty, who was also left behind, was shot by the soldiers ; 
but O'More, after enduring great hardships, got away to 
Ulster and lived for some time as a fisherman. 1 

In the same month of February fighting continued in Tte last 
West Cork and Kerry among the O'Sullivans and O'Driscolls, Ulster, 
some of whom took up arms after their inclusion in the Mus- 
kerry articles ; and there were still a few desperate men for 
the garrisons of Cork and Limerick to hunt. But the last 
stronghold was the island in Lough Oughter, where Bedell 
had died in the first year of the war. In February, Colonel 
Barrow came to the lake, burned some of the defenders' 
boats ' with a fiery float,' and their corn with incendiary 
missiles, but had the ill luck to be captured himself and held 
to ransom. This was probably the work of some loose band 
which remained in arms after the capitulation of the garrison 
at the end of April. The articles concluded were between 
Sir Theophilus Jones and Philip O'Reilly on behalf of himself 
and the other Ulster chiefs still remaining under arms. The Surrender 

of Clough- 

terms were much the same as had been granted in other oughter, 
recent cases, and included liberty to make terms with the 
Spanish recruiting agents. Priests and others in Roman 
orders were given a month to leave the country, on condition 
that they did not exercise their function during the interval. 
Those guilty of murder, whether lay or cleric, were as usual 
excluded, and a murderer was specially defined as one ' who Murder, 
had actually a hand in a particular murder or did command 
the same, or was present when a particular murder was com- 
mitted by persons under his command by his order.' It 
was no murder to have killed a man in fight in the open field 
at any time since the beginning of the war. 2 

1 Aphorismical Discovery, iii. 143 ; John Jones to Major Scott, March 1, 
1652-3, ib. 370 ; Articles for Arran, January 15, Contemp. Hist., iii. 364 ; 
Articles for Innisbofin, February 14, ib. See also O'Flaherty's Western 
Connaught, pp. 78, 116. 

2 Letter from John Jones to Major Scott, March 1, 1652-3, and another 
to Morgan Lloyd (without date, but later than May of the same year), 
both in Contemp. Hist. iii. 370-373 ; Articles with Ulster party, April 27, 
1653, ib. 374. 


CHAP. Mount] oy had long since proved that the way to subdue 

XXXV . j re j an( j was to destroy the means of subsistence. As one 

starved be of the Commissioners of Parliament, Colonel Jones was of 

out. opinion that no lasting peace could be made ' but by removing 

all heads of septs and priests and men of knowledge in arms, 

or otherwise in repute, out of this land, and breaking all 

kinds of interest among them, and by laving waste all fast 

countries in Ireland, and sufEer no mankind to live there 

but within garrisons,' adding that declarations were about 

to issue for laying waste all Kerry and Wicklow, and portions 

in some instances the greater part of seventeen other 

counties. This was written shortly before the surrender of 

Cloughoughter, and after that the guerrilla warfare degenerated 

into mere brigandage. We are not to suppose that the 

whole ruthless programme was carried out ; but no doubt 

Ex- the facts were bad enough. Ludlow was Jones's colleague, 

haustion of -r i i i T 

the and he speaks of the poor wasted country of Ireland, adding 

that the Irish had always exhausted the land by bad cultiva- 
tion, and of late worse than ever, ' being in daily apprehensions 
of being removed.' Not long afterwards Petty found the 
people living on potatoes, and the cultivation of that dangerous 
root must have been stimulated by the confusion of the past 
twelve years. It was then and for many years later the 
practice to dig out the tubers just as they were wanted. 
Such a crop could not well be carried away or destroyed, 
and if the sowers escaped the sword they would find some- 
thing to eat for nine months out of the twelve ; while corn 
could be easily cut or burned, and cattle still more easily 
driven off. The famine caused by war and by the destruction 
of food in districts not under protection was accompanied 
by the plague, which was rife in Galway and many other 

The plague, places. ' It fearfully broke out in Cashel,' says Jones, ' the 
people being taken suddenly with madness, whereof they die 
instantly ; twenty died in that manner in three days in that 
little town.' Dublin did not escape. ' About the years 
1652 and 1653,' says Colonel Lawrence, who had every oppor- 
tunity of judging, ' the plague and famine had swept away 
whole countries that a man might travel twenty or thirty 


miles and not see a living creature, either man, beast, or CHAP, 
bird, they being either all dead or had quit those desolate ? ,^' 
places.' He had himself seen starving wretches pick carrion Famine, 
out of a ditch, and had heard of cases in which human flesh 
was eaten. Wolves increased enormously, and rewards were 
given for their heads. 1 

While the war still raged, Roman Catholic priests were Treatment 
for the most part either not mentioned in capitulations or 
specially excluded from the benefit of them. At Limerick 
some were excepted by name, and all were refused protection ; 
but later the terms were not quite so rigorous. At Galway Gaiway. 
they were allowed six months to leave the country. At 
Roscommon the chaplain was allowed to go out with the 
garrison. When the Clare brigade surrendered to Waller, all 
persons in Roman orders were excepted, but he covenanted 
' industriously to solicit the Commissioners of Parliament 
that such of the clergy in orders, having no other act or crime 
laid to their charge than officiating their functions as priests, 
not being suffered to live in quarters or protection, shall have 
passes and liberty to go beyond the seas.' Reynolds did 
much the same in Ulster. A large number of the clergy fled 
to Innisbofin, and when it was surrendered they were all 
given protection for life and goods, with leave to accompany 
the garrison abroad. At Cloughoughter, which was the last Ciough- 
fortified place, they were given a month to go, provided they 
did not officiate in the meanwhile. Out of a great many 
extant letters from fugitive priests, that of a Dominican 
friar named O'Conor may be singled out. The brethren of 
his Order had, he says, continually roused Catholics by 
preaching to the soldiers and inciting the nobles to take up 
arms, living constantly among them in the woods and moun- 
tains, and opposing every proposal for surrender or capitula- 
tion. He himself had been prior of Kilkenny, where he A Domini- 


strenuously supported Rinuccini, and was therefore thrice experience, 
condemned to banishment by the Supreme Council, ' having 

1 Two letters of John Jones, ut sup. ; Richard Lawrence's Interest of 
Ireland, 1682, ii. 86. Many horrors are set forth in Prendergast's Crom- 
wellian Settlement, 2nd ed. 307. 


CHAP, excited the anger of all heretics and bad Catholics.' After 

"Y"5T V"\7T 

,_ T JL the fall of Kilkenny he became prior of Burrishoole, in Mayo, 
where his convent was for three years the refuge of religious 
persons. Two attacks were beaten off, but at last the place 
was taken by storm. The soldiers were killed and some of 
the friars ; others fled to the mountains. Accompanied by 
one boy, he took a skiff made out of a single log and went 
six leagues into the open ocean, almost miraculously making 
his way to Innisbofin. After a short time, seven Parliamentary 
ships with twenty- two boats hove in sight, and it became 
necessary to surrender the island. He was transported with 
the rest, on pain of death if he revisited Ireland, where an 
edict had been published exiling all ecclesiastics on the same 
terms, with severe penalties against all who helped them. 1 

An edict The edict mentioned by Father O'Conor and by many 


Jesuits and other clerical writers of the same time was an order, signed 
narists. by Fleetwood, Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, setting forth the 
experience of many years, ' that Jesuits, seminary priests, 
and persons in Popish orders in Ireland, estrange the people 
from due obedience to the English Commonwealth, and, 
under pretence of religion, excite them to rebellion, which 
gave rise to the barbarous murders of 1641 and the destructive 
war which followed.' They were all to leave Ireland within 
twenty days, or incur the penalties of the English Act, 
27 Elizabeth, which had never been the law of Ireland, and 
which made the priests traitors and their abettors felons. 2 
Chichester strove to get the swordsmen of Ulster into the 

' Articles for Limerick, October 27, 1651 ; for Galway, April 5, 1652 ; 
for Roscommon, April 3 ; for the Clare brigade, April 21 ; for the Ulster 
Irish, September 21 ; for Innisbofin, February 14, 1652-3 ; for Cloughoughter, 
April 27 to May 18, 1653. The above and many others are in vol. iii. of 
Contemp. Hist., except the articles for Galway, which are in Hardiman's 
Hist, of Galway, appx. p. xxix. Father O'Conor's letter of May 17, 1653, 
from Brussels, is in Spicilegium Ossoriense, i. 398 (Latin). In another letter 
from Brussels of May 3, signed by the Bishops of Raphoe and Clonfert, who 
were also in Innisbofin, there is a curious mixture of Virgil and Vulgate : 
' hsec est hora hsereticorum et potestas tenebrarum. Dabit Deus his quoque 
finem. Via prima salutis, quo minime remur, Anglo pandetur ab orbe [sic],' 
ib. 398. 

2 O'Daly's Oeraldines (Meehan's version, 1847), chap. xi. ; Collier's 
Ecclesiastical History, vii. 42. The order is dated January 2, 1652-3. 





Swedish service, where they might help the Protestant cause CHAP. 


almost without knowing it. After the disbanding of Strafford's 
army the English Parliament had very naturally, but very 
unwisely, prevented the men from going to Spain, thus 8 ? nt 
aggravating, if not actually causing, the outbreak in 1641. 
Cromwell profited by experience, and saw that even in the 
service of the Catholic king the survivors of .the Irish war 
would be much less dangerous than in their own country. 
At the beginning of 1653 the Commissioners reported that 
13,000 had already gone, but that there were still left ' many 
desperate rogues who know not how to live but by robbing 
and stealing out of bogs and fastnesses.' By July the number Great 
had risen to 27,000. There were, says Petty, who was in | n 
Ireland at the time and whose estimate is rather under that 
of his friend Gookin, * transported of them into Spain 
Flanders, France, 34,000 soldiers ; and of boys, wome: 
priests, &c., no less than 6000 more,' of whom not half ha 
returned in 1672. The Spanish Government broke all the: 
promises and treated the Irish officers and soldiers very badly, 
so that whole regiments passed over from time to time into 
the service of France. In both services the dissensions 
which had been so fatal in Ireland continued between Celts 
and Anglo-Irish and between Ormondists and Nuncionists. 
Hyde, who knew Spain and had suffered many things there, 
excuses the desertions in Catalonia, which were stimulated by 
Inchiquin, and the ill-conduct of the Irish at Bordeaux, 
which caused the loss of that city, by the extreme ill-usage 
which they had received from the Spanish authorities. There 
were many needy Irish officers in London who were glad to 
contract with Cardenas for the transport of men. Philip Their ill- 
found money enough to make this remunerative, but when i n Spain, 
the Irish were once landed in his country no further trouble 
was taken. ' The soldiers, who were crowded more together 
into one ship than was fit for so long voyages, had contracted 
many diseases, and many were dead and thrown overboard. 
As soon as they came upon the coast the officers made haste 
to land, how far soever from the place at which they stood 
bound to deliver their men ; by which in those places which 




y -y -y TTT 

~ ' 

in France, 


Arrival of 


Sept. 1653. 

could make resistance they were not suffered to land, and in 
others no provision was made for their reception on march ; 
but very great numbers were starved or knocked in the head 
by the country people.' All this, Clarendon adds, ' manifested 
nO w loose the government was.' Mazarin managed much 
better. The passage to France was shorter, and he took care 
that there should be no want of shipping and better accom- 
modation on landing, so that at least 20,000 Irishmen came 
into the French service, though from old associations they 
would have preferred that of Spain. And the historian notes 
that Cromwell had been able to send abroad 40,000 men 
who would have been enough to drive him out of England ; 
while the King's Lieutenant, notwithstanding all the pro- 
mises, obligations, and contracts which the Confederate 
Roman Catholics had made to and with him, could not draw 
together a body of 5000 men. 1 

On June 8 Fleetwood married Ireton's widow, and on 

T , ,~ , . , ., , -, -, -, . ,.,. 

July 10 his father-in-law made him commander-m-chief in 
Ireland. In the following month he was appointed by 
Parliament a commissioner for the civil government along 
with the regicides Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, and John 
Weaver, the member for Stamford. Fleetwood was in 
Ireland by the beginning of September, but there was not 
much left for a general to do except to superintend the 
reduction of the army. The dregs of the war had to be dealt 
with first, but the Commissioners were given great powers 
in the domain of law and justice, and their first care was for 
the punishment of those to whom murder could be brought 
home. Doctor Jones had already received orders to collect 
evidence. A High Court was erected in Dublin under Chief 

1 Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, xii. 148, 149 ; a letter from Sparke 
(imprisoned at Madrid for Ascham's murder), March 4, 1652-3, in Cal. 
of Clarendon MS8., mentions ' drovers and sellers of the King's poor 
subjects, merchants that now find the miserable Irishman to be the best 
commodity in trade . . . one went lately hence with a vast sum of money 
(pretium sanguinis) laden on mules.' Hyde to Bellings, August 8, 1653, 
ib., and to Sir Benjamin Wright, September 13, ib. ; letters in Thurloe from 
June to September, i. 320, 337, 479, 504 ; Petty's Political Anatomy of 
Ireland, chap. 4. Gookin in his an ti- transplantation pamphlet says 
' 40,000 of the most active spirited men ' enlisted for foreign service. 

A High 

Trials at 


Justice Lowther, who issued commissions to find and examine CHAP. 
witnesses in the country. Local courts were also established, ^XXVI. 
the first of which, consisting of Justices Donnellan and Cooli 
and Commissary- General Reynolds, sat on October 4 at 
Kilkenny in the room where the Supreme Council had been 
used to meet. Notwithstanding the difficulty of getting 
evidence eleven years after the first outbreak, sixteen cionmeif' 
persons were found guilty at Kilkenny, six at Clonmel, and and Corkl 
thirty-two at Cork ; and we are told that most of these were 
very considerable men, heads of septs or otherwise important. 
The High Court in Dublin did not sit until January. 1 

It was considered murder to kill persons not in arms or uncer- 
who had been received to quarter, and this was the general ^number 
principle on which prosecutions were based. The record executed - 
is imperfect, but Cox estimated that not above two hundred 
died by the hands of the common executioner, though many 
murderers had perished by the sword or by disease. Hearsay 
evidence was probably admitted to an extent which would 
not be dreamed of in our days, but trials were carefully 
conducted, and there were a great many acquittals. Of the 
original insurgents surviving, by far the most important were 
Sir Phelim O'Neill, who had lurked in Tyrone since the sur- 

render of Charlemont, where his wife remained. Early in 
1653 he ventured, with a view of communicating with her, 
to take up his abode in an old house on an island in Roghan 
Lough, near Coalisland, accompanied by Tirlogh Groom 
O'Quin and a score of soldiers. His messenger was a follower 
named O'Hugh, who was under protection at Charlemont, 
and Lord Caulfield's attention was thus roused. The little 
lake was surrounded and boats were launched upon it, and the 
island, which was very near the shore, was quite indefensible 
even against musketry. Sir Phelim surrendered, and was 
taken to Carrickfergus, where he was very civilly treated by 

1 Cromwell's warrant to Fleetwood in Thurloe, i. 212 ; instructions to the 
Commissioners, in Parliamentary Hist. xx. 92. Nineteen superior officers 
to Lenthall, May 5, 1652, in appx. to Ludlow ; the Commissioners' letters of 
October 14 and January 15, ib. ; Carlyle's Cromwell, ed. Lomas, ii. 246. See 
Gardiner's Commonwealth, ii. 164, and Cox, ii. 70. 





Sir Phelim 

is found 

The case 
of Lord 

Venables, who had found him a gallant enemy. He was sent 
off to Dublin and tried there upon the last day of February, 
his companions, with the exception of O'Quin, being released. 1 
O'Neill was sentenced to death for high treason and for 
four murders proved against him, according to the judge's 
notes. That he had levied war against the King is obvious, 
and the question is not worth discussing. He was not 
accused of murdering any one with his own hand, but as an 
accessory before the fact or by giving orders to the actual 
assassins. In the case of Lord Caulfield the fragments of 
evidence which we possess do not make the facts absolutely 
clear. The original capture was treacherous in the highest 
degree, and the murder was committed by Sir Phelim's foster- 
brother. The young lord had been over five months O'Neill's 
prisoner at or near Charlemont, and according to one witness 
he directed the escort to take him to Cloughoughter, in Cavan. 
Sir Phelim's own house at Kinard was the first halting-place, 
and there the deed was done, fifteen or sixteen of Caulfield's 
Scotch and English dependants being slaughtered at the 
same time. O'Neill was not present, but he had used very 
suspicious language shortly before, and the assassin was 
allowed to escape in his gaoler's company, and was not 
caught. Of three warders, one who was an Irishman was 
not punished, while the other two, being English and Scotch, 
were duly hanged by Sir Phelim's orders. The gaoler was 
restored to his post at Armagh. In all the cases much of 
the evidence is hearsay ; but the murders charged, with 
many others, were committed within a few miles of Charle- 
mont, and Sir Phelim, who commanded in chief, never 
punished anybody. Michael Harrison swore that in December 
1641 he heard O'Neill say, ' with great ostentation, that he 
would never leave off the work he had begun until mass 

1 The details as to O'Neill's capture are from the British Officer's Warr of 
Ireland, p. 144. The writer says ' twenty gentlemen of Ulster suffered for 
matters at the beginning of the war, of which some suffered innocently, as 
then it was said, where some of those who were judges were their enemy in 
war time.' Col. Jones to Scott, March 1, 1652-3, in Contemp. Hist., iii. 372. 
Sir Phelim's third wife was Lady Strabane, a daughter of the 1st Marquis of 


nhould be sung or said in every church in Ireland, and that a CHAP. 


Protestant should not live in Ireland, be he of what nation : 1. f" _' 
he would.' l . 

O'Neill was hanged, drawn, and quartered, one quarter Execution/ 
being impaled at Lisburn, which he had burned ; another at phelim 
Dundalk, which he had taken ; a third at Drogheda, which >NeiU - 
he had vainly besieged ; and a fourth, with the head, at 
Dublin, which he had plotted to surprise. Tirlogh Groom 
O'Quin, who was captured with him and who had been his 
close associate in the early days of the rebellion, was executed 
later, and his head set upon the west gate of Carrickfergus. 
There has been much discussion as to the exact relation of The alleged 
Sir Phelim and the other original conspirators to Charles L, mission. 
and the declaration of Dean Ker in 1681 was long accepted as 
evidence. Attempts have been made to set aside Ker's 
statement, on the ground that he wanted to be a bishop, that 
he spoke twenty-eight years after the fact, and that it was 
impossible that things which happened in open court should 
have remained doubtful for so long. It is certain that he 
never became a bishop, and there is nothing to prove that he 
wished to be one. By his own showing he had often men- 
tioned the matter to his friend or patron, Lord Lanesborough, 
who at last persuaded him to write it down. There is never 
anything extraordinary in London being ignorant of what 
happens in Dublin ; and after the Restoration no one had 
any interest in recalling the proceedings of the Cromwellian 
High Court there. The late King's position as a saint and 
martyr was then undisputed, and the Church of England 
was not on her defence. A more important difficulty is that 
the Dean says he heard Michael Harrison, who only saved 
his life by acting as secretary to Sir Phelim, confess in open 
court that he attached the Great Seal to a sham commission, 
and that O'Neill, when pressed by the judges, answered 

1 Deposition of Michael Harrison, taken February 11, 1652-3, in 
Hickson, i. 223-233 ; Notes of the trial with the President's charge and 
O'Neill's own deposition or confession, ib. ii. 183-190 ; Note to Archdall's 
ed. of Lodge's Irish Peerage, iii. 140. 

x 2 




Sham com 




' that no man could blame him to promote that cause he had 
so far engaged in.' In his sworn deposition Harrison says 
Sir Phelim had often spoken of a commission from the King, 
but he had never been able to get a sight of it, though it was 
generally believed to exist. It seems certain that a sham 
commission of some sort was shown not only in Ulster but in 
Munster ; and there is no difficulty about believing that 
O'Neill should not have wished to die with a lie in his mouth, 
or that hopes of mercy should have been held out to him if 
he would implicate Charles. If the commission were forged, 
it matters little whether the seal was that of England or 
Scotland ; either would do to exhibit at a distance. We 
know from the judge's notes that O'Neill was believed to 
have altered a genuine document, and that a copy was pro- 
duced in court. It is not impossible that Harrison may 
have been employed to affix a seal to some instrument which 
he had not been allowed to read. The memory of Charles I. 
has much to bear, but he could not have given a commission 
authorising a general insurrection. He had been angling for 
Roman Catholic help before the outbreak of the rebellion, 
and many may have been persuaded that they were doing 
his will by rising against the Lords Justices ; but it is not at 
all likely that any of the leaders were of this opinion. 1 

Lord Muskerry was not one of the first conspirators, 
but he joined the movement soon after it had spread to 

1 Dean Ker's statement, dated February 28, 1681-2, was first published 
by Nalson (ii. 528) in the following year. Nalson says he had the paper 
from Ormonde, and probably Lord Lanesborough, who had been the Duke's 
secretary, procured it for that very purpose. It is reprinted in Contemp. 
Hist. iii. 368 and Hickson, ii. 370. The spurious commission in Rushworth, 
iv. 400, dated October 1, 1641, was under the Great Seal of Scotland, which 
could have no value in Ireland. By it Charles is made to authorise the 
seizure of all strong places in Ireland ' except the places, persons and 
estates of our loving subjects the Scots ; and also to arrest and seize the 
goods, estates, and persons of all the English Protestants ' to his use. 
Imagination refuses to conceive that he could have used such words. For 
discussions on this subject see Gardiner's Hist, of England, x. 7, 92 ; Burton's 
Hist, of Scotland, vi. 347, ed. 1876; Hickson, i. 117. The paper called 
Antrim's ' Information,' appx. 49 to Cox, really proves nothing, and he 
was a notoriously loose talker. 


Munster. After the surrender of Ross Castle he went to CHAP. 

"V"V \TA7T 

Spain, but he had been a determined opponent of Rinuccini, ._ T _*. 

and he found the clergy so hostile that his life was not safe. 

At Lisbon his reception was little better, and he gave up his 

plan of raising troops for the Peninsula, returned to Cork, 

and threw himself upon the mercy of Parliament. This 

was in February 1653, and he remained a prisoner in Dublin 

until his trial in December. In the meantime Lady Ormonde 

had arrived there, and naturally interested herself in his 

behalf. If Carte was rightly informed, Lowther did what 

he could by privately informing her of the line which the 

prosecution would take, and so enabling the prisoner to be 

prepared for his defence at all points. He was not tried for 

treason, but as accessory to the murder of Mrs. Hussey and 

others in 1642 ; and this resulted in an acquittal. There 

was another charge for the murder of William Deane and 

others, also in 1642, and it was held that the prosecutors had 

proved the facts, but that the prisoner had no real share in 

what was done, and was in any case protected by the Ross 

articles. It was, moreover, shown that he often acted a 

humane and merciful part. A separate count, for the murder 

of Roger Skinner, also resulted in an acquittal. Muskerry 

was not finally discharged for some months, and this delay 

may have been caused by the discovery that a printed copy 

of the Ross articles produced on the trial differed from the 

original which had been retained by Ludlow. He was 

charged in May 1654 with the murder of a man and woman 

unknown, but there was a verdict of ' Not Guilty.' Muskerry's 

speech after his acquittal on the Hussey and Deane charges 

has been preserved. He admitted that he had had a fair trial, His speech 

and that if there had been any leaning it was in his favour. a la ' 

' I met,' he said, ' many crosses in Spain and Portugal. 

I could get no rest till I came hither, and the crosses I met 

here are much affliction to me ; but when I consider that in 

this court I come clear out of that blackness of blood by 

being so sifted, it is more to me than my estate. I can live 

without my estate, but not without my credit.' He raised 






men for the Venetian service, and went later to Poland, 
and regained most of his property after the Restoration. 1 

Another remarkable case was that of Edmund O'Reilly, 
then or later vicar-general of Dublin and afterwards Primate, 
for the murder of John Joyce and others at Wicklow in 
December 1642. They appear to have been burned in Wick- 
low Castle in cold blood. Most of the evidence was hearsay, 
and does not perhaps amount to much more than that O'Reilly 
made rather light of what had been done. Luke Byrne, 
indeed, swore that in a conversation when Joyce was men- 
tioned O'Reilly had advised him to kill all the English about 
him, and had afterwards excommunicated him for favouring 
them. The prisoner answered that this Byrne was his enemy, 
and that he had excommunicated him for living in adultery. 
Perhaps the strongest point against O'Reilly was made by 
Peter Wickham, who had been High Sheriff of Wicklow, and 
who stated that Edward Byrne was put off the jury because 
he, as foreman, was prepared to say that Joyce and the rest 
were murdered. Edward Byrne himself corroborated this. 
On the other hand, a witness bearing the English name of 
Pemberton swore that O'Reilly had done many acts of 
kindness and preserved many English lives, including those 
of five Protestant clergymen. These cases were all a good 
deal later than Joyce's murder, and it is not improbable that, 
while favouring the rebellion at first, he became afterwards 
disgusted at the outrages that attended it. He was found 
guilty, but received a pardon. Peter Walsh, who was bitterly 
opposed to O'Reilly, speaks of him as rather a good-natured 
and merciful man, but adds that he escaped owing to ' his 
former services to the Parliament, especially that of betraying 
the royal camp at Rathmines to Jones.' He was certainly 
engaged in secret negotiations between Jones and Owen 
Roe O'Neill in 1648, and it may well be that there was no 
wish to deal hardly with him. Walsh says he was under 

1 Trial in Hickson, ii. 192-204, 235 ; Ludlow, i. 341 ; Fleetwood to 
Thurloe, February 16, 1653-4, in Thurloe, ii. 94. Notices in Cal. of 
Clarendon MSS., vol. ii. during 1653 and 1654 ; Carte's Life of Ormonde, 
ii. 161. Musketry married Lady Eleanor Butler, Ormonde's eldest sister. 


protection within the Parliament's lines, and in that unsafe CHAP. 


position was rash enough to appear in Dublin as a witness -_ "/ _ 
for the prosecution in a criminal trial. He was recognised 
and named by a person in court, who called upon the judge 
to arrest him as priest and vicar-general and chief author of 
seizing and burning in cessation time the black castle of 
Wicklow, and consequently too of murdering all those within 
it. ' Now whether this accusation was in itself true or false 
I know not.' l 

Sir Theodore Bourke, third Viscount Mayo, submitted on Trial of 
July 14, 1652, and was one of the seven who signed on behalf who is shot! 
of a large number. Those guilty of robbery or murder during 
the first year of the war were excluded from any benefit 
by the articles. Lord Mayo was tried at Galway as accessory 
to the Shrule massacre by a commission consisting of Sir 
Charles Coote and ten others. He was undoubtedly present 
at the murders, and he rode away without fighting for the 
victims, who were supposed to be under his protection ; but 
there was evidence to show that he did make some effort to 
save them, and that he fled only to secure his own life. Four 
of the commissioners were for an acquittal, but he was con- 
demned by a majority and shot. 2 

War is a costly business. First there is the blood-tax, cost of the 
withdrawing thousands of young men from remunerative v 
work. Then there is the expenditure on war materials, 
and the destruction of property, which may take long to 
replace. In modern times soldiers are paid punctually, 
but some part of the waste has to be met by loans, and so 
the expense of war goes on when its causes are half forgotten. 
In the case of the Irish rebellion, it was seen at once that 
the work could not be paid for out of revenue. Except for 
a moment under Strafford, Ireland had never been self- 
supporting, and Parliament, upon whom the King at once 
cast the responsibility, as yet commanded no regular income 

1 Notes of trial in Hickson, ii., where the murder is said to have been on 
December 29, 1642, which was before the cessation, but there may have 
been a local truce ; Bettings, vii. 104 ; Walsh's Remonstrance, p. 609. 

2 For the Shrule affair see above. Cox gives the names of the com- 
missioners and how they voted, with a fair summary of the case. 


CHAP, and could not pledge the national credit. The city of London 


^_ , _l was willing enough to give money, but security for repay- 

London! f men * was required, and 2500 acres of Irish land were 

hypothecated for this purpose. It was assumed, judging 

by the great area affected, and by the experience of former 

rebellions, that a very much larger amount would be forfeited. 

Those who subscribed would have something to sell as soon 

as their money had done its work. In addition to this it 

proved, just as in Elizabeth's time, that there was never ready 

cash enough to pay the soldiers in full, and their arrears 

/ / also were made a charge upon the Irish forfeitures. There 

* were also many miscellaneous creditors who expected to 

be paid out of the same fund. 1 

Charles I. It is unnecessary to set out in detail the negotiations 
theVan of which led to the passing of the Act for the speedy reduction 
settlement. Q | ^ & j-g^gjg m Ireland, but it received the royal assent and 
was therefore a legal statute forming the basis of what is 
known as the Cromwellian settlement. Charles II. was 
bound by it, for the original contract could not be denied. 

Eix hundred and twenty-five thousand acres were pledged in 
ich province, and the money advanced was to be repaid 
ith land distributed by lot at the rate of 1000 acres in 
Ulster for every 200/., in Connaught for every 300Z., in Munster 
for every 450Z., and in Leinster for every 600Z. Profitable 
land only was counted, bogs, loughs, and barren mountains 
with the wooTnTgrTTwing on them, being thrown in without 
measurement. A quit-rent was reserved to the Crown of 
one penny per acre in Ulster, three halfpence in Connaught, 
twopence farthing in Munster, and threepence in Leinster. 
Patents and pardons before attainder since the fatal 
October 23, 1641, were declared void, and so were assign- 
ments made after March 1 in that year. A special cause 
of forfeiture was entering after the said March 1 into ' any 
compact, bond, covenant, oath, promise, or agreement to 

1 A paper printed by Mr. Firth in English Hist. Review, xiv. 104, makes 
the expense of war and settlement from July 6, 1649, to November 1, 1656, 
amount to about three and a half millions, of which one and a half was 
transmitted out of England, the remainder collected in Ireland. 


introduce or bring into the said realm of Ireland the authority CHAP. 


of the see of Rome in any case whatsoever or to maintain or ^_ T _J> 

defend the same.' The money subscribed was all to be paid Money 

in London, and it was specially provided that no part of it for Ireland, 

was to be devoted to any purpose except the reduction of the 

Irish rebels until Parliament should declare that the thing 

was done. But it very soon became evident that there 

would be war nearer home and long before the time limited 

for closing the collection. One hundred thousand pounds was but spent 

borrowed by the House of Commons for their own purposes England. 

' upon the public faith.' Charles protested, as he had every 

right to do, but he set up his standard at Nottingham only 

nine days later, having already proclaimed Essex a traitor. 

The Irish difficulty could not be effectively dealt with until 

it was decided who was to be master in England. 1 

Three Acts to explain or extend the original one were Further 
passed soon afterwards. By the first special arrangements enact- 
were made for admitting Scotch adventurers and Dutch ments - 
Protestants on or before May 10, 1642 ; by the second, sub- 
scribers who paid all their money before July 20, 1642, were 
to have Irish acres based upon a perch of twenty-one feet, 
new contributors and those who were not so prompt, being 
still confined to English measure, with a perch of sixteen and a 
half feet, by the third corporations and companies were \/ 
admitted to contribute as well as individuals. A permanent 
committee sat in London to watch the interests of the adven- 
turers. Ordinances affecting them were made from time to l^e 
time, of which one of the most important was that of July 14, ordinance. 
1643, doubling the amount of land to be given in Irish acres 
for an additional one-fourth to the original subscription, and 
encouraging merchants and manufacturers to advance money 
on the security of the towns and neighbourhoods of Limerick, 
Waterford, Galway, and Wexford. All chantry lands ' given < /'Super- 
unto superstitious uses for maintenance of popish priests uses. 

1 Act for the speedy and effectual reducing of the rebels in His Majesty's 
Kingdom of Ireland &c., Scobell, i. 26 (Royal Assent, March 19, 1641-2). 
Resolution of the Commons to borrow 100,OOOL, July 30, 1641, in Rush- 
worth, iv. 778, and the King's message from York, August 13, ib. 775. 



CHAP, and idolatrous masses ' were thrown in, and also all lands 


._ T _'- ' given for maintenance of lazars and lazarous people and 
concealed in possession and occupation of such who are now 
or shall be rebels, and have been by their ancestors enjoyed by 
/ many descents.' Some months before this, at the beginning 
of October 1642, the House of Commons sent a committee to 
Ireland consisting of Robert Goodwin and Robert Reynolds, 
adventurers and members of Parliament, and of Captain 
William Tucker, who was associated with them by the City 
of London. They disagreed among themselves, and effected 
nothing for the adventurers, but their pretensions gave the 
The settle- King an opportunity of interfering. Dublin was secured in 
suspended Ormonde's hands, and so it remained until Charles was over- 

by war. 

thrown in England. But civil government was in abeyance 
long after that, and it was not until August 1652, when the 
Irish war seemed to be nearly over, that Parliament was 
able to declare how Irish land should be dealt with. 1 

1 Acts and ordinance in Scobell, i. 31-34, 45 ; Rmhworth, \. 530 ; Tucker's 
Journal in Confed. and War, ii. 170. 




AT the beginning of 1652 the Commissioners in Ireland could CHAP. 


see that the war was near its end, but there were still about ._ T _' 

30,000 men in arms against them. Their first object was ^j^ 6 " 
to get these fighting men out of Ireland, in which they sue- Magnitude 
ceeded, and nftrr^ _tj)fliti to bn|~in thi nfih flnifl ^ colonisation problem, 
which had been contemplated from the first. They adhered i 
to the original idea of the Act of March 1642, by which 
forfeited lands were to be assigned to the Adventurers in each 
of the four provinces, the counties earmarked for the purpose 
being Kilkenny, Wexford, Carlow, Westmeath, and Longford 
in Leinster, Limerick and Kerry in Munster, Cavan, Monaghan, 
Fermanagh, and Donegal in Ulster, Clare, Gal way, Leitrim, 
and Sligo in Connaught, as the divisions then ran, others 
being held in reserve in case the above-named should be 
insufficient. By this means the settlers would be near one ( 
another, and afford mutual protection. It was also pro- Scheme of 
posed to make a permanent Pale between the Boyne and pTotestant 
the Barrow with a strong garrison in Wicklow, and another Pales> 
between the Suir and the southern Blackwater. The territory 
within those rivers could be easily and cheaply protected, 
and would soon be well inhabited, and the soldiers who held 
it were to be fixed in Roman fashion with reduced pay and 
farms instead of arrears, ' provided that such of them as 
marry with Irish women shall lose their commands, forfeit 
their arrears, and .be made incapable to inhabit lands in 
Ireland.' After the receipt of the Commissioners' despatch, 
the Committee of Adventurers were called upon to make 
proposals for a speedy plantation. They accordingly claimed Claim of 
281,812?. for original advances, and 12,283Z. under the 


CHAP, ordinance of 1643, involving grants of 1.038.234 acres. 


^_ , _ -' They objected to the suggested arrangements, and demanded 
contiguous lands in Leinster and Munster, including the 
city of Waterford. The war was not yet over, and Tories were 
numerous, so that there would be no safety otherwise, and 
English labourers were scarce on account of the disafloresta- 
tions at home. They therefore refused to be bound to time 
or to pay taxes until the country was really settled, lest they 
should be ruined while their highly paid servants grew rich, 
as had happened in New England. Weaver was sent over 
in April to represent the Irish Government, but the Adven- 
turers stood their ground. Three years from September 29, 
1652, had been proposed as the limit of time to be occupied 
in planting, but it would be impossible within it to provide 
dwellings for 40,000 men and their families. Less than that 
number would not do, nor could the work begin until the 
counties assigned were ' cleared of Tories or of other Irish 
which by the propositions may not be admitted to be in the 
plantation, though Protestants.' They only waited till the 
country was made safe, and till they knew more accurately 
what lands they had to escheat, ' and that all men's estates 
not forfeited should be cleared and known.' Otherwise they 
might be involved in hopeless litigation with Lord Cork 
and many others, who were not at all implicated in the 
Meeting of rebellion. On April 17, one month before this answer was 
Kilkenny, given, th e general and field officers in Ireland, including 
Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, met at Kilkenny, where they 
heard Dr. Jones's abstract of the depositions taken concerning 
murders committed during the rebellion. They were already 
inclined to think that some of the capitulations had been 
too lenient, and the reading of this terrible paper confirmed 
them. To many the facts were new, others, who had been 
in Ireland since 1641, had never known them in so concrete 
a form, and they feared that men at a distance might be 
moved through ignorance to lenity, ' which we have found 
no small temptation in ourselves. . . . and considering 
that so many murders have been committed that few of the 
former English were left undestroyed (especially men who had 


any particular knowledge of the massacre, and of those the CHAP. 

"V ~Y ~V \7T T 

greater part are since deceased) so that few of the rebels can r_"^ _: 
be particularly discriminated by any evidence now to be 
produced, as the usual course of justice doth require, yet 
those barbarous, cruel murders having been so generally 
joined in and since justified by the whole nation, &c.' And 
they suggested to Parliament that ' in duty towards God, 
the great avenger of such villainies,' they should not delay 
to decide upon the ' qualifications and exceptions ' desirable. 
The abstract of evidence which had so greatly impressed the Effect of 
officers accompanied their despatch, which was read in Parlia- evidence 
ment on May 18, and we may well believe that its effect was about 164L 
considerable in moulding legislation. In the interval between 
May and August the idea of transplantation took shape, 
and Connaught was left out of the area within which Adven- 
turers and soldiers might seek their reward. 1 

The Act of Settlement upon which all subsequent pro- ciassifica- 
^eedings were founded declared that it was ' not the intention iruh delin- 
of the Parliament to extirpate that whole nation.' Pardon i uents - 
might be extended to the inferior sort of people on condition 
of submission and peaceable behaviour. Those of higher 
rank, ' according to the respective demerits and considerations 
under which they fell,' were divided into ten classes or qualifi- 
cations, of which the first five were excepted from pardon for 
life and estate. The first comprised all who before November 
10, 1642, when the Kilkenny assembly first met, had anything 
to say to the rebellion, murders, or massacre. The second 
clause included all ecclesiastical persons in Roman orders 
who had been so concerned, the penalty in their cases 

1 Irish Commissioners to Council of State, January 8, 1651-2, Portland 
Papers, i. 622, and Ludlow, i. 497. In the former the river ' which goes to 
Youghal ' is called the More, i.e. the Avonmore or Blackwater, not the 
Nore, as printed in the latter. Statements by Adventurers' Committee 
in Portland Papers, i. 639, April 5, 1652, and ib. 649, May 14 ; Irish officers 
to Parliament, May 5, signed by Ludlow and eighteen others. See Prender- 
gast, pp. 83 sqq. Dr. Jones had a vested interest in the 1641 depositions, 
Parliament having given him the sole right to print and reprint his abstract 
up to March 21, 1641-2, Somers Tracts, v. 573. He had a fresh commission 
to take evidence after that date, and doubtless the document which caused 
such horror at Kilkenny in 1652 contained much additional matter. 




by name. 

sketch of 

to be 

extending to ' violences ' less than murder or open insurrection. 
The third consisted of one hundred and four persons excepted 
by name, including Ormonde, Castlehaven, Clanricarde, 
Inchiquin, Muskerry, and seventeen other temporal peers. 
Bishop BramhaLl came next, and among the rest were Sir 
Phelim O'Neill, General Preston, and Roger O'More. The 
fourth qualification covered those who at any time after 
October 1. 1641, had a hand in killing any one except soldiers, 
and all Irishmen who, not being soldiers themselves, had 
killed Englishmen who were. The fifth clause condemned 
all who did not lay down their arms within twenty-eight days 
of the Act being published by authority in Ireland. The 
sixth clause provided for the banishment of all superior 
military officers and for the forfeiture of two-thirds of their 
estates, the value of the remaining third to be enjoyed by 
their wives and children ' in such places in Ireland as the Parlia- 
ment, in order to the more effectual settlement of the peace 
of this nation, shall think fit to appoint for that purpose.' 
The seventh clause empowered the Commissioners to pardon 
others who had fought and submitted, and they also were 
deprived of two-thirds of their property, but might continue 
in Ireland upon the equivalent of one-third wherever the 
Parliament might assign it. The eighth applied to Papists 
who had lived in Ireland since October 23, 1641, ' and had not 
manifested their constant good affection to the interest of the 
Commonwealth of England ' ; they were to forfeit one-third, 
and other persons who might have helped the Parliament 
and failed to do so were deprived of only one-fifth. The 
ninth clause granted pardon for life and estate to those who 
had no land and not more than ten pounds personalty, pro- 
vided they laid down their arms within the prescribed time. 
The tenth clause swept into the net all estates tail and trusts 
created after March 25, 1639, but English Protestants who 
purchased for value before the beginning of the rebellion were 
protected. There was a final proviso granting to all the benefit 
of any articles granted provided they had observed them on 
their part, but the Commissioners had, nevertheless, power to 
' transplant ' them to any such place in Ireland as should be 


' judged most consistent with public safety,' where they were CHAP. 
to have land equivalent to what they would have enjoyed . , J 
had they not been so removed. 1 

At the end of January 1652, a little more than two months Lambert 
after Ireton's death, Lambert was named by Pj}j-]iajnCTt 3-a Deputy, 01 
Deputy to Cromwell, who was still Lord Lieutenant ; and he 
made preparations for filling the place brilliantly. Mrs. 
Hutchinson says he laid out five thousand pounds on his 
outfit, and gave himself airs of superiority, ' looking upon all 
the Parliament men who had conferred this honour on him as 
underlings, and scarcely worth the great man's nod.' Weaver's 
influence was cast against him, and before Cromwell's com- 
mission had actually expired the House resolved to abolish 
the Lord Lieutenancy and to appoint no Deputy. Lambert but the 
was told he might command the army as Ludlow had been mentis not 
doing, sharing the civil power with the other commissioners ; 
but he refused this offer, and Cromwell, who became Captain- 
General, appointed Fleetwood. Ludlow says this was a 
deep-laid plot on the part of Cromwell, who was jealous of his 
steadfast republicanism, and that he was thus able to secure 
a useful servant in his son-in-law, and at the same time to 
set such a dangerous rival as Lambert against the Parliament. 
On the other hand there is evidence that Cromwell thought 
him badly treated, and he requested that 20001. of arrears due 
to himself as Lord Lieutenant might be paid to Lambert. 
Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones remained in Ireland as Fleet- 
wood's colleagues, but Weaver, though reappointed, became 
obnoxious to the military party, and never returned thither. 
Fresh instructions were issued as soon as the Act of Settle- Fleetwood 
ment had passed, and Fleetwood landed at Waterford in 

September 1652. The Commissioners were ordered to publish ^eni* Jui 
and circulate the Act, and to put it in force in Ireland, as well 1652 - 
as all ordinances affecting the estates of delinquents and 
Papists and of the bishops and chapters. They were to raise 
a revenue not exceeding 4:0,0001. a month upon lands and 

1 Act for the settling of Ireland, August 12, 1652, in Scobell, ii. 197. 
reprinted in Contemp, Hist. iii. 341, and (with date misprinted and omission 
of names in clause 3) in Gardiner's Constitutional Documents, 2nd. ed. p. 394. 




for further 

The Long 
April 20, 

The Little 

goods in Ireland, and to watch the financial interests of the 
State in every way, and they were given power ' to send into 
England or such other places as you shall think fit, any 
persons whose residence in those parts from which they are 
so to be removed, you shall judge dangerous to this Common- 
wealth.' l 

The Act of Settlement only laid foundations, and further 
legislation was required before the work of colonisation could 
/be actually undertaken. At the end of 1652, although the 
war was not quite over, the Commissioners urged upon 
Parliament the necessity of expedition. ' The two great 
businesses,' they wrote a few weeks later, ' which now lie 
before us are how to lessen your charge and how to plant the 
country, but neither of these can be done to any effect till 
we do hear your pleasure about the Bill before you for giving 
satisfaction to the Adventurers and also to satisfy the arrears 
of the soldiers.^ The dilatoriness of the sovereign assembly 
was at least one of the reasons why Cromwell turned it out 
of doors. The Lord General and his new Council in their 
declaration make no reference to Ireland except that it had 
pleased God to reduce the country. It was published a week 
later in Dublin, the Commissioners reminding all in positions 
of trust that ' notwithstanding the present alteration ' they 
were bound to use great diligence, and that they would be 
held to strict account. May 4 and 11 were fixed for ' solemn 
seeking the Grace of the Lord by all his people in Ireland.' 2 

Oliver Cromwell was virtually dictator during the few 
weeks that intervened between his dismissal of the much 
purged House of Commons and the meeting of that curious 
assembly sometimes called the Little and sometimes the 
Nominated Parliament, but which will always be remembered 

1 Life of Colonel Hutchinson ; Ludlow, i. 318 ; Cromwell's commission 
to Fleetwood as commander-in-chief, July 10, 1652, in Thurloe, i. 212 ; 
instructions to Commissioners, August 24, in Parliamentary History, xx. 92 ; 
Representation of officers in Ireland against Mr. Weaver, February 18, 
1652-3, in Portland Papers, i. 671. 

2 Declaration of April 22, 1653, in Parliamentary History, xx. ; Commis- 
sioners in Ireland to Lenthall, December 3, 1652, January 15, 1652-3, and to 
the new Speaker, July 20, and their proclamation of April 29, all printed in 
appx. to Ludlow, vol. i. 


in connection with Praise-God Barebone. It was intended CHAP. 


to legislate for the British Islands, and representatives .._ T 
of Scotland and Ireland were accordingly added. The 140 
members were named by the new Council of State without 
any pretence of election, and summoned by Oliver as Lord 
General. The English members were assigned to various 
parts of the kingdom, but the Scotch and Irish to their 
respective countries at large. Five of the Irish members were The Irish 
Colonels, Sir Robert King, who was born in Ireland, Hewson 
the regicide, who became a Councillor of State, John Clarke, 
Daniel Hutchinson, and Henry Cromwell. The only civilian 
associated with them was Vincent Gookin, whose father had 
fallen foul of Strafford's Parliament. The Speaker chosen 
by the assembly was Francis Rons, author of a metrical 
version of the Psalms which still retains some reputation in 
Scotland. The House, which had been partly composed 
according to Harrison's idea of a Sanhedrin, took care to 
appoint no officer or servant, ' but such as they were first well 
satisfied of their real godliness.' The new Council of State 
was reappointed with some alterations, and included Cromwell 
and Fleetwood. After these preliminaries were settled the 
House spent a summer's day until four o'clock ' in seeking 
the Lord in a special manner for counsel and a blessing on the 
proceedings,' some twelve members speaking and praying. 
' The Lord General was present, and it was a comfortable day.' 
His long speech at the opening contains no special reference 
to Irish policy. 1 

Cromwell handed over the supreme authority to the new Adven- 
assembly, which by a majority voted itself a Parliament, Grocers' 
but he and his Council of State had already begun to take 
action on the Act of Settlement. Methusaleh Turner, linen- 
draper of London, and eight other persons were appointed 
to meet at Grocers' Hall, on June 20, at eight o'clock in the 
morning, and there hold a lottery to decide upon the Adven- 
turers' claims. No one lot was to exceed 10,000?., Connaught 
was excluded, and the total to be provided for in the other 

1 Parliamentary History, xx. 152-183 ; Cromwell's opening speech on 
July 4, 1653, is the first in Carlyle ; Ludlow, i. 358. 




The ' '49 


CHAP, three provinces was 360,OOOZ. One penny in the pound was 
._ __' to be deducted for expenses. Two days after the lottery 
A lottery ^ began a commission was given to Fleetwood, Ludlow, Corbet, 
and Jones, declaring the war ended and empowering them 
to administer the Acts and ordinances concerning the Ad- 
V venturers, and to make a survey for the purpose of all forfeited 
lands in Ireland. They were instructed first to take in 
hand ten counties, namely Limerick, Tipperary, and Water- 
ford in Munster, King's and Queen's Counties, Meath, and 
Westmeath in Leinster, Down, Antrim and Armagh in Ulster, 
' and to divide all the forfeited lands, meadow, arable, and 
profitable pasture with the woods and bogs and barren 
mountains thereunto respectively belonging into two equal 
moieties ' of which one was intended for the Adventurers 
and the other for the soldiers' arrears. Louth was then to 
be surveyed separately. The counties of Dublin, Cork, 
Kildare, and Carlow were specially reserved, and the Com- 
missioners were authorised to assign any five counties not 
hitherto named to pay arrears accrued since June 5, 1649, 
of soldiers to be disbanded. All grants made by ' any Act, 
ordinance, or order of Parliament ' since November 1, 1641, 
were excluded from survey, and the manor of Blarney was 
specially excepted. Blarney, which was part of Muskerry's 
great estate, fell to Broghill's share, and we may infer that 
his advice was much followed in all matters connected with 
the settlement. 1 

When the commission and instructions reached Dublin, 
the Commissioners there had begun to negotiate with the 
officers as to who should be disbanded and how their arrears 
should be satisfied ' until the supreme authority of the 
Commonwealth were convened.' I The army were not 
pleased when they heard that their satisfaction was to be 
limited to five counties and to those who had served since 
June 1649. \ Those who had been longest in the Parliamentary 
service seemed to have greater claims, and they had certainly 

1 Order of Council of State, June 1, Commission and Instructions ' from 
the keepers of the liberty of England by authority of Parliament,' June 22, 
in Scobell, 1653, chap. 12. 

tion of the 


greater arrears due. If became necessary to issue further CHAP. 

"V"V" "Y"\7TT 

instructions as to the transplantation contemplated by the . _." 

Act of Settlement. The Commissioners in Ireland were to 

announce publicly that parts of Ireland would be planted 

with English and Protestants for their security, and ' to the 

end that all persons who have right to articles or to any 

favour and mercy held forth by any of the qualifications in 

the said Act, may enjoy the benefit intended unto them, and 

every of them respectively.' These words at once excluded 

all who were excepted from pardon for life and estate by the 

first five clauses : their lives might for the most part not be 

in much danger, but their property was gone. All who Orders to 

had claims were ordered to transplant into Connaught and Penalties 

lare before May 1, 1654, there to receive such portions of obedience 

land as their qualifications entitled them to. All who were 

found east of the Shannon after that day without licence 

from the Government were to be reputed spies and enemies, 

and for the same offence suffer death,' but a little later it 

was ordered that the capital penalty should not be inflicted 

without special order from the Lord Deputy and Council. 

All who removed in time were to be pardoned for every 

offence except murder ; but they were not to possess arms 

nor to reside in any town without licence, on penalty of death 

by martial law. Ecclesiastical persons in Roman orders 

were not to be ' pardoned, tolerated, or admitted.' The Exemption 

obligation to transplant was not extended to Protestants Pro- 

who did not adhere to or join the rebels before September 15, 

1643, nor to any woman married to an English Protestant 

before December 2, 1650, on condition of renouncing Popery 

and professing Protestantism. Boys under fourteen and 

girls under twelve were allowed to remain among the English 

as servants, their masters undertaking to train them 'in the 

true Protestant religion.' Protestants, whether English or 

Irish, who had land in Connaught or Clare, and had ' constantly 

adhered to the English against the rebels,' might on application 

receive an equivalent in one of the English counties. All 

transplantable persons were to be gone before May 1, 1654, 

and within two months of receiving their allotments, which 

Y 2 




The Act of 
Sept. 27, 

tion of the 
Oct. 14, 

were only provisional pending a regular survey. On Sep- 
tember 12, 1653, these instructions were transmitted by the 
Commissioners to their officers in every part of Ireland, 
with directions to make them public. 1 

From the Commissioners' letter of April 22, 1653, quoted 
above, it is evident that the Bill for satisfaction of Adven- 
turers and soldiers was before the Long Parliament for some 
time. The changes consequent upon its expulsion caused 
further delay, and it was not till just before Michaelmas that the 
action of the Lord General and Council was legalised, so far as 
any legal force could attach to the new Parliament's sanction. 
The Act confirmed what had been done, and further empowered 
the Commissioners to shorten proceedings by transplanting 
the Irish at once, ' although their claims be not first deter- 
mined or their qualifications distinguished,' and to give them 
lands in occupation ' proportionable to the estate by them 
claimed or competent to such stock as each of the said 
persons shall have.' Adventurers and soldiers receiving lands- 
were relieved for five years from the payment of quit-rents- 
imposed by the Act of 1642, and taxation for the same period 
was not to exceed one-fourth of the annual value. When the 
Commissioners in Ireland received the Act with its final 
directions they published a declaration for enforcing it. 
All who took part in or abetted ' the rebellions, murders, 
or massacres ' during the first year, all who at any time were 
in actual arms as rebels, and all who had any land entitling 
them to compensation by the Act of Settlement, were to 
remove across the Shannon by May 1, 1654. Protestants 
who had not joined the rebels before the first cessation on 
September 15, 1643, were excepted, and so was any woman 
who married an English Protestant before December 2, 1650, 
on condition of openly renouncing Popery. All persons 
not excepted, or without special licence, found east of the 
Shannon after the appointed day were to be treated as 

1 Further instructions of July 2, 1653, in Scobell, chap. 12. The letter 
of the Commissioners dated July 22, was written before the receipt of this, 
Ludlow, i. 539. Lawrence's Answer to Gookin, p. 6. Order in Council, 
March 19, 1654-5, Irish R. 0, . 


hostile spies, ' tried by martial law, and suffer death.' All CHAP. 
transplantable persons were to report themselves to the ^XXVII. 
commissioners of revenue in the precinct where they lived, 
giving the names of their families, particulars as to tenants 
and others who would accompany them voluntarily, with 
their ages, colour and height, and an account of the cattle and The basis 
tillage ' for which they pay contribution in the places from ana a com n 
whence they remove.' After satisfying themselves that P ensatlon - 
the information was true, the Commissioners were to issue 
certificates, and regulations were made as to how these 
documents might be converted into land in Connaught or 
Clare. 1 

Whatever may be the exact meaning of this declaration, The 
or however it may be reconciled with the Acts of Settlement 

and of Satisfaction, it soon became quite clear that the trans- slow 


plantation could not be effected by May 1, 1654. As a matter 
of fact the procedure was applied only to landowners and their 
families, and to such tenants as might choose to go with 
them. A few did go early in the day, but the vast majority 
clung to their homes. ; Licences to remain were freely granted 
to the aged and infirm and to those who could show that they 
had befriended the English. 1 Even in cases where the service 
was too slight to deserve permanent exemption, Colonel 
Lawrence assures us that indulgence was shown for con- 
siderable periods, ' that a cup of cold water might not go 
unrequited.' The time was extended generally, first to 
December, so that seed time and harvest might be included, 
and afterwards to March 1655, the doomed proprietors 
remaining on their old property as tenants at will to the 
State. When March arrived most of the work was still to be 
done, for the officers and soldiers ' and other faithful Protes- 
tants ' of Leinster, petitioned the Irish Government to 
execute the ' further instructions ' of July 2, 1653, and to 
transplant ' all the Irish into Connaught excepting males 
of fourteen years of age and females of twelve.' The first 

1 Declaration dated Dublin, October 14, 1653, signed by Fleetwood, 
Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, reprinted in English Historical Review, xiv. 
710, from what is believed to be a unique copy at Kilkenny. 


CHAP, reason was lest the settlers should become idolaters from 

"Y" "V" "V" VTT 

-_ . -' intermarriage with the natives, many who came over in 
Queen Elizabeth's time having thus fallen away and been 
concerned in the late murders and massacres. Among many 
Old Testament texts the petitioners gave precedence to the 
verses of Ezra, where the Israelites were forbidden to take 
Gentile wives, ' that they might be strong and eat the good 
of the land and leave it for an inheritance to their children 
for ever.' If this principle was neglected even the Parlia- 
mentary soldiers might join with the natives to attack the 
colonists, having first learned the vices that reigned in the 
land, such as swearing, drunkenness, dissembling, and de- 
ceiving. The second argument was ' grounded on the law 
of nature, which teacheth self-preservation.' Experience 
showed that the priests would go to any lengths to advance 
their Church, and that the people would follow them, and 
Edmund Campion the Jesuit is quoted as to the perfidiousnesa 
of the Irish. The great thing was to get rid of the Tories 
out of three provinces, and thus encourage honest men to 
come from England and strengthen those who were already 
committed to Ireland. As things actually stood the English 
were confined to garrisons and forced to fold their cattle, 
while the Irish occupied the best land, keeping their flocks- 
and herds in the fields by day and night. When it was a 
question of paying taxes they hid their stock in the woods, 
' which the English cannot do, who by that means will be 
liable to bear a greater proportion of contribution than the 
Irish.' 1 

The Pro- Cromwell became Protector in December 1653, and Fleet- 


esta- wood was one of the Council of State. Ludlow takes credit 

to himself for delaying the assent of Ireland, but Oliver was 
nevertheless proclaimed on January 30, the Secretary's 
name only appearing. The other Commissioners effaced their 
signatures when Ludlow refused to add his, and they seem 
to have disliked the change. Ludlow rested his case upon 

1 Petition presented March 1655, ib. The allusion is to chap. 6 of 
Campion's History of Ireland, first printed in 1587, and republished by Sir 
James Ware in 1G33, with a dedication to Stratford. 


the engagement of January 1650, which he and his colleagues CHAP, 
had taken to support ' the Commonwealth of England as it ~_ T _^ 
is now established without a King or House of Lords.' After- 
wards he refused to have any share in the civil government, 
while retaining his military command ; and this was attributed 
by Henry Cromwell and others to his love for pay and allow- 
ances. There is nevertheless a real distinction between 
acting as a minister and serving one's country as a soldier, 
even under a usurped government. The Anabaptist party, 
who were hostile to the Protectorate, showed signs of adopting 
the discontented general as their leader. Cromwell sent over 
his son Henry to report, and he remained about a month in 
Ireland, being received with as much honour as if he were 
indeed a prince. He found Jones as well as Ludlow dis- 
contented, but made rather light of their opposition, which 
indeed came to nothing, William Kiffin and others advising 
their Baptist friends to accept the new government. Henry 
nevertheless suggested that Fleetwood was not a satisfactory 
representative, and advised his father to replace him by 
Desborough, at least for a time. We have no means of 
knowing what passed between father and son after the 
latter's return, but the result was to soften the effect of the 
transplantation policy. Vincent Gookin was in England, 
and if he was consulted, as is at least probable, his influence 
would have worked in that direction. Fleetwood became Fleetwood 
Lord Deputy in August 1654, when the term of the Com- De P nt y- 
missioners came to an end. Ludlow and Jones were not 
reappointed to the Irish Council, and the latter went to 
England, but Corbet was retained, and others were sent over. 
Among the latter were Colonel Robert Hammond of Isle of 
Wight celebrity ; Richard Pepys and William Steele, eminent 
lawyers ; Robert Goodwin, who had been over twelve years 
before ; and Colonel Matthew Tomlinson, who had been 
appointed one of Charles I.'s judges, but had declined to 
act. 1 

* Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, March 8, 1653-4, in Thurloe, ii. 149 ; 
Jenkin Lloyd to Thnrloe, March 13, ib. 162 ; Fleetwood to Thurloe, April 8, ib. 
224 ; appendix to Fourteenth Report of Deputy-keeper of Public Records, 
Ireland, p. 28 ; Ludlow, i. 377, 542. 




First Par- 

The Irish 

The dis- 

tion as to 
Nov. 80, 

A perfectly regular statute provided that the Long Parlia- 
ment should not be dissolved without its own consent, and 
the usurping House of Commons, which had killed the King 
and abolished the monarchy and House of Lords, was thus 
able to make some pretence of legality. In the Parliament 
elected under the Instrument of Government thirty members 
were assigned to Ireland, and Cromwell left it {to those on the 
spot to decide whether elections were possible in the state of 
the country. Fleetwood, Jones, and Corbet replied that 
several counties were waste and others very unsettled, and 
that they did not see how the business was to be done. The 
writs were, however, sent over, and Ludlow persuaded them 
that even the shadow of representation would be better than 
nothing. He says the influence of the clergy secured a few 
results not pleasing to the Government ; but all the chief 
officers were chosen, Broghill being returned for the county 
of Cork, and Gookin, whose interests also lay there, for 
Bandon and Kinsale. Henry Cromwell was chosen for 
Cambridge University, and Fleetwood both for Oxfordshire 
and for Marlborough. The new Parliament met on Cromwell's 
lucky September 3, but before that day he had given Fleet- 
wood and his Council power to ' dispense with the orders and 
instructions made and given by the late Parliament or Council 
of State for the transplantation of the Irish,' and also with 
the penalties upon those who neglected or refused to go. A 
clause to the same effect had been rejected when the Act of 
Satisfaction was passed twelve months before. 1 

The dispensing power remained with the Irish Government, 
who exercised it ; but Fleetwood was not inclined to make 
indulgence a matter of course, and the military party were 
always pressing him in the direction of severity. On Novem- 
ber 30, 1654, a declaration was issued repeating the order 
in the Act of Settlement for the transplantation of landed 
proprietors, of those in arms against the Commonwealth since 
October 21, 1641, and of those who aided the rebellion during 

1 The names and constituencies of the Irish members of Parliament 
are in Parl. Hist., xx. 307 ; Ludlow, i. 388. Instructions of August 17, 1654, 
in Thurloe, ii. 508. 


the first year of the war. They were ordered to be gone with CHAP, 
their wives and families by March 1 following, or to incur the xxxvn : 
penalties already declared. How far Oliver was influenced 
by Vincent Gookin must be a matter of conjecture, but he 
certainly liked him, and the latter would scarcely have 
appeared in print against the Protector's known wishes. 
At the very beginning of 1655 Gookin published a pamphlet Vincent 
against general transplantation, and sent a copy to every pa mphiet 
member of Parliament. He was impressed with the idea j^g_ st 
that the Irish generally might be converted to Protestantism, plantation. 
and that this was much more likely if they were left inter- 
mixed with the English:.' The country had been conquered, \, 
and there were garrisons everywhere, but no ministers, * as 
if our business in Ireland was only to set up our own interest 
and not Christ's.' Another difficulty lay in the divisions Divisions 
among Protestants, who were so bitter against each other pTo- n 
that ' the Papist sees not where to fix if he should come to us.' te8tants - 
If the Irish remained among the English they would ' enjoy 
the labours of godly able ministers, the encouragement of 
Protestant professors, and the catechisings of private Chris- 
tians,' all which influences would be wanting if they were 
crowded together beyond the Shannon. It is hardly worth 
while to inquire what might have happened if there had been 
no Restoration, but Gookin declares that the priests had 
* universally departed ' as well as the most dangerous of the 
soldiers, and it is possible for people with a great deal of 
imagination to argue that Ireland might have become Protes- 
tant if they had all been kept out for ever. What r ?ally 
prevented the transplantation from being fully carried out 
was the impossibility of cultivating the land without the help 
of the juatives, who might be spared under the first clause 
oT the^Act jpf Settlement. The Irish, says Gookin, lived 
on the roots and fruits of their ' gardens,' that is mainly on 
potatoes, and sold their corn to the English to pay the taxes. 
The country, moreover, was not generally suited to corn, on 
account of the uncertain climate and the amount of labour 
required, and if the Irish all left no contribution could be 
made out of lands east of the Shannon. The women, too, 

The earth- 




of a Tory. 

CHAP, were for the most part able to spin and weave flax and wool, 
and there were plenty of masons ' more handy and ready in 
building ordinary houses and much more prudent in supplying 
the defects of instruments and materials than English arti- 
ficers.' Gookin reckoned that a capital of 1500?. or 2000L 
would be required for each thousand Irish acres, and that it 
would be impossible to bring over English labour in sufficient 
quantity. The Irish might refuse to go into Connaught 
indeed, many had already done so, saying that their position 
was hopeless and that they might as well face ruin where they 
were as travel to look for it. And he adds, ' there is one thing 
more which wise men will consider, and that is, the impossibility 
of this transplanting . . . can it be imagined that a whole 
nation will drive like geese at the wagging of a hat upon a 
stick ? ' : 

Whatever may be the etymology of the name Tory, it was 
officially applied in 1647 to masterless men living a life of 
brigandage and preying upon all who had anything to lose. 
No doubt it was in popular use before that date. Gookin says 
the English dreaded the Tories ' more than armies, and woods 
and bogs than camps,' and he believed that transplantation 
would make matters worse. The Irish proprietors would be 
unable to support their followers beyond Shannon, the river 
would be no barrier, and they would become Tories against 
their will. They had already been forced into such courses 
by the intolerable taxation necessary to support the Parlia- 
ment's army, and by the violence and oppression of some 
soldiers which often went unpunished. Most of the really 
active rebels were dead or exiled, and it was unwise as well 
as unjust to assume universal guilt. The Irish nation, indeed, 
' were generally engaged in the rebellion, either through 
ignorance of the design and apprehending they acted by the 
King's commission and for his and God's service ; or through 

1 The Great Case of Transplantation &c., London, printed for J. C. 
1655, to which Thomasson gives the date January 3. A potato- field is still 
called a ' garden ' in Ireland. The ' handy-man ' who builds with bad 
tools out of bad materials, is even now not extinct. The declaration of 
November 30, 1654, is not extant, but is recited in a later one, see Eng. 
Hist. Review, xiv. 722. 



infirmity, partly fearing their priests' threats, partly their CHAP, 
landlords' frowns, partly the violence of others, of the English ^_ , _' 
who at the beginning reckoned an Irishman and a rebel tanta- 
mount, and on that score forced many into war (who desired 
peace) with the Irish in arms, who accounted and declared 
all enemies that joined not (at least seemingly) with them, 
and proceeded with more severity against dissenting natives 
than English.' 

A month after its publication, Gookin's pamphlet was Lawrence's 

T" Till? answer to 

denounced by Fleetwood as a very strange scandalous book, Gookm. 
and Colonel Lawrence, ' at the request of several persons in 
eminent place in Ireland,' undertook to refute it. He was 
able to show that former settlements had succeeded only 
where the colonists were placed near one another, ' as for 
instance the barony of Ards, in the county of Down and 
province of Ulster, which being entirely planted by British 
people did preserve themselves by keeping guards upon 
their frontiers when all the country besides was totally 
ruined.' He gives many horrible details of the rebellion, 
' wherein neither age nor sex were spared. . English Everything 

* & . English 

cattle and houses were destroyed for their being of an English had been 
kind, and all this without the least provocation, yet this 
bloody inhuman act with all its aggravations were espoused by 
this people as a national quarrel and a war waged thereupon ' ; 
but admits that some of the Irish gentry ' (whose kindness 
I hope either hath been or will be rewarded both by God and 
man) ' did really help the English, so that a few escaped 
like Job's messengers to bring the bad news. Lawrence Only land- 
points out that in all official declarations only landed pro- soldiers 
prietors and men in arms were marked for transplantation, 
and that nothing further was intended, but he maintains 
that it was quite possible to extend it greatly without danger. 
Gookin's rejoinder is dedicated to Fleetwood, whom he 
praises for his kindness to all, whereby the necessary hardships 
were much diminished. He shows how very few exceptions 
there would be among the Irish if the declaration of 
October 14, 1653, were strictly acted upon, acknowledges the 
authorship of the first pamphlet, and maintains his position* 





The two 
agreed in 

Effect of 
the Wal- 

" Let no poor sufferer by the Irish betray his reason or religion 
to his passion here, to think no evils can be too great to be 
brought on the Irish. It was their being cruel makes us 
hate them so much : to punish them do not run into their sin, 
lest God punish thee. Do not think that he that writes this 
and the Case of Transplantation pleads for them, but thy 
cause ; 'tis safe and profitable for thee that some be removed, 
not all. This Colonel Lawrence says shall be done and this I 
desired might be done : where is my offence against authority 
more than his, my love to the Irish more than his, or my 
care of thee less than his ? ' After all there is not much 
difference between the two writers. That the English did not 
think Gookin's ideas hostile to the settlement may be inferred 
from their electing him to Parliament, and proposing to pay 
his expenses there, an offer which he refused. 1 

There can be little doubt that the sufferings of the Wal- 
denses reacted upon Ireland, the rather that many Irish 
refugees were concerned in the massacres. At the end of 1653 
it was reported that Irish troops had passed the mountains 
from Spain and appeared at Nimes, where there was a strong 
body of Protestants. The priests secured them a good 
reception, though they boasted that they would ' tear in 
pieces and crucify quick ' any Protestants they found there. 
Some of them were induced to settle and take wives ' so that 
they may in a manner in this town augment and renew the 
race of that execrable and murdering nation.' Two months 
later another detachment were refused admission to Nimes 
because some of them boasted that they had massacred the 
English in Ireland, and they went on to Piedmont. Later 
on it was said that the Waldensian valleys were to be given 

1 Fleetwood to Thurloe, February 7, 1654-5, Thurloe, iii. 139. The 
Interest of England in the Irish Transplantation stated, &c., by a faithful 
servant of the Commonwealth, Richard Lawrence, London, 1655, dated 
March 9. The Author and Case of Transplanting, &c., vindicated against 
the Unjust Aspersions of Colonel Richard Lawrence, by Vincent Gookin, 
Esquire, London, 1655, published May 12. Petty had a hand in Gookin's 
first pamphlet, see his Life, by Lord Fitzmaurice. Lawrence was a brother 
of the English President of Council ; he came to Ireland with Cromwell and 
was governor of Waterford. 


up to the Irish. It is not therefore surprising that the officers CHAP. 


in Ireland, with Fleetwood at their head, should have expressed ' 

their horror at the proceedings in Piedmont, and cautioned 
the Protector against too great leniency in Ireland. ' Let the 
blood of Ireland be fresh in your view, and their treachery leniency, 
cry aloud in your ears, that the frequent solicitations with 
which you are encompassed may not slack your hand to an 
unsafe pity of those whose principles in all ages carry them 
forth to such brutish and inhuman practices, which consist 
not with human society ; and let not such be left untrans- 
planted here, or unminded in England, whose continuance 
among us do palpably hazard the very being of Protestant 
interest in these nations.' And Cromwell himself told the 
Dutch Ambassador that the example of Ireland was fresh in 
his memory, where above 200,000 had been massacred. 
So strong was the feeling in Ireland that the officers contri- 
buted a fortnight's pay and the soldiers a week's pay for the 
relief of the persecuted mountaineers. A large sum was 
also subscribed privately. 1 

The process of transplantation went on slowly, and was Trans- 
never carried to its extreme lengths, for very few would have p^eds" 
escaped if the Act of Settlement had been carried out to the slowl y- 
letter. But vast numbers did remove during the year 1654, 
and it would probably be difficult to exaggerate the hardships 
they underwent. In some cases at least whole districts 
were depopulated, for it was officially reported that ' no 
inhabitant of the Irish nation that knows the country ' was 
left in the barony of Eliogarty in Tipperary, which contains 
the town of Thurles, and orders were given for the return of 
four families, who might live near their old homes and assist 
the surveyors. Those who crossed the Shannon were pro- 
vided with land in a temporary way, and two commissions 
were appointed to consider claims with a view to more 

1 Letters of November 25, 1653, in Thurloe, i. 587 ; of January 25 1653-4. 
ib. ii. 27 ; of April 27, 1655, ib. iii. 384 ; Fleetwood and forty-four other 
officers to the Protector, ib. iii. 466 ; Nieuport to the States General, ib. iii. 
477 ; Morland's Hist, of the Evangelical Churches, book iii. chap. 3, art. 1, : 
Hist, of Down Survey, p. 66 ; Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, January 30, 
1655-6, Thurloe, iv. 484. 







A fresh 

permanent arrangements. In October 1653 the transplanted 
were ordered to go to Galway and inform the commissioners 
of revenue there as to their families and the nature of their 
claims. Afterwards these commissioners sat at Loughrea, and 
it became their duty to distribute land in accordance with the 
findings of another commission at Athlone. The latter were 
appointed on December 28, 1654, as the ' Court of Claims 
and Qualifications of the Irish,' and were generally known 
as the Athlone commissioners. Their business was to find 
under which qualification or degree of guilt each Irish 
claimant fell, and to give him lands proportionate to those 
which he had enjoyed east of the Shannon. The Loughrea 
commissioners used the maps and registers made for Strafford's 
intended plantation in Connaught and in the northern half of 
Tipperary. For the rest of Ireland it was necessary to 
make a new survey. Meanwhile transplantation proceeded 
very slowly, and in March 1656 there were 1000 men under 
restraint who had borne arms during the rebellion, but refused 
to cross the Shannon. 1 

Benjamin Worsley, who had been a surgeon or apothecary 
in Strafford's army, came over again in 1652, and was appointed 
Surveyor-General. He had been an unsuccessful projector 
and according to Petty had tried his hand at universal 
medicine, gold-making, saltpetre sowing, and other 
' mountain-bellied conceptions which ended only in abortive 
mice,' he and his friend Sankey being stigmatised as a ' mul- 
tiloquial pair of monti-parturists.' He began to make a 
survey, at which he expected to be employed for many years, 
but Petty soon began to criticise his proceedings and to suggest 
that he could do the work a great deal better in as many 
months. Despatch was of the essence of the business, for 
both adventurers and soldiers were clamouring for possession 
of the promised lands. Petty had come over at the same 
time as Worsley, and the Irish Government very soon found 
that he was a man of extraordinary ability and very likely 
to carry anything he undertook to a successful issue. Ireton 
made him Physician-General to the army, and he claimed to 
1 H. Cromwell to Thurloe, March 12, 1655-6, Thurloe, iv. 606. 


have so reformed the drug department as to get rid of all CHAP. 


abuses and at the same time save the State 500Z. a year. - _ _ .' 

Worsley's plan was to survey the forfeited lands without any 
regard to the established divisions into baronies, parishes, 
and town lands, or to the physical features of the country. 
He was to be paid only for the profitable lands, and thus 
there was a constant tendency to include worthless tracts. 
Moreover the subdivision would still have to be done either at 
a great charge to the State or at the expense of the grantees. 
In the latter case no authentic record would remain, and 
there would be no unity of action. Nobody was satisfied at 
the prospect, and Petty declared that Worsley's great object 
' was so to frame committees of conceited, sciolous persons, 
intermixing some of credit and bulk amongst them, as whereby 
he might screen himself in case of miscarriage.' He made Petty's 

. proposals 

proposals of his own, and the rival schemes were submitted accepted, 
to the judgment of a committee consisting of Sir Hardress 
Waller, Colonels Lawrence and Hewson, and nine others, 
including Petty and Worsley. 1 

Petty's plan was approved, though Worsley worked hard The Down 
against him, and had at first the help of Sir Charles Coote 
and some other officers. Afterwards Coote and Reynolds 
were added to the committee, and the final result was a 
complete victory for Petty. Worsley remained Surveyor- 
General, and it was with him that his rival contracted to do 
the work. Petty engaged to make in thirteen months a 
general map of twenty-two counties, ascertaining and defining 
the bounds of baronies so that there should be no future 
doubt. He undertook within the same counties accurately 
to set out all forfeited lands as well as all Crown lands and 
the property of bishops, deans, and chapters, ' or any other 
officer belonging to that hierarchy,' showing their quality 
and physical character, and all civil subdivisions. He was 
to receive 7Z. 2s. 4d. for every thousand acres of forfeited 

1 Petty's Reflections on some persons and things in Ireland, ed. 1790, 
pp. 54, 106 ; Hist, of the Down Survey, chaps. 1 and 2. The name ' Down', 
comes simply from the particulars being laid down in map form and not 
merely described. 





of the 

The deben- 

profitable land that shall be admeasured and actually sent out 
to * the soldiery by him,' and 31. for every thousand acres of 
unprofitable land. One of the conditions made by Petty 
was that those whom he employed in the survey should be 
protected from Tories, and this was no superfluous precaution. 
Eight surveyors were actually captured near Timolin in 
Kildare, carried off to the Wicklow mountains, and there 
murdered. In spite of such drawbacks the survey was com- 
pleted, or very nearly so, within the specified time, and the 
distribution of land to the disbanded soldiers went on in the 
meantime. Henry Cromwell visited Kilkenny, Waterford, 
and Wexford in September and October 1655, and reported 
that good progress had been made in the work. 1 

Petty claimed to have made lineal measurements to the 
extent of more than five times the earth's circumference. The 
forfeited lands were indicated to him by what was called the 
Civil Survey, which was merely a register of forfeited lands 
made independently by commissioners and for the most part 
before the old proprietors had actually departed. This 
made the measuring business dangerous as well as trouble- 
some, and Petty employed soldiers ' such as were able to 
endure travail, ill lodging and diet, as also heats and colds, 
being also men of activity that could leap hedge and ditch, 
and could also ruffle with the several rude persons in the 
country, from whom they might expect often to be crossed 
and opposed.' He had no difficulty in finding men who, 
' having been bred to trades, could write and read sufficiently 
for the purpose.' The more delicate instruments were 
obtained from the best London makers, and skilled artificers 
were found to make the rest. The soldiers had received 
debentures for their arrears, and the idea was to set them 
down by regiments and companies alongside of the Adventurers. 
But it soon became evident that the amount of forfeited land 

1 Dr. Petty's proposals at p. 9 of Hist, of Down Survey ; Articles with 
Worsley ratified by the Lord Deputy and Council, December 25, 1654, ib. 
29 ; H. Cromwell to Thurloe, October 9, 1655, in Thurloe, iv. 73 ; Prendergast, 
Cromwellian Settlement, p. 206. In consequence of the delays interposed by 
Worsley and others, the thirteen months were made to run from February 1 


was insufficient to meet the liabilities of the State. Land CHAP. 

"X"X"5r VTT 

had to be distributed on account, and debentures, including ._ T _^' 
many fabricated ones, were bought and sold. Very few ^f(era 
old soldiers cared to settle down upon small farms, and there cannot be 

. had. 

were always speculative officers found to buy up the claims 
of their men and so carve out estates for themselves, Irish 
tenants and labourers being accepted because the hoped for 
English immigration did not take place. The Act of Satisfac- 
tion forbade officers to buy the privates' debentures, but a 
class of brokers sprang up and the traffic continued till the 
Restoration. Great numbers were sold before any distribu- 
tion of land had been attempted. Petty himself tells us that 
debentures were freely and openly sold at four or five shillings 
in the pound, and that a pound so laid out purchased on an 
average two acres of land. Later on there was a regulation 
against selling at less than eight shillings in the pound, 
but of course this was easily evaded. ! As a transfer of property 
from Irish to English hands the Crdmwellian settlement had 
some measure of success, but as a scheme of colonisation it 
totally failed. 1 

It was at first supposed that the ten counties originally ipuffi- 
named in the Act of Satisfaction would provide for both lands 
soldiers and adventurers, but this soon had to be altered, soidfsrs. 
and in the end distribution was made to the soldiers in twenty- 
four counties out of thirty-two. Galway, Mayo, Boscommon, 
and Clare were given to the transplanted Irish, and Louth 
was set aside for the Adventurers. Dublin, Kildare, Carlo w, 

1 Brief account of the Survey in Hist, of Down Survey, xiii. ; Petty's 
Political Anatomy of Ireland, chap. iv. ; Fitzmaurice's Life of Petty, chap. ii. ; 
Prendergast, 2nd. edition, 221, where there are many details as to the sale 
of debentures to officers, and a facsimile of one by way of frontispiece. 
On August 29, 1655, Henry Cromwell wrote to Thurloe : ' I believe we reduce 
near 5000 men, and as good soldiers as are in the three nations. I am 
afraid few of them will betake themselves to planting ; if you could find 
out some employment for them abroad, it would be of good service to the 
public,' Thurloe, iii. 744. State Papers, Domestic, December 28, 1654. As 
late as November 6, 1657, Broghill wrote to Montagu ' if all things move 
at the rate our settlement of Ireland has done, I shall think the body politic 
has got the gout,' Thurloe, vi. 600. 





The Adven- 

of the 

The land 
will not go 

and Cork were retained by the Government, but about half 
the latter was afterwards given up to disbanded soldiers. 
Nevertheless all arrears were not paid in full, and some 
never received more than about twelve shillings in the pound. 
Petty's detailed survey did not extend to the Adventurers' 
portions, and their committee at Grocers' Hall made separate 
arrangements which led to a good deal of confusion. Petty 
was called in to disentangle the knot, and he and Worsley 
were commissioned in September 1656 to measure the forfeited 
lands hitherto omitted. The Adventurers, though numerous, 
were far fewer than the soldiers, and they gave less trouble. 
Most of them probably had no idea of settling in Ireland, 
and only wanted something to sell or let on lease. Some 
debentures were given out to soldiers or their representatives 
as late as the summer of 1658, and perhaps later. Many no 
doubt were thoroughly dissatisfied with what they got, but 
working arrangements had been made and Clarendon's testi- 
mony is conclusive as to the general feeling of security among 
the English inhabitants. ' Ireland,' he says, ' was the great 
capital out of which all debts were paid, all services rewarded, 
and all acts of bounty performed.' Buildings, enclosures, 
and plantations were everywhere made, private purchases 
concluded ' at very valuable rates, and jointures made upon 
marriages, and all other conveyances and settlements executed, 
as in a kingdom at peace within itself, and where no doubt 
could be made of the validity of titles. And yet in all this 
quiet there were very few persons pleased or contented.' l 

It was originally meant to give all the forfeited lands in 
Connaught and Clare to the transplanted, reserving the towns 
and garrisons with some space about them and a strip four 
miles wide all along the coast. In the end Sligo and Leitrim 
were withdrawn, and the coast reserve was narrowed to one 
mile. The amount of land was insufficient, and there must 
have been great hardship, for the Government had no 
machinery for giving quiet possession if there was any opposi- 

1 Hist, of Down Survey, 53, 198 ; Clarendon's Life, Con. 116 ; Fitz- 
maurice's Life of Petty, chap. 2. A list printed by Prendergast, p. 403, 
gives the names of 1,360 adventurers. 


tion from neighbouring proprietors or rival claimants. It was CHAP. 

x' """" 

a tradition of Msn government to apprehend a Spanish 
invasion, and it was for that reason that a belt of English 
settlers round the coast was contemplated, but nothing coast, 
seems to have come of it. Innisbofin was, however, strength- 
ened and garrisoned, and the Papist inhabitants ordered 
to leave the town of Galway, where it was proposed to Case of 
plant a colony from Gloucester as a reward for its resistance 
to Charles I., and from Liverpool to compensate it for losses 
during the war. But the inhabitants of those towns were not 
tempted any more than those of Bristol had been in the case 
of Waterford. ' Poor Galway,' wrote a clergyman in 1657, 
' sitteth in the dust and no eye pitieth her. Her merchants 
were princes and great among the nations, but now the city 
which was full of people is solitary and very desolate.' There 
was talk, but only talk, of introducing a colony of Protestant 
Dutch. The old citizens were to receive full value for their 
property and the settlers to give ten years' purchase. As 
the latter did not come, probably the compensation was not 
paid, and so the people lingered on or returned after a brief 
absence. In November 1655 Henry Cromwell reported that 
all the Irish had been cleared out of Galway, yet as late as 
August 1659, after he had left Ireland, a fresh order was made 
to expel ' all the Irish Papists.' The old trade with Spain, 
which had been interrupted by the long war, did not return, 
and Galway never recovered its old prosperity. In 1650 a A desolate 
householder had welcomed Lady Fanshawe ' to this desolate 
city, where you now see the street grown over with grass, 
once the finest little city in the world ' ; and so it remained 
for years. 1 

By the ordinance of July 14, 1643, with a view to encourage D $j c 1 !j) ties 
merchants, Galway, with 10,000 acres of land round it, had towns. 

1 Prendergast, p. 305 ; Hardiman's Hist, of Galway, p. 137 ; Lady Fan- 
shawe's Memoirs. On January 30, 1655-6, Henry Cromwell told Thurloe that 
there were not six families in Galway, and that the houses decayed daily ; he 
thought it would pay to encourage London merchants to make a settlement, 
even if they had the houses rent-free, Thurloe, iv. 198, 483 ; Rev. R. 
Easthorp to H. Cromwell, July 17, 1657, Lansdowne MSS., 822. 

z 2 




allowed to 

of English 

been offered for a price of 7500Z. and a rent of 5201, but the 
town did not come into the power of Parliament for many 
years, and nothing was done. Similar offers with the same 
result were made in the cases of Limerick, Waterford, and 
Wexford. As the towns were gradually won, frequent orders 
were given for the expulsion of the old inhabitants who 
adhered to Rome, and who came within the scope of the Act 
of Settlement. But here, as in the country, it was found 
impossible really to carry out the clearance effectually, 
irtificers and workmen could not be done without, since none 
3ame from England, and many of them remained, though no 
loubt the houses of a better class were left empty. When 
Inchiquin expelled the Roman Catholics from Cork in 1644, 
three thousand houses were without tenants, and as many in 
Youghal. The soldiers who were short of fuel warmed them- 
selves with everything that would burn, and Ormonde about 
the same time had to forbid the practice in Dublin on pain 
of death. In March 1657 it is clear that the work of depopula- 
tion had not been done, for an order was then made ' that all 
Popish Recusants, as well proprietors as others, whose habita- 
tion is in any port-towns, walled towns, or garrisons,' who had 
not professed Protestantism before the cessation of 1643 
and ever since, should remove with their families at least 
two miles from any such place. In 1650 some ministers and 
others in New England proposed to colonise, being tempted 
by the offer of houses and land at Wexford at one-tenth of 
their value before the war. Thousands were ready to come 
if encouraged, being ' exiles through the tyranny of episcopacy 
for no other offence but professing that truth, which (through 
mercy), is now acknowledged.' This apparently came to 
nothing. Those English who were attracted to Irish towns 
by the prospect of getting houses rent-free, were often without 
capital, and in no condition to establish a flourishing commerce. 
But all the Protestant settlers were not of this class, for 
Charles II.'s declaration in 1660 set forth that they had made 
improvements at their own charge, ' and brought trade and 
manufacture into that our kingdom, and by their settlement 


there do not a little contribute to the peace and settlement of CHAP. 


that country.' In any case much of the work was probably ^ ._ , _-.' 
done by the old inhabitants, for if they had not remained in not^n" 68 * 8 
considerable numbers, priests and friars would not daily expelled, 
have risked their lives in Irish towns. 1 

Besides the great transplantation of Roman Catholics to ^/ a ^ 8 ^L 
Connaught, Fleetwood and the sectaries contemplated the ationof 
removal of Presbyterian Royalists from Down and Antrim, terians. 
whose proximity to the Scotch Highlands was thought 
dangerous. Five commissioners, of whom Doctor Henry 
Jones and Colonel Venables were two, were sent to Carrick- 
fergus to tender the Engagement of 1650, which bound men 
to support a government without King or House of Lords. 
There were then but seven Presbyterian ministers in the 
district, one of them being Patrick Adair, whose narrative we 
possess. The commissioners sent parties of soldiers, one of 
which seized all Adair's papers indiscriminately, ' there being 
none among sixteen soldiers and a sergeant who could read.' 
The most important papers were restored to Adair by a 
maidservant, who stole them when the sergeant was asleep. 
None of the seven clergymen would take the Engagement, 
and they had much support among the people. The expulsion 
of the Long Parliament delayed, but did not stop, the pro- 
ceedings, and the Commissioners issued a proclamation 
against 260 persons, including Lord Clandeboye and Lord 
Montgomery of Ards, whom they proposed to transplant to 
Kilkenny, Tipperary, and the sea coast of Waterford. They 
were to receive the full value of the estates which they lost, 
with a liberal price for way-going crops, and their ministers 
might accompany them and receive salaries, provided they 
were peaceable-minded and not scandalous. Sir Robert Adair 
and other leading Presbyterians were sent to Tipperary, but 

1 Scobell, p. 47. Thirty priests were ordered to be shipped to the Con- 
tinent from Galway on June 15, 1665, Irish R.O., -*-. One secular priest, one 
Jesuit, and several friars remained in Dublin during the whole Cromwelh'an 
period, Spicilegium Ossoriense, ii. 208. Many details as to Irish towns are 
given by Prendergast, chap. vi. 272-307. Letter to Cromwell from New 
England, October 31, 1650, Milton State Papers, p. 44. 


CHAP, the whole scheme came to nothing, ' for Oliver, coming to the 


, _J supreme order of affairs, used other methods and took other 

scheme is m 6asures than the rabble Rump Parliament. He did not 

not carried force any engagement or promise upon people contrary to 

their conscience ; knowing that forced obligations of that 

kind will bind no man.' Orders for this transplantation were 

given, but nothing was actually done. 1 

1 Patrick Adair's True Narrative, ed. Killen, 197, 201. The proclamation 
for the transplantation dated May 23, 1653, is printed in Reid's Presby- 
terian Church, chap 16, and the 260 names in the appendix. See Gardiner's 
Commonwealth, iii. 305. 



HENRY CROMWELL, 1655-1659 

THOUGH the Protector had not adopted his son's advice by CHAP. 

at once recalling Fleetwood, it soon became evident that he 
wished for a stronger man. Before the end of 1654 the Lord % 
Deputy gently complained that he was kept in the dark Henry 
about matters of policy, and doubted whether this was for his 
Highness's service. A few days later Henry Cromwell was 
appointed to the Council in Ireland, having already for some 
months held a commission as Major-General of the forces 
there ; but he did not come over until July 1655. Fleetwood 
returned to England some weeks later, but retained the office 
of Deputy, and continued to give advice, while Henry became 
virtual head of the Irish Government. Fleetwood had come 
very much under the influence of the Anabaptist officers, and 
his supersession marks the decline of their reputation with 
the now all-powerful Protector. 1 

When Fleetwood left Ireland, Henry Cromwell became Fleetwood 
President of the Council. The other members were William Ireland, 
Steele, Recorder of London, who did not come over till the 
next year, Richard Pepys, who became Chief Justice, Corbet, 
Goodwin, and Tomlinson. Hammond had died in 1654, 
and, five being a quorum, it was necessary that all should 
be present. To avoid this William Bury, of Grantham, was 
added in August 1656. The Anabaptist party were very 
sorry to lose Fleetwood, and rejoiced in a rumour of his 
probable return, but many superior officers, including Sir 
Theophilus Jones, Sir Hardress Waller, and Commissary- 
General Reynolds, circulated a petition to the Protector, 

1 Fleetwood to Thurloe, December 15, 1654, Thurloe, iii. 23. 




Action of 




Irish girls 



They are 
not sent. 

suggesting that his son should be Lord Lieutenant. Ludlow 
had given all the trouble he could, refusing to surrender his 
commission to any but the Parliament who gave it, and 
circulating pamphlets against the Protectorate, much to the 
disgust of Fleetwood. He, however, allowed his commission 
to be taken from him in an informal way, giving his parole to 
do nothing against the Government until he came into the 
Protector's presence. He then proposed to go to England 
on urgent private affairs, and gave a second engagement to 
remain quiet until he had surrendered to the Protector or 
the Lord Deputy. On this undertaking Fleetwood gave him 
leave to go, and it was one of his last acts in Ireland. When 
the Deputy was gone Henry Cromwell opposed Ludlow's 
departure, while declining to restrain him forcibly ; but 
he took steps to have him intercepted at Beaumaris until the 
Protector's wishes were known, and he was under arrest 
there for six weeks. Cromwell saw him after his arrival in 
London, and there was much not altogether unfriendly 
argument, but Ludlow stoutly refused to acknowledge the 
Government or to give any security. As a matter of fact 
he remained quiet while the protectorate lasted, and he was 
not molested. 1 

The infant settlement in Jamaica suffered much from 
a scarcity of women, and the English Government suggested 
that Irish girls might be sent out. ' Concerning the young 
women,' wrote Henry Cromwell in reply, ' though we must 
use force in taking them up, yet it being so much for their 
own good, and likely to be of so great advantage to the 
public, it is not in the least doubted that you may have such 
numbers of them as you think fit.' The Committee of Council 
in England voted that a thousand girls and as many boys 
should be sent, but there is no evidence that anything was 
actually done, and the probabilities are the other way. The 

1 Taylor to Harrison, December 17, 1655 (wrongly placed among papers 
of 1654) in Thurloe, iii. 29 ; ib. iv. 260, 327 ; Clarke Papers, iii. 60 ; Ludlow, 
i. 406 sqq., with Mr. Firth's notes for Ludlow's proceedings. Fleetwood 
writes on January 3, 1654-5, ' Here hath been some papers called mementoes 
spread up and down the army by that gentleman, who, I had hoped, my 
friendship would have prevented any such attempt,' Thurloe, iii. 70. 

HENEY CROMWELL, 1655-1659 845 

difficulties in Jamaica were great, and perhaps Cromwell CHAP. 


thought that the time for importing settlers had not yet ^_ T _' 
come. 1 

Considerable numbers were, however, sent from Ireland Deporta- 
to the West Indies. They were not slaves, but were forced west 
to work for wages, and could not leave the islands, to which Indie8 - 
they were sent in the character of masterless men, vagrants, 
rogues, and vagabonds. This system began in 1653, and con- 
tinued until the Restoration or later. It was not confined 
to Ireland, many seditious persons in England having been 
treated in the same way. James II. continued the practice 
after Sedgemoor. For white men the climate alone was a 
terrible punishment. A large number of prisoners were thus Deporta- 
treated after Penruddock's rising. After Dunbar and Wor- confined to 
cester English and Scotch captives were sent to New England, * 
and others were ordered to Bermuda. At the beginning of 
1655 the governor of Waterford was ordered to ship Morrice 
Cleere ' by the first vessel bound for the Barbadoes, there to 
work for his living.' About the same time it was ordered that 
' when a peaceable person was murdered ' by any Tory or * other 
Irish in rebellion,' three or four of the chief Irish neighbours 
were to be shipped to Barbadoes, ' and other American 
plantations,' unless they could show that they had done 
their best to apprehend the guilty parties. An Irish priest 
who visited the West Indies in 1669 enlarges on the state 
of the Irish sent by Cromwell ' and other fierce enemies of 
the Catholic Church and faith.' They had been forced to Condition 
work in the fields and ' treated cruelly and miserably in Irish at 
temporal, and much more in spiritual things,' being entirely 
precluded from Catholic worship, and from the ministration 
of their priests. There were 8000 in Barbadoes, and about 
4000 in other settlements. In the French island of Guade- 
loupe there were 800, who were even worse off than in the 
English possessions, for they lived in the worst parts of it, 
and ' though the island was Catholic they had little advantage 

1 Correspondence between H. Cromwell and Thurloe from September 11, 
1655, till January 22 following, in Thurloe, iv. 23, 40, 75, 198, 443. See 
Gardiner's Commonwealth, iii. 452. 


CHAP, by that, on account of the distance, difficult access, and 
^_ t _: scarcity of priests.' l 

Henry Oliver Cromwell became Chancellor of Oxford, and it 

and Dublin was natural that the University of Dublin should confer a 
University, j-^ j lonour U p 0n his son, Ormonde being outlawed by the 
Act of 1652. Almost immediately after his landing Henry 
was received in state and entertained at dinner by the vice- 
chancellor, provost, and others, ' who, with many doctors, 
were all robed in scarlet.' The vice-chancellor was Dr. Henry 
Jones, who kept his bishopric of Clogher in the background, 
his services as scoutmaster-general of the Parliamentary 
army having secured him in his place. The provost was 
Dr. Samuel Winter, who ranked as an Independent, but was 
inclined to maintain friendly relations with Episcopalians 
and Presbyterians. Very probably his influence was great 
in determining Henry Cromwell's tolerant policy towards 
Protestants of all sorts ; but this did not secure general 
The Ana- good-will, for the Anabaptists were ' much offended with 
ap is s. j^ m or coming every Lord's Day to parochial and public 
congregations and with his chaplains for preaching against 
dipping.' Winter himself preached and wrote in favour of 
infant baptism, and for adhering to him ' a godly man ' was 
solemnly excommunicated by the Dublin Anabaptists, and 
had no alternative but to join the Independents. Henry 
Cromwell's letters are full of complaints about the Ana- 
baptists, and their opposition in the Government and army 
was formidable, for they could count twelve governors of 
cities or towns, twenty-four field officers, many captains, 
two salaried preachers, and twenty- three officials in civil 
pay. A clergyman at Galway complained of oppression by 
Colonel Sadler, the governor of Galway, his offence being 
that he had baptised children, and prevented ' dipping ' in 
his church. He recalled the tyranny of John of Leyden and 
Knipperdoling, and lamented that so notable a town should 

1 Minutes of Irish Council, January 22, 1654-5 and March 27, Irish R.O. 
A. Rev. John Grace's report, July 5, 1669, in Spicilegium Ossoriense, i. 
484 (Latin). See Gardiner's Commonwealth, chaps. 40 and 44. A shipload 
was sent to St. Christophers from Kinsale, Robert Southwell to H. Cromwell, 
March 6, 1656-7, Lansdowne MSS., 821. 

HENEY CEOMWELL, 1655-1659 347 

be abandoned to a ' few mechanic barbers and tailors.' CHAP. 
Fleetwood had encouraged the sectaries more from weakness 
than from actual sympathy. Military adventurers, who had 
enjoyed despotic power during the war, were disgusted at 
having to share it with moderate men, and especially at the 
re-establishment of regular courts of law. Henry Cromwell 

was all for promoting ' the ancient Protestant inhabitants,' modera- 
who had been dispersed and were now trying to return to tion ' 
their old occupations. Vincent Grookin and his friend Petty 
were thoroughly in favour of this moderate policy. Of the 
discontented people not one in a hundred had any property 
before the war, the rest having gained possession of what 
they could in payment for service or by buying out Adven- 
turers and soldiers. ' And the confiscation of land in Ireland,' 
adds Grookin prophetically, ' is so general, the settlers and 
sellers so many, the buyers and takers so few, except them, 
that it is certain within a year or two, all these men will 
have too great interests in forfeited lands to give them up 
to Charles Stuart, or any from him.' * 

The reduction of the army in Ireland was a gradual and Reduction 
difficult operation. In 1652 its total strength was about 
34,000 men, which were reduced to about 24,000 in the 
following year. In 1655, about 5000 more were disbanded 
without any disorder, and Fleetwood estimated that this 
would reduce the monthly cost to 28,000?., a saving of 
some 17,OOOZ. As much haste as possible was made to 
provide the disbanded men with land, but they showed no 
disposition to settle upon it. Cavalier plots and military 
discontents induced the Protector to seek reinforcements 
in Ireland, and both Fleetwood and Henry Cromwell 
feared lest their garrisons might be unduly weakened, for 

1 Clarke Papers, iii. 49, 52 ; Rev. Thomas Harrison (Independent) to 
Thurloe, October 17, 1655, Thurloe, iv. 90; Vincent Gookin to the Pro- 
tector (written in London), ib. November 22, 1656 ; Stubbs, Hist, of the 
University of Dublin, p. 90. Winter with two elders and forty-one other 
parishioners signed a letter to the Protector praising Henry warmly for his 
charity and justice and his countenance ' to all that fear God though of 
different judgments,' Milton State Papers, p. 137, June 3, 1656 ; Rev. R. 
Easthorp to H. Cromwell, June 11, 1657, Lansdowne MSS. p. 822. 


CHAP, disturbances in Great Britain always had their echo beyond 

\r ~V"V" T7T T T 

the channel. In January 1655, 2300 men were sent to Liver- 
pool, but they embarked very unwillingly, saying that they 
had been engaged to fight Irish rebels, whereas in England 
they might be employed against their best friends. One 
company was cashiered by a court-martial, and one man 
was hanged at the masthead. Later on troops were sent 
from Ireland to Jamaica. 1 
Oliver It may be doubted whether Oliver Cromwell really had 

Cromwell ... .. .. . 

and his son. any dream of founding a dynasty. We have his own state- 
ment that he wished his sons to live privately in the country, 
and that he was only induced to promote Henry by the 
earnest persuasion of others. Having placed him in authority 
in Ireland he supported him steadily, but in a tentative way 
and without doing anything to estrange others. He was 
civil to Hewson and others who were inclined to give trouble, 
and refused to believe that Fleetwood was in any way dis- 
loyal. ' Take care,' he wrote to his son, ' of making it a 
business to be too hard for the men who contest with you. 
Being over-concerned may train you into a snare. I have 
to do with these men, and am not without my exercise. I 
know they are weak because they are so peremptory in 
A 11 *-, judging others.' The Anabaptists were chiefly in his mind, 

and but Henry had troubles with the Quakers also, and here, 

inthe 618 t> * ne Protector might sympathise. The danger always 
army- was that the army would become ill-affected. One of the 
most troublesome officers was Hewson, who took the lead in 
petitioning the Protector to send back ' our present precious 
Lord Deputy,' whose appointment had been ' a refreshment 
to all the godly in this nation.' Oliver answered civilly, but 
without granting the request, cautioning his son against 
believing anything discreditable to Fleetwood. Henry Crom- 
well also objected to having John Jones sent back to Ireland 
as likely to be ' dangerous and prejudicial to the public,' by 
nourishing factions, but drew back rather penitently when 
he found that Jones was to become his uncle by marrying 
the Protector's sister. Hewson was not really dangerous : 
1 Ludlow, i. 360, 402, 415 ; Thurloe, iii, 70, 136, 710, 715, 744 ; iv. 73. 

HENRY CROMWELL, 1655-1659 349 

he made terms for himself, was knighted by Oliver, and CHAP. 

vv Y VTTT 

accepted a seat in his House of Lords. But Axtell, Vernon, . , 
Barrow, and Allen laid down their commissions because the 
Anabaptists ceased to be the ruling sect, Thurloe attributing 
their action merely to disappointed greed or ambition. 
The army, nevertheless, remained faithful, and Henry Crom- 
well did his best to get the soldiers regularly paid. 1 

In the summer of 1656 Henry Cromwell had become so Oliver's 
weary of calumny and so disheartened for want of effectual Pariia- 
support that he wished to retire ; but Thurloe assured him 
that the tale-bearers were not believed in England, and that 
he might go on with his work. It was at this time that the 
Protector resolved to try a second Parliament, and writs 
for the Irish elections were sent over. The major-generals 
and the decimation tax were very unpopular in England, but 
in Ireland the army was so completely master that there 
was not much difficulty about getting thirty suitable members. 
Broghill, who as President of the Council in Scotland managed 
the elections there, was returned in his absence for the county Irish 
of Cork, Sir Charles Coote for Galway and Mayo, and Vincent 
Gookin for Cork and Kinsale. Broghill voted for the title of 
king, but Henry Cromwell was against it, thinking little of 
the constitutional argument which had such weight with 
men like Whitelock, and esteeming it ' a gaudy feather in 
the hat of authority.' The Protector refused the crown, and 
it would have been well for his fame if he had also insisted 
on altering the eleventh article of the Petition and Advice 
which secured religious liberty, provided ' it should not be 
extended to Popery or Prelacy.' This having been admitted intoier- 

. r J ance of 

as a principle of government, the logical consequence was this Par- 
to pass an Act which obliged all suspected persons over 

1 Oliver Cromwell to Fleetwood, June 22, 1655, Carlyle, ii. 451 ; to 
Henry Cromwell, November 21, ib. 479 ; Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, 
September 19, 1655 (as to ' Colonel Hewson with his three Anabaptist sons '), 
Thurloe, iv. 327 ; December 26, ib. 348 ; February 6 and April 2, 1655-6 
(as to military Quakers), ib. 508, 672 ; and H. Ingoldsby's letter from 
Limerick, March 29, 1657, Lansdowne MSS. p. 822 ; Thurloe to Henry Crom- 
well, January 1, ib. 573 ; Henry Cromwell to Thurloe (as to John Jones), 
March 12 and April 2, 1655-6, ib. 606, 672 ; same to same (for the field 
officers who resigned), December 3, 1666, ib. 670. 


CHAP, sixteen to take an oath abjuring the distinctive doctrines 

xr -\r "V"I7TTT 

. T _-' of the Roman communion, on pain of having two-thirds of 
their property real and personal sequestered. Those who 
afterwards became Protestants might be restored upon taking 
the oath, but not unless they have given frequent attendance 
for the previous six months at some authorised place of 
worship, being subject to renewed sequestration if they 
relapsed. The same penalties applied to any Protestant who 

Oath of married a Popish Recusant. * The oath of abiuration,' Henry 

abjuration. < * 

Cromwell wrote, begets much disturbance here ; for the 
Irish, upon apprehension thereof, sell off their cattle to buy 
horses, to put themselves into a shifting condition either 
for force or flight. ... I wish his Highness were made 
sensible hereof in time.' Dr. Jones said the same thing, 
adding that the oath ' was the great engine by which 
the Popish clergy stir up the people, and whereby they move 
foreign states to their assistance.' Cromwell allowed this 
oppressive law to pass, though it was a retrograde measure, 
and one which he cannot really have approved. The un- 
fortunate people affected by it in Ireland were in no condition 
to give serious trouble, but it must have led to the multipli- 
cation of Tories. 1 

Royalist ^he Cavaliers abroad were constantly plotting against 

the English Government and the Protector's life, but these 
intrigues had scarcely any direct effect on Ireland. Richard 
and Peter Talbot were among the most active conspirators, 
and the landing of Irish troops was always regarded as part of 
the scheme. The exiles were discussing Sexby's plans at the 
beginning of 1656, and the Protector, who was always well 
informed, thought it possible that some attempt might be 
made in Ireland. He directed his son, and the order was 
promptly obeyed, to reduce garrisons as much as possible, 
and to keep a field army in two or three divisions ready for 
any alarm. John Davies, who had been elected for Carrick- 
fergus and Belfast, was known to be an underhand Royalist 

1 The Act for convicting Popish Recusants, reciting the form of oath, in 
Scobell, ii. 443 ; Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, September 23, 1657, Thurloe, 
vi. 527 ; Dr. Henry Jones to same, September 30, ib. 539. 

HENKY CEOMWELL, 1655-1659 351 

worker, and he was not allowed to go to England. It was CHAP, 
in the north that trouble was expected, but nothing happened. _^ 

Five thousand foot and nearly half as many horse were held 
in readiness, and Henry Cromwell was after this averse to 
a reduction of the army, at least until an efficient Protestant 
militia could be provided. Helpless and decadent Spain Weakness 
was the enemy whose still remaining force was overrated 
by Cromwell. Nevertheless, he failed in Hispaniola, and 
dared not attempt Gibraltar, so that his naval strength was 
mainly useful to hold Jamaica by occupying the Spaniards 
near home. The end of 1656 was marked by Stayner's capture 
of the galleons, but also by a disaster on the Irish coast. A 
fleet carrying reinforcements for Jamaica was dispersed by 
a gale, and one ship, the Two Brothers, having sprung a leak, 
drifted towards a lee shore to the westward of the Old Head 
of Kinsale. Four men were detached on a raft ' with a letter LOSS of a 
in a pitch box,' and they reached land too much bruised to 
move further. The letter was taken to the governor of 
Kinsale, but the ship's cable parted in the meantime and she 
was driven upon a rock. There were saved only about forty 
soldiers out of some 250, and sixteen seamen out of twenty- 
nine. The Eev. Edward Worth, whose parsonage was at 
Ringrone, not far off, thanked God that the wreck was in 
the barony of Courcies, ' for the greater part inhabited by 
English and such Irish as were never in rebellion ; divers of 
the English and many more of the Irish attended all that 
evening on the coast, not to get the plunder, but to preserve 
the men whom it should please God to bring to shore.' It 
was ebb tide, and as each poor wretch was thrown up by the 
sea, the hardy natives ran down and helped him to escape 
before the next wave. Worth and his neighbours provided 
shelter, and the people of Kinsale vied with each other in 
providing for the castaways ; for the natural sentiments of 
humanity had survived the war, and were extended to the 
soldiers of the Commonwealth. Another transport, the Dishonest 
Sapphire, from Carrickfergus, was driven into Cork harbour tractors. 
in an almost sinking state, and 260 soldiers, forming her 
cargo, were quartered in the Great Island, where they could 


CHAP, be prevented from deserting. Both these ships were the 


~_ property of contractors, and supposed to be in good trim. 

When the paint was off they proved to be 'very unsound 
and rotten, and I think,' says Henry Cromwell, ' that those 
who were employed to contract for those ships are deeply 
guilty of the loss of those poor men.' l 

Henry After some hesitation and confusion, Henry Cromwell 

Cromwell . . J 

Lord was appointed Deputy in November 1657, with a new council 

Nov?!?', of five, of whom Chancellor Steele was the chief. Sindercome 
had already pub an end to himself, and Sexby was safe in 
the Tower, where he died mad a few weeks later. Royalist 
plots with Spanish support had ceased to be formidable, 
and some reduction of the army in Ireland was possible, if 
only money could be had to pay off the soldiers, who were 
eight months in arrear before the end of 1657. The Deputy 
maintained that nothing like an equilibrium could be estab- 
Pinanciai lished unless 180,OOOZ. were transmitted from England. The 
regular revenue of Ireland was only about 72,OOOZ., which 
was absorbed by the ordinary charges of government, and 
the extraordinary taxation for the army weighed upon the 
country. Broghill reported that some who had been returned 
to Parliament could not possibly attend the second session, 
being impoverished by the expenses of the first, and by heavy 
taxes. The usual remittances from England were slow in 
coming, and there was also ' extreme trouble and confusion 
about Spanish and bad coins which made the soldiers apt to 
grow licentious in abusing the country when they levied their 
contribution.' They naturally decided questions of exchange 
in their own favour, ' partly of necessity, and partly pre- 
suming 'twill seem unreasonable to punish severely, and pay 
negligently.' Twenty thousand pounds were assessed upon 
Ireland for war purposes during the three months ending 
June 24, 1657, and 9000Z. a month for the three years then 
beginning. The monthly contribution from England and Wales 

1 Dr. Worth's letter, October 31, 1656, Clarke Papers, in. 77 ; H. Crom- 
well's letters of November 5 and November 17, TJiurloe, v. 558, 570, and 
Col. Moore's to him, November 2, ib. 571. For the Royalist plots referred 
to, ib. 348, 422, 443. 

HENEY CROMWELL, 1655-1659 853 

was 35,OOOL, and 6000Z. from Scotland, and many thought CHAP 
Ireland disproportionately burdened. Indeed, Henry Crom- T^ f 

well says in one letter that she paid six times, and in another 
ten times too much. The difficulty about money continued 
to the end of the Protectorate, for Oliver had not time to 
summon a third Parliament, and Richard's was short-lived. 
Without parliamentary authority it was impossible to make 
the State self-supporting on either side of St. George's 
Channel. 1 

It was almost customary for a viceroy to be on ill terms The army 
with a Lord Chancellor, and Henry Cromwell thought that the 
Steele was plotting to make a separate interest among the 
Independents. Henry was by many years the younger man, 
and he allowed his senior to lecture him, ' supposing that 
if I got nothing else I should get his measure.' But Thurloe 
did not believe his suspicions well founded, and Steele, who 
had only accidentally missed being a regicide, had really 
no course open to him but to support the Protector. After 
Oliver dissolved his second Parliament, calling upon God 
to judge between him and them, most of the officers in 
England and Scotland agreed to an address of confidence 
in him. The same course was taken in Ireland, but Major An Ana- 
Low, an Anabaptist, refused to express a wish that ' govern- theconsti- 
ment should be settled on such a basis as should be most tutlon - 
suitable to the constitution of these nations,' saying that 
it implied a return to kingship. Sankey and others of the 
same sect said that if kingship were really the most suitable 
they would desire it : the Deputy must have seen the writing 
on the wall. Ormonde's courageous visit to London, in 
January, and the abortive gathering at Ostend caused some 
momentary alarm, but there was no disturbance, and a little 
later the capture of Dunkirk raised Cromwell to his highest 
pinnacle of fame. The army remained faithful, and as long 

1 Scobell, ii. 424, 491 ; Henry Cromwell's letters in vols. vi. and vii. of 
Thurloe, particularly that to the Protector of December 2, 1657, vi. 649; 
to Fleetwood, April 14, 1658, vii. 71 ; and to Thurloe, May 5, ib. 144. 
Broghill to Thurloe, December 11, 1657, *. vi. 670. On April 27, 1658, 
Fleetwood wrote, ' If we can get you 30,OOOZ. by borrowing, it will be the 
most,' ib. vii. 100. 





Death of 
Sept. 8, 

Lord Lieu- 

The Lord 

as life lasted it was evident to all that his power would last 
also. 1 

Oliver Cromwell died, and Richard succeeded as quietly 
as if he had been the legitimate king. The news reached 
Dublin on October 10, and on the same day the new Protector 
was proclaimed. Having been signed by the Lord Deputy 
and such Privy Councillors, judges, and chief officers as were 
on the spot, the proclamation was printed and dispersed over 
the country next day. There was no opposition, Broghill 
among others announcing his adhesion. A despatch was sent 
to Monck promising him the unanimous support of the Irish 
army in any difficulty. The machinery of government went 
on as usual, but on October 6 Richard made his brother 
Lord Lieutenant, and Petty carried the commission over to 
Ireland. Lord Harry, as he was called, was not anxious 
for the higher title ; but having been appointed he kept 
the same state as Strafford had done, which caused some 
amusement. An address from the army in Ireland to th.e 
new Protector was agreed to, the officers being quitp or very 
nearly unanimous. But Henry was almost afraid to write, 
knowing that his letter would be opened, and Fauconberg 
kept him informed of the plots against his brother. He dared 
not leave his post, though much in want of a holiday. ' I am 
afraid,' he wrote to Richard as early as October 20, ' to come 
to your Highness lest I should v be kept there, and so your 
Highness lose this army, which, for ought I know, is the only 
stay you have . . . the flood is so strong, you can neither 
stem it nor come to an anchor, but must be content to go 
adrift and expect the ebb.' 2 

Henry Cromwell was ill and despondent during the 
months following his father's death. He knew in his heart 
that the system could not long outlive the man, and Thurloe, 
whose judgment was not warped by fanaticism, could give 

1 Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, March 24 and 31, 1658, and May 26 and 
June 23 ; Thurloe's answer, July 13, Thurloe, vii. 21, 39, 145, 198, 269. 

2 Henry Cromwell's letter (with the proclamation), in Thurloe, vii. 384, 
425, 453 ; Steele, ib. 388 ; Broghill (from Mallow), ib. 399 ; Fauconberg, ib. 
406, 413, 437, 450 ; Colonel T. Cooper, ib. 425 ; Liber Munerum Publicorum, 
vol. i. part ii. 8 ; Clarke Papers, iii. 166. 

HENKY CROMWELL, 1655-1659 355 

him little comfort. ' The funeral,' he wrote, ' of his late CHAP. 


Highness was solemnised this day with very great honour ; _ , ._, 
but alas ! it was his funeral.' When the Lord Lieutenant's 
commission came over it was found to contain no clause 
authorising him to leave Ireland or to appoint a Deputy, and 
as if he felt Restoration in the air he looked to Charles I. 
for a precedent, and sent over his letter to Strafford as a 
model. He had, he wrote, been sentenced by his enemies 
to an honourable banishment. Thurloe professed that the 
omission was a mere oversight, but Fauconberg said bluntly 
that his brother-in-law's presence in London was desired by 
no one. ' They that hate you fear you too, and, therefore, 
oppose it, they that love you have apprehensions neither 
Ireland nor Henry Cromwell are secure if separated.' And 
Richard was of the same opinion. Moreover, he could hardly Elections 
be spared until the elections were over, and writs for the 

new Parliament arrived about the middle of December. It 


had been decided that thirty members should be sent from 
Ireland and the same from Scotland by constituencies grouped 
upon Oliver's plan. The English members were to be returned 
by the old counties and boroughs, giving up the late Pro- 
tector's attempt at parliamentary reform, but the Upper 
House was left as he had devised it, and separate writs for 
it were sent to the Lord Lieutenant, to Lord Chancellor 
Steele, and to Lord Broghill. Petty was returned for West 
Loo, Coote for Galway and Mayo, and Vincent Grookin for 
Bandon and Kinsale. Broghill thought a Parliament neces- 
sary, but was not sanguine, and foresaw opposition from the 
army. 1 

The notice for the elections was so short that many or p ar iia- 
most of the Irish members could not reach London in time ^59* ol 
for the opening of Parliament ; but this made little difference, 
for the House of Commons was occupied at first in the 

1 Thurloe to H. Cromwell, November 23, 1658, Thurloe, vii. 528 ; three 
letters of Broghill's, December 18' to January 24, ib. 573, 597, 600; Fau- 
conberg's letter, ib'. 528 ; List of members in Parliamentary Hist. xxi. 262. 
It does not appear that Petty was returned for any place in Ireland, as 
stated in his Life, p. 79. Gookin's opposition to Broghill was unsuccessful, 
Neal's Hist, of the Puritans, iv. 182. 

A A 2 



of Irish 

CHAP, discussion of the Protector's title, the constitution of the * other 
House,' and the status of the Scotch members. Parliament 
met on January 27, and it was not till March 23 that it was 
debated whether the members for Ireland should continue 
to serve. In the meantime they were allowed to speak and, 
apparently, to vote. Major Ashton, who represented Meath 
and Louth, preferred a separate legislature, partly on the 
ground that Ireland should have no share in governing 
England. Arthur Annesley, who sat for the city of Dublin, 
was of the same opinion mainly, because Ireland would be 
overtaxed by an assembly where she was always in a minority. 
At the moment, he said, Ireland very unfairly paid 9000Z. 
a month while Scotland paid only 6000?., and his prayer 
was ' that they might have some to hear their grievances in 
their own nation, seeing they cannot have them heard here.' 
Sir Thomas Stanley, member for Tipperary and Waterford, 
said he spoke not for Ireland, but for the English in Ireland. 
' Language, habit, laws, interest being in every respect the 
same in kind,' he was in favour of the Union, for free-born 
Englishmen beyond the channel had a natural right to 
representation in the sovereign Parliament. A hundred and 
fifty-six voted for the retention of the Irish members, and a 
hundred and six against, Thurloe being one of the tellers for 
the majority. After this the Parliament had but one short 
month of life, during which Irish affairs seem to have been 
but little discussed, except in the matter of Petty and his 
proceedings. 1 

Petty's great enemy was Sir Hierome Sankey, who had 
had a varied career. At Cambridge, where he was a candidate 
for Holy Orders, he was more noted for proficiency in athletic 
games than for study, and soon rose in the army when he 
took the Parliamentary side at the beginning of the Civil War. 
He became in turns a Presbyterian, an Independent, and at 
last an Anabaptist. He migrated to Oxford, where he be- 
came Fellow of All Souls, and was one of the proctors when 
Fairfax and Cromwell were made Doctors of Civil Law in 

Petty and 

1 Burton's Diary, iv. 237-242 ; Broghill to Thurloe, January 24, 1658-9, 
in Thurloe, and Neat's History of the Puritans, iv. 183. 

HENKY CBOMWELL, 1655-1659 357 

1649. He sat in the Parliament of 1654 for Tipperary and CHAP. 

-y- "V" V \7T TT 

Waterford, and in that of 1656 for Marlborough. Henry ~? 

Cromwell knighted him, and in Richard's Parliament he 
represented Woodstock. On March 24 he charged Petty with 
various kinds of corruption, but without giving particulars, 
and in the accused man's absence. Maynard, who was him- 
self an Adventurer in Ireland and who touched on his own 
experience in the StrafEord trial, fixed upon this want of 
particulars, and he was not without support. The most that 
Sankey could do was to sign six articles, all of the most 
general character ; and these were sent to Petty in Ireland, 
with orders to attend in his place that day month. The 
summons did not reach him until April 3, so that he had only 
seventeen days to make his preparations and travel from 
Dublin to London. He had some reason to complain of the 
short time allowed him. 1 

On April 21 Petty attended as directed, and spoke at Petty's 
length in answer to the articles. His speech was dignified 
and moderate, and made a very good impression on the 
House. The first charge was that he had received great 
bribes. To this he answered that as clerk of the Council he 
had never taken anything but the bare salary, and that as 
secretary to Henry Cromwell he had been a pecuniary loser, 
not exacting even the customary fees, ' merely upon the 
account of preserving his Excellency's honour clear, and 
myself clear from the least appearance of this evil.' The 
burden of proof evidently lay upon the accuser. The second 
charge was that he had been a wholesale purchaser of deben- 
tures, contrary to the Act of Satisfaction, forcing people to 
sell as a condition for having their lands set out to them. 
To this Petty replied that he had many colleagues and was 
well watched, so that he could not use coercion if he had 
wished ; that the debentures bought by him were under 
70QOZ. in value, and that he had got them from brokers, 
who profited by the transaction. The third article charged 
him with the fraudulent acquisition of much money and land, 

1 Wood's Fasti Oxonienses, vol. iv. in Bliss's edition, 119, 148, 156; 
Burton's Diary, iv. 244 sqq ; Hist, of Down Survey, p. 292. 


CHAP, to which he answered that the only public payment to him 

,-IT- "V"V" T7TT T 

T was by contract ; that the 17,OOOZ. which the survey cost was 
well and hardly earned ; and that the soldiers had paid half 
of it themselves. As to land, he had no more than a fair 
consideration for what was owed him. The fourth charge 
was a general one of foul and unwarrantable practices, on 
which he was content to challenge the production of a single 
instance. The fifth and sixth articles accused Petty and his 
colleagues of malversation generally, and was scarcely worth 
His answering, since they did not fall particularly on him. He 

abstained from recrimination in debate, but took ample 
revenge by publishing a report of Sankey's reply, which 
begins thus : ' Mr. Speaker, you have heard here a long, 
starched, studied speech ; I say a starched, studied piece. 
Mr. Speaker, there has been a great deal of rhetoric ; I say a 
great deal of rhetoric. But I will prove my charge ; I will 
make it good, Mr. Speaker, from the front to the rear front, 
flank, and rear ; Mr. Speaker, that I will,' and so forth. No 
real evidence of any kind was adduced, or even mentioned, 
and the business was referred to the Lord Lieutenant and 
Council of Ireland. Richard's Parliament was dissolved the 
next day, and we are justified in believing his brother's oft- 
repeated assertion that Dr. Petty was a very honest man. 1 
Dissolu- Richard Cromwell probably knew quite well that the 

Parlia- dissolution of Parliament was virtually an abdication, and 
April' 22 he resisted to the utmost. But the officers were determined 
to depose him, and he had no hold upon soldiers whom he 
had never led to victory. His brother in Ireland could only 
wait upon events, rejoicing ' that our dear father went off in 
that glory which was due to his actings.' He sent over Bury, 
Lawrence, and Dr. Henry Jones to confer with Fleetwood as 
to what was to be done. The Rump was restored in less than 

1 Burton's Diary, iv. 244, 470 ; Hist, of Down Survey, 290-300, where 
Petty gives Sankey's speech ' as near as the memory of such as were present 
can recollect.' H. Cromwell to Thurloe, April 11, 1659, ' he has curiously 
deluded me these four years if he be a knave,' and another letter to Fleetwood 
in June, Thurloe, vii. 651, 684. Sankey's speech with some amusing 
comments may be also read in Petty's Reflections on some persons and 
things in Ireland. 

HENRY CROMWELL, 1655-1659 359 

three weeks, but so attenuated was that once formidable CHAP. 

"V"~V'~Y' \7TTT 

assembly that a quorum of forty was with difficulty got TZ; _ 
together. Ninety-one members in all were admitted to sit, J e ^t ^ np 
several of whom had been elected in an unconstitutional 
manner, and the number meeting at any one time never 
reached sixty. Lenthall, notwithstanding his new-fangled 
peerage, was induced to take the chair. Immediately after 
the late dissolution Coote had hurried to Ireland with the 
news, and Broghill went over about the same time. On 
June 7 the House resolved that Henry Cromwell, whose Henry 
opposition they feared, should come over to give an account r/caiiea. 
of the state of Ireland, and that on the same day the govern- 
ment should be handed over to five commissioners. Steele, 
Jones, and Goodwin were named at once, Corbet and 
Tomlinson being added two days later. Ludlow's name 
was rejected by twenty-six votes against twenty-two, but a 
month later he was appointed to command the army, and he 
reached Dublin about the end of July. 1 

The rumour of his recall reached Henry Cromwell before The 
he had any official notice, and he decided to resign without endeavour 
waiting for it. Great offers had been made to him on the part Henry! 
of the exiled King, and he seems to have wavered for a moment, 
though finally he thanked God for having been enabled to 
resist temptation. The Royalists had relied on Fauconberg's 
powers of persuasion, and Charles expected Broghill's help, 
though he prudently avoided making any direct advance to 
that astute politician. In his letter of resignation to the 
Speaker he complained that he had had ' the unhappiness of 
late to receive intelligence only from common fame and very 
private hands, and to be forced rather to guess what to do 
upon all emergencies than to be intrusted with the clear 
commands of superiors.' He had secured the fidelity of the 
army to the English Government so that that ' dangerous, 
numerous, and exasperated people, the Irish natives and 
Papists,' might be no cause for anxiety. He warned the 

1 Henry Cromwell to Richard, May 23, 1659, and to Fleetwood next day, 
Thurloe, vii. 674 ; Broghill to Thurloe, April 29, ib, 665 ; Old Parliamentary 
Hist., xxi. 372 sqq ; Ludlow, ii. 177 sqq. 




He prefers 
private life. 

of Henry 

Parliament that as they had been turned out of doors in 
1653, so they might well be again and by the same people. 
He was himself a lover of peace and of orderly civil govern- 
ment, but ' I cannot,' he said, ' promote anything which 
infers the diminution of my late father's honour and merit.' 
The Royalists, having failed to gain him over, were afraid 
of his heading a separate interest ; and Clarendon, who had 
been concerned in the abortive negotiations, says that ' by 
the jolliness of his humour and a general civility towards all, 
he had rendered himself gracious and popular to all sorts of 
people.' He left Ireland soon after his resignation, told his 
story to the Council of State on July 6, and retired to Cam- 
bridgeshire. 1 

It is probable that materials do not exist for a full account 
of Henry Cromwell. His public career ended at the age of 
thirty-one, and he had no opportunity of showing much 
originality. The confiscation of Irish land to pay the expenses 
of conquering the country was decided upon when he was 
quite a boy, and he had no voice in the subsequent legislation. 
So far as Protestants were concerned, he leaned towards 
comprehension, and allowed no sect or party to dominate 
over the rest. As to the Roman Catholics, there was little 
scope for any movement in the direction of toleration, but he 
disliked the oath of abjuration. ' I wish,' he said, ' this 
extreme course had not been so suddenly taken, coming like 
a thunder-clap upon them. I wish the oath for the present 
had provided (though in severest manner) for their renouncing 
all foreign jurisdiction ; and as for other doctrinal matters, 
that some means had been first used to have informed their 
judgments with such ordinary smaller penalties as former 
experience has found effectual. I wish his Highness were 
made sensible thereof in time.' He was fain to dispense 
with the oath, but Thurloe thought this could not be done 

1 H. Cromwell to the Speaker, June 15, 1659, Thurloe, vii. 683, and to 
Fleetwood, ib. 685 ; Clarendon State Papers, iii. 500 ; Clarendon's Hist, of 
the Rebellion, xvi. 16 ; Ludlow, ii. Clarendon states in a letter that Henry 
Cromwell had at one time actually determined to declare for the King, ' but 
that wretched fellow had no courage,' to Ormonde, October 25, 1659, in 
Carte' ^Original Letters, ii. 242. 

HENEY CKOMWELL, 1655-1659 361 

without an Act of Parliament, though it might be modified CHAP. 


in practice by those on the spot ; and this was just what ^._ t __: 

Henry Cromwell did. In other political matters he showed 
good judgment, questioning the real value of Dunkirk, object- 
ing to penal taxation of the Cavaliers, and showing how 
impossible it was to bind a nation by oaths or any other 
contrivance. ' To what,' he asked, ' shall men swear ? Have 
you any settlement ? Does not your peace depend upon 
his Highness's life, and upon his peculiar skill and faculty 
and personal interest in the army as now modelled and 
commanded ? ' He was always loyal to his father, but he had 
been in love with Dorothy Osborne, and he had no objection 
to Royalists as such. It seems that he might have made a 
party for himself at the cost of much bloodshed, and he 
deserves nothing but praise for preferring to retire quietly. 
Oliver had warned him against the temptation to build up a 
great estate, and though he did not refuse to take grants of 
land like everyone else, he had at the end of his government 
scarcely money enough to carry him back to England. 1 

1 H. Cromwell to Thurloe, September 23, 1657, Thurloe, vi. 527 ; March 
27, 1657-8, ib. 39 ; June 30, ib. 218 ; to Fleetwood, June 1659, ib. 684. 
Writing both to Thurloe and Broghill on April 7, 1658, he mentions that 
Inchiquin's son came to him without any pass after three weeks' stay among 
his father's friends in Munster : ' I will be as civil as I may be to him, and 
to all men else,' ib. vii. 55, 57. 




ment, 1659. 

of Ludlow. 

the army. 



THE Commissioners appointed by Parliament carried on the 
civil government for about six months after Henry Cromwell's 
resignation, but the really important thing was the attitude 
of the army. Ludlow and John Jones went over together in 
July, and on their way to Holyhead heard rumours of a coming 
rising under Sir George Booth. Soon after their arrival in 
Ireland one hundred men were sent to reinforce Beaumaris 
and the neighbouring garrisons. On landing at Ringsend, 
' the guard that had formerly attended Cromwell ' was 
waiting under Sir Theophilus Jones, and escorted the new 
commander-in-chief into Dublin. The Commissioners arranged 
to preside for a month in turn, Ludlow sitting next the chair- 
man when present, and having precedence at other times ; 
in official documents he was styled ' Excellency.' He had 
brought with him a letter of credit for 30,OOOZ., which added 
weight to his promise of regular pay for the soldiers. As 
soon as the insurrection broke out in Cheshire he was ordered 
to send over a thousand foot and five hundred horse ; and 
they were despatched within ten days, under Sankey's com- 
mand, two months' pay having been advanced to them. 
During the disorderly period which followed they became 
known as the Irish Brigade. 1 

Ludlow was determined not to be again kept in Ireland 
as a kind of exile, and took the precaution of having a clause 
in his commission allowing him to return when he chose, and 
to appoint a substitute in his absence. Before taking advan- 
tage of this he devoted himself to a reform of the army, for 
1 Ludlow, ii. 104-111. 


he found ' divers of the officers guilty of habitual immoralities, CHAP. 

-\r "V"V"T V 

many of them accustomed to detain the pay of the private ^_ t _l 
soldiers, and most of them debauched in their principles by 
the late usurpation of the Cromwells.' Many of them, 
especially in Connaught and Clare, had married Irish Papists, 
and some who professed Protestantism might ' justly be 
suspected to continue Papists.' Many were dismissed, and 
their places filled as far as possible by men who had been 
cashiered for adhering to the Parliament as against the 
Protectorate. In the meantime the Irish Brigade at Derby 
supported Lambert and those who proposed to make him 
Major-General. Copies of their petition were sent to Ireland 
by Sankey, and officers there were invited to concur ; but 
Ludlow assembled as many as he could and persuaded them 
that England would never submit to be governed by the 
sword. He then prepared to go to England, and wished to 
leave the military as well as the civil authority in the hands 
of the Commissioners ; but this they refused to accept. 
He then appointed Jones, who was one of them, to be his John Jones 
substitute, for he regarded Waller as a time-server, and mandof 
Sankey had made himself impossible. As a member of 
Parliament and one of the late King's judges, Jones might 
at all events be trusted not to favour Charles Stuart. On 
reaching Beaumaris Ludlow heard that the Parliament had 
once more, as Henry Cromwell had foreshadowed, been 
turned out of doors by the soldiers. Lambert, who was in 
command, had narrowly escaped the Tower, and was actually 
deprived of his commission along with Desborough and others. 
The Act constituting Fleetwood commander-in-chief in Great 
Britain was repealed, and he became one of a commission of 
seven along with Ludlow, Monck, and others. Among them 
was Haselrig, whom Lambert believed to be thirsting for 
his blood, and he professed to be acting in self-defence. 1 
As soon as Monck heard of what had happened in London 

1 The Commission was appointed on October 12, and Lambert suppressed 
the Parliament next day. Ludlow, ii. 119-137, 143; Old Parliamentary 
Hist., xxi. 453^479 ; Lord Mordaunt to the King, October 27, in Carte's 
Original Letters, ii. 244. 




and Jones, 
Oct. 1659. 

Last acts 
of the 
Irish Com- 

he wrote to Ludlow as his fellow-commissioner for the govern- 
ment of the army, declaring that the forces under his immediate 
command were unanimous for Parliament, and declaring his 
intention to ' prosecute this business against ambition and 
tyranny to the last drops of my blood till they be restored.' 
The letter reached Jones in Ireland, and an answer was sent 
by him. Cornet Henry Monck, the general's nephew, was in 
Dublin, and thought the army neutral, until fourteen field- 
officers signed an address to the army in England, by which 
he observed that all who inclined to Anabaptism were against 
the Parliament. The answer sent to Monck was signed by 
Jones himself and Sir Hardress Waller, Colonel Cooper, 
governor of Carrickfergus, Colonel Lawrence, governor of 
Waterford, Colonel Phaire, governor of Cork, Colonel 
Nicholas Kempson, Ludlow's brother-in-law, and Dr. Henry 
Jones. These officers declared that any division of action or 
opinion in the army would be ' found in the issue to be nothing 
else but the opening of a door for the common enemy to come 
in,' and the event showed that they were not far wrong. 
At the same time Monck was informed by his nephew that 
he would have the support of Sir Charles Coote, Sir Theophilus 
Jones, and most of the other officers. Sankey, who com- 
manded the Irish Brigade in England, sided with Lambert ; 
but Colonel Redman, who served under him, was already in 
communication with Charles II. While the action of the 
army remained uncertain, the Commissioners carried on the 
civil government, and there were no serious disturbances. 
Large numbers of the transplanted still refused to stir, and 
the Tories were troublesome in many places. An order went 
forth in September to disarm all Irish Papists in Wicklow 
and to seize their arms and ammunition. There was a par- 
ticularly active gang of marauders about Castledermot. 
Some weeks later a seizure was made at the custom-house of 
Quaker books which denounced the Government as anti- 
Christian and the ministers established by them as ' priests, 
hirelings, and dumb dogs.' The very last order of Jones and 
his colleagues appears to have been one for the suppression 
of the Christmas holidays, as giving rise to debauchery and 


only calculated to ' uphold idolatry and superstition derived CHAP. 
from the Church of Rome.' l XXXIX. 

The order against Christmas was made on December 9, Revolt of 
and four days later the whole face of affairs was changed, army. 
Sir Theophilus Jones and some other officers determined, 
after Lambert had dismissed the Parliament, to free them- 
selves from subjection to the Wallingford House party. 
They began by petitioning John Jones as commander-in-chief 
to call a general council of officers to consider the situation, 
Sir Hardress Waller as the next in rank undertaking to take 
the lead in the matter. Jones dared not refuse such a request 
altogether, but the malcontents intercepted a letter from 
Fleetwood from which they understood that the opportunity 
would be taken to arrest them. There were but five com- 
panies of foot and three troops of horse in Dublin whose 
fidelity Jones had little reason to doubt. But Captain Bond The Com- 
persuaded his own company to seize the Castle gates and SI! 810 
make prisoners of Jones, Corbet, and Tomlinson. A declara- P nsoned 
tion in favour of the Parliament was cried through the streets 
next morning and generally approved of. The officers who 
had laid the plot were thus in the possession of the only 
magazine, which had just been replenished with five hundred 
barrels of powder, and no resistance could be attempted. 
The other garrisons were quickly mastered, Coote securing 
Galway, while Broghill held Youghal, Bandon and Kinsale. 
The garrisons of Cork, Limerick, Waterford, and Athlone 
took the same course ; and the submission of Londonderry 
settled the question in Ulster. Colonel Cooper, the governor 
of Carrickfergus, who might have given trouble in the northern 
province, died in his chair within a week. The officers in 
Dublin at once informed Monck of what had been done ; the 
news was also sent to London and Portsmouth, while Coote 
and Broghill were urged to come to Dublin. Sir Hardress 
"Waller acquiesced, though he had signed the answer to 
Monck, and became for the moment commander-in-chief. 

1 Monck's letter of October 20, 1659, in Ludlow, ii. 449 ; Henry Monck's 
letter of November 3 in Clarke Papers, iv. 95, with the notes ; Common- 
wealth Papers in Irish R.O. . 




gains over 
Coote and 

goes to 

The Irish Brigade in England declared for the Parliament 
on December 21, and Sankey was arrested by Monck, who 
was welcomed by Redman at the head of the troops when he 
came to Leicester. 1 

Sir Theophilus Jones had six troops of horse ready to go 
to Monck's assistance, but Lambert's star waned so fast that 
they were not wanted. Whitelock saw that a restoration 
was inevitable, and nearly persuaded Fleetwood to seize the 
Tower, communicate with the King, and get credit for what 
he could not prevent. But Desborough and others reminded 
him that he was bound to Lambert, who was at Newcastle, 
and he refused to stir without consulting him. Then,' said 
Whitelock, ' you will ruin yourself and your friends.' ' I can- 
not help it,' was the answer ; and that exactly represents 
Fleetwood's attitude. On December 26 the Rump without 
his aid retook possession of their House amidst the acclama- 
tions of the very soldiers who had kept them out of it. The 
news reached Monck at Coldstream four or five days later, 
and on January 1 he crossed the Tweed, Lambert being 
deserted by his army. From Durham he sent Sir Joseph 
Douglas to gain over Coote, and he was also in communication 
with Broghill ; but by this time both were in Dublin, and 
fully committed to the cause of the Parliament. 2 

Ludlow was a genuine Republican, and his great object 
was to prevent a restoration of the monarchy. ' It was,' he 
says, ' my judgment, that if either the Parliament or the 
army should entirely prevail one against the other in this 

1 A Letter sent from Ireland to Lenthall, dated December 15, and read in 
Parliament January 5, 1659. A Perfect Narrative of the grounds and reasons 
moving some officers of the army in Ireland to the securing of the Castle 
of Dublin for the Parliament on December 13, last, London, 1660. Ludlow, 
ii. 184. Sir Theophilus Jones and the rest to the army at Portsmouth, 
December 24, 1659, Portland Papers, i. 688. Robert Wood was commis- 
sioned to offer 3000 or 4000 men from Ireland to the Parliament, ib. 690. 
Hoyle and others to Lenthall, December 31, ib. 691 ; Waller to Monck, 
December 16, 1659, Clarke Papers, iv. 202 ; Price's Life of Monck, p. 748 in 
Select Tracts, ii. 

Monck to Waller, December 28, and January 1, Clarke Papers, ii. 226, 
237; Coote, Broghill, &c. to Lenthall, January 11, ib. 241; Whitelock, 
p. 691, December 22 ; Price's Life of Monck in Select Tracts, ii. 751. 


juncture, it would hazard the ruin of both.' The Parliament CHAP, 
alone could provide regular sustenance for the army which XXXIX. 
was necessary for its own protection, and it was by establish- 
ing a balance that Charles Stuart might be kept out. With 
these ideas, and with some hopes of furthering them through 
his position at the head of the Irish army, he set out for 
Dublin as soon as the restoration of the Parliament was 
practically arranged. He could not but agree with the 
decision of the officers in Ireland to co-operate for that 
purpose with the generals at Portsmouth, with Monck, and 
with Vice-Admiral Lawson, but he distrusted Sir Theophilus 
Jones, Colonel Bridges, and others who had supported the 
protectorate ; and Coote's attitude was evidently suspicious. 
Ludlow embarked upon the Oxford frigate, and anchored off 
his own house at Monkstown on the last of December, but But is not 
did not venture to land until he knew what was going on. to land. 
Before he appeared upon the coast, Coote and the others 
had resolved not to admit him as commander-in-chief without 
fresh orders from Parliament. Ludlow sent a letter to 
Waller and his colleagues, offering to help in the good work, 
but they answered that his appearance was very unaccept- 
able, that they did not believe he was true to the Parlia- 
ment, and that they would not resign their power without 
direct orders from that body. They also hinted very plainly 
that they were quite ready to arrest Ludlow if so directed. 
Captain Lucas, who brought the letter, suggested that he 
should go to the council of officers and adjust all differences 
by personal intercourse ; but he answered that he knew 
their principles much too well to trust himself in their hands, 
adding that their attachment to the Parliament was feigned, 
and their real design ' to destroy both them and their friends, 
and to bring in the son of the late King.' Cavalry were sent 
to prevent him from landing, and he was not allowed to get 
water or provisions. Seeing that nothing could be done, 
Ludlow sent letters to London by the ordinary packet, along 
with some which he had intercepted, and after three days' Lndiow 
waiting, sailed to Duncannon, Corbet having taken refuge Lnnon, 
in his ship. They were received with joy by Captain Skinner, Januar y- 




ment of 
and the 

whom Ludlow had appointed governor ; but "Waterford was 
as hostile as Dublin had been, and he was not allowed even 
to ship provisions which he had paid for. Attempts were 
also made to alienate the garrison of the fort by representing 
him as a deserter from the Parliament, and cattle intended 
for their relief were driven ofi by cavalry under Colonel 
Edmund Temple. A few days later Duncannon was blockaded 
by a sufficient force under Colonel Thomas Scot, the regicide's 
son ; but some provisions were introduced in the meantime. 1 
As he endeavoured to keep terms with the Wallingford 
House party, it was possible to represent Ludlow as an enemy 
or lukewarm friend to the Parliament. Why, it was asked, 
had he left London two days before its restoration ? His 
commission, to be of any value under the circumstances, 
should be dated after that event, whereas he depended on 
what had been done before the late interval of military violence. 
In a letter written during that enforced recess he had addressed 
John Jones as ' Dear friend,' and expressed a fear that the 
Long Parliament would be ' very high, in case they should 
be brought in without conditions.' Two or three days after 
Ludlow's arrival at Duncannon, the victorious party in 
Dublin sent over articles of impeachment against him, Jones, 
Corbet, and Tomlinson, which were read in the House on 
January 19. The powers of the accused were at once sus- 
pended, and they were summoned to attend, Ludlow being 
specially ordered to surrender Duncannon to Coote and Jones. 
The fort was beset in the meantime, and before the decision 
of Parliament was known Captain Skinner complained that 
the soldiers outside insulted the garrison with expressions 
in use only among the worst kind of Cavaliers, such as ' God 
damn them ! ' and * Go to your prayers ! ' Some called for 
the Parliament of 1641, some for that of 1647, and some 
complained that it was reduced to a ' rump, fag-end, or limb.' 
There had been earlier orders for Ludlow and the three Com- 
missioners to go over and give an account of the state of 
Ireland, and Monck, whose suggestions at the moment had 

1 Ludlow, ii. 190-196, 471, 475; 
January 5. 

Ludlow came to Duncannon on 


almost the weight of commands, pressed for their recall and CHAP. 


for the appointment of Coote, Broghill, and three others. . !. 
Ludlow sailed from Duncannon in obedience to the first Ludlow 
summons, heard of the impeachment on his way to London, Ireland. 
and took his seat in Parliament along with Corbet on 
January 30. Tomlinson was a prisoner in Dublin Castle, 
and John Jones at Athlone. 1 

Broghill, Coote, and Major William Bury were appointed A new Pro- 
Commissioners for the government of Ireland in January, Go'vem- 
and by the end of the month the officers in Dublin had a ^^ r 
pretty good understanding with Monck ; but they probably 1659-eo. 
forced his hand by summoning a convention to meet on 
February 7. The places represented were as in Strafford's 
time, but no doubt care was taken that the assembly should 
be entirely Protestant. Sir James Barry, afterwards Lord 
Santry, was chosen Speaker, and William Temple sat for the 
county of Carlow. The Council of State ordered the conven- A general 
tion to dissolve, but this they refused, while repudiating any tion. n 
idea of separation from England. Sir Hardress Waller had 
hitherto gone with the rest ; but it became evident that 
Royalism was winning, and he had sat regularly as one of the 
late King's judges, and signed his death-warrant. He made 
himself master of the Castle, and it was believed that he 
intended to seize Coote and other leaders who had declared in 
print for a free Parliament and the readmission of all the 
secluded members. The convention had the power of the 
purse, and the soldiers in the Castle, who were probably tired 
of barrack-revolutions and deferred pay, surrendered Waller 
and the few officers who supported him. Coote sent Sir Coote and 
Arthur Forbes, a noted Royalist who had been with Montrose, a jpfoach 
to Brussels with an offer of his services, and Charles gladly Charle8 IL 
accepted them, offering an earldom and other benefits, and 
proposing to join him, ' except it be more necessary that I go 

1 Letter from Waller, Broghill, Coote, and twenty-six others to Ludlow, 
January 10, 1659-60, with his answer, Ludlow, 453 ; Monck to Lenthall, 
January 16, ib. 453 ; Captain Skinner's Remonstrance, January, in Cal. 
State Papers, Ireland, p. 717. A Perfect Narrative, p. 13 ; Old Parliamentary 
Hist., xxii. 55. There are several letters to and from Ludlow during 
January in Cal. State Papers, Ireland, pp. 704-716. 





tion of 

for England.' Broghill sent his brother Francis, afterwards 
Lord Shannon, about the same time ; and, if we are to believe 
his not very trustworthy biographer, Charles was on the 
point of starting for Ireland by way of Calais when he heard 
that things were going so well in England as to make the 
journey unnecessary. What is more certain is that Broghill 
was at Cork three days after Waller's attempt, and there, at 
the head of the Munster officers, signed a declaration in favour 
of a full and free Parliament, and of readmitting the members 
ousted by Pride's Purge. All men, they said, were tired of 
anarchy and of authorities constantly changing, and for the 
moment there was no safety but in restoring the Long Parlia- 
ment to its unpurged condition. ' If the excluded members 
be readmitted, they must be either the greater or the lesser 
number in the House ; if the lesser, where is the danger of 
their admission ? If the greater, where is the justice of 
their exclusion ? For then it will appear that the minor 
number keeps out the major.' Whatever may have been 
Broghill's secret negotiations, he kept up a correspondence 
with Thurloe long after Monck had come to Whitehall, and 
repudiated the idea of bringing in the King as late as April 24. 
Even on May 8, when Charles was proclaimed in London, he 
still talked of preserving ' the just rights we contended for so 
successfully in the war,' very truly observing that if no 
conditions were made before the then inevitable restoration, 
it would be next to impossible to make any afterwards. 1 

According to his biographer and chaplain, Broghill was 
the moving spirit, and Coote acted under his influence ; but 

1 Sir Theophilus Jones to Monck, February 1 and 19, 1659-60, in 
Leyborne-Popham Papers, 141, 156 ; Sir Charles Coote and the Council of 
Officers to Monck, February 16, ib. 152 ; Declaration of Broghill and the 
Munster officers, February 18, in Thurloe, vii. 817 ; Broghill to Thurloe, 
ib. 859, 908, 912 ; the King to Coote, Breda, March ^, in Carte's Original 
Letters, ii. 314; Orrery's State Letters, i. 59, for the Rev. Mr. Morrice's 
account of Broghill's proceedings, Liber Munerum Pvblicorum, vol. i. part ii. 
p. 8. The declaration of Coote and the other officers, dated February 16, 
and sent with the letter to Monck of that day, gave the tone to all subsequent 
proceedings. It was printed in Dublin and reprinted in London with 
fifty-five signatures, including those of Coote himself, Caulfield, Theophilus 
Jones, Henry Ingoldsby, John King, Thomas Scot, and W. Purefoy. 


this is extremely doubtful. Broghill loved tortuous ways, 
and was perhaps anxious to leave himself a loophole in any 
case. Foreseeing the importance of the Convention Parlia- 
ment in England, he was most anxious to be in it, and, having 
married a Howard, he found a seat at Arundel. Coote and 
his friends were ready to declare themselves before decisive 
steps were taken in London, but it was felt that the restored 
King might be embarrassed by premature action, and means 
were taken to delay proceedings. Charles II. was not pro- 
claimed in Dublin till May 14, and on the 25th Broghill was 
sent with Coote and others to attend the King. Whatever 
those in all the secrets may have thought, Coote was at first 
much better received by the Royalists generally, who looked 
upon his colleague and rival as a trimmer. Three days later 
the Irish Convention adjourned till November. Monck was 
appointed Lord Lieutenant and Lord Roberts Deputy ; but 
neither of them came over, and at the end of the year Sir 
Maurice Eustace, who had been made Lord Chancellor, was 
appointed Lord Justice, with Coote and Broghill as colleagues. 
The two soldiers were treated as of equal importance, the one 
being made Earl of Orrery on September 5, and the other 
Earl of Mountrath on the following day. 1 

1 Orrery's State Letters, i. 59 ; Liber Munerum Publicorum, vol. i. part i. 
p. 8 ; Carte's Life of Ormonde, ii. 203 ; Lord Aungier to Ormonde, May |i, 
1660, in Carte's Orig. Letters, ii. 345. 



Charles II. 
in Dublin, 
May 14. 

Coote and 


B B 2 



ABERDEEN, 14, 15, 63 
Acton church, 54 
Acton, near Bristol, 162 
Adair, Patrick, 58, 341 

Sir Robert, 341 
Adamstown, 83 
Adare, 150 
Adrian's bull, 154 
Adventurers, 36 
Aghada, 92 
Aghenure, 5, 278 
Agher, 8, 11, 296 
Algiers, 296 

Allen, Adjutant-General, 267, 349 

hill of, 216 
Amboyna, 195 
Armagh, 92 

Anne of Austria, 99 

Annesley, Arthur, afterwards Earl 
of Anglesey, 56, 144, 146, 186 

Antonio, Captain, 72 

Antrim, Randal MacDonnell, 1st 
Marquis of, 18, 25, 35 ; nominal 
Lieutenant- General, 57 ; sends 
men to Montrose, 60-64, 141 ; 
President of Supreme Council, 
145, 161 ; at Paris, 162 ; tries to 
thwart Ormonde, 172, 173, 188, 
212, 224, 225, 227 

town and county, 95, 210 
Arcamoni, Giuseppe, 176, 177 
Ardee, 196 

Ardfinane, 22, 23 

Ardtully, 101 

Argyle, Archibald, 1st Marquis 

of, 61, 62 
Arkin, 298 
Arklow, 198 
Armagh, 16, 24, 28, 59,,60, 118, 228 


Armstrong, Sir Thomas, 225 
Arran islands, 41, 282 
Arras, 20 

Artois, Duchess of, 296 
Arundel, 371 
Ashley, Captain, 38 
Ashton, Major and M.P., 356 
Askeaton, 41 
Aston, Captain, 80 

Sir Arthur, 192-195 
Athboy, 51 
Athenry, 43, 261 

(Bermingham), Lord, 251 
Athlone, 5, 9, 10, 41, 51, 130, 169, 

248, 261 ; Castle taken, 266, 295 ; 

court of claims, 334 
Augher, 95, 121 
Augustinians, 78, 239 
Axtell, Daniel, regicide, 248, 249, 

264, 279, 349 

BAAL, 197 

Bagenal, Walter, 62, 128, 138 

Baggotrath, 184, 185 

Bagni, Monsignor dei, 100 

Baillie, Robert, 56 

Baker, Abraham, 11, 12 

Thomas, 12 
Balbriggan, 15 

Bale, John, Bishop of Ossory, 219 

Ballagh, 10 

Ballaghdereen, 262 

Ballimore, 260 

Ballina, in Kildare, 18 

Ballinacargy, 270 

Ballinafeeg, 32 

Ballinakill, 17, 29, 32, 34 

Ballinalack, 260 

Ballinasloe, 95 





Ballincollig, 4 

Ballingarry, 41 

Ballinrobe, 6 

Ballintober, 10 

Ballyallia, 11, 12 

Ballycarra, 6 

Ballycastle, 205, 229 

Ballygarth, 193 

Ballyhooly, 92 

Ballymore, 9 

Bally quin, 116 

Ballyragget, 32 

Ballyshannon, in Donegal, 21, 58, 

or Ballisonan, in Kildare, 16- 

18, 186, 216 
Baltimore, 38, 209 
Banagher, 23, 43, 169, 248 
Banbridge, 24 
Bandon, 3, 13, 23, 37, 70, 71, 208, 


Bane, John, 154 
Bann river, 24, 197 
Barbadoes, 42, 194, 345 
Barebone's Parliament, Irish mem- 
bers in, 321 
Barham, Thomas, Dean of Ross, 


Barnesmore, 262 
Barnewall, Sir Richard, 198 
Baron or Barren, Bonaventure, 

Geoffrey, 21, 103, 139, 265, 

272, 274-276 
Barrington's Bridge, 150 
Barrow river, 18, 31, 32, 80, 128, 

168, 201, 203, 204, 280, 349 

Colonel, 349 

Barry, Colonel Garret, 3, 22, 23, 

26, 47, 48 
John, 138, 162 

Sir James, 369 

Captain William, 92 

Robert, titular Bishop of Cork, 

Barrymore, David, 1st Earl of, 3, 

Lady, (Lady Alice Boyle), 93 
Bate, George, 192 
Battleford Bridge, 120 
Bavaria, Irish mission to, 28 
Beaumaris, 53, 97, 362, 363 
Beaupuis, an ' Important,' 99 
Beeston, 53 

Belfast, 50, 57, 58; seized by 
Monro, 59, 118 ; surprised by 
Monck, 173 ; ' a small town in 
Ulster,' 180, 181, 197, 350 

Belgium, Irish envoy to, 28, 76 


Sellings, Richard, Secretary of the 
Irish Confederacy, historian, 
and opponent of Rinuccini, 19, 
25, 49 ; his foreign mission, 76, 
83, 92, 94, 96, 99-102, 115-117, 
128, 131, 136-138, 146, 158, 166, 
167 ; leaves Ireland, 243, 254 

Belturbet, 169, 183, 227 297 

Belvelly, 94, 208 

Benburb, O'Neill's victory at, 1 17- 
122, 126, 132, 155, 173 

Bennettsbridge, 218 

Bentivoglio, Cardinal, 76 

Beresford, Colonel, 228 

Bermuda, 345 

Bertie, Captain, 9 

Bingham, Sir Henry, 6 

Birr, 17, 169, 248 

Biscay, Irish mission to, 28 

Black water river, in Ulster, 118, 

river, in Minister, 51, 91, 93, 
209, 268, 315, 317 

Blair Athol, 63 

Blake, Admiral Robert, 183, 188, 
203, 208, 209, 279 

Sir Richard, 160, 245 

Sir Valentine, 11, 19 
Blaney, Lord, 64 ; Lady, 24 
Blarney, 94, 322 

Bodley, Sir Josiah, 80 
Bolton, Sir Richard, Lord Chan- 
cellor, 29, 214 
Bond, Captain, 365 
Borlase, Sir John, Lord Justice, 

xxi. -xxm. passim 
Borrisoleigh, 169 
Borris, or Bums, in Carlow, 33 

in Ossory, 17 

Bourke, Miles and Theobald : see 

or de Burgo, Archbishop of 
Tuam : see Burgo 

Colonel John, 26, 43, 44 

Hugh, Franciscan, 79 

Sir John, 125 
Boyle, 45, 96, 155 

family, 209 ; see Cork, Broghill, 
Dungarvan, and Kinalmeaky 

Francis, 370 

Richard, Archbishop of Tuam, 5 

Michael, afterwards Primate, 
90, 164, 213, 225 

Boyne river, 45, 147, 192, 280, 


Bradshaw, John, the regicide, 195 
Braintree woods, 24 
Bray, 187, 251 
Brentford, 189 




Brereton, Sir William, 53 
Bridges, Colonel, 367 
Bright, Captain, 81 
Bristol, 55, 83, 162, 367 

Lord, (Digby), 65 

Briver, Francis, Mayor of Water- 
ford, 4, 5 

Brockett, Colonel, 74 

Broghill, Roger Boyle Lord, after- 
wards Earl of Orrery, 2, 3, 13, 
70, 73, 90-93 ; relieves Youghal, 
94, 161, 165, 169, 202, 203, 208, 
209, 220 ; victory at Macroom, 
222-224 ; victory near Kanturk, 
267-269, 291, 322, 328, 352, 
354, 355, 366; helps the Re- 
storation and becomes Earl of 
Orrery, 369-371 

Brooke, Captain, 43 

Brosna river, 248 

Brown, Geoffrey, 50, 64, 112, 129, 
162, 251, 255, 257, 283 

Brownlow, Sir William, 24 

Brussels, 251, 253, 255, 369 

Buchanan, Sir., 6 

Buckingham, Duchess of, 18 

Bullingdon Green, 192 

Bunratty, 12, 115-117, 135, 150 

Burgo, de, or Bourke, John, Bishop 
of Clonfert, afterwards titular 
Archbishop of Tuam, 39, 124, 
129, 172, 177, 232, 257, 282 

Burke, Edmund, 7 

Thomas, 46 

William, 250 

Walter, 7 
Burren, 276 
Burris : see Borris 

Bury, William, of Grantham, 343, 

358, 369 
Butler : see Ormonde, Mountgarret, 

Dunboyne, Cahir, Ikerrin 

Edmund, Mountgarret's son, 
5, 29, 200 

John, Mountgarret's brother, 

Richard, Ormonde's brother, 4 

Sir Walter, 218, 219 

Count Walter, 20 

Byrne, Edward and Luke, 310 
Byron, John, 1st Lord, 53, 54, 186, 
187, 240 

Sir Robert, 54 

Colonel, 150 

CAEN, 243 

Cahir, 152, 161, 214, 215 

Lord (Butler), 2 
Cahore, 203 


Caledon, 120 ; see Kinard 
Callan, 19, 161, 215 
Cambridge, 356 

Campbell, Sir Duncan, of Auchin- 
breck, 118 

clan, 63, 64 
Canice, Saint, 155 
Cannes, 99 
Cantire, 64 
Cantwell Castle, 219 
Cappagh, 116 

Cappoquin, 90, 91, 150, 207, 209, 


Capron, Major Ralph, 81 
Cardenas, Don Alonzo de, 303 
Carlingford, 62 
Carlisle, 16 
Carlow, 17, 31, 33, 51, 141, 149, 

234, 235, 293 

Carmelites, 171, 172, 176, 177 
Carrickfergus (Knockfergus), 14, 

15, 23, 57-59, 118 ; surprised by 

Monck, 173, 197, 209, 210, 236, 

270, 305, 341, 350, 351 
Carrick in Donegal, 287 

on Shannon (Carrigdrumrusk), 

on Suir, 1, 127, 161, 204-206, 
214, 234 

Carrickmacross, 295 
Carrigadrohid, 266, 267 
Carrigaholt, 223, 276 
Carrowreagh, 40 
Carte, Thomas, 144, 229, 240, 251, 

Cashel, 124, 127, 128, 152, 157, 

164, 215, 224, 255, 300 
Castlebar, 6 
Castleblayney, 296 
Castle Connell, 248, 261, 272 
Castle Coote, 51 
Castledermot, 137, 217, 364 
Castle Grace, 150 
Castle Hacket, 7 
Castlehaven, 38, 209 

James Touchet, 3rd Earl of, 
18, 29, 34, 48, 57 ; his expedition 
to Ulster, 59, 60, 72, 82; his 
campaign in Munster, 90-94, 
127, 128, 182, 199, 205, 207, 
216 ; commands in Leinster, 217, 
218, 221, 231, 233, 234; at 
Killaloe, 261, 273; leaves Ire- 
land, 285 ; his memoirs, 286 

Castlejordan, 156 
Castlelyons, 91, 92, 268 
Castlemaine, 291 
Castlemartin, 48, 216 
Castlemartyr, 92 




Catalonia, 303 
Cathcart, Captain, 229 
Caulfield, Lord, 126, 305 ; Lady, 24 
Cavan, 33, 45, 59, 121, 183, 197 
Chaplin, Andrew, 12 
Charlemont, 21, 22, 24, 45, 60, 

174, 197, 228, 230; taken by 

Coote, 236, 305, 306 
Charles II. repudiates the Irish, 

Charles IV., Duke of Lorraine, his 

schemes concerning Ireland, 

249-259, 280, 283, 287-289, 298 
Cheshire, 362 

Chester, 47, 107, 110, 111, 113 
Chevreuse, Duchess of, 249, 253, 

Chichester, Colonel Arthur, 15, 57, 


Sir Arthur (temp. James I.), 302 
Christ Church, Oxford, 55, 65 
Chudleigh, Captain Thomas, 291, 


Cistercians, 15 

Clandeboye, James Hamilton, 2nd 
Viscount, afterwards Earl of 
Clanbrassil, 209, 341 

Clanricarde, Ulick de Burgh, 5th 
Earl and afterwards Marquis of, 
5, 7-10, 19, 30; his unique 
position, 34, 35, 38-44, 47, 50, 
51, 107, 126, 142, 169, 172, 207, 
232, 233 ; Deputy for Ormonde, 
243, 248, 249, 253-256 ; rejects 
the Lorraine proposals, 257-259, 
262, 278, 281, 283, 286, 287; 
submits and goes to England, 

Clare, 10-12, 40, 66, 115, 169, 217, 

Castle, 11, 12, 41, 269, 276-278 

Island, 298 
Claregalway, 43, 44 
Clarendon, Edward Hyde, 1st 

Earl of, 20, 30, 52, 53, 65, 143, 
188, 192, 239, 253, 258, 259, 303, 
304, 338, 360 

Clares, Poor, 9 

Clark, Captain, 7, 284 

Clarke, Colonel, 321 

Claverhouse, 58 

Cleere, Morrice, 345 

Cliffe, 220 

Clifford, 262 

Clogheen, 214 

Clogher, 129, 170 

Cloghleagh, 48 

Clogrennan, 17 

Clohamon, 31 


Clonakilty, 13, 37 

Clonbrock, 40 

Clonee, 156 

Clones, 45, 183 

Clonfert, 129, 220, 238 

Clonmacnoise, 210, 211, 226, 250 

Clonmel, 1, 4, 35, 90, 123, 124 ; 
Supreme Council there, 142, 
145, 146, 154, 158, 206; be- 
sieged by Cromwell, 220-223, 
234, 247, 273, 274, 305 

Clonroad, 269 

Clotworthy, Sir John, afterwards 
Viscount Massereene, 25, 132 

Cloughoughter, 197, 300, 301, 306 

Cloyne, 92, 162 

Coalisland, 305 

Cole, Sir William, 16, 57, 58, 179 

Colepepper, John, Lord, 65 

Coleraine, 17, 51, 58, 118, 120 

Colkitto, 62 

Colooney (Coote), Lord, 96 

Comber, 209 

Comerford, Patrick, titular Bishop 
of Waterford, 245 

Conde, Henry, Prince of, 99 

Louis, Prince of, the Great, 286 
Cong, 278 

Conna, 92 
Connall, 288 

Conway, Edward, 2nd Viscount, 
15, 23 

Colonel, 149 

Cook, John, regicide and judge, 
244, 305 

Cooke, Colonel, Governor of Wex- 
ford, 215 

Cooper, Colonel Thomas, Governor 
of Carrickfergus, 364, 365 

Coote, Sir Charles, the elder, 6, 

Coote, Sir Charles, the younger, 
afterwards Earl of Mountrath, 
President of Connaught from 
1645, 8, 10, 41, 65, 67, 68, 151, 
173, 174, 179, 182, 183, 197, 
209, 210, 227-231, 236, 248, 
261, 262, 266, 278, 282, 283, 311, 
335, 359, 364-368; helps the 
Restoration, 369 ; created an 
Earl, 371 

Coppinger, Robert, Mayor of Cork, 

Corbet, John, 7 

Miles, regicide, 246, 304, 322, 
327, 343, 359, 365, 367, 368 

Cork, 3, 4, 22, 23, 51, 79, 151, 164, 
165, 179, 184, 202, 203, 208, 305, 




Cork, county, 2, 48, 167 

harbour, 4, 74, 94, 208, 351 

Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of, 3, 
12, 13, 23, 209 

Cornwall, 64 
Corofin, 276 
Costello (Dillon), Viscount, 148, 


Coura Lake, 293 
Gourdes, 351 

Courtenay, Captain George, 22 
Courthope, Captain, 208 
Courtmacsherry, 51 
Courtney, Colonel, 208, 268 
Courtstown, 268 
Covenant, Solemn League and, 55- 


Cox, Sir Richard, 48 
Crawford, Colonel Lawrence, 55 
Creagh, John, Mayor of Limerick, 

232, 271 

Credan Head, 82 
Creichton, George, 33 
Crelly, Cistercian abbot, 288 
Crete, 175 

Crispe, Sir Nicholas, 36 
Cromwell, Oliver, chaps, xxxi. and 

xxxii. passim, 12, 22, 145, 178, 

180, 181, 233, 234, 247, 259, 

277, 303, 304, 319, 320, 326, 333, 


Henry, chap, xxxviii. passim, 
208, 222, 265 ; an Irish member 
of Barebones Parliament, 321, 
327, 328, 339; Commander of 
the forces, 343 ; Lord Deputy, 
352 ; Lord Lieutenant, 354 ; 
character, 360, 362, 363 

Crookhaven, 188, 209 
Crosby, Colonel, 209 
Crowther, Admiral, 94, 151 
Cuffe, Joseph and Maurice, 11, 


Culham, Colonel, 221 
Cullen, Colonel, 32, 33 
Culme, Arthur, 149 
Culmore, 172, 174 
Curlew mountains, 122, 262 
Cusack, Colonel George, 298, 299 

DALGETTY, Dugald, 15 

Dalzell, General Thomas, 58, 209 

Daniell, Colonel, 225 

Darcy, Oliver, titular Bishop of 

Dromore, 237, 238, 241, 242, 


Patrick, 26, 75, 112, 123 
Davis, Sir Paul, 132 

Deane, Admiral Richard, 188, 203 

William, 309 

Dease, Thomas, titular Bishop of 
Meath, 28, 124 

Dee river, 53 

Delgany, 198 

Dempsy, Edmond, titular Bishop 
of Leighlin, 138 

Denny, Sir Edward, 41 

Derby, Irish Brigade at, 363 

Desborough, Major- General John, 
224, 362, 366 

Desmond forfeitures, 35 

Dieppe, 162 

Digby, George, Lord, 55, 61, 62, 
65, 68, 70, 89, 104, 105, 110, 
114, 115, 126, 128, 133-136, 144, 

- Sir Kenelm, 107-109, 129 

Dillon, Thomas, Viscount of Cos- 
tello, 5, 94, 148, 184, 216, 218, 

George, Franciscan, 253, 254 

John, 75, 112 

Sir Lucas, 23 
Dingle, 167, 290 
Dodder river, 184 
Doe Castle, 229 

Dominicans, 125, 146, 153, 210, 
239, 250, 301 

Donegal, 16, 287 

Doneraile, 1, 90, 91, 225 

Donnellan, James, Judge of Com- 
mon Pleas, 305 

Douai, 140 

Dover treaty, 259 

Down, 16, 60, 228 

Drishane, 268 

Drogheda, 18, 47, 132, 135, 140, 
182 ; taken by Inchiquin, 183, 
184, 185, 187 ; taken by Crom- 
well, 192-196, 200, 307 

Dromagh, 268, 291 

Dromana, 91, 150 

Dromore, 15, 238 

Drumflugh, 118 

Dumoulin, French agent, 114, 121, 
122, 138 

Dunbar battle, 240, 345 

Dunboyne, 156 

(Butler), Lord, 2 
Duncannon Fort, 21, 33, 80; 

taken by Preston, 81-83 ; re- 
lieved by Castlehaven, 205, 206, 
234; surrenders to the Parlia- 
ment, 236, 251 ; Ludlow's last 
footing, 367 

Dundalk, 135, 147, 173, 182, 197, 
215, 270, 295 




Dundrum in Tipperary, 215 
Dunfermliue, 239-241 
Dungan Hill, 148, 150, 155 
Dungannon, 24 
Dungarvan, 4, 72, 78, 150, 246 

(Boyle), Lord, 22 
Dungiven, 228 
Dunkirk, 21, 279, 353, 360 
Dunmore, in Waterford, 80 

in Kilkenny, 168 
Durham, 366 
Dyas, Captain, 298 

EABNLEY, Sir Michael, 9, 10 

Edenderry, 49 

Edgehill, 29 

Egan, Boetius, titular Bishop of 

Ross, 223, 224 
Eliogarty, 333 
Elizabeth, Princess, 85 
Elsing, Major, 165 
Ennis, 11, 241, 276 
Enniscorthy, 83, 199, 215 
Enniskillen, 13, 16, 51, 58, 154, 

179, 197, 225, 229 
Ennislaughlin, 15 
Ennisnag, 220 
Erne, Lough, 297 
Esmond, Lawrence, Lord, 80-83 
Essex, Robert Devereux, 2nd 

Earl of, 189 

3rd Earl of, 192, 315 

Eustace, Sir Maurice, 27 ; Lord 

Chancellor, 371 
Everard, Sir Richard, 75 

FAIBFAX, Sir Thomas, 54, 125, 162, 

189, 214, 356 
Fanning, Dominic, 171, 232, 272, 

Fanshawe, Sir Richard, 174, 188 

Lady, 213, 214, 277, 339 
Fauconberg, Lord, 354, 355, 359 
Fennell, Major and Colonel, 60, 

221, 222, 262, 272, 273 
- Dr. Gerald, 139, 141 
Fentou, Sir William, 165, 203 
Fenwick, Colonel, 149, 229, 230 
Ferbane, 243, 263 
Ferdinand II., Grand Duke of 

Tuscany, 96, 159 
Fergus river, 266 
Fermo, 96, 100, 101 
Fermoy, 91 
Fern, Captain, 197 
Ferns, 129, 198, 199 
Ferrall, General, 183, 206, 207, 227 
Fethard, 124, 161, 214, 215 
Finglas, 184 


Finnea, 59, 260, 261, 269 

Fisher, Lieutenant, 92 

Fitzgerald, Sir Luke and Lady 
233, 234 

Edmond, 92 

- Piers MacThomas : see Mac- 

Fitzpatrick, John, 266, 289 

Flanders, 20, 21, 78, 100 

Fleetwood, General Charles, 297, 
302, 305, 319, 323; made Deputy, 
327, 341 ; leaves Ireland, 343, 
344, 347, 348, 366 

Fleming, Thomas, titular Arch- 
bishop of Dublin, 75, 220, 237 

Florence, 96, 99 

Flower, Colonel, 148 

Foisset, a Spanish agent, 77, 79 

Foliot, Lieutenant, 263 

Forbes, Alexander Lord, 36-43 

Sir Arthur, 369 

Forgie, Robert, Dean of Killala, 7 
Foyle, Lough, 193, 229 
Fox, Captain, 233, 234 

Charles James, 239 
Franciscans, 70, 78, 79, 108, 121, 

124, 168, 200, 210, 239, 253 
Freke, Captain, 37 
French service, 303, 304 
French, Xicholas, titular Bishop 

of Ferns, 129, 147, 160, 175, 199, 

201, 241, 250, 253, 255, 259, 

282, 288 

GALBALLY, 266, 268 

Galway, 5-9, 38-41 ; the fort sur- 
rendered, 43^4, 78, 95, 129, 
146, 154, 172, 176, 241, 245, 
251, 262, 269, 278, 280 ; capitu- 
lates to Coote, 283, 284, 292, 
301 ; its desolation, 339, 346 

Garristown, 156 

Gaultier, 167 

Genappe, 21 

Genoa, 77, 78, 99 

Geohegan, Anthony, 288-290 

Gibbs, Captain, 149 

Glamorgan, Edward Somerset, 
called Earl of, after Marquis of 
Worcester, his mission to Ire- 
land, 84-89, 103 : under arrest, 
104 ; repudiated by Charles I., 
106-107, 109, 110; swears 
fealty to Rinuccini, 111, 129, 
143 ; appointed General, 145, 
146 ; at Paris, 162, 239 

Glascarrig, 203, 216 

Glaslough, 128 

Glenaheiry, 167 



Glengariffe, 208 
Glengarry, 148, 173 
Glen Imale, 247 
Gleninagh, 243 
Glin, 41, 42 
Gloucester, 56 
Golden, 215 
Goldsmith, John, 6 
Goodwin, Robert, 29, 314, 327, 

343, 359 
Gookin, Vincent, 303, 321, 327 ; 

in Oliver's Parliament, 328 ; 

writes against transplantation, 

329-332, 347, 355 
Gordon, Patrick, 63 
Gormanston (Preston), Viscount, 21 
Gort, 263 

Gowran, 126, 137, 217 
Grace, Colonel Richard, 294 
Graiguenemanagh, 32 
Granard, 59 
Grangebeg, 137 
Greencastle, 62, 182 
Grenville, Sir Richard, 30-32, 279 
Grimaldi, Cardinal, 76 
Groves, Captain, 37 
Guadeloupe, 345 
Guernsey, 114 

HAGUE, 186, 240 
Hale, Sir Matthew, 186 
Hamilton, Sir Francis, 65 

Sir Frederick, 16, 95, 96 

Sir George, 128 

a minister, 62 
Hamilton's Bawn, 118 
Hammond, Colonel, 217 

Colonel Robert, 327 
Hampden, John, 73 
Hampton Court, 162 
Harman, Major, 147, 148 
Haro, Don Luis de, 20, 78 
Harrison, Michael, 306-308 

Thomas, regicide, 321 
Harristown, 131 
Haselrig, Sir Arthur, 363 
Hastings, 162 

Havre, 143 

Hawarden, 53 

Helvoetsluys, 187 

Henin, Abbot Stephen de, 253, 
254, 258, 260, 288 

Henrietta Maria, Queen, 46 ; on 
Irish Protestants, 74-76 ; dis- 
trusted at Rome, 98-100 ; her 
religious opinions, 107, 108, 140- 
143, 159, 160, 162, 242, 252 

Henry II., 215 

VIII., 20 

Hewson, John, regicide, 215-218, 

223, 260, 269, 321, 385 
Higgins, Dr., 274 
Hill, Colonel, 57 
Holy cross, 210 
Holyhead, 362 
Hook Tower, 80 
Howard, Lady Margaret, 93 
Hull, Sir William, 38 
Hussey, Mrs., 309 
Hyde, Sir Edward : see Clarendon 

IKERRIN (Butler), Lord, 2 

Imokilly, 92 

Inchecronan, 266, 276 

Inchiquin, Murrough O'Brien, 6th 
Baron, afterwards 1st Earl of, 
4, 11 ; Vice-president of Munster, 
13, 22 ; victor at Liscarrol, 23, 
35, 37, 43, 47, 50; at Oxford, 
69 ; joins the Parliament, 70, 
71-74, 81, 82, 90-94, 141, 150, 
152 ; sacks Cashel, 153 ; victor 
at Knocknanuss, 157, 161, 162 ; 
deserts the Parliament, 164, 
165, 169, 184, 185, 189, 202, 204- 
206, 209, 213, 214, 222, 224, 225, 
227, 231 ; leaves Ireland, 243 

Ingoldsby, Colonel Henry, 201, 
261, 263, 264, 294 

Inishowen, 229 

Inistioge, 204 

Innisbofin, 257, 258, 286, 298, 301, 

Innisf alien, 291 

Innisturk, 298 

Innocent III., 255 

X. (Parnphili), 76, 89, 97, 98, 
103, 106, 109-111, 117, 121, 
122, 160 ; rebukes Rinuccini, 
177, 178, 242, 253, 255, 259 

Ireton, Henry, regicide, 190, 204, 
214, 221 ; Oliver's Deputy, 223, 
231, 234, 245-249 ; death and 
character, 277, 319 

Bridget, afterwards Fleetwood, 

Italians, Ireland for the, 35, 100 
Iveagh (Magennis), Lord, 15 

JAMAICA, 144, 348, 350 , ^ * 4 
Jamestown, 237, 239, 241, 243 
Jeffries, Colonel, 214 
Jermyn, Henry, afterwards Earl 

of St. Albans, 99, 108, 160, 


Jersey, 114, 187, 243, 250 
Jesuits, 121, 130, 150-155, 176, 

293, 326 



Jigginstown : see Sigginstown 

John, King of Portugal, 154 

Johnson, Thomas, 7 

Jones, Henry, Bishop of Clogher 
and Scoutmaster-General, after- 
wards Bishop of Meath, 246, 

298, 300, 304, 322, 359, 362-365 

John, regicide, 246, 298, 300, 
304, 322, 359, 362-365 

Lewis, Bishop of Killaloe, 144 

Michael, 64, 144, 146, 147 ; 
victorious at Dungan Hill, 148, 

Sir Theophilus, 210, 221, 260, 

299, 362, 364, 365 

Ensign, 38 
Joyce, Comet, 164 

John, 310 
Julianstown, 193 


Kavanagh, Brian, 32, 57, 173 

Kells, 137 

Kelly, Charles, Dean of Tuam, 237 

Kempson, Colonel Nicholas, 364 

Kenmare, 101 

Kentish insurrection, 217 

Ker, John, Dean of Ardagh, 307 

Kerry, 47, 167, 169, 204, 274 

Kiffin, William, 327 

Kilbenny, 214 

Kilbolane, 23 

Kilbride, 260 

Kilcock, 131 

Kilcolgan, 248 

Kilcrea, 4 

Kilcruig, 91 

Kilcullen, 128, 216 

Kildare, 216, 293 

county, 17, 217 

Curragh of, 146 

Elizabeth Countess of, 131 

George Fitzgerald, 16th Earl of, 
35, 64, 107 

Kildogan, 44 

Kildorrery, 2 

Kilkea, 130, 216 

Kilkenny, Catholic Confederation 
at, 19, 22, 25, 29, 33, 35, 49, 60, 
64, 72, 80, 87, 89, 90, 101 ; 
Rinuccini's reception at, 102, 
107, 109, 110, 122-124, 126-129; 
threatened by Owen O'Neill, 
130, 146, 154, 158-161, 165- 
167, 172, 176, 196, 202, 204; 
siege and capture by Crom- 
well, 216-220, 225, 245, 279, 
280 ; submission of Leinster by 
articles, 292294, 305 


Kilkenny, county, 31, 66 

in Westmeath, 9 

Kill, 147 

Killagh, 291 

Killala, 7 

KiUaloe, 169, 261, 262, 267, 273 

Killarney, 291 

Killultagh, 24 

Kilmacthomas, 206 

Kilmallock, 2, 48, 64, 158 

Kilmeague, 216 

Kilrush, in Kildare, battle of, 18, 


Kilrush, in Clare, 231 
Kiltinan, 215 
Kilwarlin, 15 
Kilworth, 48 
Kinale, Lough, 59, 260 
Kinalmeaky (Boyle), Lord, 3, 13, 

23 37 38 

Kina'rd, or Caledon, 24, 120, 306 
King, Paul, Franciscan, 168 

Sir Robert, 277, 231 

John, Dean of Tuam, 240, 241, 
254, 282, 283 

1st Lord Kingston, 162, 230, 

Kinsale, 3, 37, 51, 70, 71, 73, 

74, 79, 150, 165, 174 ; Rupert 

blockaded by Blake, 188, 203, 

208 ; surrenders to Broghill, 209, 

214, 291, 351 
Knipperdoling, the anabaptist, 


Knockbrack battle, 208, 209 
Knockmone, 91 
Knocknacloy lake, 120 
Knocknanuss, Inchiquin's victory 

at, 157, 158, 164 
Knocktopher, 205, 215 
Knot, John, 181 

LAG, Robert Grierson, laird of, 58 

Laggan forces, 17 

Laggan river, 209 

Lalue, French engineer, 81, 82 

Lambert, General John, named 
for Deputy, 319, 363-366 

Lancashire, 86 

Lane, Sir George, afterwards Vis- 
count Lanesborough, 244, 307 

Larcan, Lawrence, 81-83 

Larne, Lough, 51 

Laune river, 291 

Lawrence, Colonel Richard, gover- 
nor of Waterford and author, 
300, 321, 331, 332, 358, 364 

Lea Castle, 217 

Leamanegh, 267 




Leane, Lough, 291 

Ledred, Bishop of Ossory, 219 

Lee river, 223 

Leghorn, 99 

Leicester, Irish Brigade at, 366 

Leicester, Robert Sidney, 2nd 

Earl of, 30, 51, 151 
Leighlin Bridge, 128 
Leitrim, 16, 45 
Leix, 166 
Leixlip, 144 
Lenthall, William, Mr. Speaker, 

199, 201, 359 
Leslie, Alexander, Lord Leven, 

44, 45, 58, 62 

Henry, Bishop of Down, 67, 279 

John, Bishop of Raphoe and 
Clogher successively, 196, 198 

Leyburn, George (Mr. Winter 
Grant), 104, 140-143, 147 

Leyden, John of, 180, 181, 346 

Lifford, 174, 229 

Limavady, 228 

Limerick, 4, 12, 22, 25, 35, 41, 42, 
101, 102, 117, 122, 123, 158, 159, 
198, 217, 226, 232, 237, 245, 
247, 248, 256 ; siege and capture 
by Ireton, 263-273, 276, 278, 
280, 281, 289, 301, 340 

Limerick county, 66, 150 

Linlithgow, 64 

Lisbon, 154, 309 

Lisburn (Lisnegarvey), 23, 25, 50, 

120, 173, 197, 307 
Liscarrol, 13, 22, 23, 91, 151, 158 
Lisle, Philip Sidney, Lord, 30-33 

Sir George, 217 
Lisrnore, 13, 91, 93 
Lisnaskea, 296, 297 
Lisnesreane, 210 
Liverpool, 52, 348 
Lochaline, 62 

Loftus, Lord Chancellor, 223 
Loft us, Sir Adam, 49, 151 
London, City of, 312, 313 
Londonderry, 17, 57, 58, 79, 

121, 174 ; succoured by Owen 
O'Neill, 182, 183, 228, 229, 231 

Longford, 9, 137, 168 

Lorraine : see Charles IV. 

Lot, 279 

Loughanlea, 121 

Loughbrickland, 15, 24 

Loughgall, 228 

Lough Gur, 248 

Loughmoe, 2 

Loughrea, 5, 7, 39, 41, 43, 44, 51, 

227, 232, 237, 238, 241, 242, 262, 

294. 334 


Louis XIII., 249 

Louis XIV., 76, 114, 122, 159, 249, 


Louvain, 21 
Lowther, Sir Gerard, Chief Justice, 

65, 132, 305, 309, 353 
Lucan, 131 
Lucas, Sir Charles, 217 

Sir Thomas, 18 

Captain, 367 

Ludlow, Edmund, regicide, general 
and historian, 70, 153, 192, 193, 
195, 202, 231, 234, 245; a 
commissioner for government, 
246, 260 ; his service under 
Ireton, 262-267, 274-277, 280, 
281, 285, 286 ; his siege of Ross 
Castle, 289-294; his last mili- 
tary service, 295-297, 300, 302, 
304, 317-320, 326, 344; his 
struggles to avert Restoration, 
359, 362, 363, 369 

Lynch, John, historian, 231 

Stephen, prior of Strade, 7 

Walter, titular Bishop of Clon- 
fert, 8, 125, 220, 241, 298, 

Lynch's Knock, 148 ; see Dungan 

MABEL, Saint, 101 

MacAdam, Captain, 59, 115, 117 

MacArt : see O'Neill, Owen Roe 

Macartan, 16 

MacCarthy, Reagh, 3 

: see Muskerry 

MacDonnell, Alaster or Alexander, 

with Montrose, G2-64, 75 ; 

killed at Kuocknanuss, 156- 


- Colonel Alexander (Lord An- 
trim's brother), 64, 260 

- Florence, called Captain Sou- 
gane, 4 

MacEgan, 121 

MacGeohegan, Abbe, 201 

Mackenzies, 63 

Macmahon or MacMahon, Ever, 
Heber or Emer, titular Bishop 
of Clogher, 97, 142, 156, 159, 
160, 166, 167 ; chosen general, 
defeated, and hanged, 227-231 

Macnamaras, 11 

Macroom, 101, 223 

Macthomas, Fitzgerald, Piers, 127, 
128, 148, 173 

Maddenstown, 18 

Magdeburg, 116, 195, 286 

Mageney, 18 

Magennis, 16, 27 




Maguire, Major Luke, 233 
Maguire, Bory, 19, 169 
Maguires, 230, 231 
Mahony, Cornelius, Jesuit, 154, 


Mallow, 23, 51, 91, 157, 209, 268 
Malone, William, Jesuit, 6, 177 
Marlborough, 357 
Marseilles, 99 
Marston Bigot, 202 

Moor, 70, 85 
Martin, Richard, 64, 75 
Maryborough, 17, 51, 166, 182, 

Massari, Dean of Fermo, 100, 121, 

122, 124, 167, 175, 288 
Matthews, a Franciscan, 70 
Maxwell, John, Bishop of Killala, 

then Archbishop of Tuam, 6 
Maynard, Sir John, 357 
Maynooth, 148, 186 
Mayo, 5 

Miles Bourke, Viscount, 5-8 

Theobald Bourke, 7, 311 
Ma/.arin, Cardinal, 76-78, 99, 100- 

102, 138, 249, 251, 252, 304 

Meagh, Sir Richard, 92 

Meath, 45, 156 

Meelick, 248, 264, 269, 289 

Melo or Mello, Don Francisco de, 

Meredith, Sir R., 49 

Mervyn, Colonel Audley, 57, 58, 
174, 196, 236 

Middleburgh, 74, 225 

Milford, 82, 190 

Millstreet, 101 

Milltown, 91 

Milton, John, 180, 181 

Minehead, 53 

Mingarry, 62 

Mirabeau, 277 

Mitchelstown, 48, 90, 214, 277 

Mogeely, 93 

Mohill, 45 

Moira, 15, 209 

Monaghan, 24, 118, 183 

Monasterevan, 146 

Monck, George, afterwards Duke 
of Albemarle, 17, 29, 31, 54; 
advises Charles I., 55, 140, 151, 
155 ; surprises Belfast and Car- 
rickfergus, 173, 179 ; makes 
terms with Owen O'Neill, 182- 
184, 197, 363-368 

Moneymore, 25 

Monkstown, 367 

Monnerie, a French agent, 78, 141 

Monro, Daniel, 118 


Monro, Sir George, 118, 120, 173, 
182, 209, 227 

General Robert, 14-16, 24, 45, 
51, 55, 57-60, 95 ; overthrown 
at Benburb, 117-121, 132 ; sur- 
prised and taken by Monck, 173, 
209, 210 

Montgomery, Hugh, Viscount, 
afterwards Earl of Mount Alex- 
ander, 23, 24, 57, 64, 120, 201, 
209, 210, 342 

Montpensier, Mademoiselle de, 187 

Montreuil, 108 

Montrose, James, Marquis of, 61, 
64, 95, 187, 369 

Moore, Charles, Viscount, 33, 45, 

Henry, 1st Earl of Drogheda, 

Morrice, Thomas, 202, 370 

Morris, a veteran, 33 

Mostyn, 53 

Mothel, 1 

Mountgarret, Richard Butler, 3rd 
Viscount, President of the Su- 
preme Council, 2, 3, 5, 18, 19, 21, 
22, 27, 59, 75, 102, 106, 111, 129, 
155, 168 

Mount joy Fort, in Ulster, 25 

Mountjoy, Lord, 205, 300 

Mountnorris, Lord, 286 

Mountrath, Earl of : see Coote 

Mourne Mountains, 24 

Mulkear river, 150 

Mullingar, 9, 62, 260, 293 

Murphy, victim of assassination, 

Muschainp, Major, 74 

Muskerry, Donogh MacCarthy, 
Viscount, brother-in-law to 
Ormonde and opponent of the 
nuncio, 3, 4, 22, 50 ; with the 
King at Oxford, 64-66, 68, 69, 
74, 75, 88, 111, 117 ; imprisoned 
by Rinuccini, 129 ; ousts Gla- 
morgan from his command, 146, 
152, 153, 158-160, 162, 177, 207, 
223 ; routed by Broghill near 
Kanturk, 266-269 ; defends Ross 
Castle, 290-295, 298, 299 ; tried 
and acquitted, 308-310 

Mutton Island, 285 

NAAS, 17, 49, 51, 126, 131, 147, 149 
Nanny river, 193 
Nantes, 21, 93, 108 
Nantwich, 53-55 

Naseby battle, 86, 87, 92, 93, 98, 
99, 111, 164, 269 




Navan, 50 

Neagh, Lough, 25, 228 
Neale, The, 6 
Nelson, Lord, 214 
Nenagh, 169, 249 
Netherlands, 78, 79 
Netterville, Lord, 260 
Newbury, 56 
Newcastle-on-Tyne, 115 
Newmarket, Charles I. at, 181 

co. Cork, 158 
Newport, 171 

New Ross : see Ross 

Newry, 15, 16, 62 

Newtown, near Charleville, 22 

Newtownards, 209 

Newtown Stewart, 17 

Nicholas, Sir Edward, Secretary of 

State, 65, 142, 254 
Nimes, 332 

Nore river, 201, 203, 204, 218 
Northwich, 53 
Norwich, George Goring, Earl of, 


Nottingham, 313 
Nugent, Anthony, Capuchin, 246 

Robert, Jesuit, 130, 131 

O'BEIEK : see Thomond and Inchi- 

Connor, 267 

Daniel, 40, 41 

Colonel Dermot, 64, 112 

Colonel Henry (Inchiquin's 
brother), 71, 92 

Murtagh, 232, 290, 294, 298 

Terence Albert, titular Bishop 
of Emly, 244, 274 

Tirlagh, 40 

Lady Margaret, 85 

Honora, 277 

O'Briens, various, 11, 27, 71 
O'Brien's Bridge, 150, 261, 266 
O' Byrne, Brian MacPhelim, 18 

Hugh MacPhelim, 18 
- Philip MacPhelim, 295 

O'Byrnes, various, 173 
O'Connolly, Owen, 20, 57 
O'Connor, Teige, 95 

Roe, 10 

O'Conor or O'Connor, Felix, 301, 


O'Donovan, 38 
O'Driscol, 38 
O'Driscols, various, 299 
O'Dwyer, Edmund, titular Bishop 

of Limerick, 159, 272, 274 
O'Dwyer, Colonel Edmund, 290 
O'Flaherty, Donogh, 299 


O'Flaherty clan, 5, 7, 8, 39 
Ogarney river, 116 
O'Grady, Captain Henry, 11 
O'Hagan, Shane, 168 
O'Hartegan, Matthew, Jesuit, 34, 

35, 99, 100, 103, 121, 305 
O'Mellan, Friar, 119, 121 
Omodei, Cardinal Luigi, 96 
O'More, Roger or Rory, 18, 26, 

170, 298, 299 

O'Neill, Art MacBaron, 20 
- Daniel, 61, 69, 114, 126, 142, 

196, 198, 227, 243 

Henry, 198, 231, 233 

Hugh Boy, ' an old surly 
Spanish soldier,' defends Clon- 
mel, 220-222, 227 ; defends 
Limerick, 247, 265, 272 ; tried 
and acquitted, 274, 275 

John, titular Earl of Tyrone, 

Owen Roe Mac Art, 20, 21, 26, 
44, 45, 57, 60, 61 ; routs Monro 
at Benburb, 117-122 ; at Kil- 
kenny, 129-131, 133-137, 154, 
155 ; ravages the Pale, 156, 159, 
160 ; supports the nuncio, 166- 

169, 176 ; negotiates with Or- 
monde, Jones, and Coote, 179, 
180 ; succours Londonderry, 
182, 188; his treaty with Or- 
monde, 196 ; death and charac- 
ter, 197, 198, 207, 210, 227, 260, 
286, 310 

Sir Phelim, 15, 21, 24, 26, 120, 
129, 172, 179, 227, 230, 236 ; 
trial and execution, 305-308 

Shane, 118 
O'Neills, various, 27, 296 
Oona brook, 118 
O'Queely : see Queely 
O'Quin, Tirlogh Groom, 305-307 
Orange, Frederick Henry, Prince 

of, 21 

Oranmore, 5 

Orleans, Gaston, Duke of, 99 
O'Reilly, Edmund, Vicar- General, 

afterwards titular Primate, 44, 

170, 185, 310, 311 

Philip MacHugh, 260, 269, 270, 

Ormonde, Thomas Butler, 10th 
Earl of, 219 

James Butler, 12th Earl of, 
afterwards Marquis and Duke, 
Lord-Lieutenant for the King 
from 1643 onwards, 1, 3, 4, 8, 
9, 13, 17 ; victorious at Kilrush, 
18, 27, 29-31 ; victorious at 




Ross, 32-35 ; ordered to nego- 
tiate, 46 ; arranges a cessation 
of arms, 47-52, 53-55, 62; 
dealings with Glamorgan, chap. 
xxv. passim, 94, 95, 98 ; his 
peace with the Confederates, 
chap, xxvii. passim, surrenders 
Dublin to the Parliament, 140 ; 
leaves Ireland, 144, 165, 169, 
170 ; returns to Ireland, 171, 
172-179 ; proclaims Charles II., 
180, 181-183 ; totally defeated 
at Eathmines, 184-188, 192, 
195-198, 204-207 : his struggles 
with the bishops, 210-242 ; 
leaves Ireland, 243, 245, 253, 
254, 256, 272, 286, 289, 340, 346 

Marchioness of, 1, 131 
Ormsby, Major Robert, 96 
O'Rourke, Connor, 16 
Orrery : see Broghill 
Osborne, Sir Richard, 91 

Dorothy, afterwards Lady 
Temple, 361 

O'Shaughnessy, Sir Roger, 38, 263 
Ostend, 353 
O'Sullivan, Bere, 179 

Roe, 3 

Francis, 78 

O'Sullivans, various, 297 

Oughter, Lough, 299 

Oughterard, 278 

Oxford, 55, 61, 62 ; negotiations 
with the King, 64-70, 75, 84, 86, 
108, 192, 252, 253, 295, 356 

PALE, a new one proposed, 280, 


Pamphili, Cardinal, 108 
Paris, 35, 99, 100, 103, 168, 187, 

244 ; Lord Taaffe's experiences, 

252, 286 
Parliaments, Irish members in 

Cromwell's, 321, 328, 349, 355- 


Parsons, Fenton, 65 
Sir William, Lord Justice, 1, 8, 

29 ; dismissed, 47, 49, 65 
Passage, Waterford, 62, 205-207 
Patrick's Pugatory, Saint, 154 
Patterson, Major, 162 
Paulet (an officer), 53 
Pemberton, a witness, 310 
Penn, Sir William, 115, 117, 225 
Penruddock's insurrection, 345 
Pepys, Sir Richard, Chief Justice, 

327, 343 
Percival, Sir Philip, 65, 68 

Perkins, Major, 229 

Perros Guirec, 243 

Peters, Captain Benjamin, 36 

Hugh, 36-42, 190, 195, 201 
Petty, Sir William, 300, 303, 334- 

338, 347, 354-358 
Phaire, Colonel Robert, regicide, 

Governor of Cork, 203, 364 
Philip, Saint, 101 

IV., 77, 78, 97, 106, 303 
Philiphaugh, 64 

Phillips, Sir Thomas, and his 
successor, 228 

Piccolomini, 76 

Piedmont, 323 

Pigott, Colonel, 208 

Plattin, 112 

Plunket, Sir Nicholas, prolocutor 
at Kilkenny, 26 ; with the King 
at Oxford, 64, 114, 123, 136; 
gives Preston bad advice, 147 ; 
envoy to Rome, 160, 175 ; at 
Galway, 177, 198 ; makes a 
treaty with Lorraine, 255, 257 ; 
prefers the Parliament to Or- 
monde, 283 

Colonel Thomas, 78, 249 

a sea-rover, 101 
Poland, 310 
Pole, Cardinal, 109 
Popham, Admiral Edward, 188 
Pore, Sir William, 23 
Portadown, 64 

Porter, Endymion, 85 

Portland, Weston, 2nd Earl of, 65, 

70, 164 

Portlester, 45, 60, 147, 148, 223 
Portnahinch, 17 
Portugal, 154, 309 
Portumna, 5, 43, 44, 51, 262, 294 
Poulakerry, 220 
Poulmonty, 32 
Power, Major, 91 

Lord, 275 

Poynings's law, 46, 67, 69, 87, 
112, 181 

Poyntz, Sir Robert, 162 

Preston, General Thomas, after- 
wards Viscount Tarah, his rivalry 
with Owen O'Neill, 20-22 ; com- 
mands in Leinster, 26 ; his 
brush with Monck, 29 ; beaten 
at Ross, 31-34, 43, 48, 57 ; 
takes Duncannon, 81-83, 94, 
122, 126, 127, 132-134; his 
officers ' not excommunication 
proof,' 137, 141 ; routed at 
Dungan Hill, 145-149, 153, 166, 
167, 199, 222 ; defends Water- 



ford, 234-236, 247, 260 ; defends 

Galway, 278, 279, 283 ; abroad, 

and excepted from pardon, 318 
Preston, Sir James, 168, 235, 236, 

Purcell, Major-General Patrick, 2, 

3, 22, 91, 158, 184, 185, 265 ; 

executed, 274 
Theobald, titular baron of 

Loughmoe, 2 
Putney, 162 
Pyrn, John, 73 

QUAKERS in the army, 348, 349, 

Queely, Malachi, titular Arch- 
bishop of Tuam, 6 ; killed at 
Sligo, 89, 94, 96, 97, 102 

Queen's County, 29, 168, 208 

Queenstown, 208 

RADCLIFFE, Sir George, 65, 67 

Radford, Ann, Duchess of Albe- 
marle, 55 

Rainsborough, 36 

Ranelagh, Roger Jones, Viscount, 
President of Connaught, 5, 9, 10, 
38-41, 51 

Rathbarry, 37 

Rathfarnham, 144, 184, 186 

Rathmelton, 17, 58 

Rathmines battle, 184-187, 189, 
190, 195, 196, 214, 224, 310 

Ratoath, 156 

Rawdon, Captain, 24 

Reading, 192 

Rebane, 173 

Redman, Colonel, 364, 366 

Redshard, 2 

Ree, Lough, 9 

Rehill, 214 

Renvyle, 298 

Retz/Cardinal de, 252 

Reynolds, Commissary-General 
John, 184 ; at Drogheda, 195, 
204, 206, 214, 215, 221, 233, 
261-263, 297, 305, 335, 343 

Rhe, Isle of, 100 

Richelieu, Cardinal, 21, 249 

Ridgeway, Sir Thomas, created 
Earl of Londonderry, 34 

Captain and Colonel, 65, 91 

Ringrone, 351 

Ringsend, 362 

Rinuccini, Bishop of Ferrno, 8, 50, 
77, 79, 89 ; sent nuncio to Ire- 
land, 96-104 ; steadily opposes 


Ormonde, 114-131, 133, 135- 

138 ; his relations with Leyburn, 
139-143 ; driven out of Leinster, 
145, 146, 150 ; without money or 
friends, 152-155, 159-162 ; his 
excommunications grow cheap, 
165-167, 170, 171 ; driven from 
Ireland, 176 ; rebuked by the 
Pope, 178, 179, 198, 220, 223, 
226, 245, 250, 283, 288, 301, 309 

Robartes or Roberts, Lord, after- 
wards Earl of Radnor, 370 

Roche, Lord, 223 

David, 266, 267, 270 

Captain Thomas, 205 
Rochelle, 21, 103 
Rochfordstown, 4 
Rochfort, Patrick, 250, 251 

Roe or Rowe, John, Carmelite, 

176, 178 
Roghan, Lough, 305 

Rome, 28, 107, 108 ; Te Deum for 
Benburb, 121, 160 ; no help for 
Ireland, 175, 177, 256, 288 

Rosbercon, 204 

Roscommon, 10, 43, 44, 122, 301 

Lord (Dillon), 47, 51, 213 
Roscrea, 127, 248 

Ross, New, 31-33, 199 ; taken by 
Cromwell, 201-203 ; his bridge 
there, 204, 205, 210, 213, 245 

Old, 32 

Castle, Kerry, 290-294, 309 
Rosscarbery, 37 

Rosslare, 199 
Rossmanagher, 116 
Rostellan, 92 

Roth or Rothe, David, titular 
Bishop of Ossory, 129, 168, 169, 

177, 220 
Rouen, 37 

Rons, Francis, 321 
Rupert, Prince, 62, 157, 174, 179, 
183 ; at Kinsale, 187, 188, 209 

SADLEIE, Adjutant-General, 220, 

Saffron Walden, 188 

St. Arnaud, Marshal, 296 

St. Germains, 187, 196, 286 

St. Leger, Sir William, President 
of Munster, 1-4, 12, 13, 22, 73, 

St. Malo, 21, 162 

Sambach, Sir William, Solicitor- 
General, 65 

Sandford's Court, 219 

Sankey, Sir Hierome, 206, 207, 
295, 334, 356-358, 362-364, 369 



Scarampi, Pier-Francesco, ora- 
torian, 49, 50, 84, 96, 99, 100, 
102, 123, 138, 176 

Scariffhollis battle, 229, 233, 236 

Scarva, 60 

Scilly, 114, 188, 279 

Scot, Colonel Thomas, 368 

Sedgemoor, 345 

Settlement, Exceptions in Act of, 

Sexby, Edward, 350, 352 

Seymour, Henry, 187 

Sforza, Francesco, 267 

Shannon river, 9, 11, 41, 116, 150, 
222, 231, 248 ; passage of, by 
Ireton, 261, 263, 265, 295, 323, 

Lord, Francis Boyle, 370 
Shea, Mr., 166 

Shee, Sir Richard, 26 

Robert, 26 
Sheelin, Lough, 59, 260 
Sheephaven, 229 

Sherlock, Sir John, 126, 128, 270 
Shrule massacre, 6, 7, 311 
Sigginstown, 50 
Silvermines, 169 
Silyard, Mr., 33 
Sindercombe, Miles, 352 
Sixmilebridge, 116 
Skinner, Roger, 309 

Captain, 367-369 
Skippon, General Philip, 189 
Skipton, 86 

Skreen, 147 

Slane, 37 

Sligo, 16, 40, 89 ; taken by Coote, 

95, 96, 122, 154, 155, 287 
Smith wick, Captain, 81 
Smyth, Vice-Admiral, 83 
Sodom, 279 
Somerhill, 287 
Somerset, Plantagenet, 85 
Sougane, Captain : see MacDonnell, 

Spa, 202 
Spain, 34, 99, 178 ; Irish soldiers 

ill-treated in, 303, 309 
Spalding, John, 14, 63, 64 
Spinola, 100 
Spotswoode, Robert, 61 
Stafford, Captain, 200 
Stanley, Sir Thomas, 356 
Stayner, Admiral Sir Richard, 351 
Steele, William, Lord Chancellor, 

327, 343, 352, 353, 359 
Sterling, Sir Robert, 225 
Stewart, Sir Robert, 17, 45, 57, 96, 

118, 121, 173, 179, 182 


Stewart, Sir William, 17, 65 

Stirling, 282 

Stratford, Thomas Wentworth, 1st 
Earl of, 10, 21, 46, 47, 65, 97, 
113, 114, 144, 145, 286, 303, 311, 
321, 354 

Strancally, 93 

Stretch, Thomas, Mayor of Limer- 
ick, 271, 274 

Suckling, Sir John, 93 

Suir river, 1, 80, 150, 220, 234, 315 

Summerhill, 148 

Swanley, Richard, commodore, 75, 

Swedish service, 303 

Swilly, Lough and River, 21, 229 

Swiney, Eugene, titular Bishop of 
Kilmore, 227 

Synge, Edward, late Bishop of 
Cloyne, 162 

Synnott, Colonel David, 199, 200 

Oliver, 251 

TAAFFE, Theobald, Viscount, after- 
wards 1st Earl of Carlingford, 
95, 96, 138, 152; defeated at 
Knocknanuss, 156-158, 160, 166, 
204, 205, 207, 216, 251 ; nearly 
starved at Paris, 252, 254-256, 

Lucas, 96, 201 
Talbot, James, 78 

Peter, 350 

Richard, 195, 350; see, Tyr- 

SirRobert, 50, 64, 111, 144, 233, 

Thomas, 196 
Talbotstown, 281 
Tallon, French agent, 141 
Tanderagee, 60, 121 
Tara, 147 

Tarbert, 231 
Taylor, Captain, 229 
Tecroghan, 233, 260 
Temple, Colonel Edmund, 368 

Sir John, 49, 151 

William, 369 
Templemichael, 93 
Templeoge, 184 
Thomastown, in Kilkenny, 204, 


in Tipperary, 248 
Thomond, Henry and Barnabas 

O'Brien, 5th and 6th Earl of, 
11, 35, 41, 85, 115, 117, 277 
Thornton, Robert, Mayor of Lon- 
donderry, 57 




Thurles, 248, 333 

Thurloe, John, Secretary of State, 

349, 353, 355, 356, 360 
Tichborne, Sir Henry, 47, 65, 75, 

140, 147, 156 
Tickle, Captain, 217, 222 
Timahoe, 29 
Timoleague, 38, 39, 209 
Timolin, 31, 336 
Tipper, 17 
Tipperary, 1-3, 11, 66, 108, 152, 

165, 204, 215 
Tippermuir, 63 
Tirellan, 8, 39, 41, 253, 285 
Togher, 260 
Tomlinson, Colonel Matthew, 327, 

343, 359, 365, 368 
Tonbridge, 288 
Toome, 228 
Tories, 316, 330 
Tothill, Colonel, 264, 266 
Tours, 100 
Tralee, 41, 167 
Transplantation, 333, chap, xxxvii. 


Trent, Council of, 97, 268 
Trevor, Colonel Mark, 183, 196, 

197, 204 
Trim, 42, 45, 47, 135, 149, 182, 185, 


Trimleston, 110 
Trinity College, Dublin, 184 
Tucker, Captain William, 29-31, 


Tullamore, 169 
Tullow, 18 
Tulsk, 96 
Turner, Sir James, 15, 16, 44, 56, 

63, 64, 118 
Methusaleh, 321 
Tuscany, 76 

Tyrconnel, Richard Talbot, after- 
wards Duke of, 111, 114, 195, 


Tyrone, 17, 24, 25 
Earl of, 63, 168, 275 
Tyrrell, Irish agent at Paris, 256 
Tyrrell's Pass, 233 

UNDEKWOOD, Richard, 81 
Urban VIII. (Barberini), 21, 28, 49 
Ussher, James, Primate, 67, 125 
"Oxbridge, 95 

VANE, Sir Henry, the younger, 55 
Vaughan, Sir William, 185 
Vavasour, Sir Charles, 3, 13, 48, 53 

Venables, Colonel Roberts, 184, 

197, 209, 229, 236, 270, 287, 

288, 306, 341 
Venice, 76, 77, 188, 310 
Ventadour, Duke of, 99 
Vernon, Colonel, 349 
Voltaire, 249 

WADDING, Luke, Franciscan, 20, 

21, 28, 97, 167 
Waldenses, 332, 333 
Walker, Major, 266, 291 

Sir Edward, 240 
Wall, Michael, 2 
Wallenstein, 249 

Waller, Sir Hardress, 234, 247, 265, 
290, 301, 335, 343, 363-365, 
369, 370 

Walsh, Thomas, Archbishop of 
Cashel, 89 

Peter, Franciscan, opponent of 
Rinuccini, 28, 124, 129, 155, 
168, 169, 177, 178, 185, 261, 310 

priest and captain, 274 
Walsingham, Sir Francis, 34 

Edward, 142, 146, 147 
Walter, Lucy, 187 
Wareham, 71 

Warren, Colonel, 54 

Waterford, 1, 4, 28, 56, 57, 62, 72, 
80, 101, 123, 124, 151, 158, 165, 
167 ; siege of, abandoned by 
Cromwell, 206, 207, 222 ; taken 
by Ireton, 234-236, 245, 276, 
316, 340 

Watson, a minister, 62 

Weaver, John, 246, 279, 304, 316 

Weir, a minister, 262 

Westmeath, 9, 137 

Richard Nugent, 2nd Earl of, 
261, 282, 292 

Wexford, 10, 21, 29, 31, 64; 

taken by Cromwell, 198-201, 

215, 295, 340 
White, Sir Nicholas, 142 

John, Mayor of Clonmel, 221, 

Whitelock, Bulstrode, 349, 366 

Wickham, Peter, 310 

Wicklow, 17, 18, 66, 185, 281, 295, 


William III., 295 
Willoughby, Sir Francis, 5, 30, 

126, 128, 132 

Anthony, 5, 8, 10, 38, 39, 41, 44 
Wogan, Edward, 205, 207, 225 
Wolfe, James, Dominican, 125, 

Wood, Anthony, 192, 194 



Wood, Thomas, 194 York, James, Duke of, 174, 182, 

Worcester, the 1st Marquis of, 84 243, 251, 295 

the 2nd Marquis of : see Gla- Youghal, 3 ; defended by Cork, 
morgan 13, 24, 51, 70, 73-74, 79, 83 ; 

battle, 256, 258, 271, 283 Castlehaven fails to take, 90-94, 
Worsley, Benjamin, 334, 335, 338 128, 164, 179, 184, 190, 198 ; 
Worth, Edward, 351 admits Cromwell joyfully, 203, 

204, 212, 214, 246, 270, 273, 

YAENER, Captain, 17-19 308 



spornswooDE AXD co. vr ., LONDON 




Bagwell, Richard 

Ireland under the Stuart 
and during the interregnum