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Presented  to  the 

UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO 
LIBRARY 

by  the 

ONTARIO  LEGISLATIVE 
LIBRARY 

1980 


IRELAND  :   VITAL  HOUR 


£y 


IRELAND:  VITAL 


r    i 


!»*«•» 


ARTHUR  LYNCH,    M.P. 

AUTHOR  OF 

'•'  MODERN  AUTHORS  :  A  REVIEW  AND  A  FORECAST  '  5  "  APPROACHES  :  THE  POOR  SCHOLAR'S 
QUEST  OF  A  MECCA  "  ;  "A  KORAN  OF  LOVE  C  THE  CALIPH,  AND  OTHER  POEMS  ''  ;  "  OUR 
POETS!";  "  RELIGIO  ATHLETAE  "  ;  "  HUMAN  DOCUMENTS  "  ;  "UNE  QUESTION  DE  REPRESEN 
TATION  GEOMETRIQUE"  ;  "  PRINCE  AZREEL"  ;  "  PSYCHOLOGY  :  A  NEW  SYSTEM"  ;  "  PURPOSE 
AND  EVOLUTION  "  ;  "SONNETS  OF  THE  BANNER  AND  THE  STAR1'  ;  "  POPPY  MEADOWS  :  ROMAN 
PHILOSOPHIQUE  "  (in  French)  In  Press,  Pans 


WITH    A    PHOTOGRAVURE   FRONTISPIECE 
AND    MAPS 


PUBLISHERS 

THE   JOHN   G.   WINSTON 

-*M  **>  PHILADELPHIA 


- 

\ 


**• 


PRINTED  IN   GREAT    BRITAIN 


PKEFACE 

IRELAND  ! — a  thorny  subject.  Ireland  !  How  shall 
I  begin  ?  Why  not  take  up  anew  the  old  lamp  of 
Truth  and  calmly  look  upon  whatever  that  may 
light  ?  It  requires  more  courage  to  carry  that  lamp 
than  to  bear  a  standard  on  the  battlefield.  Be  it  so, 
the  truth  is  all  that  in  this  life  is  consistent  with 
itself.  Better  be  dead  than  afraid  of  the  Truth. 

I  have  set  out  to  write  a  masculine  book  on 
Ireland ;  one  which  shall  not  hesitate  to  probe  and 
test,  yet  shall  be  fraught  with  good  purpose.  I  have 
resolved  to  direct  my  eyes  to  the  future,  taking  from 
the  past  only  what  seems  to  me  necessary  to  explain 
.  the  present  and  to  point  the  way  of  progress. 

Nearly  all  books  on  Ireland  are  of  a  partisan  char- 
acter ;  nearly  all  are  drenched  in  the  strife,  the  ran- 
cours, the  miseries  of  epochs  from  which  we  would 
gladly  escape.  Oliver  Cromwell  oppressed  Ireland ! 
Let  us  regard  that  fact  only  for  its  information  and 
its  lesson,  not  to  grow  haggard  in  rage.  Energy  is 
too  precious  to  spend  in  wasteful  emotion.  Validly, 
sincerely,  I  refuse  to  lose  a  night's  rest  for  Oliver 
Cromwell  in  Ireland,1  and,  were  she  not  a  lady,  I 
would  be  tempted  to  say  the  same  of  Queen  Eliza- 

1  I  had  originally  written  :  I  do  not  care  a  "  twopenny  damn  "  for 
Oliver  Cromwell ;  the  phrase  is  the  Duke  of  Wellington's.  This  is, 
however,  not  only  too  trivial  a  fashion  in  dealing  with  Cromwell,  but 
it  does  not  represent  my  veritable  opinion.  It  is  mainly  in  regard  to 
his  conduct  in  Ireland  that  I  formulate  reserves  as  to  his  character. 


vi  PREFACE 

beth.  What  is  it  to  me  that  James  II  ran  at  the  battle 
of  the  Boyne  ?  I  only  regret  that  a  gallant  people 
should  have  fought  to  keep  that  dolt  upon  his  throne. 
Or  again  why  sing  dirges  and  weep  over  failures, 
deaths,  and  defeats  ?  Have  we  not  realities  enough 
to  demand  our  tears,  if  indeed  weeping  be  a  helpful 
employment  ?  It  is  useless  to  deplore  the  past 
fate  of  Ireland.  Conduct  is  Fate.  Let  us  steep  that 
into  our  souls.  Let  us  look  at  the  defeats  and  the 
downfalls  not  to  rail  at  destiny,  or  lose  our  nerve  in 
"  keening,"  but  seriously  to  examine,  to  train  our 
ideas,  to  fortify  ourselves. 

For  to  bear  all  naked  truths, 

And  to  envisage  circumstance,  all  calm, 

That  is  the  top  of  sovereignty. 

Let  us  even  be  cheerful,  even  in  reading  Irish  history, 
or  at  any  rate  serene ;  for  anxiety,  fear,  depression, 
equally  with  rage,  are  bad  counsellors.  We  want  to 
see  forces  and  prospects  clearly,  then  to  form  our 
plans  and  to  march  forward  with  energy  to  win  on 
those  lines. 

It  seems  to  me  that  we  have  reached  a  crisis  which 
will  try  the  Irish  people  in  the  crucible.1  We  have 
reached  a  crisis  which  will  weigh  the  British  nation 
in  the  scales.  It  is  not  well,  however,  to  overbalance 
in  heavy  solemnity.  I  think  that  a  candid  spirit 
may  treat  even  of  deep  things  with  a  light  touch. 

Above  all  it  behoves  to  be  sincere,  to  recognise  that 
the  problem  is  serious,  that  we  want  truth  and  illumi- 
nation, a  brave  cast  to  the  future.  In  these  terms 
possibly  one  may  speak  a  few  words  helpful  to  Ireland, 
salutary  to  England  also. 

1  I  had  written  these  words  before  I  had  seen  a  similar  saying  of 
Paul  Dubois  in  "  1'Irlande  contemporaine." 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER   I 

GLANCES  AT  IEISH  HISTORY 


CHAPTER    II 
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL     .         .         .         .         .         .       46 

CHAPTER    III 
ACTUAL  CONDITIONS   .         .         ,         .         .         .74 

CHAPTER    IV 
THE  IRISH  IN  AMERICA  105 


124 


CHAPTER    VI 
IRISH  ORGANISATIONS          .  170 


viii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER   VII 

PAGE 

SINN  FEIN          .......     191 

CHAPTER   VIII 
PARLIAMENT       .         .         .         .         .         .         .209 

CHAPTER    IX 
INDUSTRIAL  DEVELOPMENT  .         .         .         .232 

CHAPTER    X 
EDUCATION 261 

CHAPTER    XI 
LITERATURE  279 


CHAPTER    XII 
SCIENCE 319 

CHAPTER    XIII 
ULSTER      .  335 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER    XIV 
CONCLUSIONS 


IX 


FAGB 

341 


CHAPTER    XV 
ENVOI 


345 


APPENDIX 

AGRICULTUBAL  CENSUS       * 

INDEX 


349 


373 


ERRATUM 

Page    271,   line   8,   for   "they  do  not 
read  "they   do  pass." 


LIST   OF  MAPS  AT  END  OF  BOOK 
MAP    i.    KEY  MAP  OF  IRELAND 

,,     ii.    CENTRES  OF  MANUAL  TRAINING  (WOODWORK),  1913-14 

,,  in.  DAY  SECONDARY  SCHOOLS,  1913-14 

,,  iv.  SPECIAL  SCHOOLS  AND  CLASSES  FOR  GIRLS,  1913-14 

,,  v.  TECHNICAL  SCHOOLS  AND  CLASSES,  1913-14 

,,  vi.  RAILWAY  AND  INDUSTRIAL  MAP 

,,  vii.    PERCENTAGES  OF  CATHOLICS   AND   PROTESTANTS   IN 
ULSTER 

,,  vin.    SUMMARY  OF  CO-OPERATIVE  AGRICULTURAL  SOCIETIES, 
1910 

„  ix.    SUMMARY  OF  CO-OPERATIVE  POULTRY  SOCIETIES,  1910 
,,    x.     SUMMARY  OF  CO-OPERATIVE  CREAMERIES,  1910 
„  xi.    SUMMARY  OF  AGRICULTURAL  BANKS,  1910 

„  xn.    GENERAL  DISTRIBUTION  OF  MANUFACTURES  IN  IRELAND 
IN  1914 


IRELAND :  VITAL  HOUR 


CHAPTER  vl 

GLANCES  AT  HISTORY 

IRISH  history  is  terribly  entangled.  I  do  not  know 
if  many  read  it  thoroughly,  beginning  at  the  begin- 
ning and  continuing  consecutively.  If  they  do,  I 
would  ask,  how  many  come  through  that  process — I 
will  not  say  wiser — but  perfectly  normal  and  sane  ? 
I  would  especially  fear  for  those  who  put  their  hearts 
into  this  work,  and  give  free  run  to  the  passions  of 
hope,  joy,  exaltation,  indignation,  and  despair. 

Moreover  in  Irish  history  it  is  not  easy  to  establish 
a  sure  basis  for  indignation.  I  remember  once  taking 
dejeuner  at  a  cafe  in  Regent  Street  with  the  late 
Sir  Charles  Gavan  Duffy,  who  after  an  eventful 
life,  devoted  in  great  part  to  Ireland,  had  retired 
somewhat  disillusioned  as  a  politician  but  rare  as  a 
story-teller.  He  told  me  that  an  old  friend  of  his 
was  an  enthusiastic  historian ;  he  was  accustomed 
to  wax  eloquent  over  the  wrongs  done  to  the  Milesians. 
One  day  Duffy,  calling  on  him,  found  him  more 
excited  than  usual. 

'  Well/'  he  asked,  "  have  you  found  new  wrongs 
done  to  the  Milesians  ?  >: 

'  Wrongs   done   to   the    Milesians ! "     cried   the 
1 


2  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

historian  furiously.  "  No  !  But  I've  just  discovered 
how  those  accursed  pirates  destroyed  and  robbed  my 
own  people  !  >: 

It  is  ever  thus.  There  have  been  many  successive 
invasions  of  Ireland  and  upon  the  original  stock 
there  have  been  grafted  the  breeds  of  the  Iberians, 
Phoenicians,  Danes,  Normans,  to  say  nothing  of 
colonies  and  infiltrations  of  Anglo-Saxons,  Dutch, 
Scots,  and  Huguenot  French.  My  own  family  has 
been  in  Ireland  not  over  long, — not  yet  eight  hundred 
years  it  seems — but,  while  unable  to  claim  descent, 
like  the  vast  majority  of  the  natives,  from  Irish  Kings, 
they  assert  on  grounds  equally  putative  their  origin 
from  Charlemagne  himself. 

The  names  of  famous  leaders  and  heroes  often  fail 
to  bring  us  the  real  Hibernian  smack — Wolfe  Tone, 
Robert  Emmet,  Thomas  Davis,  John  Michel,  Charles 
Stuart  Parnell,  were  not  Milesians  nor  Firbolgs. 
Not  one  of  them  was  a  Roman  Catholic.  These 
facts  familiar  to  schoolboys  in  Ireland  do  not  seem 
to  be  well  known  in  England,  for  recently  in  the 
House  of  Commons  I  heard  the  point  emphasised  as 
interesting  and  significant. 

It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  these 
leaders  were  not  all  Irish.  Ireland  is  one  of  the 
most  assimilative  countries  of  the  world,  and  a  short 
time  is  sufficient  to  convert  a  good  stranger,  whether 
he  descend  from  Italian  Princes  or  Lincolnshire 
Yeomen,  into  something  more  Irish  than  the  Irish 
themselves.  This  is  a  fact  ever  to  be  borne  in  mind 
in  dealing  with  Ulster.  The  men  of  Belfast  may  be 
as  loyal  as  you  please, — of  a  somewhat  disconcerting 
loyalty  sometimes, — but  they  are  as  Irish  as  Parnell 
or  John  Dillon. 


GLANCES  AT  HISTORY  3 

This  absorbing  quality  of  Ireland  does  not  affect 
merely  manners,  speech,  or  sympathies.  It  seems 
to  bring  the  foreigner  into  a  veritable  affinity  with 
the  Irish  people.  And  so  it  happens  that  though 
there  is  no  Irish  race  in  any  strict  sense,  but  rather  a 
fusion  of  divers  races  of  widely  different  sources, 
yet  there  is  an  Irish  people,  an  Irish  nation.  As 
Napoleon  said  that  there  was  a  sort  of  secret  bond 
between  soldiers  by  which  they  knew  each  other,  so 
there  is  amongst  Irishmen.  The  Irishman  from  the 
North  and  the  Irishman  from  the  South  may  differ 
in  appearance,  in  accent,  in  ideas ;  they  may  be 
ready  to  fly  at  each  others'  throats  on  some  chance 
allusion,  or  to  the  innocent  strains  of  Boyne- Water, 
but  at  least  they  understand  each  other.  I  cannot 
but  believe  that  the  Unionist  representatives  of 
Ulster  feel  more  at  home  with  the  Nationalists  than 
either  body  with  their  respective  English  allies. 

Of  late  years  in  London  we  have  had  visits  from 
the  Abbey  Theatre  Company  and  from  the  Ulster 
Players,  and  these  troupes  gave  us  plays  racy  of  the 
soil  and  admirably  acted.  I  saw  both  and  with 
equal  enjoyment.  But  except  for  change  of  place, 
names,  and  accent,  I  would  have  been  unable  to  say 
which  play  represented  Connaught  and  which  Ulster. 
In  listening  to  the  Ulster  Players  I  was  reminded  of 
the  first  occasion  on  which  I  had  seen  Zola's  drama, 
"  TAssommoir,"  played  in  Paris.  I  had  already  seen 
an  adaptation  in  English  by  Charles  Reade  under 
the  title  "  Drink/'  with  Charles  Warner  in  the  part  of 
Coupeau  ;  the  acting  was  realistic  and  truly  impres- 
sive. But  in  Paris  I  kept  nudging  myself  mentally 
and  crying  involuntarily :  "  How  French  this  is !  " 

And  just  so  in  studying  an  interior,  even  an  Orange 


4  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

interior,  of  County  Down  or  Antrim,  as  for  instance 
in  Rutherford  Mayne's  play,  "  The  Drone."  Every 
stroke  of  reality,  every  touch  of  human  nature,  made 
me  exclaim  :  "  How  Irish  it  is !  "  The  gap  is  wide 
between  these  plays  and  modern  English  products 
such  as  "  Hindle  Wakes,"  or  even  that  savorous  study 
of  character,  "  Buntie  Pulls  the  Strings." 

It  may  be  objected  that  I  am  not  here  writing 
history.  Possibly  not.  What  I  am  trying  to  do  is 
to  offer  suggestions  so  that  all  Irish  history,  and  Irish 
current  events,  may  be  the  better  interpreted.  I 
have  never  read  Irish  history  other  than  in  a  desultory 
way,  and  I  would  remark,  in  passing,  that  one  who 
had  a  powerful  influence  in  the  making  of  modern 
Ireland — Parnell — seems  hardly  to  have  studied 
history  at  all.  However,  from  time  to  time,  I  have 
read  so  much  that  I  think  it  would  be  possible  for 
me  to  sit  down,  to  collate  authorities,  and  to  produce 
a  dry  and  heavy  tome,  and  gain  kudos  among  states- 
men for  that  futile  exercise. 

But  that  seems  to  me  to  lead  to  no  understanding 
of  Ireland,  or  the  Irish ;  we  see  through  a  glass 
darkly.  For  insight  into  the  modern  phases  of 
Ireland,  read  rather  Maria  Edgeworth's  delightful 
tales,  such  as  "  Castle  Rackrent,"  or  Lever — yes, 
Lever,  whom  exclusive  Nationalists  now  affect  to 
despise,  but  who  is  still  irresistibly  Irish.  Do  not, 
however,  read  except  for  enjoyment,  "  Charles  0 'Mai- 
ley,"  "  Harry  Lorrequer,"  read  rather  that  work  of 
reflexion  of  his  maturer  years,  "  The  Dodd  Family 
Abroad,"  with  its  wisdom  wrapped  in  the  choicest 
envelope  of  fine  irony  or  rare  and  sapid  philosophy.1 

1  This  book   "  The  Dodd  Family  Abroad,"  which  Lever  himself 
thought  his  best,  was  the  least  read  by  the  public. 


These  works  carry  us  along  in  a  stream  sparkling 
with  lively  scenes  and  witty  talk ;  and  when  one 
comes  to  the  end,  the  least  impressionable  must  ask  : 
How  could  a  country  hold  together,  when  these  were 
specimens  of  its  landed  proprietors,  its  aristocrats — 
these  ruthless,  roystering  good  fellows,  always  ready 
for  pistols  and  coffee  in  the  morning,  but  vain,  brain- 
less, improvident,  and  all  lacking  especially  in  any 
due  sense  of  their  duties  ? 

The  other  side  of  the  picture  is  told  in  the  tales  of 
Carleton,  for  instance,  showing  the  terrible  sufferings 
of  the  peasantry,  but  at  the  same  time  their  lively 
courage,  and,  in  spite  of  all  sorts  of  apparent  aber- 
rations, their  unflinching  tenacity.  The  great  agri- 
cultural reforms  with  which  the  names  of  Parnell 
and  Michael  Davitt  are  associated  are  the  legislative 
comment  on  what  we  learn  in  Maria  Edge  worth  and 
in  Carleton  of  Irish  conditions  and  Irish  character. 

It  may  be  useful  to  know  a  little  of  Irish  history 
for  quite  another  reason ;  and  I  am  here  reminded 
of  the  advice  given  by  James  Mill  to  his  celebrated 
son,  John  Stuart  Mill,  to  read  Shakespeare,  not 
because  he  held  him  in  high  esteem,  but  because  it 
impressed  audiences  to  quote  from  the  great  national 
poet. 

And  in  the  same  view  I  have  known  an  Irish 
audience  in  London  moved  to  enthusiasm,  not  by 
the  prospects  of  the  Home  Rule  Bill,  but  by  the 
flowing  speech  of  an  orator  who  related  the  great 
doings  in  Ireland  over  a  thousand  years  ago.  Ireland 
was  then  the  land  of  Saints  and  Scholars  ;  as  for  the 
Saxon,  continued  the  orator,  we  washed  him,  and 
combed  him,  and  taught  him  the  rudiments !  The 
closing  of  these  remarks  was  drowned  in  the  applause 


6  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

they  excited ;  but  the  fervour  of  this  antiquarian 
patriotism  might  well  have  been  cooled  by  certain 
reflexions.  If  Ireland  really  had  such  a  brilliant 
start  in  saintliness  and  education,  at  a  time,  more- 
over, when  the  population  of  the  two  islands  was 
not  so  largely  different,  then  there  must  have  been 
some  great  and  radical  fault  in  the  whole  system  of 
that  education,  to  say  nothing  of  the  piety,  to 
account  for  the  later  invasions  of  the  English. 

Dr.  P.  W.  Joyce  in  his  book,  recently  republished, 
"  A  Social  History  of  Ancient  Ireland/*  says  :  "  But 
the  education  for  the  lay  community,  in  the  sense 
in  which  the  word  '  education '  is  used  in  the  pre- 
ceding observations,  was  mainly  for  the  higher  classes 
and  for  those  of  the  lower  who  had  an  irrepressible 
passion  for  book  learning.  The  great  body  of  the 
people  could  neither  read  nor  write.  Yet  they  were 
not  uneducated,  they  had  an  education  of  another 
kind — reciting  poetry,  historic  tales,  and  legends, — 
or  listening  to  recitations — in  which  all  people,  high 
and  low,  took  delight  as  mentioned  elsewhere. 

"  This  was  true  education,  a  real  exercise  for  the 
intellect  and  a  real  and  refined  enjoyment.  In  every 
hamlet  there  was  one  or  more  amateur  reciters  ;  and 
this  amusement  was  then  more  general  than  news- 
paper and  story-reading  is  now." 

In  another  passage,  speaking  of  education  at  a 
much  later  period,  Joyce  says  :  "  Some  were  known 
as  '  Bardic  Schools '  in  which  were  taught  poetry, 
history,  and  general  Irish  literature.  Some  were  for 
law,  and  some  for  other  special  professions.  In  the 
year  1571,  hundreds  of  years  subsequent  to  the 
period  we  are  here  treating  of,  Campion  found  schools 
for  medicine  and  law  in  operation  : — *  They  speake 


GLANCES  AT  HISTOKY  7 

Latine  like  a  vulgar  tongue,  learned  in  their  common 
schools  of  leach-craft  and  law,  whereat  they  begin  (as) 
children,  and  hold  on  sixteen  or  twenty  years,  con- 
ning by  roate  the  aphorisms  of  Hypocrates  and  the 
Civil  Institutions,  and  a  few  other  parings  of  these 
two  faculties/  The  '  sixteen  or  twenty  years '  is  cer- 
tainly an  exaggeration.  The  Bardic  schools  were  the 
least  technical  of  any ;  and  young  laymen  not 
intended  for  professions  attended  them — as  many 
others  in  greater  numbers  attended  the  monastic 
schools — to  get  a  good  general  education/' 

Here  indeed  we  find  the  flaw  of  education  that  was 
prevalent  throughout  the  Middle  Ages,  and  which 
has  too  long  persisted  in  Ireland,  the  tendency  to 
conceive  of  education  as  something  remote  from  life 
and  to  set  the  chief  distinction  on  literary  achieve- 
ments. For  here,  nearly  two  thousand  years  after 
the  efflorescence  of  the  genius  of  the  Greeks,  and  so 
long  following  that  slow  and  solid  building  of  the 
Romans  which  had  given  its  stamp  to  the  forms  of  our 
civilisation,  we  find  the  great  Irish  schools  simply 
repeating  the  aphorisms  of  Hippocrates  and  copying 
the  Latins  in  their  lesser  works.  There  is  no  hint  here 
of  that  study  of  nature  which  was  the  principle  of 
Hippocrates  himself,  nothing  of  that  hardihood  of 
enterprise  that  made  the  Romans  great,  still  less  of 
that  wonderful  modern  spirit  that  allured  Galileo  to 
experiment,  Descartes  to  analyse,  or  Vesalius  to  dis- 
sect. Rather  the  whole  tendency  of  the  education 
was  to  frown  upon  independence  of  mind,  to  slay  the 
young  nurslings  of  genius. 

I  have  dwelt  a  little. on  this  point,  because  the 
matter  is  not  entirely  archaeological.  Ireland  was 
tried  in  the  ordeals  of  old;  her  faulty  vision  of 


8  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

education  allowed  the  gate  to  be  opened  to  the 
strangers.  In  our  day  Ireland,  and  England  too,  are 
being  tried  in  ordeals  again,  and  the  question  will 
decide  the  destiny  of  Ireland  and  of  England.  It  is 
useless  to  give  merely  artificial  or  conventional  dis- 
tinction to  false  products  of  education  ;  the  standards 
should  have  regard  to  the  factors  that  fit  men  and 
nations  to  hold  their  own  against  competitors ;  the 
great  movement  of  the  world,  of  Nature  itself  will 
determine  what  nations,  and  what  types  will  survive  ; 
and  education  should  be  conformable  to  that  spirit. 

Leaving  for  the  moment  the  question  of  education 
let  us  glance  at  another  great  fact  of  Irish  history,  of 
that  period  that  finds  its  culmination  in  the  defeat  of 
the  Danes  at  Clontarf  in  1014.  For  over  two  centuries 
previous  to  this  event,  swarms  of  Danish  buccaneers 
had  been  accustomed  to  descend  upon  the  coast  of 
Ireland  at  various  points  for  the  purpose  of  pillage 
and  plunder.  The  Chroniclers  are  eloquent  in  their 
denunciation  of  the  barbarities  of  these  Pagans,  and 
certainly,  beheld  in  the  clearest  light,  their  cruelties 
seem  to  have  been  not  cold-blooded  atrocities  but 
wild  riots  of  bloodshed  and  massacre.  We  read  that 
at  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century  the  city  of 
Armagh,  famous  for  its  cathedral  and  its  monasteries, 
was  besieged  four  times  in  one  month.  Bangor — a 
celebrated  seat  of  learning  and  religion  in  those  days 
—was  carried  by  assault  and  the  Abbot  and  nine 
hundred  monks  were  massacred  out  of  hand.  The 
Monks  of  Inish  Murray  in  County  Sligo,  after  being 
witnesses  of  the  destruction  of  their  monastery,  were 
ruthlessly  slaughtered.  And  so  the  narrative  con- 
tinues through  the  long  decades. 

These  events  were  terrifying,  but  in  the  retrospect 


GLANCES  AT  HISTOEY  9 

it  behoves  us  to  examine  into  causes,  and  here  again 
we  find  fatal  defects  of  education,  if  education  be 
regarded  in  the  larger  sense.  The  Danes  had  to  cross 
wide  and  stormy  seas  in  frail  ships  before  arriving 
at  the  coasts  of  Ireland,  and  the  mere  fact  that, 
with  a  comparative  handful  of  men,  they  should 
have  effected  successful  raids  upon  the  country  testi- 
fies heavily  against  the  condition  and  organisation  of 
the  Irish.  The  vast  number  of  monks  compared  with 
that  of  available  warriors  is  in  these  circumstances 
hardly  a  compensation,  although  it  may  afford  an  ex- 
planation of  the  depressed  condition  of  the  veritable 
genius  of  the  people. 

In  1014  the  famous  Brian  Boru,  a  capable  leader 
as  well  as  a  man  of  large  views,  having  risen,  partly 
by  diplomacy,  partly  by  systematic  usurpation,  to 
the  position  of  Monarch  of  Ireland  determined  to 
smash  the  power  of  the  Danes.  These  ferocious 
warriors  on  their  part  had  formed  a  plan  for  the 
decisive  subjugation  of  the  whole  country.  Then 
happened  an  event,  so  often  paralleled  in  the  annals 
of  Ireland.  The  foreign  foe  found  an  ally  in  one  of 
the  powerful  Irish  Chieftains,  Maelmordha,  King  of 
Leinster,  who  mustered  all  his  braves  to  join  the  Danish 
standard.  It  is  not  necessary  to  enter  into  the  details 
of  the  battle.  Suffice  it  to  say  the  splendid  valour 
of  the  Danes  was  overmatched  in  the  impetuous  on- 
slaught of  the  Irish,  truly  the  greatest  fighting  men 
of  the  world  when  well  trained,  caught  in  the  vein, 
and  properly  led.  When  the  daughter  of  Brian  Boru, 
who  was  married  to  a  Danish  Chieftain,  Sitric,  beheld 
the  invaders  in  flight  and  making  for  the  sea,  she 
laughed  tauntingly  at  her  husband,  and  said,  "  The 
Danes  seem  to  be  in  heat,  but  they  tarry  not  for  the 


10  IKELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

milking.'*  Her  husband  replied  in  the  style  of  those 
"  good  old  days  "  by  a  blow  on  the  mouth  which 
smashed  a  tooth.1 

Another  incident,  which  I  have  never  seen  properly 
elucidated,  was  that  Brian  Boru  was  slain  in  his  own 
tent.1 

But  this  victory,  although  it  prevented  Ireland 
from  being  a  Danish  province,  had  no  effect  in  holding 
the  country  together  as  a  cohesive,  organised,  pro- 
gressive nation.'  The  explanation  is  to  be  found  in 

1  MacLiag's  account  is  :    "  Then  it  was  Brian's  daughter  said  :    *  It 
appears  to  me  that  the  foreigners  have  gained  their  inheritance.' 

"  '  What  meanest  thou,  O,  woman  ?  '   said  Olaf's  Sitric. 

1 '  The  foreigners  are  going  into  the  sea,  their  natural  inheritance,' 
said  she,  '  I  wonder  is  it  a  heat  that  is  in  them ;  but  they  tarry  not 
to  be  milked  if  it  is  ! ' 

"  The  son  of  Olaf  became  angered,  and  gave  her  a  blow  that  broke 
her  tooth  out." 

2  Dr.  Sigerson,  whose  name  betrays  his  origin,  has  much  to  say  on 
the  battle  of  Clontarf  which  is  at  variance  with  the  usual  histories. 

8  In  a  learned  article  on  Maelsechlainn  (Malachy),  Canon  J.  F. 
Lynch  gives  a  terrible  picture  of  the  times : 

The  idea  of  ridding  Ireland  of  the  Danes,  which  Professor 
Macalister  has  credited  to  Maelsechlainn,  is  just  as  absurd  as 
Professor  Macalister's  notion  that  Maelsechlainn  would  have 
endeavoured  to  weld  the  Irish  clans  into  one.  Maelsechlainn,  like 
all  the  other  Irish  Kings  before  and  after  him,  fought  with  and 
plundered  the  Irish  and  the  Foreigners  alike  for  the  sake  of  his 
clan  and  for  the  preservation  and  increase  of  his  own  power. 
In  983  Maelsechlainn,  then  hi  alliance  with  his  half-brother, 
Gluniarain,  King  of  the  Dublin  Danes,  defeated  hi  a  bloody  battle 
Domhnall  Claen,  King  of  Leinster,  and  Ivar,  King  of  the  Water- 
ford  Danes,  after  which  he  plundered  Leinster. 

In  the  course  of  the  discussion  he  remarks : 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Todd,  in  his  Introduction  to  the  "  Wars  of  the 
Gaedhil  with  the  Gaill,"  referring  to  Moore's  poem  on  the  conduct 
of  the  Dalcassians,  who  were  wounded  in  the  Battle  of  Clontarf, 
and  who,  when  on  their  way  home,  were  threatened  with  an 
attack  by  the  men  of  Ossory,  says : — "  Here  the  poet  assumes 


GLANCES  AT  HISTORY  11 

the  characters  of  many  of  the  Irish  Chieftains.  And 
if  any  fervid  patriot  thinks  fit  to  become  indignant 
at  this  point  I  would  remind  him  that  the  landlords, 
the  heroes  of  the  stories  of  Maria  Edgeworth  and 
Lever,  from  whose  tyranny  and  stupidity  the  country 
is  only  now  emancipating  itself,  are  in  part  the 
descendants  of  these  magnificent,  brave,  but  san- 
guinary, brutal,  generous,  ostentatious,  vanity-mad, 
jealous,  treacherous,  and  incorrigible  Chiefs. 

Let  us  delay  a  moment  on  this  matter  taking  a 
reference  from  Mr.  R.  Dunlop's  "  Ireland  Under  the 
Commonwealth  "  : 

In  1489  Shane  O'Carroll,  lord  of  Ely  O'Carroll, 
a  small  district  lying  in  the  heart  of  Ireland  and 
shired  in  1576  as  part  of  King's  County,  died. 
He  left  three  sons — Mulrony,  Owny  Carragh, 
and  Donough.  Mulrony,  being  "  the  most 
esteemed  captain  in  the  land/'  succeeded  him 
and  died  in  1532.  By  Celtic  usage  Mulrony 
ought  to  have  been  succeeded  by  either  Owny  or 
Donough,  but  he  had  an  illegitimate  son,  which 
he  "  best  loveth,"  called  Ferganaimn  and  on  his 
death  Ferganainm,  or  as  the  English  called  him 
Ferdinand,  contrived  to  get  himself  elected  Chief 
of  the  Clan  to  the  exclusion  of  his  Uncles.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Irish  annalist  "  many  evils  resulted 
to  the  County  in  consequence  "  of  this  irregular 

that  the  heroes  whose  valour  he  celebrates  fell  in  battle  in  a 
national  cause  ;  but  the  original  story,  as  recorded  in  the  present 
work,  is  that  their  enthusiasm  was  called  forth,  not  in  the  cause 
of  their  country,  but  in  the  cause  of  their  clan.'  '  Country ' 
was  at  that  time  in  Ireland  an  unknown  sentiment ;  and  even 
the  author  of  these  romantic  fictions  about  the  heroic  wounded 
of  the  Dal  Cais  could  conceive  nothing  more  glorious  than  that 
they  should  display  their  heroism  in  the  cause  of  their  clan." 


12  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

election,  not  the  least  serious  being  the  murder 
of  D enough's  son,  William  Maol,  by  Teige  Caech, 
the  son  of  Ferganainm.  Naturally  of  course 
Ferganainm's  uncle  Owny  had  objected  to  the 
election,  rendered  to  Ferganainm  by  his  father- 
in-law,  Gerald  earl  of  Kildare,  he  managed  to  get 
himself  chosen  0 'Carroll  "  in  opposition  to  Fer- 
ganainm, in  consequence  of  which  internal  dis- 
sensions arose  in  Ely/'  What  induced  Shane's 
third  son  D  enough  to  interfere  is  not  clear ; 
but  in  1536  he  raised  a  party  on  his  own  account, 
and  having  defeated  Ferganainm  and  his  own 
brother  Owny  he  "  deprived  both  of  the  lord- 
ship." Next  year,  however,  he  died  or  was 
murdered  and  Ferganainm  recovered  his  position, 
only  to  be  killed  himself  in  1541  by  Donough's 
son  Teige.  Thereupon  Ferganainm's  son  Teige 
Caech,  the  murderer  of  William  Maol,  got  him- 
self elected  chief.  Teige  was  an  enterprising 
man,  and  in  order  to  prove  himself  worthy  of  his 
position  made  war  on  his  Irish  neighbours  and 
the  English.  In  1548  he  burned  the  town  and 
monastery  of  Nenagh  and  caused  great  havoc  in 
the  Pale.  All  the  same,  Government,  with  the 
object  of  putting  an  end  to  these  disturbances, 
consented  to  recognise  him  as  head  of  the  clan, 
and  in  1552  he  was  created  baron  of  Ely.  Next 
year,  however,  he  was  killed  by  Donough's  son 
Calvagh,  who  seized  the  chieftaincy.  But  his 
murder  was  speedily  avenged  by  his  half-brother 
William  Odhar,  who  after  slaying  Calvagh  and 
his  brother  Teige  stepped  himself  into  the  position 
of  chief,  and  in  order  to  demonstrate  his  legiti- 
macy was  soon  at  hot  wars  with  his  neighbours 


13 

and  the  English  of  the  Pale.  Having  satisfied 
Celtic  custom  in  this  respect,  he  came  to  terms 
with  the  Government,  was  recognised  as  lord  of 
Ely  and  the  succession  secured  to  his  illegitimate 
sons  Shane  and  Calvagh.  But  the  feud  between 
him  and  the  younger  branch  of  the  family  sur- 
vived. Owny  was  dead,  so  were  Donough  and 
his  three  sons ;  but  Donough  had  married  an 
0 'Conor  Faly  and  the  O'Conors  now  took  up 
the  quarrel.  One  day  in  1581  a  party  of  them 
fell  in  with  William  Odhar,  and  having  murdered 
him  with  every  expression  of  hatred  they  threw 
his  body  to  the  wolves  and  ravens.  William's 
son  Shane  succeeded.  Next  year  he  was  mur- 
dered by  his  cousin  Mulrony,  the  son  of  Teige 
Caech.  The  murder  was  speedily  avenged  by 
Shane's  brother  Calvagh,  called  Sir  Charles  by 
the  English,  who  slew  Mulrony  and  became  him- 
self in  turn  lord  of  Ely  O'Carroll ;  but  in  1600 
he  too  was  murdered  "  by  some  petty  gentlemen 
of  the  O'Carrolls  and  O'Meaghers." 

Such  in  brief  is  the  story  of  the  clan  O'Carroll  in 
the  sixteenth  century  as  recorded  by  the  Irish  them- 
selves. Now,  if  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  what  was 
occurring  in  Ely  O'Carroll  was  going  on  at  the  same 
time  in  almost  every  clan  in  Ireland — among  the 
O'Neills  of  Tyrone,  the  O'Donnells  of  Tyrconnel,  the 
Burkes  of  Connaught,  the  O'Briens  of  Thomond,  the 
Fitzgeralds  of  Desmond,  the  0 'Conors  of  Offaly,  the 
O'Tooles  of  Wicklow — it  does  not  require  much 
searching  to  discover  wherein  the  chief  obstacles  of 
the  "  reformation  "  of  the  country,  as  conceived  by 
Henry  VIII,  lay. 


14  IKELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

Coming  nearer  to  our  own  day  we  find  one  whose 
name  is  still  a  potent  spell  to  conjure  with,  or  at 
least  to  swear  by—  '  The  curse  of  Crom'ell "  is  still 
the  most  potent  of  maledictions.  Cromwell  is 
credited  with  the  saying,  terrible  though  ineffective, 
that  he  would  drive  the  Irish  "  to  Hell  or  Con- 
naught/' 

Yet  Cromwell  began  with  good  intentions  towards 
Ireland.  Yes,  that  great,  though  ill-understood 
Welshman,  glowing  with  Celtic  fire,  sportive  even  in 
serious  matters,  compassionate  to  the  verge  of  weak- 
ness,— except  on  occasions — liberal  enough  even  to 
embrace  Mohammedanism  in  his  kindly  view ;  this 
great  impetuous  spirit,  this  man  of  splendid  aspira- 
tions, great  accomplishments,  meant  well  for  Ireland. 
He  understood  men,  we  are  told  in  one  of  his 
biographies,  but  that  was  in  England ;  in  Ireland 
his  psychology  was  singularly  inadequate.  The 
great  remedy  for  Ireland  in  Cromwell's  view  was 
coercion.  He  issued  orders  that  no  quarter  should 
be  given  to  the  "  wicked  and  bloody  rebels  of  the 
Irish  nation,"  that  some  of  the  milder  malcontents 
should  be  transported  to  Barbados,  that  the  rest 
should  be  compelled  to  work, — but  not  near  to 
garrisons,  that  the  property  of  the  Nationalists 
should  be  confiscated,  that  there  should  be  planted 
on  the  soil  "  godly  sober  Christians,"  and  that  the 
priests  should  be  replaced  by  "  godly  and  noble 
preachers  of  the  Gospel." 

Compared  with  the  pale  attempts  at  coercion  of 
our  later  days,  Cromwell's  methods  bore  a  virile  style 
and  workmanlike  stamp,  but  they  were  not  successful. 
What  is  more  curious  is  that  Cromwell  thought  that 
by  such  means  he  might  induce  the  people  to  become 


15 

peaceful  and  loyal  citizens  and  to  "  incline  to  Protes- 
tantism." He  was  sincerely  grieved  to  find  that  the 
Irish  falsified  his  hopes. 

Much  keener  appreciation  of  the  realities  of  life 
in  Ireland  was  shown  by  a  certain  Thomas  Walsh 
who  "  renounced  Popery/'  and  sided  with  the  in- 
vaders, but  who  thereupon  desired  to  dispose  of  his 
lands  in  Connaught  and  Clare  and  to  live  "  this  side 
of  the  Shannon/'  as  he  expressed  it,  "to  enjoy  the 
society  of  good  people." 

The  history  of  Ireland  throughout  the  centuries 
makes  doleful  reading,  but  perhaps  less  on  account 
of  the  perpetual  tales  of  rapine  and  blood,  wrongs 
and  revenges,  than  because  of  the  sheer  futilities  in 
which  these  murderous  struggles  were  always  doomed 
to  end. 

None  of  the  successive  plantations  of  Henry  VIII, 
of  Mary,  of  Elizabeth,  down  to  those  of  William  of 
Orange  have  flourished  according  to  the  intent  of 
their  promoters.  The  planters  have  become  Irish, 
and  most  of  them  Nationalists.  The  people  of  Ulster 
are  no  exception,  for  Wolfe  Tone's  United  Irishmen 
were  largely  recruited  from  the  Northern  province. 

At  this  point,  however,  it  is  possible  to  speak  of 
the  great  dominating  influence  in  Irish  history — the 
power  of  the  Catholic  Church,  even  if  its  activities 
be  viewed  solely  on  the  political  side.  Mr.  Kobert 
Dunlop  says  in  the  introduction  to  the  study  of 
"  Ireland  under  the  Commonwealth  "  :  "  In  other 
words  the  rebellion  presented  itself  to  me  as  an 
episode  in  the  great  European  struggle  between 
Protestantism  and  Eoman  Catholicism,  in  which 
England  and  Ireland  found  themselves  in  opposite 
camps  actuated  by  the  special  difference  between 


16  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

them    in    the    matter    of   legislative    independence 
claimed  by  Ireland  and  denied  by  England/" 

It  seems  to  me  necessary  only  to  enlarge  the  scope 
of  reference  of  these  words  in  order  to  find  the  guiding 
thread  through  the  labyrinth  of  struggles,  intrigues, 
treacheries,  deeds  of  violence,  heroic  sacrifices  and 
disconcerting  weaknesses,  that  constitute  Irish  history. 
What  else  could  explain  the  devotion  of  the  Irish 
to  the  cause  of  the  Stuarts,  the  most  brilliant  and 
charming,  the  most  worthless  and  insupportable  of 
all  the  monarchs  of  England.  James  II,  who  had 
been  a  brave  sea-captain,  might  have  done  wonders 
in  Ireland  had  he  seized  the  spirit  of  the  people.  He 
was  the  first  to  arrive  in  Dublin  to  report  the  disaster 
at  the  Boyne.  "  The  cowardly  Irish  ran/'  he  ex- 
plained. 

"  Yes/'  retorted  the  Countess  of  Tyrconnell, 
"  but  your  Majesty  has  out-distanced  them/' 

James  really  despised  the  Irish  but  they  in  their 
vernacular  have  repaid  him  that  contempt  in  ten-fold 
force.  Yet  both  the  Old  Pretender  and  the  Young 
Pretender  found  troops  of  valiant  Irish  soldiers  pre- 
pared to  fight  and  die  for  their  cause.  That  cause 
was  reactionary.  This  I  say,  not  from  prejudice,  for 
I  was  nurtured  on  Jacobite  songs,  and  in  my  boyhood's 
dreams  I  beheld  Bonnie  Prince  Charlie  as  the  beau 
ideal  of  a  gallant  leader  of  men.  Even  now  I  can- 
not, without  a  quivering  of  the  heart-strings,  hear  the 
strains  of  "  What's  a'  the  steer,  kimmer  ?  "  or  "  Bonnie 
Charlie's  far  awa'."  Yet  after  all  we  cannot  allow 
these  mere  fumes  of  traditions  and  superstitions  to 
pervert  our  clear  vision,  nor  consent  to  see  a  nation 
sinking  under  the  spell  of  fidelity  to  false  allegiance. 
In  these  pages  the  impress  of  the  Catholic  Church 


17 

in  politics  will  be  found  again  and  again.    Almost 
always  where  we  encounter  it,  it  will  be  found  on 
the  side  of  reaction.    I  am  speaking  of  it  here  simply 
as  a  great  political  machine,  and  I  am  leaving  aside 
its  aspect  as  a  spiritual  force.    It  is  not  in  the  least 
degree  my  intention  to  discuss  religious  beliefs,  and 
nothing  must  be  read  in  that  regard.     Certainly  I 
do  not  think  with  respect  to  the  progress  of  a  nation 
that  religious  beliefs  are  not  important,  or  matters  of 
which  one  should  not  inquire  the  origin  and  evolution. 
On  the  contrary,  I  believe  that  the  life  of  a  nation  is 
greatly  determined  by  the  ideal  that  it  holds  up  for  its 
perpetual  inspiration,  and  further  I  think  that  if  the 
ideal  be  valid  it  has  everything  to  gain  by  research. 
Smite  it  with  the  hammer  of  Thor,  touch  it  with 
Ithuriers  spear,  and  Truth  arises  the  greater.    If  the 
ideal  be  false  then  it  is  useless  to  bolster  it  up  with 
the  titles  of  high,  mystic,  spiritual ;  the  stars  in  their 
courses  will  fight  against  it,  the  movement  of  the 
Universe  will  send  it  to  limbo. 

Having  said  so  much,  with  which  all  men  will 
doubtless  agree,  I  leave  the  question  of  religion,  not 
because  it  is  not  vital,  but  to  reserve  it  for  a  separate 
study  ;  in  this  book  we  may  quite  consistently  take 
questions  of  faith  for  granted,  and  trace  the  course  of 
political  events  amid  political  conditions.  In  this 
regard  the  history  of  Rome  shows  that  its  influence 
has  nearly  always  been  exerted  on  the  side  of  England 
and,  wherever  there  has  been  conflict,  against  Irish 
interests.  The  celebrated  Bull  of  Pope  Adrian  IV 
gave  Henry  II  the  pretext  for  entering  upon  the 
conquest  of  Ireland ;  while  near  our  own  time  the 
Catholic  Church  intervened  at  the  most  critical  point 
of  modern  Irish  history  when  Monsignor  Persico 
2 


18  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

arrived  as  the  Papal  Envoy  to  Ireland  with  the 
mission  of  enquiring  into  the  character  of  the  agita- 
tion for  the  land  ;  the  Curia,  contrary  to  Monsignor 
Persico's  advice,  endeavoured  to  stamp  out  that 
land  campaign  which  laid  the  foundations  of  Ireland's 
regeneration.  On  that  occasion  the  Irish  people 
stood  up  manfully,  and  the  famous  saying  first  heard 
in  O'Connell's  time,  flew  like  an  evangel  through 
the  country :  We  take  our  religion  from  Rome  but 
our  politics  from  Home.  Future  historians  may  note 
that  phrase  as  signalling  the  end  of  the  Middle  Ages 
for  Ireland. 

Resuming  our  brief  historical  retrospect,  we  must 
touch  on  Grattan's  Parliament.  That  celebrated 
assembly  has  in  the  course  of  the  Irish  struggle  become 
invested  with  a  sort  of  legendary  halo.  It  is  held  up 
as  a  model ;  and  the  restoration  of  Grattan's  Parlia- 
ment has  become  a  dream. 

Such  indeed  was  my  own  impression  until,  after 
having  been  asked  to  lecture  on  the  subject,  I  was 
induced  to  study  the  whole  matter  more  attentively. 
I  related  to  my  audience  the  substance  of  what  I 
had  learnt  and  infused  into  my  address  no  small 
fervour  of  admiration  for  Grattan,  but  I  failed  to 
excite  enthusiasm.  One  of  my  hearers  rose  and  said 
that  if  that  was  the  best  I  could  say  for  Grattan's 
Parliament  his  respect  for  that  Parliament  had  fallen 
nearly  to  zero  Fahrenheit !  On  reflection  I  thought 
my  friend,  valiant  Nationalist  as  he  was,  had  only 
stretched  the  metaphor,  that  indeed  if  young  Ireland 
could  produce  nothing  better  than  Grattan's  Parlia- 
ment as  the  warrant  of  Home  Rule,  then  Home  Rule 
was  not  worth  fighting  for.  Grattan's  Parliament 
was  not  a  good  Parliament.  It  was  drawn  from  a 


19 

class,  and  that  class  was  composed  entirely  of  Pro- 
testants. It  was  incompetent,  but  worst  of  all  it 
was  venal.  The  story  of  the  Union  has  been  often 
told,  and  the  finger  of  scorn  has  been  pointed  at  Pitt's 
agent  of  corruption,  Castlereagh.  Pitt  himself  was 
playing  a  great  game  in  which  Ireland  was  but  a  part, 
and  all  his  policy  was  dominated  by  the  task  of 
baffling  the  growing  power  of  France.  Judged  by 
that  standard  it  is  impossible  to  withhold  admiration 
for  the  proud,  harassed,  but  desperately  striving 
figure  of  the  English  statesman.  He  meant  better 
for  Ireland  than  the  outcome  showed.  Moreover,  he 
carried  his  policy,  and  history  flings  its  laurels  on 
success. 

As  to  Castlereagh,  he  has  been  whitewashed  in 
history,  and  in  some  quarters  he  has  even  been 
described  as  a  hero.  But  apart  from  the  estimation 
of  politicians,  there  remains  the  judgment  of  a  man 
who  had  a  rare  instinct  for  character ;  that  is  Byron. 
The  poet  speaks  of  Castlereagh,  not  with  the  hostility 
of  a  political  antagonist  but  always  with  ineffable 
contempt :  "  The  intellectual  eunuch  Castlereagh." 

Be  that  as  it  may  the  lowest  depth  was  reached  in 
Grattan's  Parliament ;  the  shame,  the  ignominy,  of 
this  transaction  of  the  Union  was  theirs — these  men 
who  sold  their  country  for  gold  and  who  were  allowed 
to  acquire  something  more  important  than  a  potter's 
field  with  the  price  of  the  betrayal. 

Henry  Flood  was  the  "  statesman  "  of  the  Irish 
party,  the  man  of  "  judgment,"  whose  judgment 
finally  induced  him  to  prefer  a  fat  sinecure  to  the 
risks  of  public  virtue.  Grattan,  the  magnificent 
orator,  theatrical  but  sincere,  flamboyant  but  weak, 
appears  in  the  cold  light  of  facts  more  picturesque 


20  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

than   effective.     One  cannot  dispel   calamities  by 
metaphors,  nor  rule  states  by  rhetoric. 

Grattan's  Parliament  really  had  its  origin  in  the 
creation  of  the  Volunteers  ostensibly  to  assist  England 
in  her  difficulties,  but  serviceable  also  in  reminding 
England  that  Ireland  had  claims  for  recognition. 
Like  all  weak  men  Grattan  was  unwilling  to  seize  and 
hold  the  effective  instrument  put  into  his  hands.  He 
allowed  the  Volunteers  to  disband ;  and  from  that 
moment  the  fate  of  Grattan's  Parliament  was  deter- 
mined ;  its  suppression  was  only  a  matter  of  oppor- 
tunity. Grattan's  Parliament  ?  No.  Remember 
that  the  fate  of  Ireland  is  now  being  weighed  in  the 
scales.  If,  after  more  than  a  century  of  experience 
and  enlightenment,  Ireland  with  her  new  oppor- 
tunities cannot  evolve  something  better  than  Grattan's 
Parliament,  something  more  representative,  more 
solid,  more  alive  to  realities,  more  tenacious  of  pur- 
pose, more  capable  of  development,  and — this  is  the 
great  thing — more  honest,  then  the  Irish  cause  will 
have  proved  itself  a  wretched  failure  after  all.  In  the 
whole  miserable  story  I  am  especially  cast  down  by 
the  dishonesty,  not  the  dishonesty  of  bold  buccaneer- 
ing cut-throats  seizing  with  a  strong  hand,  and 
holding  on  with  undaunted  purpose — that  style  of 
rapine  which  gave  us  the  splendid  Norman  Conquest 
— but  the  dishonesty  of  paltry  knaves,  vain  bluster- 
ing but  weak,  venal  but  pretentious,  surely  the  most 
despicable  ruling  class  that  ever  disgraced  a  country.1 

Of  all  the  Irishmen  of  that  day  Wolfe  Tone  alone 
seems  to  me  to  be — as  Paoli  said  of  the  young  Bona- 

1  One  note  of  actuality  may  be  here  appended ;  certain  of  these 
men  who  sold  their  country  were,  others  became,  the  great  landlords 
of  Ireland. 


GLANCES  AT  HISTORY  21 

parte — "  one  of  Plutarch's  men " ;  the  gay  and 
gallant  Tone  who  jotted  down  so  light-heartedly  the 
gossip  of  the  hour  or  facts  big  with  history  ;  who  saw 
that  only  in  the  boldest  scope  of  operations  was 
victory  possible ;  who  impressed  Napoleon  Bona- 
parte, and  who  talked  to  Carnot  like  an  engineer  of 
conquest ;  who  fought  like  a  hero,  and  who  died  a 
martyr.  Tone  required  only  a  more  spacious  field 
and  better  fortune  to  have  shown  himself  one  of  the 
greatest  men  of  the  time.  He  was  unsuccessful  be- 
cause he  attempted  the  impossible ;  though  not  till 
he  had  put  the  matter  to  the  test  and  had  flung  into 
the  scale  the  last  ounce  of  his  talent  and  courage, 
could  the  word  impossible  have  been  uttered  of  that 
great  design  of  his — to  found  the  Republic  of  Ireland, 
to  banish  religious  differences,  and  weld  a  nation 
together  in  the  hope  of  a  larger  destiny. 

But  if  that  project  of  a  Republic  of  Ireland  was  not 
feasible  in  the  days  of  Wolfe  Tone  it  is  still  more 
difficult  now.  In  all  the  changes  of  conditions  that 
have  taken  place  since,  nearly  every  one  has  tended 
to  increase  the  advantages  of  England  and  to  diminish 
those  of  Ireland. 

The  heroic  and  pathetic  figure  of  Robert  Emmet 
stands  before  our  gaze  soon  after  the  disappearance 
of  Wolfe  Tone.  Emmet's  youth,  his  talents,  his 
manly  beauty,1  his  idealism,  his  daring,  his  desperate 
act,  his  vibrating  eloquence,  and  his  death  on  the 
scaffold  have  all  made  him  a  most  romantic  figure, 
the  darling  hero  of  Ireland.  He  has  been  scoffed  at 
by  some  politicians  for  what  is  called  his  hot-headed 
folly,  and  he  has  been  somewhat  "  prettified  "  by 

1  In  the  English  prints  of  the  day  Emmet  is  described  as  short,  slender, 
ugly,  pitted  with^smallpox. 


22  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

the  poets ;  but  reading  his  words  closely,  and  taking 
account  of  the  circumstances  of  the  time,  I  think  we 
must  find  in  Emmet  a  far  higher  degree  of  judgment  and 
statesmanlike  quality  than  is  usually  ascribed  to  him. 
He  too,  like  Tone,  wanted  only  a  larger  field  and  fortune 
to  have  proved  his  qualities  even  by  brilliant  success. 
After  the  insurrection  of  1^98,  which  marked  the 
highest  point  of  the  exasperation  of  Irishmen  against 
English  rule,  we  find  the  next  great  national  move- 
ment, that  for  Catholic  Emancipation,  led  by  O'Con- 
nell.  The  character  of  the  Liberator  has  caught  the 
popular  imagination  above  all  others,  and  we  find 
the  evidence  in  a  thousand  stories  which  have  become 
traditional,  some  true,  some  invented,  most  exag- 
gerated, but  all  revealing  a  generous  nature,  a  happy 
turn  of  wit,  searching  sarcasm,  or  outright  bursts  of 
hearty  laughter.  Dan  O'Connell  epitomised  Ireland. 
Physically  he  was  a  fine  type — tall,  broad-shouldered, 
deep-chested,  powerfully  but  symmetrically  formed, 
of  athletic  mould  not  by  the  effort  of  hard  training 
but  with  the  natural  growth  of  a  good  stock ;  of 
handsome  mobile  features,  with  all  the  Celtic  sympathy 
and  variety  of  expression,  eyes  that  beamed  softly 
or  flashed  in  scorn ;  of  a  temperament  easily  inclined 
to  histrionic  movements,  dramatic  displays,  symbolic 
poses.  Dan  O'Connell  as  a  figurehead  alone  would 
have  been  great ;  how  great,  we  realise  in  that  work 
of  genius,  the  masterpiece  of  Foley,  which  stands  as 
the  one  supreme  work  of  art  in  Dublin,  the  figure  cast 
in  superb  aplomb,  yet  breathing  with  a  large  and 
noble  nature,  restrained  for  a  moment  in  the  perfect 
balance  of  vast  dynamic  powers.1 

1  Though  O'ConnelPs  work  seems  now  so  far  off  I  once  met  a  man 
(the  late  Mr.  Denny  Lane  of  Cork)  who  knew  him^and  had  heard  him 
speak. 


GLANCES  AT  HISTORY  23 

O'Connell  was  more  than  any  other  of  the  Irish 
leaders  the  great  Tribune  of  the  people :  easy, 
emotional,  persuasive,  deft  in  familiar  touches  and 
flashes  of  wit,  yet  rising  on  great  occasions  with  magni- 
ficent strength,  his  voice  rolling  out  its  periods  with 
organ-like  volume  and  music.  The  Ciceronian  style 
which  has  polished  the  utterance  of  some  Irish  orators 
and  deluded  only  too  many  became  to  O'Connell  an 
instrument  wielded  with  power ;  but  into  the  form 
he  had  infused  qualities  which  cannot  be  taught,  the 
pathos,  the  humour,  swaying  the  multitude  to 
laughter  or  tears,  exciting  its  emotions  at  will,  sweep- 
ing it  over  with  passionate  gusts. 

In  this  character,  however,  there  are  weaknesses, 
wretched  weaknesses,  weaknesses  of  the  flesh,  weak- 
nesses of  the  spirit.  Prompt  to  huge  ballistic  im- 
pulses in  moments  of  inspiration,  then  again  despon- 
dent, forlorn,  unstable.  I  have  heard  many  stories 
told  of  Dan's  immorality,  the  indulgence  with  which 
these  transgressions  were  regarded  contrasting  with 
the  fury  with  which  Parnell  was  hounded  for  offences 
less  grave.  The  explanation  is  not  that  we  live  in  a 
more  virtuous  age.  O'Connell  was  essentially  a  child 
of  the  Church.  His  great  achievement  was  the  win- 
ning of  Catholic  Emancipation.  But  judged  even  by 
certain  Nationalist  standards  now  prevalent  O'Connell 
would  not  rank  very  high.  It  is  true,  he  spoke  Irish  ; 
but  on  the  other  hand  he  had  no  love  for  the  language, 
he  made  no  effort  to  extend  it,  rather  he  desired  it 
to  perish.  When  the  French  were  in  Bantry  Bay, 
and  Wolfe  Tone  was  playing  the  game  that  was 
destined  to  lead  him  to  his  doom,  O'Connell,  then  a 
young  man  of  twenty-two,  hesitated.  He  wrote  in 
his  Journal :  "  Liberty  is  in  my  bosom  less  a  principle 


24  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

than  a  passion."  But  soon  he  settled  down,  and  he 
continued :  "  But  I  know  that  the  victories  of  the 
French  would  be  attended  with  bad  consequences. 
The  Irish  people  are  not  yet  sufficiently  enlightened 
to  be  able  to  bear  the  sun  of  freedom." 

O'Connell  was  in  fact  born  of  the  landlord  class,  he 
had  been  educated  in  a  reactionary  circle,  and  he  had 
been  frightened  by  the  excesses,  and  also  no  less  by 
the  great  ideals,  of  the  Revolution  which  had  driven 
him  from  France.  Already  in  his  own  lifetime  he 
had  become  too  tame  for  the  fiery  spirits  of  whom  we 
hear  next,  the  Young  Irelanders,  the  men  of  "48. 
O'Connell's  movement  for  Catholic  Emancipation 
had  roused  the  Nationalists  of  Ireland  to  a  deep 
sense  of  patriotism  in  regard  to  matters  beyond  the 
scope  of  religion.  The  immense  demonstrations 
which  the  Liberator  had  conjured  up  presented  him 
with  problems  with  which  he  found  himself  unable  to 
cope.  Younger  and  more  active  spirits  succeeded 
him  and  they  became  impatient  with  the  old  leader's 
Whiggish  ideas,  and  with  the  lack  of  nerve  and 
decision,  or  the  absence  of  any  definite  programme 
which  characterised  his  latter  days. 

The  Young  Irelanders  gave  us  one  of  the  most 
brilliant,  but  it  must  be  added,  one  of  the  most 
ineffective  chapters  of  Irish  history.  That  chapter 
is  adorned  with  the  names  of  Smith  O'Brien, 
John  Mitchel,  Thomas  Davis,  Thomas  Francis 
Meagher,  M.  Doheny,1  and  others,  such  as  Charles 
Gavan  Duffy,  whose  cooler  judgment  made  them 

1  I  have  heard  Stephens  in  his  old  age  say,  that  he  had  heard  orators 
in  many  lands — I  believe  he  had  heard  Meagher  himself — and  the 
most  powerful  of  all  was  Doheny.  In  offering  this  judgment,  how- 
ever, it  must  be  remembered  that  Doheny's  style  of  oratory  was  that 
suited  to  audiences  in  Irish  country  districts. 


GLANCES  AT  HISTORY  25 

possibly  better  counsellors  in  times  of  peace,  but 
has  somewhat  dimmed  their  glory  amongst  the 
constellation  of  Irish  heroes.  Many  of  the  leaders, 
notably  Smith  O'Brien,  Thomas  Mitchel,  and  Thomas 
Davis,  were  Protestants ;  they  were  idealists  who 
reckoned  personal  sacrifice  as  nothing  compared 
with  the  greatness  and  the  destiny  of  their  country. 
They  were,  no  doubt,  too  idealistic,  for  while  inflaming 
the  passions  of  the  people  they  seemed  never  to  have 
thought  of  providing  any  adequate  machinery  or 
plan  for  utilising  this  force  for  any  valid  rehabilitation 
of  Ireland.  An  immense  flood  of  enthusiasm,  energy 
and  brilliant  hopes  ended  in  a  show  of  rebellion  not 
without  its  absurd  features,  at  Ballingarry  in  Tipper- 
ary,  and  finally  in  the  transportation  of  the  princi- 
pal leaders.  This  certainly  seemed  a  dismal  failure. 
But  no  effort,  no  sacrifice,  no  high  hope  flown  before 
the  imagination  of  a  people  is  ever  finally  lost.  John 
Mitchel,  Thomas  Davis,  Thomas  Francis  Meagher, 
have  been  potent  inspirators  to  two  generations  of 
Irishmen,  and  their  personalities  are  far  more  vivid 
and  real  now  than  any  or  all  of  those  who  have  held 
high  offices  in  Ireland  and  who  have  been  counted 
great  statesmen  in  their  day.  John  Mitchel's  "  Jail 
Journal  "  has  become  a  sort  of  testament  of  National- 
ism, and  has  educated  in  the  spirit  of  patriotism 
countless  thousands  of  Irish  descent  who  have  never 
seen  the  green  fields  of  Erin.  The  patriotic  verses 
of  Thomas  Davis  have  been  recited,  his  songs  have 
been  sung,  wherever  Irishmen  have  gathered  together, 
— in  sheep-runs  of  Australia,  in  lonely  mountain 
camps  of  Montana,  in  deep  Canadian  forests,  or  in 
the  great  populous  cities  of  Chicago,  and  New  York, 
where  Irishmen  have  toiled  and  thriven  and  helped 


26  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

to  shape  the  destinies  of  the  great  Republic  of  the 
West. 

Meagher  has  become  a  figure  comparable  to  that 
of  Emmet.  It  is  impossible  for  an  Irishman  now,  after 
all  the  lapse  of  years,  to  read  his  famous  speech  from 
the  dock  at  Clonmel  without  a  tingling  of  the  nerves, 
a  flushing  of  the  blood,  and  an  irresistible  mounting 
of  the  spirit,  which  is  a  spontaneous  tribute  to  the 
genius  of  his  glowing  oratory.  Emmet  died  in 
disgrace  and  Meagher  suffered  the  degradations  of 
transportation,  yet  their  contemporaries  also  are 
dead  and  now  forgotten,  and  most  Irishmen  will  say 
that  it  was  better  to  have  failed  in  the  ideal  hopes 
of  the  patriots,  than  to  live  to  gather  wealth  and 
title  and  power,  to  reap  public  honours,  by  the  deser- 
tion or  betrayal  of  their  native  land.  Be  that  as  it 
may,  Mitchel,  Davis,  and  Meagher,  are  still  names 
potent  to  stir  an  Irish  assembly  ;  they  still  influence 
the  lives  of  millions  of  the  Irish  race,  for  it  is  by  such 
subtle  links  that  the  Irish  people  are  held  together ; 
generation  calls  to  generation,  and  the  torch  of 
patriotism  is  handed  down  from  one  band  of  heroes 
to  another  throughout  the  long  and  desperate  cam- 
paign for  liberty. 

After  the  fall  of  the  Young  Irelanders  Charles 
Gavan  Duffy  proceeded  to  Australia  with  the  con- 
viction, as  he  expressed  it,  that  Ireland  was  stretched 
like  a  corpse  on  the  dissecting-table.  In  Australia 
he  rose  rapidly  to  power  ;  he  received  a  knighthood 
from  the  Queen.  His  career  is  significant  in  this,  at 
least,  that  it  shows  how  much  of  genuine  talent  and 
statesmanlike  capacity  run  to  waste  in  Ireland  through 
want  of  an  outlet,  through  want  of  means  of  utilising 
the  intellectual  resources  of  the  nation. 


27 

Ireland,  however,  was  not  a  corpse  on  the  dis- 
secting-table.  Though  frequently  clouded  by  fits 
of  despondency,  Ireland  has  always  shown  immense 
vitality.  The  Young  Irelanders  had  hardly  disap- 
peared when  their  movement  was  replaced  by  some- 
thing more  formidable,  and  at  the  same  time,  better 
calculated  to  appeal  to  the  bulk  of  the  people.  The 
new  men  called  themselves  Fenians,  that  is  to  say, 
children  of  the  Fianna,  legendary  Irish  heroes. 
The  Fenians  were  the  first  to  grasp  thoroughly  the 
real  significance  of  organisation.  The  movement  was 
secret.  The  Irish  have  a  great  love  of  secrecy,  not 
always  displayed,  however,  in  the  ability  to  keep 
that  treasure.  The  Fenian  movement  had  oaths 
and  formalities,  signs  and  countersigns,  which  greatly 
impressed  those  who  entered  into  its  magic  circle. 
The  leaders  were  drawn,  as  a  rule,  from  a  class  less 
educated  and  less  comfortable  than  that  of  the 
Young  Irelanders,  but  many  of  them  were  men  not 
only  of  great  courage  and  force  of  character,  but  also 
of  genuine  talent.  The  leader  in  Ireland  was  James 
Stephens. 

This  secret  organisation  had  a  newspaper  to  which 
Stephens  was  a  contributor,  and  of  which  the  shining 
lights  were  Kickham,  Luby,  and  John  O'Leary.  All 
three  men  were  of  exceptional  character  and  ability. 
Kickham  became  known  in  Ireland  as  the  author  of 
tales  and  romances l  comparable  to  those  of  Carleton. 
Luby  was  afterwards  recognised  as  a  literary  man  of 
distinction  in  the  United  States.  John  O'Leary  I 
knew  in  his  later  years,  and  recognised  in  him  a  man 
of  high  literary  culture,  but  above  all  a  man  of 

1  Kickham's  "  Knocknagow "  is  especially  esteemed  for  its  true 
delineations  of  Irish  character. 


28  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

unimpeachable  integrity.  He  was,  moreover,  in 
spite  of  a  record  which  was  made  to  appear  very 
terrible  in  State  documents,  one  of  the  most  amiable 
of  men,  so  that  even  his  failings,  for  he  was  vain 
and  impracticable  in  his  idealism,  leaned  to  virtue's 
side.  I  can  picture  him  vividly,  with  his  tall  thin 
figure,  his  eagle  eyes  and  sharp  features,  his  long 
beard,  his  aspect  of  an  Old  Testament  prophet  as  he 
discoursed  from  a  great  wealth  of  experience  on  all 
things  Irish,  or  discussed  French  literature  and  cited 
French  passages  with  subtle  appreciation  but  with 
an  accent  more  redolent  of  Tipperary  than  of  the 
rue  Corneille,  near  the  Odeon,  where  he  lived  for 
many  years.  I  can  also  picture  him  sitting  in  his 
chair,  absorbed  in  deep  reflections,  submitting  to  the 
talk  of  some  new  enthusiast  developing  his  plan  for 
a  fresh  movement,  John  listening  with  patience,  or 
with  impatience  only  signified  by  the  crossing  and 
recrossing  of  his  legs  or  by  the  emphasis  of  his  cigar, 
then  suddenly  starting  out  of  his  armchair  with  the 
devastating  demand :  "  But  in  the  name  of  God 
what  good  would  that  do  to  Ireland  ?  " 

The  Fenian  movement  struck  very  deep  in  Ireland. 
It  had  ramifications  in  the  most  unexpected  quarters. 
It  spread  through  part  of  the  Army  itself.  One  of 
the  most  active  agents  of  the  propaganda  in  the  Army 
was  a  remarkable  man  of  whom  it  may  be  well  to 
say  a  few  words :  John  Boyle  O'Reilly.  He  was  a 
sergeant  in  the  Army  at  the  time,  the  beau  ideal  of 
a  light  dragoon,  active,  alert,  with  a  handsome 
dashing  style,  magnificent  build,  though  not  on  the 
big  side,  and  full  of  energy.  Years  afterwards  I 
had  some  conversation  about  him  with  the  celebrated 
John  L.  Sullivan  with  whom  he  had  boxed,  and  John 


GLANCES  AT  HISTORY  29 

L.  said  with  appreciation :  "  He  was  about  ten  stone 
ten,  and  a  good  man  of  his  weight."  Praise  of  this 
kind  from  such  a  man  outweighs  a  volume  of  eulogy 
from  lesser  mortals ;  it  reminded  me  at  the  time 
of  Gentleman  Jackson's1  indulgent  appreciation  of 
Byron  who,  he  declared,  was  a  good  ten-stone  man. 

I  do  not  make  the  comparison  even  with  any 
sense  of  strain  for  there  was  in  John  Boyle  O'Reilly 
a  fund  of  true  poetry.  He  had  indeed  a  touch  of 
Byron,  a  touch  of  Meagher,  a  touch  of  Pindar  him- 
self, as  well  as  manly  qualities  all  his  own.  This 
man,  ostracised  and  degraded  in  these  islands,  was 
transported  to  Western  Australia.  Escaping  from 
captivity  in  one  of  the  most  romantic  adventures  in 
the  minor  history  of  these  realms,  he  settled  in  the 
city  of  Boston  in  the  United  States.  In  a  public 
garden  there  may  be  seen  a  memorial  erected  to  his 
memory  on  the  part  not  only  of  the  Irish  but  of 
American  citizens  of  culture  who  were  his  friends. 
One  night  in  company  with  Jeffrey  Roche,8  at  that 
time  the  editor  of  the  "  Boston  Pilot/'  and  another 
excellent  writer,  Mr.  Joseph  Smith,  of  Lowell,  I  made 
a  pilgrimage  to  the  memorial,  and  while  the  moon- 
beams threw  an  enchanting  light  upon  the  scene 
there  was  fixed  in  my  mind  an  impression  of  O'Reilly's 
Grecian  profile,  handsome  face ;  and  I  listened  to 
many  stories  of  his  goodness  of  heart  as  well  as  of 
his  high  literary  accomplishments. 

It  is  well  to  mention  these  things  so  that  all  may 
know  that  it  does  not  suffice  to  dismiss  the  Fenian 

1  Byron  refers  more  than  once  to  the  famous  boxer  who  was  his 
athletic  mentor,  and  whose  sculptural  proportions  he  greatly  admired. 

2  James  Jeffrey  Roche  has    left   behind  some    stirring    patriotic 
American  poems  and  songs. 


30  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

movement,  in  the  manner  of  such  English  histories 
as  treat  of  it,  as  the  campaign  of  a  mere  band  of 
ruffians,  wreaking  indiscriminate  violence  upon  the 
lives  and  property  of  law-abiding  citizens.  Many  of 
the  Fenians  were  reckless  and  violent  men,  but  no 
band  of  revolutionaries  in  any  country  have  ever 
been  more  self-sacrificing  or  more^atient  in  their 
own  misfortunes.  Moreover,  it  is  impossible  to 
understand  present-day  events  without  recognising 
that  the  Fenian  movement  has  been  the  foundation 
on  which  all  that  has  subsequently  been  accomplished 
has  been  built.  Without  the  Fenian  movement 
there  would  have  been  no  Land  Campaign  and  con- 
sequently no  settlement  of  that  vexed  question  which 
has  been  at  the  root  of  Irish  difficulties  for  so  long. 
Parnell  was  indeed  the  successor  of  Stephens  for, 
though  his  methods  were  different,  the  animating 
spirit  was  akin  and  he  profited  by  the  deeply-laid 
organisation  at  which  the  Fenians  had  worked. 
For  the  rest  it  may  be  said  that  the  individual  leaders 
all  incurred  personal  ruin,  most  of  them  enduring 
long  terms  of  imprisonment,  while  several  of  the 
minor  lights  ended  their  careers  on  the  scaffold. 

There  was  one  episode  of  the  Fenian  movement 
that  deserves  particular  notice ;  that  was  the  rescue 
on  18th  September,  1876,  at  Hyde  Road  in  Salford, 
Manchester,  from  the  prison  van,  of  the  Fenian 
leaders,  Colonel  Kelly  and  Captain  Deasy.  During 
the  struggle  for  their  release  a  police  officer,  Sergeant 
Brett,  was  killed.  Arrests  were  subsequently  made 
and  three  men,  Allen,  Larkin,  and  O'Brien,  were 
tried  for  the  offence,  sentenced  to  death  and  hanged. 
The  extraordinary  nature  of  the  event  as  well  as  the 
daring  of  the  enterprise  struck  popular  imagination 


GLANCES  AT  HISTORY  31 

both  in  Ireland  and  in  England.  In  England  that 
feeling  found  expression  not  merely  in  the  execration 
of  the  men  themselves  but  also  in  a  passion  of  in- 
dignation against  Irish  people  everywhere ;  in  Ire- 
land the  corresponding  feeling  exalted  these  men  to 
the  rank  of  heroes.  The  courage  with  which  they 
met  their  fate  enhanced  their  reputation,  and  that 
popular  poet  of  the  Irish  people,  Mr.  T.  D.  Sullivan, 
whose  death  has  recently  been  recorded,  was  inspired 
to  write  some  verses  to  the  tune  of  a  marching  song 
of  the  North  in  the  great  American  Civil  War ;  and 
by  the  force  of  the  appeal  to  popular  sentiment  these 
verses  have  become  a  kind  of  national  anthem. 
"  God  save  Ireland  "  has  been  sung  at  Irish  gather- 
ings throughout  the  world  and  its  impressive  strains 
have  had  no  small  part  in  speeding  on  the  Irish 
movement. 

The  Fenians  were  the  first  to  extend  the  Irish 
movement  to  America.  They  were  not  well  received, 
I  believe,  by  some  of  the  distinguished  representa- 
tives of  the  Young  Icelanders  of  '48,  but  their  teach- 
ings spread  like  wildfire  through  the  great  mass  of 
the  Irish  people.  It  has  been  due  mainly  to  their 
organisation  and  its  successors,  such  as  the  formid- 
able Clan-na-Gael,  that  the  Irish  in  the  United  States 
have  become  the  bulwark  of  the  National  cause. 
The  Fenian  movement  was  stamped  out  ruthlessly 
in  Ireland.  Men  were  sentenced  to  long  terms  of 
imprisonment  for  offences  not  actual  but  possible, 
with  a  disregard  for  the  interests  of  the  law  which 
in  the  course  of  history  will  contrast  strangely  with 
the  tolerance  extended  to  that  system  of  rebellion^ 
which  has  been  openly  organised  and  developed  in 
Ulster. 


32  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

After  the  disappearance  of  the  Young  Ireland 
movement  the  Irish  Party  in  Parliament  had  fallen 
for  a  time  into  discredit,  the  representatives  having 
been  for  the  most  part  men  deficient  either  in  talent 
or  in  principle. 

The  next  notable  leader  of  influence  was  Isaac  Butt, 
a  brilliant  lawyer,  who  formed  an  organisation,  but 
relied  too  much  on  the  force  of  oratory  and  the 
intrigue  of  Parliament.  Butt  really  accomplished 
nothing,  although  nominally  he  was  the  first  to 
formulate  the  Home  Rule  movement  as  later  under- 
stood ;  and  as  evidence  of  the  milder  manners  which 
now  prevail  his  name  is  more  frequently  cited  with 
respect  than  in  the  strenuous  days  of  Parnell. 

The  rise  of  Charles  Stuart  Parnell  has  been  an 
enigma  to  many  English  students  of  politics,  and, 
as  his  character  is  becoming  already  invested  with 
legendary  attributes  in  Ireland,  it  may  appear  even 
more  difficult  in  the  future  to  seize  the  real  nature 
of  the  man.  One  reason  of  his  popularity,  no  doubt, 
was  that  Irishmen  are  never  long  content  to  have 
a  tame  and  forceless  leader  such  as  Butt  with  all 
his  talent  proved  to  be.  Butt  publicly  rebuked 
ParneU  in  the  House  of  Commons  and  that  was  the 
beginning  of  his  downfall  and  of  the  corresponding 
rise  of  the  new  champion.  Parnell,  at  his  first  appear- 
ance in  public  life  in  Ireland,  did  not  seem  to  have 
any  of  the  requisite  qualities  of  a  great  leader.  He 
was  stiff  and  cold  in  his  manner,  his  oratory  was 
halting  and  tame,  he  had  no  exuberance,  nor  appar- 
ently even  the  desire  to  gain  popularity.  Moreover, 
he  knew  little  about  Irish  affairs,  he  was  ignorant  of 
politics  generally  and  he  lacked  the  art  of  touching 
the  pride  or  the  susceptibility  or  the  courage  of 


GLANCES  AT  HISTOEY  33 

Irishmen  by  those  apt  appeals  to  the  brilliant  phases 
of  their  history  or  to  the  memories  of  great  heroes 
of  the  past  which  are  a  favourite  means  of  popular 
orators.  Moreover,  though  he  aspired  to  be  a  leader 
of  the  people  he  hailed  from  the  landlord  class  and 
had  a  descent  not  too  remote  from  English  stock. 
This  ancestry,  however,  really  helped  him.  We 
have  already  seen  of  what  despicable  material  some 
of  the  powerful  Irish  Chieftains  of  old  were  com- 
posed, but  the  Irish  people  throughout  the  ages 
have  been  noted  for  a  devotion  to  their  leaders. 
This  was  no  doubt  sedulously  developed  in  their 
minds  by  the  influence  of  religion.  It  had  its  good 
side,  but  it  had,  and  has  to  this  day,  an  aspect  less 
respectable,  and  that  is  shown  in  a  deference  not 
merely  to  those  in  authority  but  to  those  having 
nothing  better  to  boast  of  than  title,  show,  and  an 
ascendancy  built  on  the  servitude  of  the  people. 
This  feeling  aided  undoubtedly  Parnell  at  the  begin- 
ning of  his  career.  Even  some  of  the  most  demo- 
cratic were  proud  to  have  him  as  leader. 

I  remember  a  conversation  with  a  well-known 
Member  of  Parliament,  who  took  pride  in  his  "  ad- 
vanced "  ideas,  but  who  nevertheless  in  solemnly 
laying  down  the  qualifications  required  of  a  leader  of 
the  Irish  Party  put  particular  stress  on  descent  from 
an  old  family,  and  on  the  possession  of  landed  pro- 
perty and  sufficient  wealth  to  make  some  display  in 
the  world.  Certainly  at  the  beginning  of  his  career 
these  were  the  only  apparent  qualifications  of  Parnell. 
He  was  never  a  man  of  wit  or  of  high  intellect,  and 
he  had  none  of  those  showy  qualities  which,  quite 
apart  from  their  virtues,  were  fascinating  in  men  like 
Sheridan  or  O'Connell.  What  then  was  the  secret 
3 


34  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

of  Parnell  ?  It  might  be  called  steadiness  of  pur- 
pose, but  that  does  not  convey  the  precise  meaning. 
In  ParnelTs  determination  there  was  something  of 
feeling  like  an  outwardly  cold  but  concentrated 
passion.  But  whatever  its  source  this  characteristic 
quality  of  his  coming  into  play  at  a  critical  point  of 
Irish  history  gave  direction  to  the  forces  always 
available  amongst  the  Irish  people. 

Contrast  this  phase  of  Irish  history  with  any  other 
of  the  past.  Again  and  again  we  have  seen  mar- 
vellous examples  of  energy  and  reckless  courage  and 
heroic  devotion,  but  hardly  ever  well-directed  con- 
stant consistent  efforts  making  steadfastly  for  a  goal 
in  spite  of  bafflings,  disappointments,  and  disasters 
that  might  lie  in  the  way.  This  is  a  quality  which 
in  ordinary  parlance  is  called  grit,  or  for  which  a 
word  seems  to  have  been  specially  coined  or  thrown 
into  relief  in  Parneirs  case — steel.  One  seems  to 
see  it  in  the  very  physique  of  the  man,  with  his  slight 
but  sinewy  frame,  and  those  remarkable  eyes,  which 
looked  so  steadily  and  keenly  at  what  they  gazed 
upon ;  it  may  be  seen  in  the  proud  curl  of  the  lip, 
the  indefinable  haughtiness  of  manner,  which  seems 
to  be  pervaded  with  an  air  of  noblesse  oblige ;  it  is 
seen  also  in  the  manner  of  his  utterance,  in  the  style 
of  his  proclamations.  Not  at  all  a  man  of  highly 
endowed  brain  power,  his  mind  seems  to  have  worked 
slowly,  but  when  it  did  arrive  at  a  decision  that 
decision  was  held  with  obstinate  force.  He  was  not 
a  solid  granite  character,  such  as  we  sometimes 
picture  in  history  but  which  I  think  is  rather  a  pro- 
duct of  the  historian's  fancy  than  a  representative  of 
real  life.  Parnell  resembles  Caesar  and  Bonaparte  in 
being  one  whose  acts  were  framed  in  the  fire  of  pas- 


GLANCES  AT  HISTORY  35 

sion ;  a  nervous  man — there  was  a  sense  of  a  nervous 
power  held  in  firm  control  even  in  the  coolness 
he  displayed  in  the  hours  of  crisis — and  his  deter- 
mination was  of  that  fierce  proud  contentious 
character  which  communicates  its  spirit  to  others ; 
it  found  response  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen, 
who  above  all  others  take  the  complexion  of  the 
man  who  leads. 

After  Butt's  eloquent  periods,  and  flabby  policy 
distinguished  by  diplomatic  ineptitudes,  it  was  a 
relief  and  a  joy,  an  inspiration,  to  find  one  who  could 
strike  fire  from  the  Irish  people  and  screw  to  high 
tension  the  warlike  chords  in  their  nature.  It  was 
that  which  won  for  Parnell  command,  and  which 
gave  him  the  strength  and  motive  power  to  march 
from  victory  to  victory. 

Later,  at  the  moment  when  his  fate  was  being 
decided  in  the  Committee-room  of  the  Irish  Party, 
Mr.  Timothy  Healy  who  had  become  one  of  his 
strongest  opponents  used  a  striking  image.  He  said 
that  Parnell  was  like  the  iron  core  of  an  electrical 
magnet,  charged  with  attractive  magnetism  while 
the  current  passed,  inert  and  forceless  when  the 
current  had  ceased.  The  current  he  said,  was 
supplied  by  the  Irish  Party.  That  striking  image 
would  be  true  of  many  leaders,  but  it  was  not  entirely 
true  of  Parnell.  The  confidence,  the  enthusiasm, 
the  extraordinary  devotion,  which  the  Irish  people 
at  one  time  displayed  towards  him  certainly  en- 
livened and  intensified  the  force  of  his  actions,  but 
Parnell  himself  in  his  own  particular  genius  had 
brought  into  Irish  affairs  the  essential  quality  which 
had  always  been  missing,  and  which  has  been  less  in 
evidence  since  his  downfall.  He  presented  to  the 


36  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

world  the  spectacle  of  a  nation  standing  up  like  an 
army  scathed  and  shattered  with  the  wounds  of 
many  battles,  wrung  with  famine,  and  distress,  but 
with  a  gleam  of  victory  in  the  eyes  of  the  soldiers, 
and  the  determination  to  march  dauntlessly  over 
every  danger  to  accomplish  the  final  triumph.  And 
Parnell  wrought  this  wonder  ;  it  was  he  himself  who 
was  the  soul  of  the  movement ;  his  great  and  gallant 
heart  could  face  any  difficulty  except  that  of  the 
treachery  and  ingratitude  which  struck  the  vital 
blow.  During  his  career,  though  brief  as  we  regard 
it  in  the  retrospect,  he  elevated  the  Irish  agitation 
out  of  that  character  of  sterility  which  had  previously 
marked  it.  The  positions  he  gained  will  stand  for 
all  time  as  definite  gains.  They  were  revolutions 
not  merely  good  for  Ireland,  but  such  as  will  eventu- 
ally transform  the  conditions  of  life  in  England  also. 
We  have  seen  something  of  the  type  of  those  old 
chiefs  who  have  merely  simmered  down  into  modern 
landlords — the  full-blooded,  valiant,  ignorant,  reck- 
less, vain,  generous,  showy,  but  tyrannical  wastrels ; 
the  counterpart  of  that  character  was  found  in  the 
conditions  under  which  the  tenant  lived,  the  toil- 
some, hard-working  tenant  robbed  and  rackrented, 
rendered  cross-grained  and  suspicious  by  extortion, 
brought  to  lying  by  injustice,  made  morally  timid  by 
a  tyranny  against  which  he  had  no  recourse.  Parnell 
changed  all  that.  Once  at  a  public  meeting  in 
Ireland,  after  several  well-known  orators  had  adorned 
the  scene  and  pleased  the  people  with  flamboyant 
oratory,  an  old  man,  one  of  the  veterans  of  the 
fight  as  he  was  called,  was  invited,  or  rather  pushed 
on  to  the  platform  to  say  a  few  words..  His  words 
were  indeed  few,  but  I  have  seldom  heard  a  more 


GLANCES  AT  HISTOEY  37 

impressive  speech  or  one  more  calculated  to  strike 
the  imagination  and  to  sink  deep  into  the  thoughts. 
He  simply  said :  "  Before  Parnell  came  we  used  to  go 
to  the  agent  to  pay  our  rents  like  this," — and  he 
walked  across  the  platform  with  a  bent,  mean,  fawn- 
ing, and  furtive  air ;  after  Parnell  came,  he  said  :  "  We 
walked  like  this," — he  stood  erect,  he  threw  his 
shoulders  back,  his  eyes  flashed,  and  he  walked  like 
a  man  content  to  come  to  terms  but  determined  to 
shatter  his  opponents  if  he  met  with  unfair  resis- 
tance. The  audience  seeing  the  two  pictures  was 
electrified.  Then  all  burst  into  rapturous  cheers. 
Those  two  pictures  might  typify  the  period  of  Parnell. 

There  was  no  element  of  romance  wanting  in  the 
career  of  Parnell.  This  man  with  the  straight  figure, 
the  Norman  profile,  the  uncommunicative  manner, 
gradually  became  looked  upon  as  a  romantic  as  well 
as  an  heroic  figure,  and  all  sorts  of  stories  found 
vogue,  the  more  readily  on  account  of  the  lack  of 
real  information.  He  became  the  man  of  secrecy, 
the  man  of  mystery.  His  appearance  changed  from 
time  to  time ;  sometimes  he  had  a  fresh  debonnair 
style  that  conquered  all  hearts  ;  at  other  times,  with 
beard  untrimmed  and  dishevelled  hair  and  haggard 
eye,  his  sudden  and  unexpected  appearance  amongst 
his  colleagues  gave  rise  to  all  manner  of  conjectures. 

It  may  be  well  to  note  two  or  three  incidents,  of 
no  great  importance  in  themselves,  but  which  send 
a  plummet  here  and  there  into  his  character.  Mr. 
T.  P.  O'Connor,  I  think  it  is,  gives  us  a  touch  of 
Parnell — at  one  time  stopping  on  a  country  road  to 
eat  some  sandwiches  which  he  had  carried  in  his 
pocket,  and  turning  his  back  to  the  main  road  and 
facing  the  fields,  eating  shyly  like  a  diffident  school- 


38  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

boy.  Another  story  is  that  when  the  famous  Go-as- 
you-please  contests  were  in  fashion,  Parnell  noticed 
that  an  Irish  American,  O'Leary,  was  making  a  great 
show  at  the  Agricultural  grounds  in  some  com- 
petitions organised  by  the  late  Sir  John  Astley,  who 
was  famous  in  all  sport  but  was  a  bitter  opponent  of 
Home  Rule.  Parnell  invited  some  of  his  colleagues 
to  go  with  him  and  cheer  the  Irishman  on  his  toil- 
some rounds,  and  when  O'Leary  finally  won  the 
band  struck  up  not  "  God  Save  the  Queen,"  as  had 
been  arranged,  but  the  "  Wearing  of  the  Green." 
Sir  John  Astley  was  amazed  and  furious,  Parnell 
and  his  friends  laughed  like  schoolboys.  Parnell  had 
bribed  the  band  which,  moreover,  as  sometimes 
happened  at  true  British  functions,  was  a  German 
band.  Another  story  is  that  of  the  celebrated 
mystery  bag  which  Parnell  always  carried  when 
attending  the  sessions  of  the  Parnell  Commissions. 
It  was  not  enough  for  Parnell  constantly  to  carry 
this  in  his  hand,  it  was  said  in  the  graphic  style  of 
the  reporter  that  he  always  "  clutched  it  tightly." 
All  sorts  of  plans  and  ruses  were  set  in  motion  to 
obtain  possession  of  this  little  black  bag,  and  after 
much  patience  one  of  the  devices  was  successful. 
The  bag  was  opened  cautiously  and  it  was  found  to 
contain — a  change  of  socks. 

Still  another  story  has  been  told  of  him  by  one  of 
the  extremists — a  man  who  having  involved  himself 
deeply  in  a  certain  affair  found  it  necessary  to  clear 
off  to  the  United  States.  As  an  extreme  man 
difficult  to  please,  he  held  Parnell  only  in  tempered 
regard.  He  said  that  on  one  occasion  a  meeting 
had  been  arranged  in  Paris  between  some  of  the 
leaders  on  the  American  as  well  as  on  the  Irish  side 


GLANCES  AT  HISTORY  39 

to  meet  Parnell.  The  question  involved  was  import- 
ant both  from  a  financial  point  of  view  and  from 
that  of  the  direction  which  the  future  policy  would 
take.  On  the  day  appointed  for  the  meeting  Parnell 
had  not  appeared.  There  was  no  intimation  as  to 
the  reason  of  his  absence,  or  as  to  his  present  where- 
abouts. Friends  in  England,  Ireland,  and  on  the 
Continent  were  communicated  with.  No  one  knew 
where  Parnell  was  to  be  found.  Day  after  day  the 
delegates  met.  Still  there  was  no  sign  of  Parnell. 
Those  who  had  come  from  America  were  daily 
growing  more  impatient ;  they  threatened  to  return 
home.  However,  the  matter  was  so  serious  that  a 
search  was  made  throughout  all  the  hotels  in  Paris 
to  see  if  by  chance  Parnell  was  lying  ill  in  one  of 
them.  A  letter  was  found  at  a  quiet  inn  addressed 
to  Parnell  and  his  friends  did  not  hesitate  to  open  it. 
The  missive  was  from  a  lady,  and  it  threw  a  beam 
of  light  on  the  amorous  side  of  ParnelFs  character. 
The  letter  was  sealed  up  again  as  carefully  as  pos- 
sible, and  the  delegates  determined  to  wait  a  little 
longer.  In  a  day  or  two  Parnell  appeared  at  the 
appointed  meeting-place.  He  took  his  seat  at  the 
head  of  the  table  without  making  any  reference  to 
his  previous  absence,  and  forthwith  entered  upon 
the  business  in  hand,  displaying  promptitude  and 
decision  in  all  matters  which  arose  in  discussion. 

It  is]  not  necessary  to  deal  in  detail  with  Parnell's 
achievements.  They  are  written  on  the  Statute 
Book  of  Great  Britain.  They  are  found  every  day  in 
the  lives,  the  hopes,  the  character,  of  the  Irish  people. 
His  downfall  is  one  of  the  most  disgraceful  episodes 
of  Irish  history,  the  more  mournful  because  it  dis- 
plays not  merely  ingratitude,  on  which  it  is  not 


40  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

necessary  to  lay  too  great  stress,  but  something 
which  strikes  even  more  vitally  at  the  confidence  of 
the  nation,  the  shiftiness,  and  indecision,  the  weak- 
ness and  the  final  fierce  inrush  towards  the  side  of 
cowardly  counsels.  In  all  this  the  influence  of  the 
priests  was  undoubtedly  the  determining  factor,  and 
if  there  be  a  grain  of  comfort  in  that  view  of  the 
matter  it  is,  that  there  was  then  held  up  to  the  Irish 
people  the  nature  of  the  plot  by  which  their  hopes 
of  national  redemption  were  weighed  and  sacrificed 
to  the  political  thraldom  in  which  the  Church  had 
held  them. 

Here  it  is  necessary  to  say  a  few  words  on  an- 
other great  character  whose  work  was  co-ordinate 
with  that  of  Parnell  and  whose  fame  is  familiarly 
associated  with  his — Michael  Davitt.  Parnell  was 
an  aristocrat,  Davitt  was  the  son  of  peasants.  Each 
derived  his  own  particular  strength  from  such  inci- 
dental circumstances.  Davitt  has  now  become  a 
historical  figure.  He  has  left  behind  fascinating 
books  which  while  telling  the  history  of  Ireland  illus- 
trate also  his  own  career.  It  is  not  necessary  further 
to  enlarge  upon  his  deeds,  I  will  content  myself  with 
recalling  one  or  two  personal  reminiscences. 

Irish  society  is  full  of  wheels  within  wheels,  and 
Irish  politics  have  always  shown  a  profusion  of  rings 
within  rings,  and  so  it  happened  that  this  great 
man,  one  of  the  principal  artisans  of  a  marvellous 
work  of  Ireland's  regeneration,  was  made  known  to 
me  first  by  aspersions  on  his  name  uttered  not  by 
Englishmen  but  by  Irishmen  who  called  themselves 
more  advanced  than  Davitt  himself.  He  was  accused 
of  vanity,  self-seeking,  show  and  pretence,  and  no 
credit  was  given  to  him  for  any  accomplishment.  I 


GLANCES  AT  HISTOBY  41 

saw  him  first  at  a  public  meeting  at  St.  James's 
Hall,  London,  a  meeting  as  far  as  I  remember  of 
Labour  representatives.  Some  good  speeches  were 
made,  but  Davitt's  struck  me  as  being  one  of  the 
best.  What  I  remember  of  that  occasion  is  the  im- 
pression rather  of  his  personal  appearance — a  tall, 
thin,  straight,  black-haired,  eagle-eyed  man,  with 
an  empty  sleeve  where  his  right  arm  should  have 
been.  In  his  speech  his  voice  rose  and  fell  in 
cadences ;  this  together  with  a  fine  musical  note 
contrasted  well  with  the  forcible  but  somewhat 
monotonous  shouting  of  his  confreres  on  the  plat- 
form. 

Much  later  I  met  Davitt  in  South  Africa.  The 
short  beard  had  become  streaked  with  grey,  the  hair 
once  of  raven  blackness,  had  become  scanty,  but  the 
eye  retained  all  its  keenness,  its  liveliness,  its 
lustre.  I  had  expected  to  meet  a  hard  cantankerous 
and  intolerant  man,  impatient  of  all  ideas  which  did 
not  concord  with  his  own ;  on  the  contrary  I  found 
him  smiling,  in  every  way  sympathetic.  A  little 
later  we  met  at  the  table  of  General  Louis  Botha, 
when  Mrs.  Botha  was  present.  A  few  of  the  officers 
had  also  been  invited,  and  some  of  the  men,  dispatch 
riders  and  so  forth,  came  in  and  out  without  cere- 
mony in  the  usual  democratic  style  of  South  Africa. 
Here  again  I  admired  Davitt,  and  I  observed  once 
more  as  so  often,  the  wonderful  adaptability  of 
Irishmen.  Here  was  this  man  of  peasant  descent, 
who  during  his  boyhood  had  been  accustomed  to 
hard  manual  toil,  who  had  never  at  any  time  had 
the  advantage  of  education,  except  such  as  he  could 
procure  in  his  leisure,  fired  as  he  was  with  the  love 
of  knowledge  and  the  noble  ambition  to  rise  to  in- 


42  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

tellectual  heights;  this  man  who  had  suffered  long 
imprisonment  and  many  persecutions,  now  here  in  a 
foreign  country,  amongst  men  of  great  authority; 
yet  Davitt  had  not  only  the  ease  and  charm  of  an 
educated  Irishman  but  something  of  a  rare  and 
simple  courtliness  such  as  one  associates  with  a 
Spanish  don,  but  with  no  show  or  pretence,  or 
apparent  effort  except  that  which  rose  from  his 
kindly  genial  nature ;  he  had  at  once  won  the  hearts 
of  all  the  guests.  He  always  spoke  simply,  with  no 
strained  endeavour  at  impression  and  always  with 
good  sound  common  sense. 

Subsequently  at  my  own  laager  I  had  a  more  con- 
fidential talk  with  him,  and  we  discussed  some  phases 
of  the  early  Irish  history  of  his  time  with  which  I 
had  been  unacquainted.  He  had  a  low  opinion  of 
Parnell.  I  regret  to  say  it,  for  I  do  not  share  that 
opinion,  but  it  was  a  perfectly  honest  opinion  with 
Davitt,  and  I  would  be  departing  from  my  view  of 
historic  fairness  if  I  neglected  to  set  it  down.  He 
said  ParnelPs  ascendancy  had  meant  the  downfall 
of  Irish  politics.  He  had  not  been  a  great  force. 
He  was  a  cold-blooded  sensualist,  there  was  a  great 
deal  of  self  in  his  career  in  Irish  politics,  his  dictator- 
ship was  a  regrettable  episode  in  Irish  life  and  one 
which  he  hoped  would  never  again  be  repeated.  All 
this,  he  said  calmly  and  reflectively. 

I  discussed  another  subject  with  Davitt ;  I  said 
to  him  there  was  an  element  in  my  character  which 
I  had  never  been  able  to  judge  of  as  good  or  bad — 
that  I  could  never  hate  anyone.  I  said  many  people 
had  tried  to  injure  me,  but  after  immediate  contact 
with  them,  I  could  never  preserve  my  animosity, 
and  not  even  by  trying  to  whip  up  a  recollection 


GLANCES  AT  HISTOEY  43 

could  I  hold  my  resentment  towards  individuals  : 
Now,  I  said,  is  that  a  good  quality  or  is  it  a  sign  of 
some  deep-seated  weakness  of  fibre  ?  Davitt  replied, 
"  Well  I  do  not  know,  all  that  I  can  say  is  that  I 
think  it  is  a  lucky  possession  ;  speaking  for  myself,  I 
think  there  are  some  men  whom  I  never  can  forgive  " 
— and  here  he  mentioned  an  Irishman  who  is  still  a 
distinguished  ornament  of  Parliament. 

Perhaps  even  in  Davitt's  depreciation  of  Parnell 
entered  some  element  of  the  immemorial  hostility  of 
his  class  toward  that  of  the  landlords.  Singularly 
enough  that  feeling  is  in  existence  with  the  senti- 
ment of  due  respect  to  title  which  I  have  already 
indicated  as  a  factor  of  ParneU's  success.  Davitt 
was  one  of  those  who  had  been  thrown  into  the 
Irish  agitation  by  the  memory  of  flagrant  wrongs  to 
his  family  and  neighbours,  of  which  he  had  been  a 
witness  at  a  very  early  age.  There  was  no  doubt 
whatever  of  his  Celtic  temperament ;  it  was  seen  in 
his  high-pitched  idealism  as  well  as  in  the  mobility 
of  his  mind,  the  imagination  and  passion  of  his 
temperament.  He  was  a  man  who  had  suffered 
much  and  in  whom  the  iron  had  entered  into  his  soul, 
and  at  any  time  he  was  prepared  to  risk  life  itself 
for  the  liberation  of  Ireland.  I  will  not  say  that  in 
this  character  there  was  not  narrowness,  many 
limitations,  it  seems  to  me,  but  with  all  there  was  a 
quality  which  made  Davitt  the  chosen  vessel  of  a 
great  movement,  he  was  of  the  stuff  of  warriors  and 
martyrs ;  possibly  in  this  his  very  narrowness  and 
want  of  early  education  aided  him  by  permitting  the 
concentration  of  all  his  powers  on  what  he  saw  of 
the  task  before  him  magnified  as  the  whole  end  of 
national  life. 


44  IEELAND:    VITAL  HOUB 

Nothing  would  have  seemed  more  hopeless  at  first 
than  the  programme  of  the  crippled  young  man, 
known  only  as  having  suffered  what  some  considered 
a  degrading  imprisonment,  what  others  believed  to 
be  nothing  but  a  madcap  escapade  of  a  fanatic, 
without  friends,  without  a  platform,  without  organi- 
sation, without  money.  Yet  he  had  something  which 
compensated  for  all,  he  had  a  clear  vision  of  his 
distant  goal,  and  he  had  faith  in  himself  and  in 
Ireland.  Davitt  began  his  land  campaign  in  the 
country  districts  of  Mayo  l  and  persuaded  a  few 
adherents.  For  a  time  his  movement  seemed  to 
rival  that  of  Parnell  himself,  but  the  two  coalesced 
at  last  to  the  profit  of  Parnell. 

Davitt  before  his  death  was  able  to  write  a  history 
of  this  campaign  ;  it  might  be  taken  as  in  great  part 
a  story  of  his  own  life  ;  and  he  was  able  to  call  it : 
"  The  Fall  of  Feudalism  in  Ireland."  Rarely  has 
any  tribune  of  the  people  started  from  such  small 
beginnings  and  achieved  in  so  short  a  time  so  great 
a  triumph. 

This  brief  historical  retrospect  has  now  been 
brought  practically  to  our  own  times.  We  find  that 
in  Ireland's  devious  and  perilous  course  there  have 
been  wild  and  lurid  passages,  but  even  in  disaster 
the  history  has  been  marked  by  the  heroism  of 
brilliant  men. 

There  have  been  mean  passages,  such  as  that  of 
the  regime  of  Sadleir  when  the  Irish  cause  was 
reduced  to  a  mere  juggling  of  finance  and  intrigue  of 
office.  There  have  been  futile  passages  as  when 
under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  Shaw  it  was  thought 

1  The  first  meeting  of  the  Land  League  was  held  at  a  little  village 
in  Mayo  called  Irishtown. 


GLANCES  AT  HISTOEY  45 

sufficient  to  abandon  all  means  of  offence  or  defence, 
and  for  a  policy  to  substitute  a  plea  for  tolerance 
and  indulgence  by  the  British  Government.  Then 
we  have  the  Home  Rule  movement  of  our  own  day 
under  the  guidance  of  a  leader,  Mr.  John  Redmond, 
more  highly  equipped  than  any  of  his  predecessors 
in  knowledge  of  Parliamentary  procedure,  and  more 
fully  endowed  with  qualities  of  diplomacy,  including 
patience  and  resourcefulness.  The  success  of  this 
movement  concerns  the  present ;  the  ratification  of 
that  success  will  be  the  immediate  task  of  the 
Irish  people. 

What  is  the  lesson  that  arises  from  this  broad 
review  ?  No  movement  is  ever  likely  to  achieve 
success  in  Ireland  which  is  not  founded  upon  the 
genius  of  the  Irish  race,  which  does  not  keep  alive 
that  energy,  and  stimulate  the  spirit  of  valour  and 
enterprise.  In  other  words  what  is  required  is  a 
policy  which  holds  clearly  a  great  national  ideal, 
which  points  the  march  towards  the  final  completion 
through  a  series  of  positions  to  be  attacked  and  won, 
which  while  showing  friendliness  towards  the  British 
people  and  nation  prizes  self-government  as  the 
highest  good,  which  is  inspired  by  Ireland's  destiny 
and  flamed  through  and  through  in  every  act,  as 
well  as  in  the  broad  scope  of  policy,  with  a  fierce 
determination  to  fight  the  way  to  victory. 


CHAPTEK   II 

AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL 

THE  Irish  problem  has  many  faces.  Few  have 
looked  upon  it  on  all  sides,  and  unfortunately  the 
testimony  of  those  of  greatest  knowledge  is  not  always 
the  best,  for  all  things  Irish  have  the  faculty  of  stir- 
ring the  emotions,  evoking  the  passions,  and  play- 
ing on  prejudice.  Of  none  of  these  detriments  to 
clear  vision  do  I  pretend  to  be  free,  and  it  is  for 
that  reason  that,  speaking  often  in  the  first  person, 
I  desire  to  explain  to  the  reader  my  point  of  view, 
my  experiences,  even  my  shortcomings,  so  that  he 
may  be  put  upon  his  guard  in  those  parts  where  my 
opinion  is  likely  to  be  warped  by  undue  influence. 

At  the  time  of  my  trial  I  received  many  letters 
from  friends,  acquaintances,  and  total  strangers, 
Irish  and  English ;  some  simply  abusive,  some  en- 
couraging. It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  com- 
forting letters  were  all  from  the  Irish  and  the  abusive 
from  the  English.  It  is  necessary  to  send  the 
plummet  deep  in  order  to  fathom  human  nature ; 
and  so  it  happened  that  one  circumstance  that  left  i 
me  desolate  was  that  I  found  myself  deserted  by  so 
many  friends  and  looked  askance  at  by  others  who 
had  professed  my  political  views  but  who  were  afraid 
of  being  compromised  by  attempts  at  realisation. 
On  the  other  hand  from  all  quarters,  and  from  all 

46 


47 

ranks,  I  received  assurances  of  sympathy  from 
English  people  who  recognised  that  rightly  or  wrongly 
—  wrongly,  they  generally  believed — I  had  fought  in 
South  Africa  not  for  gain  or  ambition  but  for  a 
principle  and  an  Ideal.  I  reflected  that  if  these 
people  could  overcome  their  prejudices,  emancipate 
themselves  from  what  was  cramping  in  their  environ- 
ment, how  much  the  more  did  it  become  a  duty  in 
me  to  scourge  out  the  dross  of  lower  motives,  hates, 
and  rancours,  that  might  have  influenced  my  acts. 

In  the  midst  of  these  reflections  came  a  letter 
which  more  than  all  others  caused  me  to  ponder. 
The  writer  was  one  of  those  young  Oxford  men  who 
had  been  smitten  by  the  Toynbee  spirit,  and  of  whom 
my  only  criticism  is  that  of  the  old  horsy  man  who 
said  of  his  colts :  "  Take  away  all  their  vice,  and 
you  take  away  most  of  their  spirit/'  .  .  .  Youth 
should  flower  with  ambition,  dreams,  and  lofty 
hopes ;  it  should  stream  with  colour,  zest,  and  joy  ; 
passions  should  be  the  hot  fuel  to  drive  it  on,  and 
virtues  the  temperance,  the  control,  and  direction 
of  these. 

The  writer  had  some  connection  with  a  weekly 
illustrated  paper  to  which  I  had  been  a  contributor, 
and  on  the  basis  of  this  acquaintance  he  reproved 
me  not  angrily  but  with  regret.  He  said  that  my 
deeds  had  not  been  in  the  true  way  of  evolution. 
Now  whereas  misrepresentation,  ill-tempered  censure 
•and  abuse  had  not  weighed  upon  my  spirit,  this 
phrase  sank  deeply  into  my  mind,  and  it  was  in  the 
light  of  that  criticism  that  often  in  the  depths  of  a 
prison  cell  I  reviewed  not  only  these  acts  but  all  the 
forces  that  in  my  life  had  produced  them.  I  felt 
that  any  life,  or  part  of  a  life,  spent  in  beating  into 


A* 


48  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

back  waters  is  wasted.  And  this  is  true  of  nations 
as  well  as  of  individuals,  and  is  none  the  less  true, 
however  stirring  or  brilliant,  speaking  impersonally, 
may  have  been  the  story  of  such  an  enterprise. 

I  will  touch  therefore  on  my  career  only  in  as  far 
as  it  concerns  that  question,  not  because  I  wish  to 
make  myself  of  importance  here  but  because  the 
Irish  cause  has  been  widened  far  beyond  the  limits 
of  Ireland,  and  the  sentiment  of  men  of  Irish  descent 
has  modified  the  political  situation  throughout  the 
Dominions  as  well  as  in  the  -United  States. 

My  father  was  an  Irishman,  born  in  County  Clare 
of  a  family  of  which  Galway  had  been  the  home  for 
centuries.  The  commerce  between  Galway  and  Spain 
has  left  its  impress  on  that  stock.  My  father  had 
the  stately  bearing  of  a  Spaniard  combined  with 
goodness  of  heart  and  generosity  of  giving  carried 
even  to  excess.  He  had  gone  to  Australia  in  the 
early  days,  and  in  1854,  in  Ballarat  seized  with  the 
gold-fever  which  was  then  at  its  height,  he  was  one  of 
the  miners  who  rebelled  against  the  intolerable  system 
under  which  the  country  was  then  governed.  The 
miners  were  organised  into  a  fighting  force  under  the 
leadership  of  Peter  Lalor,  afterwards  Speaker  of  the 
Legislative  Assembly  of  Victoria.  My  father,  John 
Lynch,  was  the  second  in  command.  For  their 
defence  the  miners  threw  up  a  rough  fort,  which  has 
since  become  famous  in  the  history  of  Victoria  as  the 
Eureka  stockade.  Inflammatory  speeches  were  made 
and  the  greatest  enthusiasm  prevailed.  Troops  were 
sent  up  from  Melbourne.  Then,  as  usually  happens 
in  such  cases,  all  sorts  of  pretexts,  many  excellent 
no  doubt,  were  found  for  desertion.  A  small  number 
of  the  miners,  not  more  than  six  hundred,  stuck 


AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL  49 

to  their  guns,  and  amongst  them  were  the  leadeis 
Peter  Lalor  and  John  Lynch.  Lalor  lost  an  arm 
in  the  fight,  my  father  was  knocked  senseless  in  the 
stockade  by  a  chip  struck  from  a  palisade  by  a  ball. 
He  was  taken  prisoner,  and  a  trial  set  on  foot  for 
High  Treason.  By  this  time,  however,  the  tide  of 
feeling  throughout  the  whole  country  was  so  strong 
in  favour  of  the  miners'  claims  that  the  Crown 
arranged  that  the  trials  should  fall  through.  The 
troopers  who  had  taken  my  father  prisoner  declined 
to  identify  him.  The  Eureka  stockade  became  the 
foundation  of  Australian  self-government.  Fifty 
years  afterwards  a  great  demonstration  was  held  on 
the  site  of  the  stockade,  and  John  Lynch,  the  sole 
survivor,  was  acclaimed  as  a  hero  on  the  spot  where 
he  had  been  arrested  as  a  rebel. 

My  father  hailed  from  an  old  Catholic  family,  one 
which  had  been  cast  down  from  power  and  opulence 
on  account  of  its  devotion  to  the  Church.  His 
favourite  poets,  however,  were  Shelley,  Byron,  and 
Burns.  I  have  heard  one  of  the  "  old  identities  " 
say  that  after  the  day's  work  he  would  sometimes 
entertain  the  miners  by  the  hour  by  reciting  from 
memory  the  poems  of  Robbie  Burns. 

Soon  after  the  affair  of  the  Eureka  stockade  he 
settled  down  at  Smythesdale,  near  Ballarat,  to  his 
profession  of  civil  engineer,  and  mining  and  land 
surveyor  of  the  district ;  he  became  prosperous,  and 
might  have  accumulated  great  wealth  had  he  set 
much  store  on  that  side  of  life.  His  pursuits,  how- 
ever, were  all  intellectual,  and  this  gave  a  sort  of 
solitariness  to  his  character  amid  a  young  community 
where  every  man  was  at  hand  grips  with  immediate 
realities.  Nevertheless  I  can  say,  for  I  heard  it 
4 


50  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

often  in  my  boyhood,  no  man  was  ever  more  uni- 
versally respected  by  all  classes  and  by  all  creeds  in 
the  districts. 

My  mother  was  a  MacGregor,  a  kinswoman,  how 
close  I  cannot  now  say,  of  the  famous  Rob  Roy. 
Though  the  blood  of  the  famous  rebel  clan  ran  richly 
in  her  veins,  its  spirit  had  never  found  lodgment  by  a 
gentler  soul.  If  my  father  was  "  looked  up  to  "  by 
the  neighbours,  she  was  above  all  thought  of  for  her 
goodness.  She  divined  what  was  best  in  others, 
and  in  her  presence  the  best  came  to  the  surface. 

I  mention  these  matters  only  to  show  that  I  grew 
up  in  Australia  amid  the  happiest  associations,  and 
that  my  advocacy  of  the  Irish  cause  has  had  no 
spring  in  rancorous  or  traditional  hatreds,  still  less 
in  the  memories  of  injustice,  oppression,  and  wrong 
such  as  have  produced  the  naming  revolts  of  thousands 
of  Irishmen,  even  of  the  type  of  Michael  Davitt 
himself. 

Still  less  was  there  any  question  of  religion  in- 
volved. My  father,  though  a  scion  of  an  old  Catholic 
family,  never  once  that  I  remember  went  to  Church. 
Our  house  was  always  hospitably  open  to  the  priests, 
but  also  at  times  to  ministers  of  other  religions.  I 
have  known  my  father  on  occasion  to  speak  in  scath- 
iftg  terms  of  the  traditional  rapacity  of  the  Church, 
although  the  free  expression  of  subversive  opinion 
did  not  prevent  him  from  subscribing  to  funds  set 
on  foot  by  the  priests.  Once,  however,  in  my  boy- 
hood— and  the  words  afterwards  acquired  signifi- 
cance— I  heard  him  say  that  if  the  Church  were  being 
driven  to  the  wall  that  was  the  time  to  rally  to  its 
defence.  I  was  astonished  to  hear  these  words  at 
the  time,  coming  from  one  so  bold  and  independent 


AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL  51 

in  thought.  It  seemed  to  me  that,  after  all,  a  Church 
should  live  or  die  on  the  truth  or  falsehood  of  the 
doctrines  it  taught ;  that  if  the  doctrines  were  true 
they  should  be  maintained  for  that  reason  alone ; 
if  they  were  false,  then  it  was  absurd  to  buttress 
them  up  simply  because  others  attacked  them. 

I  never  afterwards  heard  him  speak  in  that  strain, 
and  I  do  not  know  whether  it  was  not  a  mere  idea  of 
the  moment.  It  gave  me,  however,  an  explanation 
of  certain  phases  of  Irish  history,  as,  for  instance, 
the  devotion  to  the  Stuart  cause.  The  Church  itself 
was  involved,  and  the  insignia  of  the  Church  became 
like  that  banner,  the  Labarum,  which  Constantine 
displayed  in  the  front  of  his  army.  The  Church 
had  authority  not  only  as  an  exponent  of  doctrines 
but  far  more  potently  as  the  bond  of  union  and  of 
recognition  of  a  vast  organisation,  social  and  militant. 
The  clear  conception  of  that  position,  united  with  the 
generous  but  combative  and  fiercely  tenacious  spirit 
of  the  Irish,  seems  to  me  to  explain  much  of  Irish 
history. 

Here  again  I  restrict  myself  to  the  political  aspect 
of  this  question  ;  even  while  noting  that  the  restric- 
tion is  artificial,  for  a  religion  is  something  of  pro- 
founder  significance  than  a  flag  or  the  pass-word  of 
an  association ;  and  entering  as  it  does  into  the 
modes  of  thought,  habits,  the  set  of  character,  and 
the  ideals  of  its  followers,  impinging,  moreover,  upon 
every  aspect  of  the  lesser  concerns  as  well  as  of  the 
great  concerns  of  their  existence,  it  is  inevitable  that 
by  the  truth  or  by  the  falsity  of  its  teachings  a 
devoted  people  must  rise  or  fall. 

Another  saying  of  my  father's  I  recollect ;  in  the 
early  days  of  Parnellism  an  Englishman,  a  well- 


52  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

meaning  man,  completely  ignorant  of  Irish  affairs, 
was  deploring  in  his  presence  the  tendency  of  the 
Irish  to  crime,  as  he  said.  I  saw  the  fire  of  battle 
flash  in  my  father's  eyes.  He  gave  a  description  of 
the  kind  of  landlord  held  up  as  a  martyr  and  victim 
in  the  English  press,  denounced  their  tyrannies  in 
vehement  terms,  and  referring  to  the  shooting  of 
one  of  them  declared  that  if  ever  a  bullet  was  blessed 
in  Heaven  it  was  one  that  found  such  a  scoundrel's 
heart. 

Now  although — or  I  think,  I  should  say,  because 
— a  mere  boy  at  the  time  I  was  not  shocked  at  the 
shooting  but  I  was  astonished  to  find  in  my  father, 
high-minded  and  good,  an  outburst  so  fierce.  What, 
I  asked,  is  there  in  the  dark  history  of  Ireland,  that 
after  the  lapse  of  a  generation,  and  across  the  seas 
of  half  a  world,  could  leave  impressions  so  deep  and 
feelings  so  terrible  ?  Yet  neither  then  nor  now 
have  I  thought  it  well  to  keep  alive  those  resent- 
ments of  the  past. 

Another  feeling,  more  potent  because  deeper  and 
more  subtle,  had  influence  upon  my  regard  to  Eng- 
land. I  have  always  been  a  Republican.  That  again 
arose  not  from  any  strain  or  revolt,  but  simply  and 
naturally.  To  be  a  freeman,  to  feel  one's  self  a  being 
of  responsibility,  that  to  me  was  what  was  meant 
by  being  a  Republican. 

Having  said  so  much  I  proceed  to  explain  in  what 
manner  my  first  contact  with  England  affected  me. 
I  had  completed  a  course  of  study  in  Melbourne,  but 
whereas  all  my  feelings  were  vehement,  my  desire 
for  knowledge  was  a  passion.  To  continue  my 
studies  I  proceeded  to  the  University  of  Berlin. 
With  nearer  approach  I  felt  more  strongly  the 


AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL  53 

attraction  of  the  fight  for  liberty  which  the  Irish 
people  were  waging.  At  length  I  arrived  in  Eng- 
land ;  but  it  was  not  till  after  the  downfall  of  Parnell 
that  I  felt  drawn  into  the  vortex. 

Parnell  had  been  a  great  name  in  Australia ;  dis- 
tance had  lent  its  usual  enchantment,  so  that,  even 
while  still  living  he  had  there  become  a  kind  of 
legendary  figure,  endowed  with  qualities  which  were 
not  his,  disassociated  from  weaknesses  and  faults 
which  may  have  been  his ;  but  after  all  losing  in 
force  and  real  greatness  by  this  idealisation. 

I  only  saw  him  once ;  that  was  at  a  public  meet- 
ing in  Bermondsey,  where  I  sat  amongst  the  audi- 
ence. My  expectations  had  been  worked  up  to  a 
high  degree,  all  my  sympathies  were  on  Parneirs 
side,  and  yet,  though  I  could  hardly  confess  it  even 
to  myself,  my  first  impression  was  one  of  disappoint- 
ment. ParnelTs  tall  figure  and  spare  frame  looked 
inadequate,  neither  strong,  nor  graceful ;  when  he 
spoke  his  voice  sounded  cold  and  ineffective,  nor  were 
his  arguments  either  very  forceful  or  fraught  with 
that  assurance  of  ultimate  victory  that  makes  en- 
thusiasm compensate  for  numbers  and  rallies  to  a 
cause  the  youth  and  valour  of  the  people.  The 
speech  was  practical,  dealing  mainly  with  the 
material  advantages  of  a  Bill  before  the  House  of 
Commons ;  and  this  appeal,  though  valid  and  use- 
ful, was  again  not  what  I  had  expected  from  a  great 
fighting  man  in  a  desperate  situation.  The  voice 
was  English  ;  there  was  nothing  there  of  the  breadth 
and  warmth,  the  cordial  notes  of  the  Irishman.  He 
spoke  nevertheless  like  a  practised  orator  who  had 
command,  within  his  means,  of  all  the  resources  of 
his  art.  But  though  the  fire  was  lacking  in  this 


54  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

speech,  the  kindling  enthusiasm  of  the  missionary  of 
a  great  cause,  yet  the  manner  made  its  due  impres- 
sion by  reason  of  the  simplicity,  the  absence  of  pre- 
tentiousness, the  air  of  sincerity  with  which  the 
speech  was  delivered.  In  proposing  a  vote  of  thanks 
subsequently  to  the  Chairman,  who  was  an  English- 
man, Parnell  smiled  with  pleasure  at  this  discovery, 
and  there  was  apparent  then  in  his  whole  bearing  a 
winning  courtesy,  the  gentleness  of  a  proud  spirit, 
in  which  the  well-attuned  voice  served  him  better 
than  in  the  chilly  accents  of  its  strident  utterance. 
After  the  meeting  I  longed  to  say  a  word  to  him  but 
that  peculiar  touch  of  hauteur  which  seemed  part 
of  his  being  checked  me  in  making  an  advance  which 
would  have  been  easier  towards  a  lower  type,  or 
even  towards  a  higher  of  more  magnetic  quality. 
I  never  saw  him  again.  Yet  the  impression  was 
deep.  All  the  way  from  Bermondsey  to  Bayswater 
where  I  then  lived  I  walked  so  that  this  impression 
should  remain  firmly  stamped,  and  when  I  reached 
my  rooms  after  midnight  I  wrote  down  a  descrip- 
tion, as  exact  as  I  could  make  it,  of  the  great  leader. 

I  had  seen  Parnell  in  his  decline,  the  tall,  thin 
man,  with  the  sharp  clear-cut  features  of  the  aristo- 
crat, the  full  fair  beard,  the  hair  of  the  head  of  fine 
texture  becoming  scanty,  the  eye  large  and  dark, 
attentive  and  bright,  sometimes  flaring  with  sombre 
lustre,  the  eye  that  attracted  attention  always,  the 
eye  of  a  man  of  purpose,  the  precise  and  somewhat 
chilly  voice,  the  whole  bearing,  style,  manners,  and 
accent  of  a  gentleman. 

From  this  aspect  I  could  reconstitute  the  younger 
Parnell  of  the  early  days,  the  more  athletic  appear- 
ance, the  more  determined  and  forceful  character, 


AUTOBIOGKAPHICAL  55 

the  man  of  steel.  Not  then  did  I  consider  him, — 
and  indeed  not  now, — as  a  man  of  intellect.  More- 
over he  was  not  a  man  of  sympathetic  attractiveness. 
In  the  United  States  I  was  told  that  at  first  Parnell 
made  an  unfavourable  impression  amongst  the  New 
York  Irish  leaders,  until  by  experience  they  dis- 
covered his  strong  qualities. 

Not  a  word  of  this  must  be  read  in  disparagement. 
I  have  heard  him  described  by  "  intellectuels  "  even 
amongst  his  own  followers  as  a  figure-head,  or  as  a 
mystery ;  as  though  indeed  any  diplomatic  repre- 
sentative in  Parnell's  place  might  have  accomplished 
as  much.  I  do  not  believe  it.  Parnell  and  Davitt 
were  the  great  agents  of  Ireland's  redemption.  Ten 
thousand  workers,  millions  of  vows,  a  million  sterling 
warrants  of  sympathy,  sped  on  the  Irish  cause,  and 
around  Parnell  shone  forth  a  pleiad  of  stars,  men  of 
the  diverse  types  of  Dillon,  O'Brien,  Healy,  Sexton, 
Redmond,  O'Connor,  to  mention  a  few  who  still  sur- 
vive. But,  as  I  afterwards  noticed  in  South  Africa, 
the  spirit  of  a  commando  is  quickened  by  the  soul  of 
the  Commandant.  Anyone  who  glances  through 
Irish  history  and  estimates  with  cool  discernment 
will  see  that  Parnell  brought  into  the  public  life  of 
the  country  that  quality  most  of  all  required,  the 
quality  that  ensures  that  a  well-considered  and 
adequate  programme  will  be  carried  out  with  un- 
flinching determination — the  quality  of  steel. 

The  divorce  court  proceedings  excited  me  greatly. 
They  brought  out  the  sympathetic  human  side  of 
ParnelPs  character.  There  were  peccadilloes  of 
sexual  relations  that  stood  to  his  discredit,  but 
tested  on  the  grounds  of  morality  itself  there  has 
always  been  a  tendency,  when  these  matters  become 


56  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

official,  to  throw  them  out  in  relief  of  undue  impor- 
tance in  the  perspective  of  life.  A  man  should  be 
judged  by  the  whole  intent  and  accomplishment  of 
his  career. 

Besides  ParnelPs  lapses  from  morality  were  not 
more  inexcusable  than  those  of  O'Connell,  or,  not  to 
remain  with  Irish  names  alone,  Nelson's,  Marl- 
borough's,  or  the  list  of  British  kings.  Be  that  as 
it  may  Parnell  was  not  condemned  at  the  outset  by 
the  hierarchy  of  the  Church  on  the  score  of  morality. 
It  was  after  the  verdict  of  the  Divorce  Court  that  a 
great  meeting  was  held  at  Leinster  Hall  in  Dublin 
at  which  an  enthusiastic  vote  of  confidence  in  Par- 
nell was  passed  with  the  approval  of  high  dignitaries 
of  the  Church.  The  Nonconformist  conscience  in 
England  was  less  easily  appeased,  and  by  that  influ- 
ence Gladstone  was  moved,  not  for  moral  but  for 
political  reasons,  to  repudiate  the  Irish  Leader.  Then 
in  Ireland  the  reaction  began  to  set  in,  and  the  man 
who  had  been  carried  to  the  skies  at  Leinster  Hall 
was  forthwith  flung  to  the  depths.  He  was  deposed 
from  the  leadership  of  the  Irish  Party.  He  was 
assaulted  in  Ireland ;  he  became  the  butt  of  abuse 
and  calumny.  Not  only  the  Irish  Party  but  the 
Irish  people  in  Ireland,  and  indeed  the  Irish  people 
throughout  the  world,  became  divided  into  two  camps 
— Parnellites  and  Anti-Parnellites.  The  priests,  with 
few  exceptions,  threw  in  their  weight  on  the  scale 
against  Parnell. 

Then  came  the  death  of  the  Chief.  This  event 
caused  a  shock  throughout  the  Irish  community ; 
hate  and  rancour  gave  way  to  a  feeling  of  loss,  a 
deep  sense  of  regret.  A  great  chapter  of  Ireland's 
history  had  been  closed  ;  who  could  foresee  the 


AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL  57 

future  ?  But  the  passions  that  had  been  stirred 
were  too  deep,  the  interests  at  stake  too  important 
to  permit  the  quarrel  to  be  closed  up,  and  in  the 
General  Election  which  followed  the  issue  was  still 
Parnellite  and  Anti-Parnellite,  and  the  battles  were 
fierce. 

It  was  at  this  stage  that  I  entered  definitely  into 
Irish  politics.  It  was  not  that  I  was  moved  by  my 
father's  principle  of  rallying  to  a  cause  that  was 
going  to  the  wall ;  I  believed  that  even  after  the 
death  of  "The  Chief"  Parnellite  principles  might 
still  prevail.  I  believed  that  the  progress  of  Ireland 
lay  in  that  direction.  At  this  time  I  had  but  a 
scanty  acquaintance  with  Ireland  beyond  what  I 
had  read  or  derived  by  Irish  instinct.  Nevertheless 
I  determined  to  stand  for  Galway.  Arriving  in  the 
famous  Citie  of  the  Tribes,  a  stranger,  I  soon  found 
myself  adopted  as  Parnellite  candidate,  and  at  once  I 
launched  into  an  energetic  campaign.  My  speeches 
were  fiery  with  the  spirit  of  independence  and  soon 
the  town  was  bubbling  with  excitement.  My  op- 
ponent was  a  man  named  Pinkerton,  a  Unitarian 
Ulster  farmer  who  had  been  taken  to  the  bosom  of 
the  priests  in  Galway.  In  three  weeks,  charged  as 
they  were  with  emotion  varied  by  the  contact  with 
material  facts,  I  seemed  to  learn  more  of  Irish 
politics,  Irish  character,  Irish  ways,  than  I  could 
have  gathered  by  six  years'  study  of  books,  docu- 
ments, and  speeches.  Never  shall  I  forget  the  im- 
pression of  cordial  Irish  friendliness,  of  the  enthusiasm 
of  help  offered  to  me  unstintedly  as  the  champion  of 
the  cause  of  the  people.  Never  shall  I  forget  either 
the  awaking  to  the  discovery  that  the  principles, 
the  ideals,  great  banners  though  they  be,  are  yet 


58  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

nothing  more  than  the  banners  waving  over  a  per- 
fect dsedalus  of  considerations,  interests,  obligations, 
wonderfully  interlaced.  Nor  shall  I  forget  the 
revelation  of  the  fighting  quality  of  the  Irishmen  of 
the  West,  for  more  than  once  I  was  attacked,  and 
the  blackthorns  of  my  supporters  flashed  all  at  once 
in  strokes  so  rapid  and  strong  that  Achilles  himself 
might  have  gasped  in  delight. 

What  a  race  this  was  !  So  ardent,  so  brave,  and 
strong,  so  tireless,  undaunted,  and  true.  Galway 
was  not  a  city  to  sack,  but  what  a  people  to  fight 
for  were  here.  Yet  I  was  beaten  !  I  was  beaten  by 
the  priests.  We  had  swept  over  the  town  ;  but  even 
my  experienced  electioneers  were  no  match  for  those 
arch-intriguers,  mad  on  winning  their  point,  re- 
specting neither  scruple  nor  truth.  It  was  reported 
that  I  had  retired  from  the  contest,  it  was  averred  in 
a  forged  telegram  purporting  to  come  from  Mel- 
bourne that  I  was  known  there  as  a  card-sharper, 
and  that  Johnson  was  my  real  name.  Bribery, 
menaces,  impersonation  did  the  rest.  My  opponent 
was  elected  by  fifty-two  votes. 

After  all  the  years  that  have  passed,  after  having 
been  on  a  fateful  occasion  elected  for  Galway,  I  do 
not  now  write  to  exhale  past  bitterness,  but  simply 
that  the  verity  of  these  matters  should  be  known. 
The  Irish  cause  is  too  great  and  good  to  have  need  of 
other  support  than  that  of  truth.  It  has  always 
been  my  instinct  to  avoid  cunning  in  politics,  and  as 
my  experience  increases  I  have  less  and  less  respect 
for  mere  astuteness,  duplicity,  deception. 

Since  that  election  of  Galway  I  have  never  attached 
much  importance  to  the  argument  that  a  constitu- 
ency is  sure  to  be  free  from  priestly  domination 


AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL  59 

because  it  returns  a  Protestant  member.  No  more 
signal  example  of  the  power  and  method  of  the 
priests  could  have  been  adduced  than  this  election 
in  which  Mr.  Pinkerton,  whatever  his  talents  and 
virtues,  was  nothing  more  than  a  cypher,  a  pawn  in 
the  game. 

The  Galway  election  closed  for  a  time  my  connec- 
tion with  Irish  politics.  I  retired  to  Paris  hoping 
to  resume  in  quiet  those  studies  in  science  which  had 
attracted  me,  but  which  the  Irish  campaign  had  so 
violently  interrupted.  But  the  virus  of  battle  had 
gone  into  my  blood.  I  desired  to  see  Ireland  entirely 
independent,  a  Republic,  and  during  my  sojourn  on 
the  Continent  I  sought  and  tested  every  means  by 
which  that  consummation  might  be  achieved.  Long 
before  the  South  African  war  I  had  convinced  myself 
of  the  impracticability,  at  least  by  physical  force,  of 
all  such  projects. 

In  the  meantime,  however,  I  had  seen  much  to 
disgust  me  with  English  methods  of  governing  Ire- 
land. Out  of  my  experiences  I  will  relate  one  or 
two  incidents.  Although  I  had  in  no  manner  done 
anything  illegal  I  found  that  I  had  become  a  marked 
man  in  Ireland.  I  was  shadowed  from  place  to 
place  and  the  fact  of  holding  conversations  with  other 
persons  noted.  In  London  I  had  joined  an  Amnesty 
Association  of  which  the  object  was  to  obtain  the 
release  of  political  prisoners.  The  meetings  of  this 
Association  were  always  open  to  the  public ;  it  was 
only  by  publicity  that  we  could  influence  public 
opinion.  But,  in  accordance  with  that  wretched 
system  which  has  always  prevailed  in  the  dealings 
with  Ireland,  amongst  the  comparatively  small 
number  of  our  members  were  two  paid  agents,  whose 


60  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

duty  it  was  to  report  anything  of  a  suspicious  nature 
in  our  proceedings.  These  men  had  nothing  to 
report,  but  their  pay  would  of  course  have  ceased  if 
they  had  acknowledged  that  fact.  Therefore  they 
invented  stories,  and  these,  the  most  improbable  and 
the  most  unfounded,  were  duly  transcribed  in  the 
books  at  the  Home  Office.  These  informers  were 
discovered  at  their  work,  and  my  attention  was 
called  to  the  fact.  At  that  time  I  thought  the 
matter  too  contemptible  for  notice,  but  the  informers 
were  expelled.  One  of  them,  I  was  told  long  after- 
wards, was  somewhat  roughly  handled ;  he  fell 
upon  evil  times  and  died  miserably.  As  a  sidelight 
on  the  traffic  in  Irish  politics  I  recalled  that  he  was 
one  of  the  stewards  at  the  Parnell  meeting  in  Ber- 
mondsey,  and  it  was  he  who  had  disallowed  my 
request  to  sit  on  the  platform. 

My  next  contact  with  the  British  Government  of 
that  time  came  about  in  an  unexpected  way.  One 
of  the  London  newspapers  had  commissioned  me  to 
go  to  Ashanti  as  war-correspondent  in  the  campaign 
against  King  Prempeh.  After  I  had  been  some  time 
on  the  scene  I  discovered  that  the  War  Office  had 
interfered  to  prevent  permission  being  given  me  to 
accompany  the  troops,  and  influence  from  high 
quarters  was  used  with  the  directors  of  newspapers 
which,  if  acted  upon,  would  have  prevented  me  from 
obtaining  any  sort  of  employment  in  Fleet  Street  at 
all.  At  that  time  I  had  in  no  way  infringed  the  law, 
had  had  no  opportunity  of  defence,  and  in  fact  it  was 
not  till  long  afterwards  that  I  learnt  the  inner  truth  of 
affairs.  Multiply  such  examples  of  mean  tyranny  ten 
thousand  fold  throughout  Ireland,  and  some  idea  may 
be  formed  of  the  abominable  system  then  in  vogue. 


AUTOBIOGEAPHICAL  61 

Meanwhile  I  had  published  in  London  a  number 
of  books.  Not  one  of  these  was  a  book  of  occasion, 
not  one  dealt  with  current  political  events.  They 
were  works  of  literature — a  novel,  studies  in  con- 
temporary literature  with  a  search  for  canons  of 
criticism,  a  book  of  poems.  My  experiences  in  this 
sphere  were  parallel  with  those  I  had  met  with  in 
the  political  world.  In  place  of  political  parties  mad 
with  hate,  I  found  literary  coteries  stiff  with  pre- 
judice or  corrupt  with  log-rolling,  and  I  found  my 
literary  work  involved  in  the  contempt  cast  upon 
my  political  opinions,  while  much  inferior  matter — 
I  can  say  it  for  it  was  mine  though  anonymous — 
was  highly  appreciated.  I  had  found  my  very  educa- 
tion to  be  a  detriment,  for  it  had  led  me  to  paths 
remote  from  the  golden  route  of  mediocrity.  The 
freedom  and  candour  of  vision  that  I  strove  to 
defend  seemed  a  crime.  What  remained  for  me  to 
do  ?  To  fight  out  these  matters  ?  Certainly  I  was 
not  devoid  of  combativity,  but  such  a  fight  involves 
a  lifetime,  and  we  mortals  have  but  one  life.  I 
determined  to  conquer  in  another  way,  and  to  begin 
by  shaking  the  dust  of  London  from  my  feet. 

Here  I  interpose  a  brief  interlude  to  say  that 
happily  for  my  respect  for  humanity  I  have  come  to 
see  all  these  matters  in  a  wider  scope.  My  mis- 
fortunes in  London  were  not  due  entirely  to  the  fact 
that  I  was  a  foreigner.  There  has  been  no  English- 
man who  has  ever  thought  or  written  with  the  sole 
regard  for  truth,  but  who  has  been  pilloried  by  the 
<  orthodox,  and  derided  by  the  fools.  The  history  of 
criticism  in  this  country  is  a  chapter  so  extraordinary 
that  if  we  do  not  call  it  shameful  it  is  because  in  the 
retrospect  it  seems  so  absurd. 


62  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

When  the  South  African  war  was  being  brought 
about  I  knew  something  of  the  inner  history  of  the 
intrigues  that  made  it  inevitable.  On  every  ground 
my  sympathies  were  with  the  Republic,  partly  no 
doubt  because  it  was  a  Republic.  I  do  not  desire  in 
this  place  to  go  beyond  this  necessary  mention. 

I  fought  ...  I  was  elected  for  Galway,  I  came  to 
fulfil  my  mandate,  I  was  put  on  trial,  I  was  sentenced 
to  death.  Here  again,  since  it  touches  on  Irish  affairs, 
I  will  say  that  this  trial  was  a  blunder  on  the  part 
of  the  authorities.  No  one  in  the  world,  not  even 
my  enemies,  could  believe  that  I  had  been  guilty  of 
treachery  to  any  cause  ;  and  the  pompous  solemnity 
of  High  Treason  did  not  blind  the  world  to  the  facts, 
nor  enhance  the  reputation  of  England  even,  in 
countries  bound  to  it  by  traditional  ties.  In  America 
and  in  France  especially  I  had  friends  amongst  the 
most  illustrious  to  whom  a  traitor  would  have  been 
abhorrent,  and  the  sympathy  of  these  nations  as 
indeed  of  all  the  civilised  countries  of  Europe  was 
overwhelmingly  in  my  favour. 

The  trial  exasperated  feeling  in  Ireland,  where  it 
was  regarded  as  motived  by  the  Galway  election 
rather  than  by  my  South  African  campaign.  Nor  do 
such  punishments  help  the  individual  to  appreciate 
the  glory  of  England.  For  the  brutal  manner  in 
which  the  Fenian  prisoners  were  treated  England 
has  paid  with  a  vengeance,  yes,  a  vengeance  that  in 
the  hatred  of  millions  of  Irish  in  America  has  more 
than  once  baulked  her  Empire,  and  even  threatened 
its  existence.  Is  the  recompense  for  that  to  be  fully 
found  in  the  savage  glutting  of  revenge  ? 

My  feeling  from  first  to  last  towards  my  enemies 
was  contempt.  But  I  will  not  dwell  on  that.  I  have 


AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL  63 

lived  to  find  even  that  feeling  washed  away,  and  to 
find  my  mind  filled  with  pity  towards  the  man  whom 
I  regarded  as  the  chief  agent  of  my  ruin. 

I  have  introduced  all  these  matters  of  the  past  in 
order  to  speak  still  of  the  future.  Of  all  the  missives 
I  had  received  at  the  time  of  my  trial  the  one  which 
produced  the  most  intense  thoughts,  as  I  have  said, 
was  that  which  contained  the  remark  that  I  had 
departed  from  the  course  of  Evolution.  In  the 
solitude  of  my  prison  cell  I  sought  to  pierce  to  the 
very  depths  of  all  my  motives,  to  place  myself  and 
my  acts  in  true  perspective,  to  know  in  how  far 
false  or  inferior  conceptions  had  influenced  me,  and 
to  cleanse  out  of  my  mind  whatever  was  due  to 
ignorance,  lower  hatred,  prejudice. 

The  result  of  this  examination  has  been  to  lead 
me  at  times  into  statements  or  acts  wherein  former 
friends  have  thought  they  have  detected  signs  of 
weakness  or  degeneracy.  I  will  only  say  that  it  re- 
quires less  courage  to  face  the  bullets  in  the  field, 
when  one  has  at  least  the  excitement  of  action,  the 
spur  of  vanity,  the  big  pompom  of  the  world's 
traditional  voice,  to  goad  one  on  ;  it  is  easier  to  meet 
death  in  heroism  than  determinedly  to  put  these 
standards  on  one  side,  and  say :  I  will  run  counter 
even  to  the  hopes  of  friends  if  duty  points  that  way. 

"  To  bear  all  naked  truths 
And  to  envisage  circumstance,  all  calm, 
That  is  the  top  of  Sovereignty." 

The  philosophical  mood  in  which  I  had  cast  myself 
made  me  see  how  much  of  falsity  there  is  in  our  Irish 
teaching  by  which  we  whip  up  our  enthusiasm : 

"  On  our  side  is  virtue  and  Erin, 
On  theirs  is  the  Saxon  and  guilt." 


64  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

John  Bull  on  the  other  hand  will  exclaim  out  upon 
this  as  if  it  were  unthinkable  that  any  superior  virtue 
should  reside  in  Erin,  and  any  guilt  with  him.  I  will 
say,  to  make  the  balance  even,  that  in  his  dealings 
with  Ireland  he  has  been  afflicted  with  something 
deeper  than  guilt — stupidity.  The  late  Lord  Morris, 
who  was  a  Unionist,  but  also  an  Irishman  and  a  wit, 
said  that  the  whole  problem  of  Ireland  was  this :  A 
quick-witted  people  cannot  be  bossed  by  a  dull  people. 
I  do  not  mean  to  take  advantage  of  this  quip  to 
insinuate  that  the  Irish  are  intellectually  superior 
to  the  English ;  the  English  have  done  marvellous 
things  in  science  ;  in  that  great  domain  of  intellectu- 
ality the  Irish  have  done  very  little.  This  demands 
explanation,  and  I  will  later  return  to  the  point. 

But  we  must  enquire  deeper  how  it  came  about 
that  the  quick-witted  people  ever  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  so-called  dull  people,  especially  after  that 
famous  start  when  the  quick-witted  people  were  the 
"  scholars  and  saints,"  and  when  they  "  combed  and 
washed  "  the  dullards.  There  must  have  been  a  vital' 
flaw  somewhere.  The  Irish  have  been  almost  too 
quick-witted,  or  at  least  too  quick  in  giving  expression 
to  that  wit,  and  they  are  too  sensitive  also.  Even  in 
our  own  day  we  have  seen  great  champions  flinging 
epithets  at  each  other  like  Homeric  heroes  hurling 
javelins,  and  howling  like  the  same  Homeric  heroes 
when  each  epithet  went  home. 

That  double  characteristic  has  made  them,  as  Mr. 
Tim  Healy  once  remarked,  a  "  fissiparous  "  people. 
In  every  crisis  in  Irish  history  we  have  found  the  in- 
evitable split.  Take  for  contrast  a  people  like  the 
Dutch,  who  are  not  aggressively  witty,  nor  unduly 
thinskinned.  The  Dutch  held  together  for  three 


65 

hundred  years  to  sweep  away  at  length  the  terrible 
Spaniards — they  cleared  them  out  even  too  com- 
pletely, for  the  blend  would  have  been  excellent. 

In  searching  in  Irish  questions  of  any  kind  we 
invariably  come  to  the  same  bed-rock,  the  Church  of 
Borne  and  Luther's  Reformation.  I  have  been 
assured  by  devout  Irishmen  that  the  true  cause  of 
the  movement  of  Luther  was  that  he  desired  to 
marry  a  nun.  This  I  do  not  believe,  I  say  it  almost 
with  regret,  for  if  I  have  but  a  reserved  appreciation 
of  Luther  the  philosopher,  yet  if  a  man  could  shake 
the  civilised  world  to  its  foundations  to  win  the 
woman  of  his  choice  my  heart  would  go  out  to  him 
in  sheer  admiration  of  the  lover.  From  the  same 
source  I  have  heard  that  the  true  cause  of  the  French 
Revolution  was  simply  the  ambitious  intrigues  of 
a  band  of  Freemasons  in  Paris. 

People  are  found  to  believe  these  tales.  That 
belief  reveals  narrowness  of  mind,  and  limitation  of 
view,  the  failure  to  recognise  that  these  events  were 
brought  about  by  the  great  movements  of  the  world, 
by  the  evolution  of  things  beyond  the  control  of  any 
one  man,  or  any  association  of  men.  As  far  back  as 
the  early  days  of  the  fourteenth  century  the  political 
system  of  the  Church  was  attacked  by  one  no  less 
than  the  author  of  the  great  Catholic  poem,  the"Divina 
Commedia  "  itself.  Dante,  whose  faith  seems  never 
to  have  wavered,  attributed  the  decline  of  the  Church 
to  the  endowments  of  Constantine.  Many  others  of 
the  era  of  Dante,  as  well  as  after  the  Renaissance, 
quarrelled  with  the  Church  not  because  of  its  dogmas, 
but  for  the  scandals  and  corruption  that  prevailed, 
the  rapacity  of  worldling  prelates,  overmatched  at 
length  by  the  fearful  tyranny  of  the  Inquisition  itself. 
5 


66  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

In  this  light  Luther  appears  as  a  reactionary  factor, 
even  as  in  our  day  men  of  the  type  of  Captain  Craig 
and  William  Moore  are  reactionary  factors,  because 
their  aggressive  temper  and  narrow  views  make  for 
strife ;  and  whenever  the  flag  of  party,  or  the 
symbols  of  religion,  are  carried  as  banners  to  the 
scene  of  war,  reason  vanishes  and  civilisation  blots 
out  its  lights. 

These  and  a  flood  of  other  thoughts,  hailing  from 
the  same  sources,  were  among  the  meditations  that 
came  to  me  in  prison,  prompted  by  my  reflections  on 
that  innocent  phrase :  The  course  of  evolution.  The 
ideas  thus  gained  have  abided  with  me,  and  have 
grown  to  strength  and  influence.  They  serve  to 
make  it  clear  to  me  for  one  thing,  that  at  the  present 
day  amid  any  recrudescence  of  religious  conflicts,  we 
must  invoke  no  pale  image  of  the  Williamite  wars, 
least  of  all  in  the  hope  of  extending  the  domination 
of  the  Catholic  Church.  Rather  we  must  allow  the 
causes  of  these  conflicts  to  die  out.  We  must  cease 
even  to  talk  of  "  toleration  "  as  a  virtue ;  there  is 
something  deeper  and  broader  than  toleration,  and 
that  is  justice ;  and  justice  is  a  duty.  Let  us  talk 
not  of  toleration  but  of  freedom,  and  let  tjiat  be 
cheerfully  accorded  as  a  right  to  all. 

Other  reflections  followed  in  another  realm  of 
ideas.  The  records  of  wrongs,  slights,  insults, 
atrocities,  and  tyrannies  may  be  available  to  nerve 
one  to  fight  when  the  tocsin  of  battle  has  sounded. 
But  in  the  piping  times  of  peace,  amid  a  new 
generation  of  men,  animated  for  the  most  part  with 
good  intentions,  is  it  worth  while  to  hark  back  con- 
tinuously to  an  abominable  past  ?  Henry  II  is  dead, 
rest  his  soul.  Queen  Elizabeth  is  dead ;  may  the 


AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL  67 

daisies  blow  light  on  her  grave.  Even  Oliver 
Cromwell  is  dead ;  and  whatever  we  may  think 
of  him,  we  may,  as  the  Irish  car-driver  said 
of  one  who  had  paid  his  legal  fare,  "  1'ave  him  to 
God." 

I  remember  the  baleful  light  in  my  father's  eyes 
when  he  spoke  of  the  cruelties  Irishmen  endured  in 
his  day  ;  but  after  all  neither  we  nor  the  Englishmen 
we  have  to  deal  with  now  have  seen  these  cruelties. 
We  may  have  accounts  of  our  own  to  settle ;  well 
let  us  settle  them  like  men,  and  if  possible  like 
reasonable  men. 

And  further  we  as  Irishmen  must  put  out  of  our 
heads  those  silly  notions  that  all  our  woes  have  been 
due  to  English  "  oppression."  We  ought  to  be 
ashamed  to  utter  the  word.  How  if  all  the  stories 
be  true  of  our  superior  virtues,  of  our  saints  and 
scholars,  when  we  owned  all  Ireland  and  had  the  ball 
at  our  feet,  how,  in  the  name  of  God,  did  we  ever 
become  downtrodden  and  oppressed  ? 

The  English  are  hypocrites,  we  say  ;  granted,  but 
what  are  we,  in  our  way,  with  our  talk  of  the  woes 
of  the  past  ?  We  know  between  ourselves  we  are 
hypocrites,  for  in  the  old  days  we  coined  a  word  for 
it,  rameis,  a  word  still  useful  to  hurl  at  opponents. 
At  the  beginning  of  our  conflict  with  England  the 
disparity  of  numbers  was  not  marked,  even  in  regard 
to  the  total  populations.  It  was  all  on  our  side 
with  regard  to  invaders.  In  1014  Brian  Boru  crushed 
the  power  of  the  terrible  Danes,  in  1066  the  boasted 
Anglo-Saxons  saw  their  own  country  wrested  from 
them  by  a  band  of  buccaneers,  and  they  lived  to 
claim  as  their  proudest  boast  some  blood  affinity 
with  the  foreign  conquerors.  And  now  we  talk  of 


68  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

the  oppressions  of  these  same  Anglo-Saxons,  or  their 
Norman  over-lords  and  we  sing  : 

"  On  our  side  is  virtue  and  Erin, 
On  theirs  is  the  Saxon  and  guilt." 

What  virtue  ?  What  is  virtue,  ye  gods  ?  What  is 
the  use  of  talking  of  virtue,  what  is  the  use  of  count- 
ing our  beads,  and  calling  blessings  on  our  heads,  if 
we  see  our  country  wrested  from  us,  because 
bigotries,  jealousies,  ungovernable  tempers,  have 
prevented  us  from  uniting  like  men  in  defence  ? 
The  test  of  virtue  is  life  ;  not  quietism,  but  energy  is 
the  standard  of  life  ! 

In  the  United  States  of  America  which  I  had 
visited  some  thirty  years  after  the  close  of  one  of  the 
most  terrible  struggles  in  the  annals  of  man,  I  seldom 
heard  people  speak  of  the  war.  If  they  did,  it  was 
with  the  meditation  of  students  of  ancient  history. 
I  met  men  who  had  fought  with  great  distinction  in 
that  gigantic  campaign.  They  were  immersing  them- 
selves in  things  of  the  present,  looking  forward  still 
to  the  future.  Here  was  a  general,  the  very  type 
of  a  daring  cavalry  leader  ;  but  that  was  of  the  past, 
he  was  now  a  builder.  Here  was  one  of  the  rank 
and  file,  one  who  had  served  both  in  the  Navy  and 
Army  ;  he  was  foreman  in  a  factory. 

Terrible  things  had  happened  in  that  war.  Both 
sides  had  agreed  to  forget  them.  It  was  more  im- 
portant to  build  up  their  country  again.  Can  we 
not  learn  a  lesson  from  this  for  Ireland  ?  I  had 
long  since  ceased  to  believe  in  physical  force  as  a 
remedy  for  Ireland,  not  from  temperament  but  from 
a  calm  survey  of  facts.  I  had  long  since  taken  with 
a  grain  of  salt  the  impartiality  of  Irish  chroniclers 


AUTOBIOGKAPHICAL  69 

or  the  insight  of  English  historians.  I  recognised  in 
both  nations  great  qualities;  and  these  qualities 
though  not  parallel  are  complements  of  each  other. 

Also  I  had  seen,  even  in  my  own  favour — and  I 
learned  subsequently  how  much  wider  than  I  sup- 
posed it  had  been — the  noble  effort  of  many  English- 
men of  all  ranks  and  degrees  of  culture  to  shake  off 
passion  and  prejudice,  and  to  estimate  my  own 
doings  by  standards  of  higher  equity.  I  asked  my- 
self again,  does  not  a  duty  he  on  me  also  to  rise  above 
prejudice,  to  recognise  how  much  England — even 
in  the  midst  of  wars,  some  defensive,  some  piratical — 
has  done  for  civilisation,  to  appreciate  this  whole- 
heartedly, to  feel  pure  admiration  for  what  she  has 
given  to  the  world  of  her  illustrious  men  of  science, 
her  glorious  succession  of  poets  ?  The  fame  of 
Milton,  Keats,  Faraday,  and  Darwin,  seized  my  soul 
in  admiration  ;  it  is  true  that  on  reflection  I  remem- 
bered that  this  great  nation  had  flung  Milton  into 
prison,  not  for  his  vices  but  for  his  virtues ;  that  it 
had  driven  Keats  to  his  death  in  derision ;  that 
Faraday  had  lived  on  the  stipend  of  the  valet  of  a 
lord ;  and  that  Darwin  was  the  ridicule  of  his  age. 
It  would  seem  that  we  both  have  a  good  deal  of  lee- 
way to  make  up  ;  we  can  help  each  other. 

Perhaps  the  last  consideration  of  this  kind  is  the 
most  curious.  It  is  easier  to  be  extreme  than  to 
weigh  all  things  calmly,  and  remain  just.  It  is 
easier  to  be  a  hero  than  an  honest  man.  By  honest 
man  I  mean  one  who  is  honest  in  his  soul,  at  all 
times,  and  in  all  things.  It  is  easier  to  be  a  moderate 
man  than  an  honest  man.  It  does  not  follow  that 
the  extreme  man  is  wrong  because  he  is  extreme. 
The  moderate  man,  who  is  moderate  simply  as  a 


70  IEELAND:    VITAL  HOUK 

safe  guidance  to  his  neuter  soul,  is  the  most  unin- 
teresting humbug  of  all.  The  moderate  man  hears 
two  disputing,  one  saying  7  and  6  are  13,  and  the 
other  7  and  6  are  11  ;  and  then  the  moderate  man 
decides  that  7  and  6  are  12,  and  smiles  in  his  air  of 
superior  virtue.  I  have  seen  the  shores  of  nations 
strewn  with  the  wreckage  of  the  moderate  man,  the 
man  who  will  not  face  any  issue  fairly  and  squarely, 
who  will  not  shoulder  any  responsibility  if  he  can 
put  it  off  on  another,  who  temporises,  who  serves 
the  hour,  who  deceives  even  his  own  petty  conscience. 
It  was  said  of  Cicero,  I  believe,  that  his  excess  was 
moderation.  And  that  reflection  makes  me  the  less 
regret  his  end. 

The  purport  of  all  this  is,  that  we  should  never 
seek  refuge  in  an  opinion,  or  in  a  line  of  conduct, 
styled  moderate  simply  because  it  is  the  mean 
between  two  opposed  views.  Rather  let  us  study 
the  problem  in  itself,  get  to  know  the  truth  of  the 
matter,  and  in  freedom  of  spirit  base  our  decision 
on  justice  and  right. 

How  did  that  affect  me  ?  On  my  release  from 
prison  it  would  have  been  possible  for  me  to  assume 
the  championship  of  the  irreconcilable  enemies  of 
England.  It  required  more  strength  of  mind  to  say 
to  such  suggestions,  definitely,  No. 

I  had  previously  had  a  conversation  on  this  point 
with  Michael  Davitt  himself.  In  discussing  the  ques- 
tion with  him  I  pointed  out  the  futility  of  the  talk  of 
physical  force,  the  absence  even  of  the  essential 
beginnings  of  preparation  to  make  such  a  project 
practicable,  and  above  all  the  fiasco,  in  as  far  as  the 
Irish  in  Ireland  and  in  America  were  concerned,  in 
the  South  African  war.  No  doubt  there  were  all 


AUTOBIOGKAPHICAL  71 

sorts  of  reasons  which  prevented  militant  Irishmen 
from  helping  the  Boers  to  maintain  their  liberties — 
difficulties  of  recruitment,  transport,  equipment,  and 
all  the  rest — but  the  fact  remained  that  not  more 
than  a  dozen  young  fellows  from  Ireland  direct  found 
their  way  to  the  fighting  line ;  the  great  physical 
force  organisations  in  America,  which  were  less 
hampered  in  every  way,  sent  belatedly  less  than  a 
hundred  men.  To  all  this  Davitt  replied  :  "  Yes,  but 
physical  force  is  more  than  that ;  physical  force  is  a 
Faith !  " 

Here  was  a  word  on  which  I  pondered  as  seriously 
as  on  my  English  correspondent's  "  Evolution." 
Faith !  Yes,  there  was  something  hypnotic  in  the 
word,  something  too  of  unreality  ;  and  not  the  least 
part  of  its  influence  was  its  unreality.  This  word,  so 
used,  seemed  to  me  to  reveal  a  depth  of  psychology. 
It  is  the  attitude  of  a  man  who  in  this  regard  moves 
through  life  as  in  a  dream,  a  dream  of  high  ideal,  if 
you  will,  but  still  a  dream.  Reason  he  refuses  to 
see.  Let  the  stern  movement  of  fact  crash  upon  his 
understanding,  he  refuses  to  be  convinced.  Is  he 
right  ? 

No.  There  is  a  vast  movement  of  the  world,  a 
universal  sweep  of  things,  which  determines  not 
merely  man's  fate,  the  destiny  of  nations,  but  the 
whole  apparition  of  the  times  to  come.  We  must 
be  in  accord  with  it,  or  we  become  swallowed  up. 
Fight  against  it,  and  we  are  merely  false  shoots. 
Nor  can  we  fend  off  the  inevitable  by  giving  exalted 
names,  or  calling  our  conceptions  great  ideals.  Build 
in  Nature,  trust  in  Nature,  abide  in  Nature.  .  .  . 
Names.  Names  !  Do  not  let  us  be  hypnotised  by 
names.  You  cannot  cure  a  man  of  stone  in  the 


72  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

bladder  by  calling  him  Lord  Chancellor,  or  even 
King  of  Kings,  nor  slacken  the  ravages  of  phthisis  by 
extolling  the  virtue  of  the  subject.  The  dreams  of 
Israel,  the  stubborn  traditions  of  Egypt,  have  been 
swept  away.  Assyria,  Greece,  Rome,  Carthage,  what 
are  they  ?  Byron  exclaims.  They  have  been 
weighed  in  the  balance  of  forces  that  move  around 
us,  but  which  are  for  ever  telling  us  their  truths  in 
those  laws  of  Nature  which  it  is  the  function  of 
science  to  make  clear.  And  is  Ireland  not  to  be 
weighed  in  the  balance  ?  Is  England  not  to  be  tried 
in  the  fire  ?  Yes,  for  both  these  countries  a  critical 
time  has  come.  Ireland  has  at  best  a  hard  path  to 
climb.  Signs  are  not  wanting,  as  I  heard  a  French 
scientist  remark — for  in  his  politeness  he  would  not 
say  that  England  was  on  the  down  grade — but  that, 
one  feels  that  the  curve  of  England's  greatness  has 
passed  its  culminating  point.  These  countries  may 
save  each  other  if  they  come  to  terms,  and  get  to- 
gether for  mutual  support.  This  in  effect  was  the 
reply  to  my  meditations  to  Davitt's  plea  of  Faith. 

The  upshot  of  these  thoughts  brought  into  the  light 
of  common  day  has  a  tame  and  humdrum  aspect. 
I  determined  after  my  release  that  I  would  eventually 
seek  re-election  to  Parliament.  Further,  since  con- 
sistently with  Ireland's  right  and  just  demands,  I 
hoped  for  an  ultimate  conciliation,  it  seemed  to  me 
useless  to  keep  alive  matters  of  friction  which  added 
no  strength  to  Ireland.  The  carrying  out  of  my 
programme  was  delayed  by  the  manner  of  my  re- 
lease which  exhibited  again  the  mean  and  petty 
character  of  transaction  which  has  so  often  irritated 
the  Irish  people  and  destroyed  the  good  feeling  that 
should  be  produced  by  "  concessions."  I  was  re- 


AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL  73 

leased,  but  I  remained  deprived  of  civil  rights,  and 
this  made  my  situation  so  difficult  that  it  required 
at  times  all  my  resolution  to  keep  in  the  path  I  had 
traced,  and  to  resist  being  swept  away  by  feelings. 

I  will  not  now  speak  of  the  difficulties  which  I  had 
to  overcome.  I  was  elected  by  the  people  of  West 
Clare,  in  my  father's  county,  and  I  have  now  reached 
the  point,  where  I  can  survey  the  actual  situation, 
and  cast  forward  my  thought  towards  the  shaping 
of  the  future. 


CHAPTEK   III 

ACTUAL  CONDITIONS 

IRELAND  had  been  likened  to  Poland.  Lest  the 
comparison  should  shock  any  sensitive  reader,  I  will 
hasten  to  explain  that  my  authority  is  no  less  than 
the  late  Mr.  Joseph  Chamberlain  himself,  who  speak- 
ing at  West  Islington  on  the  17th  June,  1885,  said  : 

I  do  not  believe  that  the  great  majority  of 
Englishmen  have  the  slightest  conception  of  the 
system  under  which  this  free  nation  attempts 
to  rule  a  sister  country.  It  is  a  system  which  is 
founded  on  the  bayonets  of  30,000  soldiers  en- 
camped permanently  as  in  a  hostile  country.  It 
is  a  system  as  completely  centralised  and  bureau- 
cratic as  that  with  which  Russia  governs  Poland, 
or  as  that  which  was  common  in  Venice  under 
Austrian  rule. 

I  say  the  time  has  come  to  reform  altogether 
the  absurd  and  irritating  anachronism  which  is 
known  as  Dublin  Castle,  to  sweep  away  alto- 
gether these  alien  boards  of  foreign  officials,  and 
to  substitute  for  them  a  genuine  Irish  Adminis- 
tration for  purely  Irish  business. 

These  utterances  were  not  the  offspring  of  "  green 
and  salad  days,"  they  expressed  the  considered 
opinion  of  a  statesman  in  the  prime  of  his  powers. 

74 


ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  75 

Certainly  I  have  no  desire  to  insist  on  the  force  of 
such  a  statement,  but  it  is  well  to  have  the  Russian 
model  in  view  in  considering  the  mechanism  of  the 
Government  of  Ireland.  The  Russian  Constitution 
is  said  to  be  an  autocracy,  tempered  by  assassination. 
The  Irish  system,  a  pale  copy  of  Russia,  is  a  des- 
potism veiled  by  hypocrisies.  But  before  examining 
this  subject  more  closely,  let  us  consider  what  a 
Government  ought  to  be  for  Ireland,  composed 
mainly  of  agricultural  people  forming  a  small  and 
compact  community.  The  question  of  defence  is 
immediately  presented.  That  question  is  of  prime 
importance  for  England,  but  during  long  periods  of 
Irish  history,  though  doubtless  not  so  at  present,  it 
has  hacl  an  ironical  aspect ;  for  the  power  against 
which  Irishmen  wished  to  be  protected  was  that  of 
England  itself.  At  times  they  have  hailed  the  pros- 
pect of  a  foreign  invasion  as  a  godsend.  It  was  the 
French  who  were  to  be  the  deliverers  as  in  the  old 
song,  "  Shan  van  Vocht."  The  feeling  still  survives 
in  parts  of  Ireland  though  it  has  become  adapted  to 
the  situation. 

Not  long  before  the  outbreak  of  the  war  I  saw 
invocations  to  the  Germans  to  come  over  and  help 
us.  After  the  outbreak  of  the  war  there  became 
evident  in  some  quarters  a  pro-German  feeling, 
especially  amongst  those  unacquainted  with  German 
methods  and  German  rule.  Yet  no  country  more 
than  Ireland  would  have  suffered  in  the  eventual 
downfall.  It  is  well  to  recognise  clearly  that  in  the 
event  of  an  attack  by  a  foreign  foe  it  will  always  be 
policy,  if  nothing  higher,  to  fight  if  not  for  England 
as  England,  still  in  the  defence  of  the  whole  com- 
munity. That  has  been  shown  to  be  the  attitude 


76  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

of  the  great  majority  of  Irishmen,  but  we  may  well 
consider  this  aspect  of  the  matter  for  a  moment. 

Ireland  could  not  really  be  stirred  to  Pan-Teutonism, 
but  throughout  a  considerable  section  of  the  people 
the  feeling  of  Anti-Unionism,  brought  to  a  crisis  by 
the  war,  found  expression  in  pro-German  sentiments. 
The  explanation  of  this  was  given  to  me  in  a  letter  I 
received  from  an  unlettered  but  intelligent  countryman 
who  pointed  out  that  not  only  the  German  Govern- 
ment but  even  the  English  Government  was  remote 
from  the  lives  of  the  people,  to  whom  the  name  of 
England  simply  called  up  the  memories  of  a  hundred 
years  of  bitter  struggle,  the  spectacles  of  famine, 
emigration,  evictions,  and  the  figures  of  police  and 
army  officers  crushing  the  peasants  at  the  behest  of 
iron  English  laws.  Home  Rule  had  been  granted, 
"  with  a  string  to  it,"  as  the  people  expressed  it ;  at 
the  best  Home  Rule  still  remained  but  a  tentative 
promise.  Suppose,  for  example,  that  Germany  were 
successful  in  the  present  war  and  if  they  promised  a 
measure  of  local  government  to  Belgium,  could  the 
Belgians  be  expected,  turning  round  from  one  day 
to  another,  to  sing,  "  Deutschland,  Deutschland 
iiber  alles  "  ?  The  English  reader  will  revolt  at  the 
comparison  and  cry  out,  We  are  not  Germans,  and 
Ireland  is  not  Belgium ;  but  his  very  indignation 
may  show  how  difficult  it  is  to  look  at  a  subject  from 
any  point  of  view  but  one's  own.  The  Irish  peasant 
and  the  Irish  artisan  see  the  question  from  their 
particular  standpoint. 

Men  whose  horizon  is  wider,  men  who  weigh  in  their 
minds  a  greater  number  of  factors,  arrive  at  con- 
clusions which  they  believe  to  be  wise,  and  they  are 
astonished  at  the  lack  of  common  sense  of  those  who 


ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  77 

fail  to  agree  with  them.  I  have  described  the  potent 
effect  on  my  mind  of  the  word  "  Evolution/'  and  of 
the  long  train  of  thought  to  which  it  led  ;  but  what 
is  Evolution  to  the  hard-handed,  sore-tried  tiller  of 
the  soil  ?  He  knows  nothing  of  Evolution ;  he 
knows  the  facts  and  the  stories  that  have  built  up 
his  opinions  or  his  prejudices,  and  responding  to 
the  instinctive  abhorrence  of  tyranny  he  vaunts  his 
hate  upon  the  nearest  symbol  of  oppression.  The 
situation  in  Ireland  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  was 
not  smooth,  and  it  still  remains  difficult.  Had  there 
been  no  Home  Rule  Act,  had  a  regime  of  coercion 
been  in  force,  there  would  have  been  happenings 
serious  for  the  safety  of  Great  Britain.  And  the 
same,  as  I  know,  is  true,  with  little  alteration  of 
terms,  for  South  Africa. 

Most  of  the  leaders  of  public  opinion  in  Ireland 
kept  their  heads,  but  their  hold  on  the  young  men 
was  found  to  have  weakened.  Thousands  of  these 
emigrated  to  America,  and  some  of  the  leaders  called 
them  cowards.  I  do  not  think  that  term  was  justified, 
though  I  believe  the  chief  reason  of  the  emigration 
was  that  these  young  men  began  to  feel  as  intolerable 
the  pressure  brought  to  bear  on  them  to  join  the 
Army.  A  soldier,  a  man  who  took  "  the  Saxon 
shilling,"  had  always  been  looked  upon  with  con- 
tempt by  Nationalists,  although  these  same  Irishmen, 
still  preserving  their  opinion  for  the  individual, 
seemed  proud  to  hear  of  the  bravery  of  Irish  troops. 

Irish  meetings  had  always  ended  with  the  singing 
of  "  God  Save  Ireland."  In  the  new  regime,  so 
suddenly  inaugurated,  Irishmen  found  that  their  old 
patriotic  choruses  were  banished,  their  old  heroes, 
from  Wolfe  Tone  downward,  were  taboo,  while  the 


78  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

proceedings  were  now  sanctified  by  a  song  which 
they  had  never  heard  before  except  from  the  lips  of 
their  enemies — "  God  Save  the  King  "  ;  but  on  the 
platform  in  this  new  era,  mingling  with  their  well- 
known  leaders  and  singing  this  hymn  with  gusto, 
they  beheld  the  same  enemies  of  old.  And  when 
they  were  invited  to  join  an  Irish  Brigade  to  fight  at 
the  Front  they  were  assured  that  these  same  gallant 
gentlemen  would  lead  them.  To  face  all  this  steadily 
required  cooler  heads  and  more  statesmanlike  qualities 
than  Nature  has  given  to  the  honest  Irish  countryman. 
But  it  was  not  in  the  country  only,  but  rather 
in  Dublin  that  this  difficulty  was  severely  felt. 
The  orthodox  Nationalist  papers,  the  "  Freeman's 
Journal,"  and  the  "  Independent "  were  strongly  in 
favour  of  Great  Britain ;  but  the  papers  that  lie  on 
the  fringe  of  Nationalism,  or  which  strike,  as  they 
maintain,  a  deeper  and  truer  note  than  the  Irish 
Parliamentary  Party,  these  papers  were,  if  not  pro- 
German,  at  least  anti-recruiting.  "  Sinn  Fein,"  "  The 
Irish  Worker,"  "  The  Irish  Volunteer,"  "  Irish  Free- 
dom," "  Eire"  (Ireland),  and  "  The  Leader"  were 
either  suppressed  or  warned  by  the  Government. 
The  "  Gaelic  American,"  the  organ  of  the  physical- 
force  men  in  America,  and  the  "  Irish  World,"  which 
up  to  the  war  had  steadfastly  advocated  the  policy 
of  Mr.  Redmond,  published  articles  of  such  a  character 
that  the  Government  prohibited  their  circulation  in 
Ireland.  Most  of  the  younger  generation  of  poets, 
great  inspirators,  declared  for  advanced  Nationalism. 
Such  conflicts  are  deeply  regrettable ;  on  whom 
should  rest  the  blame  ?  Partly  on  ourselves,  I 
answer,  and  partly  on  the  British  Government.  The 
handling  of  Ireland  has  shown  all  the  merciful  dis- 


ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  79 

pensations  and  also  all  the  blunders  of  the  tact  of 
weak  men.  The  suppression  of  the  Nationalist  papers 
was  a  mistake ;  it  only  enforced  the  argument  of 
those  who  cried,  We  don't  want  protection  except 
from  the  English  Government ;  it  strengthened  the 
hands  of  those  who  in  America  attempted  to  turn  the 
tide  of  opinion  against  Great  Britain.  In  a  great 
crisis,  moreover — the  very  destiny  of  England  as  well 
as  of  Ireland  being  at  stake — greater  concession  should 
have  been  made  to  that  form  of  National  sentiment, 
or  even  sensibility,  that  I  have  indicated.  The 
promise  of  Home  Rule  was  not  sufficient,  and  the 
manner  of  its  announcement  was  not  gracious.  I 
am  reminded  here  of  a  saying  of  Frederick  III  of 
Germany  who,  when  the  German  Empire  was  es- 
tablished, said  of  the  statesmen,  These  men  have  no 
Aufschwung  (afflatus)  ;  they  hand  over  the  German 
Crown  as  if  they  had  taken  it  from  a  pawnbroker's 
shop  wrapped  in  an  old  newspaper. 

But  this  referred  only  to  the  manner  of  presenta- 
tion ;  the  reality  was  there.  With  regard  to  the 
Home  Rule  Act  I  have  asked  myself  often  if  ever  the 
proposed  reality,  with  its  "  strings,"  will  prove  to  be 
worth  taking,  that  is  to  say,  whether  it  will  be  an 
improvement  on  the  present  condition — a  Home  Rule 
Act  over  which  hangs  the  shadow  of  Dismemberment 
of  Ireland,  an  Act  which  will  allow  a  part  of  Ireland 
to  carry  on  a  local  business  with  insufficient  funds, 
reserving  to  the  Parliament  at  Westminster,  where 
the  Irish  representation  will  be  greatly  reduced,  the 
control  of  matters  that  are  vital. 

Not  to  delay  further  on  this  aspect  of  the  matter,  I 
will  say  sincerely,  that  there  is  danger  here,  and 
indeed  in  South  Africa,  for  all  these  questions  are 


80  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

linked  together,  and  the  mistake  has  occurred  not 
in  giving  authority  to  the  people  too  hastily  or  too 
largely,  but  in  not  having  given  it,  once  and  for  all,  so 
fully  and  in  such  a  manner  of  generosity,  as  to  wash 
away  the  traces  of  past  hatreds  in  the  sweet  waters 
of  alliance.  The  problem  is  not  disposed  of  for  either 
country,  for  no  solution  can  be  final  that  seeks  to 
compress  even  the  style  of  government  into  a  Pro- 
crustean bed  of  mediaeval  form  which  cramps  and 
cripples  England  herself. 

The  difficulties  in  the  way  will  be  seen  in  the 
chapter  on  Parliament.  At  this  point  I  will  repeat 
that  I  for  one  desire  to  see  eventually  the  best  under- 
standing possible  between  England  and  Ireland,  but 
I  do  not  believe  that  the  best  way  is  to  ask  Irishmen 
to  turn  their  backs  on  their  national  heroes,  to  discard 
those  ideals  which  have  been  century-long  the  in- 
spiration of  their  race. 

Eegarding  the  question  of  internal  administration, 
we  find  Ireland  overrun  with  bureaucrats,  officials  of 
all  kinds,  some  of  them  no  doubt  excellent,  but  all 
non-producers.  If  this  spectacle  be  once  clearly  and 
graphically  represented  in  the  mind,  with  all  that  it 
means,  the  image  of  Russia  seems  to  fade,  and  that 
of  China  takes  its  place.  Ireland  is  choked  by 
mandarins.  Let  us  probe  this  matter  a  little.  Let 
us  look  at  the  question  philosophically,  for  that  word 
should  not  imply  mere  abstraction,  it  should  indicate 
rather  the  necessity  of  delving  to  a  deep  base  in 
order  to  build  up  consecutively  and  consistently  a 
body  of  thought. 

Man's  contest  is  with  Nature.  That  is  to  say,  the 
means  of  subsistence  of  the  individual  man,  as  well 
as  of  the  nation  depend  on  the  natural  resources  that 


ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  81 

lie  about  him,  and  the  skill  and  perseverance  with 
which  he  avails  himself  of  the  products  available. 
In  the  old  days  when  the  tribes  were  hunters  the 
family  dinner  depended  on  the  alertness  of  the  man, 
his  speed,  his  fine  adjustment  of  hand  and  eye. 
Nowadays  agriculturists  require  a  knowledge  of  the 
best  means  of  cultivating  the  ground,  the  best  seeds 
to  sow,  and  the  best  conditions  for  a  successful 
harvest.  Their  lives  seem  more  humdrum  at  first 
sight  than  that  of  the  hunters,  but  already  the  ele- 
ment of  thought  is  becoming  more  serious ;  and  it 
is  that  which  in  the  long  run  tells  in  the  upbuilding 
of  nations.  A  good  farmer  will  obtain  far  more  from 
a  field  than  a  bad  farmer ;  and  in  our  own  times, 
after  thousands  of  years  of  tilling  the  soil,  we  find  that 
in  countries  where  the  land  is  scanty  in  proportion 
to  population — as  in  France — methods  of  inten- 
sive culture  are  being  studied  more  closely  than 
ever  and  with  greater  success.  When  we  reach  this 
stage,  however,  we  are  already  launched  into 
science. 

Science  is  not  distinct  from  common  sense ;  it 
consists  in  giving  to  common  sense  greater  accuracy, 
wider  range,  illumination.  Thus  the  necessities  of 
transport  in  commerce  have  gradually  brought  about 
the  study  of  the  making  of  roads  and  bridges,  and 
finally  the  invention  of  the  railway.  The  need  of 
communication  has  given  us  the  services  of  the  post 
and  telegraph.  I  do  not  mean  that  scientific  dis- 
coveries and  inventions  have  always  arisen  directly 
in  response  to  some  national  want.  Science  itself 
comes  to  have  a  realm,  which  is  often  believed  to  be 
divorced  from  such  considerations  ;  but  as  science  is 
really  the  questioning  of  nature  and  interpretation 
6 


82  IEELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

of  natural  phenomena,  it  is  not  possible  to  make  any 
discovery  in  that  realm  that  will  not  eventually 
redound  in  importance  to  practical  life.  The  re- 
searches which  eventually  led  to  the  electric  telegraph 
and  to  wireless  telegraphy  were  at  one  time  scoffed 
at  as  frivolous  by  so-called  "  practical "  men.  Yet 
if  the  whole  matter  be  clearly  apprehended  it  will  be 
seen  that  the  history  of  the  progress  of  civilisation 
has  been  parallel  with  that  of  the  history  of  science. 
Science  is  the  woof  of  civilisation ;  each  nation 
supplies  its  own  patterns  in  the  variegated  forms  of 
institutions,  customs,  and  manners. 

In  all  this,  however,  it  becomes  evident  that  the 
wealth  of  nations  cannot  be  extended  beyond  the 
possibility  of  natural  resources.  The  natural  re- 
sources may  be  developed,  as,  for  instance,  by 
afforestation,  by  improving  fisheries,  by  fertilising 
the  soil.  Or  if  a  nation  be  great  in  manufactures  it 
may  profit  by  the  natural  resources  of  others.  Cer- 
tainly it  happens  luckily  for  us  that  the  natural 
resources  of  the  globe  are  enormously  in  excess  of 
what  is  required  to  support  the  present  population ; 
our  miseries  on  that  score  are,  in  great  part,  due  to 
the  bad  management. 

But  how  does  this  apply  to  Ireland  ?  Simply,  in 
this  way,  that  by  virtue  of  her  situation  and  the 
character  of  her  resources,  and  considering  the 
energy,  and,  speaking  generally,  the  law-abiding  and 
helpful  character  of  the  inhabitants,  Ireland  should 
be  governed  with  an  administration  not  as  burden- 
some by  one-tenth  as  that  which  she  supports.  A 
country  fertile,  but  not  well  endowed  with  minerals, 
an  active,  laborious  population  living  by  agriculture, 
and  above  that  an  army  of  non-producers,  all  the 


ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  83 

administration  of  the  land,  the  administration  of 
other  industries,  the  administration  of  the  law  with- 
out its  thousand  and  one  parasites,  the  army  of  the 
executive  employed  in  coercing  people  who  generally 
speaking  are  in  no  need  of  coercing :  that  is  what  we 
behold  ;  then  apart  from  these  there  is  the  adminis- 
tration of  education  and  that  of  religion  both  desired 
by  the  people,  but  both  supported  eventually  by  the 
sweat  of  the  brow  of  the  labourer.  This  system  of 
over-governance,  this  army  of  functionaries,  living 
upon  and  crushing  down  the  man  who  is  the  type 
and  the  strength  of  the  nation;  this  is  bad  every- 
where in  Europe,  but  in  Ireland  the  evil  is  intensified 
by  reason  of  the  alien  origin  of  the  officials. 

I  do  not  mean  to  use  the  word  alien  here  in  an 
offensive  sense.  The  ofiicial  may  be  an  Englishman, 
endued  with  a  monumental  ignorance  of  Ireland,  or 
he  may  be  an  Irishman  of  the  "  Ascendancy  "  class, 
and  then  his  hatred  of  the  aspirations  of  the  people 
is  active.  Few  Englishmen,  even  amongst  the 
politicians,  know  how  Ireland  is  governed.  I  re- 
member once  hearing  Mr.  Birrell  in  the  House  of 
Commons  debating  an  Irish  question  of  some  im- 
portance. At  a  certain  moment  he  observed  that 
nearly  all  the  Liberal  members  as  well  as  the  Tory 
side  of  the  House  had  departed.  Not  even  the  lively 
play  of  the  Chief  Secretary's  humour  had  been  suffi- 
cient to  detain  them.  "  Look  there/'  he  exclaimed, 
"  how  is  it  possible  for  such  people  ever  to  know  any- 
thing of  Ireland  ?  Their  ignorance  is  excusable  only 
because  it  seems  to  be  incurable  !  " 

The  Government  of  Ireland  is  epitomised  in  the 
Castle  System.  The  word  Castle,  Castle,  Castle, 
recurg  again  and  again  in  Irish  history  like  the 


84  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

leit-motif  of  a  Wagnerian  opera.1  The  establishment 
of  the  Castle,  the  advance  of  its  power,  the  modern 
assaults  upon  its  walls,  which  have  left  it  still  intact ; 
that  is  the  English  aspect  of  the  history  of  Ireland. 
The  Castle  system  is  admirable  as  a  type  of  central- 
ised government,  one  that  might  well  have  been 
incorporated  into  the  national  life  of  Ireland,  but 
for  that  one  fatal  flaw  of  its  alien  origin.  Ireland's 
little  king,  the  Viceroy,  or  Lord-Lieutenant  is, 
theoretically,  the  dispenser  of  light  and  force  in 
Ireland.  His  Chief  Secretary  sits  in  the  Parliament 
at  Westminster.  Various  Boards  in  which  the 
principal  offices  are  filled  by  the  nomination  of  the 
British  Government  constitute  the  real  authority  in 
Ireland.  The  Lord-Lieutenant,  once  a  man  whose 
temperament  and  policy  weighed  on  the  destinies 
of  the  people,  has  gradually  dwindled  in  authority 
and  even  in  pomp.  He  seems  rarely  chosen  for  any 
shining  quality,  either  of  heart  or  head,  and  the 
choice  has  often  been  unfortunate.  Even  on  occa- 
sions when  some  astute  Prime  Minister  has  thought 
to  please  the  Irish  by  the  gift  of  a  convivial  Viceroy, 
no  great  success  has  attended  the  venture,  for  no 
Viceroy  nurtured  on  alien  soil  could  hold  a  candle 
to  the  natives  in  that  sport.  Frankly,  I  would  like 
to  see  the  office  abolished,  but  frankly,  also,  I  see  no 
prospect  of  that  end.  That  fidelity  which  the  Irish 
of  old  used  to  show  towards  their  impossible  Chiefs 
seems  to  be  now  esteemed  a  special  virtue  when 

1  The  Government  of  Ireland  mainly  consists  of  a  series  of  Bureaus, 
each  independent  of  the  other,  and  most  of  them  irresponsible  to 
Parliament.  There  are,  in  all,  some  sixty-seven  Boards,  Depart- 
ments, and  Offices :  in  fact,  Ireland,  as  has  been  said,  haa  "  enough 
Boards  to  make  her  coffin." 


ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  85 

manifested  towards  those  who  have  usurped  their 
power,  and  who  have  invaded  us  with  tamer  vices 
and  less  showy  virtues. 

For  the  office  of  Chief  Secretary  of  Ireland  I  used 
to  have  a  genuine  respect.  I  regarded  the  represen- 
tative as  the  veritable  ruler  of  Ireland,  but  that  was 
before  I  had  been  brought  into  close  contact  with 
the  working  of  the  machine,  before  I  had  learned  that 
nothing  is  more  deceptive  than  the  outward  appear- 
ance of  the  British  Constitution.  I  have  seen  in  the 
House  of  Commons  one  of  the  ablest  and  most 
sympathetic  Chief  Secretaries  we  have  had,  Mr. 
Birrell,  I  have  seen  him  pass  Bills  which  also  in  very 
naivete  at  one  time  I  believed  to  be  his.  But  by 
dint  of  asking  innumerable  questions  on  the  floor  of 
the  House  and  receiving  replies,  almost  invariably 
of  a  non-possumus  or  procrastinating  character,  and 
which  in  their  interesting  element  of  uncertainty 
seemed  to  be  as  new  to  the  Chief  Secretary  as  to 
myself,  I  have  revised  my  notion  of  the  value  of  that 
dignity.  The  Lord-Lieutenants  might  be  likened  to 
the  formal "  God-Save-the-King  "  played  at  a  banquet, 
and  the  Chief  Secretary  to  the  varied  fantasias  that 
enliven  the  repast ;  the  solid  dish,  the  real  business, 
that  is  found  in  the  permanent  officials.1 

1  Lord  Dunraven,  who  is  well  versed  in  Irish  affairs,  has  often 
ridiculed  the  Castle  system  :  In  his  book  ;  "  The  Outlook  in  Ireland," 
he  says : 

The  present  system  is  peculiar,  if  not  unique.  It  consists 
of  a  Lord  Lieutenant  and  General  Governor,  who  is  theoretically 
supreme,  but  who  has  practically  no  power  whatever  except 
over  the  police  and  the  administration  of  justice.  He  wields 
the  policeman's  baton,  and  very  little  else.  Powerful  to  punish 
the  people,  he  is  powerless  to  help,  assist,  lead,  or  encourage 
them.  He  is  assisted  by  his  Chief  Secretary,  who  represents 
him  in  Parliament.  The  Chief  Secretary  has  control  over  some 


86  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

No  doubt  that  is  the  case  with  most  Government 
departments,  for  it  requires  a  man  of  exceptional 
authority,  determination,  and  staying  power,  to 
break  the  force  of  inertia  and  give  to  the  work  of  the 
department  anything  really  deep  and  permanent  of 
himself.  The  Government  of  a  country  becomes 
stereotyped,  and  this,  though  at  first  a  factor  of  con- 
servation and  security,  becomes  finally  a  cause  of 
decay.  And  Ireland  which  has  not  yet  half  begun 
to  have  her  chance  in  the  modern  world  is  already 
suffering  from  the  "  superannuation  of  sunk  realms." 

Let  us  see  how  this  applies  to  any  particular 
Board.  That  with  which  I  have  had  most  frequent 
business  is  the  Congested  Districts  Board.  It  was 
brought  into  operation  in  its  present  form  by  the 
Land  Act  of  1909,  and  its  chief  function  was  that  of 
obtaining  land  for  small  farmers,  the  rateable  value 
of  whose  holdings  did  not  exceed  £10  per  annum. 
In  order  to  obtain  the  land  it  was  necessary  to  pur- 
chase it  from  the  great  landlords,  and  in  the  event 
of  their  being  unwilling  to  sell  provision  was  made  in 
the  Act  whereby  these  recalcitrant  landlords  could  be 
expropriated  at  an  equitable  price.  Unfortunately 
it  was  so  arranged  that  it  was  better  for  a  landlord  to 

Departments,  over  other  Departments  he  has  partial  control ; 
and  over  others  again  he  exercises  no  control  at  all. 
Here  is  a  quotation  from  another  source : 

The  Castle  has  six  great  officers  of  state  ;  five  are  Protestants, 
one  is  a  Catholic.  Of  sixteen  judges  of  the  Superior  Courts 
thirteen  are  Protestants.  Of  twenty-one  County  Court  judges 
fifteen  are  Protestants.  There  were  twenty-one  Inspectors  in 
August  last  employed  by  the  Estates  Commissioners  at  salaries 
of  £800  a  year  each ;  every  one  was  a  Protestant.  The  Land 
Commission  has  six  commissioners ;  three  are  Catholics  in  a 
country  where  the  Catholics  are  seventy  per  cent,  of  the  inhabi- 
tants. The  Privy  Councillors  are  almost  exclusively  Protestants. 


ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  87 

be  dealt  with  by  compulsion  than  in  the  course  of  a 
sale  by  mutual  agreement.  If  his  land  were  taken 
"  compulsorily  "  he  got  cash,  whereas  otherwise  he 
got  part  in  stock  ;  and  Irish  stock,  though  ostensibly 
guaranteed  by  the  British  Government,  is  not  taken 
at  its  face  value. 

In  one  small  estate  there  had  been  trouble  between 
the  tenants  and  a  farmer  who  purchased  "  over  their 
heads."  The  farmer  had  been  fired  at — over  his 
head,  for  the  shot  went  through  his  hat.  A  police 
hut  was  established  on  the  spot  and  extra  police 
provided.  Here  was  a  case  for  the  Congested  Dis- 
tricts Board  to  display  its  usefulness,  for  by  the 
purchase  of  the  estate  the  whole  difficulty  could  be 
settled,  the  bad  blood  that  had  been  engendered 
might  be  forgotten,  the  expense  of  the  extra  police 
would  be  removed,  and  all  the  tenants  would  enter 
into  possession  of  their  holdings  and  settle  down  to 
productive  toil. 

The  settlement  of  this  dispute,  however,  brought 
on  the  shoulders  of  all  concerned,  landlord,  tenants, 
myself,  the  Congested  Districts  Board,  the  Chief 
Secretary,  years  of  work,  yes,  literally,  work  extend- 
ing over  years,  and  involving  I  know  not  how  many 
questions  asked  in  Parliament.  Not  being  a  business 
man,  nor  a  man  taught  to  reverence  the  sanctity  of 
red  tape,  I  used  to  ask :  "Is  this  an  example  of  that 
wondrous  wisdom  of  British  Statesmanship,  or 
greater,  British  Administration  that  we  are  taught 
to  worship  as  one  of  the  gifts  of  the  Deity,  and — in  its 
selective  bestowal — as  one  of  the  inscrutable  mysteries 
of  nature  ?  " 

Ye  gods  !  Over  a  hundred  years,  in  a  'nation  that 
Englishmen  have  been  generally  taught  to  regard  . 

*    * 


f 


88  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

as  impractical  and  degenerate,  a  little  man  arose — 
one  of  the  least  of  their  men,  by  the  same  standard, 
for  he  had  been  born  neither  to  title  nor  wealth — 
and  in  one  day,  as  often  when  he  was  not  making 
war,  he  disposed  of  more  real  valid  business,  business 
that  redounded  to  the  life  and  activity  of  the  nation, 
more  in  four  hours  than  the  Congested  Districts 
Board,  as  far  as  I  knew  it,  got  through  in  four  years. 
That  little  man  was  called  Napoleon  Bonaparte. 
Why  could  not  Mr.  Birrell  do  as  much  ?  I  can 
imagine  loud  cries  sent  up,  deriding  the  absurdity 
of  the  comparison. 

But  why  absurd  ?  Have  we  not  been  told  that 
we  are  the  great  Imperial  people ;  that  we  think 
Imperially  ?  Then  why  in  the  name  of  Heaven,  do 
we  so  often  act  in  Parliament  like  a  pack  of  gossiping 
women  ?  Why  is  the  comparison  between  Mr. 
Birrell  and  Napoleon  Bonaparte  absurd  ?  Is  he  not 
one  of  the  greatest  in  this  greatest  of  Empires  ?  Yes, 
but  Napoleon  Bonaparte  had  the  power  and  oppor- 
tunity. Then  if  it  be  good  for  a  country  that  a 
capable  man  may  have  power  and  opportunity,  then 
again  why  had  Mr.  Birrell  not  power  and  oppor- 
tunity ?  There  must  be  some  fault  somewhere. 
Nothing  can  persuade  me  that  we  have,  "  with  our 
marvellous  British  common-sense,"  evolved  the  best 
possible  system,  when  I  see  in  Parliament  so  many 
activities,  so  many  good  intentions,  so  much  desire 
for  efficiency,  rendered  nugatory  and  helpless. 

I  have  now  been  in  Parliament  several  years,  I 
know  my  Constituency,  at  least,  fairly ;  I  see  a 
hundred  ways  in  which  I  could  facilitate  matters  ;  I 
have  looked  into  various  projects  for  reproductive 
works ;  yet  what  have  I  been  able  to  accomplish  ? 


ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  89 

All  this  business  that  the  full  powers  of  the  Congested 
Districts  Board  with  their  army  of  functionaries  has 
blundered  on  for  years,  I,  or  anyone  else  in  my 
position,  with  a  little  energy  and  common-sense  could 
have  disposed  of  in  as  many  days.  I  might  make 
mistakes.  Yes,  but  I  would  get  the  business  done. 
And  have  they  made  no  mistakes  ? 

I  dwell  for  a  moment  on  these  matters,  for  though 
local  they  have  only  to  be  multiplied  by  the  number 
of  constituencies  in  Ireland,  and  they  become 
National.  Shortly  after  the  Land  Act  of  1909  became 
the  law  of  the  land  I  met  a  tenant  farmer  on  one  of 
the  estates.  He  was  typical  of  a  class ;  a  middle- 
aged,  weather-beaten,  hard-working,  but  withal  a 
jovial  man.  He  was  full  of  hope.  He  wanted  to  get 
to  work.  He  wanted  in  the  full  prime  of  his  energy 
to  build  up  a  home  for  his  family.  He  was  the  very 
kind  of  man  I  desired  to  assist.  Considerable  time 
elapsed  before  the  estate  was  reached.  At  last  it 
was  announced  that  the  estate  would  be  dealt  with. 
There  was  no  small  anxiety  locally.  Ye  gods  and 
little  fishes,  no  wonder  that  every  tenant  farmer  in 
Ireland  is  a  sort  of  agricultural  lawyer.  Each  suc- 
cessive stage  of  the  cumbrous  machinery  hangs  over 
the  whole  community  with  the  heaviness  of  a  long- 
drawn  mediaeval  play.  From  time  to  time  I  heard 
from  my  friend.  I  could  always  tell  what  was  in  his 
letters  before  I  opened  them,  for  I  always  expected 
the  most  disappointing  account.  He  used  to  write 
to  urge  me  to  give  the  thing  a  push,  and  he  often 
used  a  phrase,  "  Desperate  diseases  need  poisonous 
remedies !  "  Poor  man,  time  spread  out  so  long 
that  the  intervals  became  distant  enough  to  allow 
him  to  forget  that  he  had  used  the  phrase  before.  I 


90  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

remembered  it  because  it  struck  me  as  quaint,  es- 
pecially as  I  could  imagine  his  accent  in  uttering  it, 
and  I  thought  it  a  little  paradoxical  that  he  could 
apply  such  a  term  as  desperate  to  the  movements  of 
an  Irish  Board.  From  time  to  time  I  heard  that  the 
poor  man  had  indulged  a  little  too  freely  in  stimu- 
lants. I  met  him  after  a  recovery  from  a  bout,  the 
hopeful  middle-aged  man  had  grown  into  an  apa- 
thetic old  man.  A  relative  of  his  on  whom  he  had 
built  had  emigrated.  He  himself  had  ceased  even  to 
denounce  the  Board ! 

The  really  terrible  sight  to  behold  in  Ireland  is, 
at  any  street  corner  in  an  Irish  country  town,  a  group 
of  young  men,  of  good  natural  physique,  intelligent 
also,  hanging  round  in  listlessness,  too  depressed  even 
to  look  for  illicit  excitements.  It  may  be  said  that 
is  the  national  misfortune  of  the  country.  Absurd  ! 
Ireland  properly  handled  could  be  made  to  support 
in  comfort  double  the  population  that  now  subsists 
in  misery. 

What  vitality  too  in  these  people !  I  beg  to  offer 
two  examples.  They  are  not  of  the  stage  type  of 
Irishman  and  Irishwoman,  nor  even  of  that  kind  whom 
sympathetic  English  people  find  when  they  come  over 
and  speak  of  the  "  dear  interesting  characters/' 

On  one  occasion  I  desired  to  visit  a  constituent  at 
some  distance  from  Kilrush,  and  I  hired  a  side  car. 
The  day  was  bitterly  cold.  The  whole  county  seemed 
to  be  a  field  of  ice,  and  over  this  bleak  plain  the 
Atlantic  winds  blew  fiercely.  I  was  wearing  a 
Melton  overcoat,  one  that  had  been  sufficient  for  all 
needs  in  England.  A  friend  of  mine,  seeing  me 
about  to  start,  came  forward  with  that  ready  friend- 
liness of  the  Irish  and  offered  me  an  Irish  frieze  over- 


ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  91 

coat,  which  I  put  over  the  Melton.  My  driver 
appeared  and  we  started.  He  had  no  overcoat  at 
all.  His  jacket  was  not  buttoned  in  front.  He 
wore  a  cotton  shirt.  We  bowled  along  in  the  icy 
wind,  and  in  spite  of  my  two  overcoats  I  was  chilled. 

"  A  bit  warm/'  cried  my  driver  cheerily.  I 
thought  he  was  "  pulling  my  leg,"  or  "  codding  " 
me,  as  he  would  express  it  in  his  vernacular.  I 
looked  at  him.  His  cheeks  were  glowing  and  red. 
Struck  with  admiration,  seized  with  the  conviction 
that  such  a  people  could  conquer  the  world,  I  entered 
into  conversation  with  him.  No,  he  would  not  stay 
in  Ireland.  There  was  nothing  doing.  He  had  a 
friend  in  the  States. — Every  man,  woman,  and  child 
in  Ireland  has  a  relative,  near  or  distant,  or  a  friend 
in  America. — He  was  scraping  together  every  penny  he 
could  get  to  pay  half  his  passage  to  the  land  of  the 
Stars  and  Stripes.  His  friend  who  was  beginning  to  do 
well  would  pay  the  other  half.  He  lived  for  nothing 
else  than  to  get  away  from  Ireland.  The  young  men 
depart  in  shoals,  the  active,  the  enduring,  the  bold. 

My  next  example  is  drawn  from  another  sex  and 
from  another  class  of  society.  Once  at  a  small  race 
meeting  in  Ireland,  where  by  the  way  one  of  the 
races  was  won  by  an  Old-age  pensioner  riding  his 
own  horse — these  things  happen  only  in  Ireland — I 
observed  that  a  young  lady  of  my  acquaintance  had 
entered  a  horse.  I  asked  her  if  she  kept  him  en- 
tirely for  racing  purposes.  "  Oh,  no,"  she  replied, 
'*  we  drive  him  in  the  trap,  and  faith,  indeed  we 
sometimes  put  him  in  the  plough !  " 

The  race  for  which  this  versatile  animal  ran  was 
full  of  surprises  and  uncertainties,  and  these  were 
added  to  by  the  fact  that  the  people  so  crowded  on 


92  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

the  course  that  the  appearance  was  that  of  a  public 
meeting  rather  than  of  a  racing  event.  The  horses 
threaded  their  way  amongst  the  people,  sometimes 
being  brought  to  a  standstill,  and  sometimes  knock- 
ing down  a  man  who  knocked  down  his  neighbour, 
and  so  on,  until  half  a  dozen  were  stretched  on  the 
ground.  The  course  was  very  small  and  with  sharp 
angles,  and  this  circumstance  proved  fatal  to  the 
chances  of  the  gallant  steed  in  question,  for  at  one 
point  where  he  looked  like  winning  he  turned  so 
dexterously  and  quickly  into  the  straight  that  his 
jockey,  unable  to  adapt  himself  to  the  crisis,  con- 
tinued in  his  previous  direction,  and  hurtling  through 
the  air  in  a  graceful  parabola  fell  at  length  on  the 
broad  of  his  back. 

For  a  moment  I  held  my  breath,  but  my  young 
lady  friend  laughed  in  rippling  gaiety.  "  He'll  pre- 
tend he's  hurt/'  she  said,  "  and  he'll  wait  till  the 
ambulance  comes  round,  but  he  knows  perfectly  well 
what  is  going  on." 

All  of  which  proved  to  be  true. 

"  Oh,  what  a  race  !  "  I  exclaimed  again.  "  Here 
is  a  girl  beautiful  as  Hebe.  Does  she  faint  at  a  cut 
finger,  or  simper  over  sentimental  woes  ?  No,  she 
laughs  at  an  accident  that  might  have  killed  a  town- 
bred  youth,  but  which  hardly  ruffles  this  strong  Clare 
boy.  Is  not  this  the  right  development  ?  Is  not  here  a 
people  that  might  aspire  to  the  kingdom  of  earth  ?  " 

I  can  hear  someone  object  that  it  is  easy  to  be 
callous  and  hard  of  heart.  But  that  is  not  the  true 
meaning  of  the  story.  The  young  lady  comes  from 
a  family  noted  for  kindness  and  generosity.  One 
instance  will  suffice.  She  told  me  that  a  poor  neigh- 
bour had  come  to  borrow  a  tree  from  her  father. 


ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  93 

"  Borrow  a  tree  ?  "  I  enquired. 

"  Oh,  yes/'  she  said  laughing.  "  They  often  do. 
They  borrow  the  tree,  but  we  never  get  it  back,  they 
use  it  for  firewood  ;  and  in  that  way  we  have  parted 
with  a  good  many  of  our  trees  !  " 

Yet  all  the  energy  and  force  is  being  constantly 
drained  out  of  the  country.  At  some  little  wayside 
station  such  a  sight  as  the  following  is  common : 
A  crowd  has  collected  on  the  platform.  The  train 
steams  sharply  up,  half  an  hour  late.  The  third- 
class  carriages  are  already  filled  with  young  men  and 
young  women.  At  the  station  these  are  joined  by 
a  crowd  of  those  who  have  been  waiting.  It  is  the 
train  which  takes  them  on  the  first  stage  to  Queens- 
town,  it  is  the  Emigration  train.  That  is  a  word  big 
with  meaning  in  the  lives  of  all.  The  young  men 
and  women  are  full  of  hope,  but  they  may  never 
come  back  to  their  Motherland.  The  old  men  and 
the  old  women  will  never  see  their  children  again 
when  once  that  train  steams  out  of  the  station.  Cries 
and  lamentations  fill  the  air,  wailings,  heartrending 
sobs.  And  as  the  train  slowly  moves  some  of  the 
young  women  who  have  been  standing  on  the  plat- 
form saying  their  good-byes  seem  suddenly  stricken 
by  the  immediate  sense  of  loss.  Frantically  they 
rush  after  the  train,  crying,  screaming ;  and  when 
the  train  has  gone  they  stand  the  picture  of  grief, 
or  send  up  their  voices  to  the  air  in  keening,  while 
they  wave  and  shake  the  arms  and  hands  as  if  they 
were  ringing  bells.1 

1  In  a  brochure  entitled :  "A  Plea  for  Home  Eule,"  Mr.  James 
O'Connor,  K.C.,  now  Solicitor-General  for  Ireland,  gives  some  im- 
pressive figures : 

That  Ireland  has  not  prospered  during  the  last  century  goes 


94  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

I  have  seen  some  heart-shaking  scenes  in  various 

without  saying.  The  population  was  8,175,124  in  1841.  It  is 
now  4,378,568.  During  the  same  period  the  population  of  Eng- 
land increased  from  16,038,000  to  30,811,420.  The  acreage  under 
tillage  has  diminished  from  5,065,657  acres  in  1887  to  4,650,397 
acres  in  1907.  Population  going  down,  the  cost  of  running  the 
country  has  steadily  gone  up.  The  cost  of  Dublin  Castle  in- 
creased between  1893  and  1907  from  £862,438  to  £1,035,500. 
Ireland  has  a  population  of  4,378,568 ;  Scotland  a  population  of 
4,776,063.  The  cost  of  the  Constabulary  in  Ireland  (where 
indictable  offences  were  9,465  in  1906)  is  £1,484,548  per  annum  ; 
in  Scotland  (where  the  indictable  offences  numbered  22,476  in 
1906)  the  cost  of  the  police  was  £571,587.  And  whereas  Ireland 
spends  £1,391,721  on  education,  Scotland  spends  £2,254,484. 

The  total  cost  of  legal  machinery  in  Ireland,  not  including  the 
cost  of  lunatic  asylums,  reformatories,  and  such  other  adjuncts, 
is  £2,137,830  ;  for  Scotland  it  is  £976,799. 

Mr.  John  Redmond,  M.P.  speaking  in  London  of  the  1st  of  March 
1912,  drew  a  comparison  between  the  conditions  of  administration  in 
Ireland  and  in  Scotland  : 

Ireland  and  Scotland  had  similar  populations  ;  yet  the  customs 
in  Scotland  yielded  £539,000  more  than  in  Ireland,  the  Excise 
£1,470,000  more,  Estate  Duties  £1,417,000  more,  Stamps  £316,000 
more,  and  the  Income  Tax  £3,420,000  more. 

There  were  some  peculiar  features  about  the  Income  Tax. 
Schedule  D,  that  was  trades  and  professions,  yielded  in  Ireland 
£335,000  and  in  Scotland  £1,181,000 ;  yet  Schedule  E,  that  was 
public  offices  and  official  salaries,  yielded  in  Ireland  £41,000  and 
in  Scotland  only  £13,000. 

Wages  in  Ireland  were  7s.  or  8«.  a  week  lower  than  in  Scot- 
land or  England. 

In  Ireland  there  were  3,401  miles  of  railway,  with  gross  takings 
of  £4,474,000  while  in  Scotland,  with  7,781  miles  of  railway,  the 
gross  takings  were  £13,104,000. 

The  property  assessed  to  Income  Tax  in  the  last  twenty  years 
increased,  in  England  by  £275,000,000,  in  Scotland  by  £28,000,000, 
and  in  Ireland  by  some  £1,500,000. 

The  condition  of  the  people  working  on  the  land  in  Ireland 
was  improving  rapidly,  yet  half  of  all  the  holdings  in  Ireland 
were  under  £10  valuation,  while  134,182  were  under  £4  valuation, 
which  meant  that  half  the  agricultural  holders  in  Ireland  were 
living  on  uneconomic  holdings — holdinga  which  could  not  provid* 
a  decent  living. 


ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  95 

climes,  but  I  have  known  few  that  have  made  a 
greater  impression  on  me  than  my  first  sight  of  such 
a  leave-taking.  Certainly  on  reflection  I  find  some 
considerations  that  mitigate  the  tragedy  of  it.  In 
the  first  place  the  Irishwomen  of  old  practised  keen- 
ing as  one  of  the  arts.  At  an  Irish  funeral  the  dirge 
of  lamentation  of  the  old  women  sounds  like  all 
that  one  might  imagine  of  the  chorus  of  an  Aeschylean 
tragedy.  This  wondrous  power  of  keening  has  over- 
flowed into  Irish  poetry,  and  has  even  weakened  the 
note  of  national  life. 

Then  again  the  young  people  have  hardly  been  a 
day  on  board  the  boat  before  the  natural  Irish 
joviality  and  the  immense  hope  reaching  out  to  a 
new  life,  tell  their  tale,  and  good  spirits  prevail. 
But  for  the  old  people  left  behind  there  is  too  often 
loneliness,  misery,  despair.  Ireland  has  given  mil- 
lions to  America,  to  Australia,  to  South  Africa  ;  but 
the  race  is  fertile  and  under  improved  conditions  the 
population  would  soon  mount  as  high  as  in  its  best 
days. 

It  has  been  said  of  late  that  the  spirit  of  the 
people  has  changed,  and  that  there  is  no  longer  any 
real  interest  in  Home  Rule  or  in  the  broader  question 
of  Nationalism,  and  that  if  it  were  not  for  the 
agitators  Ireland  would  settle  down  contentedly  into 
the  position  of  a  province  of  Great  Britain.  Such 
opinions  could  result  only  from  superficial  observa- 
tion, or  from  a  desire  to  deceive. 

I  believe  it  to  be  true  that  some  of  the  astutest 
leaders  of  the  Parnell  days  considered  that  although 
Home  Rule  was  the  highest  ideal,  yet  the  people 
required  a  motive  power  in  more  solid  and  tangible 
interests.  Hence  the  advantage  of  coupling  the 


96  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

land  campaign  with  the  fight  for  Home  Rule.  But 
then  it  may  be  said,  now  that  the  land  question  is 
settled,  at  least  in  principle,  and  in  a  few  years  will 
be  entirely  settled  in  fact,  will  not  the  Nationalist 
ideal  disappear  ?  I  think  not.  The  national  ideal 
is  a  part  of  the  very  mode  of  thinking  of  the 
people. 

Moreover  the  difficulties  will  not  have  vanished 
even  with  the  settlement  of  the  land  question.  The 
tenant  farmers  were  sustained  in  the  fight  by  the 
help  of  the  townspeople.  But  the  townspeople  them- 
selves have  now  waked  to  the  fact  that  they  too 
have  a  similar  grievance,  and  the  Town  Tenants* 
League  has  been  formed  with  branches  in  most  of 
the  towns  of  Ireland,  to  secure  fair  rent,  fixity  of 
tenure,  and  compensation  for  improvements.  Is 
this  an  artificial  movement  suggested  by  and  founded 
on  that  of  the  agricultural  tenants  ?  It  will  be 
easy  to  judge  when  a  few  relevant  facts  are  given. 
In  my  own  constituency  only  about  2  per  cent,  of 
the  people  live  in  houses  of  which  they  are  the 
owners.  Now  is  it  possible  to  expect  these  people 
to  take  a  pride  in  their  houses,  to  improve  them,  to 
embellish  them,  when  by  so  doing  they  would  only 
put  upon  themselves  an  increased  burden  of  rent  ? 
In  the  North  of  Ireland  they  speak  of  a  Protestant- 
looking  house,  meaning  thereby  a  neat  and  trim 
house,  with  a  little  flower-garden  in  front,  or  at  any 
rate  with  some  flower-pots  in  the  window-sill.  Yes, 
but  the  occupiers  of  these  houses  own  these  houses, 
or  they  have  fair  rent,  and  fixity  of  tenure. 

In  the  South  of  Ireland  it  is,  or  has  been  hitherto, 
distressingly  rare  to  find  these  attractive  adornments 
to  a  dwelling.  But  those  who  are  tempted  to  pass 


ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  97 

hasty  judgments  should  remember  that  human 
nature  is  to  a  considerable  extent  moulded  by  its 
conditions.  In  the  new  labourers'  cottages  in  which 
a  good  deal  of  accommodation  is  supplied  in  a  small 
space,  and  in  which  the  rents  are  low  and  the  tenure 
well  secured,  there  is  already  a  beginning  of  adorn- 
ment. I  remember  a  word  of  Mr.  Birrell,  who  had 
taken  a  motor  drive  through  a  part  of  Clare.  He 
said  he  had  never  seen  sturdier  or  more  handsome 
children  than  some  he  had  met  with  there  running 
about  barefooted.  As  to  the  villages,  there  was  not 
only  comfort  beginning  to  show,  but  coquetry ! — 
lace  curtains  in  the  windows. 

Let  us  look  at  the  matter  for  a  moment  in  a  larger 
scope.     In  Kilrush  I  was  shown  an  old  record  of  a 
tour   undertaken  more  than   a   hundred  years  ago 
by  an  adventurous  Englishman,  who  had  desired  to 
study  the  natives  at  first  hand.    He  found  Kilrush 
beautifully  situated,  near  the  mouth  of  the  noblest 
river  in  the  British  Isles,  yet  he  observed  that  no 
great  use  had  been  made  of  these  natural  advantages. 
He  enquired  who  was  responsible.    The  reply  was  : 
Vandeleur.     To  his  astonishment  he  found  that  Mr. 
Vandeleur  owned  the  whole  town,  owned  it  in  the 
literal    sense.     He    enquired    what    improvements 
Vandeleur  had  effected.    He  was  told,  none.    He 
enquired  what  industries  Vandeleur  had  founded. 
He  was  told,  none.    He  enquired  what  trade  Vande- 
leur had  encouraged.    He  was  told,  none.    He  en- 
quired what  this  Vandeleur  had  done.    He  was  told, 
raised  the  rents. 

Being  a  practical  man  as  well  as  a  fair-minded 
Englishman,  he  comments  on  this  case  in  words  that 
are,  unfortunately,  as  readable  and  apt  to-day  as 
7 


98  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

they  were  then.  I  say,  unfortunately,  for  the  cir- 
cumstances have  remained  similar  down  to  our  own 
day.  The  English  traveller  exclaims  not  only  against 
the  injustice  towards  the  Irish  inhabitants,  but 
against  the  cramping  nature  of  the  whole  system 
that  leaves  to  one  man  the  present  fate  of  a  town, 
and  the  custody  of  its  development,  and  that  man 
so  selfish  and  so  little  intelligent  that  even  for  his 
own  benefit  he  had  done  nothing  to  exploit  the 
natural  resources  of  the  place. 

Note,  moreover,  that  the  name  Vandeleur  has  not 
a  particularly  Milesian  flavour  nor  Norman  ring.  It 
reminds  one  of  Vanderdecken  and  Rip  Van  Winkle, 
but  the  original  representative  in  Ireland  seems  to 
have  been  less  enterprising  than  Vanderdecken,  and 
not  much  more  alert  than  Rip  Van  Winkle.  How 
then  did  he  happen  to  have  fallen  into  such  an 
earthly  paradise  as  he  possessed  amid  the  mercurial 
Celts  ?  By  confiscation !  I  will  say  no  more  on 
this  score.  Vae  Victis.  The  Celt  should  have  de- 
fended his  own  better  in  the  past ;  we  are  concerned 
with  the  present.  The  Vandeleurs — and  I  am  only 
taking  them  as  a  type,  and  with  no  animus — simply 
sat  upon  the  people  like  mandarins,  "  aliens  in  lan- 
guage, aliens  in  blood,  aliens  in  religion."  They 
occupied  the  chief  public  offices  in  the  community. 
They  dispensed  law.  Yet  while  contributing  nothing 
to  the  public  weal,  they  set  themselves  constantly 
by  inert  opposition,  and  at  the  great  crises,  by 
vehement  endeavour,  to  thwart  every  effort  of  the 
people  towards  freedom,  towards  education,  towards 
personal  independence,  towards  the  light.  Yet 
there  have  been,  and  there  are  still,  good  people 
in  England  who  regard  the  tenants  as  miscreants 


ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  99 

because  they  have  not  been  content  under  these 
conditions. 

Kilrush  is  still  in  the  hands  of  one  man,  a 
courteous  gentleman,  I  well  believe,  but  one  who  is 
not  the  leader  of  any  sort  of  public  activity  in  the 
place.  He  is  not  a  Member  of  Parliament  or  a 
Member  of  the  County  Council,  nor  indeed  of  any 
council  dealing  with  local  affairs ;  he  does  not  live 
in  the  town.  On  the  other  hand  that  town  contains 
intelligent  men  of  spirit  and  enterprise,  men  who 
serve  on  the  local  councils  and  who  do  a  great  deal 
of  useful  public  service.  Their  schemes  for  the 
betterment  of  Kilrush  are  all  hampered  by  that 
cardinal  fact,  that  the  whole  of  Kilrush  is  in  the 
hands  of  one  man.  And  when  I  look  at  that  admir- 
ably situated  town,  healthy  in  the  tempered  breezes 
that  blow  therein,  with  a  port  that  could  be  made 
excellent,  with  its  inhabitants,  intelligent,  enter- 
prising, eager,  I  seem  to  see  it  strangled  in  the 
octopus  grasp  of  a  bad  old  system. 

The  same  English  traveller  visited  Spanish  Point, 
and  jotted  remarks  on  a  fine  building  there,  the 
Atlantic  Hotel,  noted  for  its  hot  sea-baths.  The 
hotel  was  then  the  resort  of  holiday  parties,  and  the 
rendezvous  of  the  aristocracy  of  the  neighbourhood. 
When,  a  hundred  years  later,  I  visited  it  myself,  its 
glory  had  departed.  The  solid  walls  of  the  old  build- 
ing were  certainly  as  firm  as  ever ;  the  wonderful  site 
had  not  changed  ;  from  the  bedroom  window  it  was 
almost  possible  to  jump  into  the  Atlantic  ;  a  narrow 
terrace  only  intervened.  Some  little  distance  further 
west  was  a  sandy  beach.  Behind  was  a  rich  grassy 
country  spangled  now  in  the  million  flowers  of  spring. 
The  sky  was  blue,  and  the  pure  air  came  full  in  its 


100  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

balmy  strength ;  a  draught  of  this  air  was  like  a 
cup  of  wine.  Inside  the  roomy  bar,  I  saw  a  buxom 
young  woman  serving  refreshments.  The  customers 
were  two  countrymen  who  sat  in  a  dark  corner.  A 
bookshelf  containing  books  was  in  the  bar-room. 
The  volumes  seemed  now  to  serve  as  nests  for  the 
spiders  who  had  woven  their  webs  thickly  on  the 
shelves.  I  picked  up  one  or  two  of  the  books,  feel- 
ing that  my  sacrilegious  hands  had  been  the  first  for 
a  century  to  intrude  on  that  collection.  The  books 
were  a  curious  medley — prayer-books,  a  book  of  songs, 
an  old  arithmetic  book,  and  a  history  of  Ireland. 
In  a  magnificent  billiard-room  was  a  table  whose 
green  baize  for  a  hundred  years  had  stood  the  battle 
and  the  breeze.  In  this  room  too  was  a  relic  of  one 
of  the  vessels  of  the  Spanish  Armada  driven  ashore 
near  by.  Upstairs  were  bedrooms,  some  containing 
superb  bedsteads  that  might  have  come  from  Ver- 
sailles, and  with  canopies  overhead. 

"  Luxury  !  "  I  said  to  the  humorous  Irish  "  boy  " 
who  accompanied  me. 

"  Faith/'  he  replied,  "  you'd  think  so,  if  you  saw 
the  rain  coming  in  from  that  hole  in  the  roof,  or 
mebbe  a  squirrel  takin'  a  peep  at  ye  !  'J 

'  What  about  the  famous  baths  ?  "  I  asked. 

"  They're  there,"  he  said,  "  but  they're  out  of 
action !  'J 

We  looked  at  them.  They  were  the  receptacle  of 
books,  musty  old  furniture,  and  cobwebs. 

When  I  look  upon  the  West  Coast  of  Ireland  I  see 
not  merely  such  resorts  of  natural  delight  as  I  have 
described,  but  elsewhere,  as  at  Kilkee,  where  it  might 
seem  that  Nature  had  sat  down  as  a  cunning  artificer 
to  contrive  a  haunt  of  pleasure,  where  a  little  land- 


ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  101 

locked  bay  with  shelving  sand  smiles  sheltered  from 
the  broad  Atlantic  that  booms  on  the  giant  guardian 
rocks  beyond.  If  any  such  spot  had  been  discovered 
in  the  south  of  France,  in  Spain,  in  the  Canaries,  it 
would  be  famous  as  a  Mecca  of  fashion. 

But  here  it  may  be  said  are  matters  that  might 
have  been  dealt  with  independently  of  the  question 
of  Home  Rule.  It  does  not  require  an  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment to  enable  an  hotel  to  cater  for  customers. 
But  it  must  be  remembered  that  Kilkee  is  also  all 
in  the  hands  of  one  man.  And  further  the  laws  in 
dealing  with  landed  property  have  been  made  so 
complicated  that  it  is  a  fearsome  thing  to  meddle  with 
titles.  In  other  countries,  in  Australia  for  instance, 
a  man  may  transfer  his  land  to  another  by  a  mode 
of  which  the  chief  formality  is  due  entry  in  a  register. 
In  Ireland  reforms  have  been  tending  in  that  direc- 
tion ;  but  I  have  known  men  who  have  been  led 
into  law  on  such  questions ;  and  all  that  the  law  in- 
volved, and  the  expenses  that  have  arisen,  have 
become  their  preoccupation  for  the  next  five  years. 

In  order  to  obtain  facilities  to  advertise  a  town  as 
a  health  resort  it  was  found  necessary  to  appeal  to 
Parliament.  In  that  case  after  much  delay  the 
powers  required  were  obtained,  but  Parliament  with 
its  cumbrous  machinery,  its  slow  methods,  its  con- 
gested condition,  is  obviously  unsuitable  for  dealing 
with  local  matters  of  no  immediate  interest  to  citizens 
of  Great  Britain,  yet  of  real  importance  to  the 
development  of  Ireland. 

It  is  in  the  light  of  all  these  considerations  that  we 
can  answer  the  question  :  Has  the  virtual  settlement 
of  the  Land  question  taken  all  the  reality  out  of  the 
National  ideal  ?  No.  Because  in  the  first  place  the 


102  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

reforms  which  have  been  carried  have  only  prepared 
the  way  for  other  vital  reforms  to  come,  and  these 
are  of  far-reaching  importance  and  national  concern. 
But  the  deepest  answer  consists  in  this,  that  the  Irish 
demand  for  repeal,  for  independence,  for  autonomy, 
for  Home  Rule,  or  by  whatever  means  that  aspira- 
tion has  been  known,  is  not  based  on  the  calculation 
of  mere  financial  benefits.  The  spirit  of  that  move- 
ment has  gone  into  the  being  of  the  Irish  people. 
Wolfe  Tone,  Robert  Emmet,  Davis,  and  Meagher, 
were  not  men  who  chaffered  in  a  huckster's  shop  for 
the  liberties  of  Ireland ;  they  were  heroes  who  threw 
gallantly  into  the  scale  all  that  was  dearest  to  them- 
selves. These  were  among  the  men  who  inspired 
Ireland,  and  vivified  her  with  their  own  undying 
spirit.  And  the  sapient  "  mellow  "  statesmen  come 
to  us  from  their  red-lined  ledgers,  or  their 
partridge  preserves,  and  tell  us  that  for  these  pay- 
ments on  account  of  justice,  these  doles,  and  sops, 
Irishmen  will  sell  their  souls  and  renounce  their 
aspirations. 

I  know  better,  for  since  I  came  to  Ireland  never 
have  I  made  an  appeal  to  Irishmen  except  on  the 
broad  principle  of  Nationalism.  Individual  Irish- 
men may  be  shrewd  at  a  bargain,  some  may  be  place- 
hunters  and  gain-seekers,  some  may  have  even  a 
dubious  sense  of  public  morality ;  get  these  men 
together  in  a  public  meeting,  and  the  address  to 
which  they  respond,  which  vibrates  in  their  hearts 
and  thrills  them  in  enthusiasm,  that  address  is  one 
which  throws  before  their  eyes  the  image  of  Irish 
struggles  and  points  the  way  to  the  fulfilment  of 
Ireland's  triumph.  There  is  no  business  man  so 
sordid  as  to  be  content  with  a  presentation  of  Ire- 


ACTUAL  CONDITIONS  103 

land's  claims  on  a  basis  of  5  per  cent. ;  he  rises  to 
the  conception  of  the  green  flag  of  Erin  floating  over 
his  own  Parliament  in  College  Green,  the  visible  sign 
and  symbol  of  victory,  the  emblem  of  a  race  united, 
progressive,  and  free ! 

Before  concluding  this  chapter  let  us  take  a  survey 
of  the  whole  matter,  on  broad  lines,  and  from  a 
detached  point  of  view.  Let  us  look  at  Ireland  with 
knowledge,  if  possible,  with  information,  and  with 
a  sort  of  historical  insight,  even  as  Julius  Caesar  de- 
scribed Britain,  or  Arthur  Young  studied  France ; 
what  would  we  find  ?  A  country  which,  not  rich  in 
minerals,  is  excellent  for  agricultural  purposes,  and 
which  is  capable  of  supporting  10,000,000  in  com- 
petence, but  which  nourishes  little  more  than  4,000,000 
in  poverty.  A  people  active,  of  a  good  and  lively  dis- 
position, finding  no  outlet  for  their  energies  and  living 
in  a  great  proportion  of  cases  lives  of  despondency, 
of  hopelessness.  A  hard-working  people  of  fine 
physique  yet  in  great  part  destitute  of  employment. 
An  enterprising  people  with  scanty  industries  and 
limited  trade.  An  agricultural  people  who  have  not 
been  able  to  develop  half  the  possibilities  of  the 
cultivation  of  the  soil.  A  farming  people  with  in- 
sufficient markets.  An  intelligent  people  deprived 
hitherto  of  the  Government  of  their  own  country. 
A  generous  people  united  to  England  as  a  sullen 
neighbour.  A  brave  people  of  potential  soldiers,  a 
source  of  strength,  but  in  untoward  conditions  a 
thorn  in  the  flesh  to  England.  These  facts  indicate 
the  material  miseries  of  Ireland ;  they  throw  into 
relief  the  old  incompetence  of  English  rule. 

Is  there  no  other  side  to  the  picture  possible  ? 
Yes,  there  is  possibility  of  mutual  help,  mutual  en- 


104  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

deavour,  mutual  trust,  of  that  natural  condition  of 
association  when  we  find  that 

Good, 

The  more  communicated,  more  abundant  grows, 
The  author  not  impaired  but  honoured  more. 

It  behoves  us  all  to  cast  aside  all  petty  motives,  and 
work  for  that  accomplishment. 


THE   IRISH  IN  AMERICA 

THE  Irish  in  America  :  that  is  a  name  of  great  por- 
tent. It  makes  an  effect  in  a  debate  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  or  in  private  conversation  with  some 
earnest  Liberal  or  well-intentioned  Tory,  to  utter  in 
impressive  tones,  Irish  in  America.  It  never  fails  to 
produce  a  significant  shake  of  the  head  and  a  look  of 
political  profundity,  all  the  more  profound  when  the 
politician  is  at  a  loss  to  say,  who  and  what  the  Irish 
in  America  are. 

On  two  occasions  I  have  visited  America,  and  on 
both  these  occasions  I  have  had  as  good  an  oppor- 
tunity as  most  of  knowing  the  Irish  in  America. 
From  my  earliest  years  I  had  been  acquainted  with 
the  history  of  America,  had  found  it  fascinating,  and 
had  always  held  before  me  as  a  dream  to  be  realised 
a  visit  to  the  land  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  No  born 
American  could  have  experienced  a  greater  thrill  of 
delight  on  seeing  "  Old  Glory  "  than  I  did  when  I 
first  beheld  that  flag  of  freedom  flying  over  American 
soil.  A  magnificent  sweep  up  the  harbour  to  New 
York,  the  giant  statue  of  Liberty,  the  wonderful 
Brooklyn  Bridge — seen  dimly  through  the  grey  misty 
morning,  it  looked  as  if  suspended  from  the  clouds 
— and  then  the  irregular  skyline  of  New  York 
with  its  grandeur,  its  audacities,  its  stretching  out 

105 


106  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

towards  the  future,  all  made  an  impression  which 
can  never  be  forgotten. 

It  was  easy  for  me  to  fall  in  with  the  Irish  in 
America  and  with  Americans  generally,  for  they 
seemed  to  me  not  unlike  Australians.  I  liked  their 
freedom,  their  independence.  It  was  a  revelation  to 
find  the  manner  in  which  looking  through  the  re- 
verse end  of  the  telescope,  they  regarded  the  institu- 
tions and  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of  the  British 
Isles. 

I  confess  I  was  somewhat  disappointed  at  the  first 
view  of  the  physique  of  the  Yankees.  I  had  always 
associated  ideas  of  liberty  and  independence  with  a 
dauntless  manner,  bold  bearing,  and  fine  physique. 
I  could  find  little  indeed  that  to  me  was  reminiscent 
of  the  spirit  of  Washington,  Andrew  Jackson,  or 
Jefferson.  Gradually,  however,  this  impression  be- 
came corrected.  The  reputation  of  a  country  some- 
times rests  less  on  the  average  type  than  on  some 
brilliant  exceptions  who  nevertheless  are  indigenous 
to  the  soil ;  as,  for  instance,  when  in  Madrid  I  sought 
long  to  find  a  beautiful  woman,  until  one  night  at 
the  theatre  I  saw  a  young  Signorina  step  from  her 
carriage  in  all  the  mild  splendour  of  a  beauty  that 
might  have  taken  a  sculptor's  breath  away. 

A  few  repetitions  of  a  similar  experience  made  me 
think  of  Spain  as  the  land  of  beautiful  women,  and 
now  also  I  remember  the  magnificent  types  of 
physical  humanity  with  whom  I  became  acquainted 
in  the  United  States,  and  of  whom  my  old  friend, 
John  L.  Sullivan,  was  one  of  the  best.  That  fighter 
has  been  made  famous  in  marble,  and  also  celebrated 
in  poetic  prose  by  another  Irish  genius,  John  Boyle 
O'Reilly.  I  was  welcomed  with  the  warm  American 


THE  IRISH  IN  AMERICA  107 

hospitality  which  sometimes  astonishes  our  "  serious 
Angles."  I  was  told  in  Yankee  phrase  "to  come 
right  along  and  we'll  fix  you  up."  One  of  the  first 
men  to  whom  I  was  introduced  caught  me  by  the 
lapel  of  the  coat  and  said  :  "  That  is  good  stuff,  what 
did  you  pay  for  that  coat  ?  "  This  remark  sur- 
prised me  at  the  moment,  and  it  did  not  occur  to 
me  until  long  afterwards  that  it  was  a  test  to  ascer- 
tain as  to  whether  I  belonged  to  a  certain  inner 
circle  or  not.  During  my  stay  in  America  I  met 
with  other  curious  remarks,  as,  for  instance,  when  I 
was  asked  abruptly,  "  Did  you  go  to  Church  this 
morning  ?  "  This  again  was  but  the  probing  of  one 
of  those  secrets  which  Irishmen  are  prone  to  harbour, 
but  which  always  lie  uneasy  in  their  minds  unless 
everyone  knows  that  it  is  a  secret.  There  seemed 
to  me  little  need  for  secrecy  in  America,  which  is  a 
free  country,  generally  sympathetic  to  the  Irish 
cause,  and  where  all  the  objects  of  the  great  Irish 
societies  are  perfectly  legitimate. 

Moreover,  although  I  was  unable  to  respond  to 
these  secret  signals  I  seemed  to  be  admitted  pretty 
freely  to  meetings  of  organisations  which  are  gener- 
ally believed  to  be  secret.  I  remember  on  one 
occasion  a  visitor  had  entered  in  the  usual  way,  a 
mild  little  gentleman,  who  seemed  astonished  to  find 
himself  in  the  presence  of  the  fiery  orator  who  was 
in  full  swing  in  front  of  him,  and  whose  speech  was  ap- 
plauded so  vehemently  by  determined-looking  men  all 
around  him.  After  some  time  he  explained  that  he 
thought  he  had  come  into  the  wrong  room.  He  had. 
He  was  a  member  of  a  Quaker-like  society,  which  was 
holding  a  convention  overhead.  That  little  incident 
seemed  to  me  to  throw  a  beam  of  light  on  the  degree 


108  IEELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

of  secrecy  with  which  these  great  Irish  organisa- 
tions invested  themselves.  There  was  another  point 
of  still  greater  importance  in  this  regard.  Such 
organisations  in  America  are  nearly  all  advocates  of 
physical  force.  I  certainly  had  no  sentimental 
objection  to  physical  force  then,  nor  indeed  have  I 
now.  All  Governments,  even  the  best  regulated, 
depend  on  physical  force,  or  as  Napoleon  Bonaparte 
expressed  it  with  terseness,  "  Laws  rest  on  bayonets." 
A  good  Government  keeps  the  bayonets  in  evidence 
as  little  as  possible,  and  the  machine  runs  smoothly. 
When  an  untoward  incident  of  any  great  magnitude 
occurs,  such  as  the  famous  gun-running  in  Ulster, 
the  truth  of  the  aphorism  is  truly  seen,  for  where  the 
force  of  the  nation  is  flouted  the  law  has  ceased  to 
exist. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  these  Irish  Americans 
have  come  from  a  stock  which  has  suffered  persecu- 
tion and  oppression  for  generations.  They  have 
been  practically  driven  from  Ireland  by  stern  neces- 
sity, and  they  have  departed  to  the  accompaniment 
of  jibes  and  insults.  The  memories  of  these  wrongs 
have  been  nursed,  and  they  have  no  obligation 
whatever  not  to  show  themselves  the  most  bitter  and 
irreconcilable  enemies  of  England,  nor  to  refrain  from 
using  all  the  physical  force  at  their  command.  What 
I  really  found  was  something  to  the  contrary  of  this 
idea.  I  did  not  see  effective  physical  force.  Some- 
times in  casting  my  eye  over  a  vast  hall  filled  with 
ten  thousand  people  I  have  noted  the  fine  physique 
and  military  bearing,  as  well  as  the  resolute  and 
determined  look  in  the  faces,  as  of  men  dipped  in  the 
energising  bath  of  the  Republic.  These  men  were 
great  as  fighting  material.  Multiply  such  a  meeting 


THE  IKISH  IN  AMERICA  109 

by  hundreds,  and  a  good  notion  may  be  obtained 
of  the  capacity  for  physical  force  of  the  Irish  in 
America.  Yet  at  moments  of  crisis  the  physical- 
force  principle  has  hitherto  failed.  During  the 
Fenian  times  physical  force  in  America  simply 
amounted  to  a  daring  but  abortive  raid  into  Canada. 
It  is  true,  however,  that  a  great  number  of  the  Fenian 
agitators  were  Irishmen  who  had  fought  in  the 
American  Civil  War  and  afterwards  had  crossed  over 
to  Ireland  warm  with  all  the  qualities  of  daring 
soldiers  and  formidable  conspirators.  Nevertheless 
the  fact  remains  that  the  American  organisations 
have  never  played  a  really  important  part  as  physical- 
force  movements.  During  the  Boer  War  the  Irish 
organisations  in  America  furnished  less  than  one 
hundred  soldiers  for  the  front,  and  some  of  these 
were  men  of  no  great  military  value.  One  of  them 
disappeared  when  he  discovered  that  fighting  was 
really  intended.  Another  had  never  ridden  a  horse 
in  his  life,  although  of  course,  in  the  Boer  mode  of 
warfare  good  riding  was  essential.  In  order  to 
balance  this  statement,  however,  I  should  add  that 
this  young  man  was  a  "  born  soldier/'  He  mounted 
his  horse  for  the  first  time  with  great  assurance  and 
pluck,  and  he  had  not  been  in  laager  a  week  before 
he  could  ride  well  enough  for  duty. 

There  is  a  saying  that  has  come  down  from  O'Con- 
nelTs  time  that  England's  danger  is  Ireland's  oppor- 
tunity. If  then  there  ever  occurred  an  event  which 
should  have  called  forth  the  entire  strength  of  the 
physical-force  party  in  America,  that  surely  was 
the  Boer  War  which  tried  England's  resources 
severely,  which  lasted  some  three  years  and  during 
which,  for  a  certain  period  at  least,  the  fortunes  of 


110  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

the  belligerents  hung  in  the  balance.  That  period 
had  already  passed  when  these  Irish  American 
volunteers  appeared  upon  the  scene ;  their  con- 
tribution therefore  to  the  outcome  of  the  campaign 
was  negligible.  When  after  my  return  to  Europe  I 
proceeded  to  America  I  found  "  tall  talk  "  of  war, 
but  when  I  enquired  how  it  came  about  that  so  few 
volunteers  had  been  sent,  I  was  informed  that  even 
this  result  did  not  spring  from  the  official  action  of 
any  great  organisation. 

The  work  of  recruiting  and  equipping  of  these  men 
was  mainly  due  to  the  determination  and  energy  of 
Colonel  John  Finerty,  a  man  who  had  seen  service  in 
Indian  warfare  and  who  was  afterwards  noted  as  one 
of  the  most  powerful  platform  orators  in  America. 
It  appears  that  when  the  proposition  was  made  to 
seize  this  famous  opportunity  to  strike  a  blow  on 
physical-force  lines  the  leaders  objected  that  such 
an  action  would  "  break  up  the  organisation."  When 
I  heard  this  the  sense  of  the  ridiculous  so  surged  upon 
my  mind  as  to  sweep  away  the  last  trace  of  exaspera- 
tion. Here  were  these  mighty  organisations  kept 
alive  by  the  devotion  and  sometimes  by  the  very 
real  self-sacrifice  of  ardent  Irishmen  in  America, 
organisations  which  had  seen  many  fortunes,  which 
had  been  in  existence  for  years,  which  had  wielded 
great  political  power,  but  of  which  the  sole  ostensible 
reason  for  existence  was  the  advocacy,  and  at  the 
right  moment,  the  realisation  of  the  doctrines  of 
physical  force.  The  opportunity  had  come,  and 
when  the  whole  Irish  world  was  expecting  that  as 
at  Fontenoy  these  warriors  would  electrify  the  field 
by  the  display  of  their  impetuous  valour,  what  hap- 
pened ?  The  astute  leaders  put  down  their  foot 


THE  IRISH  IN  AMERICA  111 

firmly,  and  said,  "No,  we  are  not  going  to  break  up 
the  organisation  !  "  And  when  Colonel  John  Finerty 
insisted,  he  roused  a  storm  of  opposition  and  a  per- 
sonal hostility  which  continued  to  be  waged  against 
him  till  the  day  of  his  death. 

Before  proceeding  I  will  dwell  upon  John  Finerty 
for  a  moment,  for  he  was  a  type  again  and  again 
reproduced  in  Irish  history.  I  had  heard  of  his 
fame  and  particularly  of  the  irresistible  flow  of  his 
oratory.  This  is  a  type  of  which  I  have  always 
been  suspicious,  so  that  I  had  no  great  predilections 
in  favour  of  John  Finerty.  The  moment  I  shook 
hands  with  him,  however,  all  my  "  preventions " 
vanished.  He  was  one  of  those  men  who  had  the 
secret,  such  as  I  think  Irishmen  more  than  any  other 
race  possess,  of  geniality,  or  rather  of  something 
richer  than  that,  the  outpouring  of  an  overflowing 
cordial  nature.  There  was  in  this,  however,  no  art 
of  manner.  The  sole  secret  lay  in  the  generous 
impulses  of  his  great  heart.  He  was  a  very  big  man, 
not  only  tall,  but  broad  and  massive,  such  a  man  as 
one  might  have  pictured  holding  the  centre  of  Brian 
Bora's  army  at  Clontarf,  wielding  a  ponderous 
battle-axe  like  a  whip,  and  with  a  dauntlessness 
which  had  grown  up  in  association  with  that  ex- 
uberant physique. 

His  oratory  was  such  as  one  might  have  expected 
in  a  man  of  that  type  who  had  become  studious  and 
well  read,  and  in  whom  a  serious  concern  for  affairs 
had  not  extinguished  that  native  humour  of  his 
race  which  indeed  had  grown  proportionate  to  the 
figure  of  the  man.  I  was  present  when  he  addressed 
a  large  assembly,  at  a  time  when  feelings  were  mount- 
ing in  regard  to  the  great  presidential  election ;  and, 


112  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

with  his  rich  rolling  voice  endowed  with  many 
cadences,  I  saw  him  move  the  audience  to  laughter 
and  to  tears,  and  work  them  up  again  to  a  tone  of 
fierce  determination.  Finerty  was  one  of  those  who 
looked  at  most  political  questions  simply  from  the 
Irish  point  of  view,  and  this  gave  rise  to  a  famous 
joke  on  the  part  of  another  Irishman,  Mr.  Peter 
Dunn,  the  author  of  "  Mr.  Dooley  in  Peace  and 
War."  Dunn  related  that  when  Colonel  Finerty 
was  coming  out  of  Congress  one  day  he  met  a  friend, 
a  fellow  Irishman,  who  asked  him  what  was  being 
done.  Finerty  replied  :  "  Nothing  important,  only 
American  business." 

This  joke,  which  no  doubt  exaggerated  the  posi- 
tion a  little,  caused  resentment  in  the  mind  of  Colonel 
Finerty  and  for  a  time  he  and  the  creator  of  "  Dooley  " 
were  not  on  speaking  terms.  I  was  the  innocent 
cause  of  their  reconciliation.  On  the  very  day  that 
I  had  been  introduced  to  Finerty  I  was  walking  with 
him  along  Broadway  when  Dunn  passed.  Seeing 
Finerty  he  offered  to  him  a  somewhat  effaced  and 
diffident  bow  to  which  Finerty  made  no  response.  I 
looked  at  the  gentleman  and  from  pictures  I  had 
seen  I  guessed  that  he  was  no  other  than  Mr.  Dunn.  I 
said  to  Finerty :  "  I  believe  that  was  Dooley  Dunn." 

Finerty  with  his  massive  head  in  the  air  replied  : 
"  Possibly." 

I  had  not  been  aware  of  any  cause  of  friction 
between  them  and  so  I  continued  :  "  He  bowed  to 
you,  you  know." 

"  Did  he  ?  "   cried  Finerty,  suddenly. 

His  whole  manner  changed.  It  was  like  the 
melting  of  an  iceberg.  He  turned  and  ran  after 
Dunn.  I  ran  with  him.  He  caught  Dunn  by  the 


THE  IRISH   IN  AMERICA  113 

elbow  and  introduced  me  to  him,  and  we  all  three 
spent  a  happy  time  together.  I  thought  there  was  a 
touch  of  Irish  history  there,  a  little  parable  which 
sent  the  plummet  deep. 

To  resume  the  question  of  the  Irish  organisations, 
there  was  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  leaders  a 
great  deal  in  the  plea  that  Finerty's  action  might 
break  up  the  organisations,  that  is  to  say,  might 
break  them  up  if  the  physical-force  principle  was 
only  a  banner  to  flatter  the  hopes  of  enthusiastic 
Irishmen,  and  if  the  real  purpose  in  the  minds  of 
those  astute  leaders  was  found  in  their  influence  on 
American  politics.  It  is  almost  inevitable  when  any 
powerful  organisation  has  been  built  up  from  any 
motive  or  on  any  principle  whatever  that  finally  it 
will  be  turned  to  use  as  an  engine  in  determining  the 
fortunes  of  one  of  the  great  political  parties  of  the 
state.  The  origin  of  Tammany  Hall,  for  instance,  is 
to  be  found  in  the  desire  of  a  few  ardent  young  men 
for  high  principle  in  political  matters  and  purity  in 
administration.  Tammany  Hall  at  its  beginning  had 
more  resemblance  to  a  Young  Men's  Christian  Associa- 
tion than  to  the  terrible  "  Tiger  "  so  often  assailed 
by  reformers  and  so  often  lampooned  by  caricaturists. 
So  it  will  always  be  with  regard  to  organisations  in 
America,  even  physical-force  organisations,  for  physi- 
cal force  is  a  somewhat  far-off  thing  and  not  always 
appreciated  or  welcomed  when  brought  near,  whereas 
the  battles  of  Democrats  and  Republicans  are 
always  with  us  and  a  world  of  spoils  marks  the 
difference  between  victory  and  defeat.  It  is  almost 
inevitable  then  that  such  organisations  will  find 
their  chief  use  in  regimenting  men  in  the  electoral 
campaigns. 
8 


114  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

Irishmen  have  won  a  great  reputation  for  political 
aptitude  and  this  has  certainly  reached  its  highest 
development  in  the  United  States.  The  keenness  of 
the  Yankees,  their  business-like  standards,  their 
directness  and  go-aheadedness,  have  proved  just  the 
very  tonics  required  to  give  edge,  precision,  and  in- 
tention to  the  great  Irish  qualities  of  energy,  cour- 
age, and  dash.  An  incident  comes  to  my  mind  which 
illustrates  the  political  faculty  of  Irishmen.  I  visited 
one  of  the  large  American  cities,  which  I  will  not 
more  closely  indicate,  inhabited  mainly  by  the  Irish 
and  Germans,  the  Teuton  element  having  been 
brought  there  on  account  of  the  brewing  industries  of 
the  place  which  is  famous  for  its  beer.  The  Germans 
are  in  the  majority.  One  of  my  friends  I  shall  call 
Michael  O'Halloran — he  was  not  one  of  the  Germans. 
Michael  was  a  man  of  great  local  influence.  We  were 
discussing  the  power  of  the  Irish  in  the  Government. 
'  Well,  Michael,"  I  said,  "  how  are  you  doing  in  this 
city  ?  ''  Had  Michael  been  an  untravelled  Irish- 
man he  might  have  answered  impulsively ;  but  he 
was  an  American,  and  he  had  absorbed  American 
aplomb  and  had  cultivated  coolness  with  all  the  in- 
tensity of  a  Celtic  nature.  When  an  Englishman 
looks  cool  and  stolid  the  reason  generally  is  that  he 
is  cool  and  stolid,  but  when  an  Irishman  is  cool  and 
stolid  we  get  beyond  nature,  it  is  a  work  of  Art. 
So  Michael  drew  three  puffs  of  his  cigar,  gently 
knocked  off  the  ash  on  the  heel  of  his  boot  and  an- 
swered, "  P'utty  well." 

"  Ah  !  "  I  replied,  "  Michael,  and  what  do  you 
call  pretty  well  ?  "  Michael  took  three  more  long- 
drawn  puffs  and  held  up  his  cigar  balanced  between 
the  thumb  and  index  finger  as  he  spoke  slowly : 


THE  IRISH  IN  AMERICA  115 

"  There  are  one  hundred  offices  in  the  gift  of  this 
Municipality.    We  have  got  ninety-eight." 

"  Michael,"  I  said,  "you  have  done  pretty  well." 
Tammany  Hall  has  been  plentifully  abused  as  the 
seat  of  corruption  and  the  model  of  all  that  is  in- 
iquitous, but  even  in  that  regard  we  must  hold  the 
scales  fairly,  although  without  weakness.  I  do  not 
think  any  standard  of  rectitude  can  be  cast  too  high 
for  the  conduct  of  public  affairs.  A  public  office 
should  be  regarded  as  a  duty ;  and,  higher  even  than 
in  the  case  of  the  social  or  personal  life,  a  public 
man  should  be  able  to  repeat  the  proud  saying : 
"Touch  my  honour,  touch  my  eye."  Consequently 
I  would  like  to  see  eliminated  not  only  from 
America,  but  from  Ireland,  and  from  England,  all 
that  system  of  gaining  power  by  purchase  of  votes 
either  directly  or  in  tortuous  ways  which  eventually 
result  in  it,  and  I  would  desire  to  see  a  representa- 
tive chosen  solely  for  the  good  character  of  his  prin- 
ciples and  the  integrity  of  his  conduct  in  public 
affairs.  But  that  is  a  counsel  of  perfection,  and  no 
one  would  say  it  applied  to  Tammany.  But  Tammany 
retorts,  and  certainly  not  without  reason,  that  the 
same  principles  are  at  work  on  the  Republican  side, 
and,  bringing  the  matter  nearer  home,  in  England 
even  amongst  the  most  select  party  and  the  most 
distinguished  representatives  of  the  nation.  In  the 
House  of  Commons  itself,  have  we  never  heard  of 
votes  being  secured  by  offices,  by  appointments,  by 
all  manner  of  social  dignities,  by  those  dazzling  lures 
of  which  the  knighthood  appeals  to  thousands  and  the 
peerage  to  the  upper  crust  of  wealth  of  those 
thousands. 
Tammany  has  become  especially  notorious  of  late 


116  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

on  account  of  the  revelations  of  the  police  methods 
of  terrorism  and  graft.  When  it  becomes  possible  in 
a  great  city  for  a  police  officer  to  remove  a  citizen 
by  having  him  shot  by  gun-men,  it  is  time  for  the 
State  to  sit  in  inquest  on  the  whole  system.  I 
have  only  referred  to  Tammany  in  passing  for  I  am  not 
acquainted  with  all  the  extraordinary  ramifications 
of  that  system,  but  I  believe  that  in  spite  of  the 
many  scandals  associated  with  its  name  its  success 
is  mainly  due  to  the  development  to  a  high  degree 
of  those  principles  of  organisation  which  all  political 
parties  practise,  and  in  which  their  leaders  take  a 
pardonable  pride.  I  met  several  leaders  of  Tammany 
whilst  I  was  in  New  York  ;  and  they  were  all  serious 
men,  and  they  had  the  reputation  of  leading  irre- 
proachable personal  lives. 

Before  leaving  the  question  of  these  organisations 
I  will  touch  upon  another  trait  of  character.  One 
action  of  the  Clan-na-Gael  caused  it  to  leap  into  the 
limelight  of  the  American  stage ;  that  was  the 
murder  of  Dr.  Cronin.  The  question  aroused  deep 
passions  and  in  the  organisation  itself  the  cleavage 
was  very  deep.  One  side  asserted  that  Cronin  was 
a  spy,  and  that  his  death  was  simply  a  justifiable 
act  of  execution.  Another  section,  perhaps  smaller, 
asserted  that  Cronin  was  a  patriotic  man,  indepen- 
dent, intelligent,  and  upright,  and  that  his  main 
offence  was  that  he  had  at  times  thwarted  the  leaders 
and  had  insisted  upon  a  scrupulous  overhauling  of 
the  accounts.  One  of  the  prominent  leaders  told 
me  that  he  was  unable  to  determine  which  of  these 
judgments  was  correct,  but  that  he  would  like  to 
introduce  me  to  the  man  who  was  generally  believed 
to  have  engineered  the  plot  of  the  slaying  of  Cronin. 


THE  IRISH  IN  AMERICA  117 

This  was  the  late  Alexander  Sullivan,  a  man  who  was 
at  one  time  chosen  to  run  in  the  Irish  interest  for 
the  vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States.  What 
share,  if  any,  Sullivan  had  taken  in  the  assassination 
of  Cronin  I  do  not  know ;  he  was  certainly  a  man 
not  averse  to  violent  actions  as  the  following  little 
story  will  indicate.  One  day  in  Chicago,  Sullivan 
was  walking  with  his  wife  who  was  remarkable  for  her 
personal  beauty.  He  entered  a  tobacconist's  shop 
to  get  a  cigar,  leaving  his  wife  outside;  she  walked 
quietly  up  and  down  outside  the  shop.  When  in  a 
few  moments  he  reappeared,  she,  her  eyes  blazing 
with  indignation,  pointed  out  to  him  a  man  who, 
she  said,  had  insulted  her.  Sullivan  instantly  whipped 
out  his  revolver  and  shot  the  man  dead.  He  was 
acquitted  for  this  even  with  acclamation ;  and  in 
regard  to  the  Cronin  affair  no  charge  was  ever  sheeted 
home  against  him. 

I  found  him  seated  in  an  office  in  one  of  those  vast 
American  buildings  which  are  perfect  beehives  of 
business.  It  was  a  remarkable  man  I  saw  before 
me.  He  recalled  President  MacKinley,  who  again 
was  said  by  his  admirers  to  have  resembled  Napoleon. 
But  Sullivan  was  a  man  cast  in  a  stronger  mould  than 
MacKinley ;  there  was  something  more  powerful 
and  determinate  in  the  set  of  his  features.  He  was 
certainly  a  man  of  great  intelligence,  quiet  and 
courteous  in  manner,  discoursing  freely  on  many 
subjects  and  speaking  always  with  judgment  and 
good  sense.  But  in  that  grey  steely  eye  there  was  a 
light  which  told  me  of  a  man  who  could  be  a  redoubt- 
able opponent  and  terrible  enemy.  I  regarded  him 
as  a  political  lost  soul.  He  had  qualities  of  brain 
and  character  which  might  have  advanced  him  to 


118  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

the  highest  rank  in  his  country,  but  he  had  drooped 
to  the  condition  of  those  whose  names  are  remembered 
only  on  account  of  the  mystery  that  lurks  about 
their  character. 

About  the  same  time  also  I  had  a  conversation 
with  a  Western  judge,  one  of  those  Irishmen  whose 
temperament  and  style  seem  expressly  formed  to 
belie  the  popular  opinion  of  the  Irishman,  or  at  any 
rate  of  the  stage  Irishman — a  studious  reflective 
man.  I  said  to  him  it  was  a  source  of  pleasure  to 
me  to  think  that  the  Irish  people  had  been  so  suc- 
cessful in  America.  He  said  in  reply :  "  No  they 
have  not  been  successful.  Or  rather  not  nearly  as 
successful  as  they  might  be."  As  this  was  the  first 
time  I  had  heard  such  a  note  I  pricked  up  my  ears 
and  asked  him  to  explain. 

He  continued :  "  You  think  they  are  successful  be- 
cause your  attention  has  been  attracted  by  many 
men  of  Irish  names  who  have  become  famous  in 
America,  and  you  have  met  Irishmen  occupying  high 
positions  and  wielding  great  authority.  But  you 
must  consider  the  condition  of  the  whole  race  of  that 
great  mass  of  people  numbering  millions  who  have 
come  from  Ireland  to  the  United  States.  A  great 
number  go  under.  A  great  proportion  are  simply 
hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water  and  apparently 
destined  to  remain  so.  They  migrate  too  much  to 
the  large  towns  where  a  few  achieve  success,  but 
where  a  great  number  endure  all  sorts  of  miseries. 
Then  far  too  many  of  them  spend  their  whole  time 
in  politics.  It  is  very  useful,  of  course,  in  fact  it  is 
necessary  for  the  salvation  of  the  race  that  they 
should  have  great  political  representatives  but, 
quite  apart  from  this,  there  are  many  who  are  shift- 


THE  IRISH  IN  AMERICA  119 

less  and  who  merely  hang  round  the  outskirts  of 
politics.  Then  again  most  of  those  who  have  gained 
distinction  have  done  so  through  the  paths  of  politics. 
We  want  something  else,  we  want  other  activities, 
we  want  more  extensive  and  better  education,  and 
we  must  not  be  content  simply  with  laying  the 
flattering  unction  to  our  souls  that  we  have  achieved 
success  in  the  States." 

From  time  to  time  I  reflected  upon  these  remarks 
and  too  often  I  found  something  that  verified  them. 
There  are  many  fields  of  honourable  ambition  in 
the  States  in  which  Irishmen  have  not  sufficiently 
made  their  mark ;  for  instance,  in  the  enormous 
domain  now  opened  up  by  the  sciences  and  their 
myriad  applications  to  all  kinds  of  industries,  Irish- 
men are  not  sufficiently  represented.  There  are  a 
few  bright  names  here  and  there  of  quite  Milesian 
flavour — Murphy,  with  his  famous  button,  comes  to 
my  mind  for  one — but  these  only  serve  to  indicate 
that  the  pure  Celt  has  the  qualities  necessary  to  fit 
him  to  achieve  brilliant  success  in  the  most  arduous 
fields  of  science ;  he  should  direct  his  energy  far 
more  than  hitherto  in  that  direction.  Then  again 
in  looking  over  the  list  of  celebrated  American 
millionaires,  who  in  the  picturesque  words  of  the 
Yellow  journal  from  which  I  take  the  list,  "  wield 
the  destinies  of  America,"  I  find  few  Irish  names. 
I  do  not  take  the  millionaire  as  a  high  type  of 
humanity.  When  I  have  heard  at  times  of  how 
fortunes  are  made,  my  impulse  has  not  been  to 
raise  my  eyes  in  worship  of  the  golden  calf  but  to 
enquire  why  the  people  did  not  go  after  the  wretch 
with  shot-guns.  Yet  if  the  Irish  were  sufficiently 
represented  in  the  world  of  commercial  enterprise 


120  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

the  spirit  of  emulation  alone  would  lead  them  to 
fight  for  the  seats  of  distinction. 

I  could  continue  but  I  believe  the  upshot  is  this, 
that  outside  the  circle  of  politics  Irishmen  have  not 
yet  rendered  in  the  public  life  of  America  that 
record  of  which  the  race  is  capable.  And  even  in 
politics  we  are  obliged  to  make  this  qualification, 
that  in  the  very  highest  field  of  influence  the  Irish 
element  is  not  sufficiently  represented.  There  have 
not  been  many  American  presidents  bearing  Irish 
names.  Certainly  MacKinley's  grandfather  was  said 
to  have  been  hanged  in  '98,  and  that  has  always 
been  a  source  of  satisfaction  to  us ;  and  President 
Roosevelt  told  me  himself  that  he  had  a  strain  of 
Irish  blood  in  his  veins,  and  that  he  was  proud  of  it. 
For  some  years  past  Irishmen  have  been  able  to  give 
as  the  reason  for  a  deficiency  of  influence  that  they 
have  in  the  great  bulk  supported  the  Democrats, 
and  the  Democrats  have  been  successful  only  on 
few  occasions.  Now  at  length  the  Democrats  are  in 
power,  but  when  President  Wilson  was  forming  his 
Cabinet  he  did  not  go  to  the  Irish  for  his  men.  Bryan 
is  certainly  an  Irish  name,  but  I  know  that  Bryan 
declared  on  one  occasion  that  he  had  been  unable  to 
discover  any  Irish  ancestors,  though  this  failure  has 
not  prevented  him  on  suitable  occasions  as  at  Irish 
gatherings,  from  claiming  their  support  on  account 
of  his  patronymic. 

Moreover,  I  met  with  this  curious  fact,  that  the 
second  and  third  generations  often  fall  entirely  from 
the  Cause  as  viewed  from  the  Irish  standpoint.  I 
have  heard  of  the  sons  of  those  whose  names  have 
figured  prominently  in  Irish  rebellions  and  agitations, 
and  those  sons  have  either  drifted  away  from  the 


THE  IBISH  IN  AMERICA  121 

Irish  cause  or  deliberately  turned  their  back  upon 
it.  The  Yankees  are  essentially  the  people  of  the 
present  and  the  future,  and  it  is  difficult  to  interest 
them  in  the  story  of  antiquated  wrongs  or  the  records 
of  past  oppressions  and  hopeless  campaigns  for 
redress.  Something  new,  something  of  develop- 
ment, something  involving  a  great  effort  and  a  great 
prize  must  be  held  up  before  their  eyes  to  excite  their 
enthusiasm.  There  is  a  great  deal  of  right  in  that 
appreciation  of  things. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  noted  that  even 
those  who  are  indifferent  to  the  Irish  cause  are  not 
in  the  least  enamoured  of  any  policy  which  helps 
England  ;  and  here  I  think  we  are  touching  on  the 
nerve  of  the  real  formidable  influence  of  the  Irish 
in  American  affairs.  I  would  like  to  throw  this 
matter  out  in  the  very  clearest  relief  for  the  instruc- 
tion both  of  Irish  and  English  statesmen.  I  have 
spoken  of  the  big  organisations  and  with  no  great 
faith  in  the  professed  central  object  of  their  exis- 
tence, but  I  have  a  very  great  respect  for  the  power 
wielded  by  a  chain  of  such  organisations  running 
through  all  the  States  of  America  and  working  deter- 
minedly in  one  direction.  At  the  moment  of  political 
crisis  most  of  these  organisations  are  of  course  dead 
against  England.  Moreover,  we  have  seen  that 
when  the  German  and  the  Irish  men  are  pitted 
together  on  equal  terms  the  Irish  man  displays, 
in  politics  at  least,  an  organising  faculty  superior 
to  that  of  the  German.  Lately  the  German  and 
the  Irish  organisations  have  made  many  over- 
tures towards  a  possible  banding  together  for 
certain  purposes  and  if  such  a  union  were  accom- 
plished it  is  possible  that  the  organisations  so 


122  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

formed  might  control  all  the  great  works  of 
American  policy. 

From  time  to  time  the  Irish  alone  have  defeated 
projects  which  would  have  rendered  great  service  to 
England.  I  remember  Michael  Davitt  telling  me 
that  on  one  occasion  an  arbitration  treaty  was  on  the 
point  of  being  concluded  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States,  and  this  with  the  acquiescence, 
rather  than  with  any  enthusiastic  support  of  American 
politicians.  Davitt  learned  of  the  move  in  time  to 
go  to  Washington  and  after  a  few  days'  active  lobby- 
ing amongst  the  Senators  he  was  able  to  secure  the 
rejection  of  the  measure.  Since  that  time  the 
urgency  to  England  of  such  a  treaty  or  its  equiva- 
lent has  become  more  and  more  pressing. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  when  the  conditions 
of  English  greatness  are  explored  they  will  be  found 
to  derive  from  a  period,  when,  as  after  the  Battle 
of  Trafalgar,  England  had  swept  her  rivals  from  the 
sea  and  had  gained  a  free  hand  for  expansion  and 
trade  in  the  lands  of  almost  unlimited  resources  over 
the  seas.  England  is  now  being  hard  pressed  by 
keen  rivals  and  even  in  the  test  for  naval  supremacy 
she  is  by  no  means  secure  in  her  position.  To  sum 
up  in  a  few  words  what  could  be  expanded  into  a 
volume,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  closest  possible 
friendship  with  the  United  States  is  necessary  to 
England's  salvation.  The  Irish  element  hitherto 
stood  in  the  way,  their  opposition  would  in  great 
part  disappear  if  all  cause  of  ill-will  at  home  were 
removed. 

The  European  war  has  afforded  the  confirmation  of 
what  is  here  set  down.  The  powerful  German  in- 
fluence in  the  States  was  found  unanimous  and 


123 


furiously  hostile  to  England.  Had  an  event  arisen 
to  produce  unanimity  and  hostility  also  throughout 
the  entire  Irish  population  in  Ireland,  in  England, 
in  the  Dominions,  and  in  America,  a  situation  of 
serious  danger  to  the  British  Government  would  have 
arisen.  The  evidence  of  good-will  shown  in  placing 
the  Home  Rule  Act  on  the  Statute  Book  prevented 
such  a  combination.  The  lesson  thus  obtained 
should  suggest  the  ultimate  settlement  of  the  whole 
Irish  question  on  large  and  generous  lines. 


CHAPTEE   V 

PRIESTS  IN  POLITICS 

A  CONVERSATION  which  is  typical  comes  to  my  mind. 
An  English  confrere  waxed  eloquent  on  the  subject 
of  priests  in  politics,  pointed  out  the  many  evils  that 
resulted  from  the  mingling  of  spiritual  influences  in 
purely  secular  affairs,  and  finally  asked  me  if  I  did  not 
agree  that  the  system  should  be  ended.  My  reply 
was  that  I  was  prepared  to  go  further  than  he. 

"  Ah,"  he  exclaimed  in  eagerness,  "  what  would 
you  do  ?  " 

I  answered  that  I  would  like  to  prevent  not  only 
priests  but  Protestant  clergymen  from  using  undue 
influence  in  politics.  My  confrere's  whole  attitude 
changed.  He  had  been  riding  the  high  horse  in 
virtuous  indignation  against  the  tyranny  of  the 
priests,  but  he  viewed  with  a  complacent  eye,  not  to 
say  lively  approval,  the  brigading  of  young  Oxford 
curates  as  electioneering  agents  for  the  Tory  party. 
"  I  regard  myself,"  said  one  of  these  zealots,  "  as  a 
connecting  link  between  the  Upper  and  the  Lower 
classes."  And  this  exquisite  union  of  dignity  and 
humility  seemed  to  encourage  him  to  invoke  the 
authority  of  the  Anglican  Church  and  the  co-opera- 
tion of  God  in  a  parish  contest.1 

1  I  have  a  sheaf  of  notes  collected  at  various  periods,  all  telling  the 
same  story,  the  intolerance  that  has  infected  so  many  ecclesiastical 
souls.  The  spirit  of  these  is  well  expressed  in  a  passage  which  I  quote 

124 


PEIESTS  IN  POLITICS 


125 


At  the  outset  I  will  say  that  I  do  not  desire  here 
to  trench  upon  the  question  of  religion.    All  the 

from  a  recent  letter  of  Mr.  J.  G.  Swift  MacNeill,  K.C.,  M.P.,  himself 
a  Protestant,  to  the  Right  Rev.  Dr.  D'Arcy.  The  letter  which  ap- 
peared in  the  "  Freeman's  Journal "  bears  the  date  of  llth  November 
1913. 

MY  LORD  BISHOP, — I  feel  it  due  to  myself  as  an  Irish  Pro- 
testant who  cannot  sign  his  name  without  being  reminded  of  his 
associations  with  Irish  Protestant  Churchmen  to  take  grave 
exception  to  a  series  of  extraordinary  statements  made  by  you 
with  reference  to  your  Roman  Catholic  fellow-countrymen — 
statements  which  assume  an  enormous  gravity  when  coming 
from  a  Prelate  of  your  well-deserved  eminence  for  piety  and 
learning. 

In  an  address  to  the  Synod  of  the  Diocese  of  Down,  Connor  and 
Dromore  you  say  in  reference  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Church, 
"  toleration  for  her  is  only  a  temporary  expedient."  Would  it 
not  grieve  us  to  hear  any  Roman  Catholic  pronounce  such  a  judg- 
ment on  the  Irish  Protestant  Church,  even  if  he  were  to  base  it 
on  an  historical  document  and  make  the  following  incontro- 
vertible statement :  "  An  assembly  of  Irish  Protestant  Prelates, 
convened  by  Archbishop  Usher,  declared  c  the  religion  of  Papists 
is  superstitious  and  idolatrous,  their  faith  and  doctrine  erroneous 
and  heretical,  their  Church  in  respect  to  both  apostatical ;  to 
give  them,  therefore,  a  toleration  or  to  consent  that  they  may 
freely  exercise  their  religion  and  profess  their  faith  and  doctrine 
is  a  grievous  sin  '  "  ? 
I  quote  another  example  from  a  Home  Rule  publication : 

When  the  disestablishment  of  the  Church  was  proposed,  Irish 
Protestants  threatened  civil  war,  exactly  as  they  are  doing  to- 
day, and  with  exactly  the  same  seriousness  of  intention ;  but  it 
was  not  for  religion  they  were  proposing  to  fight.  The  Rev. 
Henry  Henderson,  of  Holywood,  one  of  their  chief  spokesmen, 
said,  before  a  great  Orange  meeting  at  Saintfield,  County  Down  : 

It  was  right  they  should  tell  their  English  brethren  the 
truth.  It  was  right  they  should  tell  them  that  so  long  as 
there  was  Protestantism  in  the  land,  and  a  Protestant  Sove- 
reign occupying  the  throne,  so  long  must  there  be  a  Protestant 
Ascendancy. 

If  it  be  objected  that  the  incidents  refer  to  a  past  time  and  that  the 
spirit  has  changed,  I  will  simply  appeal  to  any  man  of  candour,  on 
either  gide,  who  haa  interested  himself  in  an  Election  for  Parliament 


126  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

great  churches,  however,  have  two  aspects ;  one  as 
the  centre  of  the  propagation  of  an  evangel — revela- 

in  any  part  of  England ;  can  he  say  otherwise  than  that  the  Church 
as  a  Church,  and  the  individual  clerics  as  partisans,  take  an  active 
interest  in  politics,  and  that  they  do  not  hesitate  to  use  the  authority 
they  derive  from  their  religion  ?  Here  is  an  instance  I  take  from 
"  John  Bull,"  which  is  not,  I  believe,  a  Home  Rule  paper.  The  date 
is  21st  May  1910.  It  illustrates  the  methods  of  a  clergyman  hi  his 
opposition  to  Radicals. 

Of  course,  it  was  not  only  Free  Church  ministers  who  distin- 
guished themselves  during  the  late  election.  For  instance,  there 
was  the  Rev.  W.  Bankes  Williams,  Vicar  of  Acton,  in  the  Sun- 
bury  Division.  This  good  man  sent  out  a  circular  to  the  village 
electors  hoping  that  they  "  would  refuse  to  support  a  party 
which  is  allied  to  another  party  whose  leader  makes  these  con- 
fessions of  doctrine :  (1)  I  deny  the  existence  of  a  Heavenly 
Father ;  (2)  I  strongly  believe  that  Jesus  Christ  never  existed 
at  all ;  (3)  I  do  not  believe  that  there  is  any  Heaven,  and  I 
scorn  the  idea  of  Hell."  We  do  not  know  what  leader  of  a  party 
has  expressed  himself  in  this  way,  but,  assuming  the  rev.  gentle- 
man means  that  the  Liberals  are  allied  with  the  Labourites,  and 
in  that  case  assuring  him  that  both  of  them  deny  being  allied 
with  each  other,  we  may  say  the  leader  of  the  Labourites  is  Mr. 
Arthur  Henderson,  a  Wesleyan  preacher  of  great  piety.  If  the 
rev.  gentleman  is  pointing  at  Mr.  Blatchford,  that  gentleman  is 
in  fact  "  allied  "  with  the  Tory  party,  and  probably  won  a  few 
seats  for  them.  We  know  what  they  call  the  suggestio  falsi  in 
Whitechapel.  Will  our  rev.  friend  tell  us  what  they  call  it  in  the 
religious  circle  in  which  he  moves  ? 

In  a  recent  issue  of  the  "  Daily  Chronicle "  (9th  December  1910) 
appears  a  report  referring  to  the  case  of  the  Rev.  J.  M.  Carrack,  curate 
of  St.  James's,  Little  Roke,  Kenley,  from  which  I  extract  the  fol- 
lowing : 

Nothing,  indeed,  occurred  to  mar  the  serenity  of  his  life  and 
career  till  the  election  of  January  1910.  Then  it  became  known 
that  he  was  guilty  of  the  crime  of  being  a  Liberal.  It  became 
known  that  he  was  in  favour  of  the  terrible  Budget ;  he  was  in 
favour  of  the  land  taxes ;  he  was  hi  favour  of  the  super-tax  on 
big  incomes  ;  he  was  in  favour,  not  of  the  rich,  but  of  the  poor. 

And  some  of  the  select  people  of  Coulsdon  and  Kenley  held  up 
their  hands  in  horror. 
He  did  not  go  on  Liberal  platforms  ;  he  did  not  advertise  his 


PRIESTS  IN  POLITICS  127 

tion,  philosophy,  or  dogma  ;  the  other  as  a  social  and 
political    organisation.     In   making   the   distinction 

Liberal  views.  But  it  was  sufficient  that  he  was  a  Liberal. 
From  that  moment,  by  some  people  at  least,  he  seems  to  have 
been  condemned. 

A  representative  of  the  "  Daily  Chronicle  "  yesterday  called 
on  him,  and  asked  if  he  had  any  evidence  to  bear  out  what  people 
in  the  district  were  saying — that  he  was  having  to  leave  because 
of  his  politics. 

Almost  without  a  word  he  went  to  a  cabinet,  produced  some 
letters,  and  handed  them  for  inspection.  This  was  the  effect 
of  one : — 

I  understand  you  are  in  favour  of  the  Liberal  Government 
and  that  that  Government  intends  to  bring  in  a  Welsh  Dis- 
establishment Bill.     Yet  I  am  asked  to  contribute  towards 
your  stipend. 
In  another  letter  one  reads  : 

Apart  from  other  things,  I  am  afraid  your  party  has  the  in- 
tention of  disendowing  the  Church. 

No  fewer  than  430  people  signed  a  petition  to  the  Bishop  of 
Southwark  that  Mr.  Carrack  should  not  leave  the  district,  but 
that  the  parish  should  be  divided  and  that  he  should  have  charge 
of  the  working  class  portion  in  which  he  has  laboured  so  hard 
and  well.  Another  petition  to  the  same  effect  was  signed  by 
practically  all  the  people  living  on  the  Downs. 

Such  petitions,  at  any  rate,  show  that  in  the  district  where  he 
and  his  work  are  known  he  has  been  beloved  and  appreciated. 
But  the  way  of  the  Liberal  is  hard. 

This  certainly  refers  to  England,  but  I  am  merely  showing  that 
undue  influence  in  politics  is  not  confined  to  the  priests  in  Ireland. 
From  another  bundle  of  notes  I  observe  certain  circumstances  which 
could  have  no  other  cause  than  long-continued,  unfair  discrimination 
in  regard  to  religion. 

A  Parliamentary  White  Paper  (moved  for  by  Mr.  MacVeagh, 
M.P.)  gives  a  summary  of  the  religious  denominations  of  the 
Irish  Magistrates  in  both  counties  and  boroughs.  It  shows  that 
in  the  counties  there  are  5,347  persons  on  the  Commission  of  the 
Peace,  of  whom  3,302  are  Protestants,  and  2,033  Roman  Catholics, 
six  are  set  down  as  of  other  religious  denominations,  one  is  a 
Jew,  and  in  five  cases  the  religion  is  unknown.  It  is  well  to  note 
that  the  Episcopalians,  who  form  one-tenth  of  the  population, 
can  boast  of  2,631  magistrates,  while  the  Presbyterians,  who 


128  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

the  churches  themselves  have  already  aided  us,  for 
in  their  political  propaganda,  for  example,  I  have 

almost  equal  the  Episcopalians  in  number,  have  but  526.  In  the 
boroughs  the  totals  of  Episcopalians  and  Presbyterians  are  194 
and  117  respectively,  so  that  the  aggregates  are  more  nearly 
proportionate.  Of  the  gross  total  of  5,959  magistrates  in  all 
Ireland,  2,825  are  Episcopalians,  643  are  Presbyterians,  and  2,275 
are  Roman  Catholics. 

To  interpret  these  documents  aright  the  proportion  of  Catholics  to 
Protestants  in  Ireland  should  be  borne  in  mind.  Clearly  a  spirit  has 
been  at  work.  That  spirit  is  here  indicated  : 

Until  the  passing  of  Mr.  Gerald  Balfour's  Local  Government 
Act  for  Ireland,  the  Episcopalians  also  controlled,  through  the 
now  defunct  Grand  Juries,  the  local  government  of  nearly  every 
county  in  Ireland.  Even  in  counties  where  the  Roman  Catholics 
formed  95  per  cent,  of  the  population,  it  was  an  event  of  the 
rarest  occurrence  to  appoint  a  Roman  Catholic  to  even  the  most 
menial  office.  The  appointment  of  a  Presbyterian  or  a  Methodist 
was  even  rarer.  It  was  of  this  system  that  John  Bright  declared 
in  the  House  of  Commons  : 

These  Ulstermen   have  stood   in   the  way  of   improvement 

in  the  Franchise,  in  the  Church,  and  in  the  Land  Question. 

They  have  purchased  Protestant  Ascendancy,  and  the  price 

paid  for  it  is  the  ruin  and  degradation  of  their  country." 
A  piquant  letter  from  a  Protestant,  Mr.  J.  Annan  Bryce,  M.P., 
further  illustrates  this  matter  : 

It  was  natural  that  in  the  past  the  influence  of  the  Irish 
priests  should  be  great.  They  come  from  the  peasant  class,  and 
have  a  fellow-feeling  with  its  ills,  and  were  the  friends  (indeed, 
the  only  friends)  of  that  class  in  its  long  social  struggle.  They 
possessed  the  natural  influence  given  by  a  better  education  ;  and, 
in  fact,  in  many  parts  of  Ireland  the  priest  was  the  only  educated 
man  whose  advice  and  help  the  people  could  obtain.  After  all, 
their  power  has,  perhaps,  not  been  so  great  as  that  of  the  parson 
in  rural  England,  wielding,  as  the  latter  does,  the  temporal  weapon 
of  the  deprivation  of  coals  and  blankets — a  weapon  probably 
more  potent  in  some  cases  than  any  mere  spiritual  menace  of 
what  may  happen  in  a  future  state.  Since  the  Local  Govern- 
ment Act  of  1898  it  has  not  been  found  that  the  priest  interferes, 
unless  in  the  rare  cases  where  there  is  a  question  of  personal 
morality,  and  then  not  always  with  success. 
Finally  I  could  show  official  documents  in  hand,  that  whereas  Catholics 


PBIESTS  IN  POLITICS  129 

never  known  them  derive  their  positions  from  the 
Sermon  on  the  Mount,  nor  draw  inspiration  from 
the  precepts  of  meekness  therein  contained. 

Having  cleared  the  ground  in  this  manner,  I  will 
say  candidly  that  I  am  not  opposed  to  the  influence 
of  priests  in  politics,  if  when  entering  into  the  poli- 
tical arena  the  priest  will  divest  himself  of  his  saintly 
office,  offer  arguments  like  other  men,  stand  the 
same  scrutiny  and  criticism,  and  take  good-humouredly 
the  rubs  and  cuffs  incidental  to  a  political  struggle ; 
I  am  resolutely  opposed  to  priests  in  politics  when 
the  priest  throws  into  the  scale  his  sacerdotal  emblems, 
and  when  he  speaks  ex  cathedra  and  dictatorially  on 
subjects  wherein  he  has  no  special  intelligence,  and 
where  his  religion,  if  truly  invoked,  would  cover  him 
with  confusion. 

Certainly  the  priests  have  great  influence  in 
politics  in  Ireland,  they  have  undue  influence,  and  it 
must  be  the  task  of  Irish  Nationalists  to  emancipate 
themselves  from  that  undue  influence  if  ever  they 
mean  to  lift  the  country  out  of  the  Slough  of  De- 
spond where  it  has  lain  so  long.  These  questions 
must  be  tackled  resolutely.  This  is  not  the  way  of 
popularity,  but  it  is  the  way  of  the  salvation  of 
Ireland.  Irishmen  should  face  the  issue  with  cour- 
age, for  it  requires  more  courage  sometimes  to 
acknowledge  a  truth  than  to  shout  war-cries  to  the 

in  the  South  have  been  generous  in  bestowing  lucrative  posts  on 
Protestants,  yet  in  Belfast  no  Catholic  can  obtain  a  post  other  than 
a  menial  and  ill-paid  situation. 

I  will  leave  the  subject,  however,  for  the  present.  I  have  entered 
into  it  not  without  repugnance,  and  my  object  has  been  not  to  whip 
up  prejudices,  but  merely  to  give  a  judicious  pause  to  those  who  rail 
against  the  priests  in  politics,  but  who  have  never  observed  that  there 
is  also  another  side  to  the  question. 

9 


130  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

approval  of  a  mob  or  even  to  risk  life  in  a  display  of 
heroism  on  a  splendid  field. 

Macaulay  has  a  terrible  passage  1  in  which  he  points 
out  the  difference  of  prosperity  between  Protestant 
communities  and  those  which  remain  under  the 
domination  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  It  may  be 
objected  that  commercial  prosperity  is  not  all,  that 
spirituality  must  be  taken  into  account,  and  more- 
over that  Macaulay  was  a  Protestant  bigot.  That 
may  possibly  be  the  case,  but  it  does  not  dispose  of 
the  facts.  Let  us  look  these  steadily  in  the  face,  and 
if  the  condition  of  affairs  even  now  justifies  Macau- 
lay's  statement,  let  us  strike  out  manfully  in  the 
way  of  redemption. 

In  no  country  have  I    seen  the  Pope  and  the 

1  The  following  is  the  passage  from  Macaulay's  "  History  of  Eng- 
land." I  do  not  ask  Catholics  to  endorse  it,  and  for  my  own  part  I 
am  not  in  the  least  concerned  with  the  religious  or  philosophical  tenets 
of  Protestants ;  but  I  will  say  to  the  most  devout  believer,  read  and 
reflect : 

The  loveliest  and  most  fertile  provinces  of  Europe  have,  under 
her  rule,  been  sunk  in  poverty,  in  political  servitude,  and  intel- 
lectual torpor,  while  Protestant  countries,  once  proverbial  for 
sterility  and  barbarism,  have  been  turned  by  skill  and  industry 
into  gardens,  and  can  boast  of  a  long  list  of  heroes  and  statesmen, 
philosophers  and  poets.  Whoever,  knowing  what  Italy  and 
Scotland  really  are,  and  what  four  hundred  years  ago  they  actually 
were,  shall  now  compare  the  country  round  Rome  with  the 
country  round  Edinburgh,  will  be  able  to  form  some  judgment 
as  to  the  tendency  of  Papal  domination.  The  descent  of  Spain, 
once  the  first  among  monarchies,  to  the  lowest  depths  of  degrada- 
tion, the  elevation  of  Holland,  in  spite  of  many  natural  disad- 
vantages, to  a  position,  such  as  no  commonwealth  so  small  has 
ever  reached,  teach  the  same  lesson.  Whoever  passes  in  Ger- 
many from  a  Roman  Catholic  to  a  Protestant  principality,  in 
Switzerland  from  a  Roman  Catholic  to  a  Protestant  canton,  in 
Ireland  from  a  Roman  Catholic  to  a  Protestant  county,  finds 
that  he  has  passed  from  a  lower  to  a  higher  grade  of  civilisation. 
On  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  the  same  law  prevails. 


PRIESTS  IN  POLITICS  131 

domination  of  Rome  more  audaciously  attacked  than 
in  Italy.  Again  let  us  pass  over  the  religious  feeling, 
good  or  bad,  and  come  to  facts.  Those  parts  of 
Italy  which  are  most  unquestioning  in  their  allegi- 
ance even  to  the  temporal  authority  of  the  Church 
are  those  in  which  ignorance,  poverty,  bad  highways, 
and  violence  are  most  common. 

In  Germany  the  Roman  Catholic  states  are  in 
general  the  least  progressive.  Holland  which  threw 
off  the  domination  of  Spain,  and  with  it  the  tyranny 
of  the  Church,  has  become  an  industrious  and  pro- 
sperous country,  which,  moreover,  in  proportion  to 
population  has  contributed  nobly  to  science.  Spain 
once  the  proud  mistress  of  the  world,  famous  for 
the  romantic  brilliancy  of  her  sons  as  well  as  for  the 
fierce  persecutions  of  the  Inquisition,  has  gradually 
sunk  in  the  scale  of  the  nations,  and,  proudest  of 
empires,  has  passed  through  humiliation  yet  to 
humiliation.  Portugal,  which  once  divided  with 
Spain  the  spoils  of  the  ocean,  the  glorious  land  of 
Vasco  da  Gama,  Magellan,  Albuquerque,  and 
Camoens,  descended  step  by  step  in  misery.  At 
length  by  an  effort  she  has  flung  off  the  incubus  of  a 
thousand  years,  and  a  new  day  of  hope  is  dawning. 
The  Republic  has  many  shortcomings ;  these  are  the 
legacy  of  a  corrupt  regime.  Let  us  never  forget  in 
criticising  the  present  position  of  Portugal  that  the 
Monarchy,  and,  through  the  Monarchy,  the  temporal 
powers  of  the  Church  ruled  Portugal  for  centuries. 
The  misery,  the  incapacity,  the  ignorance,  which 
critics  of  the  Republic  find,  rise  up  like  ghastly  spectres 
to  accuse  the  Royal  house. 

The  French  nation,  which  of  all  the  so-called  Latin 
races  has  shown  in  modern  days  the  highest  Intel- 


132  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

lectual  vigour,  has  thrown  off  the  control  of  the 
Church.  France  has  had  many  difficulties  to  con- 
tend with,  both  internal  and  external ;  these  are 
mainly  the  legacy  of  the  Empire  of  Napoleon  III. 
That  was  a  regime  such  as  a  Rome  loves,  an  incap- 
able sovereign  under  the  influence  of  his  consort, 
that  consort  a  beautiful  woman,  fascinating  in  social 
intercourse,  charitable  and  kind,  but  dominated  by 
the  priests.  That  was  the  regime  under  which 
disaster  was  provoked  by  an  arrogant  bearing  un- 
supported by  adequate  force,  when  the  beautiful 
Empress,  seeing  in  the  holocaust  of  a  nation  the  sole 
chance  of  saving  the  dynasty,  clapped  her  little  hands 
in  joy  at  "  Ma  guerre  ;  "  and  when  a  profligate  court, 
inspired  by  the  fiddlings  of  Offenbach's  music,  danced 
to  damnation. 

Such  is  the  inheritance  on  which  the  Republic  has 
erected  its  magnificent  record.  And  in  France  itself 
it  is  precisely  in  those  parts  which  are  still  most 
responsive  to  the  temporal  power  of  Rome,  as  in 
Bretagne,  that  backwardness  and  misery  most  prevail. 

And  what  of  Ireland,  is  Ireland  prosperous  and 
happy?  I  have  heard  the  answer  made  that 
material  prosperity  is  not  all,  and  as  opposed  to  the 
"  materialism "  of  successful,  or  at  least  wealthy, 
nations,  we  are  asked  to  oppose  the  spirituality  of 
the  poorer.  The  argument  might  be  valid  if  it  had 
any  real  meaning,  but  I  have  seen  too  much  of 
misery,  of  defeat,  of  ignorance,  to  believe  that  these 
are  great  factors  of  any  superior  qualities  of  the  soul. 

I  remember  once  in  a  distinguished  assembly  when 
the  question  of  France  was  being  discussed,  hearing 
a  politician  say :  '  What  I  can't  stand  about  the 
French  is  their  want  of  spirituality."  I  was  amused, 


PRIESTS  IN  POLITICS  133 

though  disconcerted,  for  an  atmosphere  savouring 
less  of  spiritual  ichor  than  spirituous  liquor  accom- 
panied the  words.  And  I  reflected  on  the  great  and 
noble  minds  whom  I  had  known  in  France,  men  of 
whom  Pasteur  and  Henri  Poincare  are  types,  great 
thinkers  devoted  to  the  advancement  of  science, 
great  artists  like  Rodin  upholding  a  high  ideal  of  art, 
great  writers  like  Anatole  France  displaying  for  us 
a  delicate  wit  that  we  might  the  better  know  and 
savour  the  truth,  great  pioneers  of  the  African  ex- 
pansion, great  statesmen  winning  for  France  security 
and  power,  great  soldiers  content  to  shed  their  blood 
in  the  defence  of  liberty ;  I  question  what  then  is  this 
"  spirituality  "  which  compensates  for  the  loss  of  these 
splendid  examples,  which  hidesitself  insuch  unexpected 
conditions,  and  disguises  itself  in  forms  and  manners 
in  which  it  is  so  difficult  to  recognise  the  higher  life. 

But  do  the  rulers  of  Rome  themselves  believe  in 
the  high  value  of  this  spirituality  ?  They  have 
always  shown  a  singular  preference  for  the  favour 
of  material  England.  Not  long  ago  in  the  House  of 
Commons  I  heard  this  declaration  of  an  experienced 
Parliamentarian,  who  reposes  himself  in  the  bosom  of 
the  Church,  and  thereby  makes  his  seat  secure  ;  he 
said  in  effect — for  I  cannot  reproduce  either  the  force 
of  his  utterance  or  the  sapid  strength  of  his  ver- 
nacular— that  Rome  would  at  any  time  sacrifice  the 
interests  of  Ireland  to  please  her  English  friends. 
If  any  one  doubts  this,  then  he  has  either  not  read, 
or  he  has  misread,  history. 

I  will  not  revert  to  the  old  story  of  the  delivery  of 
Ireland  to  England's  care  by  the  Bull  of  Adrian  IV. 
In  modern  days  there  have  been  a  fejv  memorable 
occasions  when  the  Vatican  has  intervened  deter- 


134  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

minedly  in  Irish  political  affairs,  and  in  each  in- 
stance unfortunately.  In  1814  the  Veto  question, 
as  it  is  known  in  Irish  history,  arose.  The  essential 
of  the  business  was  that  in  consideration  of  certain 
worldly  and  very  material  advantages  and  also  for 
the  sake  of  Emancipation,  Irish  Bishops  would  be 
recognised  and  nominated  subject  to  the  approval 
of  the  British  Government.  The  Church  was  willing 
to  enter  into  this  dishonourable  bargain,  but  the 
people  supported  by  a  few  bishops  in  Ireland  and 
by  O'Connell  protested.  On  this  occasion  the  saying 
found  birth:  Our  religion  from  Rome,  our  politics 
from  Home. 

Nearly  seventy  years  afterwards,  in  1883,  Rome 
endeavoured  to  discredit  the  Parnell  Testimonial — 
that  is  to  say,  the  subscriptions  of  the  Irish  people 
destined  to  enable  Parnell  to  carry  on  his  campaign. 
Before  the  Church  had  intervened  the  tribute  had 
hung  fire ;  from  that  moment  it  showed  all  the  vigour 
of  a  great  popular  movement  carried  enthusiastically 
to  success. 

Again  Rome  intervened  to  suppress  the  Plan  of 
Campaign  in  1888,  and  again  its  efforts  were  futile.1 

1  Pope  Adrian  IV  was  not  the  only  Pontiff  who  made  sport  of 
Ireland's  rights  in  order  to  please  the  English.  Pope  Alexander  III 
authorised  the  annexation  of  Ireland,  and  Pope  John  XXII  aided 
Edward  I  in  the  same  direction. 

Pitt  had  the  majority  of  the  Bishops  on  his  side  in  his  policy  of  the 
Union.  England  during  the  past  century  has  never  lacked  at  the 
Vatican  some  sort  of  secret  ambassador  or  go-between  ;  and  that  the 
Church  has  always  regarded  Ireland  as  a  mere  pawn  in  the  game  is 
evident  from  its  action  at  critical  moments  of  the  Nationalist  cam- 
paign. 

I  for  one  am  not  quite  reassured  by  the  fact  that  on  three  notable 
occasions  the  Irish  people  stood  up  against  the  dictation  of  the  Pope, 
for  the  recurrence  of  such  cases  proves  rather  the  persistence  of 


PRIESTS  IN  POLITICS  135 

Here  already  we  have  three  important  occasions 
when  the  liberties  of  the  Irish  people  were  at  stake, 

control.  The  affair  of  the  Veto  was  so  discreditable  to  the  Church  that 
once  it  had  been  presented  in  its  true  colours  to  the  view  of  the  nation 
it  fell  under  popular  resentment.  It  was  hi  January  1815  in  Dublin 
that  O'Connell  cried :  "  I  would  as  soon  receive  my  politics  from 
Stamboul  as  from  Rome.  ...  I  deny  the  doctrine  that  the  Pope  has 
any  temporal  authority  directly  or  indirectly  in  Ireland." 

In  1883  the  Vatican's  condemnation  of  the  Parnell  Testimonial 
caused  it  to  mount  from  £7,000  to  £40,000  a  month. 

In  1888  the  opposition  of  the  Vatican  to  the  Plan  of  Campaign  was 
set  in  motion,  it  is  believed,  by  the  influence  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk 
and  other  English  Tories. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Catholic  members  of  the  Irish  party  at  the 
Mansion  House  in  Dublin,  the  following  resolution  was  accepted : 

That   while    unreservedly   acknowledging    as    Catholics    the 

spiritual  jurisdiction  of  the  Holy  See,  we,  as  guardians,  in  common 

with  our  brother  Irish  representatives  of  other  creeds,  of  those 

civil   liberties  which    our   Catholic    forefathers   have   resolutely 

defended,  feel  bound  solemnly  to  reassert  that  Irish  Catholics 

can  recognise  no  right  in  the  Holy  See  to  interfere  with  the  Irish 

people  hi  the  management  of  their  political  affairs. 

Strong  speeches  in  support  of  this  resolution  were  delivered  by  Mr. 

Thomas  Sexton,  then  Lord  Mayor  of  Dublin,  and  members  of  Parliament 

including  Messrs.  Dillon,  John  Redmond,  T.  Healy,  and  W.  O'Brien. 

These  are  the  instances  hi  which  the  Irish  people,  replying  to 
peculiarly  audacious  attacks,  have  faced  round  and  driven  hi  the 
outposts  of  Rome.  I  would  feel  that  the  argument  was  better  if  we 
did  not  boast  so  triumphantly  of  successes  where  defeat  would  have 
been  ignominy,  and  if,  as  I  hope  to  see,  Irishmen  in  every  day  of  their 
ordinary  lives  were  managing  their  own  affairs  without  troubling 
about  Rome  or  the  Parish  Priest  at  all.  Am  I  an  enemy  to  Ireland 
in  speaking  thus  ?  God  forbid  !  In  that  way  lies  Ireland's  destiny. 
Meanwhile,  behold  here  a  fort,  cupolaed  and  armed,  that  dominates 
the  line  of  march  : 

Speaking  at  Claremorris  on  the  24th  February  1909,  the  Roman 
Catholic  Archbishop  of  Tuam  uttered  these  words : 

I  say  now  that  the  people  of  Ireland  are  not  fit  for  Home 
Rule,  and  I  have  no  hesitation  hi  saying  that  until  they  know 
how  to  conduct  themselves — I  saw  it  hi  Dublin,  and  I  saw  it 
in  Cork,  and  I  am  ashamed  to  say  that  I  saw  it  hi  the  West  of 
Ireland.  .  .  . 


136  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

and  where,  no  matter  what  passions  were  aroused  at 
the  time  nor  what  violence  resulted,  we  see  that  the 
movements  in  question  were  in  the  way  of  pro- 
gress ;  yet,  with  curious  fatality,  the  rulers  of  Rome 
have  planted  themselves  again  and  again  in  the 
path  of  Democracy,  and  cried:  "Thus  far,  and  no 
farther!"1 

1  In  regard  to  democracy  I  quote  the  words  of  Mr.  George  Bernard 
Shaw  who  under  the  guise  of  whimsical  fancies  has  brought  home  to 
British  minds  some  of  the  truths  of  modern  advance.  Writing  in  the 
"  Christian  Globe  "  of  22nd  February  1912,  Mr.  Shaw  says  : 

There  is  one  force  and  one  only  that  Rome  cannot  face  ;  and 
that  force  is  Democracy.     In  democratic  America,  Irish  Roman 
Catholics  desert  their  Church  by  tens  of  thousands.     In  oligarchic 
Castle-ruled  Ireland  the  bitterest  enemies  of  the  priests  would  die 
rather  than  desert  in  the  face  of  the  enemy.     In  France  the 
Roman  Church  cannot  get  even  common  justice.     In  Italy  the 
Pope  is  a  prisoner  in  his  own  Palace.     In  Spain,  priests  and  nuns 
depend  on  police  and  military  protection  for  their  personal  safety. 
In  Ireland  alone  the  priest  is  powerful,  thanks  to  the  hatred, 
terror,  faithlessness  and  folly  of  the  Protestants  who  stand  be- 
tween him  and  his  natural  enemy,  Democracy. 
Another    keen    and   sympathetic    observer,    Mr.    Sydney    Brooks, 
writes  in  a  somewhat  similar  strain  to  the  "  Fortnightly  Review." 
I  quote  a  reference  : 

While  doing  homage  to  the  qualities  of  individual  Bishops  and 
priests,  he  deplores  the  extensive  influence  of  Clericalism  in  Irish 
secular  affairs.  Clericalism  in  Ireland  "  does  not  stand,  and 
never  has  stood,  for  real  Nationalism  or  real  democracy."  Mr. 
Brooks  holds  strongly  the  conviction  that  Home  Rule  will  be 
inimical  to  clericalism. 

If  by  Clericalism  he  means  the  influence  of  the  highest  grades  of  the 
Hierarchy,  I  should  be  here  inclined  to  agree  with  him. 

Michael  Davitt  said  :  "  Make  no  mistake  about  it,  my  Lord  Bishop 
of  Limerick,  Democracy  is  going  to  rule  in  these  countries."  Mr.  F. 
Sheehy  Skeffington,  who  has  written  a  biography  of  the  great  demo- 
crat, says :  "  Davitt  saw  that  there  was  no  chance  of  any  great 
advance  in  Ireland,  either  intellectual,  industrial,  or  social,  until  the 
whole  educational  system  had  been  reformed  root  and  branch  and 
the  people  placed  in  control  instead  of  the  clergy." 
Even  in  Spain  the  arbitrary  injustice  of  the  Vatican  in  matters 


PRIESTS  IN  POLITICS  137 

Recently  during  critical  periods  of  the  debates  on 
the  Home  Rule  Bill,  the  Pope  launched  two  decrees, 

outside  its  realm  has  provoked  a  tumult.     In  a  Reuter's  telegram 
from  Madrid,  dated  13th  June  1910,  we  read  : 

The  Papal  Nuncio  yesterday  handed  to  the  Prime  Minister  a 
note   from   the   Vatican   protesting   against   the   Royal   Decree 
authorising  the  use  of  outward  symbols  by  religious  denomina- 
tions not  belonging  to  the  Roman  Catholic  faith. 
It  is  fair  to  say  that  this  does  not  entirely  represent  the  cause  of  dis- 
pute.    The  Spanish  Prime  Minister,  Senor  Canalejas,  viewing  with 
alarm  the  spread  of  monasteries,  put  into  force  a   Royal  Decree   of 
1902  and  an  Act  of  1887,  dealing  with  religious  orders.     Speaking  at 
San  Sebastian  on  29th  July  1910  the  Prime  Minister  said : 

It  seems  that  a  gust  of  revolutionary  wind  is  blowing.  Many 
passions  have  been  let  loose,  but  we  are  prepared  to  control 
them. 

The  Minister  of  the  Interior,  speaking  on  the  attitude  of  the 
Vatican,  expressed  himself  substantially  in  these  terms  : 

"It  is  wrongly  believed  at  Rome  that  Spain  is  a  country  of 
fanatics.     When  the  Vatican  realises   that  we  are   no  longer  in 
the  middle  of  the  last  century  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  it  will  cease 
to  treat  us  on  a  different  footing  to  the  other  great  nations." 
About  the  same  period  the  Pope  has  issued  an  Encyclical,  which, 
according  to  the  text  published  in  the  "  Tablet,"  of  London,  was 
directed  against  heretics  and  those  who  "  under  the  name  of  evan- 
gelical liberty  "  perverted  discipline.     This  Encyclical  led  the  German 
Chancellor  to  make  an  official  protest  to  the  Vatican. 

The  King  of  Saxony,  who  is  a  Catholic,  summoned  his  Ministers  of 
State  on  13th  June  1910,  and  speaking  of  his  desire  to  preserve  re- 
ligious peace  in  the  country,  said  that : 

All  the  more  did  he  regret  that  his  efforts  were  thwarted  by 
such  sharp  attacks  on  the  Evangelical  Lutheran  Church  as  those 
contained  in  the  recent  Papal  Encyclical,  and  he  intended,  there- 
fore, to  send  an  autograph  letter  to  the  Pope. 
Italy  has  fared  no  better  than  Spain  and  Germany. 

In  the  same  year  1910  we  read  in  a  telegram  from  Milan  to  the 
"  Daily  Chronicle  "  : 

A  crisis  in  Italian  Catholicism  has  been  reached.  The  twen- 
tieth national  Catholic  Congress  closed  to-day  at  Modena,  after 
five  days'  spirited  discussion,  in  which  the  Modernist  tendency 
represented  by  the  Young  Christian  Democratic  party  triumphed 
all  along  the  line, 


138  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

both  of  which  tended  to  wreck  the  fortunes  of  the 
measure.     The  Ne  Temere  decree  had  for  its  effect  to 

In  consequence  of  the  great  victory  of  the  progressive  Catholic 
forces  at  Bologna  in  1903,  under  the  presidency  of  that  outspoken 
democrat,  the  late  Cardinal  Svampa,  the  Vatican  forthwith 
dissolved  their  organisation  and  has  vetoed  the  reassembly  of 
the  congress  for  seven  years  past.  Recently  Pope  Pius  X  gave 
permission  for  the  holding  of  the  Modena  congress  for  the  pur- 
pose of  reviewing  the  state  of  the  Catholic  forces  after  the  long 
series  of  instructions  issued  during  his  pontificate  regarding  the 
attitude  to  be  followed  on  social  and  political  questions.  The 
result  has  caused  such  grave  displeasure  in  Rome  that  the  clerical 
organs  announce  to-night  that  his  Holiness  will  publish  a  note  of 
censure  forbidding  future  congresses  of  the  Catholic  laity,  as  he 
has  done  already  those  of  the  clergy.  * 

France  was  not  lost  sight  of  by  the  Vatican,  for  in  1910  the  Pope 
directed  an  attack  not  against  the  "  infidel  politicians,"  but  against 
one  who  regarded  it  as  his  mission  in  life  to  win  France  back  to  the 
Faith.  This  was  M.  Marc  Saugnier,  an  ex-officer  of  the  army,  who, 
imagining  himself  a  modern  Loyola,  forsook  the  sword  for  the  pen 
and  proceeded  to  enrol  the  youth  of  France  under  his  banner.  Un- 
fortunately for  his  propaganda  he  was  not  only  a  devoted  Catholic 
but  also  a  Republican.  M.  Marc  Saugnier  founded  a  periodical  called 
"  Le  Sillon  "  and  fervently  preached  Catholicity  and  Democracy ; 
later  he  helped  to  found  a  paper  with  the  terrible  title,  "  La  Demo- 
cratic." The  Vatican  issued  a  decree  condemning  all  these  proceed- 
ings. M.  Marc  Saugnier,  who  repudiated  the  doctrines  of  Modernism, 
bowed  his  head  in  submission. 

More  recently,  towards  the  end  of  1913,  the  Vatican  came  into 
collision  in  France  with  one  still  more  closely  connected  with  the 
Church — the  Abbe"  Lemire.  It  is  true  that  the  Abbe  was  disobedient  to 
his  Bishop,  but  the  sole  cause  of  the  quarrel  of  the  Bishop  with  the 
Abbe"  was  that  the  Abbe  continued  to  sit  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies 
as  one  who  had  accepted  the  Republic.  A  certain  explanation  of  all 
these  proceedings  may  be  found  in  the  syllabus  of  Pius  IX  issued  in 
1854: 

Among  the  "  errors  "  denounced  by  the  Pope  are  Socialism, 
Communism,  Bible  Societies,  and  Clerico-Liberal  Societies  (Sec- 
tion 4). 

In  Belgium  the  great  European  War  was  preluded  by  a  struggle 
against  the  de  Broqueville  Government  in  its  endeavour  to  increase 
the  strength  of  the  Church  in  the  field  of  education.  The  teaching 


PEIESTS  IN  POLITICS  139 

declare  marriages  between  Catholics  and  Protestants 
null  and  void,   and  to  treat  the  parties,  lawfully 

in  the  Catholic  schools  upholds  the  old  spirit  of  Conservatism,  and  it 
is  determinedly  directed  against  Democracy. 

The  opposition  to  the  Church  in  Portugal  sprang  mainly  from  the 
same  order  of  ideas.  For  centuries  the  Braganza  line  ruled  Portugal 
as  faithful  servitors  of  the  Church.  The  Portuguese  Monarchs  in  their 
decadence  were  amongst  the  most  wretched  of  all  the  royal  lines  which 
have  mocked  civilisation.  The  fairest  land  of  Europe  under  their 
regime  became  the  home  of  oppression,  ignorance,  and  misery.  And 
when  the  people  overborne  with  burdens  rose  at  length  in  their  wrath 
and  struck  out,  however  wildly,  towards  a  new  system,  the  Church  as 
usual  resolutely  planted  itself  athwart  the  march  to  Freedom. 

Is  that  all  ?    No.     In  the  "  Sydney  Bulletin  "  of  19th  January 
1911, 1  find  a  cartoon  representing  the  late  Cardinal  Moran  threatening 
the  Labour  Party  in  Australia.     The  note  beneath  the  cartoon  reads  : 
THE  CARDINAL  :    "  Submission  or  Death  ?  " 
THE  L.P. :    "  But  you've  forgotten  one  alternative." 
THE  CARDINAL  :    "  What's  that  ?  " 

THE  L.P. :  "  That  I'll  merely  wish  you  good  day,  and  go  on 
with  my  work." 

The  Pope  in  the  midst  of  these  difficulties  found  time  to  consider 
and  condemn  the  philosophy  of  M.  Henri  Bergson  as  indicated  in 
"  1'Evolution  Creatrice."  He  declares  that : 

In  the  presence  of  false  theories  of  this  new  Bergsonian  phil- 
osophy, which  seeks  to  shatter  grand  fundamental  principles  and 
truths,  it  is  necessary  to  unmask  the  poisonous  error  of  philosophic 
Modernism.  It  is  the  more  destructive  by  reason  of  its  sugar- 
coated,  subtle,  seductive  nature. 

I  am  not  a  partisan  of  the  philosophy  of  M.  Bergson,  and  indeed  I 
have  attacked  his  whole  system  as  lacking  the  essentials  of  a  true 
philosophy  :  a  deep  and  well-laid  foundation,  on  which  by  cogent 
and  progressive  argument  the  superstructure  may  be  built.  But  in 
the  Pope's  pronouncement  there  is  no  suggestion  of  argument  at  all. 
He  objects  to  the  tendency  of  Bergson's  teaching,  and  he  adopts  the 
same  means  as  were  used  by  his  predecessors  to  silence  Galileo, 
Columbus,  Vesalius ;  he  solemnly  pronounces  it  to  be  false,  and  he 
seeks  to  shatter  it  by  violent  language.  This  is  on  a  par  with  the 
decree  prohibiting  students  for  the  priesthood  from  reading  the  news- 
papers. 

Coming  to  Ireland  I  have  read  carefully  the  most  recent  Lenten 
Pastorals  of  the  Bishops.  Some  of  these  are  directed  against  Socialism. 


140 


IKELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 


married  according  to  the  forms  prescribed  by  statute, 
as  living  in  illicit  cohabitation.  This,  properly 

Again,  I  am  not  a  Socialist,  but  in  the  name  of  liberty  and  com- 
mon sense  I  ask,  what  right  has  a  Bishop  to  dictate  to  any  man 
in  Ireland  his  opinion  regarding  forms  of  Government  or  of  social 
reconstruction  ? 

Some  of  the  Bishops  express  the  desire  that  the  National  University 
may  become  simply  a  Catholic  University.  Cardinal  Logue  speaking 
of  rival  institutions  says  : 

But  we  are  told  that  in  some  of  these  seats  of  learning  positive 
guarantees  are  given  that  there  will  be  no  tampering  with  the 
faith  of  those  who  frequent  them.  These  guarantees,  no  doubt, 
are  honestly  given,  and  honestly  kept,  at  least  not  intentionally 
violated.  But  what  of  the  atmosphere  of  the  place  ?  What  of 
casual  remarks  unintentionally  let  drop  by  professors,  who,  by 
their  learning,  often  by  their  kindly,  genial,  sympathetic  bearing, 
naturally  exercise  a  powerful  influence  over  the  minds  of  their 
pupils  ? 

Many  of  the  Pastorals  deal  with  the  question  of  "  Immoral  Litera- 
ture." No  responsible  man  can  be  on  the  side  of  immoral  literature, 
for  that  means  also  stupid  literature.  But  after  having  mobilised 
public  opinion  against  Immoral  Literature,  the  attempt  is  being  made 
to  utilise  the  same  forces  against  Democratic  Literature.  It  must 
have  come  as  a  shock  to  many  a  staunch  English  Home  Ruler  to  find 
that  "  Reynolds's  Newspaper  "  was  confiscated  in  bundles  and  burnt 
in  the  streets  of  Dublin  and  Limerick  under  the  plea  of  Immoral 
Literature.  Nor  does  the  process  of  intimidation  stop  there.  Every 
kind  of  literature  likely  to  weaken  faith  has  been  forbidden.  The 
Bishop  of  Dromore  says  : 

The  reading  matter,  if  not  directly  opposed  to  Christian  doctrine, 
is  sure  to  be  un-Catholic  in  tone  and  sentiment. 
In  this  case  he  is  speaking  of  publications  of  low  intellectual  quality  ; 
but  we  have  seen  the  same  argument  applied  to  the  subtle  works  of 
the  learned  Bergson  ;  and  it  has  been,  and  in  places  still  is,  employed 
to  denounce  the  study  of  Darwin's  theories.  What  sort  of  atmosphere 
are  we  in  here  ?  A  phrase  that  often  rises  to  the  lips  of  Irishmen 
is  that  of  "  insulting  to  our  intelligence."  Is  it  not  insulting  to  the 
intelligence  of  Irishmen  to  treat  them  throughout  life  as  mentally 
deficient,  and  to  say,  for  example,  that  no  Nationalist  in  Ireland  shall 
read  "  Reynolds's  Newspaper,"  the  staunchest  of  all  the  champions  of 
Home  Rule  in  England,  the  pages  of  which  are  enhanced,  moreover, 
by  the  contributions  of  the  eloquent  T.P.  ? 


PKIESTS  IN  POLITICS  141 

understood,  seems  to  me  to  have  been  a  permissible 
exercise  of  the  authority  of  the  Church,  if  the  recog- 
nition or  the  disallowance  of  marriage  should  have 
effect  only  as  coming  within  the  discipline  of  the 
Church.  In  other  words  any  association  whatever  of 
men  and  women,  voluntarily  formed,  has  a  right  to 
make  its  own  rules,  even  capricious  and  retrograde 
rules,  and  to  say,  no  one  who  disobeys  these  rules 
shall  continue  to  be  a  member  of  this  association. 
But  no  association,  and  least  of  all  a  Christian  Church, 
has  the  right  to  enforce  obedience  to  those  rules  by 
influencing  people  by  spiritual  fears  and  then  inter- 
fering with  them  in  their  mundane  affairs.  The 
notable  M'Cann  case  was  debated  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  but  as  usual  in  that  assembly  the  duty  of 
eliciting  the  truth  became  secondary  to  the  play  of 
party  politics.1  A  charge  which  made  considerable 

Mr.  Bart  Kennedy,  a  travelled  man  and  original  thinker,  of  a  genius 
all  his  own,  writing  in  March  1905  said  : 

Ireland  is  under  the  shadow  of  an  insolent  and  arrogant  priest 
power,  the  heel  of  the  priest  is  on  her  neck. 

.  .  .  My  attention  was  first  drawn  to  the  power  of  priests  and 
the  way  they  use  it  here  in  Galway.     It  is  not  too  much  to  say 
that  the  people  here  are  in  positive  terror  of  the  priests.     They 
can  call  neither  their  lives  nor  their  minds  their  own.     When  they 
speak  of  the  priests  they  speak  in  whispers.     Even  people  who 
are  not  Catholics  are  afraid.     It  is  dreadful  to  be  in  a  place  where 
people  are  afraid  to  speak.     The  priests  rule  everything  and  inter- 
fere in  everything.    The  hand  of  God  as  represented  by  the  priests 
falls  heavily  upon  Galway.     And  these  priests  stand  high  above 
criticism — no  one  shall  dare  to  speak  to  the  hierarchy  of  Ireland. 
It  is  serenely  above  all  other  judgment  but  its  own. 
And  who  that  reads  what  is  here  written,  reads  steadily  and  with 
eyes  unafraid,  can  believe  that  I  have  not  established  my  assertion 
that  in  the  world  of  politics  (for  in  this  book  I  deal  with  no  other) 
the  power  of  Home  stands  sheer  against  Democracy  ? 

1  In  the  M'Cann  case  the  speeches  of  Mr.  J.  H.  Campbell,  K.C.,  and 
Mr.  Joseph  Devlin  were  both  characteristic  and  both  good.     They 


142  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

impression  was  followed  by  a  speech  which  swept  the 
matter  out  of  sight  to  the  stirring  music  of  applause. 
I  was  far  from  satisfied  myself ;  and  had  there  been 
many  such  cases,  had  the  matter  been  pressed  as 
was  apparently  the  first  intention  of  Rome,  the 
cause  of  Home  Rule  would  have  received  a  damaging 
blow. 

The  following  Decree  of  the  Pope,  Motu  Proprio, 
was  a  more  serious  matter.  It  ordained,  amongst 
other  things,  that  no  Catholic  should  bring  an  action 
against  a  priest,  to  recover  damages  at  the  ordinary 
law  courts,  under  pain  of  excommunication.1  It  is 
difficult  in  these  years  of  grace  to  enter  into  the 
frame  of  mind  of  one  who  would  consider  such  a 

may  profitably  be  read  by  students  of  Parliamentary  oratory  in  the 
pages  of  Hansard.  I  will  not,  however,  enter  into  the  M'Cann  case 
further,  for  when  any  of  these  matters  become  questions  of  party 
warfare  it  is  difficult  to  form,  or  to  persuade  others  to  accept,  an 
equitable  judgment. 

1  The  Motu  Proprio  Decree  has  been  the  most  sensational  of  the 
recent  pronouncements  of  Rome.  A  Home  Rule  publication  to  which 
I  have  more  than  once  referred  thus  disposes  of  the  matter : 

THE    "MOTU   PROPRIO"   DECREE 

After  Ne  Temere  comes  Motu  Proprio.  The  latter  is  not  a 
new  Decree,  and  it  is  not  an  exacting  Decree ;  it  is  merely  a 
definition  of  one  of  the  phases  in  a  Decree  that  is  as  old  as  cen- 
turies. It  originally  asserted  "  the  immunity  of  clerics,"  which 
no  clergyman  now  claims  ;  but  it  reappeared  in  a  modified  form 
in  1869.  The  Bull  in  the  modified  form  has  therefore  been 
nominally  in  force  for  over  forty  years,  and  no  human  being  has 
been  able  to  point  to  a  case  of  one  Protestant  or  even  one  Catholic, 
having  been  damnified  under  the  Decree  to  the  extent  of  one 
penny  during  all  that  period.  The  people  of  England  never 
heard  of  the  Decree  although  it  was  reissued  nearly  half  a  century 
ago,  and  they  would  not  have  heard  of  it  to-day  if  the  Tory 
Party  had  not  conceived  the  idea  of  using  it  (as  the  "  Pall  Mall  " 
puts  it)  "as  a  battering-ram  against  Home  Rule."  That  fact, 
in  itself,  shows  the  utter  hollowness  of  the  whole  outcry. 


PRIESTS  IN  POLITICS  143 

Decree  as  just  and  acceptable.  Can  any  Irishman, 
placing  his  love  of  country  above  all  else,  believe  that 
this  Decree  was  intended  to  aid  the  Irish  cause  ? l 

I  beg  leave,  however,  to  reject  this  argument.  It  is  true  that  the 
Decree  is  an  old  one,  but  in  a  letter  written  to  the  "Freeman's 
Journal,"  and  dated  29th  December  1911,  Archbishop  Walsh  speaks 
of  the  "  Decree  recently  issued  by  his  Holiness."  Moreover,  if  it  was 
not  intended  by  the  Vatican  to  apply  to  Ireland,  why  promulgate  it 
in  Ireland  ?  I  think  we  are  face  to  face  with  one  of  those  indefensible 
manoeuvres  of  Rome,  such  as  we  have  already  seen  so  often,  to  check 
the  progress  of  Home  Rule,  and  to  defeat  it  by  prejudice. 

After  reading  two  long  letters  of  the  Archbishop  of  Dublin  I  am  not 
at  all  easy  in  my  mind,  however  willingly  I  pay  homage  to  his  powers 
of  casuistry.  I  believe  on  the  contrary  that  all  Nationalists  should 
take  seriously  to  heart  the  words  in  a  letter  of  a  good  Home  Ruler, 
the  Rev.  H.  C.  Morton,  who  writes  to  the  "  Daily  Chronicle  "  on  2nd 
January  1912 : 

Dr.  Walsh's  "  explanations  "  in  no  sense  hide  the  glaring  facts 
that  Rome  in  1911  has  reaffirmed  that  all  Catholics  can  be  called 
upon  by  the  Vatican  to  hold  clerical  offenders  free  from  prosecu- 
tion in  civil  courts,  and  neither  to  make  laws  which  the  Vatican 
judges  deem  to  be  injurious  to  the  interests  of  the  Roman  Church, 
on  pain  of  excommunication. 

Many  Liberals  wavering  on  Home  Rule  will  be  decided  by  this 

Decree,  and  only  one  thing  can  save  the  Home  Rule  cause,  viz. : 

a  definite  and  official  disavowal  by  the  Nationalist  Party  of  the 

whole  of  this  monstrous  claim  on  the  part  of  the  Papacy. 

Perhaps  the  ostensible  indifference  of  the  Irish  people  has  supplied 

a  sufficient  answer  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Morton's  demand,  though  I  think 

it  would  have  been  better  had  we  on  our  part  replied  in  a  clear  cut, 

unequivocal,  refusal  to  accept  the  dictation  of  the  Pope  in  this  regard. 

My  eye  falls  on  a  newspaper  report  of  a  case  in  which  Alderman 

Meade,  ex-Lord  Mayor  of  Cork,  obtained  substantial  damages  against 

the  Rev.  Father  John  Ahern  for  a  slander  involving  the  Alderman 

and  his  sister-in-law.     The  verdict,  however,  dates  from  13th  June, 

1910.     If  later  it  might  have  had  more  significance  in  regard  to  the 

redoubtable  M otu  Proprio  Decree. 

1  The  statement  that  the  priests  in  general  place  their  religion  first 
and  their  country  second  will  I  think  be  disputed  by  no  one,  for  they 
themselves  will  assert  it  and  will  hold  this  doctrine  as  their  dearest 
pride. 

I  quote  as  typical  an  extract  from  a  letter,  dated  26th  August  1910, 


144  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

It  is  precisely  one  of  those  acts  that  furnish  the  pre- 
text of  Freemasonry  and  of  Orange  lodges.  Had  the 

from  Father  John  Curry,  parish  priest  of  Drogheda,  to  the  "  Free- 
man's Journal "  : 

Lord  Justice  Cherry  has  spoiled  his  very  interesting  speech  in 
Waterford  by  the  enunciation  in  it  of  a  most  unworthy  and  un- 
christian principle.  Says  his  Lordship  : 

"  Every  Swiss,  whether  he  is  a  Protestant  or  Catholic,  is  first 
of  all  a  Swiss,  and  his  first  duty  is  towards  his  country,  and  I  ask 
you,  whether  you  are  Protestant  or  Catholic — and  I  know  there 
are  both  here  to-day — to  feel  first  that  you  are  Irishmen,  and 
that  your  first  duty  is  to  your  country,  and  you  can  do  con- 
sistently with  it  what  you  think  is  right  for  the  promotion  of 
religion." 

The  principle  thus  announced  I  regard  as  objectionable  to 
Catholics  and  Protestants,  and  I  venture  humbly  but  vehemently 
to  protest  against  it,  and  against  the  dissemination  of  it  by  the 
learned  and  well-meaning  Judge.  Individually  and  collectively, 
we  are  bound  to  place  our  religion  before  all  earthly  considera- 
tions. 

The  spirit,  so  commendable  from  the  priests'  point  of  view,  of  subor- 
dinating everything  to  religion  nevertheless  gives  a  handle  to  the 
enemies  of  Home  Rule.  The  following  extract  is  from  a  debate  in  the 
House  of  Commons  of  6th  May,  1912 ;  Mr.  J.  H.  Campbell,  K.C.,  is 
speaking : 

Three  months  ago  the  Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Armagh  was 
able  to  declare  that  the  genius  of  the  Roman  Catholic  race  had 
circumvented  the  machinations  of  the  English  Nonconformists, 
and  to-day  he  was  glad  to  see  and  to  know  that  this  University 
was  practically  exclusively  Catholic. 

MB.  STEPHEN  GWYNN  :  Will  the  right  hon.  gentleman  give 
the  words  of  the  quotation  because  he  is  now  misrepresenting 
what  Cardinal  Logue  said  ? 

MR.  CAMPBELL  :  I  am  speaking  exactly  what  he  said.  I  have 
not  got  the  exact  words  by  me. 

MB.  S.  GWYNN  :  What  Cardinal  Logue  said  was  that  the  Catholic 
people  will  make  this  University  Catholic. 

MB.  CAMPBELL  :  That  is  exactly  it.  He  said,  "  To-day  it  is 
almost  exclusively  Catholic,  and  in  a  very  short  time  it  will  be 
exclusively  Catholic,"  and  he  said  that  was  done  "  in  spite  of  the 
so-called  safeguards  and  guarantees  of  the  Nonconformist  con- 
science." 


PRIESTS  IN  POLITICS  145 

Irish  people  shown  a  disposition  to  accept  such  a 
Decree  in  slavish  obedience  then  not  only  would 
Home  Rule  have  gone  by  the  board,  but  every  up- 
holder of  freedom  and  justice  would  have  acquiesced 
in  that  conclusion. 

I  do  not  believe  that  the  Irish  people  are  intolerant. 
But  before  discussing  that  point  a  little  let  us  hear  a 
word  on  intolerance  in  general.  Voltaire  said  that 
England  was  the  country  which  had  a  hundred 
religions  and  only  one  sauce.  Now  all  these  hundred 
religions,  in  as  far  as  they  mutually  contradict  each 
other,  cannot  be  all  true.  There  is  nothing  in  that 
bare  fact,  however,  to  indicate  that  they  may  not 
all  be  false.  We  find,  moreover,  sects  of  which  the 
origin  is  recent,  such  as  the  Peculiar  People,  the 
Plymouth  Brethren,  the  Countess  of  Huntingdon 
persuasion,  the  Swedenborgians,  the  Mormons,  the 
Johanna  Southcote's  persuasion,  the  Upstanding 

If,  however,  this  be  considered  as  attaching  an  undue  importance 
to  the  words  of  our  opponents,  let  the  following  be  read  from  one  of 
the  most  experienced  and  strenuous  of  the  champions  of  Home  Rule. 
I  take  the  report  from  the  "  Daily  Chronicle  "  : 

Mr.  John  Dillon,  M.P.,  made  an  important  speech  on  Saturday 
on  the  right  of  the  Catholic  laity  to  exercise  their  own  judgment 
in  political  matters.  The  occasion  was  a  dinner  given  at  the 
Holborn  Restaurant  to  Mr.  Charles  Diamond  in  recognition  of 
his  services  to  the  Irish  National  Cause. 

Mr.  Dillon  said  that  if  Catholics  allowed  political  direction  to 
be  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  political  lay  leaders  then  the  Catholic 
schools  and  institutions  would  be  reduced  to  the  level  that  they 
were  being  reduced  to  in  France. 

In  the  Dumfries  election  the  priests  undertook  to  deliver  the 
Catholic  vote  without  allowing  the  laity  to  express  an  opinion. 
Mr.  Dillon  described  this  action  as  an  outrage  and  an  insult.  In 
the  High  Peak  election  an  even  worse  spectacle  was  witnessed. 
There  Canon  Hawkins  informed  Catholics  that  they  must  vote 
for  "  My  dear  Profumo  "  without  exercising  their  judgment  as 
to  the  policy  they  should  pursue. 

10 


146  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

Glassites,  as  well  as  those  more  dignified  by  antiquity, 
Mohammedans,  Buddhists,  or  Zoroastrians.  Par- 
nell,  I  am  told,  was  one  of  the  Plymouth  Brethren. 
The  famous  scientist  Faraday  was  a  Sandemanian, 
and  the  great  Newton  beclouded  his  fame  by  his 
attempts  to  interpret  the  Hebrew  prophecies  accord- 
ing to  the  data  of  modern  science. 

Yet  in  these  matters  who  is  to  be  the  arbiter  ?  The 
most  childlike  and  simple  beliefs,  the  most  repugnant 
and  inconceivable,  have  been  equally  held ;  and 
over  all  this  province  hangs  the  remark  of  a  deep  and 
candid  philosopher,  Locke,  who  said  that  there  is 
no  error  that  the  human  race  has  not  at  some  time 
or  other  adopted. 

But  let  us  come  to  the  believers,  and  wrestle  with 
them  for  tolerance.  I  know  the  case  of  an  old 
servant  maid  whose  faith  was  impregnable.  For 
heretics  of  all  kinds  she  had  but  one  fate— eternal 
damnation,  though  in  her  vernacular  it  sounded  more 
domestic  and  familiar.  When  she  was  told  of  the 
greatness  of  a  certain  illustrious  lady,  a  pillar  of  the 
Protestant  Church,  whose  material  power,  at  least, 
had  visibly  grown,  and  whose  earthly  prestige  re- 
sounded throughout  the  world,  she  had  but  one 
reply  :  "She'll  roast."  This  was  said  without  em- 
phasis, simply  with  that  quiet  satisfaction  which 
comes  from  a  sense  of  inevitable  happenings  blended 
with  a  feeling  of  justice. 

Hell,  we  know,  is  one  of  the  proudest  possessions 
of  our  race,  for  we  have  fought  for  it  with  impetuous 
courage  and  fanatical  zeal,  transcending  the  spirit 
of  devotion  shown  in  the  defence  of  our  hearths  or 
in  the  opening  of  paths  to  freedom.  But  that  even 
being  granted,  is  it  not  enough  ?  To  roast  is  serious, 


PRIESTS  IN  POLITICS  147 

and  eternity  is,  mildly  speaking,  a  long  time.  Now 
let  the  most  fanatical  believer  place  his  hand  among 
burning  coals  for  a  second  or  two ;  then  let  him 
think  of  the  agony  prolonged,  prolonged  so  far  that 
the  senses  reel  in  the  effort  to  conceive  the  duration. 
Is  our  believer  still  unsatisfied  with  the  punishment 
of  heretics  ?  Does  he  wish  to  add  to  this  the  loss  of 
a  milch  cow,  or  the  deprivation  of  a  seat  on  the 
Urban  Council  ?  Really,  this  is  not  doing  justice 
to  himself.  We  begin  to  suspect  the  unshakable 
quality  of  his  faith.  Faith  must  be  more  than 
adamant,  or  it  is  already  precarious.  And  the  man 
who  changes  hell  for  boycott  at  a  country  store  is 
himself  far  on  the  slope  of  perdition.  Cling  to  hell, 
if  you  will ;  but  do  not  belittle  hell ;  let  hell  suffice. 
''  Toleration  "  is  a  word  that  has  seen  too  much 
service.  What  is  the  position  of  many  reasonable 
men  in  regard  to  it  ?  That  an  infant  is  born  into 
the  world,  stamped  Catholic  or  Protestant  as  by  a 
law  of  nature,  and  thenceforth  for  ever  determined 
in  his  destiny ;  that  these  religions,  which  have 
grown  up  in  human  memory,  must  be  accepted  each 
by  its  devotees  as  eternal ;  that  these  beliefs  that 
have  come  to  man  by  thought  must  never  be  sub- 
mitted again  to  thought ;  that  when  difference  of 
opinion  becomes  accentuated  by  ephemeral  politics 
the  religion  of  Christ  enjoins  on  us  not  to  cleave  *to 
fellowship,  but  to  cleave  our  fellow  from  chin  to 
chine,  or,  in  these  gentler  days,  to  ruin  him  in  busi- 
ness, and  that  when  we  refrain  from  doing  so,  we 
are  entitled  to  assume  airs  of  spiritual  pride  and 
vaunt  our  "  toleration/'  A  pest  on  such  toleration  ! 
Ireland  will  never  be  happy  until  it  has  forgotten 
that  wretched  word,  and  until  we  recognise  that, 


148  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

claiming  the  right  to  practise  our  own  religion  in 
peace  we  have  no  right  to  interfere  in  any  degree 
with  the  religion,  or  even  what  we  may  deem  to  be 
the  want  of  religion,  of  another.  We  do  want  tolera- 
tion as  the  goal ;  we  want  freedom  and  justice. 

I  do  not  think  Irishmen  as  a  rule  are  inclined  to 
molest  others  simply  on  account  of  their  religion, 
but  also  I  do  not  think  the  whole  problem  is  summed 
up  in  these  terms.  In  the  newspapers  and  on  the 
platforms  the  battle  of  Home  Rule  has  waged  round 
the  question  of  toleration.  Wilful  misrepresentation 
has  come  into  play.  I  have  known  the  county 
(Clare)  of  which  I  am  one  of  the  representatives  in 
Parliament  held  up  to  obloquy  on  that  score.  It 
would  be  easy  by  giving  a  list  of  offices,  both  under 
the  control  of  the  County  Council  and  the  other  local 
councils,  to  show  that  though  the  great  majority  of 
the  members  of  these  councils  are  Catholics,  they 
have  frequently  appointed  Protestants  to  important 
and  lucrative  positions.  But  there  is  evidence  more 
decisive  of  the  state  of  feeling  in  County  Clare,  and 
that  is  to  be  found  in  the  situation  of  Protestant 
shopkeepers  in  the  large  towns.  Some  of  these  are 
the  most  prosperous  citizens  in  the  locality,  yet  they 
all  depend  on  the  support  of  their  Catholic  neighbours. 
We  have  here  a  sure  test.  For  whereas  a  public 
appointment  is  made  under  the  scrutiny  of  the 
whole  country,  and  the  candidates  and  their  quali- 
fications are  known  to  all,  yet  a  shopkeeper  depends 
from  day  to  day  on  his  customers,  and  the  least  ill- 
wind,  if  it  became  general,  would  suffice  for  his  ruin, 
and  that  ruin  would  be  silently  accomplished. l 

1  With  respect  to  the  attitude  of  the  people  of  Ireland  towards 
"  toleration,"  the  case  of  County  Clare,  in  which  the  population  is 


PRIESTS  IN  POLITICS  149 

In  this  book  I  desire  above  all  things  to  respect 
the  truth  in  what  I  have  observed,  for  this  reasoning 

98  per  cent.  Catholic,  may  be  regarded  with  interest.  Out  of  a  great 
mass  of  testimony  I  select  for  the  sake  of  brevity  extracts  from  three 
letters.  They  were  written  in  reply  to  the  statements  of  a  few  mem- 
bers of  the  Clare  Unionist  Club,  Mr.  H.  V.  McNamara,  Colonel  O.  C. 
Westropp,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  McLaurin,  who,  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Holywood  Unionist  Club,  in  County  Down,  painted  a  highly  charged 
picture  of  the  condition  of  Clare.  The  first  letter  I  quote  is  from  a 
Protestant  landlord  of  County  Clare,  Mr.  R.  J.  Stacpoole.  It  is 
dated  5th  October  1911  : 

I  have  read  a  report  of  the  Unionist  meeting  at  Holywood,  and 
what  was  said  there  by  my  fellow  Clare  Unionists.  In  justice  to 
the  people  of  Clare  I  consider  that  I,  a  Protestant,  am  in  duty 
bound  to  make  public  the  fact,  that  during  that  part  of  my 
lifetime  I  spent  in  this  county,  no  Roman  Catholic  has  ever  in 
any  way  interfered  with,  or  upbraided  me,  on  the  subject  of  my 
religion — and  I  know  others  who  will  say  the  same. 

Religious  intolerance,  as  far  as  I  can  gather,  unfortunately 
does  exist  in  some  parts  of  Ireland,  but  surely  one  side  is  as 
much  open  to  blame  as  the  other,  and  why  not  strive  to  put  an 
end  to  it  instead  of  to  foment  it  ?  I  can  only  add  that  I  think 
it  the  greatest  pity  that  the  subject  of  religion  should  be  brought 
into  political  matters. 

The  second  is  from  the  Secretary  to  the  County  Council,  a  Pro- 
testant. The  letter  appeared  in  the  "  Clare  Record  "  of  14th  October 
1911: 

Adverting  to  previous  letters  written  on  above  subject,  I  would 
like  to  state  publicly  as  a  county  official  of  fourteen  years'  stand- 
ing, that  the  word  religion  has  never  been  mentioned  to  me 
officially  or  otherwise  by  any  Roman  Catholic  in  this  county. 
The  Clare  County  Council,  who  are  the  premier  authority,  have 
had,  since  the  passing  of  the  Local  Government  (Ireland)  Act 
the  deciding  of  two  elections  in  which  Protestant  candidates 
presented  themselves  for  election.  These  two  candidates  were 
both  elected,  which  does  not  go  to  show  religious  intolerance  on 
their  part. 

I  am  proud  to  state  that  I  have  as  many  sincere  and  true 
friends  Roman  Catholics  as  Protestants. 

If  we  would  only  judge  our  fellow  man  by  his  works  and  not 
by  hia  religion  it  would  be  a  much  happier  country  to  live  in. 
The  third  dated  15th  November  1911  came  from  Mr.  H.  B.  Harris, 


150  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

has   often   occurred  to    me    amid    all  the   tactics, 
diplomacy,   and  so-called  cleverness  of  politicians, 

J.P.,   an  old  and  highly  respected  Protestant  gentleman,  since  de- 
ceased: 

I  fear  Ireland  is  becoming  almost  intolerable  just  now,  especi- 
ally South  and  West,  owing  to  these  discussions  on  religious 
intolerance.  If  there  were  any  justification  for  such  a  cry  one 
would  not  feel  so  much,  but  residing  as  Protestants  in  the  County 
Clare,  in  the  midst  of  a  Catholic  population,  we  are  living  evi- 
dence of  their  good  sense,  good-nature,  and  kindly  disposition. 
•My  best  friends,  outside  my  own  family  circle,  are  Catholics,  and 
it  is,  indeed,  painful  for  me  to  meet  my  neighbours  with  this 
charge  of  intolerance  appearing  in  the  public  press  from  day  to 
day,  and  made  by  those  who  should  know  better,  and  who  are 
themselves  recipients  of  much  kindness  and  consideration,  and 
from  whom  they  derive  their  income  in  nearly  all  cases. 

There  are  also  hundreds  of  business  people  scattered  all  over 
Ireland  who  could  not  succeed  without  the  patronage  of  their 
Catholic  neighbours,  and  in  districts,  too,  where  Catholics  repre- 
sent even  more  than  ninety-eight  out  of  every  hundred  of  the 
population,  so  that  if  Catholics  are  intolerant  they  don't  display 
it  towards  Protestants,  because  were  they  to  do  so  Protestantism 
would  long  have  ceased  to  exist  in  the  South  of  Ireland.  And  having 
such  a  vast  area  as  there  is  in  Clare  in  the  occupation  of  Catholics 
we  still  enjoy  life,  free  from  annoyances,  meeting  with  our  Catholic 
neighbours  in  fair  or  market,  dealing  in  this,  that,  or  other  shop 
without  any  friction,  sitting  together  on  the  bench  to  administer 
the  law,  and  all  meeting  at  marriage  functions,  christenings,  and 
funerals,  just  as  if  we  belonged  to  the  same  church,  giving  honour 
to  whom  honour  is  due,  no  matter  what  his  or  her  creed  or  politics 
might  be. 

These  letters  form  an  indication  of  the  character  of  the  people  of 
Clare,  but  they  do  not  dispose  of  the  whole  problem  at  large.  Willing 
to  hear  all  sides  I  read  the  following  on  "  Irish  Freedom,"  which  a 
Tory  publication  describes  as  "  the  most  able,  truthful,  and  treason- 
able of  the  Home  Rule  Press  "  : 

No  amount  of  tolerant  speeches,  no  number  of  reasonable 
speeches,  no  acceptances  of  broad  bases  of  nationalism,  avail  for 
an  instant  against  the  silent,  practical  riveting  of  sectarianism  on 
the  nation  which  goes  on. 

It  is  not  enough,  I  repeat,  to  "  tolerate  "  Protestants,  and  it  is 
already  disquieting  when  a  man  vaunts  this  toleration.  There  was 


PEIESTS  IN  POLITICS  151 

that  the  most  astute  policy  is  to  choose  a  good  cause, 
and  hold  it  up  to  the  daylight  even  though  in  this 

a  time  when  a  good  man  might  vaunt  himself  for  not  burning  witches  ; 
but  the  existence  of  this  virtuous  restraint  was  a  symptom  of  a  state 
of  mind  which  we  have  ceased  to  respect.  So  it  is  with  "  toleration." 

Before  I  became  a  Member  of  Parliament  I  was  an  author,  and  a 
student  of  science.  I  had  suffered  imprisonment  for  my  champion- 
ship of  liberty.  Nevertheless,  and  in  spite  of  all  the  annoyances 
which  a  man  of  thought  endures  in  a  realm  haunted  by  mediaeval 
ghosts,  yet  on  the  whole,  bearing  these  matters  as  a  human  burden  in 
our  life  of  to-day,  I  felt  fairly  free.  I  acted  freely,  talked  freely, 
wrote  freely  ;  my  aspirations  for  Ireland  were  free.  After  my  elec- 
tion, possibly  because  being  more  conspicuous,  I  began  to  feel  the 
presence  of  invisible  bars  thwarting  act,  thought,  and  expression. 
This  referred  not  only  to  politics,  nor  to  matters  ostensibly  of  ethics, 
or  of  philosophy  ;  I  found  the  invisible  chords  infringing  on  my 
appreciation  of  letters,  my  love  of  art,  my  opinion  of  marriage,  my 
study  of  physical  science.  I  began  to  see  a  new  depth  in  a  saying 
which  I  once  heard  Rodin  utter,  that  modern  artists  were  generally 
inferior,  because  it  took  forty  years  to  work  through  the  incubus  of 
false  tradition. 

Has  this  anything  to  do  directly  with  "  toleration  "  ?  Yes.  For  I 
maintain  that  every  man,  who  is  an  upright  and  honest  citizen,  has  a 
right  to  proceed  about  his  work  unmolested,  without  having  to  kow- 
tow to  the  authorities  for  a  certificate  of  "  toleration  "  ;  and  this 
should  be  true  whether  he  be  a  Catholic,  a  Protestant,  a  Jew,  or  a 
Fire-worshipper.  It  should  be  true  even  of  such  a  recalcitrant  Catholic 
as  described  by  Mr.  W.  P.  Ryan  in  his  "  Pope's  Green  Isle" ;  why  should 
this  man,  toiling  for  the  regeneration  of  Ireland,  be  forced  to  adopt 
the  wiles  of  an  intellectual  apache  hunted  and  haunted  by  Bishops  ? 

Or  to  bring  a  case  within  everyday  consideration.  Suppose  a 
Protestant  be  elected — as  I  am  glad  to  find  often  in  Clare — to  any  of 
the  local  Councils.  And  suppose  this  Protestant,  or  indeed  any  man, 
in  any  public  capacity  whatever — suppose  such  a  man  to  criticise  a 
priest,  or  even  a  category  of  priests,  even  perhaps  with  occasional 
lapses  into  injustice,  what  then  ?  That  is  a  possibility  which  we  poor 
politicians  have  to  face  every  day  of  our  lives.  We  generally  ignore 
abuse,  and  meet  argument  by  argument.  Is  that  the  attitude  of  the 
priests,  of  all  the  priests  ?  Do  they  not  feel  that  if  one  is  struck,  the 
whole  body  must  line  up  to  his  defence  ;  so  that  to  attack  some  parish 
boss  is  virtually  to  attack  the  imposing  array  of  the  Hierarchy  ?  And 
what  would  be  the  position  of  a  Protestant,  who  would  take  such  a 


152  IEELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

way  the  weaknesses  of  the  position  may  at  times  be 
revealed.  If  knowing  of  a  certain  fallacious  line  of 
reasoning  I  remain  a  fervent  Home  Ruler,  what 
fear  have  I  of  indicating  what  seems  to  me  uncon- 
vincing ?  Hence  I  have  come  to  attach  no  great 
importance  to  the  argument  that  because  Protestant 
members  sit  for  Catholic  constituencies  the  fear  of 
priests  in  politics  is  illusory.  That  bare  fact,  in  itself, 
is  evidence  of  little.  In  some  cases  it  may  prove 
that  the  priests  are  all-powerful ;  for,  as  I  have 
already  stated,  the  defeat  I  suffered  at  my  first  elec- 
tion was  altogether  due  to  the  influence  of  the  priests, 
who,  however,  might  have  proudly  boasted  of  their 
"  toleration "  since  they  had  elected  to  represent 
them  "  a  firm  Protestant  but  doubtful  Christian." 
If  the  Protestant  be  a  stranger  having  no  foothold 
in  the  constituency,  and  if  he  owe  his  election  solely 
to  the  support  of  the  priests,  then  it  seems  to  me 
that  the  case  may  be  even  more  disquieting  than 
that  of  the  invariable  election  of  a  Catholic.  The 
only  sure  test  of  the  absence  of  undue  influence  is 
when  a  candidate  runs  on  popular  Nationalist  lines 
but  nevertheless  for  some  reason  or  other  incurs  the 
hostility  of  the  great  majority  of  the  priests.  Such 
conditions  occurred  at  the  Parnellite  split,  and  un- 

stand  and  deliver  such  an  attack  ?  I  say  that  it  is  useless  to  suppose 
that  even  "  toleration  "  is  complete  until  such  a  man  could  count 
on  meeting  no  other  force  than  the  force  of  argument,  delivered 
publicly,  and  on  public  grounds. 

I  recommend  these  considerations  especially  to  Nationalist  Irish- 
men. If  such  words  be  treated  as  hostile  to  any  Irish  cause,  then  I 
say  that  the  spirit  evinced,  tried  by  the  standards  of  civilisation  itself, 
will  bear  with  it  the  condemnation  of  that  Irish  cause.  If  these 
words  be  approved,  then  already  by  that  fact  a  step  will  have  been 
taken  towards  the  greater  glory  of  Ireland. 


PEIESTS  IN  POLITICS  153 

fortunately  the  Parnellites  \yere  rarely  successful.1 
Whether  there  has  been  much  change  since  then  is 

1  In  the  days  of  the  Parnellite  split  the  "  Westmeath  Examiner  " 
made  itself  obnoxious  to  the  clergy.  I  find  the  following  reference  to 
the  quarrel  in  the  "  Weekly  Independent  "  of  17th  February  1894  : 

The  "  Westmeath  Examiner  "  is  fighting  a  great  battle  for  civil 
liberty,  and  liberty  of  the  Press,  under  the  very  shadow  of  the 
bishop's  palace  in  Mullingar.  The  article  which  it  publishes  in 
its  defence  against  Dr.  Nulty's  unwarrantable  and  illogical  attack 
is  dignified  and  forcible ;  whilst  the  extracts  it  gives  from  the 
bishop's  denunciation — passages  which  even  the  tottering  "  Free- 
man "  feared  to  publish — are  enough  to  make  men  ask  are  we 
living  in  the  age  of  Torquemada  ? 

Who  can  believe  it  possible  that  such  a  pronouncement  as  this 
was  made  by  Dr.  Nulty  ?  Who  can  believe  it  possible  that  a 
bishop  of  the  Catholic  Church  should  pronounce  the  reading  of 
the  "  Westmeath  Examiner  "  a  sin  which  called  for  the  refusal 
of  absolution  ?  Here  are  his  words,  as  taken  from  the  "  Ex- 
aminer " : 

"  As  long  as  men  continued  to  read  this  they  were  not  fit  sub- 
jects for  the  Sacraments.  He  is  not,  although  he  may  believe 
he  is.  He  may  go  to  confession  to  strange  priests,  but  a  priest 
who  knew  his  theology  would  not  give  absolution.  If  he  did,  the 
absolution  is  null  and  void,  and  certainly  a  priest  could  give 
absolution  only  to  a  penitent  who  is  disposed,  and  any  man  who 
reads  that  newspaper  after  this  condemnation  could  not  be 
supposed  to  have  contrition  and  the  purpose  of  never  offending 
God  any  more.  As  long  as  he  continued  the  reading  of  that 
newspaper  he  cannot  be  forgiven." 
Not  long  afterwards  appeared  this  paragraph  : 

The  Rev.  Father  Drum,  Adm.,  of  Mullingar,  has  declared 
officially  that  the  reading  of  the  "  Westmeath  Examiner  "  is  a 
mortal  sin — particularly  in  Mullingar.  The  Coercion  Act  created 
new  crime.  This  was  considered  infamous.  Father  Drum 
creates  a  new  sin.  Mr.  Hayden,  the  proprietor  of  the  journal,  is 
an  estimable  man.  He  has  never  written  one  word  against  faith 
or  morals.  He  has  only  waged  a  relentless  war  against  a  rotten 
political  policy.  Yet,  to  read  his  paper  is  a  mortal  sin — especially 
in  Mullingar. 

It  should  be  observed  that  the  "  Weekly  Independent "  was  at 
that  time  one  of  the  most  advanced  of  Nationalist  newspapers,  and 
that  its  editor  was  a  Catholic.  The  editor  of  the  "Westmeath  Ex- 


154  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

a  matter  of  opinion,  there  has  not  been  much  oppor- 
tunity of  testing ;  but  I  am  inclined  to  think  that 
we  may  assume  progress  in  restricting  the  undue 
authority  of  the  priests. 

Hitherto  I  have  spoken  of  priests  in  a  somewhat 
vague  and  general  manner,  as  if  they  were  all  of  a 
type.  Nothing  could  be  more  false,  however.  I 
have  known  many  to  be  men  of  ambition,  others 
men  of  reflection,  some  even  of  saintly  fervour. 
Moreover  I  have  known  them  to  speak  of  each  other, 
and  their  human  weakness,  with  freedom  and 
piquancy.  Let  me  attempt  to  sketch  two  or  three 
pictures  which  may  be  taken  as  fair  representations. 
Here  is  a  priest,  a  young  man,  Father  Raftery.  He  is 
tall,  not  intellectual,  he  has  red  hair,  and  green  socks, 
and  as  he  stoops  to  tie  his  boot  lace  he  displays  a 
lissom  ease  in  his  athletic  frame  that  may  make  one 
fancy  that  as  a  "  broth  of  a  boy  "  he  might  have 
earned  renown  in  the  fistic  ring.  His  eye  is  clear, 
his  complexion  good,  as  of  one  free  from  vices ;  he 
does  not  oppress  us  with  a  manner  of  piety ;  his 
conversation  is  cheerful,  even  humorous ;  but  he  is 
a  devout  believer,  a  missionary  at  heart,  his  fervour ; 
however,  showing  in  the  kindness  of  manners,  the 
gentleness  of  tone,  the  self-denying  devotion  to  good, 
all  of  which  qualities  are  reinforced  by  association 
with  that  superb  physique. 

Add  that  such  a  young  man  may  have  come  from 

aminer  "  was,  I  believe,  and  is  still  Mr.  John  Hay  den,  now  a  well- 
known  member  of  the  Irish  Parliamentary  Party. 

I  am  informed  that  after  the  death  of  the  Bishop  the  attacks  ceased, 
and  have  never  been  renewed.  These  attacks  therefore  responded 
less  to  eternal  principle  than  to  the  political  animus  of  certain  priests, 
but  that  did  not  prevent  them  using  in  this  temporal  quarrel  the 
authority  derived  from  their  spiritual  office. 


PKIESTS  IN  POLITICS  155 

peasant  stock,  that  his  sympathies,  his  affections, 
his  aspirations,  are  those  of  the  people  from  whom  he 
has  sprung  and  amongst  whom  he  lives,  that  he  is 
not  only  active,  intelligent,  but  that  he  is  the  re- 
pository of  learning  in  the  neighbourhood,  that  he  is 
foremost  in  the  promotion  of  good  works,  whether 
of  charity  or  of  social  or  political  upbuilding,  and 
that  his  holy  office  enhances  the  force  of  all  his 
words ;  is  it  a  wonder  that  such  a  person  is  not 
merely  admired  and  followed,  but — the  soggarth  aroon 
— veritably  loved  by  his  flock  ? 

Or  again,  here  is  an  old  priest,  Father  MacOlave. 
Age  and  experience  have  made  him  patient ;  from 
his  whole  bearing  and  appearance  arises  the  sugges- 
tion of  that  parental  authority  indicated  in  his  familiar 
title.  He  is  over  seventy  years  of  age,  but  he  is  still 
active,  for  day  by  day  he  imbibes  a  fresh  stimulus — 
the  sight  of  some  good  to  be  done  or  grief  to  be 
assuaged.  His  mind  is  keen,  he  seems  to  remember 
everything,  except  to  dwell  on  his  own  ills  or  to 
minister  to  his  own  comfort.  Destitute  of  personal 
ambition,  he  has  yet  been  honoured.  He  is  now  a 
Canon  ;  but  that  to  him  seems  less  a  matter  of  pride 
than  as  a  passport  which  enlarges  the  scope  for 
work.  The  good-will,  the  paternal  sympathy  for  all, 
the  kindness  of  his  simple  nature,  has  become  apparent 
in  his  outward  form,  and  as  the  passer-by  sees  the 
figure  slightly  bent,  the  white  flowing  locks,  but 
notes  the  energetic  manner,  the  pale  features  but 
cheering  look,  the  mildly  beaming  but  beatified  eyes, 
he  recognises  the  truth  of  his  epithet :  "  The  Saint 
of 

These  are  not  the  only  types.  It  is  not  difficult  to 
find  a  parallel  for  the  following :  A  coarse  and 


156  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

worldly  man,  with  his  round  little  figure,  his  puckered 
eyes  and  red  face  ;  narrow,  illiterate  and  rancorous  ; 
appearing  at  public  meetings  now  and  then,  and  at 
times  of  crisis,  for  instance,  always  on  the  wrong 
side ;  not  winning  by  sweetness  and  light,  but 
urging  in  bad  temper,  so  that "  you  could  scrape  the 
venom  off  his  face."  Such  is  Father  Crabtree. 

Or  again,  Father  Pyke,  a  man  of  considerable 
ability  and  force,  tall  and  broad,  without  being  ath- 
letic, with  an  eye  that  shows  intelligence  and  power, 
but  also  the  spirit  of  a  man  who  never  forgets  an 
injury  nor  forgives  a  rebuff ;  active  in  mind,  yet,  by 
having  lived  too  long  in  a  narrow  groove,  displaying 
an  energy  broken  up  into  a  hundred  different  channels 
of  public  work  or  gossip,  and  mastering  all  with 
prolixity  of  mere  detail,  wielding  considerable  influ- 
ence, ambitious  for  power,  dominating  most  of  his 
brother  priests,  gradually  becoming  recognised  as  a 
sort  of  local  boss  where  wire-pulling  tells,  and  where 
driving  power  is  decisive  ;  judging  the  people  accord- 
ing to  his  lights,  holding  them  in  no  great  respect, 
working  through  their  self-interest,  little  scrupulous 
as  to  means,  and  never  neglecting  the  advancement 
of  his  dependents ;  soured  and  intolerant,  and  even 
while  dealing  with  public  matters,  active,  capable 
and  useful  servitor  though  he  may  prove  himself, 
yet  unable  to  look  through  any  other  medium  than 
that  of  his  own  aims,  feelings,  prejudices,  resentments, 
or  unpardoning  memory  of  scores  to  be  paid  off. 

Such  a  man  as  here  described  is  more  likely  to  be 
potent  in  a  small  community  than  either  of  the  three 
other  characters  I  have  indicated.  The  question  of 
toleration  is  not  the  only  problem  in  view,  for  a 
leader  of  this  type  is  sure  to  be  masterly  and  in- 


PRIESTS  IN  POLITICS  157 

tolerant  in  regard  to  Catholics  who  oppose  his  will, 
and  he  will  not  hesitate  as  to  the  delicacy  of  the 
means  of  scoring  his  triumphs.  If  he  be  thwarted 
or  beaten  on  any  public  ground,  if  he  be  criticised 
as  is  the  lot  of  all  public  men,  he  is  inclined  to  be  not 
merely  resentful  but  to  consider  a  personal  check  as  an 
affront  to  his  office,  and  an  attack  upon  the  Church. 

Such  notions  are  not  unknown  in  any  degree  of 
the  Hierarchy.  Certain  of  the  bishops  seem  to  think, 
and  with  a  fair  degree  of  truth,  that  they  are  the  real 
Government  of  Ireland  l ;  that  County  Councils  and 
the  like  are  useful  servitors  for  dealing  with  the 
detail  work  of  sanitation,  road  repairing,  and  so 
forth ;  and  that  the  Members  of  Parliament  merely 
divert  the  attention  of  the  masses  and  amuse  the 
gallery ;  but  that  on  large  issues  or  on  critical 
occasions,  in  questions  of  education  or  at  the  turn- 
ing-point of  politics,  then  the  real  Government,  the 
Church,  steps  in  and  decides. 

In  this  spirit  of  arrogance  on  the  part  of  the 
powerful  and  authoritative  Hierarchy  of  the  Church 
in  Ireland  lies  the  main  argument  against  Home 

1  Apropos  of  the  claim  of  the  Hierarchy  of  Ireland  to  be  the  real 
Government,  I  find  this  little  note : 

When  the  Vatican  Council  assembled  forty-three  years  ago, 
seven  hundred  and  sixty-seven  mitred  heads  were  ranged  round 
the  chair  of  Peter.  They  represented  thirty  different  nations, 
some  having  provinces  ten  times  larger  than  Ireland.  Yet  the 
Bishops  of  Irish  birth  and  blood  in  that  august  assembly  out- 
numbered those  of  any  other  nation  by  twenty-four.  When 
Cardinal  Manning  saw  the  long  army  of  Ireland's  mitred  sons 
sweeping  in  procession  through  the  streets  of  Rome,  he  cried  : 
"  If  there  is  a  saint  in  the  high  sanctuary  of  heaven  that  has 
reason  to  be  proud  to-night,  that  saint's  name  is  Patrick." 
At  that  time  Ireland  was  one  of  the  poorest  countries  in  Europe,  and 
one  of  those  in  which  general  instruction  was  the  most  backward. 


158  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

Rule,  and,  say  what  we  will  as  Nationalists,  it  is  an 
argument  of  validity.  It  is  not  an  argument  sufficient 
to  overthrow  Home  Rule,  but  it  should  be  sufficient 
for  those  who  have  been  entrusted  by  the  people  with 
a  mandate,  to  induce  them  to  stand  up  like  men  and 
make  it  plain  to  the  whole  world  that  the  priests  will 
be  kept  firmly  within  their  province,  and  that,  ren- 
dering to  Caesar  the  things  that  are  Caesar's  and  to 
God  the  things  that  are  God's,  the  men  of  Ireland 
will  take  into  their  own  hands  the  management  of 
Irish  affairs. 

Putting  the  priests  in  their  proper  place  by  no 
means  disposes  of  the  influence  of  clerics  in  Ireland. 
The  Ulster  bigot  has  grown  on  congenial  soil,  and 
he  has  reached  a  rare  beauty  of  development  in  his 
peculiar  genus.  He  has  something  of  the  wit  and 
fire  of  the  Irishman,  the  dourness  and  purpose  of 
the  Scot.  He  has  all  that  "  airnestness "  which 
since  the  days  of  John  Knox  has  been  the  chief 
quality  of  great  preachers.  He  is  rugged,  arrogant, 
rigid,  and  narrow.  He  scoffs  at  the  infallibility  of 
the  Pope ;  he  never  for  a  moment  doubts  his  own. 
He  wrestles  with  himself  to  be  fair,  and  so  he  is 
according  to  his  lights ;  the  mischief  is  that  his 
narrow  soul  is  badly  illuminated,  and  he  holds  as 
his  dearest  possession  the  bars  of  the  spiritual  prison 
through  which  the  beams  of  light  faintly  pass.  He 
calls  it  an  obligation  of  his  creed  to  be  kind  to  all 
men ;  but  then  a  Papist,  he  thinks,  is  hardly  human. : 

1  "  By  their  fruits  ye  shall  know  them  "  !  We  have  already  seen  that 
County  Clare,  so  much  abused  on  the  Tory  platform,  has  been  generous 
in  electing  Protestants  to  honourable  and  to  profitable  positions. 
From  a  mass  of  information  regarding  Belfast  I  select  this  one  item, 
on  the  authority  of  "  Home  Rule  Notes  "  : 

There  are  437  salaried  officials  in  the  service  of  the  Belfast 


PBIESTS  IN  POLITICS  159 

I  have  visited  Belfast,  admired  its  clean  principal 
streets,  looked  upon  its  slums  with  astonishment, 

Corporation,  and  only  9  of  these  are  Roman  Catholics.  The 
sum  paid  in  salaries  is  £68,723,  of  which  the  total  received  by  the 
9  Roman  Catholics  officials  is  £765.  Moreover,  until  a  Conserva- 
tive House  of  Commons  stepped  in  and  compelled  a  redistribution 
of  the  City  Wards,  no  Catholic  was  allowed  to  be  a  Member  of 
any  Public  Board  in  Belfast,  and  there  was  not  one  Catholic 
employee  under  the  Corporation.  A  Roman  Catholic  has  never 
yet  been  elected  as  Mayor  or  Lord  Mayor  of  Belfast. 

The  Belfast  Poor  Law  Board  presents  a  similar  record.     This 
Board  spends  over  £10,000  a  year  in  salaries,  and  in  its  official 
list  of  "  Officers  Required  to  Give  Security  " — that  is  to  say,  of 
the   holders    of   higher-class    appointments — there    appears    the 
name  of  only  one  Catholic  who  receives  £45  a  year. 
All  material  happenings  have  an  origin  in  the  spirit,  and  the  follow- 
ing extract  from  a  Report  upon  Home  Rule  presented    to    Ulster 
Presbyterians  shows  the  spirit  of  enlightenment  there  prevalent: 

It  will  be  for  ever  impossible  to  fight  Home  Rule  successfully 
as  long  as  it  is  contended  or  admitted  that  Romanists  and  other 
open  enemies  of  the  true  religion  ought  to  have  political  power. 
We  regard  the  so-called  Catholic  Emancipation  Act  as  the  "  first 
plague  spot  "  of  the  Home  Rule  evil.  From  the  time  of  the  pass- 
ing of  that  Act,  which  gave  the  Romanists  the  Franchise,  dates 
the  beginning  of  their  power  to  threaten  the  liberties  of  the 
Protestants  in  Ireland. 

Carlyle  was  at  one  time  interested  in  the  American  statesman 
Daniel  Webster,  with  his  "  rugged  amorphous  "  face  ;  but  Emerson 
in  reply  described  Webster  as  "  soaked  in  the  rum  of  party."  That 
phrase  seemed  to  me  to  explain  many  difficulties.  In  looking  over  the 
following  extracts  from  the  addresses  of  clerical  gentlemen  in  Belfast, 
the  reader  may  enquire  in  stupefaction,  with  what  sweet  wine  of  life 
do  these  Christians  regale  themselves  ?  It  is  not  without  misgiving 
that  I  reply  :  the  Religion  of  Love  : 

A  sleeping  giant  was  no  match  for  a  vigilant  enemy,  and  so 
when  Protestantism  slept  Rome  was  wide  awake.  Under  the 
plea  of  liberty  they  claimed  equal  rights  with  Protestants.  Hence 
idolatrous  and  Paganised  processions  were  attempted,  and 
politics  were  made  the  vehicle  of  their  influence  and  authority. 
Education  must  be  settled  to  suit  their  convenience,  and  the  Ten 
Commandments  written  by  the  finger  of  God  must  be  changed 
at  the  dictate  of  the  Vatican,  not  only  for  Roman  Catholic  chil- 


160  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

given  due  honour  to  its  energetic  citizens,  listened  to 
the  grating  accents  of  the  successful  man,  tipped  the 

dren,  but  to  be  held  up  and  dangled  before  Protestant  children. 
How  was  it  that  they  must  blot  out  the  words,  "  Thou  shalt  not 
have  any  graven  image "  ?  The  Coronation  Oath  had  been 
altered  lest  their  sensibilities  be  offended.  Those  arch-fiends  of 
oppression  dare  talk  of  toleration  and  freedom  !  Coming  from 
the  City  of  Cork,  where  he  had  attended  the  Methodist  Confer- 
ence, he  (Mr.  Collier)  thought  of  that  hymn  :  "  And  are  we  yet 
alive  to  see  each  other's  faces."  If  they  had  dared,  the  National- 
ists and  Roman  Catholics  would  have  wrecked  the  place.  An 
officer  of  the  State  said  to  one  of  their  city  magistrates  as  he  was 
passing  out :  "  For  God's  sake,  don't  go  or  they  will  have  your 
life."  Those  were  the  gentle  lambs,  and  so  Rome  was  using 
every  influence  and  every  power  to  make  her  way  to  bieak  the 
iron  wall  of  an  Imperial  race,  and  to  subjugate  Protestantism  to 
the  Vatican. 

The  above  has  been  taken  from  an  address  delivered  in  Ulster  Hall 
on  6th  July  1914,  by  the  Rev.  H.  G.  Collier.  My  authority  is  the 
"  Ulster  Guardian,"  from  which  several  of  the  notes  on  this  question 
have  been  obtained.  On  the  same  authority  we  learn  that  the  Rev. 
C.  E.  Keane,  M.A.,  declared  : 

It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  there  is  a  Jesuit  on  the  staff  of 
every  paper  in  the  three  kingdoms  except  one. 
The    Rev.    Dr.  Macaulay  is  a  Moderator,  I  believe ;    this  is    hia 
moderating  language  in  February  1914 : 

But  under  a  Home  Rule  Government  would  they  have  the  same 
security  as  they  have  now  ?  Might  it  not,  for  example,  be  made 
a  punishable  offence  to  say  that  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  was 
an  unscriptural  and  erroneous  Church  ?  He  would  not  be  at  all 
surprised  if  that  were  done  under  a  Home  Rule  Government,  and 
he  would  not  be  surprised  that  it  might  be  enacted  that  no  one 
should  get  a  public  appointment  unless  he  conformed  to  the 
worship  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 

According  to  the  "  Lurgan  Mail "  of  28th  February  1914,  the  Rev. 
R.  Ussher  Greer,  M.A.,  Episcopalian  Rector,  delivered  a  lecture  in 
Donacloney  Orange  Hall  on  the  subject :  "  An  Orangeman  :  Why  ?  " 
It  appears  that  for  twenty  years  the  reverend  gentleman  has  been 
"  a  member  of  the  Supreme  Degree  of  the  Red  Cross."  His  talk  was 
Supreme,  though  apparently  more  tinctured  by  the  Redness  than  by 
the  Cross : 

What  (he  said)  has  done  us  more  damage  than  anything  is  the 


PKIESTS  IN  POLITICS  161 

German  waiters,  and  received  a  smile  from  the  Ger- 
man maid,  the  outposts  of  a  still  more  provocative 

rotten-hearted   Protestants    who    sit   on    the   fence.     And   pro- 
ceeded to  urge  that  if  Orangemen  refused  to  recognise  as  a  Pro- 
testant anyone  who  did  not  come  and  take  his  responsibility  at 
the  present  time,  we  could  have  won  in  this  business  long  ago. 
On  first  contact  with  the    Rev.  S.  Cochrane  of    the    Fisherwick 
Presbyterian  Church,  I  thought  he  was  cross-grained,  but  on  further 
reading  I  revised  my  opinion  ;    I  remembered  a  saying  of  Fox  on 
Dean  Swift :  no  one  could  be  an  ill-tempered  man  who  wrote  so  much 
nonsense. 

Here  is  something  of  what  the  Rev.  S.  Cochrane  said  on  6th  July 
last: 

Cruel  and  unjust  outrages  were  being  perpetrated  against  their 
Protestantism    and    against    their    citizenship.     The    movement 
supported    by  the  present  Government  was  one  of    the  most 
scandalous  conspiracies  ever  conceived  against  the  rights  of  a 
free  people,  and  they  would  search  history  in  vain  to  find  another 
instance  of  a  great  and  powerful  empire  and  a  settled  Govern- 
ment responsible  for  such  dastardly  wrongs  as  were  associated 
with  the  contemplated  enactments  of  the  British  House  of  Com- 
mons in  reference  to  the  future  rule  of  Ireland. 
In  the  House  of  Commons  even  the  most  stalwart  of  the  Ulsterman 
deny  that  they  are  merely  fighting  for  Ascendancy ;    but  the  Rev. 
F.  W.  Austin,  Rector  of  St.  Columba's,  Knock,  has  rushed  in  where 
Captain  Craig  and  Mr.  William  Moore  have  feared  to  tread.     In  a 
letter  to  the  "  Belfast  News-Letter  "  of  7th  January  1914,  he  says  : 

We  Irish  Covenanters  are  still  treated  to  sermons  and  speeches 

in  which  we  are  frequently  told  that  "  we  seek  no  ascendancy." 

How  then,  is  the  Church  of  Rome  to  be  kept  at  bay  ?    Why  are 

we  such  strong  Unionists  ?     If  we  are  not  aiming  at  the  ascendancy 

of  Protestantism  in  some  corner  of  Ireland  what  are  we  aiming  at  ? 

Here  we  have  the  real  note.     That  letter  has  a  ring  of  battle,  with 

the  "  j'y  suis,  j'y  reste  " — I  am  here,  I  stay — defiance  to  fate  ! 

The  Archdeacon  of  Down  is  a  kind  of  local  War  Lord.  He  talks  to 
the  Roman  Catholic  population  like  the  German  Emperor  to  Belgium. 
Here  is  his  ultimatum  of  8th  March  of  this  year  of  grace : 

The  quarrel  is  between  us  and  the  Government.  If  the  Roman 
Catholic  population  of  Ireland  stands  aside  and  allows  us  to  settle 
our  difficulties  with  the  Government,  not  a  single  Roman  Catholic 
in  Ireland  will  be  injured  by  us.  But  if  the  Roman  Catholics  of 
Ireland  join  in  any  attempt  to  force  us  to  accept  Home  Rule, 
11 


162  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

people.  I  have  gone  further ;  I  have  looked  into 
the  origin  of  Belfast's  industrial  greatness  and  the 

then,  by  their  own  action,  and  to  our  regret,  they  will  have  taken 
the  initiative  against  what  we  believe  to  be  our  just  rights,  and 
they  will  only  have  themselves  to  blame  if  they  suffer  in  any  way 
for  their  action. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Greer,  whom  we  met  with  recently,  seems  to  be  a 
stickler  for  political  etiquette,  a  Ligitimiste,  as  they  would  say  in 
France ;  for  he  bends  even  the  facts  of  history  to  fit  in  with  that 
mood  of  mind.  He  told  the  people  of  Donacloney  : 

that  William  of  Orange  took  possession  of  the  Throne  as  lineal 
descendant  of  the  Kings  of  England. 

Macaulay,  however,  asserts  that  the  Dutchman  owed  his  title  solely  to 
Parliamentary  sanction.  The  Orangemen  are  not  always  so  scrupulous 
as  to  successions.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Patterson,  on  the  4th  October  1913, 
contemplated  the  chance  of  taking  an  independent  stand : 

A  man  might  divorce  his  wife,  but  he  could  not  compel  her  to 
marry   another   man   of  his   choosing.      They  had   made   their 
choice,  and  if  they  could  not  stand  under  the  British  Throne  they 
would   stand  on  their  own  feet,  but    to  a  Dublin   Parliament 
governed  by  Rome  they  would  never  surrender. 
But  the  Rev.  Dr.  Patterson  appears  a  pale  effigy  beside  the  Crom- 
wellian  Rev.  Mr.  Walmsley. 

"  The  Inniskillen  Impartial  Reporter  "  of  August  15  states  that  at 
a  Relief  of  Derry  anniversary  gathering  at  Castle  Irvine,  Irvinestown  : 

Brother  Rev.  Mr.  Walmsley  said  he  did  not  think  the  day 
would  ever  come  when  Mr.  Asquith  would  return  to  Ireland, 
accompanied  by  the  King,  to  open  an  Irish  Parliament.     If 
that  day  did  come  to  pass  he  (the  speaker)  would  feel  himself 
justified  ha  not  regarding  him  as  King  any  longer. 
But  again  even  Brother  Rev.  Mr.  Walmsley  is  but  a  feeble  replica 
of  the  Rev.  John  Flanagan,  who  flourished  on  Orange  platforms  in 
the  sixties. 

At  a  meeting  at  Newbliss,  Co.  Monaghan,  on  the  20th  March  1868, 
he  made  a  celebrated  speech,  in  which  a  phrase  occurs  that  has  since 
become  classical.  The  "Northern  Whig "  of  the  following  day  reports 
him  thus : 

If  they  ever  dare  to  lay  unholy  hands  upon  the  Church  200,000 
Orangemen  will  tell  them  it  shall  never  be.  Protestant  loyalty 
must  make  itself  understood.  People  will  say,  "  Oh,  your  loyalty 
is  conditional.  I  say  it  is  conditional,  and  it  must  be  explained 
as  such.  Will  you,  Orangemen  of  Ireland,  endorse  the  doctrine 


PRIESTS  IN  POLITICS  163 

appearance  of  her  armies  of  sweated  workers.    A 
little  too   much  is  made   of  the   wonderful  racial 

of  unconditional  loyalty  ?  (Repeated  cries  of  "  No,  never.")  It 
appears  wonderful  that  there  is  one  thing  upon  which  we  can 
confidently  throw  ourselves,  and  which  has  been  overlooked  by 
nearly  all  speakers — I  mean  the  Queen's  coronation  oath.  She 
should  be  reminded  that  one  of  her  ancestors,  who  swore  to 
maintain  the  Protestant  religion,  forgot  his  oath,  and  his  crown 
was  kicked  into  the  Boyne.  (He  then  read  the  oath,  and  the 
questions  put  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  at  the  time  of  the 
coronation.)  Will  any  minister  dare  to  ask  the  Queen  to  perjure 
herself  ?  Will  any  minister  come  and  ask  us  to  surrender  our 
rights  ?  We  must  tell  our  gracious  Queen  that  if  she  break  her 
oath,  she  has  no  longer  any  claim  to  the  crown.  Let  us  not  put 
any  trust  in  man,  but  trust  to  God  and  ourselves : 

Put  your  trust  in  God,  my  boys, 

And  keep  your  powder  dry. 
The  following  is  taken  from  the  "  Home  Rule  Library  "  : 

CONSPIRACY   TO   EXCLUDE    QUEEN   VICTORIA 

In  1825  the  Orange  Society  was  dissolved  by  Act  of  Parliament, 
but  was  reconstituted  three  years  later  ;  and  in  1835,  forty  years 
after  the  establishment  of  this  organisation,  it  had  secured  the 
Duke  of  Cumberland  as  its  "  Grand  Master,"  and  was  promoting 
a  conspiracy  to  exclude  Queen  Victoria  from  the  British  Throne, 
and  to  secure  the  crown  for  their  Grand  Master.  This  menacing 
and  seditious  conspiracy  led  to  the  Parliamentary  inquiry  of 
1835.  That  Select  Committee  was  composed  of  27  members,  of 
whom  13  were  Conservatives,  12  Liberals,  and  2  neutral ;  and 
only  2  of  the  27  were  Roman  Catholics ;  and  the  report  after 
deploring  "  the  baneful  and  unchristian  influence  of  the  lodges  " 
proceeds : 

"  The  obvious  tendency  and  effect  of  the  Orange  Institution 
is  to  keep  up  an  exclusive  association  in  civil  and  military  society, 
exciting  one  portion  of  the  people  against  the  other  ;  to  increase 
the  rancour  and  animosity  too  often  unfortunately  existing 
between  persons  of  different  religious  persuasions ;  to  make  the 
Protestant  the  enemy  of  the  Catholic,  and  the  Catholic  the 
enemy  of  the  Protestant." 

In  consequence  of  the  grave  nature  of  the  disclosures  made 
by  the  Select  Committee  of  1835,  the  House  of  Commons,  on 
the  motion  of  Lord  John  Russell,  unanimously  prayed  the  King 


164  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

qualities  of  the  blend  of  the  Irish  and  Scotch.  Let 
us  give  the  fullest  value  to  them,  but  let  us  not 
always  take  the  Belfast  man  at  his  own  valuation, 
with  that  arrogant  emphasis  on  the  "  I  "  and  "  me," 
and  the  outrageous  :  "  Now,  mark  you  me  !  "  which 
characterises  his  conversation.  If  these  be  the 
chosen  people,  then  God  thinks  little  of  the  minor 
graces  of  life. 

It  has  been  given  to  me  to  meet  men  in  many 
lands,  and  to  observe  the  presentation,  even  the 
pose,  if  you  will,  of  men  who  have  witched  the  world 
with  bold  and  brilliant  feats.  Of  all  these  forms  I 
like  best  that  of  the  French  nation — "  decadent," 
as  it  is  called  in  benighted  latitudes — with  its  cour- 
tesy, politeness,  ease,  which  need  not  exclude  reserve 
fire,  nor  masculine  force.  It  is  not  in  Belfast  that 
we  find  the  champion  boxer,  nor  the  "  loop-the- 
looper,"  nor  the  most  brilliant  mathematician,  nor 
the  supreme  chemist ;  and  the  point  is  worth 
emphasising,  for  in  many  countries,  as  in  Belfast, 
there  is  a  tendency  to  find  that  uncouthness  and 
incivility  denote  strength,  and  so  these  undesirable 
possessions  are  kept  artificially  alive.  The  Belfast 
man's  rudeness  is  a  confession  of  secret  weakness. 

to  put  down  Orange  Societies ;  and  in  reply,  the  King  called 
upon  his  loyal  subjects  to  aid  him  in  doing  so. 
I  could  quote  many  other  documents,  but  it  is  unnecessary  to 
pursue  the  theme.  Having  spoken  frankly  with  regard  to  Priests  in 
Politics  I  thought  it  only  right  to  point  out  to  citizens  of  good-will 
that  it  behoves  us  to  look  on  all  sides  of  the  question.  Yet  after  all 
I  do  not  want  to  quarrel  even  with  these  Ulstermen.  They  have 
excellent,  though  misdirected  qualities ;  and  we  would  have  some- 
thing valuable  for  Ireland,  if,  preserving  that  energy  and  force  of 
character,  we  could  rob  it  of  much  that  is  self-seeking  and  merely 
arrogant,  illuminate  it  with  the  clear  beams  of  reason,  endow  it  with 
common  sense,  and  direct  its  fervour  to  the  common  weal. 


PKIESTS  IN  POLITICS  165 

There  is  no  suave  confidence,  but  rather  a  covenanting 
threat  in  his  voice,  when  he  tells  you  that  Belfast  is 
the  Athens  of  the  North.  Certainly  the  parade  of 
roughness  is  here  excusable,  for  no  stranger,  un- 
prompted, would  have  touched  upon  that  comparison. 
No  one  but  George  Bernard  Shaw  could  put  Pericles 
on  the  stage  asserting  that  Athens  was  a  Southern 
Belfast ! 

Yet  there  is  a  little  world  of  history  in  that  accent 
of  Belfast,  and  this  is  the  siren  voice  that  has  brought 
the  Tory  party  in  England  to  destruction.  And  the 
sweetest  songster  of  all  is  that  thing  of  light,  and 
wit,  and  gentle  power,  that  angel  of  mercies,  that 
large-souled  champion  of  progress,  William  Moore. 

I  believe  it  jars  upon  the  ears  of  the  more  en- 
lightened members  of  the  Tory  party  to  hear,  at 
every  turn  of  Irish  politics,  the  note  of  hatred  of 
Nationalist  Ireland,  this  peevish  impatience  of  any 
symptom  of  good- will  or  better  relations,  this  raucous 
expression  of  prejudices,  this  revival  of  the  feuds 
and  feelings  of  the  past.  The  exploits  of  Bloody 
Mary  seem  to  these  gentlemen  to  have  happened  a 
month  ago,  and  good  Queen  Bess  might  have  come 
to  town  on  Wednesday  last,  such  is  the  temper  of 
religious  heat  in  which  they  discuss  our  affairs  of  to- 
day. They  fling  King  William  at  our  head,  but  for 
my  part  I  care  so  little  for  these  polemics,  that  I  feel 
perfectly  free  to  appreciate,  eclectically,  the  good 
qualities  of  William,  even  to  the  extent  of  testing 
again  my  distrust  of  politicians  and  my  prejudice 
against  Kings.  But  after  all,  William  the  Silent  was 
not  an  Irishman,  not  even  a  Belfast  Irishman,  and 
there  has  always  seemed  to  me  something  incongruous 
between  the  arrogance  of  loyal  Ulster,  their  assump- 


166  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

tion  of  superiority,  and  the  shortage  of  native  leaders. 
Perhaps  part  of  their  admiration  of  the  silent  Dutch- 
man arises  from  the  fact  that  he  was  silent  enough 
never  to  say  what  he  thought  of  them. 

Sir  Edward  Carson  is  not  silent,  but  though  he 
talks  his  voice  is  that  of  a  Southern,  and  this  unex- 
pected boon  has  charmed  the  listening  ear  of  Ulster. 
The  native  expression  is  found  in  its  choicest  quality 
in  the  Orange  lodges.  Looking  at  the  matter  as 
impartially  as  I  can,  it  seems  to  me  that  some  sort  of 
lodge  was  imperatively  called  for  to  stop  the  criminal 
career  of  James  II ;  but  that  event  happened  long 
ago.  Generations  have  passed  away,  the  Protes- 
tants in  Ulster  have  again  established  their  ascen- 
dancy, and  yet  we  find  these  Orange  lodges  in  the 
full  blast  of  their  activity.  Why  ?  I  will  in  turn 
appeal  for  impartiality.  Is  it  not  clear  that  under 
the  cloak  of  religion — the  religion  of  love — these 
Orange  lodges,  these  political  organisations,  these 
century-old  aggressive  intolerances,  have  had  little 
significance  as  a  bulwark  against  the  encroachments 
of  Rome,  but  a  real  and  business-like  meaning  in 
regard  to  the  distribution  of  the  offices  of  profit  ? 

Ascendancy  is  not  a  mere  sentiment.  It  means 
that  the  area  of  competition  has  been  limited.  It 
means  unfair  privileges,  sinecures,  rewards,  and  in- 
surance against  incapacity.  It  means  that  from  a 
grasping  father  to  a  semi-imbecile  son  the  grip  may 
be  held  on  emoluments.  Have  the  Protestants  in 
the  North,  where  they  are  in  the  majority,  ever  given 
the  Catholics  fair  play  ?  Of  the  hundreds  of  offices 
in  the  control  of  the  municipalities,  from  stately 
sinecures  to  lucrative  posts,  down  to  the  humblest 
billets,  how  many  are  held  by  Catholics  ?  Nothing 


PEIESTS  IN  POLITICS  167 

of  importance  beyond  that  of  a  crossing- sweeper's 
job.  Does  that  represent  the  relative  ability  of  the 
people  ?  If  it  did,  does  anyone  imagine  that  there 
would  be  desperate  efforts  to  retain  Ascendancy  ? 
If  a  boxer  looks  in  contempt  on  a  rival,  he  does  not 
demand  that  the  rival  shall  fight  with  his  right  hand 
tied  behind  his  back.  But  Ascendancy  asks  more 
than  that,  it  requires  the  obliteration  of  the  opponent. 

The  Belfast  man  knows  full  well  that  if  Ireland  had 
a  fair  Constitution,  and  if  all  posts  were  thrown  open 
to  competition,  and  all  rewards  given  on  merit,  then 
the  bright  and  quick-witted  youngsters  of  the  South 
would  play  a  fast  and  lively  game  with  their  sons, 
and  often  score  the  winning  points ;  for,  "  mark 
you  me !  ,"  Nature  does  not  love  the  dour  and 
cross-grained  style,  nor  are  stiffness  and  rigidity  the 
signs  of  strength,  physical  or  mental.  Eliminate  the 
undue  influence  of  the  priests !  With  all  my  heart. 
But  let  us  eliminate,  step  by  step,  the  undue  influence 
of  the  Orange  pulpit,  that  "  drum  ecclesiastic " 
which  beats  out  so  strangely  its  contents  of  charity 
and  love.  Eliminate  the  undue  influence  by  which 
these  Orange  prelates  have  stampeded  and  captured 
the  English  hierarchy.  Eliminate  the  undue  influ- 
ence of  that  hierarchy,  which  in  proportion  as  it  is 
losing  its  hold  upon  its  flock  in  spiritual  things, 
clings  the  more  desperately  to  its  prerogatives,  and 
seeks  to  justify  its  existence  as  a  vast  political 
organisation. 

That  organisation  has  almost  consistently  in 
modern  history  placed  itself  in  the  path  of  progress, 
not  to  march  steadily  and  determinedly  therein  to 
those  ideals  of  fellowship  and  communion  preached 
by  the  Founder  of  the  religion,  but  ever  to  oppose  the 


168  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

aspirations  of  Democracy  and  thwart  the  onward 
movement  of  civilisation  itself.  That  organisation 
is  presumptuous,  dominating  and  proud,  although 
the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  teaches  humility ;  that 
organisation  is  avaricious  and  rich,  although  the 
New  Testament  condemns  laying  up  treasure  on 
earth  ;  that  organisation  flouts  the  will  of  the  people, 
and  stands  accused  by  the  doctrines  that  should  be 
the  breath  of  its  life. 

I  am  amazed  when  I  read  the  sermons  of  high 
ecclesiastical  magnates,  be  they  Bishops,  Archbishops, 
or  Moderators,  or  what  not  of  titles  of  pride — amazed 
to  find  the  conception  of  the  Deity  that  prevails  in 
their  minds — a  Deity,  made  in  their  own  image, 
endowed  by  them  with  their  passions,  prejudices,  and 
narrow-mindedness  ;  a  Deity  of  disorder,  scorn,  and 
hate ;  a  Deity  of  parochial  gossip  and  futile  resent- 
ments, as  when  the  Bishop  of  London  called  on  the 
Creator  to  smash  the  Parliament  Act. 

I  have  turned  from  these  wretched  preachings  in 
which  the  holiest  of  names  are  flung  into  the  melee  of 
a  party  strife,  I  have  lifted  my  eyes  to  the  heavens, 
I  have  gazed  into  the  infinite  space ;  I  have  ques- 
tioned the  mystery  of  the  stars,  I  have  stood  struck 
with  awe  yet  humanly  raised  by  that  feeling  ;  and  I 
have  sought  insight  into  the  march  of  things,  the 
secret  of  the  laws  that  wield  the  world,  all  these 
forms  from  the  delicatest  shape  of  flowers  even  up  to 
the  stupendous  architecture  of  the  universe  unbound  ; 
and  knowing  how  puny  is  the  effort  of  man,  have 
yet  felt  reverence  for  those  whose  thought  has 
striven  to  pierce  the  veil ;  and  I  have  seen  how  won- 
derful is  the  work  of  science  that  here  and  there 
flashes  its  beam  of  light,  that  gives  us  glintings  of 


PRIESTS  IN  POLITICS  169 

an  organic   whole,   and  fills   our  mind  with  stray 
caught  notes  of  harmony. 

Shall  I  return  to  speak  now  of  clerical  intrigues, 
of  the  privileged  exercise  of  exalted  powers,  of  all 
the  hubble-bubble  of  their  mean  religious  bickerings, 
manoeuvres,  violence,  and  wrong  ?  No.  Eliminate 
undue  influence  of  priests,  eliminate  undue  influence 
of  Anglican  prelates,  of  Nonconformist  divines.  Yes. 
This  is  difficult.  Yes,  but  already  to  have  stated  the 
problem  is  to  have  made  a  step  towards  its  solution. 
It  is  not  impossible  that  a  newer  generation  may 
grow  up,  not  believing,  as  if  their  life  depended  on 
it,  that  the  world  is  a  difficult  mountain  path,  which 
at  their  birth  divides  into  two  ways,  one  the  Catholic 
way,  the  other  the  Protestant  way ;  that  the  choice 
rests  neither  on  goodness  nor  badness,  nor  light  nor 
darkness,  simply  on  accident,  the  accident  of  birth ; 
but  that  on  that  accident  depend  the  glory  of 
Heaven,  the  certainty  of  Hell ;  and  that  not  this 
alone,  but  that  we  must  give  of  these  destinies  a 
foretaste  to  our  friends  and  enemies ;  and  in  view 
of  the  deficiency  of  celestial  attributes  deal  with 
brimstone  only. 

No.  The  world  is  something  other,  though  the 
mists  of  our  time  have  obscured  it.  And  even  these 
two  paths  lead  to  a  fair  and  open  plain  where  those 
separated  by  fateful  accidents  may  reunite  in  sym- 
pathy, in  affection,  and  in  fraternal  help. 


CHAPTER   VI 

IRISH  ORGANISATIONS 

ORGANISATIONS  are  indigenous  on  Irish  soil.  Irish- 
men are  generally  considered  difficult  to  discipline, 
nevertheless  they  have  a  notable  talent  for  organisa- 
tion. And  so  it  happens  that  when  an  Irishman  of 
education  and  ability  finds  any  outlet  for  the  exer- 
cise of  this  faculty  he  produces  exceptionally  good 
results.  One  can  cite,  in  passing,  Lord  Anthony 
MacDonnell,  whose  reputation  as  an  organiser  in 
India  has  qualified  him  to  offer  weighty  advice  in 
regard  to  the  settlement  of  the  Irish  question.  It 
is  not  only  that  the  Irishman  has  a  good  conception 
of  the  formal  character  of  organisation,  but  he  puts 
into  the  work  a  certain  zeal  and  a  kind  of  mothering 
care. 

Speaking  then  of  modern  times  which  have  a  real 
bearing  on  our  present  situation  we  find  in  1782  a 
remarkable  organisation  of  Volunteers,  to  which 
reference  has  been  made  in  the  first  chapter.  They 
were  brought  into  existence  ostensibly  to  protect  the 
Irish  from  an  attack  by  a  foreign  foe  during  Eng- 
land's troubles  with  America  and  France,  but  they 
soon  began  to  appear  as  the  most  eloquent  factor  in 
the  appeal  of  Ireland  for  an  independent  Parliament. 
What  is  known  as  Grattan's  Parliament  was  the 
result,  The  Volunteers  were  disbanded  by  their 

170 


IRISH  ORGANISATIONS  171 

own  motion.  That  really  meant  that  Ireland  had 
thrown  away  the  weapon  by  which  she  had  gained 
her  success ;  the  fall  of  the  Parliament  was  only  a 
question  of  years. 

The  next  organisation  which  we  have  to  note  is 
that  of  the  United  Irishmen,  of  which  Wolfe  Tone 
was  the  leading  spirit.  This  was  a  secret  organisa- 
tion, for  secrecy  has  always  exercised  a  fascinating 
spell  on  Irishmen.  At  all  times  these  secret  organisa- 
tions have  been  infested  with  spies,  and  the  suspicion 
and  distrust  so  engendered  have  been  potent  causes 
of  disruption  in  nearly  all  the  organisations  that 
have  successively  held  sway  in  Ireland.  The  United 
Irishmen  flourished  from  1796  to  1798,  their  career 
being  virtually  ended  in  the  desperate  insurrection  in 
1798,  and  by  the  death  of  Wolfe  Tone  in  a  prison  cell. 

The  spirit  of  the  United  Irishmen  remained  in  the 
country,  but  in  default  of  any  leader  of  special 
character  and  talent  the  organisation  degenerated 
into  various  small  sectional  bodies,  of  which  the 
Whiteboys  were  typical.  With  varying  fortunes 
but  never  with  any  great  political  significance  the 
Whiteboys  continued  from  1800  until  about  I860.1 
Similar  organisations  were  those  of  Ribbon  Men  of 
various  types,  and  these  were  secret  organisations, 
even  with  an  excess  of  secrecy  as  far  as  the  rank 
and  file  were  concerned.  Many  of  those  who  were 
initiated  knew  little  of  their  own  organisation  be- 
yond the  names  of  those  who  had  introduced  them, 
and  a  vague  indication  of  some  higher  authorities 
from  whom  they  received  orders.  Such  an  order 
might  take  the  form  of  killing  a  man  at  a  fair.  The 
Ribbon  Man  had  to  do  the  work,  though  not  know- 

1  The  Whiteboys  were  first  founded  in  Tipperary  about  176J, 


172  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

ing  the  origin  of  the  order  nor  the  motive  by  which 
it  was  inspired.  These  organisations  were  sometimes 
perverted  from  their  original  intention  and  were 
cunningly  made  use  of  by  the  landlords  themselves 
for  such  ends  as  personal  revenge. 

A  more  serious  public  organisation  was  that  of  the 
Catholic  Association  which  held  sway  from  1809  to 
1829,  and  which  pointed  to  Catholic  Emancipation 
as  its  own  justification.  The  organisation  with  re- 
gard to  tithes  filled  the  years  between  1829-31.  The 
great  Repeal  movement  continued  in  force  from 
1840  to  1846.  O'ConnelFs  methods  were  found  too 
slow  by  the  fiery  Young  Irelanders,  and  the  move- 
ment really  ended  in  the  blaze  of  their  abortive 
insurrection.  In  1852  a  Tenants'  Rights  organisation 
was  formed  principally  on  the  initiative  of  Richard 
Finton  Lalor,  whose  brother  led  the  miners  at  the 
Eureka  Stockade  in  Ballarat  in  1854.  The  move- 
ment of  Finton  Lalor  did  not  attract  great  attention 
at  the  time,  but  in  his  propaganda  will  be  found  the 
germ  of  nearly  all  the  ideas  which  have  since  been 
adopted,  and  many  of  which  have  been  realised  by 
various  movements  of  land  reform,  and  land 
taxation. 

This  movement  was  followed  by  that  of  the  Fenians 
— the  Irish  Republican  Brotherhood — the  organisa- 
tion which  more  than  all  was  deeply  rooted  in  the 
spirit  of  the  Irish  working  people.  This  was  a  secret 
organisation.  The  most  active  worker  and  the 
acknowledged  leader  of  the  cause  in  Ireland  was 
James  Stephens.  He  was,  I  believe,  a  commercial 
traveller,  and  he  used  the  facilities  he  had  of  travel- 
ling from  place  to  place  to  found  on  sure  lines  his 
formidable  "  Brotherhood/'  The  system  was  simple, 


IEISH  ORGANISATIONS  173 

but  capable  of  development.  It  might  be  briefly 
described  in  this  way  :  A  local  leader  who  had  been 
initiated  would  enroll  a  number  of  men  bound  by 
oath  of  a  somewhat  elastic  character  but  with  the 
well-understood  indication  of  rebellion  when  the 
time  came.  This  local  leader  would  be  a  centre.  A 
number  of  such  local  leaders  would  again  form  the 
elements  of  an  advanced  stage  of  the  organisation. 
For  them  there  would  be  appointed  a  higher  centre 
represented  by  a  man  chosen  by  themselves  or 
appointed  by  higher  authorities.  Just  as  the  first 
leader  was  responsible  for  all  his  local  men,  so  this 
centre  was  responsible  for  all  the  local  leaders. 
This  system  of  building  was  continued  until  one 
reached  the  summit  of  the  system,  and  James 
Stephens  was  in  Ireland  the  leader  of  all. 

The  Fenians  in  many  ways  mark  the  beginning  of 
recent  Irish  history.  For  one  thing,  this  organisation 
practically  abolished  the  custom  of  faction  fighting, 
which  had  prevailed  for  centuries  in  Ireland.  No 
story  of  Ireland  is  complete  without  some  reference 
to  faction  fighting,  for  it  is  there  that  the  psychology 
of  the  people  may  be  well  studied.  Carleton's  de- 
scriptions are  especially  vivid.  He  does  not  forget 
the  humorous  elements  in  the  situation  either,  for 
it  is  only  an  Irishman  who  can  find  the  real  smack 
of  humour  in  these  wild  incidents.  The  feuds  took 
place  sometimes  between  village  and  village.  They 
were  arranged  and  planned  as  a  football  match  is 
now ;  indeed  they  were  the  sport  of  a  virile  people 
full  of  pristine  energy.  The  weapons  were  black- 
thorns, and  there  was  a  certain  etiquette  in  their 
employment  and  in  the  rules  of  the  game  generally. 
The  two  sides  fought  with  desperate  fierceness  but 


174  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

generally  with  the  most  perfect  loyalty.  Combatants 
were  often  killed  but  these  deaths  were  hidden  and 
the  law  had  no  hold.  I  have  met  men  who  have 
known  of  these  faction  fights  personally,  and  one 
incident  may  be  cited  as  typical.  A  leader  in  a 
faction  fight  was  so  badly  beaten  that  he  was  carried 
to  a  neighbouring  hospital  apparently  on  the  point 
of  death.  The  rival  leader  managed  to  see  him,  but 
only  for  a  moment,  long  enough,  however,  to  utter 
one  word  :  "  Secret."  The  other  who  seemed  to  be 
at  his  last  gasp  had  only  energy  enough  to  make  a 
sign  of  acquiescence.  As  a  matter  of  fact  he  re- 
covered and  lived  to  be  an  old  man,  but  he  never 
revealed  the  names  of  those  who  had  almost  done 
him  to  death. 

It  must  have  been  a  hard  wrench  for  the  peasantry 
to  give  up  this  alluring  sport,  but  that  fact  indicates 
with  what  a  tremendous  grip  the  Fenian  organisa- 
tion had  fastened  on  their  minds.  The  plans  of  the 
Fenians  became  shattered  before  they  had  time  to 
become  fully  developed  for  action.  And  so  it  hap- 
pened that  my  old  friend,  John  O'Leary,  was  sen- 
tenced to  twenty  years  of  imprisonment,  four  of 
which  he  actually  served  under  vile  conditions  and 
sixteen  of  which  he  spent  in  exile,  although  his 
actual  transgression  of  the  law  was  nothing  more 
than  technical.  Stephens  was  imprisoned,  but  he 
was  released  from  prison  by  means  of  a  daring  and 
romantic  plot,  one  of  the  confederates  of  which  I 
afterwards  met  in  New  York  where  he  lived  as  a 
reputable  and  popular  citizen. 

Stephens  returned  to  Ireland  not  long  before  his 
death  and  I  once  had  the  opportunity  of  meeting 
him  in  Dublin.  He  had  an  organising  head.  I  have 


IRISH  ORGANISATIONS  175 

seen  such  a  head  in  capable  business  men  holding 
under  their  control  a  complex  system,  such  men  as 
traffic  managers,  heads  of  departments,  or  the  like ; 
I  have  seen  such  a  head  in  a  great  German  chemist, 
and  in  a  French  mathematician.  Under  happier 
auspices  Stephens  might  have  been  a  man  of  science 
— a  well-shaped,  amply  rounded  dome,  a  forehead 
large  but  not  too  large  to  disturb  the  harmonious 
proportion  of  cerebral  activity,  nor  to  destroy  the 
symmetry  of  the  compact  frame  and  regular  features  ; 
a  countenance  not  particularly  impressive,  rather  re- 
sembling that  of  a  bearded  German  professor,  the  eye 
of  an  overseer,  still  marking  the  leader  and  indicating 
what  he  must  have  been  in  his  early  days,  a  man  of 
restless  energy  and  ever  busy  plotting  brain,  prolix 
of  detail,  yet  firm  in  carrying  out  a  bold  and  well- 
planned  scheme.  John  O'Leary  told  me  that 
Stephens  in  the  height  of  his  activity  was  an  im- 
perious, self-willed  man,  brooking  no  opposition  from 
subordinates,  critical,  intolerant,  bad-tempered, 
masterful,  impatient,  but  wonderfully  capable  for 
his  own  particular  work.  When  I  met  him,  how- 
ever, he  spoke  in  the  calm  reflective  manner  of  a 
philosopher,  estimating  with  judgment  the  value  of 
things  and  giving  his  opinions  with  ponderation  and 
good  sense.  John  O'Leary  told  me  that  that  was 
a  sign  of  breaking  up:  "When  Stephens  began  to 
speak  well  of  others  I  saw  that  his  will-power  was 
going ;  when  he  was  altogether  good-natured,  his 
work  was  done  "  ! 

I  will  leave  the  matter  with  that.  I  do  not  think 
that  I  have  attached  undue  importance  to  the 
Fenian  movement.  The  Irish  Republican  Brother- 
hood did  not  cut  such  a  wide  swath  in  history  as 


176  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

their  merits  warranted.  What  it  required  was  that 
after  the  work  of  organisation  had  been  so  far  per- 
fected some  greater  leader  with  a  new  kind  of  talent 
should  step  in  and  use  the  instrument  so  fabricated. 
To  compare  great  with  small,  as  Milton  says  at 
times,  it  required  a  genius  to  play  the  Alexander 
following  upon  the  Philip  of  James  Stephens.  But 
perhaps  the  difficulty  would  have  been  too  great  even 
for  a  Philip  and  an  Alexander,  for  the  framework  in 
which  Irish  physical  force  has  been  compelled  to 
work  out  its  destiny  has  hardly  at  any  time  held 
scope  enough  for  success. 

The  Fenians  were  followed  in  the  early  seventies 
by  the  Home  Rule  Federation  of  which  Butt 
was  the  leading  spirit.  Isaac  Butt  was  a  Pro- 
testant of  Conservative  leanings,  of  exceptional 
talent  as  a  lawyer  and  of  wonderful  power  as 
an  orator  even  in  that  land  of  oratory — Ireland. 
But  he  lacked  the  essential — force  of  character. 
Butt  was  always  an  impecunious  man,  although 
at  one  time  he  must  have  gained  big  fees  at 
the  Bar.  I  have  heard  all  sorts  of  stories  about 
him  in  Ireland  and  elsewhere  which  to  English 
notions  indicate  a  somewhat  "  racketty  "  or  "  harum 
scarum  "  existence,  but  which  to  the  Irish  mind  is 
rather  softened  down  by  that  atmosphere  of  sym- 
pathy which  we  find  again  in  Murger's  stories  of  the 
Vie  de  Boheme  in  Paris.  He  would  drive  up  to 
the  Four  Courts  in  an  outside  car,  and  arriving  at 
the  end  of  his  journey  would  fumble  in  his  pocket ; 
if  a  lucky  coin  turned  up  the  cabby  might  get  four 
times  his  fare,  if  there  was  no  coin  there,  and  that 
was  quite  normal,  the  cabby  got  the  smile  of  the 
Irish  leader.  I  have  heard  too  that  when  Butt  was 


IRISH  ORGANISATIONS  177 

arrested  for  debt,  and  while  locked  up  for  a  short 
time,  he  required  some  stimulant.  His  persuasive 
tongue  had  won  over  the  constable,  but  even  the 
constable  could  not  open  the  door.  Finally  this 
device  was  hit  upon — the  officer  poked  the  stem  of  a 
long  church-warden  pipe  through  the  keyhole,  he 
poured  whisky  into  the  bowl,  and  Butt  imbibed  it 
at  the  other  end. 

The  name  of  Butt  is  still  popular  in  Irish  political 
circles,  and  in  some  histories  he  is  held  up  as  a 
model  of  statesmanship  particularly  for  those  qualities 
which  indicated  his  lack  of  real  power.  I  was  once 
in  conversation  with  an  Irish  politician  who  was 
praising  the  qualities  of  Butt.  I  said  to  him,  but 
after  all  when  the  actual  events  are  beginning  to 
get  remote  and  things  are  seen  in  their  true  per- 
spective, history  demands  :  What  has  a  man  actually 
done  in  the  fabric  of  progress  ?  Now  what  did  Butt 
ever  do  to  advance  the  Irish  cause  ?  This  question 
left  my  friend  silent  for  two  or  three  moments,  and 
then  he  replied  in  a  characteristic  Irish  phrase : 
"  Dam'all !  "  That  is  Irish  for  nothing. 

Butt's  rule  was  succeeded  by  that  of  Mr.  Shaw, 
who  believed  that  the  best  policy  for  Ireland  was 
that  the  Irish  Party  should  show  itself  as  a  model 
of  behaviour  and  trust  to  the  good- will  of  England. 
Mr.  Shaw  disappeared  and  left  no  trace. 

We  now  come  to  the  part  which  really  definitely 
marks  the  beginning  of  modern  Ireland  ;  we  discover 
the  figures  of  Davitt  and  Parnell.  Davitt  founded 
the  Land  League  in  1879  at  Irishtown  in  Mayo.  It 
was  a  league  devoted  to  the  destruction  of  the  land- 
lord system,  and  the  means  employed  were  those  of 
"  agitation  "  as  it  was  then  understood  in  Ireland, 
12 


178  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

an  agitation  diversified  by  a  great  many  adventures 
of  an  exciting  and  occasionally  of  a  tragic  character. 
Meanwhile  Parnell  had  gained  a  complete  ascendancy 
over  the  Irish  Party  at  Westminster  and  at  length 
he  captured  the  Land  League,  although  at  the  be- 
ginning the  League  had  been  set  up  in  defiance  of 
Parliamentary  methods  and  had  become  established 
as  a  sort  of  rival  power  to  his  own.  Michael 
Davitt  who  was  the  most  unselfish  of  patriots  had 
imbibed  many  philosophical  notions  which  practical 
politicians  called  "  viewy/'  and  for  which  the  great 
public  mind  had  certainly  not  been  sufficiently  pre- 
pared. The  most  notable  of  these  was  Land 
Nationalisation.  Davitt  and  Parnell  came  into  col- 
lision more  than  once,  and  in  these  attacks  the 
stronger  authority  of  the  Parliamentary  Leader  bore 
down  the  opposition  of  the  Tribune  of  the  people. 
The  Land  League  was  suppressed  in  1881. 

In  the  meantime  the  organisation  of  the  Invincibles 
had  been  established.  This  was  an  organisation 
formed  by  a  small  number  of  determined  men  bound 
under  a  stringent  oath,  and  with  secrecy  so  close 
that  no  man  of  the  rank  and  file  knew  what  was 
the  source  of  the  commands  which  he  obeyed ;  the 
leader  was  known  simply  as  No.  1.  The  principal 
modes  of  operation  of  this  organisation  were  terrorism 
and  assassination  of  those  whom  they  thought  to  be 
the  enemies  or  oppressors  of  Ireland.  The  culmina- 
tion of  their  exploits  was  the  assassination  of  Mr. 
Burke  and  Lord  Frederick  Cavendish  in  Phoenix  Park 
at  a  time  of  day  when  a  polo  match  was  in  progress 
not  far  off  and  when  many  loungers  and  passers  by 
were  in  the  vicinity.  The  story  of  this  event  and  of 
all  that  arose  out  of  it  has  been  told  in  many  books. 


IRISH  ORGANISATIONS  179 

This  tragic  incident  threw  Parnell  into  consterna- 
tion, principally  because  in  a  moment  it  drew  aside 
the  veil  from  an  under  world  of  plotting  and  hatred 
of  which  he  himself  had  had  no  cognisance  and  of 
which  he  could  not  sound  the  depths.  As  a  conse- 
quence he  placed  his  resignation  in  Mr.  Gladstone's 
hands.  Reviewing  the  whole  circumstance  it  would 
seem  that  the  organisation  was  really  restricted  and 
quite  localised.  It  is  still  a  matter  of  dispute  as  to 
who  was  No.  1.  In  America  I  met  two  men  each 
of  whom  in  turn  was  designated  as  No.  1,  though  I 
am  inclined  to  think  that  neither  was.  The  verit- 
able No.  1  was,  I  believe,  an  ex-officer  of  the  Southern 
Army  during  the  Civil  War,  a  daring  fellow  who  had 
faced  death  in  too  many  shapes  to  be  daunted  by 
the  risks  of  such  an  organisation,  and  whose  whole 
style  was  calculated  to  impress  men  of  the  Joe 
Brady  stamp  and  make  them  his  unquestioning 
servitors.  I  dwell  on  this  for  a  moment  because 
when  Irish  agitation  reaches  a  certain  temperature 
the  rise  of  men  of  this  stamp  in  some  form  or  other 
should  always  be  held  in  calculation. 

As  the  Land  League  grew  in  power  means  of  action 
were  devised  which  had  not  at  first  been  contem- 
plated. In  a  memorable  speech  at  Ennis  Parnell 
affirmed,  though  he  had  not  originated,  that  system 
which  was  afterwards  known  as  "  boycott/'  In 
Kilmainham  Gaol  he,  in  company  with  others  who 
were  also  imprisoned  there,  signed  the  "  No  Rent  " 
manifesto,  although  as  we  now  know  Parnell  was 
brought  against  his  will  to  affix  his  signature  to  that 
document.  Here  it  may  be  said  that  the  image  of 
a  great  strong  inflexible  leader,  always  foreseeing 
events,  planning  combinations  and  movements  and 


180  IKELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

activities,  and  always  directing  the  movements  of 
his  organisation — that  is  an  image  that  did  not  re- 
spond to  the  reality  in  ParnelFs  case,  nor  probably 
in  the  case  of  any  other  great  leader.  Parnell,  strong 
and  dictatorial  as  he  was,  was  again  and  again 
carried  along  on  the  current  of  movements  of  which 
he  was  a  nominal  leader,  but  whose  forces  he  could 
not  control. 

Looking  into  the  matter  narrowly  it  will  be  found 
that  there  was  very  little  which  Parnell  actually 
created ;  in  almost  every  case  he  adopted  what  had 
already  been  set  on  foot  by  others,  and  as  we  have 
seen  he  was  not  infrequently  forced  to  take  a  part 
contrary  to  his  own  judgment  and  desire.  It  would 
be  equally  false,  however,  to  suppose  that  he  was  a 
mere  figurehead.  Whatever  may  have  been  his 
faults  even  as  a  political  leader,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  the  service  which  his  great  and  masterful 
personality  rendered  to  Ireland  at  the  most  critical 
stage  of  her  development.  It  is  necessary  to  judge 
of  a  man  not  by  undue  construction  of  any  passages 
of  his  career  or  incidents  of  conduct  or  character, 
but  by  the  complete  scope  of  his  accomplishment. 
Regarded  in  this  manner  Parnell  seems  to  me  to  have 
been  the  greatest  leader  of  whom  Ireland  can  boast 
in  the  whole  line  of  her  history. 

The  National  League  founded  in  1884  took  the 
place  of  the  suppressed  Land  League,  and  it  continued 
in  activity  till  the  "  split/'  which  followed  as  a  con- 
sequence of  the  revelations  of  the  divorce  case  in 
which  Parnell  was  involved.  Under  the  National 
League  the  famous  Plan  of  Campaign  was  evolved. 
The  original  suggestion  is  said  to  have  arisen  in  the 
fertile  brain  of  the  late  Mr.  Henry  Labouchere. 


IRISH  ORGANISATIONS  181 

Roughly  speaking  the  mode  of  procedure  was  this, 
that  the  tenants  instead  of  paying  their  rents  should 
put  the  money  into  a  common  fund.  They  thereupon 
offered  the  landlord  equitable  terms,  and  if  he  re- 
fused and  proceeded  to  evictions  the  combined  fund 
was  used  in  the  defence  of  the  first  victim  attacked. 
The  National  League  was  succeeded  by  the  National 
Federation  which  was  founded  in  1891  and  lasted, 
though  with  waning  vitality,  until  about  1895,  and 
that  again  was  succeeded  by  the  United  Irish  League, 
which  still  exists  and  which  is  still  powerful,  but 
whose  authority  is  being  replaced  all  over  Ireland 
by  that  of  the  Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians. 

In  Ireland  the  Gaelic  League  has  accomplished  a 
great  work  with  which  is  especially  associated  the 
name  of  Dr.  Douglas  Hyde.  To  recount  its  activities 
would  require  a  volume,  but  in  a  recent  number  of 
a  provincial  paper,  "  The  Waterford  News/'  I  find 
the  following  paragraph  which  seems  to  me  to  sum 
up  the  matter  concisely  and  well : 

"  In  1914  we  celebrated  the  twenty-first  anni- 
versary of  the  Gaelic  League  :  we  have  now 
completed  twenty-one  years  of  constructive 
national  effort  for  an  Irish  nation,  for  the  per- 
petuity of  Irish  sentiment,  for  the  realization  of 
the  great  ideals  of  our  forefathers  and  the  cause 
of  Gaelic  civilisation.  That  we  have  succeeded 
in  making  a  large  section  of  the  people  of  Ireland 
take  a  serious  interest  in  their  country ;  made 
the  grand  old  tongue  of  our  ancestors  respected 
throughout  the  land ;  knocked  a  good  deal  of 
the  gilt  off  the  shoneens  and  the  West  Britons  ; 
and  induced  a  number  of  wealthy  aristocrats 
to  do  something  positive  for  Ireland — is  a  mag- 


182  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

nificent  testimony  to  the  tenacity  of  purpose 
of  the  men  who,  twenty-one  years  ago  brought 
a  new  soul  into  Erinn." 

Of  all  the  past  leagues  of  which  we  have  made 
mention  since  the  days  of  the  Fenians,  none  of  them 
were  secret  except  that  of  the  Invincibles,  and  not  one 
imposed  any  religious  test .  Indeed  the  only  organisa- 
tion during  the  last  hundred  years  which  I  can  find 
having  any  definite  religious  stamp  was  that  of  the 
Catholic  Association  founded  in  1809,  with  the  ex- 
ception, of  course,  of  church  organisations  formed  as 
benefit  societies.  The  Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians 
was  originally  of  such  a  character,  but  gradually  in 
Ulster  in  view  of  the  intolerance  of  Orange  Lodges 
and  of  the  whole  system  of  Ascendancy  it  was 
thought  advisable  for  the  Hibernians  to  use  their 
organisation  in  the  way  of  direct  antagonism  to  these 
forces.  In  public  affairs  recently,  however,  that 
organisation  has  spread  to  the  South  and  West  of 
Ireland,  and  so  rapidly  that  some  special  cause  must 
be  sought  to  account  for  this  remarkable  display  of 
vitality.  The  expansion  may  be  found  in  part  in  the 
furious  attacks  launched  against  the  organisation  by 
Mr.  William  O'Brien  who  denounced  the  Hibernians 
under  the  title  of  Molly  Maguires.1  For  it  is  a  trait 

1  There  was  a  small  organisation  in  America  in  fairly  recent  times, 
the  members  of  which  entitled  themselves  the  Molly  Maguires.  The 
organisation  was  founded  in  1854,  in  the  anthracite  coal  mining 
district  of  N.E.  Pennsylvania  and  continued  till  1877.  Whatever 
may  have  been  its  origin,  the  organisation  acquired  influence  by  the 
successful  conduct  of  a  strike  of  miners,  but  it  became  known  at  length, 
from  1865  onward,  as  a  veritable  nest  of  bandits,  whose  aims  were 
robbery,  and  who  did  not  shrink  from  murder.  The  organisation  was 
very  secret  and  close,  limited  to  Catholics,  and  it  ruled  by  intimida- 
tion. For  a  long  time  it  baffled  the  State  authorities,  but  as  must 
inevitably  happen  in  such  cases,  espionage  and  treachery,  followed  by 


IRISH  ORGANISATIONS  183 

of  character  that  must  never  be  lost  sight  of  in 
dealing  with  Ireland  that  although  the  people  can 
be  led  they  always  refuse  most  obstinately  to  be 
driven,  and  as  the  Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians  is 
under  the  control  of  Mr.  Devlin  the  attacks  of  his 
political  opponents  were  taken  as  a  challenge,  and 
the  reply  was  the  extension  of  the  Hibernian  organisa- 
tion. 

This  was  of  course  not  the  only  cause  of  its  ex- 
pansion, the  near  establishment  of  Home  Rule  has 
undoubtedly  acted  as  a  great  stimulus,  and  for  two 
reasons  as  far  as  I  can  judge.  One  of  these  is  the 
natural  desire  that  men  of  good  faith  should  step 
into  the  positions  of  authority,  and  another  is  per- 
haps the  somewhat  vaguer  but  always  insistent 
feeling  that  the  new  Government  should  have  a  good 
backing  of  resolute  men  who  in  case  of  need  could 
provide  some  form  of  physical  support,  if  not  of 
"  physical  force  "  as  understood  in  the  former  and 
more  strenuous  times. 

I  do  not  speak  of  these  matters  with  any  certainty, 
for  this  development  of  the  Ancient  Order  of 
Hibernians  is  still  too  recent,  and  there  has  been  no 
great  occasion  yet  to  demonstrate  its  power.  More- 
over as  the  organisation  is  secret,  its  manner  and 
intent  can  only  be  known  to  the  general  public  by 
overt  acts  and  decisions,  and  such  acts,  for  the  main 
part,  seem  to  be  on  the  same  lines  as  those  of  the 

suspicions  and  panics,  brought  about  the  downfall  of  the  Molly 
Maguires.  The  break  up  was  greatly  due  to  the  firmness  and  energy 
of  a  master  of  industry,  F.  B.  Gowan,  and  the  determination  of  a 
detective,  James  McParlan,  who  joined  the  organisation  iq)  order  to 
learn  its  secrets.  Some  of  the  members  fled  in  time,  the  leaders  who 
could  be  seized  were  duly  hanged,  and  that  was  the  end  of  the  Molly 
Maguires. 


184  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

United  Irish  League  which  has  undoubtedly  ren- 
dered great  services  to  the  Irish  cause.  Many  of 
the  Irish  Party,  are,  I  believe,  members  of  the 
Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians.  I  am  not  a  member, 
because  at  the  threshold  I  have  been  stopped  by 
considerations  which  have  prevented  me  looking 
further.  The  Organisation  imposes  a  religious  test, 
it  requires  that  a  member  be  a  Catholic,  and  that  he 
give  good  proof  of  diligently  practising  his  religious 
duties.  I  resolved  from  my  first  entry  into  public 
life  that  I  would  do  whatever  lay  in  my  power  to 
minimise  the  asperities  of  religious  differences  in 
Ireland,  that  I  would  endeavour  to  secure  for  Pro- 
testants complete  equality  of  treatment  in  those 
cases  where  they  were  in  a  minority,  and  not  more 
than  equality  where  they  were  in  the  majority ;  in 
other  words  I  wished  to  see  the  question  of  religion 
placed  beyond  the  purview  of  appointments  to 
public  offices,  and  I  desire,  as  I  have  already  said 
but  which  I  may  well  repeat,  that  the  very  word 
"  toleration "  should  be  forgotten,  that  we  should 
cease  to  esteem  it  a  virtue  not  to  oppress  a  man  on 
account  of  his  religion,  and  that  in  the  place  of 
toleration  complete  independence  and  freedom 
should  be  the  law  and  the  spirit  of  the  people.  I 
would  rather  disappear  from  Irish  politics  altogether 
on  account  of  my  cleaving  fast  to  this  principle, 
than  win,  if  it  were  possible,  the  highest  place,  the 
highest  emoluments,  and  lustre  which  might  be  the 
reward  of  renouncing  these  principles.  I  will  leave 
the  matter  there. 

My  intention  has  been  not  to  form  a  catalogue  of 
Irish  organisations,  but  rather  to  indicate  successively 
the  prevailing  spirit  that  has  produced  the  principal 


IRISH  ORGANISATIONS  185 

organisations  of  modern  times  and  the  mode  of 
their  establishment.  The  detailed  history  of  these 
organisations  would  be  instructive,  but  it  would 
be  voluminous.  Several  books  have  been  written 
on  the  Fenian  movement  alone,  and  from  none  is 
it  possible  to  gain  a  vivid  picture  of  the  entire 
reality. 

The  Gaelic  Athletic  Association  is  a  powerful  body, 
but  though  it  is  not  unaffected  by  politics,  yet  its 
main  objects  are  sufficiently  indicated  in  its  title, 
so  that  it  is  not  necessary  to  refer  to  it  further  here. 

The  All — For — Ireland  League  was  founded  by  Mr. 
William  O'Brien  in  the  course  of  his  fight  with  the 
Irish  Parliamentary  Party.  It  includes  many  men 
of  influence  in  Ireland,  Lord  Dunraven,  for  example, 
and  its  objects  might  be  summed  up  in  the  watch- 
words :  Conference,  Consent,  Conciliation.  I  will 
not  enlarge,  for  it  would  be  difficult  to  approach 
either  the  persuasiveness  or  the  force  of  language 
with  which  its  founders  and  its  members  have  advo- 
cated its  claims. 

Quite  recently  another  organisation  has  sprung 
up,  and  has  spread  still  more  rapidly  than  the 
Hibernians,  with  a  rapidity  in  fact  which  reminds 
one  of  the  American  phrase  "  setting  the  prairie  on 
fire."  This  is  the  organisation  of  the  National 
Volunteers.  Their  creation  has  been  the  reply  of  the 
Nationalist  parts  of  Ireland  to  the  establishment  in 
such  extraordinary  fashion,  as  we  have  seen,  of  the 
Ulster  Volunteers.  The  movement  in  Ulster  was 
founded  in  broad  daylight,  not  as  in  the  traditional 
Irish  style  in  secrecy ;  on  the  contrary  with  an  ex- 
cess of  advertisement  which  in  the  early  days  con- 
stituted its  main  strength  and  principal  mode  of 


186  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

action.  The  object  of  the  movement  was  to  establish 
a  Provisional  Government  backed  by  physical  force 
sufficient  to  resist  any  attempt  of  the  Imperial 
Government  to  bring  into  reality  the  Home  Rule  Bill, 
if  it  should  in  the  usual  way  become  the  law  of  the 
land.  The  Ulster  Volunteers  were  recruited,  they 
were  equipped  except  in  regard  to  arms,  they  were 
drilled  and  paraded,  they  were  officered  by  Army 
officers,  they  were  controlled  or  patronised  and  en- 
couraged by  public  functionaries,  by  Justices  of  the 
Peace,  and  by  Privy  Councillors.  Their  leaders 
preached  sedition  and  promised  rebellion.  The 
Government,  duly  informed  of  all  these  proceedings, 
took  no  notice,  officially  at  least ;  they  were  again 
and  again  taunted  and  derided  on  the  floor  of  the 
House,  still  they  showed  no  sign.  Finally  came  the 
great  gun-running  exploit,  which  suddenly  changed 
a  movement,  picturesque  but  comparatively  harm- 
less, into  a  formidable  danger  for  the  government 
of  Ireland.  Though  the  threats  of  civil  war  were 
sincere  they  appeared  in  an  air  of  unreality,  they 
smacked  more  of  a  penny  dreadful  than  of  serious 
business  in  the  year  1914  ;  the  introduction  of  thou- 
sands of  rifles  and  millions  of  cartridges  and  the 
placing  of  these  in  the  hands  of  fanaticised  volunteers 
have  increased  the  chances  of  a  civil  war,  which 
may  be  as  fierce  and  bloody  as  in  the  end  it  will 
prove  to  have  been  futile.  I  do  not  say  that  such 
an  event  will  take  place,  or  even  that  it  is  probable ; 
I  assert  that  it  is  possible. 

The  gun-running  might  have  been  prevented  by 
the  exercise  of  a  few  obvious  precautions.  The 
Government  had  intended  to  take  steps  which,  even 
more  elaborate  than  those  necessary  to  prevent 


IRISH  ORGANISATIONS  187 

gun-running,  would  have  been  effective  in  preserving 
Ulster  in  peace.  Having  resolved,  they  began  to 
blunder.  Difficulties  arose  in  their  path — the 
created  difficulties  which  weak  men  always  find.  I 
will  not  dwell  too  long  on  this  painful  episode,  for 
it  would  wreck  a  pathetic  hope  of  mine,  to  hold  in 
entire  respect  the  wisdom,  power,  and  judgment  of 
the  great  figures  of  British  statesmanship. 

We  had  the  example  of  the  ruler  of  the  Army — one 
of  the  best  of  men — forced  by  circumstances  to 
plead  with  the  officers  under  his  authority  as  to  the 
extent  to  which  they  would  obey  the  commands ; 
we  had  vague  intimations  of  the  influence  of  higher 
powers  unnamed  if  not  unknown,  and  whose 
authority  we  could  only  guess  from  acts  unaccount- 
able otherwise,  of  responsible  ministers.  Parliament 
was  laughed  at ;  powerful  ministers  became  like 
pawns  ;  the  Government  was  turned  from  its  task  by 
the  cries  of  its  adversaries,  and  in  place  of  the  spectacle 
of  great  statesmen  coming  down  to  the  House  and 
asserting  the  Law,  we  had  a  succession  of  gentlemen 
explaining  incongruous  situations  by  improbable 
statements  and  assuring  the  world  that  at  no  time 
had  it  been  their  intention  to  do  the  duty  that  lay 
in  their  path.  And  when  at  length  that  admirable 
feat  of  gun-running,  carried  out  under  their  noses, 
had  laughed  them  to  scorn,  we  had  certainly  that 
promise  of  vindication,  which  never  materialised,  and 
also  a  speech  from  the  one  man  of  action  in  the 
Cabinet  who  roundly  scolded  the  Opposition  for  an 
hour  and  a  half. 

Such  no  doubt  were  the  reflections  of  the  lively 
youths  of  the  South  and  West,  who  now  form  the 
rank  and  file  of  the  National  Volunteers.  I  say 


188  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

youths,  for  though  the  Volunteer  movement  from 
the  beginning  had  some  notable  men  at  its  head,  Mr. 
Eion  MacNeill,  Sir  Roger  Casement,  Mr.  Kettle,  the 
O'Rahilly,  and  others,  there  was  such  a  spontaneity 
in  the  uprising  of  this  body  that  evidently  the 
Volunteers  acted  less  on  persuasion  than  on  their 
instincts  of  Irishmen  ready  to  fight. 

The  Volunteer  movement  is  only  at  the  first  stage 
of  its  career.  Who  can  foresee  its  part  in  Irish 
history  ?  Already  the  inevitable  "  fissiparous  "  ten- 
dencies have  become  manifested.  Undoubtedly  at 
the  beginning  there  was  amongst  the  Volunteers  a 
strong  infusion  of  the  Sinn  Fein  element  and  Sinn 
Fein  ideas.  At  the  same  time  the  work  of  the  Par- 
liamentary Party  was  reaching  a  crisis,  and  it  was  on 
all  grounds  inadvisable  to  divide  the  forces  of  the 
country.  The  original  Provisional  Government  con- 
sented to  a  joint  control,  admitting  nominees  of  the 
Irish  Party  in  equal  proportion. 

The  outbreak  of  the  war  found  the  Volunteers 
hesitating  as  to  their  line  of  action.  A  certain  pro- 
German  feeling  became  manifested.  A  considerable 
number  of  the  men  were,  however,  called  to  the 
colours  as  reservists.  The  move  of  Sir  Edward  Car- 
son in  offering  the  Ulster  Volunteers  to  Lord  Kitchener 
for  service  abroad  put  the  Nationalist  Volunteers  in 
great  difficulty  as  to  an  appropriate  reply.  Many 
impelled  by  military  ardour  joined  the  Army  in  the 
regular  way ;  the  great  majority  declared  they 
would  stop  at  home  and  defend  the  country  in  case 
of  invasions.  The  passing  of  the  Home  Rule  Bill 
again  changed  the  situation.  The  Home  Rule  Bill 
had  found  its  way  to  the  Statute  Book,  but  with 
the  condition  of  delay  of  at  least  one  year — twelve 


IRISH  ORGANISATIONS  189 

months  fraught  with  possibility  of  change  of  vast 
magnitude. 

The  Ulster  Volunteers  having  gone  to  the  war,  to 
fight  for  the  Empire  and  win  distinction  for  them- 
selves, would  return  to  Ireland  stronger  in  position 
than  ever.  It  could  not  be  expected  that  officers  of 
the  Army,  who  before  had  shown  great  unwillingness 
to  coerce  them,  and  who  now  hailed  them  as  comrades 
in  arms,  would  be  inclined  to  proceed  to  their  sup- 
pression. Such  being  the  conditions,  Mr.  Redmond 
adopted  a  course  which  the  great  majority  of  Irish 
representatives  considered  wise  in  advising  the 
Volunteers  to  go  to  the  front  also  to  assist  in  defeating 
the  common  enemy.  I  will  only  mention  an  early 
proposal  of  my  own  to  raise  an  Irish  Brigade  trained 
on  Boer  lines  for  service  at  the  front ;  this  project 
was  not  supported.  And  so  it  has  happened  that 
within  a  year  of  their  inception  the  Nationalist 
Volunteers,  or  as  many  of  them  as  have  been  influenced 
by  the  Irish  Party,  have  been  placed  under  the  com- 
mand of  officers  the  majority  of  whom  are  no  doubt 
hostile  to  their  foundation,  to  their  hopes,  and  to 
their  ideals. 

That  is  one  of  the  strange  contradictions  such  as 
are  met  with  so  frequently  in  Irish  history.  Many  of 
the  Volunteers,  even  whose  reason  was  convinced  by 
the  arguments  of  the  Irish  Party,  found  this  denoue- 
ment too  abrupt,  and  revolted.  Some  of  the  most 
authoritative  of  the  original  founders  of  the  move- 
ment issued  a  Proclamation  denouncing  Mr.  Red- 
mond's tactics  and  expelling  his  adherents  ;  he  replied 
by  reconstituting  the  governing  body.  Certain 
aspects  of  this  affair  will  become  clearer  in  considering 
the  organisation  of  Sinn  Fein.  I  will  say  candidly 


190  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

that  those  who  from  the  first  have  adopted  a  pro- 
German  or  anti-English  attitude  have  been  consis- 
tent ;  but  they  have  lacked  judgment  and  their 
policy  would  lead  to  disaster  in  Ireland.  That 
policy  is  a  policy  of  physical  force  and  rebellion,  but 
when  no  steps  have  been  taken  to  prepare 
rebellion,  and  when  no  effective  physical  force  is 
available,  such  a  policy  is  simply  mischievous. 


CHAPTER   VII 

SINN  FEIN 

No  account  of  the  present  situation  in  Ireland  would 
be  even  in  the  roughest  manner  adequate  if  it  did 
not  allow  full  weight  to  the  Sinn  Fein  movement. 
The  phrase  Sinn  Fein  may  be  here  interpreted,  it 
simply  means  Ourselves,  and  that  already  indicates 
the  spirit  of  the  programme.  In  so  far  as  it  holds 
out  a  hope  of  future  self-reliance,  Sinn  Fein  is  excel- 
lent, but  as  has  so  often  happened  in  Irish  history, 
a  good  programme,  good  intentions,  zeal,  ambition, 
self-sacrifice,  have  been  lessened  in  value  by  reason 
of  other  elements  imported, — narrowness  of  view, 
incompetence  of  plans,  dissensions,  recriminations. 
Like  most  movements  of  the  kind  which  have 
appealed  to  the  patriotism  and  a  sort  of  inner  spirit 
of  the  Irish  people  which  really  contains  also  the 
secret  of  their  ultimate  fate,  Sinn  Fein  at  first  received 
enthusiastic  support ;  it  promised  independence  to 
Ireland,  fostering  of  industries  and  enterprises,  the 
re-establishment  of  the  Irish  language,  restoration 
of  Irish  traditions,  and  even  old  Irish  dress,  and 
the  re-constitution  of  the  Irish  nation.1 

1  For  an  exposition  of  the  policy  I  have  gone  to  the  fountain  head, 
the  National  Council.     The  statement  begins : 

The  National  Policy  of  Sinn  Fein  was  outlined  in  November, 
1905,  and  is  based  on  the  principle  "  that  the  Irish  people  are 

191 


192  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

Here  akeady  in  the  very  attractiveness  of  the  pro- 
gramme we  find  ideas  tending  to  reduce  it  to  failure. 

a  free  people  and  that  no  law  made  without  their  authority  or 
consent  is,  or  ever  can  be,  binding  on  their  conscience."     It 
asserts  that  the  General  Council  of  County  Councils  presents  the 
nucleus  of  a  National  authority  and  urges  it  to  widen  its  activities 
from  the  exercise  of  purely  consultative  powers  to  the  formula- 
tion and  direction  of  lines  of  procedure  for  the  whole  Irish  nation. 
The  assertion  of  the  existence  of  an  Irish  Constitution,  the 
denial  of  the  legality  of  the  Union  incorporating  the  Parliaments 
of  Ireland  and  England  (acknowledged  de  facto  by  the  advocates 
of  Unionism  and  the  Home  Rule  Parliamentary  movement) : 
the  denial  of  the  right  of  the  English  Parliament  to  legislate  for 
Ireland,   the  withdrawal  of  voluntary  Irish  support  from  the 
armed  forces  of  England,  the  advocacy  of  the  establishment  of  a 
Voluntary  Legislature  comprising  representatives  of  the  Rural, 
Urban,  and  County  Councils,  Poor  Law,  and  Harbour  Boards, 
agricultural,  commercial,  and  industrial  interests  and  the  Irish 
members  elected  to  the  English  Parliament — these  are  the  main 
political  features  of  the  Sinn  Fein  programme. 
This  is  certainly  a  bold  conception,  but  the  programme  is  not  im- 
possible.    Something  similar  has  been  realised,  for  change  the  term 
Ireland  to  Ulster  and  the  National  Council  to  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment, and  this  part  of  the  policy  of  Sinn  Fein  is  seen  to  embody  in 
other  forms  the  principles  adopted  by  the  Ulster  Tories. 

It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  they  had  the  advantage  of  a 
Government,  which  as  a  consequence  of  its  neglect  of  duty  allowed 
the  administration  of  the  law  to  become  a  mockery.  Sinn  Fein  could 
never  have  counted  on  such  misfeasance.  The  Ulstermen,  moreover, 
had  vast  funds  at  their  disposal,  and  these  were  essential  to  the  carry- 
ing out  of  the  programme.  Sinn  Fein  only  asked  for  an  income  of 
£800  a  year,  and  this  modest  sum  was  not  forthcoming.  It  will 
therefore  be  seen  how  far  from  reality  were  certain  parts  of  their 
programme,  such  as  "  the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  an  Irish 
Consular  system,  the  re-establishment  of  an  Irish  Mercantile  Marine, 
the  development  of  Irish  Sea  Fisheries,  and  Irish  mineral  resources, 
the  control  and  management  by  an  authority  responsible  to  the  Irish 
people  of  the  transit  systems  in  Ireland,  the  nationalisation  of  Irish 
Educational  systems,  and  the  creation  of  a  National  Civil  Service  com- 
prising the  employes  of  all  bodies  responsible  to  the  Irish  people." 

This  is  only  the  outline  of  a  programme  which  includes  also  re-affore- 
station, arterial  drainage,  reclamation  of  waste  lands.  Most  of  these 


SINN  FEIN  193 

Nothing  is  more  captivating  and  nothing  is  less 
practical  than  to  talk  in  these  years  of  grace  of  bring- 
ing back  customs  and  traditions,  or  even  costumes, 
that  may  have  been  appropriate  to  an  Irish  nation 
one  thousand  years  ago,  but  which  take  no  account 
of  the  conditions  of  our  own  times.  In  the  brief 
glimpses  we  have  taken  of  the  "  good  old  times  " 
we  have  seen  many  things  which  well  might  make  the 
least  reflective  pause ;  it  is  only  necessary  to  point 
out  that  in  the  full  possession  of  their  system  the 
leaders  of  their  day  brought  the  country  to  ruin  and 
eventually  found  themselves  unable  to  put  up  any 
sort  of  defence  against  the  invader. 

Is  it  not  better  to  take  a  leaf  from  the  book  of  the 
Japanese,  who  are  desirous  of  preserving  their  race 
and  nation  and  of  guarding  intact  what  is  really 
essential  and  vital  in  their  ideals,  yet  who,  after  deep 
thought,  determined  that  they  must  cut  themselves 
adrift  from  many  fetters  and  strike  out  once  for  all 
resolutely  into  the  paths  of  progress  ?  They  were 
eclectic  in  their  regard  of  the  world,  they  studied 
other  nations,  they  did  not  hesitate  to  adopt  what 
they  thought  was  the  best  in  each ;  they  recognised 
that  our  modern  civilisation  differed  from  their  own 
and  other  great  civilisations  of  the  past  mainly  in 
the  works  of  science,  and  all  that  that  implies  ;  they 
set  themselves  to  work  with  fervent  zeal.  It  became 
the  veritable  spirit  of  guidance  and  of  co-operation, 
amongst  the  young  Japanese — the  ideal  of  the  ad- 
vancement of  their  country.  One  generation  sufficed 

schemes  are  excellent,  but  to  carry  them  into  effect  would  require  the 
expenditure  of  millions.  Some  of  the  projects  have  been  taken  in 
hand  by  the  Department  of  Agriculture  and  Technical  Instruction, 
which  utilises  considerable  funds  voted  by  Parliament. 

13 


194  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

to  produce  a  revolution,  a  revolution  none  the  less  im- 
portant and  far-reaching  because  carried  out  in  peace. 

I  saw  in  his  old  age  the  great  organiser  of  this 
movement,  Marquis  Ito.  As  I  looked  upon  him 
with  his  stunted  frame,  his  big  head,  his  Mongolian 
features,  his  yellowish  brown  complexion,  straggling 
beard,  and  muddy  coloured  eyes,  bleared  and  blink- 
ing, gazing  with  curiosity,  yet  with  an  air  of  always 
responding  to  some  constant  inner  reflection,  shining 
at  times  with  a  strange  light ;  when  I  looked  upon 
this  old  Mongolian  type  and  considered  the  gigantic 
work  which  he  had  performed  I  felt,  as  so  often, 
that  such  men  are  partly  inconscient  instruments 
of  progress — "  he  moulded  better  than  he  knew  " — 
and  I  felt  too  what  internal  resolves  must  have 
preceded  his  great  decision,  how  he  was  dragged 
back  by  all  the  traditions  of  the  feudal  system,  by 
all  the  memories  of  what  he  had  been  taught  as  the 
history  of  Japan,  by  all  of  the  contempt  of  the 
foreigner,  the  hatred  of  aliens  which  is  too  sedulously 
preached  to  all  of  us,  how  it  would  have  been  easier 
and  smoother,  and  at  the  outset  far  more  popular, 
to  be  carried  with  the  crowd  than  to  obey  the  inti- 
mations of  that  inner  signal,  than  to  fix  his  eyes 
steadfastly  on  the  great  ideal  and  to  march  towards 
his  goal  with  clear  purpose,  firm  step,  and  never 
flinching  courage. 

I  saw  by  his  side  a  young  count  of  the  Empire, 
tall,  straight,  handsome  even  according  to  our  Euro- 
pean model,  alert  and  cordial  in  manner.  I  con- 
trasted him  with  the  Marquis  Ito,  and  even  while 
admiring  the  air  of  progress  which  emanated  from 
his  personality,  I  could  not  help  feeling  he  was 
inferior  in  some  respects  to  the  great  leader  in  whose 


SINN  FEIN  195 

train  he  had  come,  and  this  feeling  was  not  dissipated 
even  when,  with  veritable  American  spirit  and  in  a 
voice  which  showed  me  that  he  had  imbibed  many 
notions  in  the  States,  he  said  to  me  :  "  I  will  be  busy 
with  the  Marquis  for  some  time,  but  I  say,  old  man, 
come  round  and  have  a  yarn  later.  The  old  boy  is 
not  much  of  a  man  of  the  world,  you  know,  but  I 
want  to  see  a  little  of  Paris." 

In  all  this  is  there  no  lesson  for  Ireland  ?  Is 
there  none  in  the  still  more  famous  story  of  Peter 
the  Great  ?  Is  there  none  even  in  the  story  of 
Cromwell  ?  Let  us  be  eclectic,  also  let  us  not  seek 
for  shallow  popularity  or  clap-trap  applause,  but 
let  us  brace  ourselves  up  to  the  full  to  the  duty  we 
owe  to  the  people.  At  the  outset  I  find  there  is  a 
great  centre  of  good  in  Sinn  Fein,  although  my 
principal  contact  with  the  movement  has  been 
through  the  reckless  abuse  poured  upon  myself  and 
also  on  the  Party  to  which  I  am  now  a  member ; 
but  these  matters  are  trivial  when  we  come  to  con- 
sider the  best  policy  of  a  Nation.  The  spirit  of  self- 
reliance  is  already  excellent.  The  spirit  of  internal 
development,  of  rehabilitation  from  within,  must 
be  the  animating  principle  of  all  projects  for  the  real 
advancement  of  Ireland.  On  the  other  hand  a  con- 
tinuous vituperation  of  England,  even  though  it 
should  win  applause  in  certain  quarters,  is  neither 
good  nor  just.  Even  according  to  the  valid  pro- 
gramme of  Sinn  Fein  itself,  when  Ireland  becomes 
developed,  when  Ireland  has  launched  out  upon  her 
own  industries  and  enterprise,  England  would  be  the 
best  customer  for  her  products.  To  allow  sterile 
quarrels  and  antiquated  hates  to  stand  in  the  way 
of  such  an  advantage  is  both  puerile  and  unpatriotic. 


196  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

The  Sinn  Fein  party  issued  a  newspaper  called 
"  Sinn  Fein  "  which  at  one  time  promised  to  be 
powerful  and  stimulating ;  it  was  the  successor  of  a 
paper  called  "  The  United  Irishman,"  and  that  was, 
I  believe,  the  lineal  descendant  of  a  journal  pub- 
lished in  France,  founded  and  edited  by  Miss  Maud 
Gonne  and  styled  "  Irlande  Libre."  "  Sinn  Fein  " 
was  edited  from  the  beginning,  I  believe,  by  Mr. 
Arthur  Griffith,  himself  a  good  writer  possessing 
many  of  the  qualifications  of  a  capable  journalist, 
but  apparently  lacking  in  that  which  is  most  im- 
portant of  all  to  a  leader  of  a  political  party,  the 
power  to  grow,  to  develop,  to  absorb,  to  assimilate, 
to  become  great,  to  lead  the  way  to  the  future. 

"  Sinn  Fein  "  at  the  beginning  was  a  very  lively 
paper,  rather  than  what  our  Yankee  friends  would 
call  "  a  real  live  paper."  It  scintillated  with  wit, 
it  glowed  with  humour,  it  effervesced  with  ideas. 
There  truly  was  found  an  "  outcrop  of  young  en- 
thusiasm " — Carlyle's  full  phrase  contains  the  word 
foolish  before  young,  but  though  time  and  fate  might 
afterwards  apply  that  term  to  "  Sinn  Fein "  one 
would  indeed  have  been  hard  of  heart  who  could 
have  said  so  at  the  beginning.  Yet  even  there  the 
elements  of  vitality  were  lacking.  The  outcrop  of 
brilliant  ideas  need  never  have  been  harvested  for 
us  in  Ireland.  We  have  always  had  more  than  we 
have  known  rightly  what  to  do  with.  Our  education 
has  always  been  too  literary,  not  sufficiently  scien- 
tific, and  we  have  always  been  too  much  inclined  to 
be  satisfied  when  we  have  given  emission  to  a  bril- 
liant idea  or  coined  a  rhetorical  phrase.  That  has 
been  the  bane  of  Irish  politics.  It  was  one  of  the 
causes  of  Grattan's  failure. 


SINN  FEIN  197 

What  I  would  like  to  see  in  these  leaders  of  Ire 
land's  hope,  such  as  Sinn  Fein  promised  to  be,  is 
something  more  of  the  training  and  the  faculty  of 
the  engineer.  For  the  engineer  having  decided  on 
a  work  to  be  carried  out  proceeds  then  by  a  process 
of  analysis,  to  which  certainly  he  is  helped  by  estab- 
lished rules  and  formulae,  to  work  down  until  at 
length  he  arrives  at  the  ground  on  which  he  stands. 
Then  he  develops  a  definite  programme,  in  which 
the  steps,  retracing  in  the  reality  his  analysis,  proceed 
from  that  standpoint,  and  where  everything  he 
does  tends  to  advance  steadily  and  consecutively  to 
the  structure  which  he  has  projected  ;  finally  in  this 
regular  and  methodical  manner  the  work  ordained 
is  completed,  and  then  we  hold  a  big  celebration 
and  give  vent  to  more  or  less  commonplace  expres- 
sions of  joy.  Some  leaders  of  Sinn  Fein  are  too  apt 
to  begin  with  such  expressions,  displayed  in  corusca- 
ting flamboyance,  but  leading  to  no  solid  work. 

One  discouraging  feature  at  the  very  beginning 
of  the  Sinn  Fein  movement  was  precisely  that  which 
to  its  followers  appeared  the  most  attractive.  That 
was  the  harping  on  the  Hungarian  policy  as  it  was 
called.  It  appears  that  at  a  certain  point  in  the 
history  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Empire  the  Hun- 
garian delegates  quitted  the  Imperial  Parliament, 
and  as  a  consequence  of  this  step  relations  between 
the  two  countries  became  so  critical  that  Hungary 
obtained  Home  Rule,  the  Austrian  Emperor  being 
styled  King  of  Hungary.  Sinn  Fein  argued  that 
Ireland  should  adopt  the  same  policy ;  that  is,  that 
the  eighty-three  members  of  the  Nationalist  party 
should  abandon  Westminster  and  devote  themselves 
to  the  establishment  of  the  Irish  Nation. 


198  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

There  is  nothing  more  misleading  in  political  ques- 
tions than  arguments  drawn  from  the  analogies  of 
other  countries.  It  has  been  my  own  fortune  to 
live  for  a  considerable  time  in  foreign  countries  and 
to  have  the  opportunity  of  noting  how  the  structure 
of  the  social  and  political  system  depends  on  a 
complex  of  factors  which  in  one  country  are  different 
to  those  in  another.  It  is  impossible  to  transport 
any  of  these  factors  or  any  combination  of  them  and 
graft  them  immediately  on  to  the  system  of  another 
country.  Moreover,  what  we  may  be  tempted  to 
admire  in  another  country  and  hold  as  characteristic 
may  indeed  be  characteristic,  but  may  be  precisely 
the  difficulty  which  that  country  is  endeavouring  to 
escape  from  in  its  onward  progress.  Thus,  for  in- 
stance, taking  the  model  of  the  mother  of  Parlia- 
ments, where  the  system  of  two  chambers  has  grown 
up  with  no  logical  plan,  but  by  a  series  of  historical 
incidents,  we  have  seen  the  same  model  in  its  formal 
aspect  introduced  into  other  countries,  as  in  France 
and  in  the  Dominions,  and  becoming  a  cause  of 
weakness  and  indeed  of  ridicule. 

Even  in  reading  the  arguments  of  the  late  Mr. 
Gladstone  on  the  analogies  which  support  Home 
Rule,  I  confess  they  seem  to  me,  though  I  agree  with 
the  ultimate  conclusion,  as  specimens  of  faulty 
reasoning  ;  and  in  fact  subsequent  history  has  given 
them  its  condemnation.  The  institutions  of  a  country 
are  not  only  determined  by  accidents  of  history,  but 
by  a  thousand  factors  in  the  character  and  the  tem- 
perament of  the  people.  To  make  the  analogy  really 
effective,  therefore,  it  would  be  necessary  to  analyse 
to  such  a  degree  as  to  make  plain  the  manner  in 
which  the  position  was  determined  by  these  factors, 


SINN  FEIN  199 

and  to  compare  these  with  the  correspondences  in 
the  other  country  point  by  point.  Even  then  the 
argument  would  be  precarious  because  there  are 
factors  such  as  the  temperament  and  aspirations  of 
the  people  which  admit  of  no  definition  and  which 
are  indeed  not  constant  quantities.  I  will  go  further 
and  say  that  while  history  is  an  instructive  study  to 
those  who  read  with  discernment,  and  with  the  very 
active  exercise  of  judgment,  there  is  nothing  more 
misleading  nor  overbalancing  to  weak  minds.  It  is 
pitiful  to  hear,  as  I  have  heard,  distinguished  Irish 
scholars  whimpering  on  obscure  facts  about  the  battle 
of  the  Boyne  or  on  the  persecutions  of  Elizabeth, 
and  drawing  therefrom  conclusions  tending  to  retro- 
grade moves  in  England  or  Ireland. 

To  come  down  to  a  point  I  think  the  Dublin  Sinn 
Feiners  failed  to  show  their  usual  wit  or  humour  in 
regard  to  this  portentous  panoply  of  the  "  Hungarian 
Policy."  When  the  Hungarian  delegates  left  the 
Imperial  Parliament  they  were  the  representatives  of 
a  people  hardly  less  in  numerical  strength  than  the 
Austrians  ;  a  people  accustomed  to  war,  trained  and 
armed  ;  and  they  left  at  a  time  when  the  position  of 
Austria  was  not  too  secure  in  regard  to  the  European 
balance  of  power.  The  departure  of  the  delegates 
simply  meant  civil  war.  It  was  like  the  withdrawal  of 
ambassadors  when  the  tension  between  two  countries 
is  at  breaking  point. 

But  translate  that  for  a  moment  to  Irish  condi- 
tions, and  look  at  the  matter  seriously.  I  say  seri- 
ously, expressly,  because  this  is  the  pith  of  Sinn 
Fein's  action,  and  if  its  general  policy  apart  from 
this  delusion  had  been  advocated  with  large  minded- 
ness  it  might  have  played  a  considerable  part  in  Irish 


200  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUK 

affairs.  The  policy  was  first  advocated  when  the 
Conservatives  were  in  power.  Think  of  the  feelings 
of  Mr.  Balfour,  as  Prime  Minister,  when  he  learned 
one  morning  at  breakfast  that  the  Irish  members 
had  gone  home.  It  takes  no  ordinary  Sinn  Feiner, 
but  a  mind  superior  to  the  sense  of  humour,  to 
imagine  the  great  casuist  thrown  into  consternation 
by  this  fact ;  and  it  requires  something  more  than 
the  artist's  faculty  to  picture  the  heroic  delegates 
returning  to  their  homes,  with  the  brass  bands  hesi- 
tating between  "  See  the  Conquering  Hero  Comes/' 
and  "  Nothing  in  My  Hand  I  Bring  !  '' 

Or  again  cast  the  mind  back  to  the  condition  of 
affairs  on  the  establishment  of  the  Union.  We  have 
heard  a  good  deal  of  the  iniquity  of  the  English 
Government.  We  ought  to  insist  rather  on  the 
ignominy  of  the  Irish  Members,  but  taking  the 
iniquity  at  its  worst,  what  would  have  been  thought  if 
in  addition  to  depriving  Irishmen  of  their  own  Parlia- 
ment, Pitt  had  also  refused  them  any  representation 
at  Westminster  ?  There  would  indeed  have  risen  a 
cry  to  make  the  welkin  ring.  But  that  is  precisely 
the  position  to  which  the  Sinn  Fein  policy  would 
reduce  the  Irish  people.  So  far  from  the  Govern- 
ment in  return  promising  them  autonomy,  or  the 
heaven-sent  boon  of  a  King  of  their  own,  I  am  in- 
clined to  think  that  it  would  begin  by  running  rapidly 
through  Parliament  a  Bill  for  the  redistribution  of 
seats  which,  without  any  compensation,  would  reduce 
the  number  of  members,  and  so  get  rid  for  ever  of 
the  tantalising,  and  often  dangerous,  opposition  of  a 
large  Irish  Party.1 

1  Sinn  Fein  at  one  time  held  up  as  an  example  to  follow  a  certain 
Marcellin  Albert.    There  had  been  a  great  falling  off  in  the  sale  of 


SINN  FEIN  201 

The  Hungarian  policy,  we  have  noted,  was  really 
an  intimation  of  war  in  reserve.    Such  a  war  would 

the  light  wines  of  the  South  of  France,  and  the  small  vignerons  were 
cast  into  dire  straits.  One  of  these,  M.  Marcellin  Albert,  raised  a 
furious  agitation  which  blazed  for  a  time  in  the  newspapers.  The 
popular  champion  made  his  way  to  Paris,  and  sought  an  interview 
with  M.  Clemenceau,  who  was  then  Prime  Minister.  M.  Clemenceau, 
ascertaining  that  he  was  "  hard  up,"  paid  his  fare  back  to  the  Midi, 
and  that  was  the  last  heard  of  Marcellin  Albert's  agitation. 

The  difficulty  of  interpreting  the  events  that  arise  in  a  foreign 
country  is  recognised  when  we  read  accounts  of  the  politics  of  this 
nation  as  seen  through  German  spectacles.  It  was  believed  apparently 
in  Imperial  circles  that  Ulster  and  Women's  Suffrage  would  prevent 
England  stirring  a  finger  in  the  war. 

Most  of  the  incursions  of  Sum  Fein  into  the  domain  of  Foreign 
affairs  have  been  unfortunate.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  great  Con- 
tinental war  a  section  of  the  Sinn  Feiners  in  Dublin  and  in  certain  of 
the  country  districts  favoured  the  cause  of  Germany.  I  have  even 
heard  proposals  put  forward  for  a  "  Triple  Alliance :  Germany,  Austria, 
and  Ireland."  In  what  form  they  expected  that  mutual  aid  would 
be  given,  I  do  not  know,  for  I  have  heard  the  same  people  ridicule  the 
notion  of  sending  Volunteers  out  of  Ireland,  and  assert  that  if  the 
German  forces  landed  they  would  defend  the  territory  "  inch  by  inch." 

Another  proposal  I  heard  made  by  a  representative  man  was  that 
in  return  for  Ireland's  neutrality  Germany  should  set  up  an  Irish 
Republic.  Germany,  however,  would  not  be  in  a  position  to  exhibit 
her  gratitude  in  this  form  unless  she  had  first  conquered  Great  Britain. 
And  if  she  set  foot  in  Ireland  she  might  show  resentment,  as  in 
Belgium,  to  those  who  contested  her  right  of  friendly  invasion,  and 
fought  her  "  inch  by  inch." 

Contemplate  for  a  moment  Germany  victorious  on  land  and  sea, 
treating  England  as  a  subject  province,  and  bringing  back  to  Europe 
the  mediaeval  regime  of  Kaiserthum — I  can  imagine  the  Teuton  to 
fear  God  and  nothing  else  in  the  world,  except  indeed  the  unquench- 
able aspirations  for  Freedom,  the  subtle  play  of  the  ideas  of  progress. 
In  these  circumstances  the  Irish  Republic  could  not  long  remain  a 
peer  and  ally  of  the  German  Empire.  I  do  not  write  in  any  aversion 
to  the  idea  of  an  Irish  Republic — Heaven  forbid — but  I  wish  to  point 
out  the  tendency  of  some  leaders  in  Ireland  to  refuse  to  see  facts,  to 
shrink  from  raising  their  minds  to  a  great  conception  if  it  runs  counter 
to  a  petty  and  personal  prejudice.  Yet,  though  sometimes  by  many 


202  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

have  been  disastrous  to  Austria.  In  conditions  of 
the  kind  the  policy  of  Hungary  is  generally  likely 
to  be  successful.  When  there  is  no  war  in  reserve 
and  no  materials  of  offence  or  defence,  such  a  policy 
is  not  super-statesmanship,  it  is  ridiculous.  It  may 
seem  strange  that  clever  men  should  harp  on  this 
string.  We  must,  however,  remember  the  words  of 

zigzag  courses,  the  common  sense  of  Ireland  eventually  finds  its  own 
manner  of  expression.  I  do  not  care  to  dismiss  any  movement  or 
any  phase  of  Irish  life  till  I  have  endeavoured  to  pierce  to  its  hidden 
spring,  its  true  psychology.  And  after  all,  what  lay  at  the  bottom 
of  the  pro-Germanism  of  the  Irish  was  no  especial  love  of  the  Celt  for 
Teutonic  ideals,  but  the  deep-rooted  dislike  for  England.  Let  us  face 
that  frankly.  It  is  too  much  to  ask  every  honest  peasant  in  Ireland 
to  be  a  philosophical  historian.  England  is  known  to  him  not  by  the 
glories  of  her  science  or  her  literature,  not  even  by  the  boasted  free- 
dom of  institutions,  subject  to  various  cramping  mediaeval  forms  and 
prerogatives  ;  England  has  been  made  known  to  him  by  the  arrogant 
village  police-sergeant,  by  the  red-coated  soldiers  brought  in  to  evict 
him,  to  demolish  his  home  at  the  instance  of  a  spendthrift  and 
tyrannical  landlord  ;  England  is  known  to  him  by  a  century  of  tradi- 
tion of  struggle  and  suffering,  by  popular  songs  and  stories  told  by 
the  fireside ;  by  a  feeling  of  resistance,  of  safeguarding  himself  by 
"  physical  force,"  or  when  this  failed  on  a  larger  scale,  by  his  own 
violence,  the  obstinate  rage  of  the  patriot  defending  his  patriotism, 
the  faith,  as  Michael  Davitt  called  it,  of  Nationalism  ;  the  instinct  of 
the  mortal  creature  to  resist  the  destruction  of  its  being,  its  indi- 
viduality. 

This  feeling  cannot  be  well  combatted  by  mere  brute  opposition, 
by  sneers,  nor  even  by  the  formal  show  of  reason.  Yet  there  are 
circumstances  in  the  history  of  a  nation  where  a  persistence  in  the 
mood  of  obstinacy  means  destruction.  A  way  out  must  be  found. 
That  will  come  in  the  feeling  that  the  clash  of  force,  the  petty  battles 
on  narrow  issues,  do  not  sum  up  the  life  of  a  nation.  A  derivative 
must  be  found  in  education,  in  progressive  enlightenment,  eventually 
in  science ;  the  horizon  must  be  enlarged  ;  not  hatred  to  England 
must  be  encouraged,  but  honest  rivalry  and  healthy  emulation ; 
and  a  destiny  must  be  pointed  out  where  the  great  qualities  of  the 
Celt  may  have  free  play,  even  though  it  be  eventually  in  full  co- 
operation with  those  not  less  great  of  the  Teuton. 

There  is  a  glory  there.     Forward,  Young  Ireland,  to  the  work ! 


SINN  FEIN  203 

Michael  Davitt  about  physical  force  as  a  "faith." 
It  is  perhaps  more  extraordinary  that  these  politicians 
should  have  found  an  audience  willing  to  listen  to 
them,  especially  one  so  quick  witted  as  the  Irish. 
Some  deep  explanation  must  be  sought  for  this  con- 
dition. I  think  it  will  be  found  in  something  not 
unsympathetic  to  lovers  of  Ireland.  It  is  the  feeling 
of  resistance,  the  desire  even  against  impossible  odds 
still  to  fight  on,  to  shut  one's  eyes  to  the  prospect  of 
defeat,  to  cling  to  the  last  shred  of  hope,  to  be 
prepared  for  struggle  and  self-sacrifice  rather  than 
definitely  to  abandon  the  spirit  which  has  animated 
their  breasts.  That  spirit,  it  seems  to  me,  should  be 
kept  alive,  but  it  should  be  guided  not  in  the  direc- 
tion of  disappointment,  but  to  an  avenue  where  there 
will  be  full  scope  for  courage,  energy  and  vigour,  and 
fruitful  reward  in  the  progress  of  Ireland. 

Then  again  if  there  had  been  any  remote  hope  of 
feasibility  in  the  Sinn  Fein  programme  as  sketched 
by  its  leaders,  it  would  have  been  defeated  by  the 
narrowness  of  view  and  petty  tempers  of  some  of 
these  politicians.  The  great  objection  to  physical 
force  always  has  been  that  there  is  not  sufficient  force 
available.  In  the  days  of  the  United  Irishmen  the 
fact  was  made  evident.  That  was  the  time  when 
Wolfe  Tone  and  his  confreres  were  plotting  to  make 
an  impression  on  Napoleon  Bonaparte  and  to  concert 
plans  with  Carnot,  the  organiser  of  victory.  They 
had  told  Bonaparte  that  there  were  four  hundred 
thousand  United  Irishmen  enrolled,  organised,  and 
drilled,  and  no  doubt  they  believed  it.  A  good  many 
of  that  vast  host  were  Ulstermen.  The  Ulster  man 
retains  the  imaginativeness  of  the  Irishman  with  the 
capacity  for  arithmetic  of  the  Scot.  Consequently 


204  IKELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

his  imagination  runs  into  figures.  I  recollect  a  good 
Ulster  man,  a  Fenian,  who  managed  to  preserve  the 
national  characteristics  of  a  fiery  soul,  encased  in  a 
solemn  appearance.  He  used  to  say  that  he  had  a 
hundred  thousand  men  all  of  good  standing.  This 
formidable  army  only  existed  in  dreams.  There  is 
nothing  more  fantastic  than  the  dreams  of  your 
stern  John  Knox-like  ironside. 

And  so  to  return  to  Bonaparte,  that  acute  young 
man  did  not  believe  Wolfe  Tone  and  still  less  the 
others.  He  had  an  instinctive  feeling  for  rameis, 
being  a  Southerner  and  capable  of  indulging  in  it 
himself  on  occasion.  But  mainly  he  was  a  man  of 
action,  and  he  knew  that  for  action  he  must  look  to 
the  reality  of  things,  and  he  had  already  made  his 
own  enquiries  and  worked  the  matter  out  in  some 
detail.  He  was  able  to  astonish  the  Irish  delegates 
by  throwing  into  the  midst  of  their  somewhat 
vapoured  ideas  the  exact  information,  which  was  new 
to  them,  for  instance,  of  the  state  of  the  cannon  at 
Waterford.  Had  there  have  been  many  men  of  the 
stamp  of  Wolfe  Tone,  Bonaparte  would  I  think  have 
done  business  with  them,  but  as  it  was  he  weighed 
the  chances  and  decided  on  his  Egyptian  campaign 
— a  still  more  grandiose  dream  of  which  in  history 
we  see  only  the  unlucky  tentatives. 

From  that  date  the  chance  of  Irishmen  pursuing 
the  policy  of  physical  force  has  steadily  declined.  Nor 
have  they  advanced  with  the  rise  of  the  Sinn  Fein 
party.  I  could  never  see  in  the  Sinn  Fein  programme 
any  attempt  to  create  or  build  a  force.  Certainly 
there  was  a  good  deal  of  what  the  Yankees  call 
"  shooting  off  their  mouths."  The  paper  "  Sinn 
Fein  "  was  generally  readable,  less  perhaps  in  what 


SINN  FEIN  205 

should  have  been  the  solid  parts  of  the  fare  than  on 
account  of  the  amusing  squibs  and  pasquinades  of 
the  irreverent  young  writers,  some  of  them  appar- 
ently aesthetic  young  women  or  advanced  damsels 
enjoying  the  first  fling  of  their  emancipation.  Or 
now  and  again  some  new  poet,  Padraic  Colum,  James 
Stephens  or  The  Mountainy  Singer,  essaying  their  first 
arms  and  giving  lively  promise  of  their  future  power. 
Then  again  the  inevitable  personal  abuse  and  re- 
crimination, and  then  sometimes,  athwart  all  this, 
something  that  made  one  grieve  to  see  so  much  good 
rendered  valueless — some  article  or  series  of  studies 
showing  sane  views  on  Irish  affairs,  displaying  a  larger 
conception  than  that  of  most  politicians,  a  veritable 
apprehension  of  what  the  life  and  activity  of  the 
nation  should  be,  or  throwing  forth  helpful  sugges- 
tions towards  a  great  policy  of  development. 

Then  again  Sinn  Fein,  this  expositor  of  all  that 
was  sterling  and  staunch  in  Irish  politics,  sometimes 
wobbled  grievously.    At  first  it  was  militant,  and 
apparently  anti-clerical ;    at  a  later  part  it  seemed 
to  revel  in  the  very  odour  of  sanctity ;    then  this 
mood  of  innocuous  blessedness  gave  way  to  over- 
tures to  the  politicians.     It  became  tentatively  the 
supporter  of  Mr.  William  O'Brien.    But  the  most 
fatal  flaw  in  all  its  principles  was  its  own  high 
standard  of  perfection.     The  morgue  britannique  was  a 
pale  complexion  of  the  soul  compared  to  the  pride 
of  the  Sinn  Fein  leaders.    The  exclusiveness  of  the 
Carlton  Club  withered  before  the  restricted  circle  of 
these  saviours  of  Ireland.     There  is  a  French  proverb 
— and  the  French  are  not  unlike  the  Irish — II  riest 
pas  de  pur  qui  ne  trouve  un  plus  pur  qui  I'epure.    It 
may  be  roughly  translated  :   There  is  no  high  patriot 


206  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

but  finds  a  higher  patriot  ready  to  call  him  a  hired 
patriot. 

And  so  watching  the  progress  of  the  Sinn  Fein 
party  with  no  little  curiosity  and  with  great  sym- 
pathy, I  have  regretted  that  the  circle  of  the  Brah- 
mins has  continually  decreased,  a  decrease  materially 
represented  by  the  progressive  exiguity  of  the  paper. 
Thus  at  the  present  moment  the  true  and  veritable 
saviours  of  Ireland  might  be  counted  on  the  fingers 
of  the  hand.  One  is  reminded  of  the  Scotch  parson 
who  declared  that  there  were  only  two  elect — him- 
self and  Tonal,  and  who  added  reflectively,  "  I'm  no 
sure  thus  o"  Tonal. "  This  is  excellent  for  theology,  but 
it  is  not  good  for  physical  force.  The  Sinn  Fein  pro- 
gramme was  magnificent,  but  it  was  not  war. 

I  remarked  that  the  Irish  were  like  the  French. 
A  French  politician  once  said  to  me  that  a  distin- 
guished philosopher  had  remarked  of  his  com- 
patriots :  What  can  you  do  with  a  country  where 
the  people  drink  red  wine  at  the  summer  tempera- 
ture of  thirty-eight  centigrade  ?  That  was  a  bou- 
tade  not  quite  fair  to  the  French;  there  is  a  great 
fund  of  common  sense  in  the  French,  and  Jules 
Claretie  said  that  common  sense  was  the  back-bone 
of  wit.  Translating  the  analogy  to  Ireland  we  find 
that  the  summer  temperature  is  not  so  high,  but  the 
pristine  energy  of  the  people,  to  speak  of  nothing  more, 
compensates  for  that.  Courage,  impetuosity,  in- 
trepidity, recklessness  to  danger,  are  all  excellent 
at  times,  especially  in  action,  but  much  less  in 
thought.  The  man  who  accomplishes  anything,  it 
seems  to  me,  even  in  the  dubious  paths  of  politics,  no 
matter  how  high  may  be  his  ideal  or  fervent  his 
aspirations,  is  he  who  in  forming  a  programme  thinks 


SINN  FEIN  207 

seriously,  whether  gradually  or  hastily,  yet  with 
judgment,  with  a  very  present  sense  of  realities.  His 
programme  and  his  suggestions  should  be  the  scheme 
of  a  reality  which  will  be  presented  in  the  march  of 
events.  A  programme  so  edified  is  best  even  for 
the  conduct  of  a  fiery  host,  for  it  canalises  their 
energies,  maps  out  for  them  the  conditions  of  vic- 
tory, and  eventually  adds  to  their  fire  by  a  confidence 
which  redounds  to  faith. 

Can  we  not  engraft  in  our  politics  something  of 
what  is  excellent  in  Sinn  Fein  ?  I  would  be  loathe  to 
leave  Sinn  Fein  with  a  depreciatory  word,  I  would 
like  to  see  its  great  principle  reverberate  through 
the  land,  I  would  like  to  see  its  little  paper  grow  in 
size  and  expand  in  influence.  But  I  would  like  to 
see  it  tempered,  not  with  coldness  or  the  mere 
shilly-shallying  prudence  which  the  politicians  call 
wisdom,  but  with  seriousness  of  thought,  sanity, 
judgment,  and  a  real  determination  which  springs 
from  a  grip  of  realities. 

I  oppose  whipping  up  hatred  against  England. 
Any  attempt  to  boycott  English  goods,  any  attempt 
to  foster  ill-feeling  between  the  two  countries,  is  to 
be  condemned,  but  I  see  no  reason  why  Irishmen 
should  not  hold  their  own  in  their  own  country,  grow 
strong,  not  merely  in  principles,  not  merely  in  in- 
tellect, but  in  position,  knowledge,  acumen,  and 
energy,  so  that  instead  of  trying  to  build  up  a  miser- 
able Chinese  wall  of  seclusion,  they  may  throw  their 
gates  open  to  Englishmen,  meet  them  on  equal 
terms,  beat  them  often,  take  lessons  from  them 
sometimes,  improve  good  understandings  always, 
and  eventually  in  mutual  support  find  that  each  has 
advanced  and  strengthened  the  country  he  loves. 


208  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

Mutual  aid,  co-operation.  There  one  strikes  to 
something  deeper  than  the  ephemeral  passions  of 
politics ;  there  we  find  a  principle  accordant  with 
the  universal  movement  of  all  things ;  it  is  in  the 
very  constitution  of  the  world  and  in  the  character 
of  life  that  therein  must  be  found  the  best  terms  of 
human  intercourse.  This,  which  is  true  in  the 
wider  scope,  loses  nothing  of  its  value  when  applied 
to  particular  cases,  as,  for  instance,  to  England  and 
Ireland. 


PARLIAMENT 

THERE  was  once,  if  one  can  credit  the  records,  a 
great  Parliament.  It  was  the  representative  of  a 
people.  It  was  constituted  by  a  single  chamber. 
The  building  was  grandiose  and  appropriate,  erected 
for  the  convenience  of  members;  not  they  for 
its  worship.  These  members  were  distinguished, 
moreover ;  they  spoke  freely  and  with  eloquence ; 
they  touched  deeply  on  the  stops  of  life ;  but  they 
came  to  practical  issues ;  and  in  one  brief  session 
they  disposed  of  a  vast  amount  of  business.  That 
was  in  Hell,  if  we  are  to  believe  a  certain  John 
Milton,  noted  in  Parliamentary  circles  as  the  secre- 
tary of  Oliver  Cromwell,  and  esteemed  by  a  few  as 
the  author  of  "  Paradise  Lost/'  from  which  poem  I 
get  the  reference.  Incidentally,  I  may  say  that  I 
have  come  to  read  "  Paradise  Lost "  as  a  sort  of 
spiritual  autobiography,  the  record  of  the  pilgrimage 
of  the  soul  of  Milton,  and  thus  I  recognise  the  charac- 
ters. Beelzebub  was  Strafford,  Belial  was  Bucking- 
ham with  a  touch  of  Charles  II,  as  to  Satan  he  was 
the  picture  of  an  unregenerated  Milton  himself. 

I  am  not  wantonly  introducing  discordant  images. 
That  vision  of  the  great  Conclave  of  Hell  has  helped 
me  to  keep  my  balance  in  the  Great  Inquest  of  the 

Nation,  as  I  have  heard  Parliament  called  by  two 
14  209 


210  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

remarkable  orators,  Mr.  Asquith  and  Mr.  Devlin; 
and  I  reflected — inquest,  doubtless,  because  it  sits  on 
so  many  dead  Bills. 

Irreverent  language !  Yes,  but  that  is  the  very 
point  to  which  I  mean  to  come.  A  man  has  already 
lost  the  sense  of  realities,  he  is  in  danger  of  losing 
his  soul,  when  he  begins  to  reverence — as  so  many 
Parliamentarians — the  very  furniture  of  the  House, 
the  seating  accommodation — none  too  good — or  the 
shabby  strip  of  dubious  material  which  marks  the 
position  of  the  "  Bar  of  the  House." 

Is  it  any  wonder  then  that  they  have  completely 
surrendered  their  intelligence  to  the  invisible  but 
potent  influence  of  traditions  of  varied  origins,  and 
that  they  worship  shams  and  humbugs  that  enthral 
their  brains  ?  Like  so  many  new  Saint  Augustines 
they  believe,  "  because  absurd."  From  this  point  of 
view  the  greatest  speech  ever  uttered  in  the  House  of 
Commons  was  Cromwell's, "  Take  away  that  bauble !  " 

Some  years  before  I  entered  the  House  of  Commons 
I  had  lofty  opinions  of  the  qualifications  necessary 
for  a  legislator,  so  much  so  that  like  Rasselas  in  the 
Happy  Garden,  when  told  all  that  went  to  the 
making  of  a  poet,  I  felt  inclined  to  say  :  Now,  I  per- 
ceive that  no  man  can  be  a  Member  of  Parliament. 

I  thought  that  the  legislator  should  be  not  only 
a  man  of  high  education,  but  endued  also  with  that 
philosophic  spirit  as  well  as  philosophic  training  that 
enables  him  to  know  the  values  of  various  forms  of 
education,  to  see  their  trend  and  development,  and 
the  relation  of  that  education  to  the  character,  re- 
sources, and  circumstances  of  the  nation :  I  con- 
sidered that  he  should  be  not  only  a  student  of 
political  economy,  but  one  who  had  so  well  and 


PARLIAMENT  211 

rightly  grasped  the  principles  of  that  science  that 
he  could  apply  them  to  every  problem  that  arose  in 
the  complex  development  of  a  nation's  industries. 

And  as  the  nation  spends  lavish  millions  on  arma- 
ments, it  seemed  to  me  also  that  he  should  make 
himself  so  far  familiar  with  the  politics  and  charac- 
teristics of  the  other  leading  nations  that  he  should 
be  able  wisely  to  interpret  events.  He  should  be  a 
travelled  man,  who  had  made  a  voyage  of  observa- 
tion ;  he  should  know  the  French  and  German 
languages  at  least.  Then  there  were  the  local  events 
of  which  he  should  have  made  a  particular  study. 
He  should  speak  with  gravity,  with  point  and  effect, 
but,  if  possible,  not  without  grace  of  manner,  or 
even  a  seasoning  of  Attic  salt. 

Above  all  he  should  have  character.  There  he 
should  be  all  steel.  Independence  of  spirit,  purpose, 
unflinching  integrity ;  these  should  be  his  charac- 
teristics, not  set  forth  aggressively  or  obtrusively, 
but,  like  Teufelsdrockh's  learning,  there  necessarily 
and  of  course. 

Now  I  have  come  to  acknowledge — and  I  say  it 
with  a  serious  sense  of  regret — some  of  the  qualifica- 
tions of  my  model  legislator  seem  ridiculous,  others, 
and  these  principally  the  gifts  of  character,  fatal,  or 
at  least  with  difficulty  conservable. 

And  yet  since  I  entered  Parliament  my  respect 
for  the  institution  has  in  some  regards  increased  ; 
for  instance,  in  reference  to  the  character  of  the  indi- 
vidual members.  I  have  found  them  as  a  rule 
serious,  well-meaning  men,  courteous,  accessible, 
and  helpful.  Moreover,  the  House  is  in  its  own  par- 
ticular mode  a  democratic  body.  A  man  is  judged 
both  on  the  floor  of  the  House  and  in  the  social 


212  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

intercourse  within  the  House — speaking  generally — 
more  for  his  own  worth  and  character  than  for 
adventitious  circumstances  of  wealth  or  birth.  I 
have  sat  at  the  same  table  with  an  aristocrat  of 
high  lineage,  and  a  democrat  whose  origin  was 
"  wrop  in  mistry  " ;  I  found  the  democrat's  con- 
versation the  more  interesting.  This  might  not 
always  be  the  case,  for  also  I  found  at  times  it  was 
possible  to  live  on  terms  of  social  amity,  or  even 
in  agreeable  commerce,  with  men  of  diametrically 
opposite  standpoints.  Why  not,  indeed  ?  In  the 
old  days,  did  not  the  duellists  salute  each  other 
politely  before  submitting  their  points  of  honour  to 
shrewd  thrusts  and  cunning  turns  of  the  wrist  ?  I 
have  walked  up  Whitehall  at  midnight  with  one  of 
the  fiercest  antagonists  of  the  Cause  I  advocate,  but 
we  did  not  discuss  politics.  Certainly  I  would  have 
made  no  objection  to  such  a  discussion,  but  it  would 
have  been  useless  if  not  vexatious.  In  important 
matters  the  opinions  of  members  are  not  changed  by 
arguments  in  the  House.  Once  indeed  a  distinguished 
member  told  me  that  a  speech  of  mine  had  turned 
his  vote,  and  I  was  astonished.  The  subject,  how- 
ever, was  the  exemption  of  dogs  from  vivisection. 

Yet  speeches  are  listened  to  in  the  House,  even  the 
worst.  There  is  no  assembly  more  considerate  to  a 
bad  speaker,  nor  is  this  entirely  a  case  of  "  class 
interest."  The  House  gives  a  member  credit  for 
sincerity — almost  pathetically  offering  him  the 
solatium  of  its  sympathy — and  it  is  earnestly  desirous 
of  knowing  a  man's  point  of  view.  On  the  other  hand 
the  House  forms  the  most  critical  of  audiences,  for 
it  has  heard  many  good  speeches — good  speeches 
according  to  its  own  special  standards.  And  it 


PARLIAMENT  213 

listens  to  speeches  with  an  intentness  which  at  times 
has  amused  me,  for  though  speeches  do  not  alter 
votes  they  do  give  indications  of  the  trend  of  those 
subtle  dynamic  currents  which  eventually  determine 
opinion. 

To  sum  up  then  we  find  in  the  House,  as  Byron  long 
ago  said  of  the  Lords,  not  many  orators  but  a  great 
fund  of  critical  faculty  and  a  strong  reserve  of 
common  sense. 

Yet,  as  I  have  looked  along  the  benches  I  have  often 
felt  how  inefficient  was  the  system  of  Parliament,  for 
I  perceived  so  much  energy,  and  thought,  and  good- 
will locked  up,  baffled,  cancelled.  The  Party  system 
is  in  great  measure  responsible  for  that  condition. 
I  have  known  a  member  of  great  natural  ability,  great 
experience,  devotion  to  principles,  come  to  me  and 
say,  when  I  expressed  regret  at  his  approaching  retire- 
ment, "  Oh,  a  dressed-up  broomstick  could  have  done 
all  I  have  done  in  the  House." 

I  think  on  the  whole  a  dressed-up  broomstick  would 
have  done  better  from  the  Party  point  of  view,  and 
have  been  more  appreciated.  A  dressed-up  broom- 
stick is  the  valued  Party-man ;  given  wealth,  it 
reaches  the  haven  of  the  Lords. 

On  the  other  hand  during  a  division  I  have  known 
a  Whip  to  run  after  a  recalcitrant  member  in  a  lobby 
and  attempt  even  with  force  to  bring  him  to  the  other 
lobby.  When  he  failed  I  heard  him  use  language 
which  was  not  only  such  as  may  be  covered  by  the 
term  "  unparliamentary,"  but  such  also  as  give  a 
glimpse  of  his  peculiar  standards  of  public  morality. 

In  one  of  her  stories,  "  Castle  Rackrent,"  Maria 
Edgeworth  gives  the  reflections  of  an  old  retainer ; 
to  wit,  that  it  was  very  honourable  of  the  landlord 


2U  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

to  vote  as  he  did,  for  it  was  altogether  against  his 
principles,  but  he  had  got  the  money  for  it.  This 
vein  of  irony  amused  me  intensely  when  I  first  read 
it,  but  time  has  apparently  blunted  my  zest,  and  the 
House  of  Commons  has  so  often  rebuffed  my  innocent 
impulse,  that  I  have  been  compelled  to  reconsider 
the  situation.  The  flowers  most  difficult  of  cultiva- 
tion in  that  hotbed  are — truth,  candour,  consistency. 

Special  standards  are  set  up,  a  special  jargon  has 
been  invented  to  set  in  relief  as  shining  public  virtues 
what  in  the  private  man  would  be  called  cowardice, 
hypocrisy,  denial  of  justice. 

A  distinguished  member  arises  and  declares  that  a 
certain  policy  is  fraught  with  various  ills,  of  which 
the  "  Breaking-up  of  the  Empire  "  is  the  least  terrific  ; 
to  follow  that  policy  would  mean  the  betrayal  of  a 
National  Trust ;  but  since  the  majority  of  the  Party 
have  adopted  it,  he  too  will  join  them,  and  they  may 
rest  assured  that  this  policy  will  have  no  more  zealous 
advocate,  no  more  loyal  upholder. 

This  is  the  condensation  of  a  type  of  speech  that 
is  always  received  with  applause,  and  which  it  is 
customary  to  designate  as  a  "  statesmanlike  utter- 
ance/' That  "  British  Genius  for  Compromise  "  has 
been  so  extolled  in  Parliament  and  on  the  platform 
that  it  has  become  regarded  as  the  chief  political 
virtue,  and  its  scope  of  reference  has  been  so  extended 
that  it  sometimes  includes  compromise  of  truth,  com- 
promise of  justice,  compromise  of  honour. 

The  whole  tendency  of  Parliament  being,  as  we 
have  here  seen,  to  submerge  the  "  private  member," 
and  to  erect  on  his  ruin  the  little  hierarchy  of  the 
Cabinet ;  what  sort  of  super-men  have  we  there  ? 
In  the  first  place  there  is  nothing  of  Plutarch's  men 


PARLIAMENT  215 

about  them.  Plutarch's  men  were  distinguished 
above  all  by  character,  and  character,  as  Plutarch 
understood,  would  be  fatal  on  the  Treasury  Bench. 
Let  us  hold  the  balance  fairly.  The  old  granitic 
character,  even  the  great  types  of  Cato  or  of  Timoleon, 
if  ever  they  really  existed  as  we  are  taught  to  conceive 
of  them,  are  gone  :  Your  modern  may  have  less  money 
in  the  bank  of  character,  but  he  requires  more  to  hand 
of  small  change  for  the  thousand  and  one  contin- 
gencies of  a  complex  world.  Still  less  are  the  men  of 
the  Caesar  or  Napoleon  type  suitable,  men  of  great 
and  daring  spirit,  who,  above  all,  want  to  accomplish 
things.  Here  is  a  distinct  gain,  you  will  say ;  we 
have  had  too  many  of  these  degenerates.  We  have 
reached  a  higher  stage  of  evolution,  and  it  is  right 
to  expect  of  us  some  finer  development.  And  yet, 
and  yet !  When  I  think  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  and 
cast  my  eye  along  the  Treasury  Bench,  I  am  almost 
tempted  to  revise  this  position. 

Napoleon  Bonaparte,  that  degenerate  representa- 
tive of  a  nation  that  we  were  taught  until  recently  to 
regard  as  inferior,  as  "  decadent,"  that  little  man,  I  re- 
peat, could  sit  in  his  cabinet  for  four  hours  in  the  morn- 
ing and  do  more  effective  work,  work  that  Englishmen 
most  especially  prize,  material  work,  the  building  of 
roads  and  bridges,  the  organising  of  departments, 
more  valid  work  in  four  hours  than  our  Parliament, 
apart  from  routine  matters,  accomplishes  in  as  many 
months,  or  even  years.1  Yes,  you  may  retort,  but 

1  Most  of  this  chapter  was  written  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Euro- 
pean War.  We  then  had  the  spectacle  of  a  rush  of  important  measures 
through  Parliament  with  maximum  speed.  Did  that  circumstance 
restore  my  respect  for  Parliament  ?  On  the  contrary,  it  seemed  to  me 
the  final  condemnation.  A  grant  of  a  hundred  million  sterling  was  passed 
without  debate  and  without  control.  Severe  repressive  legislation — 


216  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

he  was  a  wicked  man,  he  was  a  despot,  he  made  wars. 
Granted,  if  you  please,  with  every  crime  of  militarism 
and  aggression  that  reads  so  damning  against 
foreigners.  But  the  fact  returns,  the  stupefying 
truth,  that  this  little  man  had  accomplished  great 
things,  did  establish  large  and  enduring  works,  while 
our  statesmen  of  the  highest  grade,  our  stars  in  this 
great  imperial  world  gossip,  potter,  and  fumble,  and 
lose  their  nerve  on  the  problems  fit  for  local  councils. 
There  is  something  to  be  seen  to,  there  ! 

When  a  Tory  party  is  in  power,  the  Government 
bears  itself  as  the  director  of  the  nation's  policy. 
With  all  my  respect  for  the  Liberals  I  have  never 
been  able  to  attain,  with  regard  to  them,  such  a  high 
appreciation.  They  demean  themselves  like  servitors. 
Yes,  but  is  that  not  excellent,  servitors  of  the  people  ? 
It  would  be  excellent  if  they  were  servitors  of  the 
people,  but  their  attitude  is  that  of  sacrificing  the 
deepest  principles  of  democracy  in  deference  to  the 

I  do  not  say  that  it  was  not  necessary — was  sanctioned.  The  appoint- 
ment of  one  of  the  chief  officers  of  the  army  as  Minister  of  State  for 
War  was  followed  a  few  days  later,  in  the  absence  of  Parliament,  by 
a  virtual  coup  d'etat  under  cover  of  military  law,  a  coup  d'itat  none 
the  less  real  because  the  powers  were  directed  to  the  security  of  the 
country,  and  were  exercised  with  discretion. 

Nevertheless  this  abdication  of  the  rights  of  Parliament  at  a  crisis, 
this  vertiginous  legislation  in  an  Assembly  that  had  after  years  of  talk 
given  no  effect  to  its  conclusions  on  matters  of  great  importance,  this 
and  other  circumstances  connected  with  the  crisis,  such  as  the  co- 
operation of  the  former  opponents  of  the  Government  even  in  non- 
essentials,  opened  my  eyes  to  a  depth  of  pretence,  even  greater  than 
I  had  supposed,  in  our  current  procedure.  The  two  Front  Benches 
now  appear  to  me  somewhat  as  the  opposing  barristers  in  a  lawsuit, 
fighting  their  sham  battles  before  a  mystified  public.  Parliament  as  at 
present  constituted  stands  condemned,  for  in  times  of  peace  it  has 
proved  itself  a  monument  of  inefficiency,  and  in  times  of  crisis  it  has 
agreed  that  its  best  service  is  to  efface  itself. 


PARLIAMENT  217 

influence  of  some  unseen  gods  who  loom  above  their 
heads.  All  that  is  meant  by  class-consciousness, 
prerogatives,  traditions,  superstitions,  and,  above 
all,  that  sacred  radiation  of  power — court  influence — 
is  ever  beating,  as  with  subtle  but  remorseless  little 
hammer-taps,  upon  their  brains. 

Let  us  return  to  our  wretched  little  despot — even 
as"  Emperor,  be  it  remembered,  he  printed  on  the 
obverse  of  his  coins,  Republique  Francaise.  He 
electrified  his  army,  not  only  by  the  eclat  of  his 
victories,  but  by  this  phrase  of  more  thrilling  import : 
Every  soldier  in  my  army  carries  the  marshalFs 
baton  in  his  knapsack. 

That  was  over  one  hundred  years  ago  and  in  a  God- 
forsaken country.  How  far  have  we  advanced  in  a 
century  of  light  ?  Will  anyone  say  that  even  in  this 
democratic  House  the  soldier  carries  the  marshals 
baton  in  his  knapsack  ?  What  seems  to  weigh  most 
in  advancement  on  the  Treasury  Bench  is  family 
influence,  territorial  power,  then  wealth,  clever  sub- 
servience, and  finally  intellect.  The  complexion  of 
the  Government  is  shaded  by  that  indefinable  atmo- 
sphere, which — in  spite  of  ourselves  we  must  say  it 
— suggests  the  words,  parvenu.  Liberal  Governments 
in  this  country  always  carry  the  air  of  having  risen 
to  heights  to  which  they  were  not  born.  They 
approach  old  abuses  in  a  style  of  furtive  audacity ; 
before  prerogatives  that  flout  the  ark  of  their 
covenant  they  bow  their  heads  in  servitude ;  and 
the  glorious  principles  of  freedom  and  progress  that 
should  vibrate  through  their  souls  like  the  trumpet 
of  God's  angel,  they  defend  with  doubts  or,  with 
apologies,  discard. 

Thackeray^  says  somewhere  that  genius,  devotion, 


218  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

distinction,  seem  as  nothing  compared  to  calling  a 
duke  your  cousin.  And  I  am  uttering  no  paradox, 
but  merely  saying  what  my  term  in  the  House  of 
Commons  has  persuaded  me,  that  in  this  great  era 
of  progress  and  reform  the  most  potent  of  all  public 
powers  is  the  elusive  but  very  real  influence  of  the 
Upper  Classes.  It  is  felt  by  the  Cabinet.  It  seems 
to  have  transpierced  their  fibres.  From  them  it  is 
diffused  throughout  the  ranks  of  the  Ministerial 
Liberals  ;  it  is  felt  below  the  gangway  in  the  aspira- 
tions of  those  who  hope  to  seem  ministrable  or  ad- 
ministrable.  And  so  in  politics  all  ways  lead  to  the 
House  of  Lords.  The  few  who  are  immune  to  these 
influences  are  the  "  cranks  " — some  of  them — and 
the  Ishmaels. 

On  the  Front  Bench  the  great  men  are  not  more 
than  a  few — I  use  this  word,  not  I  hope  from  lack  of 
candour,  but  not  to  discourage  good-will  anywhere. 
I  see  many  clever  men,  especially  lawyers,  many 
able,  astute,  and  dexterous  men ;  few  intellects, 
fewer  still  of  what  the  Yankees  call  "  big  men,"  that 
is  to  say  men  of  character,  not  necessarily  of  the 
Sunday-school  type,  but  men  capable  of  seeing  things 
in  large,  men  capable  of  taking  great  decisions,  men 
capable  in  fact  of  "swinging  a  big  line  of  contracts." 
And  with  one  or  two  of  them  the  swing  is  capable  of 
carrying  them  to  the  other  side  of  the  contract. 

I  speak  in  no  bitterness,  still  less  in  condemnation. 
But  I  think  we  should  try  to  see  men  as  they  are, 
to  sound  their  motives,  feel  the  force  of  their  aspira- 
tions, and  to  measure  the  scope  of  their  accomplish- 
ments. 

In  this  way  I  have  learned  to  appreciate  to  the  full 
the  seriousness,  the  earnestness,  of  many  good  Liberals, 


PARLIAMENT  219 

their  public  spirit  and  unwearied  service,  their  atten- 
tion to  detail ;  and  their  judgment,  their  balance, 
their  common  sense,  even  their  "  moderation "  ; 
all  these  qualities  I  have  sought  to  behold  in  their 
greatness.  And  I  have  felt,  afar  off,  as  Byron  felt 
when  Hobhouse  dosed  him  with  Wordsworth's  poetry 
to  prove  it  better  than  his  own. 

The  vade  mecum  of  the  ambitious  young  politician 
would  run  thus  :  "  The  main  thing  is  to  get  in  some- 
how," as  a  famous  admiral  expressed  it.  For  truly 
success  covers  many  pre-electoral  sins.  Be  clever. 
Be  a  lawyer.  Regard  politics  as  a  game,  but  play  it 
keenly.  Make  a  serious  study  of  the  rules.  Pay 
great  attention  to  the  forms.  Saturate  your  soul 
with  the  respect  of  vestments  and  furniture.  Speak 
often.  Do  not  mind  boring  the  House.  Graces  of 
style  please  many,  but  render  nearly  all  suspicious. 
Vote  regularly,  vote  solid.  Be  polite  to  all,  not 
forgetting  your  opponents  ;  you  may  want  them,  or 
they  may  want  you,  some  day.  Never  think  deeply, 
but  think  actively,  think  in  detail.  Say  many  things 
to  injure  the  enemy's  cause,  none  to  hurt  their  feel- 
ings. Follow  well,  but  be  careful  not  to  be  taken 
for  a  sheep.  On  some  doubtful  occasion  pour  in  a 
broadside  on  your  Party,  riddle  a  Minister  with 
epigrams,  carefully  polished.  He  will  not  like  it, 
but  within  six  months  he  will  invite  you  to  dinner, 
and,  when  you  show  him  your  calibre,  will  help  you 
to  the  Front  Bench  at  length.  Here,  be  safe  rather 
than  brilliant ;  avoid  humour  like  the  plague.  A 
big  man  may  permit  himself  a  flash  of  wit  now  and 
then,  only  the  most  seasoned  can  dare  to  touch 
humour.  Beside  your  special  forte,  read  Blue  books 
and  magazines.  History  may  help.  Read  also 


220  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

Dickens  and  Shakespeare — the  public  like  quotations 
from  Shakespeare.  Avoid  French  and  German — 
you  might  be  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  without 
either — and  do  not  ever  travel  much  abroad.  A 
man  of  culture  might  well  lose  his  prejudices,  a 
politician  cannot  afford  not  to  keep  them.  Avoid 
responsibility ;  cultivate  this  habit  until  it  becomes 
like  an  instinct.  Avoid  facing  any  question  fairly 
and  squarely  ;  there  are  so  many  chances  in  politics. 
It  is  true  that  the  question  may  grow  in  danger  ;  but 
then  you  may  stave  it  off  in  your  time ;  so  much 
the  worse  for  your  successor.  Or  you  may  be  com- 
pelled at  length  to  deal  with  it,  and  your  own  repu- 
tation will  rise  by  the  magnitude  of  your  task. 

In  all  other  matters  do  not  be  disturbed  by  the 
moralists  ;  few  heed  them  ;  or  by  the  philosophers, 
they  are  not  studied  by  men  of  the  world.  Cultivate 
a  special  code  of  honour,  do  not  run  counter  to  the 
prejudices  of  others;  and  to  every  sham,  superstition, 
or  hypocrisy  you  meet,  doff  your  hat  with  respect. 

Your  great  chances  will  come  between  half-past 
ten  and  eleven ;  the  House  has  returned  from  dinner 
and  is  not  yet  preparing  for  sleep  ;  speak  with  argu- 
ment, if  you  like,  but  above  all  speak  with  point ; 
rake  over  what  your  opponents  have  said,  and  smite 
them  with  what  their  leaders  uttered  ten  years 
before.  Draw  them  to  interrupt — you  can  always 
count  on  some  Rupert  of  debate — and  slay  them 
according  to  programme.  Finish  with  serious 
platitudes,  and  on  your  strongest  note,  sit  down ! 

Here  is  our  man  well  on  his  way  to  the  House  of 
Lords.  It  may  be  objected  that  this  is  not  an  attrac- 
tive portrait.  But  that  is  partly  because  it  is  repre- 
sented in  bare  outline.  Cover  this  with  flesh  and 


PAELIAMENT  221 

blood,  give  it  spirit  and  vitality,  invest  the  original 
with  a  title  and  with  dignity  of  office,  let  his  name 
figure  in  honourable  fashion  day  by  day  in  the  news- 
papers, and  let  ten  thousand  acts  helpful  to  his 
career  attest  his  usefulness,  and  then  the  presentation 
might  well  appear  that  of  one  of  the  nation's  legis- 
lative heroes. 

Certain  it  is,  however,  that  even  from  a  House  well 
stocked  with  such  as  this,  no  truly  great  statesmanlike 
directive  force  could  arise.  Lovers  of  the  House  and 
upholders  of  the  present  system  may  well  be  content 
with  this.  They  may  say  that  the  House  should 
never  take  the  lead  in  movements  ;  that  they  should 
be  originated  in  the  country,  and  only  brought 
within  the  portals  of  the  House  when  forced  upon  it 
by  the  pressure  of  some  great  agitation ;  that  then 
the  House  acts  as  a  moderating  and  reconciling 
influence ;  that  in  the  event  of  measures  passing 
through  the  House  they  have  finally  nothing  left 
alive  but  what  is,  if  not  acceptable,  at  least  endurable 
by  all. 

That  is  what  actually  happens.  The  House  of 
Commons  is  a  great  conservative  force,  if  only  by  its 
faculty  of  delaying  progress.  But  it  has  other  retard- 
ing powers.  It  is  a  Constitutional  morass  into  which 
the  flood  of  a  popular  movement  loses  its  impulsive 
impetus.  That  again  might  be  advantageous  if  the 
House  was  really  a  model  deliberative  body;  but  it 
lacks  many  elements  in  that  regard. 

The  threshing  out  of  many  intricate  questions  by 
rhetorical  speeches,  punctuated  by  partisan  applause, 
seems  to  be  the  worst  form  of  deliberation.  It  is 
true  that  we  have  the  Committee  Stage,  but  the  con- 
duct is  similar,  when,  as  in  the  case  of  large  Bills, 


222  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

the  whole  House  is  resolved  into  Committee.  More- 
over, the  Bill  in  Committee  is  looked  upon  as  the 
field  for  Party  tactics,  and  the  members  vote,  often 
without  having  heard  a  word  of  the  debate,  according 
to  the  Party  Whip.  Let  us  consider  an  illustration 
that  at  first  sight  may  appear  far-fetched.  The 
Differential  Calculus  has  been  the  mother  of  innumer- 
able practical  works,  for  the  science  of  mechanics 
could  have  made  no  great  progress  without  its  aid ; 
and  so  finally  we  obtain  wireless  telegraphy — to 
cite  but  an  example — as  among  its  remote  offspring. 
Or  again  the  science  of  Bacteriology  has  not  only 
transformed  our  conception  of  medicine  but,  in  the 
direction  of  sanitation,  has  given  rise  to  vast  material 
works. 

Suppose  either  of  these  questions  had  been  intro- 
duced into  the  House  of  Commons  as  a  party  measure 
to  be  deliberated  before  600  members,  amid  perpetual 
comings  and  goings,  interruptions,  and  rounds  of 
applause.  Imagine  what  play  a  brilliant  speaker 
would  make  of  the  recondite  arguments,  the  strange 
nomenclature,  the  "  viewiness "  of  this  doctrinaire 
theory — the  Infinitesimal  Calculus.  I  could  imagine 
him  making  the  House  rock  with  laughter  on 
Differential  coefficients  and  the  absurdity  of  asymp- 
totes. Then  again  in  Bacteriology  what  abundant 
scope  to  shatter  the  Pasteur  school  by  the  sledge- 
hammer of  authority — how  a  powerful  orator  would 
roE  out  the  authoritative  names  of  the  scoffers,  and 
how  he  would  cover  with  ridicule  the  advocates  of  a 
theory  so  new,  so  disconcerting,  so  devoid  of  all 
precedent,  so  un-English  ! 

What  I  here  advance  is  not  altogether  fanciful,  for 
Lord  Brougham,  by  virtue  of  the  influence  his  political 


PARLIAMENT  223 

authority  had  given  him,  laughed  out  of  court  the 
undulatory  theory  of  light  as  expounded  by  Young, 
and  inflicted  material  injustice  upon  that  noble  man  ; 
and  later  a  whole  generation  of  ecclesiastics  attempted 
to  drive  Darwin  out  of  the  field. 

But  there  are  many  subjects  presented  to  our 
attention  of  which  the  full  investigation  is  as  complex, 
and  the  incidence  of  any  measures  as  various  and  as 
intricate,  as  those  of  the  scientific  theories  indicated 
as  illustrations.  I  need  only  refer,  and  but  for  a 
moment,  to  the  question  of  Tariff  Reform  in  con- 
nection with  which  much  instructive  material  has 
been  gathered,  and,  on  one  side  or  the  other,  not  a 
little  puerile  argument  offered.  No — Parliament  as 
a  debating  institution  is  ridiculous.  It  is  no  argu- 
ment to  say  that  it  is  the  best  that  has  been  found, 
for  popular  representation  is  a  recent  development, 
and  the  Parliaments  of  the  world  have  copied  that 
of  England,  and  without  much  discrimination.  In 
France,  however,  the  system  has  been  improved  in 
certain  features,  particularly  by  the  establishment 
of  Committees  and  Commissions,  not  for  discussing 
projects  in  the  style  of  a  debating  assembly,  but  for 
submitting  them  to  study.  There  is  a  great  differ- 
ence. The  French  people  have  also  been  able  to 
dispose  of  their  business  without  resorting  to  all- 
night  sittings  which  are  our  bane  and  our  glory. 
There  are  times  of  great  stress,  as  for  instance,  on 
the  eve  of  war,  when  an  extra  strain  is  inevitable, 
though  even  then  I  doubt  if  anything  is  gained  by 
these  hysteric  practices. 

But  in  the  piping  times  of  peace,  in  normal  months 
of  happiness,  or  the  possibilities  of  such,  I  have 
wandered  through  the  lobbies  at  two  in  the  morning, 


224  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

or  later,  and  still  more  exasperated  by  this  folly,  I 
have  gazed  upon  my  fellow  members  in  inquiring 
sympathy,  and  seen  them  looking  like  somnambulists, 
and  heard  them  talk  like  men  hypnotised,  and  I  felt 
that  they  were  indeed  being  hypnotised,  waylaid, 
and  seized  by  all  the  ghosts  of  the  lobbies,  ghosts 
of  the  ridiculous  precedents,  traditions,  superstitions, 
that  haunt  the  place.  And  on  one  occasion  I  was 
constrained  to  say  to  a  typical,  stolid,  John  Bullish 
member  :  "  No  people  in  the  world  can  beat  the 
British  for  common  sense.  If  we  never  performed 
these  tricks,  and  the  French  did  often,  they  would 
be  laughed  out  of  Europe."  A  Cabinet  Minister, 
however,  muttered  confidentially:  "It's  all  right. 
We  have  big  things  coming." 

In  that  hope  I  resumed  my  pilgrimage ;  and  in 
that  hope  my  pilgrimage  continues.  Walking  through 
a  lobby  may  not  seem  the  best  way,  especially  when, 
in  the  Committee  Stage,  we  may  have  twenty 
divisions  following  each  other  so  rapidly  that  nothing 
serious  can  be  done  in  the  intervals,  and  we  thus 
spend  hours  in  walking,  treading  down  obstructions 
in  the  form  of  amendments  proposed. 

Yet  it  is  in  these  little  adventurous  happenings 
that  a  veritable  strength  is  added  to  Parliament. 
Rubbing  shoulders  in  the  Lobby  members  get  to 
know  each  other.  At  times  while  sitting  on  the 
benches  in  the  lobbies  they  exchange  confidences. 
There  are  moments  which  are  propitious  for  heart 
openings.  Such  are  found,  for  instance,  in  that  in- 
tellectual calm  when  leaning  over  the  taffrail  in  the 
doldrums,  and  such  too  in  that  mental  debility  in 
the  vacuous  hours  after  midnight.  The  conventional 
barriers  break  down,  and  the  wandering  spirit  seeks 


PABLIAMENT  225 

a  resting-place.  So  it  is  that  members  have  told  me 
of  gossip,  anxieties,  matters  that  have  lain  close  to 
their  souls,  financial  troubles,  paternal  hopes,  diffi- 
culties at  golf,  marital  problems,  the  temptation  of 
honours,  the  doubts  of  a  future  state. 

And  all  this  while,  as  my  Napoleonic  friend  assured 
me,  we  were  on  the  eve  of  big  things,  and  the  while 
we  voted,  we  knew  not  what,  like  men  in  a  dream. 
For  above  all  we  are  a  practical  people. 

I  have  tried  not  to  be  led  away  by  partiality  for 
this  Institution  which  we  all  admire,  this  collection 
of  admirable  men,  this  giant  Mill  of  Gossip,  this  Sink- 
ing Fund  of  common  sense,  this  Break  Water  of 
popular  passions,  this  Repository  of  traditions  which 
parade  now  like  opera  bouffe  ghosts. 

If  I  were  asked,  did  I  think  the  setting  up  of  such 
an  Institution  in  Dublin  to  be  the  consummation  of 
Ireland's  endeavours,  I  would  say,  No.  We  have 
been  deluded  to  some  extent  by  the  vision  of 
"  Grattan's "  Parliament,  that  imperfect  invention 
which  closed  its  career  in  obluquy.  Still  less  am  I 
enamoured  of  the  Senate,  that  pinch-beck  imitation 
of  the  House  of  Lords. 

It  has  not  even  the  support  of  the  famous  argu- 
ment of  "  growth,"  that  word  that  comes  so  freely 
to  the  relief  of  argument  when  the  House  of  Lords 
is  discussed,  as  though  indeed,  with  the  green  bay 
tree  still  flourishing,  we  are  to  believe  that  nothing 
noxious  ever  grew,  and  that  nothing  superfluous 
can  be  kept  alive. 

When  the  Parliament  Act  was  under  debate  I 
could  not  for  the  life  of  me  understand  how  an  in- 
stitution could  be  vital  to  the  state  for  three  sessions, 
and  become  useless  for  four ;  how  it  was  essential 
15 


226  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

that  it  should  pronounce  on  our  Bills,  but  that  when 
it  pronounced  with  reiteration,  its  verdict  should  be 
disregarded.  The  House  of  Lords  either  has  or  has  not 
a  mandate,  or  a  legitimate  prerogative  entitling  it  to 
revise  our  legislation.  If  it  has,  then  the  mere  fact 
of  consistent  exercise  should  not  cause  its  forfeiture. 
If  it  has  not,  then  its  supervision,  or  its  veto,  should 
be  abolished. 

This  is  doctrinaire,  not  in  the  spirit  of  politics.  It 
is  sometimes  offensive  in  politics  to  say  that  two  and 
two  make  four.  At  any  rate  the  effect  of  the  Parlia- 
ment Act  has  been  that  it  kept  the  Home  Rule  Bill 
in  being — and  incidentally  the  Government  in  Office 
— for  years ;  we  find  now  that  nothing  definitely 
conclusive  has  been  done ;  that  the  Bill  so  carefully 
drafted  by  the  Government,  so  valorously  cham- 
pioned, so  terribly  tried  in  the  ordeal  of  public 
opinion,  must  be  vitally  changed.  The  fact  is  that 
the  Parliament  Act  was  steeped  in  low  motives,  if 
not  dishonest  intent.  The  House  of  Lords  should 
either  have  been  left  to  the  enjoyment  of  its  preroga- 
tives, if  they  were  lawful ;  or  if,  I  take  it,  they  w^ere 
a  usurpation,  the  whole  edifice  of  their  power  should 
have  been  razed  to  the  ground.  But  all  the  chicanery 
of  politics  intervened,  and  we  had  this  Revolutionary 
Government  stemming  the  tide  of  democracy,  search- 
ing for  precedents,  and  filling  our  souls  with  flatulence 
in  vacuous  pleas  of  Constitutional  law. 

In  Parliament  things  are  not  what  they  seem ; 
nothing  is  more  misleading  here  than  to  take  matters 
at  their  face  value.  It  requires  a  little  deeper 
psychology  to  pierce  down  to  the  real  motive  force, 
to  find  the  mechanism  that  convinces  by  its  real 
strength  and  cogency.  Let  us  take  one  example. 


PARLIAMENT  227 

The  gun-running  exploit  electrified  us  all.  It  was 
serious  politically,  but  there  was  also  a  strong  flavour 
of  Irish  resource  and  dash  that  almost  made  a 
Home  Ruler  applaud.  The  Government  had  had 
ample  warning.  The  precautionary  measures  would 
have  been  simple.  Our  rulers  did  at  one  time  show  a 
tendency  to  adopt  them,  but,  alarmed  at  the  outcry 
of  their  opponents,  they  came  down  to  the  House 
explaining  in  elaborate  apologetics.  The  House  was 
still  unconvinced  until  the  Fanny  had  landed  her 
rifles.  I  remember  the  attitude  of  the  Prime  Minister 
when  he  came  forward  to  the  table  to  vindicate  the 
outraged  majesty  of  the  law.  He  looked  like  an 
outraged  majesty  himself.  He  spoke  like  a  Roman 
Senator  of  the  austere  Republican  days.  In  words, 
not  many,  but  clear-cut,  wrought  of  granite  mould, 
he  pledged  himself  to  punish  this  crime. 

To  the  Nationalists  especially  those  words  must 
have  come  home  with  peculiar  force.  Mr.  Asquith 
in  the  past  had  again  and  again  shown  himself  a 
man  of  iron  in  regard  to  Irishmen  imprisoned  for 
participating  in  movements  of  physical  force.  Yet 
as  I  listened  to  these  words  I  remembered  his  atti- 
tude of  old  without  ill-will.  Here  at  last  we  had  a 
touch  of  that  austere  Roman  virtue  of  a  Plutarch's 
man,  here  was  one  in  whom  the  feeling  for  justice  has 
become  a  passion,  a  passion  none  the  less  profound 
because  expressed  in  tempered  tones.  And  there 
arose  in  my  mind  a  conception  of  the  stern  majesty 
of  the  law,  that  thick-walled  buttress  of  the  nation, 
that  palladium  of  a  people,  the  greatest  of  all  posses- 
sions. And  I  thought  that  the  national  respect,  the 
inherent  confidence  in  the  law  of  England,  redounded 
to  the  honour  of  the  English  name. 


228  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

Here  was  a  case,  moreover,  in  which  the  culprits 
were  no  friendless  Irishmen,  mere  enthusiasts  or  what 
not  of  riff-raff,  but  guardians  of  the  law,  Privy  Coun- 
cillors, associates  even  of  those  who  wear  the  Garter 
itself  !  So  much  the  greater  glory  to  the  man  whose 
acts  would  maintain  the  proud  boast  of  England 
that  there  is  one  law  only,  one  law  for  poor  and  rich 
alike.  Not  the  Garter  itself  is  a  buckler  against  its 
dread,  unerring  justice.  Mr.  Asquith  indeed  stood 
high ;  I  beheld  a  vision  of  enlightened  powers,  that 
made  Brutus  a  twilight  saint,  a  massive  strength  that 
dwarfed  the  form  of  Calo  himself.  Happy  England, 
art  thou  free  and  grand. 

Let  me  enjoy  this  for  a  moment.  There  is  no 
reader  so  cold  as  to  deny  me  that  high  pleasure.  For 
again  and  again,  stricken  by  some  incongruity  of  the 
British  Constitution,  my  Australian  irreverence  or 
Irish  levity  has  carried  me  away,  and  yet,  with  what 
pathetic  effort  I  have  returned,  determined  to  re- 
spect, to  admire,  to  rise  on  stepping-stones  to  the 
contemplation  of  virtues  higher  than  my  race,  higher 
than  my  destiny,  higher  than  my  hope.  And  there 
— at  last  I  beheld  the  realisation  there  embodied, 
there  in  that  figure  of  oak,  that  face  of  bronze,  that 
soul  of  granite  strength 

Here  I  must  pause !  A  musing  mood  has  fallen 
on  me,  and  athwart  my  moral  sense  come  those  lines 
of  a  young  poet : 

To  bear  all  naked  truths 

And  to  envisage  circumstance,  all  calm, 
That  is  the  top  of  sovereignty. 

These  are  lines  of  Keats,  who  afterwards  wrote :    / 
have  no  depth  to  strike  in.    And  in  my  mind  has 


PARLIAMENT  229 

become  associated  these  two  passages,  the  divine 
spirit  of  truth ;  the  fate  of  its  inspired  interpreter. 
And  now  I  return  to  the  Prime  Minister.  Mr.  Asquith 
did  not  vindicate  the  outraged  majesty  of  the  law. 
He  let  the  law  go  hang.  He  thought  of  the  ex- 
pediencies of  politics  ;  he  talked  of  the  discretion  of 
the  executive.  Where  was  the  adamantine  soul  ? 
Washed  out  .  .  .  Brutus  ?  Gone  .  .  .  Cato  ?  A  dis- 
concerting crank.  And  to  me,  alas,  the  Sisyphean 
task  of  rolling  up  the  hill  my  respect  for  great 
granitic  characters. 

I  have  no  desire  to  attach  importance  to  this  little 
episode,  one  of  those  innumerable  little  troubles  of 
a  Prime  Minister's  career,  of  which  the  successful 
negotiation  earns  the  praise  of  "  strategist,"  "  ex- 
perienced leader,"  "  great  parliamentarian."  There 
is  a  special  atmosphere  in  the  House,  and  there  are 
special  standards. 

Not  long  ago  an  intellectual  Liberal  speaking  to 
me  of  a  distinguished  Liberal  complained  :  '  When 
Liberal  ideas  are  advocated  he  seems  wounded." 
That  indicates  a  certain  divergence  of  opinion  as  to 
the  meaning  of  Liberal,  and  recalls  an  incident  with 
which  I  will  close  these  references.  When  I  first 
came  to  London  I  was  asked  to  write  an  article  for 
a  Scottish  newspaper  to  "  boom  "  Lord  Kosebery  for 
the  Premiership.  I  had  never  seen  Lord  Rosebery, 
and  what  I  knew  of  him  had  not  made  me  an  en- 
thusiastic partisan  of  his  claims.  I  had  also  resolved 
that  I  would  never  write  anything  for  the  Press  which 
I  did  not  believe.  I  solved  the  difficulty  by  calling 
to  my  aid  a  spirit. 

I  brought  together  all  the  facts  that  seemed  to  me 
to  militate  against  the  candidature  of  tjie  noble  Lord? 


230  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

and  I  insisted  on  these  with  unction — his  title,  his 
pride  in  his  title,  as  lifting  him  far  beyond  the  com- 
mon herd  of  Liberal  politicians,  his  wealth,  and  the 
fact  that  he  had  not  earned  it,  his  respect  for  tradi- 
tions, forms,  and  prerogatives,  his  dislike  of  far- 
reaching  reforms,  his  Conservative  instincts,  the 
assurance  that  in  his  hands  the  great  buttress  of 
Things  as  They  Are  would  never  be  touched.  I  en- 
joyed the  tingling  irony  which  ran  through  the  screed, 
although  I  expected  that  I  would  be  dismissed  for 
producing  the  copy.  But  no.  It  duly  appeared  in 
the  paper,  and  I  was  subsequently  informed  that  it 
was  highly  appreciated  by  Lord  Rosebery's  friends, 
and  that  it  had  helped  his  position  in  Scotland.  It 
may  be  news  to  him  to  know  who  it  was  that  cham- 
pioned his  cause.  Since  then  I  have  had  the  pleasure 
of  hearing  him,  and,  not  feeling  the  strain  of  the 
argument  excessive,  I  yielded  myself  to  the  enjoy- 
ment of  his  art.  Here  was  the  best  voice  I  had  heard 
in  public — the  clear-cut  syllables  infused  with  just 
enough  of  the  old  Doric  accent  to  give  fulness  and 
warmth  to  the  rounded  periods  ;  the  points,  made 
like  an  actor,  but  with  the  avoidance  of  the  actor's 
over-emphasis  and  pose  ;  a  sufficiency  of  argumenta- 
tion— as  much  as  the  Gilded  Chamber  allows ;  the 
bubbling  of  humour,  and  the  sparkle  of  wit,  yet, 
withal,  never  once  the  broad  and  generous  spirit  of 
liberal  thoughts. 

Not  many  Liberals — and  I  speak  of  them  because 
they  ought  to  be  the  leaders  of  progress — few  of 
them  seem  to  raise  their  eyes  above  the  party 
game,  the  chicane,  and  the  strife.  Fewer  still  have 
the  style  of  great  pioneers  stepping  resolutely 
forward,  seeing  ahead,  winning  their  way  to  a  new 


PARLIAMENT  231 

land  of  promise,  and  determinedly  beating  down  the 
obstacles  that  lie  in  their  path.  There  are  some ; 
all  honour  to  them.  But  perhaps  fewer  still  realise 
that  although  no  blood  be  spilt — heaven  forbid — we 
are  veritably  on  the  brink  of  a  Revolution,  that  we 
are  at  the  dawning  of  a  day  that  will  mark  a  passing 
from  the  old  order  to  the  New,  that  Home  Rule,  and 
Welsh  Disestablishment,  gigantic  as  these  belated 
mastodons  loom  in  our  Parliamentary  Museum,  are 
not  the  whole  of  public  life,  but  are  being  carried 
along  on  the  waves  of  some  vast  progressive  change 
that  will  test  to  their  foundations  even  the  venerated 
buttresses  of  the  famous  Constitution  itself,  that  will 
fling  much  of  its  wreckage  on  the  shores  of  the  past, 
and  will  bear  on  to  a  future  full  of  its  own  problems, 
beset  by  its  own  difficulties  and  complexities,  but 
irradiated  by  the  light  of  freedom  and  alive  with  the 
spirit  of  hope. 


CHAPTER   IX 

INDUSTRIAL  DEVELOPMENT1 

I  ASKED  an  Irishman,  who  had  considerable  experi- 
ence in  public  life,  whether  any  faculty  had  been 
granted  by  Nature  to  Belfast  men  which  rendered 
them  more  apt  than  Southerners  to  excel  in  business. 
On  reflection,  he  said,  nothing  in  Nature,  but  habits 
of  business  have  given  them  a  greater  respect  for 
punctuality.  This  was  already  much,  but  punctu- 
ality is  less  an  inheritance  than  an  acquired  faculty. 
If  this  were  all  that  stood  in  the  way  of  the  progress 
of  the  South,  then  we  might  well  hope  for  the  future. 
The  reply  caused  me  to  look  more  closely  into  the 
origin  of  the  rapid  rise  and  of  the  continued  prosperity 
of  Belfast.  The  problem  that  was  of  real  interest 
to  me  might  be  stated  thus  :  Is  the  commercial 
greatness  of  Belfast  due  to  circumstances  or  qualities 
that  cannot  be  reproduced  in  the  South  and  West  ? 
Or,  if  that  be  not  the  case,  what  are  the  conditions 
necessary  to  insure  that  the  South  and  West  may  also 
launch  forth  into  successful  business  enterprises  ? 
Certainly  I  have  never  had  much  faith  in  that  crude 
sort  of  sociology  which  labels  certain  countries  or 
even  races  with  fixed  qualities,  as  if  these  wrere 
eternal  laws,  and  says,  for  instance,  the  Ulster  men 
are  great,  noble,  energetic,  far-sighted,  highly  intelli- 
gent honest  men,  but  the  Southerners  are  idle,  lazy, 
thriftless,  foolish,  gullible,  and  stupid  people. 

1  In  reference  to  this  chapter  the  maps  and  appendix  at  the  end 
exhibit  many  details. 

232 


INDUSTRIAL  DEVELOPMENT          233 

The  same  man  may  at  one  period  of  his  career  be 
full  of  energy  and  hope,  and  ability,  and  at  another 
— and  the  change  may  be  brought  about  by  circum- 
stances beyond  his  control — apathetic,  listless,  in- 
capable. And  conditions  either  of  stimulation  or  of 
depression  may  be  broad  and  far-reaching  enough 
to  affect  a  whole  community.  This  leads  to  the  ex- 
pected discovery  that  the  Ulster  people  were  more 
free  than  the  rest  of  Ireland  from  the  harassing  con- 
ditions of  short  leases,  liability  to  disturbance,  and 
consequent  rack-rents.  The  Ulster  leases,  many  of 
999  years,  have  been  long  in  practice.  The  Ulster 
custom  gave  security  of  tenure  to  the  man  on  the 
land.  Here  already  we  meet  with  a  factor  of  great 
importance  in  regard  both  to  the  character  of  the 
people  and  to  the  stability  of  business. 

Students  of  political  history  know  that  in  the 
eighteenth  century  the  reputation  of  the  Scottish 
working  classes,  notably  in  the  Highlands,  was  that 
of  an  idle  and  feckless  people — reputation,  that  is 
to  say,  among  their  enemies  or  those  devoid  of 
sympathy  with  their  aspirations.  An  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment called  the  Montgomery  Act  changed  all  that, 
and  the  main  feature  of  the  Montgomery  Act  was 
simply  that  it  secured  fairly  long  leases  and  offered 
inducements  to  the  tenant  to  improve  his  holding.1 

In  Ireland  tenant  farmers  also  were  reproached 
with  being  lazy,  reckless,  and  improvident.  But 
many  a  man  still  living  can  tell  of  the  danger  to  the 
tenant  of  showing  any  signs  of  thrift  or  prosperity, 
how  when  the  agent  was  about  the  flitch  of  bacon 
must  be  hidden,  lest  that  evidence  of  comfort  might 
induce  him  to  raise  the  rent.  In  these  circumstances 

1  The  Montgomery  Act :  10  Geo,  III.  c.  51, 


234  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

the  poor  man  could  hardly  be  expected  to  "  take 
pride "  in  the  appearance  of  his  dwelling  house. 
Human  nature  remains  enduring  and  slow  to  change 
in  essentials,  but  it  is  plastic  in  regard  to  manifesta- 
tions which  being  superficial  appear  unduly  important. 
No  Acts  of  Parliament  such  as  the  Montgomery  Act, 
or  the  various  Land  Acts  passed  during  ParnelFs 
time,  have  changed  the  character  of  the  people,  but 
they  have  changed  the  opportunities  of  development 
of  that  character.  Hence  with  the  disappearance  of 
the  hectoring  agent  and  the  dread  of  the  rent-warner, 
the  agricultural  people  of  Ireland  are  beginning  to 
show  that  they  will  remain  second  to  none  in  in- 
dustry and  thrift. 

The  rise  and  fall  of  cities,  as  of  empires,  depend 
on  a  complex  of  causes.  In  Belfast  another  influence 
springing,  however,  from  the  same  root  was  power- 
ful in  effect.  The  trade  of  Belfast  was  directly 
favoured,  and  that  of  competing  centres  in  other 
parts  of  Ireland  deliberately  handicapped,  or  crushed 
out  altogether  by  laws  expressly  passed  for  that 
purpose.  The  successful  establishment  of  the  linen 
industry  was  also  favoured  by  a  circumstance  which 
has  only  an  indirect  connection  with  the  character 
of  the  Ulster  men.  The  climate  of  Belfast  is  un- 
pleasant, but  it  renders  the  atmosphere,  owing  to 
the  excess  of  ozone,  favourable  to  the  bleaching  of 
cloth,  and  that  circumstance  was  availed  of  in  the 
critical  early  days.  Still  another  cause,  not  at  all 
under  the  control  of  the  Northerners,  gave  a  great 
stimulus  to  Belfast  trade,  and  that  was  the  deficiency 
of  cotton  materials  in  the  Southern  States  of  America 
during  the  great  Civil  War.  Add  to  these  causes  the 
important  condition  that,  with  occasional  outbreaks 


INDUSTRIAL  DEVELOPMENT          235 

or  menaces  of  disorder,  the  Ulster  population  has 
been  at  peace  with  the  Government  of  England,  and 
that  the  leaders  of  industry  have  been  supporters  of 
the  dominating  parties  in  British  politics,  and  it  will 
be  seen  that  the  development  of  trade  in  Belfast  has 
taken  place  under  fostering  conditions  denied  to  the 
other  parts  of  Ireland.  Up  to  a  certain  limit,  trade 
aids  trade,  and  the  foundation  of  certain  great  in- 
dustries favours  others. 

These  last  arguments  may  possibly  be  used  in  the 
form  of  reproach  to  the  other  provinces  of  Ireland. 
And  that  reproach  would  be  justified  if  trade  were 
the  be-all  and  the  end-all  of  life,  and  the  sole  stan- 
dard of  greatness.  It  is  not  merely  that  a  condition 
of  strife  and  agitation  is  unfavourable  to  commerce 
in  general,  but  it  is  also  indirectly  harmful  in  that  it 
diverts  the  activities,  the  intelligence,  the  ambition, 
and  the  will-power  of  the  young  men  of  the  com- 
munity into  non-productive  channels.  Only  one 
great  object  could  justify  such  expenditure  of  the  life 
energies  of  the  people,  and  that  is  a  great  national  ideal 
which  points  the  way  to  eventual  unity  and  progress. 

Yet  I  have  a  confident  hope  that  after  the  estab- 
lishment of  Home  Rule  there  will  be  a  new  birth  of 
industry  and  commercial  enterprise  in  the  South  and 
West.  Whenever  a  nation  has  long  struggled  for 
some  gain  of  political  freedom,  and  that  boon  has  at 
length  been  won,  the  change  is  found  not  in  the 
political  situation  only  but  in  an  outburst  of  energy 
that  vitalises  every  form  of  national  life.  So  it  will 
be  with  Ireland. 

Such  a  forecast  is  not  offered  on  supposition  only. 
It  is  based  on  certain  facts  which  will  be  recognised 
as  valid  by  all  having  some  acquaintance  with  indus- 


236  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

tries  in  Ireland.  The  first  of  them  is  that  the  actual 
resources  of  the  country  have  hitherto  been  but 
inadequately  exploited.  Also  the  markets  are  large 
enough  for  the  utmost  supply.  The  number  of  pro- 
fitable enterprises  and  flourishing  trades  set  on  foot 
in  Ireland  within  recent  times  is  greater,  and  the  turn- 
over in  money  far  more  important,  than  most  persons 
interested  in  politics  imagine.1 

Moreover  nearly  all  these  industries,  now  working 
with  hopeful  prospects,  are  capable  of  great  expansion. 
This  indicates  the  true  principle  of  development  of 
the  industrial  resources  of  Ireland.  That  is  to  say, 
instead  of  endeavouring  to  found  new  ventures, 
unless  in  exceptional  circumstances,  the  most  ex- 
perienced observers  in  Ireland  are  of  opinion  that 
every  encouragement  should  be  given  to  such 
industries  as  have  been  already  established,  and 
which,  by  showing  some  profit  in  the  course  of  their 
working,  prove  that  they  are  adapted  to  the  conditions 
of  the  country. 

Resuming  the  question  of  the  causes  favourable  to 
Irish  trade,  I  declare,  though  this  proposition  will 

1  An  examination  of  a  volume  entitled  "  List  of  Irish  Exporting 
Manufacturers,"  compiled  and  issued  by  the  Department  of  Agricul- 
ture and  Technical  Instruction  for  Ireland,  shows  over  four  hundred 
manufactures  in  hopeful  condition  in  the  country.  The  total  value 
of  manufactured  goods  was  hi  1905  above  seventeen  millions  sterling, 
and  in  four  years  it  had  increased  by  nearly  five  millions.  The  total 
of  Irish  exports  of  all  kinds  was  in  1905  nearly  fifty-two  millions 
sterling,  and,  with  various  fluctuations,  has  increased,  according  to  the 
statistics  issued  by  the  Department,  by  more  than  two  millions  a  year. 

This  discussion  of  Irish  industries  therefore  must  necessarily  omit 
reference  to  many  important  forma  of  manufacture  and  trade.  It  is 
intended  simply  to  direct  public  attention  to  the  fact  that  Ireland 
has  vast  resources,  not  yet  efficiently  developed,  and  that  public 
opinion,  education,  the  intervention  of  the  State,  directly  and  in- 
directly, counts  for  much  in  that  development, 


INDUSTKIAL  DEVELOPMENT         237 

be  less  acceptable  to  many,  that  the  Irish  people, 
not  only  in  the  North,  but  also  in  the  South  and  West, 
have  a  remarkable  aptitude  for  business.  Of  course 
it  is  easy  to  repeat  the  old  sayings,  and  to  cite  Irish 
authors  in  support  of  the  legend  of  their  laziness,  and 
shiftlessness,  but  such  considerations  must  not  be 
pressed  unfairly.  Any  people,  the  most  industrious 
in  the  world,  would  become  disinclined  to  work  if 
they  had  no  security  that  they,  or  those  dependent 
on  them,  could  ever  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  labour, 
or  the  profit  of  their  enterprise.  It  is  unnecessary 
now  to  revert  to  the  harrowing  tale  of  the  deliberate 
efforts  in  the  past  of  the  legislature  of  England  to 
embarrass  or  kill  competing  Irish  trades.  When  these 
formal  restrictions  were  removed  various  other  causes, 
mostly  political,  combined  to  prevent  a  sense  of 
security  entering  into  the  community.  Gradually, 
however,  as  the  result  of  great  courage  and  great 
perseverance,  various  industries  have  become  estab- 
lished, some  indeed  with  English  capital,  but  some 
of  the  most  important  as  pure  Irish  ventures ;  and  it 
has  been  proved  that  the  development  of  one  trade 
helps  the  establishment  of  another  by  introducing 
all  those  qualities  and  habits  which  may  be  summed 
up  under  the  title  of  businesslike  methods. 

Irishmen  everywhere  make  excellent  managers  and 
organisers,  for  in  their  dealings  with  employees  they 
infuse  a  little  more  than  usual  of  helpful  human  nature. 
Not  only  that,  but  put  an  Irishman  in  charge  of  a 
business  that  promises  great  things  but  which  requires 
constant  care  and  watchfulness  at  the  beginning — I 
have  seen  such  a  man  devote  himself  to  his  work  with 
a  veritable  affection  of  the  mind,  nursing  the  enter- 
prise, tending  it,  watching  its  progress  with  parental 


238  IKELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

solicitude,  and  taking  the  greatest  pride  in  its  growth. 
Such  men,  valuable  in  any  community,  are  to  be 
found  in  all  nations  ;  but,  as  the  Irish  are  at  present 
backward  in  industry,  there  is  need  to  recall  the  fact 
that  there  will  be  no  dearth  of  captains  of  industry 
in  Ireland  when  the  occasion  demands  their  services. 
It  is  true  that  I  have  often  seen  Scotsmen  managing 
businesses  in  Ireland,  while  the  poor  Irishmen  were 
the  hewers  of  wood  and  the  drawers  of  water.  But 
that  is  generally  where  the  enterprise  is  in  the  first 
years  of  its  life  ;  all  that  is  implied  is  that  the  respec- 
tive Scotsmen  have  had  the  opportunity,  hitherto 
denied  to  the  Irish,  of  learning  the  trade.  But  even 
when  the  Irish  are  only  the  employees  it  will  be  found 
that  in  matters  where  neat  and  deft  handiwork  is 
required  they  show  remarkable  skill.  I  believe  one 
could  refer  to  such  firms  as  Kynochs  at  Arklow  for 
verification  of  this  statement.1  The  most  flourishing 

1  Examples  of  Irish  skilled  work  have  increased  in  number  of  late 
years.  Donegal  and  Kerry  homespun  and  handmade  lace  and  crochet 
are  known  all  over  the  world,  and  amongst  the  more  recent  products 
may  be  mentioned  the  Donegal  and  Kildare  carpets,  and  similar 
goods  manufactured  by  the  Dun  Emir  Guild  of  Dundrum,  Dublin. 
Irish  skill  is  sometimes  accused  of  being  more  showy  than  genuine, 
but  all  the  products  of  the  new  movement,  while  pleasing  to  the  eye, 
prove  good  sound  workmanship. 

An  English  firm  of  glove-makers,  one  of  the  largest  hi  the  world, 
established  a  branch  hi  Tipperary  ;  and  after  some  experience  the 
firm  received  a  report,  from  which  the  following  is  extracted : 

We  think  such  difference  that  can  be  detected  between  Irish 
and  English  workers  lies  principally  in  the  direction  of  the  Irish 
girl  being  somewhat  quicker  but  not  so  reliable  as  the  correspond- 
ing class  in  England.  On  the  whole,  we  are  decidedly  well  satisfied 
with  our  trial  of  Irish  women's  labour,  so  far  as  it  has  gone. 

The  Royal  Commission  on  Technical  Instruction  (Second  Report, 
vol.  i.  p.  530)  speaks  of  the  great  manual  dexterity  and  aptitude  of 
the  young  people. 


239 

industry  in  Dublin  is  that  of  Guinness,  the  famous 
brewers.  There  is  something  in  this  that  reminds 
one  of  the  saying  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington  that  Irish- 
men fought  best  in  the  wine-countries.  But  of 
course  it  is  not  implied  that  the  prosperity  of  the  firm 
depends  on  the  excessive  drinking  habits  of  the  Irish. 
On  the  contrary,  what  with  the  growing  temperance 
of  the  people,  and  the  increased  burdens  of  taxation, 
several  breweries  and  distilleries  have  ceased  to  exist 
in  Ireland,  but  barley  growing  has  found  encouraging 
outlets  for  other  purposes. 

The  great  staple  of  the  country  is,  however,  deter- 
mined by  its  physical  conditions.  The  Emerald  Isle 
has  always  been  famous  for  agriculture,  and  of  late 
years  great  strides  have  been  taken  in  opening  up 
markets.  Ireland  is  next  to  Denmark  in  the  butter 
markets  of  Great  Britain,  and  next  to  Russia  in  the 
supply  of  eggs.  The  Danes  owe  their  superiority  to 
their  system  of  co-operation  which  has  long  been 
cultivated  amongst  them.  As  a  sequence  to  this  they 
practise  winter  dairying,  and  on  that  account  they 
are  able  to  hold  their  markets  and  their  contracts 
throughout  the  year,  whereas  the  Irish  farmers  must 
re-enter  the  market  afresh  every  spring.1  It  is 
certain  that  Irish  produce  is  not  inferior  to  that  of 
foreign  rivals,  and  a  fortune  lies  within  reach  of  the 

1  Winter  dairying  is  being  practised  now  in  some  localities  in  Ire- 
land, as,  for  example,  at  Thurles,  in  Tipperary. 

The  Department  of  Agriculture  has  made  experiments  in  winter 
dairying  at  Drumholm  creamery,  and  the  results  have  so  far  been 
satisfactory.  In  regard  to  cow-testing  the  Department  has  employed 
the  services  of  the  special  instructors  to  explain  to  farmers  the  objects 
and  advantages  of  cow-testing.  Cow-testing  associations  have  been 
formed  in  various  counties.  There  are  already  nearly  seventy  and 
their  number  tends  to  increase. 


240  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

man  who  will  systematise  and  work  under  the  best 
conditions  any  one  of  these  industries,  as,  for  example, 
the  egg  trade.1 

The  live-stock  trade  in  Ireland  has  grown  to  vast 
proportions  and  has  enriched  many.  But  viewed  from 
the  national  standpoint  it  is  far  from  certain  that  the 
whole  of  the  resources  are  made  use  of  to  the  best 
advantage.  If  instead  of  sending  live  cattle  it  became 
general  to  send  meat  to  England  it  would  seem  that 
the  whole  nation  must  benefit.*  Such  attempts  as 
have  been  made  in  the  South  East  of  Ireland  have 
been  successful  in  regard  to  the  trade  itself ;  but  if 
with  increasing  development  tanning  industries,  and 
subsequently,  with  the  abundant  supply  of  cheap 
leather,  bootmaking  and  harness-making  industries 
became  established,  then  with  the  resources  already 
at  command  it  is  certain  that  the  country  could 
maintain  a  greatly  increased  population. 

It  would  require  a  volume  to  set  forth,  even  in 
moderate  detail,  the  character  of  industries  which 
are  possible  in  Ireland  ;  or  which,  already  established 
on  a  small  scale,  are  capable  of  much  greater  exten- 
sion. The  climate  and  soil  of  Ireland  are  in  parts 
favourable  to  the  growing  of  fruit,  for  in  Armagh, 

1  The  egg  industry  is  becoming  better  systematised.     At  Dervock  in 
Ulster  a  co-operative  eggery  is  in  good  working  order.     The  eggs  are 
graded,  carefully  packed,  and  sent  to  a  wholesale  society  in  Dublin. 
Instructions  in  regard  to  the  best  system  have  been  given  by  the  Depart- 
ment of  Agriculture  at  various  other  centres  with  satisfactory  results. 

2  Opinions  of  experts  on  this  matter  differ  widely.     Mr.  William 
Field,  M.P.,  in  a  note  inserted  in  the  Report  of  the  Recess  Committee 
on  the  establishment  of  a  Department  of  Agriculture  and  Industries 
for  Ireland,  declared  against  a  "  dead  meat "  trade.     There  are,  how- 
ever, abattoirs  at  present  at  Wexford  and  in  Drogheda,  and  the  De- 
partment of  Agriculture  has  helped  these  enterprises,  particularly  by 
expert  instruction. 


INDUSTKIAL  DEVELOPMENT          241 

which  is  not  the  county  the  best  situated  by  nature, 
fruit  growing  has  been  made  successful,  and  trades 
which  depend  on  fruit,  such  as  the  jam  making  of 
Belfast,  have  attained  considerable  development.1 
Brave  attempts  have  been  made  to  deal  with  more 
sensitive  products,  and  Lord  Dunraven  and  Colonel 
Sir  Nugent  Everard  have  found  their  patient  efforts 
rewarded  with  fame  and  profit. 

The  name  of  Ireland  has  not  hitherto  been  much 
associated  with  bees,  but  bees  live  and  flourish  in 
many  parts  of  the  country,  notably  in  the  South  West, 
and  year  by  year,  as  anyone  may  verify  who  will  study 
the  Blue  books,  the  supply  of  honey  is  steadily  in- 
creasing. The  export  trade  already  amounts  to  a 
value  of  about  one-third  of  a  million  sterling.  Here 
again  is  an  industry  which  will  certainly  become 
developed  in  the  future,  for  its  progress  has  been 
delayed  by  various  obstacles  certainly  not  insuper- 
able, as,  for  instance,  that  of  defective  modes  of 
marketing.2  In  quality  at  least  Irish  honey  is  capable 
of  holding  its  own  with  the  best. 

1  The  Department  of  Agriculture  carried  out  a  series  of  experiments 
in  establishing  fruit  plots  in  various  places  in  Ireland.     It  was  de- 
cided, however,  that  the  best  plan  was  to  encourage  the  planting  of 
fruit  trees,  especially  apples,  and  to  grant  loans  on  easy  terms  to 
associations  undertaking  this  work. 

2  It  is  difficult  to  obtain  accurate  data  with  regard  to  the  bee-farm- 
ing in  Ireland.     According  to  the  latest  statistics  I  have  seen  (a 
Parliamentary  return  of  1913)  there  have  been  fluctuations  in  the 
trade ;    but  the  average  production  for  the  last  ten  years  has  been 
nearly  half  a  million  pounds  weight.     Ulster  with  nearly  150,000  Ibs. 
shows  a  slight  lead  over  Leinster,  which  in  turn  is  superior  in  weight 
and  product  to  Munster.     Connaught  which  is  far  behind  accounts 
for  over  60,000  Ibs. 

Three-fourths  of  all  the  honey  is  produced  in  hives  possessing 
movable  combs.  Nearly  three-fourths  is  section  honey,  and  this 
shows  a  tendency  to  prevail  more  and  more  over  run  honey. 

16 


242  IEELAND:    VITAL  HOUK 

It  is  a  somewhat  disconcerting  fact  that  in  this 
agricultural  land  it  is  very  difficult,  and  in  most  parts 
of  the  country  impossible,  to  obtain  native  cheese.1 
But  Ireland  is  full  of  apparent  paradoxes,  though,  no 
doubt,  a  sound  reason  may  be  found  for  their  exis- 
tence by  those  who  patiently  seek  for  it.  There  is 
very  little  demand  for  cheese  in  the  country  districts, 
and  though  it  would  seem  obvious  that  the  necessities 
of  the  larger  towns  would  keep  in  prosperity  a 
cheese  factory  well  established,  yet  those  who  have 
attempted  to  solve  the  problem  practically  have 
hitherto  been  unable  to  point  to  satisfactory  results. 

In  taking  a  survey  of  Irish  industries 2  over  a 
number  of  years  it  will  be  noted  that  there  has  been 
a  steady  rise  in  most  cases,  and  that  many  of  the 
obstacles  and  defects  that  still  remain  to  hamper 
development  are  remedial. 

In  1837,  when  Queen  Victoria  began  her  reign,  the 
distribution  of  industries  was  more  even  throughout 
the  country  than  at  present.  Since  that  date  the 
western  counties  have  suffered  relatively,  while  the 
North,  North  East,  East,  and  South  have  made  great 
progress.  The  defects  of  transport  from  the  Western 
as  compared  with  the  Eastern  coast  account  in  part 
for  the  changes  that  have  taken  place.  Nevertheless, 
Limerick,  Galway,  Clare,  and  Kerry  possess  industries 

1  Cheese  is  being  produced  successfully  in  Cork  and  in  Kerry,  and 
a  few  other  places.     The  Department  of  Agriculture  carried  through 
experiments  in  the  production  of  Caerphilly  cheese  at  the  Knocka- 
vardagh  Co-operative  Creamery  in  Tipperary  and  at  the  Shandon 
Dairy  in  Waterford.     The  results  were  encouraging.     Comparative 
tests  with  Derby  and  Cheddar  cheeses  will  be  made.     Cheese  makers 
are  being  especially  trained. 

2  I  am  indebted  for  many  of  these  particulars  to  a  paper  read  by 
Mr.  W.  T.  Macartney  Filgate  at  the  Congress  of  the  Irish  Technical 
Instruction  Association  held  in  May  1914  at  Killarney. 


INDUSTEIAL  DEVELOPMENT          243 

which  were  either  not  in  existence  in  1837  or  which 
have  been  developed  since  to  greater  proportions. 
Since  1900  thirty-eight  undertakings  have  ceased  to 
exist  and  over  a  hundred  new  ones  have  come  into 
existence.  Five  of  those  which  have  failed  were 
brewing  or  distilling  concerns,  but  fifteen  belong  to 
the  woollen  industry. 

It  would  be  instructive  to  search  for  the  causes  of 
the  decline  of  such  trades.  Certainly  there  is  no  lack 
of  opening  for  woollen  mills,  for  whereas  the  export 
of  wools  has  now  reached  the  annual  value  of  over 
three-quarters  of  a  million  sterling,  yet  Ireland 
imports  woollen  goods  to  the  value  of  over  a  million. 
The  woollen  mills  which  show  a  prosperous  trade  are 
dotted  all  over  the  country  from  Blarney  to  Lucan, 
from  Kilkenny  to  Athlone  and  Galway ;  and  their  rise 
seems  often  due  to  some  local  circumstance,  such  as 
available  motor  power,  or  to  the  business-like  qualities 
and  determination  of  a  few  citizens.  Here,  for 
instance,  is  an  encouraging  story  of  successful  enter- 
prise. Dripsey  in  1902  possessed  an  old  mill  which 
was  formerly  unconnected  with  the  woollen  trade.  In 
1903  Mr.  O'Shaughnessy,  who  had  been  trained  to  the 
business  in  America,  started  manufacturing  woollen 
goods  with  eighteen  hands  and  four  slow  looms.  In 
ten  years  his  staff  had  become  quadrupled  and  the 
size  of  the  mill  had  become  doubled.  It  is  now 
equipped  with  a  modern  fast-running  plant,  water 
power  has  been  replaced  by  gas  engines,  the  whole 
establishment  is  lit  with  electricity,  the  workers  are 
housed  in  comfortable  cottages,  the  goods  go  to  all 
parts  of  the  world,  and  are  known  by  the  title  "  Kath- 
leen Ni  Houlahan."  A  second  factory  has  been 
started  at  Sallybrook  near  Cork,  and  the  trade  seems 


244  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

likely  to  develop.  Most  mills  in  this  industry  are 
to  be  found  in  Munster,  Leinster,  and  Connaught ; 
though,  in  Ulster,  Antrim,  Donegal,  Fermanagh,  and 
Tyrone,  possess  important  factories. 

The  advantage  of  following  up  a  line  which  has 
already  led  to  a  prosperous  business  is  illustrated  by 
many  enterprises  in  Ireland.  The  linen  trade  which 
sprang  from  small  beginnings  has  now  increased  to 
such  an  extent  that  Belfast  can  boast  of  the  greatest 
linen  factory  in  the  world,  the  York  Street  Flax  Spin- 
ning Company,  which  employs  4,500  hands.  Other 
large  companies  operate  in  various  parts  of  Ulster ; 
but  taking  in  the  whole  of  Ireland,  and  including 
therefore  Balbriggan,  Dublin,  and  Cork,  there  are 
230  mills  and  factories  occupied  in  spinning,  weav- 
ing, bleaching,  and  finishing.  The  output  has  become 
so  great  that  it  is  necessary  to  import  flax  from 
Belgium,  Holland,  and  Russia,  the  home-grown  crop 
falling  far  short  of  the  requirements.  Here  perhaps 
may  be  found  an  indication  for  enterprise,  for  flax 
was  formerly  grown  in  large  quantities  in  all  the  four 
provinces  of  Ireland. 

This  trade  also  illustrates  the  manner  in  which 
one  industry  gives  rise  to  another,  for  on  account 
of  the  convenient  supply  of  linen,  Londonderry  has 
become  the  great  centre  for  the  production  of  shirts, 
collars,  and  cuffs,  and  thirty  factories  are  in  existence 
in  the  neighbourhood.  A  large  rural  area  is  linked 
to  the  city  by  means  of  homework.  Thousands  of 
hands — some  authorities  say  50,000 — are  connected 
with  the  trade  in  Londonderry,  Donegal,  and  Tyrone, 
the  majority  being  outworkers.  Most  of  the  hands 
are  women  and  girls,  and  it  frequently  happens  that 
there  is  no  corresponding  portion  of  work  for  the 


INDUSTKIAL  DEVELOPMENT          245 

man.  At  Londonderry  a  shipbuilding  yard  has  been 
re-opened,  and  employment  has  there  been  found 
for  thousands  of  men  and  boys.  Such  a  circle  of 
trades  and  of  employments  certainly  forms  a  well- 
knit  social  community. 

The  war  and  the  suggestion  of  "  capturing  German 
trade  "  has  turned  the  attention  of  commercial  men 
to  Ireland  in  this  regard.  Amongst  trades  which 
could  be  established  have  been  mentioned  :  buttons 
and  studs,  combs,  brushes,  gloves,  toys,  fancy  goods 
in  leather,  artificial  flowers,  tapes,  ribbons,  braids, 
food  products  derived  from  milk. 

The  arguments  point  to  the  cheap  and  abundant 
labour  available,  the  adaptability  of  the  labour,  the 
easy  terms  on  which  factory  sites  can  be  obtained, 
and  various  other  factors  which  help  to  ensure 
success. 

The  question  may  be  asked  as  to  what  advantage 
can  arise  from  the  discussion  of  trade  prospects.  By 
many  practical  men  it  is  felt  that  success  in  trade 
depends  on  a  complex  of  details,  the  importance  of 
which  can  only  be  discovered  in  the  actual  working 
of  the  business  itself.  There  is  much  reason  in  such 
a  view  of  the  matter,  but  the  argument  is  far  from 
representing  all  the  elements  in  the  question,  even 
those  which  are  entirely  practical.  Many  of  the 
factors  which  influence  trade  for  good  or  bad  are 
independent  of  the  actual  resources  of  the  country, 
and  are  to  some  extent  within  the  control  of  the 
people,  and  are  influenced  even  by  political  con- 
siderations. The  most  glaring  examples  of  such 
influence  have  been  encountered  already  in  Irish 
history,  in  those  cases  where  the  English  Govern- 
ment passed  laws  levelled  directly  against  Irish 


246  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUE 

trade.  But  in  a  hundred  ways,  more  devious  and 
more  subtle  in  movement,  political  considerations 
may  affect  trade.  Yet  these  striking  instances  are, 
on  the  whole,  less  important  than  the  daily  influence 
of  such  a  subtle  essence  as  education,  that  is  to  say, 
when  education  is  properly  understood  as  the  train- 
ing that  fits  a  people  for  the  battle  of  life. 

Remotely  the  butter  trade  of  Ireland  has  been 
affected  by  the  ambitions  of  Bismarck.  His  doctrine 
of  Pan-Germanism  eventually  caused  a  war  of  aggres- 
sion on  Denmark,  which  resulted  in  the  loss  to  that 
nation  of  part  of  her  territory.  The  Danes  were  left 
with  a  legacy  of  poverty  and  crippled  resources,  but 
with  great  assets  in  the  forms  of  intelligence,  energy, 
and  the  capacity  for  co-operation.  The  story  of  the 
commercial  rise  of  Denmark  is  full  of  interest  to 
Ireland  ;  we  should  talk  less  of  the  Hungarian  policy 
and  more  of  the  Danish,  especially  as  the  rivalry  of 
the  Danes  is  brought  home  year  by  year  in  the  loss 
of  lucrative  markets.  The  Irish  butter  trade  in 
Great  Britain  was,  in  1912,  worth  over  £4,000,000, 
but  these  figures  were  surpassed  by  the  Danes. 
What  is  evidently  required  is  that  the  methods 
of  the  Danes  should  be  studied,  and  the  lesson 
inculcated  into  the  minds  of  the  Irish  farmers. 

That  work  has  already  been  undertaken  by  the 
Department  of  Agriculture,  so  that  here  we  meet  with 
a  decisive  example  of  the  influence  on  trade  that 
may  be  due  to  political  action,  and  hence  to  public 
opinion,  and  to  education.  The  Department  sends 
out  a  number  of  instructors  (eight  at  the  time  of 
writing)  to  show  the  farmers  the  best  means  of  pro- 
duction and  marketing  ;  the  work  of  these  instructors 
is  supplemented  by  thirty-three  other  instructors 


INDUSTRIAL  DEVELOPMENT          247 

employed  by  local  authorities  in  order  to  improve  the 
methods  of  butter-making  for  the  consumption  at 
home.  In  Denmark  a  system  of  cow-testing  is  in 
use  by  which  the  value  of  the  produce  of  each  cow  is 
estimated  in  relation  to  the  cost  of  maintenance. 
The  milk  is  also  standardised.  By  working  on  these 
principles  the  Danes  are  able  to  form  an  accurate 
knowledge  of  the  economies  of  every  farm,  and  to 
obtain  the  best  results  with  given  resources.  It  is 
believed  by  experts  that  when  the  Irish  farmers 
work  on  similar  lines,  the  butter  trade  may  become 
trebled,  and  so  rise  above  £12,000,000  per  annum. 

Then  as  to  eggs.  Columbus  discovered  America 
and  used  an  egg  to  show  how  easily  it  was  done. 
Ireland  has  a  more  cunning  discovery  yet  to  make, 
that  of  the  egg  itself.  The  egg  will  yet  sing  through 
Irish  history  like  an  enchanted  lyre.  Note  that 
already  Ireland  supplies  more  than  one-third  of  all 
the  eggs  imported  into  Great  Britain,  the  value  of 
the  Irish  produce  being  in  1912  no  less  than 
£2,900,000,  these  figures  being  beaten  by  Russia 
only,  with  £3,900,000.  Mr.  George  Russell,  the 
famous  A.E.  of  Irish  literary  circles,  who  is  yet 
keener  on  agricultural  matters  than  the  most  experi- 
enced of  farmers  and  sounder  than  the  most  bucolic, 
has  touched  his  harp  in  praise  of  the  Irish  egg.  Yet 
there  is  much  to  be  done  for  the  egg.  The  days  are 
past  when  the  thrifty  housewife  of  the  country,  en- 
dowed with  too  much  family  pride  to  allow  herself 
to  send  up  a  meagre  parcel,  kept  the  eggs  until  their 
numbers  became  respectable  but  their  savour  only 
too  redolent  of  the  days  that  are  gone. 

That  the  egg  trade  is  capable  of  great  develop- 
ment becomes  apparent  from  a  study  of  its  upward 


248  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

tendency  within  the  last  few  years  and  a  considera- 
tion of  the  vast  extent  of  the  markets  available.  In 
1904,  Holland,  for  example,  exported  to  Great 
Britain  only  100,000  great  hundreds  (the  great  hun- 
dred being  120).  At  that  time  the  export  of  Ireland 
was  5,738,000  great  hundreds.  In  eight  years  Hol- 
land had  increased  her  trade  tenfold ;  Ireland  had 
advanced  certainly,  but  at  a  much  slower  rate,  the 
export  being  6,313,000  great  hundreds.  The  quality 
of  the  Irish  eggs  had  improved  and  the  prices  paid 
had  increased  from  7s.  IJd.  per  great  hundred  to 
9s.  3d.  per  great  hundred.  The  total  market  in  Great 
Britain  had  increased  from  £5,406,000  at  an  average 
price  of  6s.  4fd.  per  great  hundred  in  the  year  1900 
to  £9,590,000  at  8s.  lOJd.  per  great  hundred. 

Here  again  the  Department  has  been  of  assistance 
to  agriculture,  for  it  has  sent  out  thirty-six  in- 
structors to  teach  the  farmers  the  best  method  of 
poultry-keeping.  Endeavours  are  also  in  progress 
to  produce  the  best  standard  eggs,  and  for  that  pur- 
pose over  6,000  dozen  eggs  of  superior  breed  have 
been  distributed  to  the  farmers.  The  trade  in  poultry 
as  distinct  from  eggs  has  also  reached  considerable 
proportions  in  Ireland.  The  poultry  comes  mostly 
from  Kilkenny,  Carlow,  Wexford,  and  Waterford, 
and  Northern  localities;  but  in  spite  of  the  restric- 
tion of  the  area  the  trade  in  1912  had  reached  the 
value  of  £1,037,000,  and  that  was  four  times  the 
value  of  that  of  Russia. 

The  total  value  of  all  foodstuffs,  including  liquids, 
produced  in  Ireland  and  consumed  in  Great  Britain 
in  1912  amounted  to  £30,000,000,  and  this  is  only 
equalled  by  the  supplies  from  Argentina.  The  total 
Irish  meat  trade  in  the  export  of  meat  or  live  cattle 


INDUSTRIAL  DEVELOPMENT          249 

to  Great  Britain  is  more  than  one-third  of  all  that 
arrives  there  from  abroad.  Moreover  since  1904, 
the  first  year  for  which  statistics  are  available, 
this  trade  has  steadily  advanced.  In  1904  the  total 
value  was  £16,000,000,  in  1913  it  had  amounted  to 
£23,000,000.  Those  who  have  been  inclined  to  take 
a  hasty  view  of  the  importation  of  fermented  and 
spirituous  liquor  in  Irish  economy  may  be  reminded 
that  as  against  these  impressive  figures  the  value  of 
the  total  export  of  porter,  stout,  beer  and  whisky, 
although  great,  is  not  relatively  overwhelming.  In 
1912  it  amounted  to  £2,000,000,  exclusive  of  duty, 
and  the  trade  in  whisky  showed  signs  of  a  decline. 

It  may  be  surprising  to  find  that  potatoes,  identified 
as  they  are  with  the  joys  and  griefs  of  Ireland,  show 
inferiority  in  the  export  trade  to  such  prosaic 
products  as  lard,  condensed  milk,  or  yeast.  The 
value  of  each  of  these  mentioned  is  above  £250,000 
annually.  That  of  oats  is  £400,000,  of  fruit 
£140,000,  and  of  fish  £450,000.  Fish  and  fruit  are 
of  special  interest  here,  for  the  trade  in  these  products 
is  capable  of  considerable  expansion.  The  export 
value  of  the  sea  fish  taken  off  the  Irish  coast  by 
Irish  fishing-boats  is  over  £300,000  per  annum.  The 
mackerel  product  amounts  to  15,000  tons,  of  which 
one-third  is  consumed  fresh  in  Great  Britain  and 
two-thirds  cured,  and  sent  in  considerable  quantities 
to  America.  Herrings  amounted  to  25,000  tons,  of 
which  one-half  is  cured.  The  kippering  industry  is 
at  present  not  large,  but  it  is  steadily  progressing. 
Shell  fish  give  an  annual  yield  of  80,000  tons,  and 
Irish  oysters  are  valued  at  £8,000. 

All  these  figures,  substantial  as  they  are,  could  be 
greatly  increased.  The  Irish  fishermen  are  admir- 


250  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

able  in  the  handling  of  their  small  crafts,  but  fisher- 
men of  other  communities,  Scottish  and  Norwegian, 
have  been  quicker  to  adapt  themselves  to  scientific 
progress,  and  by  trawling  off  the  Irish  coast  they  have 
hurt  the  chances  of  the  native  fishers.  There  have 
been  outcries  at  times  against  what  is  described  as  un- 
fair competition,  but  the  true  solution  of  the  difficulty 
is  to  put  Irishmen  in  a  position  to  hold  their  own 
against  the  most  enterprising  rivals.  Some  of  the 
older  fishermen  have  shown  themselves  reluctant  to 
change,  but  at  present  a  number  of  Irish  boats  up  to 
forty  tons  are  equipped  with  engines  of  the  latest 
pattern — with  internal  combustion  auxiliary  engines 
— and  these  have  done  good  service. 

There  are  many  ways  in  which  the  Department  and 
the  Congested  Districts  Board  have  been  able  to  help 
Irish  fishery.  Such  a  business  as  mackerel-curing, 
for  instance,  has  the  value  of  its  produce  greatly 
improved  by  the  adoption  of  the  best  methods,  and 
expert  instructors  have  in  these  cases  been  of  con- 
siderable service.  Any  one,  however,  who  knows 
the  condition  of  the  Irish  fishing  industry  will  agree 
that  the  harvest  of  the  sea  offers  the  prospect  of 
returns  doubled  and  trebled,  if  Irishmen  take  every 
point  in  their  favour. 

That  the  fruit  industry  in  Ireland  is  capable  of 
considerable  extensions  becomes  apparent  from  the 
fact  that  the  trade  in  Armagh  has  steadily  increased. 
What  has  been  done  in  the  North  could  be  repeated 
in  other  parts  of  Ireland.  In  the  valley  of  the  Suir 
apple-growing  is  carried  on  profitably,  and  the 
Blackwater  cider  has  an  excellent  reputation.  The 
Gormanstown  district  of  Co.  Meath  has  long  been 
known  for  its  raspberries  and  damsons. 


INDUSTRIAL  DEVELOPMENT          251 

There  are  relatively  few  flowers  in  Ireland.  The 
smiling  beauty  of  an  Irish  day,  as  when  the  sun  shines 
out  after  a  shower,  has  always  appealed  to  the  spirit 
of  the  poets  of  Erin.  The  suggestion  of  a  garden 
comes  to  the  mind.  But  in  the  old  rack-renting  days 
the  cultivation  of  a  garden  meant  also  the  suggestion 
of  comfort,  and  consequently  the  squeezing  of  the 
poor  tenant  to  pay  the  landlord.  With  the  settle- 
ment of  the  land  question  and  with  the  sense  of 
security  that  has  arisen,  flowers  have  begun  to 
blossom  forth,  and  soon  these  adornments  of  the 
cottage  will  delight  the  eye  everywhere. 

But  in  several  parts  of  Ireland  a  serious  trade  in 
flowers  has  been  set  on  foot,  and  here  there  is  plenty 
of  room  for  hope,  for  the  market  is  vast.  Holland 
exports  bulbs  to  Great  Britain  of  the  annual  value 
of  over  £250,000,  and  the  total  exports  approach 
£1,000,000.  Yet  Ireland  is  as  well  adapted  as  Holland 
to  this  trade.  At  the  farm  at  Rush,  County 
Dublin,  commonly  known  as  "  Holland  in  Ireland  " 
over  a  hundred  hands  are  employed  on  45  acres,  and 
£2,000  are  paid  in  wages.  From  this  farm  flowers 
have  been  exported  all  over  the  world,  to  Australia, 
New  Zealand,  India,  Japan,  and  even  to  Holland. 
At  Lissadell  in  County  Sligo  may  be  seen  25  acres 
of  daffodils,  and  gardens  devoted  to  alpine,  her- 
baceous, and  rock  plants.  Over  a  hundred  hands 
are  employed  and  the  trade  is  steadily  increasing. 

Of  other  industries  in  Ireland  we  find  ship-building, 
but  the  celebrated  firms  of  Harland  &  Wolff  (with 
its  "  record  "  output  for  1914)  and  Workman,  Clark 
&  Company  carry  on  their  operations  on  so  vast  a 
scale  that,  short  of  a  volume  of  description,  this 
mere  reference  to  enterprises  hardly  matched  in  the 


252  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUK 

world  must  suffice.  The  question  arises  as  to  whether 
the  establishment  of  such  mighty  works  is  possible 
elsewhere  in  Ireland.  Certainly  nothing  stands  in 
the  way  but  temporary  and  removable  obstacles.1 

Biscuit-making  in  Belfast  and  in  Dublin  has  pro- 
duced a  considerable  industry.  The  exports  to 
Great  Britain  are  set  down  as  £250,000,  but  this  re- 
presents only  a  small  part  of  the  total  exports.  The 
firm  of  Messrs.  Jacobs  in  Dublin  employs  3,000  hands 
and  exports  to  the  value  of  £500,000  per  annum. 

Amongst  the  progressive  trades  which  show  that 
the  Irish  artisan  is  apt  in  matters  of  handicraft  are 
those  of  the  renowned  Kilkenny  woodworkers,  the 
glove-making  in  Tipperary  and  Cork,  the  tanneries 
of  Limerick,  Cork,  and  Belfast,  the  boot  factories  in- 
cidentally referred  to,  the  pipe-making  industry  of 
Dublin,  the  pottery  manufactories  of  Belleek,  the 
glass  manufactories,  though  it  be  of  bottles  only,  in 
Dublin  and  in  Belfast,8  works  for  locomotives  near 
Dublin,*  and  motor-car  factories  in  Belfast. 

Another  industry  which  has  been  profitable  to 

1  The  Liffey  can  show  several  important  industries  connected  with 
shipping.     One  of  the  most  promising  is  the  Dublin  Dockyard  Company 
which  commenced  operations  in  1902.     They  now  employ  over  five 
hundred  hands  and  pay  up  to  £1,000  a  week  in  wages.     One  of  the 
earliest  steamers  built,  in  1908,  was  the  Irish  fishing  cruiser  Helga. 
Since  then  two  cruisers  for  a  similar  purpose  have  been  delivered  to 
Canada. 

2  The  glass  manufacture  of  Ireland,  at  one  time  highly  reputed, 
was  one  of  the  industries  intentionally  killed  by  English  legislation. 
Waterford  glass  with  its  peculiar  tinting  was  once  highly  reputed.     It 
should  not  be  difficult  to  re-establish  the  manufacture  of  glass  here, 
and  also  in  Cork.     A  scheme  is  now  on  foot  for  extensive  glass  works 
in  Ireland. 

8  The  factory  near  Kingsbridge,  Dublin,  employs  1,600  hands,  and 
turns  out  engines,  carriages,  and  trucks  for  the  Great  Southern  and 
Western  Railway. 


INDUSTKIAL  DEVELOPMENT          253 

many,  but  of  which  the  great  possibilities  do  not 
seem  to  have  been  well  considered,  is  that  of  horse- 
breeding.  Hitherto  the  main  trade  has  been  in  the 
production  of  horses  sold  at  a  low  price,  and  giving 
no  considerable  margin  of  profit.  The  great  field  is 
found,  however,  in  the  breeding  of  blood  stock.  The 
success  of  Irish  racehorses  has  shown  that  the  con- 
ditions of  soil  and  climate  suffice  to  bring  out  the 
qualities  of  breeding  of  the  best  horses.  Capital  is 
required  to  carry  on  this  business  on  an  extensive 
scale  and  in  a  systematic  fashion  ;  there  seems  little 
room  to  doubt  that  capital,  so  employed,  will  be 
found  eventually  to  bring  in  a  large  return.1 

Ireland  is  not  rich  in  minerals,  and  Lord  Dufferin 
once  declared  that  the  first  injustice  to  Ireland  had 
been  achieved  in  past  geological  times  when  she  was 
deprived  of  coal  and  other  mineral  treasures.2  Never- 

1  The  Department  of  Agriculture  have  recently  made  a  beginning 
in  fostering  horse-breeding.     Its  scheme  was  adopted  by  every  county 
in  Ireland  except  Meath,  the  council  of  that  county  desiring  to  have 
Clydesdale  stallions  contrary  to  the  advice  of  the  Department. 

2  Some  readers  may  be  surprised  to  learn  on  the  authority  of  Pro- 
fessor Hull,  of  the  Geological  Survey,  that  there  are  30,000,000  tons 
of  available  iron  ore  in  Ulster ;    and  over  200,000,000  of  workable 
coal  in  Ireland. 

The  distribution  is  : 

Leinster  (Castlecomer)        .         .  118,000,000  tons  Anthracite. 

Ulster  (Ballycastle,  Antrim)         .       12,000,000     „  Bituminous  and 

Anthracite. 

„      (Tyrone)         .         .         .  30,000,000     „  Bituminous. 

Munster  (Tipperary)  .         .*     24,000,000     „  Anthracite. 

(Clare,  Limerick,  Cork)  .       15,000,000     „  Anthracite. 

Connaught  (Arigna).  .         .       10,000,000     „  Semi-bituminous. 

209,000,000  tons  net. 

Dean  Swift  was  interested  in  the  coal  question,  and  he  tried  some 
experiments,  using  Kilkenny  coal  and  Whitehaven  alternately  in  his 


254  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

theless  Ireland  is  not  destitute  of  coal,  for  at  present 
the  annual  output  is  90,000  tons,  valued  at  £50,000 
and  the  industry  gives  employment  to  nearly  nine 
hundred  hands.  Anthracite  is  found  in  considerable 
quantities,  and  even  gold  is  obtainable  here  and 
there  in  remunerative  quantity.  And  yet  withal, 
emigration  continues  at  the  rate  of  30,000  per  annum. 
Let  us  consider  one  case  of  failure,  for  even  more 
clearly  perhaps  than  in  successful  enterprises  we  see 
the  possibilities  for  good  or  ill  that  Government  and 
social  conditions  may  exercise.  Near  a  small  village 
in  County  Clare  called  Doonagore  excellent  slate 
is  obtained  such  as  is  useful  for  paving  footpaths  or 
flagging  floors.  An  industry  was  started  which  gave 
employment  for  about  three  hundred  men.  In  due 
course  labour  troubles  arose.  At  one  time  such  an 
occurrence  would  have  been  made  the  occasion  for 
homilies  on  the  incapacity  of  the  Irish  for  regular 
and  co-ordinated  work,  but  of  recent  years  England 
has  led  the  van  in  strikes  of  gigantic  size  carried  on 
in  obstinate  temper,  and  causing  grave  concern  to  the 
Government.  The  question  of  labour  troubles  in- 
volves a  thousand  factors  of  conditions  of  life,  educa- 
tion, taxes,  and  temperament  of  the  people,  the 
degree  of  cohesion  in  organisation  of  the  workers, 
the  activities  of  the  leaders,  chance  occurrences,  as 
well  as  the  state  of  trade,  involving  also  foreign 
competition.  Let  us  pass  over  this,  after  remarking 
that  these  labour  troubles  helped  in  part  to  bring  the 
trade  to  an  end. 

grate.     He  concluded  in  favour  of  Kilkenny,  and  wrote  vigorously 
in  favour  of  the  local  product.     (See  "  Drapier  Letters.") 

The  coalfields  of  Ireland  employ  nearly  900  hands  and  produce 
over  90,000  tons  a  year.  The  principal  workings  are  at  Castlecomer, 
Wolfhill,  Gracefield,  and  Arigiia. 


INDUSTRIAL  DEVELOPMENT         255 

But  there  were  other  causes.  The  port  of  ship- 
ment is  Liscannor,  and  Liscannor  bay  opens  out  into 
the  broad  Atlantic.  The  tempests  of  the  Atlantic 
need  no  exaggerated  description ;  they  have  won 
their  reputation ;  at  Liscannor  they  are  sometimes 
superb.  At  Liscannor,  however,  the  rocky  bed  of 
the  sea  becomes  shallow  and  crumpled  enough  to 
break  the  force  of  the  waves,  and  this  circumstance 
has  made  it  possible  to  build  a  little  sheltered  harbour 
where  a  small  seagoing  vessel  might  be  moored  in 
safety.  This  possibility  has  not  been  quite  fulfilled 
by  the  little  dock-like  enclosure  which  the  Govern- 
ment actually  built,  for  the  disposition  of  the  rocks 
and  the  masonry  is  such  that  in  rough  weather  the 
water  racing  round  the  elbow  of  the  harbour  sweeps 
into  its  entrance  with  such  speed  and  volume  as 
to  wash  out  any  vessel  which  is  not  strongly  secured. 
When  secured  the  vessel  pounds  away  up  and  down, 
with  the  great  risk  of  bumping  a  hole  through  her 
timbers  or  plates.  In  these  circumstances  application 
was  made  to  one  of  the  Castle  Boards — the  Board  of 
Works — which  concerns  itself  with  such  matters, 
and  the  Board  finding  that  it  had  a  loose  sum  of 
money  decided  to  improve  the  bottom  of  the  harbour. 
The  apparatus  employed  broke  at  an  early  stage  of 
the  proceedings ;  then  came  some  difficulty  about 
supplying  the  defect,  the  crew  and  the  workers 
meanwhile  being  paid,  "  for  watching  the  ebb  and 
flow  of  the  tide/'  as  a  local  authority  expressed  it ; 
and  at  length  it  was  found  that  the  sum  of  money 
available  was  exhausted,  and  nothing  more  was  done. 

The  result  was  the  same  as  if  the  official  order 
had  been  given  :  Pound  away  until  the  money  is 
done,  then  clear  out.  It  reminds  one  of  the  cele- 


256  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

brated  plan  of  attack  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte's 
commander  at  Toulon :  "I  will  bombard  the  town 
for  three  days,  and  then  carry  it  by  the  bayonet/' 
though  even  here  we  had  the  promise  of  an  ultimate 
success.  It  might  be  said  that  the  action  of  the 
Board  was  reasonable  ;  they  worked  while  they  had 
money,  and  then  stopped.  That  is  true.  But  an 
engineer  lays  his  plans  to  accomplish  a  certain  work, 
and  not  merely  to  exhaust  a  credit.  In  the  whole 
history  from  first  to  last  there  is  a  suggestion  of  that 
incompetence  which  we  meet  with  so  often  in  the 
governing  of  Ireland,  and  which  is  the  more  hopeless 
because  allied  often  with  good  intentions. 

My  reason  for  dealing  with  the  question  of  Irish 
trade  developments  was,  however,  to  strike  an  en- 
couraging note  with  regard  to  the  future.  Irish 
vitality  is  wonderful.  And  so,  I  have  no  doubt,  the 
quarries  at  Doonagore  will  soon  be  in  full  blast 
again.  I  know  an  English  firm  which,  having  ex- 
amined the  whole  property,  decided  that  the  under- 
taking was  full  of  promise.  They  postponed  the 
investment  of  capital  in  the  affair  on  various  grounds 
which,  however,  could  all  be  included  by  saying  that 
the  state  of  the  country  did  not  yet  offer  all  the 
security  desired. 

To  sum  up  the  whole  question :  We  find  that 
Ireland  is  a  country  of  great  resources,1  many  of 
which  are  only  in  the  infancy  of  their  development ; 

1  Consider,  for  instance,  the  question  of  afforestation.  In  Ireland 
the  bareness  of  the  country  is  one  of  the  most  striking  features  of  the 
landscape.  The  country  is  beautiful  in  spite  of  this,  but  wherever  the 
eye  rests  on  a  clump  of  trees  or  the  remains  of  an  old  forest,  the  natural 
charm  of  the  landscape  is  greatly  enhanced.  This  is,  however,  merely 
the  sentimental  side  of  the  question.  It  is  well  to  consider  the  prac- 
tical utility  in  detail.  Holland  has  given  the  world  many  examples 


INDUSTRIAL  DEVELOPMENT         257 

labour  is  abundant,  and  the  Irish  labourer  is  both 
hardworking  and  intelligent ;  the  handicraftsmen 

to  copy  in  agriculture  and  nearly  thirty  years  ago  a  Danish  expert, 
Mr.  D.  Howitz,  was  sent  to  Ireland  to  study  the  question  of  afforestation. 
He  submitted  a  report  which  was  laid  before  the  House  of  Commons, 
in  which  he  said  that  the  question  of  tree-planting  was  one  of  vast 
importance  and  that  Ireland  instead  of  having  a  population  of 
5,000,000  should  have  25,000,000,  if  this  industry  were  determinedly 
taken  up. 

Mr.  Howitz  estimated  that  there  were  3,000,000  of  acres  in  Ireland 
available  for  profitable  tree-planting ;  the  profit  that  would  accrue 
he  set  down  at  £3,000,000  a  year.  It  should  be  noted  that  no 
less  than  £25,000,000  worth  of  timber  is  imported  every  year  into 
the  United  Kingdom,  and  according  to  a  high  authority  on  the  sub- 
ject, Dr.  Nisbet,  it  would  be  possible  to  grow  as  much  as  £18,000,000 
worth  on  the  soil  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  Ireland  was  at  one 
time  well  supplied  with  trees,  as  is  evident  from  the  old  Irish  names, 
signifying  wooded  places,  which  abound.  But  the  trees  were  cut 
down  for  various  reasons  and  no  general  order  was  in  force  for  plant- 
ing. Over  a  hundred  years  ago  the  Dublin  Society  paid  bounties  for 
tree-planting,  and  this  gave  a  new  impetus  to  the  industry.  Then  the 
troubles  of  the  Union  came,  and  the  bounties  were  discontinued. 

The  question  has  seriously  occupied  the  attention  both  of  the 
Government  and  of  private  individuals.  Among  those  who  have  been 
most  active  in  the  private  sphere  are  Lord  Fitzwilliam,  Lord  Castle- 
down,  and  Count  Moore.  Lord  Castledown  established  a  saw-mill 
near  his  demesne,  and  this  gives  employment  to  a  great  many  in  the 
neighbourhood.  In  Kilkenny  the  Hon.  Otway  Cuffe  helped  to  estab- 
lish a  wood  factory,  and  the  Kilkenny  woodworkers  are  now  famous 
all  over  Ireland. 

The  Irish  Forestry  Society  has  revived  interest  in  this  subject  and 
given  a  great  stimulus  to  individual  efforts  of  tree-planting.  An 
"  Arbor  Day  "  has  been  established,  and  this  has  become  popular 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  country.  Many  thousands 
of  trees  are  planted  on  Arbor  Day,  and  children  in  the  schools  are 
instructed  in  the  value  of  tree-planting.  The  intelligent  appreciation 
they  display  is  a  good  augury  of  the  future.  Of  the  total  area  of 
Ireland  about  1*4  per  cent.,  or  less  than  300,000  acres,  is  under 
woods  ;  as  compared  with  England  5'3  per  cent.,  Scotland  4'5  per 
cent.,  and  Wales  3'9  per  cent.,  Ireland  is  at  a  great  disadvantage. 
The  utility  of  tree-planting  does  not  rest  with  the  profit  of  the  timber. 
Woods  on  the  Western  border  form  a  protection  from  the  Atlantic 

17 


258  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUB 

show  patience,  skill,  and  deftness  in  their  work  ; 
Irishmen  are  good  organisers,  keen  in  enterprise,  and 

gales,  and  the  value  of  all  the  land  so  protected  is  increased  whether 
the  land  be  cultivated  or  used  for  grazing. 

It  is  well,  however,  to  call  attention  to  another  aspect  of  this  matter, 
viz.,  that  the  cost  of  fostering  this  industry  may  be  in  excess  of  the 
return.  In  a  recent  number  of  the  "  Irish  Review "  Mr.  Justin 
Phillips  delivers,  figures  in  hand,  what  without  punning  might  be 
called  a  powerful  philippic  against  the  system  at  present  adopted  in 
Ireland.  It  will  here  be  sufficient  to  quote  the  beginning  and  end  of 
his  article : 

In  considering  the  various  activities  of  our  Department  of 
Agriculture  we  cannot  fail  to  be  deeply  impressed  by  the  enormous 
amount  of  energy  and  money  now  being  expended  by  that  body 
on  the  development  of  afforestation.  In  their  report,  issued  in 
1908,  the  Departmental  Committee  on  Irish  Forestry  advocated 
the  preservation  of  existing  woods,  and  the  creation  of  a  new  forest 
area  as  a  sound  investment  for  the  nation.  Also,  at  the  request 
of  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  the  Development  Commis- 
sioners recently  sanctioned  a  grant  of  £25,000  to  aid  this  work, 
and  during  the  past  year  a  Chair  of  Forestry  in  the  Royal  Col- 
lege of  Science  has  been  established  at  the  expense  of  Develop- 
ment Funds. 

In  conclusion  I  state  emphatically  that  expenditure  on  affores- 
tation is  altogether  unjustifiable,  because  the  accumulated  value 
of  the  cost  of  purchasing  and  planting  afforestable  lands,  when 
added  to  the  accumulated  value  of  the  annual  outgoings  for 
supervision  and  rates,  will  be  such  that  the  sums  received  from 
the  sale  of  timber  under  present  conditions  will  barely  equal  a 
tithe  of  the  accumulated  sum.  Afforestable  lands  would,  if  used 
for  ordinary  agricultural  purposes,  produce  considerably  more 
wealth  than  if  used  for  forestry,  and  therefore  afforestation  must 
ultimately  prove  to  be  a  most  unsound  investment  for  the  nation, 
a  drain  on  our  natural  resources,  and  an  injustice,  not  alone  to 
the  Irish  ratepayers,  but  to  those  landless  men  who  would  will- 
ingly put  afforestable  lands  to  a  productive  and  profitable  pur- 
pose. 

How  can  views,  apparently  so  contrary,  be  reconciled  ?  Mr.  Phillips, 
in  taking  note  of  the  length  of  time  which  must  elapse  before  tree- 
planting  can  give  a  return,  calculates  on  the  initial  expenditure  a  pos- 
sible income  furnished  by  compound  interest  for  that  time,  and  he 


INDUSTRIAL  DEVELOPMENT         259 

zealous  in  business ;  captains  of  industry  will  be 
forthcoming  in  proportion  as  trade  is  developed  ;  the 
Government  can  do  much  to  aid  and  foster  Irish 
trade,  and  of  late  years  the  Department  of  Agriculture 
and  Fisheries  and  the  Congested  Districts  Board  have 
some  excellent  work  to  their  credit ;  the  spirit  of 
co-operation,  of  which  Sir  Horace  Plunkett  has  been 
the  pioneer,  and  which  the  Irish  Agricultural  Organisa- 
tion Society  has  greatly  aided,  teems  with  promise 
for  the  future ;  the  general  spread  of  education,  the 
enlightenment  of  local  bodies  will  secure  the  elimina- 
tion of  bad  methods,  and  the  progressive  improve- 
ment will  be  stimulated  by  the  solid  gains  that  accrue  ; 
the  Government  might  still  do  more  as,  for  instance, 
by  a  thorough  geological  survey  with  regard  to  mineral 
resources  ;  1  but  the  great  boon  is  yet  to  come  when 

sets  this  on  the  other  side  of  the  balance.  The  question,  however, 
arises  as  to  the  limits  allowed  to  such  a  mode  of  assessment.  Further 
he  criticises  the  Department  of  Agriculture  on  the  score  of  costly 
administration.  That  evil  could  be  reduced  if  by  intelligent  under- 
standing throughout  the  country  Irish  farmers  were  induced  to  plant 
lands  not  otherwise  so  profitable.  It  is  undoubted  that  a  great 
amount  of  the  country  at  present  remains  useless.  Similar  remarks 
apply  to  projects  of  reclamation  of  land,  schemes  of  drainage.  It  is 
possible  to  squander  money  on  these  objects ;  it  is  also  possible  by 
good  economy  to  render  them  available  for  the  income  of  the  country 
to  a  degree  greater  than  is  generally  suspected. 

In  the  "  Nineteenth  Century,"  September  1914,  appears  an  instruc- 
tive article  on  "Afforestation  and  Timber  Planting  in  Ireland,"  by 
Mr.  J.  Nisbet,  Forestry  Adviser  to  the  Board  of  Agriculture,  Scotland. 
This  expert  points  out  in  what  way  afforestation  schemes  could  be 
advantageously  carried  through  in  Ireland. 

1  During  the  year  1912-1913  the  Geological  Survey  of  Ireland  con- 
tinued the  mapping  of  areas  in  Ireland  on  the  scale  of  six  inches  to 
one  mile.  A  detailed  investigation  of  the  horizons  on  which  coal 
occurs  in  the  Leinster  coalfield  was  begun.  Soils  were  investigated  in 
regard  to  their  crop-bearing  powers.  This  is  work  in  the  right  direc- 
tion. 


260  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

with  Home  Rule  there  will  be  infused  into  the  country 
a  new  life  of  hope,  energy,  determination,  future- 
looking,  and  confidence ;  and  with  that  again  the 
steady  influx  of  capital. 

Many  instances  might  be  given  of  the  successful  promotion  of  in- 
dustries even  by  what  some  practical  men  might  be  inclined  to  call 
artificial  means.  Wiirtemberg,  a  country  one-fourth  the  size  of 
Ireland,  was  in  1850,  in  the  words  of  Dr.  von  Steinbeis,  "  purely 
agricultural  and  impoverished  by  over-population."  Its  condition 
was  "  deplorable."  Dr.  von  Steinbeis  set  himself  to  solve  the  problem 
of  introducing  industries.  He  succeeded,  and  Wurtemberg  is  known 
all  over  Europe  for  its  manufactures,  which  include  textile  fabrics, 
gunpowder  and  blasting  powder,  and  Mauser  rifles.  It  was  said 
recently  that  a  pauper  could  not  be  found  in  Wiirtemburg.  These 
last  words,  however,  were  written  before  the  war. 

On  our  side  I  find  in  the  "  Irish  Homestead  "  of  13th  June  1914 
an  article  by  Mr.  T.  Wibberley  from  which  I  cite  only  this  paragraph  : 
Rape  possesses  both  a  higher  feeding  and  manurial  value 
than  do  mangels.  The  most  up-to-date  tables  published  on  the 
matter  have  been  recently  compiled  by  Dr.  Crowther,  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Leeds,  reference  to  which  will  show  that  rape  contains 
digestible  albuminoids  1'5  per  cent.,  digestible  fat,  '6  per  cent., 
carbohydrates  6  per  cent.,  with  a  starch  value  of  8  and  albuminoids 
ratio  of  1  to  5  and  a  manurial  value  of  4s.  3d.  per  ton,  whilst 
mangels  contain  "1  per  cent,  digestible  albuminoids,  '1  per  cent, 
digestible  fat,  and  9  per  cent,  digestible  carbohydrates,  starch 
value  7,  albuminoids  ratio  1  to  92,  and  a  manurial  value  of  3s.  5d. 
per  ton.  / 

For  my  own  encouragement  I  have  read  these  words  so  often  that 
the  ideas  they  bring  float  through  my  mind  like  a  Beethoven  Sonata. 
There  is  hope  for  a  country  that  can  think  on  those  lines. 

Bravo,  Wibberley,  c"est  la  vraie  agriculture ! — that  is  the  true  way 
to  work  a  farm. 


CHAPTER   X 

EDUCATION 

The  antique  Persians  taught  three  useful  things, 
To  draw  the  bow,  to  ride,  and  speak  the  truth. 

I  HAVE  begun  these  notes  on  Education  by  a  reference 
to  my  old  friend,  Byron,  and  already  this  may  seem 
to  the  purists  too  frivolous  an  entry.  But  Byron  in 
his  light  style  often,  and  especially  in  "  Don  Juan," 
throws  a  radiant  beam  to  the  depth  of  things ;  his 
judgment  there  is  good,  his  characterisations  of  men 
have  the  touch  of  inner  verity.  On  the  other  hand 
I  have  known  many  shallow  and  pretentious  sayings, 
many  futile  and  false  things,  proclaimed  with  solemn 
mien  and  stodgy  utterance.  I  am  speaking  of  educa- 
tion, I  am  speaking  even  of  Irish  education.  I  want 
to  clear  the  ground  so  that  we  may  set  up  proper 
standards. 

In  the  House  of  Commons  I  have  listened  to  an 
address  on  education  which  might  have  been  delivered 
to  a  congress  of  carpenters,  for  it  dealt  mainly  with 
the  details  of  buildings ;  I  have  heard  another  that 
was  more  fitted  for  a  vestrymen's  meeting,  for  it 
was  occupied  with  the  gossip  of  Anglican  and  Non- 
conformist interests  in  a  little  Welsh  school.  And 
this  too  at  a  time  when  the  greatest  need  of  the  State 
is  education,  and  when  it  requires  a  clear  view  of 
education  from  top  to  bottom  and  bold  decisive 

261 


262  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOTJK 

action  to  stave  off  those  symptoms  of  decline  which 
are  not  absent  even  in  this  mighty  nation. 

In  Germany — and  this  is  the  secret  of  Germany's 
greatness,  wherein  she  has  been  great — at  the  begin- 
ning of  last  century  William  von  Humboldt  was 
entrusted  with  large  powers  in  remodelling  the  educa- 
tion of  the  country.  He  was  a  man  of  extended 
views,  and  of  liberal  culture,  and  the  scheme  with 
which  he  endowed  Germany  has  sufficed  to  make  the 
Fatherland  pre-eminent  in  science  and  its  products, 
and  to  hold  that  great  asset  firm  in  the  face  of  diffi- 
culties of  many  kinds  which  have  beset  her  path.1 

At  the  outset,  then,  I  will  say  that  education  in 
Ireland  is  bad.  I  judge  by  results.  It  is  useless  to  re- 
tort with  the  brilliant  record  of  Irish  boys  at  school, 
lists  of  prizes,  scholarships,  and  the  like,  for  these 
are  the  very  matters  which  I  desire  to  put  into  the 
crucible.  As  well  might  you  say  that  Chinese  educa- 
tion is  good,  because  by  the  prizes  and  preferments 
that  result  the  young  Chinese  is  launched  into  the 
path  of  the  mandarins.  What  then  is  the  test  ? 
One  test  is  the  position  in  which,  as  far  as  education 
has  effect,  the  nation  is  placed  as  against  other  nations. 
Another  is  in  the  estimation  of  the  higher  products 
of  education,  the  distinction  obtained  in  the  arts, 
in  literature,  and  particularly  in  science. 

By  any  of  these  tests  the  education  of  Ireland 
stands  condemned,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  those  who 
love  Ireland  not  to  cover  up  the  issue  by  a  fanfar- 

1  A  study  of  the  progress  of  Technical  Education  in  Germany  will 
reinforce  this  argument  enormously.  An  article  in  a  recent  number 
of  "Nature"  (12  November,  1914)  reproduced  the  "Revue  Scienti- 
fique "  (21-28  November,  1914)  by  Sir  William  Ramsay,  indicates 
Germany's  great  energy  in  respect  to  industrial  developments. 


EDUCATION  263 

onade  of  rhetoric,  but  calmly  to  recognise  the  fact, 
and  determinedly  search  for  the  causes  of  failure. 
Certainly  that  is  not  to  be  found  either  in  the  lack 
of  desire  of  parents  for  the  education  of  their  sons, 
or  in  the  deficiency  of  the  children  themselves.  The 
struggling  Irishman  of  less  than  moderate  means 
seems  generally  keener  to  provide  a  good  education 
for  his  children  than  the  man  in  a  corresponding 
situation  in  England.  That  statement,  which  appears 
as  a  result  of  observation,  may  be  verified  by  statis- 
tics :  5  per  1,000  of  the  population  go  to  higher  schools 
in  England,  6  per  1,000  in  Ireland.  It  must  be 
remembered  that  the  difficulties  surmounted  and 
sacrifices  entailed  are  much  greater  in  a  poor  country 
like  Ireland,  than  a  country  where  prosperity  is  so 
widely  spread  as  in  England. 

I  do  not  intend  to  enter  into  a  discussion  of  the 
details  of  the  Irish  system,  for  that  might  run  to 
volumes,  but  rather  to  point  out  certain  broad  govern- 
ing principles.  The  control  of  Irish  education,  as 
indeed  of  all  forms  of  public  activity,  depends  on  the 
Castle  System.  There  is  a  Board  of  National  Educa- 
tion which  has  in  charge  the  system  of  elementary 
instruction  throughout  the  country,  and  there  is  a 
Board  whose  function  it  is  to  control  within  certain 
limits,  or  to  guide  by  rewards,  what  is  called  Inter 
mediate  Education,  that  is  to  say  intermediate  be- 
tween the  elementary  education  and  that  provided  at 
the  Universities.  These  Boards  are  both  the  offspring 
of  the  Castle,  the  members  being  nominated  by  the 
Lord-Lieutenant,  and  hence,  as  in  all  public  business 
in  Ireland,  we  ultimately  reach  politics  as  repre- 
sented by  the  British  Government  of  the  day. 
For  the  Board  of  National  Education  there  are 


264  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

twenty  members,  ten  of  them  being  Catholics  and 
ten  Protestant.     In  the  event  of  equal  votes  on  any 
subject,  the  decision  is  left  to  the  Resident  Com- 
missioner.    The  Resident  Commissioner  is  Dr.  W. 
J.   M.    Starkie,   a   Protestant,   a   representative   of 
Oxford  and  Trinity  College,  a  man  of  considerable 
academic  fame  and  one  who  at  the  beginning  of  his 
career  exercised  almost  autocratic  power.    I  have 
heard  it  stated  that  this  power  was  not  always 
wisely  exercised  in  regard  to  the  fostering  of  Irish 
education,  that  Dr.  Starkie  gave  too  much  impor- 
tance to  certain  personal  notions  of  his  own,  and 
that  his  influence  was  felt  too  much  in  the  way  of 
criticism  rather  than  of  stimulation.     It  is  only  fair, 
however,  to  say  that  these  words  were  uttered  by 
one  not  in  sympathy  with  Dr.  Starkie's  school  of 
thought,  and  on  the  other  hand  Dr.  Starkie  in  an 
address  delivered  in  July  1911,  in  the  Queen's  Uni- 
versity, Belfast,  makes  out  a  good  case  for  his  ideas. 
However,  the  failings  of  Irish  education  depend 
less  on  Dr.  Starkie  than  on  the  general  system.    Here 
we  come  to  a  singular  result  of  Castle  rule,  for  while 
English  Tory  politicians  complain  that  Home  Rule 
will  mean  Rome  Rule  and  reproach  the  Irish  with 
being  a  priest-ridden  people,  we  find  that  it  is  the 
Castle  itself  which  imposes  the  rule  of  the  priests  in 
elementary  education. 

The  managers  of  Primary  schools  are  the  parish 
priests.  The  managers  are  appointed  by  the  Board, 
but  it  has  become  the  custom  to  appoint  them  on  the 
recommendation  of  the  Bishop,  and  so  it  comes  about 
that  almost  automatically  the  parish  priest  becomes 
the  manager  of  the  school.  The  manager  has  the 
power  of  dismissing  a  teacher  subject  to  the  endorse- 


EDUCATION  265 

ment  of  the  Bishop.  To  estimate  the  effect  of  that 
authority  in  a  country  parish  requires  no  great  effort 
of  imagination.  Practically  the  whole  control  of 
primary  education  in  the  Nationalist  part  of  Ireland 
is  in  the  hands  of  the  clergy.  The  clergy  vigilant 
in  defending  their  privileges  everywhere  are  particu- 
larly jealous  in  regard  to  education. 

The  Secondary  schools  in  Ireland  number  some- 
thing less  than  500,  but  of  these  some  are  small 
private  schools,  others  are  training  colleges,  or  the 
like,  and  it  is  found  that  less  than  300  come  under 
the  influence  of  the  "  Intermediate  Board."  The 
total  number  of  pupils  is  nearly  20,000,  the  boys  being 
nearly  twice  as  many  as  the  girls.  The  intervention 
of  the  State  through  the  Board  of  Intermediate 
Education  is  virtually  limited  to  the  distribution  of 
the  funds  available  for  that  purpose.  The  income  of 
the  Board  is  about  £80,000  of  which  some  £33,000 
comes  from  interest  on  securities  derived  ultimately 
from  investments  of  £1,000,000  obtained  from  the 
disestablished  Irish  Church.  A  sum  averaging  over 
£46,000  is  obtained  from  what  in  Ireland  is  called 
"  whiskey  money "  being  the  quota  allotted  to 
education  out  of  the  State  revenue  on  customs  and 
excise.1  This  money  is  allocated  by  the  Board 
partly  in  scholarships  to  the  students  who  have  been 
most  successful  in  the  examination  prescribed  and 
conducted  by  the  Board,  and  partly  in  fees  granted 
to  the  schools  according  to  the  results  of  the  exam- 
inations. It  is  permissible  for  any  one  to  open  a 

1  I  am  informed  by  the  Intermediate  Board  that  its  average  income 
for  the  three  years  ending  31st  December  1913  was  £82,776  18*.  3d., 
of  which  the  Local  Taxation  (Customs  and  Duties)  supplied 
£46,566  15s,  5d, 


266  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

Secondary  school  in  Ireland,  and  to  compete  for  these 
monetary  rewards.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however, 
the  greater  number  of  these  schools,  especially  the 
more  important  ones,  are  in  the  hands  of  the  priests. 
A  typical  example  is  this  :  A  seminary  capable 
of  holding  from  60  to  100  students,  is  established 
in  a  county.  The  fees  received  from  the  students 
are  insufficient  to  maintain  the  school,  and  the  de- 
ficiency is  made  good  by  voluntary  subscriptions  in 
the  county,  taken  once  a  year  at  the  churches.  The 
revenue  derived  according  to  results  from  the  fund 
of  the  Intermediate  Board  helps  to  support  the 
general  expenses.  Nevertheless  the  total  sum  avail- 
able throughout  the  country  is  insufficient  to  provide 
for  satisfactory  intermediate  education,  and  Mr. 
Birrell,  the  Chief  Secretary  to  the  Lord-Lieutenant, 
decided  recently  to  supplement  the  funds  by  an 
additional  grant  of  £40,000  per  annum,  of  which  the 
capitalised  equivalent  may  be  taken  as  £1,000,000. 
Was  this  benefit  received  in  an  appreciative  spirit  in 
Ireland  ?  No ;  at  least  not  on  the  part  of  those 
authorities  most  intimately  concerned  in  the  work 
of  education.  For  to  this  gift  was  attached  the  con- 
dition that  for  every  fifty  pupils  in  a  school  there 
must  be  at  least  one  lay  teacher.  A  storm  arose. 
Heated  correspondence  in  the  newspapers  ensued,  and 
with  that  exaggeration  which  sometimes  manifests 
itself  in  Irish  problems,  the  good  Mr.  Birrell  with  his 
well-intentioned  boon  found  himself  held  up  to  the 
world  as  the  insidious  arch  enemy  of  Irish  happiness. 
In  consequence  of  the  criticisms  on  his  scheme  Mr. 
Birrell  has  in  fact  slightly  varied  the  original  terms, 
and  now  it  is  proposed  that  there  shall  be  as  many 
lay  teachers  employed  throughout  Ireland  as  will 


EDUCATION  267 

average  one  for  every  fifty  pupils.  The  agitation  of 
protests  produced  by  the  suggestion  of  introducing 
lay  teachers  has  hitherto  prevented  the  scheme  becom- 
ing effective.  Nothing  could  better  indicate  the 
importance  of  this  question  of  control,  and  the 
manner  in  which  the  Hierarchy  regard  the  whole 
question  of  education ;  for  a  poor  country  like  Ire- 
land, accustomed  of  late  to  look  at  the  Treasury 
for  financial  aid,  does  not  light-heartedly  reject  a 
gift  of  £1,000,000. 

But  then,  there  was  the  lay  teacher  !  There  was 
that  advanced  guard  of  Satan  himself.  :(  The  school- 
master is  abroad,"  cried  Brougham  once  in  a  burst 
of  democratic  enthusiasm.  To  the  Bishops  that 
announcement  has  been  a  signal  of  alarm.  '  The 
lay  teacher  is  coming/'  rings  out,  as  once  before 
through  the  citadels  of  Rome  that  rumour  of  panic  : 
"  Hannibal  at  the  Gates  !  "  What  is  the  secret  of 
the  dread  of  that  personage,  always  so  ill-paid  and 
generally  so  modest — the  lay  teacher  ?  I  once  had 
a  conversation  with  an  influential  public  man  who 
interests  himself  in  educational  matters,  and  I 
opened  thus  :  "Is  there  a  Catholic  and  a  Protestant 
way  of  making  a  pair  of  boots  ?  '  He  reflected  deeply 
before  replying.  There  was  something,  not  so  much 
in  the  bare  question  itself,  as  in  its  form,  which  dis- 
quieted him. 

He  replied  at  length  :    "  Perhaps  not." 

"  Well  then,"  I  continued,  "  is  there  a  Catholic  and 
a  Protestant  way  of  solving  quadratic  equations  ?  " 

Now  he  answered  brusquely.  The  cloven  hoof 
had  been  displayed,  and  he  refused  to  be  led 
along  the  dubious  path  of  Socratic  interrogation. 
"  Perhaps  not,"  he  said,  "  if  you  fasten  your  atten- 


268  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

tion  on  quadratic  equations  ;  but  what  is  necessary 
to  preserve  is  a  Catholic  atmosphere  about  all  the 
teaching.  Thus,  if  once  you  begin  to  allow  lay 
teachers  to  enter,  then  you  might  have  algebra 
taught  by  a  Free-thinker,  who  while  instructing  them 
in  the  solution  of  quadratic  equations  might  drop  a 
word  or  two  of  the  poison  of  doubt  in  their  ears,  and 
so  unsettle  their  faith  for  ever." 

This  was  of  course  the  true  doctrine,  but  it  left  me 
terribly  unsettled  as  to  the  healthiness  of  that  belief. 
In  that  regard  we  have  come  to  degenerate  times. 
Where  is  the  robust  faith  of  a  Torquemada  or  of  a 
Calvin,  or  of  a  John  Knox  ?  Each  of  these  in  his 
turn  was  ready  to  extirpate  with  fire  and  sword  the 
demon  of  heresy — in  its  protean  and  contradictory 
shapes — but  neither  was  afraid  for  the  Faith. 

A  Torquemada  of  our  day  would  no  doubt  think 
it  desirable  to  burn  at  the  stake  any  unfortunate 
caught  reading  "  The  Origin  of  Species,"  but  he 
would  hardly  dream  that  this  book  of  the  devil  could 
prevail  against  the  story  of  Genesis.  But  here  was 
an  excellent  and  public-spirited  man  who  having 
accorded  to  him  that  these  tender  lambs  of  fifteen  to 
nineteen  should  be  kept  unspotted  from  the  world, 
except  for  a  few  fugitive  hours  of  algebraic  instruc- 
tion, saw  in  that  concession  the  crumbling  of  the  whole 
edifice  of  religion. 

It  was  of  a  tender  lady  that  Shakespeare  tells  us 
whose  nurturing  was  so  delicate  that  not  even  the 
winds  of  Heaven  might  "  visit  her  face  too  roughly  "  ; 
but  here  in  the  year  of  grace  1915,  centuries  after 
the  invention  of  printing,  we  are  to  preserve  our  in- 
tellectual youth  from  the  dangers  of  thought,  and  to 
nurse  them  like  so  many  moral  cripples  to  the 


EDUCATION  269 

threshold  of  man's  estate.  Consider  too  that  corre- 
sponding notions  prevail  in  many  well-regulated 
Protestant  homes  where  the  youths  are  not  allowed 
to  surmise  that  a  Catholic  may  have  some  elements 
of  good ;  and  observe  the  effect  when  these  two  sur- 
charged electric  conductors  are  brought  close  together 
in  the  public  domain.1 

1  Those  who  think  that  the  Faith  can  best  be  preserved  by  shelter- 
ing the  Irish  mind  from  the  rude  contact  of  reason  may  do  well  to 
ponder  on  the  following  extract  from  the  "  Weekly  Irish  Independent " 
of  over  twenty  years  ago,  at  a  time,  therefore,  when  the  lay  teacher  had 
not  appeared  on  the  horizon.  The  "  Weekly  Irish  Independent  "  was 
edited  by  a  Catholic,  and  the  article  was  written  by  Alexander  Elaine, 
a  Catholic,  formerly  Member  of  Parliament  for  Armagh.  My  cutting, 
however,  I  find  comes  from  an  American  paper,  "  The  Irish  Republic  " 
of  17th  February  1914,  which  quotes  it  and  heads  it  "  The  Truth." 
The  paper  was  owned  and  edited  by  Catholics  and  whatever  its  merits 
and  demerits,  was  always  fiercely  clamorous  for  Irish  rights : 

The  want  of  education  and  scientific  training  weights  our  people 
immensely  in  the  race  with  foreigners.  If  one  half  the  money 
expended  in  recruiting  an  ecclesiastical  staff,  vastly  overmanned, 
for  a  diminishing  and  starving  people,  were  given  in  teaching 
science  instead  of  metaphysics,  what  a  great  change  could  be 
wrought  in  a  short  time.  The  complaint  that  Irishmen  in  other 
countries  get  merged  in  the  mass  of  foreigners  would  cease.  An 
American  Catholic  Bishop  writes :  "  At  our  last  public  session 
we  had  sixty  or  eighty  priests  collected  from  all  parts  of  the 
Union.  I  asked  if  there  were  anyone  present  who  could  say  if 
he  knew  of  any  congregation  in  the  country  where  there  was  a 
large  proportion  of  native  Catholics  out  of  settlements  exclusively 
Catholic,  and  no  one  could  name  even  one  !  "  (See  "  Irish  Ecclesi- 
astical Record,"  May,  1872,  page  34.)  He  also  says  :  "  It  is  only 
a  remnant  of  the  children  of  Catholic  emigrants  that  is  saved ; 
the  mass  of  them  are  lost  to  the  Church."  The  reason  is  mani- 
fest— Irish  Catholics  are  very  far,  indeed,  from  being  the  equals 
of  Americans  in  ordinary  education,  and  the  disparity  is  vaster 
in  scientific  knowledge,  and  technical  skill.  Inferiority  induces 
regrets,  and  breaks  up  hope  and  courage.  Listlessness  succeeds 
where  energy  should  prevail.  The  children  of  those  emigrants 
take  a  natural  pride  in  being  Americans.  They  refuse  to  have 
a  lower  status  than  their  fellow-countrymen. 


270  IBELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

We  have  reached  such  a  state  of  affairs  that  one 
observer  has  declared  that  there  are  three  solutions 
to  the  Irish  question — Pax  britannica,  the  Ascen- 
dancy of  Protestants,  the  Ascendancy  of  Catholics, 
with  the  proviso  that  these  last  alternatives  must  be 
fought  out  in  bloodshed  to  the  extinction  of  one  side 
or  the  other.  This  picture,  though  exaggerated, 
throws  into  relief  the  factors  at  work,  and  the  evils 
of  the  situation.  Pax  britannica,  what  with  expan- 
sive programmes,  and  weak  heads  in  execution,  has 
become  a  little  insecure  of  late.  On  the  other  hand 
we  must  find  a  solution  that  will  obviate  any  chance 
of  the  much  predicted  "  civil  war."  That  indeed 
would  be  no  solution  at  all.  There  would  be  much 
blood-letting,  some  splendid  valour,  not  a  little 
ferocity,  and  generations  of  feuds,  bitterness,  and 
rankling  memories.  This  may  seem  a  theme  widely 
divergent  from  that  of  education  with  which  we 
started,  but  this  chapter  would  have  missed  its  in- 
tentions, did  it  not  become  apparent  that  these 
questions  are  all  organically  linked,  and  that  the  full 
solution  of  the  grand  spectacular  problem  must 
already  be  commenced  by  the  overhauling  of  the 
educational  system. 

We  do  not  want  to  see  Ireland  divided  into  two 
hostile  camps  of  which  the  banners  are  religious 
creeds.  We  want  to  unite  the  excellent  business 
capacities,  the  steadiness,  and  the  grit  of  Ulster,  with 
the  fertility  of  ideas,  the  vitality,  and  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  South.  And  to  accomplish  this  we  must 
at  every  turn  where  the  problem  is  met  with  en- 
deavour to  eliminate  the  causes  of  religious  strife. 

To  return  to  the  more  immediate  question  of  the 


EDUCATION  271 

educational  curriculum  in  Ireland,  we  find  that  it  is 
too  much  impressed  by  the  letter  that  killeth. 
Efficiency  in  languages,  for  example,  is  altogether 
tested  by  written  examinations,  and  undue  stress  is 
placed  upon  grammatical  niceties.  One  is  here  re- 
minded of  Huxley's  saying  of  education  at  large  as 
conceived  in  these  isles  :  "  They  study  to  pass,  and 
not  to  know ;  they  do  y$t  pass,  and  they  don't 
know !  "  If  ever  there  was  a  case  where  this  epigram- 
matic verdict  had  full  strength,  it  is  surely  in  the  case 
of  living  tongues  being  taught  as  dead  languages. 

Everyone  can  find  in  his  own  experience  facts 
sufficient  to  show  the  foolishness  of  such  a  method. 
At  school  I  had  studied  Latin  and  Greek  for  years 
without  much  advantage,  but  somewhat  later  when 
I  resolved  to  proceed  to  Berlin,  I  saw  clearly  enough 
that  if  I  wished  to  understand  German  and  to  hold 
converse  in  that  language  I  should  have  to  hit  upon 
some  different  method.  I  adopted  a  rational  course 
of  training  and  soon  had  acquired  sufficient  know- 
ledge of  German  to  serve  my  immediate  purpose  of 
study  at  the  University  of  Berlin.  Before  I  left  the 
University  German  had  become  as  facile  to  me  as 
English.  At  a  later  period  I  was  desirous  of  reading 
certain  mathematical  works — those  of  Euler  and 
Jacobi — portions  of  which  had  not  been  translated 
into  English,  though  they  were  available  in  Latin. 
For  the  purpose  of  this  study  I  acquired  in  a  few 
months  a  better  working  usage  of  Latin  than  I  had 
learnt,  and  lost,  from  the  years  of  school  and  univer- 
sity work. 

I  have  the  words  of  one  of  my  colleagues  in  Parlia- 
ment who  has  devoted  much  attention  to  the  educa- 
tional system  in  Ireland,  and  who  knows  all  its  strong*^. 


, 


272  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

points  and  all  its  weak  points.  He  said :  "  If  I  had 
to  start  as  a  Secondary  teacher  in  Ireland,  I  would 
get  the  examination  papers  of  the  last  ten  years, 
and  make  a  study  of  them.  In  this  way  I  would 
become  familiar  with  their  style,  the  lines  on  which 
they  ran.  I  would  also  study  the  Inspectors,  and 
find  out  their  fads,  whims,  and  cranks,  for  each  one 
has  his  little  pet  hobbies  which  he  rides  to  death. 
I  would  then  look  over  my  pupils  to  find  what  special 
aptitudes  bearing  on  examinations  they  manifested. 
Then  I  would  concentrate  their  efforts  on  the  ex- 
amination, and  grind,  grind,  grind  them,  as  if  that 
examination  were  the  sole  object  of  their  existence. 
The  pupil  would  get  scholarships  ;  my  school  would 
get  fees ;  and  the  country  would  get  a  few  young 
men  reduced  to  mental  impotence."  l 

This  was  a  humorous  way  of  putting  his  finger  on 
the  objectionable  features  of  the  system,  but  there 
is  no  doubt  that  the  recipe  so  given  is  followed  pretty 
closely  by  many  schools  which  have  become  famous 
in  Ireland  in  consequence.  The  same  informant 
told  me  of  the  saying  of  a  young  girl  of  fifteen,  who 

1  A  distinguished  Chief  Secretary  once  said  that  when  you  asked 
persons  connected  with  education  in  Ireland  what  was  the  chief 
defect  of  the  system,  they  immediately  began  telling  of  the  insufficiency 
of  their  salaries.  Certainly  if  they  were  National  school  teachers  they 
would  be  justified.  Into  these  matters,  however,  and  the  thousand 
details  of  administration,  and  of  the  character  of  the  courses,  ex- 
aminations, and  the  rest  of  that  order  of  ideas,  it  is  not  possible  within 
these  limits  to  enter. 

I  find  in  reading  carefully  the  Inaugural  Address  (delivered  by  Dr. 
Starkie,  on  3rd  July  1911,  on  the  occasion  of  the  inauguration  of 
University  Extension  Lectures)  in  the  Queen's  University,  Belfast, 
that  he  sees  clearly  the  evils  of  the  examination  system  (which  indeed 
he  helped  to  remove  in  the  case  of  the  Primary  schools)  in  regard  to 
the  Intermediate  schools.  All  through  his  educational  work,  he  has 
been  hampered,  he  says,  by  the  Government. 


EDUCATION  273 

had  entered  one  of  the  higher  schools,  bright,  intelli- 
gent, and  full  of  good  spirits,  and  who  after  some 
months  of  the  severe  drilling  had  become  dispirited 
and  apathetic,  and  who  declared  :  "I  only  live  for 
the  chance  of  holidays,  and  in  the  knowledge  that 
school  time  will  some  day  be  past !  "  To  change  the 
system,  he  believed,  would  nevertheless  require  one 
of  the  greatest  revolutions  of  modern  times  in  Ire- 
land. The  problem  must  be  tackled  by  the  Educa- 
tion Minister  of  the  Irish  Parliament. 

I  have  not  much  belief  that  any  Minister  of  Educa- 
tion will  lead  public  opinion  in  the  matter.  Ministers 
of  all  classes  nowadays  seem  to  gain  a  reputation 
not  by  leading  the  country,  not  by  guiding  them- 
selves by  these  great  public  needs  that  arise  in  pur- 
suing a  policy  of  progress,  but  rather  by  all  sorts  of 
shifts  for  avoiding  grappling  with  great  questions, 
by  sailing  with  the  temporary  winds  of  opinion,  by 
smooth  ways  and  compromises  with  falsehood,  and 
particularly  by  the  avoidance  of  "  incidents,"  or  what 
the  French  call  "  histories."  Therefore  it  is  neces- 
sary to  call  public  attention  to  the  fact  that  herein 
lies  a  problem,  and  that  all  is  not  well  with  Irish 
education. 

I  have  spoken  of  the  great  work  done  for  Germany 
by  William  von  Humboldt.  It  so  happened,  how- 
ever, that  William  von  Humboldt  had  certain  ad- 
vantages which  are  much  to  hope  for.  In  the  first 
place  he  had  broad  and  enlightened  views,  and  in 
the  second  place  he  had  a  free  hand  in  carrying  out 
his  work.  And  so  it  happened  that  in  a  few  months 
he  was  able  to  stamp  upon  the  whole  educational 
system  a  character  which  has  remained  with  it  ever 
since. 
18 


274  IKELAND:    VITAL  HOUB 

That  system  I  would  not  like  to  see  adopted  in 
Great  Britain  or  Ireland  without  great  modifications. 
Indeed  in  Germany  itself  its  deficiencies  and  lack  of 
modernity  have  become  so  apparent  that  a  new  educa- 
tional reformer  has  arisen,  Dr.  Kerschensteiner,  whose 
task  in  part  has  been  to  supplement  elementary 
education  in  the  case  of  those  who  are  precluded  by 
poverty,  for  example,  from  pursuing  their  course 
at  a  Secondary  school  or  Intermediate  school.  He 
seeks  to  find  an  outlet  from  what  are  known  as  the 
blind  alleys  of  employment,  as  when  a  young  boy  is 
employed  as  messenger,  or  van  boy,  or  golf  caddy, 
and  so  earns  money  while  his  companions  of  the 
same  age  are  being  apprenticed  to  trades ;  but  with 
this  difference  that  the  apprentice  can  hope  to  become 
a  master-tradesman,  but  the  useful  messenger  may 
become  derelict  as  a  man. 

The  Continuation  school  is  compulsory  in  Germany, 
and  it  is  held  during  the  day,  and  the  employer  is 
bound  so  to  arrange  that  the  young  workman  may 
attend.  Amongst  the  subjects  taught  at  Munich 
are  not  only  those  useful  from  a  wage-earning  point 
of  view,  as  book-keeping,  business  composition,  and 
the  application  of  arithmetic  to  business,  but  also 
citizenship,  "  sensible  living,"  and  hygiene.  And, 
speaking  eclectically,  these  things  are  excellent  in 
themselves,  even  though  they  be  overshadowed  by 
the  fearful  incubus  of  Kaiserthum. 

This,  however,  brings  us  back  to  the  quotation 
from  Byron  with  which  we  started.  The  antique 
Persians  taught  what  was  most  likely  to  be  service- 
able, physically,  mentally,  and  morally,  to  the  man 
in  regard  to  his  life  in  the  State.  Our  modern 
societies  have  become  more  varied  and  vast  than 


EDUCATION  275 

those  of  old,  and  there  is  an  increased  demand  on  the 
individual ;  his  knowledge  must  be  more  complex, 
his  special  aptitudes  more  differentiated,  yet  withal 
better  co-ordinated,  and  more  precisely  determined 
with  regard  to  his  definite  functions.  Nevertheless 
the  same  cardinal  principle  holds,  that  the  object 
of  education  is  to  develop  his  powers  in  regard  to  these 
requirements.  But  above  all,  note  the  phrase 
develop  his  powers.  Packing  facts  into  a  youth's 
brain  is  not  education  ;  not  even  packing  many  facts, 
and  giving  such  facility  for  reproducing  these  as 
enables  him  to  pass  an  examination  brilliantly.  The 
youth  comes  to  regard  the  examination  as  an  ordeal, 
or  as  a  severe  test  to  be  negotiated  in  his  path  to 
profit  or  to  freedom ;  but  in  this  we  may  have  no 
suggestion  of  educing,  or  leading  forth,  strengthen- 
ing, bringing  to  normal  growth  and  full  development, 
the  natural  talents  of  the  youth.  Still  less  is  any 
stress  laid  upon  the  moral  qualities.1 

1  Here,  for  example,  is  a  truly  encouraging  note  : 

A  new  departure  which  was  not  contemplated  by  any  scheme 
was  the  introduction  of  a  course  of  farriery  by  the  County  Com- 
mittee of  Tipperary  (N.R.)  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Department 
who  became  financially  responsible  for  the  course.  A  highly 
qualified  expert  farrier  opened  three  classes  at  Nenagh  and 
Thurles.  Young  blacksmiths  cycled  or  walked  from  within  a 
radius  of  six  or  seven  miles  to  the  selected  forges  where  the  in- 
struction was  given.  They  were  taught  the  most  improved 
methods  of  making  shoes  for  normal  and  abnormal  feet ;  they 
were  shown  how  to  use  the  best  tools,  and  taught  by  means  of 
specimens  the  structure  and  action  of  the  horse's  foot  and  leg. 
During  the  daytime  the  instructor  visited  his  students'  forges 
when  horses  that  had  presented  difficulties  were  brought  to  him 
for  treatment.  The  students  acquired  a  good  deal  of  useful 
information  and  increased  their  skilfulness  in  practical  work  so 
much  that  arrangements  have  been  made  to  repeat  the  course  in 
other  districts. 


276  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

Here  I  can  well  imagine  the  defenders  of  the  present 
system  intervening.  On  the  whole,  they  would  say, 

It  is  paralleled  by  another  : 

The  domestic  economy  classes  were  in  the  main  well  attended 
by  grown  pupils  of  a  good  type.  In  cookery  the  material  and 
utensils  available  in  the  homes  of  the  pupils  were  employed  ;  the 
repair  and  adaptation  of  worn  clothing  formed  the  major  portion 
of  the  instruction  in  home-sewing,  and  the  essentials  of  a  healthy 
existence  were  impressed  on  the  minds  of  the  pupils,  although 
whilst  the  instruction  was  being  imparted,  the  canons  of  hygiene 
were  of  necessity  not  strictly  observed.  A  few  of  the  teachers 
visit  the  homes  of  the  pupils  and  do  laudable  and  successful 
work  therein,  but  the  majority  of  the  instructresses  confine  their 
duties  to  the  classroom.  This  is  to  be  regretted.  Tactful  and 
sympathetic  "  visiting  "  is  the  most  efficacious  method  of  bring- 
ing about  a  much-needed  change  in  rural  homes. 
The  reference  to  the  canons  of  hygiene  is  explained  in  this  quota- 
tion : 

It  is  lamentable  to  think  that  large  areas  must  be  deprived  of 

the  advantages  of  instruction  or  the  classes  must  be  held  in 

condemned   school-houses,   barns   without   fireplaces,    insanitary 

market  sheds,  ill-adapted  court-houses,  or  dilapidated  jails.     In 

these,  teachers  try  to  inculcate  habits  of  neatness  and  order  and 

demonstrate  how  the  peasant's  home  may  be  made  brighter  and 

more  attractive.     The  task  is  almost  as  impossible  as  it  is  noble. 

I  have  not  at  all  touched  on  higher  education  as  taught  at  the 

University,    except    perhaps    by   implication    in    the   scantiness    of 

reference  in  the  chapters  on  Industrial  Development,  Literature,  and 

Science. 

With  regard  to  technical  instruction,  the  Department  of  Agricul- 
ture and  Technical  Instruction  has  of  late  been  putting  its  best  foot 
forward.  In  one  of  the  recent  Blue  books  giving  reports  as  late  as 
July  1913  there  will  be  found  gratifying  evidence  of  honest  endeavour 
and  no  small  reward  : 

These  schemes  of  Technical  Instruction  have,  during  the  past 
session,  had  enrolled  as  students  no  fewer  than  45,341  persons, 
and  this  number  will  not,  it  is  anticipated,  be  largely  increased 
under  existing  conditions. 

Ulster  with  over  18,000  students  leads,  this  being  due  to  the  greater 
abundance  of  technical  trades  in  that  province.  The  preponderance 
over  the  other  provinces  is  most  marked  in  regard  to  young  women 
students.  Leinster  and  Munster  have  each  over  11,000  ;  they  show 


EDUCATION  277 

the  pupils  are  remarkably  moral ;  they  never  forget 
their  prayers,  nor  their  grace  before  meat ;  they 
are  dutiful,  obedient,  pliable,  rather  depressed,  and 
diffident,  sometimes  anaemic,  sometimes  listless  or 
furtive,  and  deprived  of  initiative.  For  some  of  these 
virtues  I  have  no  especial  admiration ;  the  test  of 
Nature  is  truthfulness,  vitality,  energy,  determina- 
tion, whether  expressed  in  keen  and  active  striving 
or  in  the  slower  persistent  purpose  that  never  loses 
sight  of  its  goal. 

Take  two  young  men  on  the  threshold  of  life  :  one, 
a  gold  medallist,  prizeman,  the  round-shouldered  and 
spectacled  pride  of  the  examination  hall,  boasting  of 
his  impedimenta  of  knowledge  which  he  can  never 
apply,  pale,  priggish,  neurasthenic  already,  but 
capable  of  following  with  clerkly  intelligence  in  the 
grooves  already  traced  out ;  the  other,  deprived  by 
unlucky  chance  of  early  advantages,  of  medium  height, 
straight,  active  and  hardy ;  one  who  has  seen  things 
at  first  hand,  and  who  has  already  thought  for  him- 
self ;  deficient  perhaps  in  many  of  the  graces  of  know- 
ledge, but  possessing  an  excellent  presence  and 
cheerful  manners,  gifts  that  Aristotle  declares  to  be 
better  than  all  the  letters  of  introduction  in  the 
world ;  beginning  to  see,  moreover,  that  life  is 
earnest  and  feeling  braced  to  the  call,  not  shrinking 
from  work  nor  craving  for  stimulants,  truthful, 
reliable,  large-souled  and  patriotic,  endowed  with 

a  greater  tendency  to  increase  than  Ulster.    Connaught  has  only  a 
little  over  4,000. 

The  Department  is  laudably  endeavouring  to  relate  the  technical 
schools  to  the  industrial  resources  and  requirements  of  Ireland.  Here 
we  begin  to  hope.  Much  money  will  be  wanted,  a  good  deal  of  labour 
will  be  unproductive,  but  an  upward  move  in  the  scale  of  intelligence 
and  in  the  realms  of  command  is  assured. 


278  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

the  happy  assurance  of  victory  warranted  by  the 
whole  spirit  of  the  intellect  backed  by  indomitable 
will.  The  first  I  admit  is  much  more  sure  of  prefer- 
ment, he  is  the  "  functionary  "  ;  he  is  the  type  that 
the  modern  State  especially  wants  to  create ;  he  has 
all  those  negations  which  are  called  virtues,  and  he 
has  all  that  pliable  want  of  character  esteemed  by 
superiors ;  he  may  creep  on  to  honours,  if  not  to 
honour,  to  office,  to  competence,  possibly  even  to 
command  and  to  wealth  ;  he  will  read  well  on  a  tomb- 
stone. And  yet,  and  yet,  for  the  life  of  me  I  cannot 
help  but  prefer  the  other. 

A  fanciful  picture,  but  why,  ye  gods  ?  It  is 
what  all  young  Irishmen  ought  to  be. 

And  then  we  come  to  the  Intermediate.  And  as 
I  reflect  I  seem  to  forecast  that  the  Irish  Minister  of 
Education  will  do  many  little  things  ;  and  as  I  dream 
there  comes  before  my  mind  what  should  be  done — 
the  vision  of  the  great  things. 


CHAPTEE   XI 

LITERATURE 

I  REMEMBER  a  story  of  an  old  friend, — John  O'Leary, 
referred  to  elsewhere — that  during  his  exile  in  Paris 
a  French  lady  had  told  him  that  she  knew  only  three 
English  writers,  that  they  were  all  witty  and  all 
mauvais  sujets  (scapegraces).  These  were  Sterne, 
Goldsmith,  and  Sheridan.  I  asked  him  if  she  was 
attracted  by  them  as  mauvais  sujets,  but  John 
O'Leary  answered  with  judgment  that  the  fact  did 
not,  at  all  events,  prevent  her  appreciation.  But, 
he  cried  triumphantly,  I  was  able  to  tell  her  that 
they  were  all  Irishmen ! 

The  conclusion  at  which  he  desired  to  arrive  was 
that  in  the  realm  of  literature  Irishmen  were  superior 
to  Englishmen.  There  are,  however,  many  questions 
to  ask  before  such  an  opinion  can  be  endorsed.  In 
the  first  place  John  O'Leary,  in  his  partisan  eagerness, 
was  content  to  accept  as  final  the  dictum  of  a  French 
lady,  and  not  the  less  content  that  she  was  unde- 
terred by  mauvais  sujets.  This  is  a  partial  view  of 
literature,  for  it  omits,  as  did  the  French  lady  osten- 
sibly, Borrow,  Carlyle,  Dickens,  Thackeray,  Keats, 
Shelley,  Byron,  Wordsworth,  Gibbon,  Fielding,  Milton, 
to  say  nothing  of  Shakespeare.  Moreover,  no  hint 
is  here  given  of  the  greatness  of  one  who,  mauvais 
sujet  withal,  incarnated,  as  no  other  in  history,  the 

279 


280  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

life,  the  spirit,  the  aspirations  of  a  people.     I  have 
named  Robbie  Burns. 

Nor  is  the  favourite  National  poet  of  Ireland  men- 
tioned, Tom  Moore ;  I  say  National  poet,  for  of  the 
millions  of  the  Irish  people  all  over  the  world  who 
are  familiar  with  the  songs  of  Moore  the  great 
number  know  little  of  Goldsmith,  and  less  of  Sheridan 
and  Sterne.  Moreover,  with  the  rigid  standards  that 
now  prevail  in  certain  Nationalist  circles  the  pride 
of  John  O'Leary  in  the  performance  of  Sheridan, 
Goldsmith,  and  Sterne  might  well  receive  a  shock, 
for  the  question  would  be  asked,  Are  they  representa- 
tives of  Irish  Literature  at  all  ? 

In  conversation  once  in  the  House  of  Commons  an 
Irish  member  spoke  with  pride  and  appreciation  of 
Goldsmith,  but  closed  his  remarks  with  the  summary, 
— "  English  !  "  What  he  meant  was  that  though 
the  scene  of  "  The  Deserted  Village  "  was  pitched  in 
Ireland,  and  though  indeed  he  beamed  with  satis- 
faction at  having  seen  and  identified  the  spot — Lissoy 
in  Westmeath,  I  believe — yet  he  found  that  the  whole 
regard  and  atmosphere  resembled  that  of  a  sympa- 
thetic Englishman  living  in  Ireland.  The  church  is  a 
Protestant  church,  the  pastor  is  a  Protestant  vicar  ; 
and  in  Ireland  English  and  Protestant  seem  often  to 
be  interchangeable  terms.  The  other  poems  of  Gold- 
smith have  no  relation  to  Ireland.  "  She  Stoops 
to  Conquer "  is  an  English  play.  The  immortal 
'  Vicar  of  Wakefield,"  which  may  be  read  with 
pleasure  by  a  child,  but  which  captivated  Goethe, 
which  is  realistic,  almost  brutally  so  here  and  there, 
and  yet  remains  an  idyll  perfumed  in  the  air  of 
sweet  meadows,  the  "  Vicar  of  Wakefield  "  is  an 
English  story. 


LITEEATUBE  281 

Sheridan  was  the  son  of  an  Irishman,  but  his 
education,  his  aspirations,  his  outlook  on  the  world, 
were  those  rather  of  an  Englishman  moving  freely 
in  that  stratum  of  society  which  for  a  time  was  called 
the  Smart  Set.  Sterne  was  certainly  born  in  Clonmel, 
but,  as  the  Duke  of  Wellington  once  said  :  "  If  a 
man  be  born  in  a  stable,  do  you  call  him  a  horse  ?  " 

Irishmen  have  been  accused  at  various  times  of 
unduly  claiming  distinguished  persons  as  Hibernians, 
and  the  list  has  included  not  only  Wellington,  Lord 
Kitchener,  Sir  Ernest  Shackleton,  Swift,  and 
Sterne,  but  Jack  Randall  the  Nonpareil,  Tom  Sayers, 
and  Freddie  Welsh.  I  have  even  heard  a  good  dame, 
deceived  by  the  alluring  sound  of  the  name,  claim 
Cleopatra  as  Irish. 

And  yet !  omitting  Cleopatra  as  too  far-off  an 
affinity,  there  is  some  ground  for  these  contentions. 
Ireland  has  always  been  noted  for  a  certain  assimilat- 
ing power.  Pass  through  Ireland  and  some  tincture 
remains.  Be  born  in  Ireland,  and  you  are  Irish,  even 
if  it  be  only,  as  in  the  case  of  Wellington,  in  the 
obstinacy  of  the  refusal  to  acknowledge  the  just 
aspirations  of  the  people.  And  this  truth  is  no  less 
manifest  in  regard  to  the  more  sympathetic  move- 
ments of  the  soul.  Sterne,  Goldsmith,  and  Sheridan, 
are  indubitably  Irish  ;  Sterne  by  the  light  sportive- 
ness  of  his  style ;  Sheridan  by  his  wit,  and  possibly 
by  his  desire  to  shine  even  at  the  expense  of  more 
valid  qualities ;  Goldsmith  by  his  intuition  and 
sympathy  of  which  the  secret  lies  deep  in  the  kindness 
of  the  man  and  of  his  race. 

Sheridan  lived  in  an  artificial  world,  in  a  stratum 
of  life — although  all  were  "  princes  or  poets  " — too 
narrow,  and  he  has  been  called  even  by  one  of  his 


282  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

admirers  a  "  snob."  One  would  wish  it  were  not 
true,  for  the  word  is  odious.  Yet  to  know  how  deep 
was  the  essential  manliness  of  his  character  and  the 
fineness  of  his  spirit,  one  has  but  to  read  his  replies 
to  Burke  on  the  French  Revolution,  or  to  ponder  on 
the  eulogies  showered  upon  him  by  Byron — for 
Byron  had  a  good  instinct  for  men. 

Of  Goldsmith  our  view  is  a  little  obscured  even  by 
the  familiarity  of  our  knowledge.  He  is  the  man 
who  "  wrote  like  an  angel,  and  talked  like  poor  Poll," 
and  these  witty  lines  of  Garrick,  tinctured  with  a 
little  malice,  have  been  repeated  so  often  that  the 
features  of  Goldsmith  have  been  lost  in  the  carica- 
ture. In  all  Goldsmith's  writings  there  was  a  deep 
fund  of  what,  for  want  of  a  better  definition,  we  may 
call  common  sense,  and  this  was  nowhere  better 
displayed  than  in  the  famous  "  Retaliation,"  in  which 
he  replied  to  Garrick's  banter  and  gave  us  firm  and 
true  pictures  of  the  celebrated  men — notably  Burke 
and  Garrick  himself — whose  strength  and  whose 
foibles  he  described. 

Goldsmith's  worldly  means  were  unfortunately 
never  on  a  par  with  his  fame  or  his  veritable  worth, 
and  this  "  oddness  "  was  accentuated  no  doubt  by 
various  peculiarities  of  manner.  But  we  must  take 
with  a  grain  of  salt  the  impressions  of  Goldsmith's 
conversation  with  Garrick  or  Johnson  and  others 
of  that  set.  A  man  is  always  liable  to  be  accused 
of  want  of  judgment  by  those  whose  judgment  he 
doubts,  and  especially  his  opinions  are  thought  to 
be  absurd  if  they  run  counter  to  common  prejudice. 
But  Goldsmith  had  travelled  more  adventurously, 
and  had  pondered  more  deeply,  had  seen  further  and 
more  clearly  than  Johnson  or  Burke ;  but  the 


LITERATURE  283 

originality  of  his  views  no  doubt  looked  ridiculous 
amid  the  showy  rhetorical  flashes  of  the  statesman  or 
the  doctor's  ponderous  judgments.  To  us  they  are 
far  more  alive,  and  far  more  familiar  in  their  reality. 
Of  all  the  descriptions  of  Goldsmith  and  all  the  essays 
on  his  character  the  best — the  only  one  that  presents 
the  real  man,  as  it  seems  to  me — is  that  of  an  Irish 
poet  of  our  day,  Padraic  Colum.  Here  we  have  the 
plastic  sympathy  of  a  spirit  that  can  enter  into  the 
secret  of  Goldsmith's  character. 

"  The  Vicar  of  Wakefield  "  I  have  mentioned  as 
an  English  novel.  That  is  true  in  regard  to  the  set- 
ting of  the  story,  true  more  deeply,  for  instance, 
than  that  the  "  Winter's  Tale  "  is  a  Bohemian  story, 
but  not  true  to  the  last  essence  of  things.  In  con- 
versation once  with  an  English  Member  of  Parlia- 
ment,1 whose  sturdy  figure  and  soundness  in  trade 
seemed  to  give  momentum  to  his  just  views  on  imagin- 
ative literature,  he  said  :  "  Did  you  ever  notice  that 
the  characters  in  Lever's  '  Dodd  Family  Abroad '  run 
pretty  well  parallel  with  those  of  'The  Vicar  of 
Wakefield '  ? " 

The  resemblance  is  undoubtedly  present,  a  generic 
resemblance,  a  something  closer — a  real  family  like- 
ness. And  when  I  reflected,  I  saw  the  types  again  and 
again  reproduced  in  the  writings  of  Irishmen  who 
have  given  us  pictures  of  the  Irish  gentry  or  of  those 
nearly  related  to  them — the  good-hearted  but  not 
worldly-wise  head  of  the  family,  the  shrewd  mother 
at  times  so  simple,  the  wise  sister,  the  foolish  sister, 
the  raw  youth  confident  in  his  own  cleverness,  the 
brilliant  adventurer,  the  ease  with  which  most  of 
the  family  are  caught  with  glitter,  the  difficulties  of 

1  My  honourable  "  friend  and  gossip,"  Mr.  H.  J.  Glanville. 


284  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

the  plain  honest  man.  Yes,  in  the  writings  of  Gold- 
smith the  essences  of  Ireland  are  found  deeply  in- 
fused. 

There  is  no  intention  here  of  cataloguing  Irish 
writers,  I  desire  merely,  for  the  better  understanding 
of  the  people,  to  touch  on  the  characteristics  that 
show  in  the  works  of  favourite  authors.  Thackeray 
tells  a  story  of  an  Irish  jarvey,  who  said  that  he 
always  carried  a  book  of  Lever  in  his  pocket.  I 
have  heard  an  old  man  in  the  West  of  Ireland  recite 
from  memory  some  passages  of  worldly  philosophy 
with  which  Lever  closes  one  of  his  stories.  Yet  Lever 
is  not  greatly  read  now  in  Ireland.  He  is  considered 
out  of  date  and  even  anti-national. 

This,  however,  seems  to  me  a  strained  view.  In- 
deed I  am  here  reminded  of  Lord  Charles  Beresford 
who,  in  the  course  of  a  humorous  utterance  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  said  that  if  he  had  been  born  of 
Nationalist  parents  he  would  have  been  a  Catholic 
and  a  Nationalist,  and  had  his  parents  been  Jewish 
he  would  have  been  born  a  Jew.  And  so  it  was  with 
Lever  ;  he  was  born  in  a  class  that  had  accepted  the 
English  Government;  and  in  the  somewhat  hum- 
drum career  of  a  country  doctor  and,  later,  consul 
at  Trieste,  he  had  never  found  the  opportunity  of 
giving  play  to  his  adventurous  Irish  spirit.  Had 
he  been  able  so  to  do  it  is  probable  that  we 
should  never  have  had  those  stories  of  upbubbling 
zest,  irresistible  dash,  and  gay  abandon — "  Charles 
O'Malley,"  "  Harry  Lorrequer,"  and  the  rest,  and 
the  more  reflective,  though  no  less  humorous,  "  Dodd 
Family  Abroad." 

Samuel  Lover,  at  one  time  no  less  popular  than 
Lever,  seems  to  have  sunk  into  comparative  oblivion. 


LITERATURE  285 

A  generation  laughed  over  "  Handy  Andy  " ;  an- 
other generation,  indignant  at  the  caricature  which 
had  come  to  be  known  as  the  stage  Irishman,  de- 
nounced as  outrageous  the  creation  of  the  novelist. 
In  all  this  we  see  an  undue  seriousness,  or  at  least 
a  fomented  anger,  on  the  part  of  the  Celt.  Why 
should  not  even  caricature  be  allowed  ?  The  English 
themselves  are  not  so  sensitive  ;  otherwise  Thackeray 
and  Dickens  would  have  been  sent  to  perdition.  In 
the  later  works  of  Dickens,  especially  when  he  played 
a  little  too  much  on  his  own  mannerisms,  the  inhabi- 
tants of  England  would  seem  to  be  divided  roughly 
into  unconscionable  knaves  and  imbeciles,  with  a 
hero  and  heroine  endowed  with  suburban  virtues  to 
save  the  situation.  Yet  England  does  not  reject 
Dickens.  He  may  not  be  read  with  such  devotion 
as  formerly,  but  the  nation  as  a  whole  loves  his 
memory  and  esteems  him  for  a  hundred  racy  types 
whose  names  have  gone  into  the  language.  The 
capacity  for  absorption  is  one  of  the  signs  of  the 
greatness  of  a  nation ;  and  the  tenderness  towards 
criticism  is  a  confession  of  weakness.  And  this 
applies  especially  to  criticism  coming  from  within. 

Lover's  "  Eory  O'More  "  is,  even  in  the  stricter 
sense,  a  national,  or  Nationalist,  story.  Moreover,  in 
a  volume  of  "  Popular  and  Patriotic  Poetry,"  col- 
lected and  compiled  by  Mr.  R.  J.  Kelly,  I  find  Lover 
represented  among  the  best.  Lover's  songs  are 
especially  songs  to  be  sung,  for  Lover  himself  sang 
them — I  know  a  distinguished  Irishman,  who  has 
many  years  ahead  of  him  still,  who  once  heard  Lover 
sing — and  this  gave  them  a  charm,  not  always  to  be 
found  in  poetic  songs.  The  judgment  seems  to  me 
harsh  that  could  toss  Lover  aside  as  one  who  ridi- 


286  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

culed  Irish  traits  for  the  amusement  of  an  English 
audience. 

Tom  Moore  has  escaped  this  kind  of  criticism 
fairly  well,  though  there  has  arisen  a  generation  which 
has  less  esteemed  the  author  of  the  Irish  melodies. 
I  confess  that  when  I  picture  Tom  Moore  tripping 
with  his  little  feet  across  a  drawing-room  and  singing 
his  languishing  ditties  to  the  melting  eyes  of  Sas- 
senach duchesses,  I  hardly  rise  to  the  vision  of  the 
bard  of  a  warrior  nation  "  rightly  struggling  to  be 
free."  Delighted  at  first  by  the  haunting  melody 
of  his  songs,  I  found  later  that  with  repetition  the 
sentiment  was  often  sickly  sweet  and  the  fund  of 
poetic  imagery  sometimes  tawdry.  Moved  by  a 
spirit  similar  to  that  which  I  have  just  now  depre- 
cated I  was  inclined  to  disrate  Tommy  Moore.  But 
— whether  with  deeper  wisdom  or  simply  with  the 
decadence  of  moral  fibre,  who  shall  say  ? — I  have 
revised  these  judgments.  A  poet  should  be  appre- 
ciated, and  enjoyed  in  his  own  quality  and  manner. 
If  Moore  cannot  give  us  the  vision  of  Keats,  the  thrill- 
ing ecstasy  of  Shelley,  the  lively  strength  of  Byron, 
why  seek  for  that  ?  Let  us  define,  not  condemn  him 
for  omissions.  We  cannot  blame  even  Malaga  wine 
that  it  is  not  nectar,  nor  the  vintage  of  Champagne. 

And  force  and  strength  in  poetry  ?  What  are 
they,  and  whence  is  derived  their  secret  ?  Here  we 
must  not  be  led  away  by  superficial  terms.  I  re- 
member once  as  a  boy  reading  a  criticism  of  Hugh 
Miller  on  the  "  Eve  of  St.  Agnes  "  of  Keats.  He  said 
that  although  it  was  beautiful  one  verse  of  Dryden 
would  make  the  whole  beam  kick.  Yes,  but  on  this 
analogy  why  not  say  also  that  one  speech  of  Cobbett 
would  make  Dryden's  whole  beam  kick  ?  I  showed 


LITERATURE  287 

the  criticism  to  my  father  who  smiled  and,  handing 
me  back  the  book,  replied  :  "  You  should  read  Hugh 
Miller  on  '  The  Old  Red  ' ;  he  is  great  there/' l 

And  so  to  return  to  Tom  Moore ;  snatches  of  his 
songs  from  "  Lalla  Rookh  "  have  been  sung  by  the 
boatmen  on  the  Tigris  ;  "  The  Minstrel  Boy  "  and 
"  The  Last  Rose  of  Summer  "  have  stirred  the  feel- 
ings and  swept  with  yearning  sadness  the  minds  of 
countless  thousands  the  wide  world  over. 

There  is  a  subtler  strength  here  than  in  the  fierce 
rhetoric  of  the  rude  mob  orator.  Here  is  the  genius 
that,  moving  in  the  delicate  things  of  form,  of  spirit, 
of  witching  words  and  haunting  air,  finds  its  alchemy 
at  work  in  the  secret  chambers  of  the  heart.  The 
strength  that  binds  a  nation,  the  feelings  that  fire  its 
impulses,  cannot  all  be  set  down  in  a  ledger,  nor 
weighed  in  the  scales  of  "  practical  men." 

Moreover,  we  find  that  if  Tommy  dearly  loved  a 
lord — this  is  a  saying  of  Byron,  spoken  in  a  laughing 
vein,  and  perhaps  a  little  harsh  if  taken  too  seriously 
— Tommy  dearly  loved  Ireland.  When  the  patriotic 
note  of  Ireland  is  struck  his  voice  comes  forth  with 
unwonted  vigour,  and  little  Tommy  who  dearly  loved 
a  lord,  who  delighted  in  Society,  who  basked  in  the 
smiles  of  the  great ;  that  same  brave  little  man  went 
with  Byron  to  visit  Leigh  Hunt  in  prison,  when  the 
hapless  Cockney  poet  was  the  mark  of  obloquy  of 
the  "  highest  circles  "  in  the  land. 

Ireland  has  never  lacked  poets.  One  is  tempted 
even  to  smile  in  counting  their  numbers.  Yet  these 
smiles,  if  in  contempt,  would  be  singularly  misplaced  ; 
for  in  the  most  obscure  of  them,  read  with  sympathy 

1  "The  Old  Red  Sandstone" — a  geological  treatise  of  Hugh  Miller 
abundant  in  original  ideas. 


288  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

and  insight,  something  of  the  true  inward  stirring, 
the  genuine  afflatus,  will  be  found  always.  The 
greatest  of  them  all  are  unknown,  the  forgotten  bards 
who  have  given  us  those  airs  of  marvellous  delight- 
let  us  cite  only  three,  "  Kathleen  Mavourneen," 
"  O'Donnell  Aboo,"  and  "  The  Wearing  of  the  Green." 
Moore  himself  was  indebted  to  such  old  airs  for  the 
charm  of  his  songs ;  certainly  he  has  wedded  them 
to  appropriate  words.  The  secret  of  Moore's  poetry 
is  all  in  its  melody ;  and  indeed  when  that  fails,  as, 
for  example,  in  some  of  the  narrative  verse  of  "  Lalla 
Rookh,"  he  is  capable  of  producing  harsh  and  jangled 
lines. 

A  greater  favourite  than  Moore  nowadays  in 
Nationalist  circles,  it  appears,  is  Thomas  Davis. 
That  is  rather  due  to  the  force  of  the  sentiment,  the 
passion  of  utterance,  corresponding  to  the  politics  of 
the  day,  rather  than  to  the  pure  poetic  inspiration. 
Certainly  that  was  not  lacking  in  Davis ;  he  is  pos- 
sessed of  the  bardic  fervour,  his  verse  rolls  nobly 
forth,  the  words  give  flame  to  Irish  hearts.  The 
sentiment  is  always  manly  and  inspiriting.  A  regi- 
ment might  march  to  the  Front  singing  the  songs 
of  Davis,  or  animated  by  the  words  of  his  famous 
"  Fontenoy." 

Yet  when  we  are  considering  the  product  of  Ireland 
in  the  world's  literature  we  must  take  no  narrow 
view.  Literature  is,  after  all,  a  discourse  of  life, 
poetry  is  the  most  intense  expression  of  its  feelings. 
And  life  is  rich  in  capacities,  extraordinarily  high, 
great,  and  spiritual.  In  all  this  Davis  is  strong 
but  in  one  form,  the  poetry  of  patriotism,  and  he 
gives  this  forth  in  ardent  verse,  not  always  impeccable 
in  workmanship,  and  couched  rather  in  the  on-rushing 


LITERATURE  289 

force  of  rhetoric,  than  breathing  of  the  subtle  air  of 
poetry.  Whether  in  spite  of  this,  or  because  of  this, 
it  is  difficult  to  say,  the  direct  appeal  and  passionate 
fervour  of  Davis  have  made  him  one  of  the  most 
potent  influences  in  forming  the  opinions  of  Young 
Ireland  to-day. 

James  Clarence  Mangan  is  more  scholarly,  more 
pensive,  more  inclined  to  the  minor  key  than  Davis  ; 
less  known  to  the  mass  of  the  people  his  poems 
have  exercised  a  singular  fascination  in  the  minds 
of  Irish  students  of  literature. 

The  most  popular,  however,  of  all  Irish  songs,  for 
by  popular  acclaim  it  has  become  the  National 
Anthem,  is  "  God  Save  Ireland." 

The  episode  commemorated  by  this  song,  which  is 
referred  to  on  page  31  of  the  chapter  "  Glances  at 
History/'  had  important  political  consequences,  for 
it  is  said  that  it  first  turned  Mr.  Gladstone  to  look 
into  the  Irish  problem,  not  from  the  point  of  view 
of  Party  prejudice  but  with  the  desire  to  know  the 
depth  and  strength  of  the  feeling  that  could  prompt 
such  audacious  deeds  and,  rallying  to  men  whom 
English  law  condemned  as  criminals,  elevate  these  to 
the  glory  of  heroes  and  martyrs. 

On  the  score  of  literature,  however,  this  song  can 
hardly  be  looked  upon  finally  as  Ireland's  National 
Anthem.  One  of  the  most  difficult  of  all  feats  is  that 
of  writing  a  National  Anthem,  for  few  indeed  have 
attained  success.  The  words  must  be  so  simple  as 
to  be  popular,  and  yet  not  descend  to  doggrel.  The 
National  Anthem  of  England  fulfils  the  first  of  these 
conditions,  but  hardly  escapes  the  pitfalls  of  the 
second.  The  theme  should  be  broadly  national,  not 
something  only  incidental.  Hence  "  God  Save  Ire- 
19 


290  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

land  "  is  insufficient.  The  air  should  be  stirring, 
spirited,  it  should  sound  like  a  tocsin  triumphant  in 
clarion  notes.  Here  "The  Wearing  of  the  Green" 
is  weak ;  the  air  is  plaintive  not  martial.  The 
American  "  Star-Spangled  Banner "  fails  in  the 
technical  difficulty  that  the  range  of  the  notes  is  too 
great  for  a  popular  chorus.  But  a  song  that  fulfils 
the  conditions  here  expressed  might  still  fall  short 
of  all  that  makes  a  National  Anthem.  There  is 
required,  even  within  this  limit,  something  of  genius, 
something  of  happy  surprise,  and  all  of  captivation, 
something  that  ascends  with  the  spirit  of  the  people, 
something  deeply  based  and  familiar,  yet  splendorous 
and  grand.  The  Welsh  "  March  of  the  Men  of  Har- 
lech  "  is  great,  but  the  "  Marseillaise  "  seems  to  me  the 
one  great  achievement  in  all  these  respects,  though 
read  in  cold  blood  the  words  appear  not  above  medio- 
crity. Ireland  still  waits  for  her  National  Anthem. 

Amongst  writers  of  a  later  date  than  those  men- 
tioned, William  Rooney,  with  his  song,  "  The  Men  of 
the  West,"  and  others  of  the  kind,  seems  to  have  repro- 
duced the  veritable  old  Irish  spirit,  the  bardic  passion, 
combined  with  modern  aspirations. 

Of  the  Irish  Americans  Mr.  Joseph  I.  C.  Clarke 
achieved  signal  success  with  his  poem,  "  The  Fighting 
Race,"  which  commemorates  an  incident  in  the 
Spanish  American  War  and  glorifies  the  bellicose 
qualities  of  the  Irish.  In  Irish  cricles  "  The  Fighting 
Race  "  has  outrivalled  Davis's"^*  Fontenoy  "  as  a 
favourite  poem  for  recitation ;  and  here  in  place  of 
the  unbridled  enthusiasm  and  force  of  Davis  we  have 
the  peculiar  balance,  and  steadiness,  and  grit,  which 
characterise  the  Americans,  and  which  the  Irish  in 
the  States  quickly  appropriate. 


LITERATURE  291 

Neither  William  Rooney  nor  Joseph  Clarke  has 
produced  a  considerable  volume  of  verse,  and  in  the 
realm  of  literature,  at  least  during  the  poet's  life- 
time, victory  is  on  the  side  of  the  big  battalions. 
But  if  contemporaries  are  impressed  by  bulk,  pos- 
terity demands  an  original  note  and  some  supreme 
excellence.  With  this  standard  in  view  most  of  the 
innumerable  poets  of  Ireland  vanish. 

Two  or  three  Irish  writers  should  be  especially 
noted,  Maria  Edgeworth,  the  Banims,  and  Carleton. 
Miss  Edgeworth  has  already  been  referred  to  more 
than  once,  for  her  stories  show  such  deep  insight 
into  character,  and  such  inevitable  linking  of  character 
with  events,  that  they  become  the  best  of  the  annals 
of  Ireland.  Only  Lever  in  his  later  days  is  compar- 
able to  Miss  Edgeworth  for  genial  satire  and  pathetic 
humour.  Nevertheless  one  of  the  most  learned  of 
Irishmen  in  public  life  told  me  recently  that  he  had 
never  read  a  line  she  had  written ;  he  added  effusively 
that  he  was  acquainted  with  her  name. 

The  Banims  are  to  Irish  prose  what  Crabbe  was  to 
English  verse.  "Nature's  sternest  painter  yet  the 
best/5  Byron  said  of  the  poet,  but  he  did  not  induce 
people  to  steep  themselves  in  Crabbe.  Why  ?  Partly 
perhaps  that  he  was  so  true  to  nature  as  he  found  it, 
and  partly — to  be  just  to  Nature — because  his  truth 
was  somewhat  too  superficial  and  dull. 

So  it  is  with  the  Banims.  The  study  of  their  works 
is  profitable  if  one  desires  to  know  the  true  Irish 
character,  but  nowadays  it  seems  to  require  some  such 
incentive  to  read  them  with  diligence.  All  truth  is,  in 
fact,  relative,  and  what  we  hope  to  find  in  an  author 
is  not  the  truth  that  lies  on  the  surface,  but  the  truth 
seen  through  the  medium  of  a  bright  spirit  endowed 


292  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

with  life  and  riancy  and  force.    And  unfortunately 
your  conscientious  writers  generally  lack  sparkle. 

Carleton  lacked  neither  sparkle,  nor  life,  nor  force ; 
yet  he  is  not  greatly  read  nowadays,  though  always 
with  immense  appreciation  by  those  who  make  his 
acquaintance.  He  is  redolent  of  the  genuine,  native 
Irish  humour,  and  he  can  describe  a  faction  fight  that 
stirs  Irish  blood  as  never  did  Homer  nor  the  most  ac- 
curate historian  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo.  Then  why 
is  Carleton  neglected  ?  Because,  after  all,  his  qualities, 
sufficient  for  his  time  and  generation,  give  little  of 
the  depth  or  universality  that  win  immortal  fame. 

Literature  is  tried  in  subtle  tests  even  though 
those  who  form  their  judgment  may  never  have 
dreamt  of  expressing  these  in  terms  of  canons  of 
criticism.  And  for  great  literature  there  is  demanded 
something  that  corresponds  to  the  scientist's  standard 
of  generality.  A  knowledge  of  the  field  is  not  enough, 
there  should  be  over  this  the  play  of  an  intellect — 
the  intellectual  calibre  counts  for  much — and  an 
ample  compass  of  emotion  and  sympathies.  Life 
should  be  known  not  merely  as  it  moves  around  us, 
but  also  in  a  vertical  plan ;  and  the  whole  story 
should  be  absorbed  in  an  atmosphere  which  takes  its 
tinctures  from  the  spirit  of  the  author,  and  which 
serves  to  wrap  the  theme  in  associations  that  come 
from  far  away.  If  to  all  this  we  can  add  the  impress 
of  a  fine  power,  or  the  brilliancy  of  wit,  then  we  have 
gained  much ;  and  occasionally  in  single  works  and 
in  fragments  these  have  been  sufficient  in  themselves 
to  win  a  lasting  repute. 

One  could  cite  hundreds  of  Irish  writers  whose 
writings  are  interesting  and  agreeable,  who  have  wit 
and  humour,  whose  verse  is  impeccable  within  its 


LITERATURE  293 

limits  ;  yet  this  is  not  all.  We  feel  that  their  world 
is  too  limited ;  that  they  have  no  general  significance. 
Certainly  a  small  realm  of  actual  experience  may 
suffice  for  the  production  of  a  notable  work  of  litera- 
ture, witness  "  Jane  Eyre,"  or  "  The  Story  of  an 
African  Farm."  But  in  each  of  these  what  is  really 
interesting  is  the  story  of  the  inner  life,  seen  as 
though  behind  a  veil.  In  some  stories,  as  for  in- 
stance, in  "  My  Lady  of  the  Chimney  Corner,"  of  a 
contemporary  Irish  writer,  Alexander  Irvine,  the 
very  meagreness  of  experience  and  incident  aids  the 
intense  concentration  on  the  spiritual  side  of  one 
figure,  and  a  powerful  effect  is  produced ;  but  here 
also  we  have  great  qualities,  a  clearness  of  the 
lines  and  reinforcement  of  the  impression  produced 
by  the  originality  of  truth,  by  the  moral  courage 
required  to  lay  bare  deep  and  intimate  feelings. 

As  a  rule,  however,  there  is  a  fatal  tendency  to 
follow  in  the  track  of  others,  to  produce  tuneful 
verse  with  facility,  to  accept  the  old  story  of  emo- 
tions and  feelings  seen  from  a  familiar  standpoint. 
The  intellectual  calibre  is  lacking  here.  The  true 
stamp  of  genius,  the  seizing,  the  winning,  the  feeling 
of  inspiration  is  seldom  known. 

Hitherto,  I  have  spoken  mainly  of  the  day  pre- 
ceding ours.  The  Young  Ireland  movement  gave 
rise  to  much  verse-making  besides  that  of  Davis, 
much  of  it  good  within  the  limits  we  have  noticed. 
The  Fenian  movement  has  a  great  literature  of  its 
own,  but  the  songs,  for  instance,  are  the  songs  of 
the  people,  the  productions  of  ardent  men,  not  cul- 
tivated as  a  rule  in  letters,  though  even  here  with 
notable  exceptions,  such  as  John  Keegan  Casey 
("  Leo  "),  Ellen  O'Leary,  and  in  prose  writings  Luby 


294  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

and  Kickham,  on  whom  fell  the  mantle  of  Carleton. 
Isaac  Butt's  movement  does  not  seem  to  have  stirred 
imagination  deeply.  T.  D.  Sullivan's  songs  of  the 
Land  League  days  have  been  referred  to.  Then,  as  has 
often  happened  in  Ireland,  a  literary  phase  apparently 
unlike  anything  that  has  preceded  it  has  gradually  cast 
its  spell  over  the  country.  This  has  been  known  as  the 
Irish  revival,  and  even  the  somewhat  pompous  term, 
the  Irish  Renaissance,  has  been  bestowed  upon  it. 

Some  of  the  causes  that  helped  to  foster  it  must 
be  sought  in  the  near  history  of  Ireland.  Physical- 
force  ideas  had  become  discouraged,  the  downfall  of 
Parnell  and  the  consequent  failure  of  his  great 
campaign,  had  torn  the  glamour  from  Parliamentary 
manoeuvres.  The  minds  of  the  young  men  turned 
inward,  and  fastened  with  the  energy  of  souls  seek- 
ing salvation  on  the  culture  of  letters,  on  the  study 
of  the  Irish  language,  on  the  revival  of  the  Irish 
customs,  even  of  Irish  dress,  and  of  vague  shadows 
of  Irish  mythology.  A  great  impulse  in  this  direc- 
tion was  given  by  the  efforts  of  Dr.  Douglas  Hyde, 
who  though  a  Protestant  scion  of  the  English  stock 
made  himself  the  modern  incarnation  of  the  old 
Irish  spirit.  He  taught  his  generation  the  beauties 
of  the  ancient  Irish  literature,  and  he  inspired  his 
disciples  with  enthusiasm  for  their  studies.  The 
Gaelic  League  was  mainly  his  work. 

Among  the  exploits  of  modern  Ireland  must  be 
reckoned  the  rediscovery  of  Deirdre.  Perhaps  Deirdre 
came  as  a  kind  of  tacit  compromise,  for  whose  sake 
Catholics  and  Protestants  mingled  in  brotherhood, 
held  together  in  rapturous  devotion  to  high  ideals 
not  well  defined  ;  for  it  was  impossible  that  the  feel- 
ings of  ecstasy  should  pass  out  on  the  one  side  to 


LITEBATUEE  295 

the  Saints  of  the  Church,  and  on  the  other  to  Queen 
Elizabeth;  hence  Deirdre  was  not  only  a  beautiful 
vision  in  herself,  but  a  blessed  haven  of  rest  for  souls 
tempest-tossed  in  vague  imaginings. 

One  of  the  most  eminent  of  modern  Irishmen,  at 
least  in  the  practical  sphere — Mr.  George  Russell  for 
the  co-operators  is  also  the  M  for  the  mystics  of 
Ireland — painter,  poet,  and,  one  might  almost  say, 
prophet.  It  is  the  delight  of  the  Mt  I  am  told,  on 
a  warm  summer  day  to  recline  under  the  shadow  of 
an  old  round  tower,  or  ruined  abbey,  or  patriarchal 
tree,  and,  with  eyes  closed  to  all  but  visions,  behold 
passing  before  his  inward  gaze,  the  pomp,  and  glory, 
all  the  allurement  and  the  charm  of  ancient  Irish  story. 
Luckily  when  M  becomes  Mr.  Russell  he  can  write 
like  a  poet  on  scour  in  cattle,  winter  dairying,  or  the 
growing  of  artichokes  ;  but  many  of  his  disciples,  not 
possessing,  perhaps  even  despising,  these  more  earthly 
accomplishments,  fastened  only  the  more  tenaciously 
on  the  cult  of  Deirdre. 

And  so  it  happened  that  many  a  good  Nationalist 
returning  after  a  few  years'  absence  from  Dublin,  and 
expecting  to  find  again  the  old  familiar  signs  and 
battle-cries  of  Parnellism  and  the  Land  League,  and 
the  ideals  of  Wolfe  Tone,  discovered  that  he  was 
looked  upon  askance  by  some  of  the  younger  men, 
treated  as  hardly  within  the  pale  of  Nationalism  at 
all,  because  he  faltered  in  the  language,  and  only 
dimly  and  unappreciatively  knew  Deirdre. 

This  was  the  form  of  Irish  development  which  most 
especially  appealed  to  enthusiastic  and  aesthetic 
English  people,  not  all  young  ladies,  who,  liable  to 
be  overswept  by  successive  modern  crazes,  became 
infatuated  with  all  things  Irish.  I  have  met  young 


296  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUK 

Englishwomen  devoted  to  Deirdre,  gazing  with  in- 
tent, even  intense  expression,  into  unfathomable 
depths  of  space,  and  uttering  oracular  sayings. 
Oracular  sayings  became  for  a  time  a  real  study  or 
diversion  in  Dublin  literary  circles  ;  such  sayings, 
for  instance,  as  "  Who  knows  but  that  the  born  fool 
may  be  wisest  of  all  mankind  ?  >:  "  One  may  best 
serve  Truth  by  refusing  to  accept  it ; 3>  "  Poetry 
may  be  saved  again,  but  only  by  becoming  brutal 
and  low  !  "  When  once  the  trick  of  these  profound 
sayings  was  known,  it  was  not  difficult  to  turn  them 
out  freely  ;  they  held  small  coteries  together,  and  did 
no  exterior  harm.  But  the  cult  of  Deirdre  extended 
even  to  the  rank  of  Cabinet  Ministers,  and  I  have 
known  one  such,  who  toyed  with  literature,  sit  seri- 
ously, aesthetically,  and  deeply,  through  the  per- 
formance of  a  play  of  Deirdre. 

This  indeed  brings  us  to  the  unique  figure  of  Mr. 
W.  B.  Yeats.  I  have  never  been  able  to  take  Mr. 
Yeats  seriously  in  his  role  of  poet,  but  one  must 
really  respect  the  personality  which  he  has  displayed 
and  impressed  upon  Irish  imagination.  Mr.  Yeats 
introduced  into  Ireland  the  moonlight  school  of 
poetry.  Life  was  seen  as  something  unreal,  shadowy, 
and  there  was  shown  play  and  exaltation  of  emotions 
that  had  not  hitherto  seemed  an  essential  part  of  Irish 
nature,  nor  indeed  of  any  human  nature  ;  there  was 
much  talk  of  Celtic  twilight  and  mysticism.  There 
was  much  vogue,  too,  for  paradoxical  sayings,  and  for 
the  utterance  of  peculiar  remarks,  of  the  kind  quoted, 
which  really  covered  shallow  speculations  or  mere 
silliness  of  thought.  It  became  an  article  of  creed 
to  despise  science,  to  look  superciliously  on  all  modes 
of  accurate  reasoning,  and  to  endeavour  to  reach  far- 


LITERATUBE  297 

distant  truths  not  by  the  toil  or  devotion  demanded 
by  such  humdrum  methods,  but  by  the  cultivation 
of  debile  moods. 

There  is,  no  doubt,  in  inspiration  a  peculiar  ecstatic 
state  in  which  the  mind  attains  fine  illumination, 
and  in  which  the  power  of  the  view  and  the  faculty  of 
expression  are  exalted  as  if  by  magic.  But  the  fund 
of  all  great  thought,  and  of  all  great  purpose,  is  deep 
sincerity,  truthfulness,  development ;  and ,  in  whatever 
form  elaborated,  a  great  interior  travail  has  preceded 
the  moments  of  genius.  It  was  this  sincere  toil  and 
preparation  that  the  Yeats  school  especially  ignored. 

The  rollicking  Irish  humour  that  finds  its  expres- 
sion in  Lever,  the  deeper,  gloomier,  but  stronger  and 
fiercer  characteristics  that  leap  to  light  in  Carleton, 
were  dismissed,  either  as  not  Irish,  or  as  the  mani- 
festation of  a  spirit  lower  than  the  mystic,  tenuous 
talk  of  moonshine,  fairies,  omens,  occultism,  and  all 
the  paraphernalia  of  that  most  tiresome  of  literary 
modes,  symbolic  poetry.  The  old  picture  of  the 
Irish  harper,  shaking  his  locks  behind  his  shoulders 
while  his  fingers  played  on  the  strings,  in  rapt  vision 
recalling  the  glory  of  Erin  of  old ;  or  even  the 
melodious  pipings  of  Tom  Moore  melting  the  soul  in 
sentimental  woe  ;  these  gave  way  to  the  exotic  figure 
of  an  Egyptian  playing  on  a  mandoline  and  winning 
out  a  thin  and  dwindled  strain. 

If  this  temper,  this  poetry,  really  represented  the 
Celtic  spirit,  then  we  need  seek  no  further  for  the  his- 
tory of  Ireland's  griefs,  the  causes  of  her  woes.  That 
would  be  inherent  in  the  character  of  a  people,  and 
the  rest  would  be  but  anecdote  and  gossip.  At  one 
time  the  poetry  of  Mr.  Yeats  was  considered  in  select 
circles  as  a  kind  of  touchstone  of  Nationalism.  The 


298  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

ardent  patriot  might  possess  the  soul  of  Robert 
Emmet  combined  with  that  capacity  for  assimilating 
Blue  books  which  marks  the  practical  politician; 
but  he  was  confronted  with  the  question :  What  do 
you  think  of  Yeats  ?  and  if  he  hesitated  he  was  lost. 
It  is  true  that  this  ordeal  was  not  quite  so  severe  as 
it  seemed,  for  lip  service  satisfied  all  the  demands. 
The  understanding,  or  even  the  reading,  of  Mr. 
Yeats  always  seemed  to  be  secondary  to  the  observ- 
ance of  certain  rites — the  cultivation  of  the  intense 
gaze,  the  shrouding  of  the  personality  in  an  air  of 
secret  gloom,  the  belief  in  spells,  and  incantations, 
and  the  practice  of  profound  utterance.  All  that 
counted  was  Art,  and  by  Art  was  really  meant  such 
products  as  tended  towards  this  mystic  atmosphere. 

The  word  Art  always  has  a  potent  force  with  those 
who,  hidden  long  in  Philistinism,  are  beginning  to 
emerge  into  realms  of  light.  Thus  it  happened  that 
about  the  period  of  the  ascendancy  of  Mr.  Yeats — 
for  he  is  now  anathema  to  certain  of  his  former  adu- 
lators— there  came  to  my  house  in  Paris  a  good  Irish- 
man of  the  old  school,  whose  outward  appearance 
suggested  to  me  the  tilling  of  the  green  fields  of  Erin 
rather  than  the  subtleties  of  aesthetic  taste.  He  fixed 
me,  however,  with  an  earnest  look,  and  said  :  "  They 
do  be  putting  quare  plays  on  in  Dublin  nowa-days  ! >: 

I  replied  :   "  Ah  !  '*  with  encouraging  intimation. 

'  Yes,"  he  continued,  "  very  quare  plays.  They 
do  be  putting  on  plays  where  a  boy  from  the  country 
kills  his  da  !  " 

"  That  seems  wrong." 

'  Yes.  And  they  make  us  out  to  be  nothing  but 
cut-throats,  and  murderers,  and  dijinirates." 

"  What  on  earth  do  they  mean  by  doing  that  ?  '' 


LITERATURE  299 

"  They  calls  it— ART  !  " 

He  uttered  this  word  after  a  pause,  and  with  a 
peculiar  solemn  emphasis,  and  my  honest  friend  had 
a  look  in  his  eyes  as  if  he  too  was  sounding  the  infinite 
space  to  know  the  secret  of  a  term  that  produced, 
that  excused,  and  that  explained  so  much.  The  play 
he  referred  to  was  Synge's  "  Playboy  of  the  Western 
World/'  of  which  I  will  say  a  word  or  two  later. 

If  I  am  inclined  to  laugh  at  the  Yeats'  aspect  of 
literature,  I  do  not  mean  to  imply  that  such  weak- 
nesses are  peculiar  to  the  Irish  character.  The  whole 
moonshine  school  of  poetry  with  its  tenuity,  its 
inanities,  its  affectations,  and  its  air  of  something 
mysterious  and  significant  covering  its  silliness — this 
school  was,  I  believe,  not  a  real  Irish  growth  at  all, 
it  was  a  product  of  the  aesthetic  movement  of  the 
circles  of  culture  in  London.  But  the  veritable 
psychology  of  all  such  phases  is  always  more  inter- 
esting than  that  of  the  product  itself.  Bristol  in 
the  days  of  Byron  had  its  adulation  of  Amos  Cottle, 
and  Paris  in  the  time  of  Moliere  possessed  its 
Precieuses  Ridicules. 

Let  us  not  be  severe  in  these  matters.  They 
spring  from  the  desire  implanted  in  the  human  mind 
of  rising  towards  excellence,  thence  of  achieving 
unique  distinction.  They  are  not  unmingled  with  a 
genuine  patriotism,  however  cramped  or  exclusive. 
Moreover  they  express  the  revolt  against  a  view  of 
life  too  gross,  too  grinding  and  harsh,  too  sordid,  or, 
as  expressed  in  Philistinism,  satisfied  with  the  outward 
show  of  things,  lost  in  low  content  and  the  vulgar 
display  of  opulence. 

But  they  betray  their  weakness  in  the  very  attacks 
on  the  bourgeois  class  ;  they  seem  to  reveal  even  a 


300  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

secret  envy,  for  they  really  make  the  bourgeois 
ideals  the  standards  of  their  accomplishment,  they 
are  not  happy  in  their  exclusiveness  unless  the 
bourgeois  becomes  interested  in  their  doings  if  only 
to  the  extent  of  denouncing  their  decadence.  Their 
attitude  in  regard  to  culture  is  that  of  the  University 
don  who  values  his  Greek  less  for  the  great  domain 
that  it  opens  to  his  view  than  that  it  enables  him  to 
sniff  on  his  grocer  at  church. 

But  apart  from  these  considerations  criticism  of 
literature  is  one  of  the  most  uncertain  of  the  arts, 
and  so  it  has  happened  in  England  that  books,  as 
for  instance,  "Endymion,"  "Sartor  Resartus,"  and 
"  Lavengro,"  have  been  ignored  and  derided  by  one 
generation  of  critics,  and  extolled  to  the  skies  by  others 
more  enlightened.  In  this  country  mere  politics,  and 
unfortunately  politics  in  the  narrowest  sense,  have 
always  played  a  part  in  regard  to  the  appreciation  of 
books.  A  barrier  even  more  difficult  is  placed  in  the 
way  of  original  work,  for  to  few  critics  does  it  seem 
necessary  to  take  a  wide  survey  of  human  life  and 
human  thought,  to  judge  in  the  free  regard  of  deep, 
abiding  principles.  Men  set  up  in  their  minds  certain 
standards,  founded  on  classic  excellences,  and  estimate 
by  comparison  with  these  models.  The  works  which 
spring  from  inspiration,  marked  therefore  by  original 
thought  and  incommunicable  style,  are  those  des- 
tined to  run  into  collision  with  the  law  in  the  authori- 
tative world  of  letters. 

All  these  considerations  make  me  tender  towards 
that  phase  of  Irish  literature  which  some  have 
ventured  to  call  the  new  Renaissance.  Mr.  Yeats 
requires  rather  to  be  defended  now,  for  whereas  it 
was  once  considered  something  suspect  in  patriotism 


LITERATURE  301 

to  fail  to  admire  his  artistic  merits,  some  of  his  former 
admirers  now  question  the  Nationalism  of  those  who 
appreciate  his  intention.  And  yet  he  moulded  better 
than  he  knew,  and  Irish  vitality  and  wit  have 
reasserted  themselves.  Mr.  Yeats  has  deserved  well 
of  Irish  literature  if  for  nothing  else  than  the  founda- 
tion of  the  Abbey  Theatre,  and  for  the  courage  and 
persistence  of  purpose  with  which  he  has  realised  his 
dream  and  endowed  it  with  importance. 

When  I  first  saw  an  Abbey  Theatre  play — it  was 
one  of  Mr.  William  Boyle's,  "  The  Building  Fund  "- 
I  felt  like  the  unknown  member  of  the  audience  who 
called  out  to  Moliere  :  "  Courage  !  That  is  the  true 
Comedy."  Here  for  the  first  time  I  beheld  the  verit- 
able delineation  of  Irish  character,  with  all  its  real 
tenacious  strength,  but  with  no  less  of  its  racy  humour. 
The  "  stage  Irishman  "  was  gone,  but  he  had  been 
replaced  by  something  vastly  more  interesting.  Here 
was  the  picture  of  Irish  life,  epitomised,  selected,  and 
arranged  with  artistry,  so  well  arranged  that  the 
consummate  skill  remained  hidden  in  the  ease  of  the 
production. 

"  The  Workhouse  Ward  "  of  Lady  Gregory  is  a 
wonderful  little  piece.  The  theme  is  of  the  simplest. 
Two  old  men  are  in  the  workhouse.  One  has  a 
chance  of  going  out,  for  his  sister  will  provide  for 
him.  He  refuses  to  leave  unless  his  friend  is  taken 
with  him.  This  is  an  excessive  demand  ;  they  are 
both  left  in  the  House,  and  they  begin  to  talk,  at  first 
amicably.  They  go  on  to  argue  about  the  relative 
ancient  magnificence  of  their  families.  They  proceed 
to  discuss  the  exclusive  right  of  certain  families  to 
the  visit  of  the  banshee,  and  they  finish  by  hurling 
the  pillows  at  each  other — the  colloquy  has  taken 


302  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

place  while  they  lay  in  their  beds.  On  this  theme 
Lady  Gregory  has  embroidered  a  story  of  Irish  char- 
acter ;  we  seem  to  get  glimpses  into  all  that  has 
made  Irish  history,  and  every  quirk  and  quip  of 
expression  is  sure  and  lively  with  Irish  nature. 

The  productions  of  the  Abbey  Theatre  have  been 
considerable  even  in  volume ;  and  the  later  plays 
such  as  those  of  John  G.  Ervine  and  Lord  Dunsany 
have  not  left  unfulfilled  the  early  promises.  The 
Abbey  Theatre  has  also  found  offshoots  in  various 
directions.  The  studies  of  Irish  life  produced  by  the 
Ulster  players  exhibited  the  same  general  character- 
istics as  found  in  those  of  the  South  and  West. 

The  well-known  play,  "General  John  Regan,"  has 
also  a  family  likeness  to  those  of  the  Abbey  Theatre. 
The  author,  George  Birmingham,  or,  as  he  is  known 
in  private  life,  the  Rev.  James  Owen  Hannay, 
certainly  views  his  characters  from  a  more  detached 
standpoint,  and  he  has  a  keener  eye  for  the  foibles 
of  the  people  than  sympathy  with  the  veritable 
aspirations  of  their  nature,  but  he  has  been  influenced 
by  the  examples  of  Abbey  Street,  and  it  is  upon  a 
path  already  cleared  that  he  has  entered  with  so 
much  gay  abandon  and  success. 

I  will  interpose  here  a  remark  to  prevent  misunder- 
standing :  It  is  far  from  my  intention  to  give  a 
review,  however  summary,  of  the  works  of  Irish 
writers.  Many  of  note  have  been  omitted  altogether. 
I  have  said  nothing  even  of  Gerald  Griffin,  the  gifted 
author  of  "  The  Collegians,"  nor  of  the  Knocknagow 
of  Kickham,  nor  of  Leamy,  nor  of  the  racy  Mr. 
William  O'Brien,  nor  of  Mr.  Stephen  Gwynn,  lover 
of  letters,  nor  of  Katharine  Tynan,  favourite  with 
so  many,  nor  of  Seaumas  MacManus,  with  his  good 


LITEBATUBE  303 

stories  redolent  of  the  turf  smoke,  nor  of  Downey, 
whose  "  Merchant  of  Killogue "  gives  a  serious 
setting  to  his  fund  of  humour,  nor  of  Bobert  Lynd's 
"  Home  Life  in  Ireland,"  with  its  charming  indi- 
vidual style,  nor  of  the  sensitive  and  charming 
Stephen  MacKenna,  nor  of  Conal  O'Biordan,  thought- 
ful and  daring  beyond  others,  in  "  The  Piper  "  and 
"  Shakespeare's  End,"  nor  of  the  scholarly  Bolleston 
of  noble  sentiment  and  rolling  line.  What  I  have 
sought  rather  is  to  indicate  the  character  and  ten- 
dencies of  Irish  life  as  seen  through  different  phases 
of  literature,  and  to  point  these  observations  here 
and  there  by  reference  to  some  characteristic  work. 

There  is  one,  however,  who  cannot  be  passed  over 
in  silence,  if  only  by  the  boldness  and  challenge  of 
his  work,  and  the  storm  of  protest  it  has  aroused. 
This  is  Synge  of  the  famous  "  Playboy  of  the  Western 
World." 

The  Playboy  was  the  cause  of  a  great  disturbance 
in  Chicago  ;  the  actors  were,  I  believe,  arrested,  and 
the  whole  American  press  gave  itself  up  to  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  morality,  or  immorality,  of  the  pro- 
duction and  its  right  to  represent  Irish  character. 
Political  elections  depended  on  the  answers  to  the 
sharp  questions  of  partisans  on  the  merits  of  the 
Playboy,  and  spectacled  Teutonic  professors,  con- 
vinced that  here  was  a  world-event,  fell  to  trans- 
lating the  Playboy  into  woolly  German. 

In  Dublin  the  note  was  rather  indifference  when 
not  enjoyment.  In  London — it  was  mainly  over- 
cultured  people  who  went  to  the  play  here — the  mood 
was  that  semi-religious,  hypnotic  state  in  which,  with 
serious  concentrated  minds,  the  same  audiences  are 
accustomed  to  worship  Shakespeare  or  follow  Berg- 


304  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

son.  Many  hidden  beauties  were  discovered  that 
had  never  occurred  to  Synge  himself,  and  many  in- 
genious and  fatuous  interpretations  and  ascription 
of  intentions  were  offered  that  faintly  reeked  of  the 
German  commentators. 

This  brings  me  to  a  curious  observation  of  the 
difference  of  the  Irish  and  the  English  mind.  I  will 
not  lay  stress  on  race,  for  the  elements  have  become 
really  too  compounded  for  that ;  but  there  is  some 
subtle  alchemy  in  the  air  of  Ireland  that  infuses  into 
all  the  quality — Irish.  A  healthy  man  will  laugh 
more  in  Ireland  in  three  weeks  than  in  England  in 
nine  months.  Then  perhaps  he  will  describe  the 
Irish  people  as  sad  ;  and  if  he  be  an  Englishman,  and 
sympathy  with  Ireland  be  on  his  programme,  he  will 
return  laden  with  tempered  enthusiasms,  and  he  will 
talk  of  the  Celtic  twilight,  Gaelic  mysticism,  the 
idealism  of  Deirdre,  and  he  will  be  earnest  over  "  The 
Playboy  of  the  Western  World,"  earnest  and  serious. 

Nothing  seems  to  me  more  subtly  amusing  than  the 
seriousness  of  Englishmen,  on  some  aspects  of  the 
Irish  question,  for  instance,  or  on  that  same  Playboy. 
It  would  take  a  volume  of  psychology  to  explain 
what  I  mean,  and  then  possibly  my  meaning  would 
not  be  clear,  but  an  Irishman  would  understand  at 
once.  It  is  not  that  the  Irishman  is  less  interested 
or  less  appreciative  of  the  Playboy,  but  he  sees  things 
in  a  different  light,  or  as  with  two  lights  where  the 
Englishman  has  one.  I  am  not  here  claiming  any 
superiority  of  intellect  for  the  Irishman — the  de- 
ficiency of  the  nation  in  the  realm  of  science  would 
alone,  I  repeat,  bring  me  up  with  a  round  turn  there — 
but,  in  what  may  be  a  shallow  stratum,  the  Irish  mind 
moves  more  lightly  and  quicker  all  round  the  object. 


LITERATURE  305 

We  have  even  experimental  proof  of  this.  Dr. 
Sophie  Bryant,  in  her  book,  "  The  Genius  of  the 
Gael/'  remarks  of  the  House  of  Commons  :  "  When 
a  joke  is  made,  or  a  humorous  incident  occurs,  it 
takes  effect  first  on  the  Irish  benches  :  a  burst  of 
simultaneous  laughter  issues  from  that  part  of  the 
building.  Thence  it  is  taken  up  by  the  neighbouring 
benches  and  rolls  gradually  over  the  House." 

I  have  noticed  this  often  myself,  the  gay  irrepres- 
sible laughter  of  the  Irish  gradually  infecting  the 
House  and  spreading  and  being  returned  to  us  at 
length  in  the  serious  mirth — as  if  this  was  their 
"  considered  Bill  " — of  the  back-benchers  above  the 
gangway  on  the  Ministerial  side. 

And  so  with  regard  to  the  rollicking  Playboy,  to 
treat  it  with  grave  concern  is  to  deal  with  it  harshly. 
It  was,  in  fact,  the  Playboy  to  which  my  honest 
friend  of  some  pages  back  referred  when  he  uttered 
the  bewildering  but  oracular  word  :  ART. 

It  is  not  customary  for  a  young  Irishman  to  cut 
down  his  "  da  "  with  a  shovel,  even  on  a  difference 
of  opinion  ;  if  he  did  so  far  forget  himself,  he  would 
not  be  made  a  hero  by  the  countryside. 

It  is  true  that  a  certain  resistance  to  the  law 
might  appeal  to  many  in  the  West ;  but  it  is  also 
true  that  the  ties  of  family  are  stronger  in  Ireland 
than  in  most  parts  of  the  world.  Regarded  seriously 
the  plot  of  the  Playboy  is  absurd ;  regarded  as  an 
absurdity  the  play  becomes  "  serious  " — as  I  once 
heard  a  Frenchman  remark  of  one  of  Courteline's 
comedies — that  is  to  say  something  of  real  value. 
The  Playboy  in  its  fantastic  form  gives  delightful 
glimpses  into  Irish  character.  It  is  said,  and  I  be- 
lieve with  truth,  that  Synge  was  accustomed  to 
20 


306 


IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 


listen  to  the  conversation  of  peasants  with  great 
attention  and  to  note  down  as  many  quaint  and 
curious  phrases  as  he  could.  Now  the  quaint  and 
curious  phrases  of  the  West  are  often  translations  or 
adaptations  from  the  old  Irish ;  so  that  here  we  fall 
in  with  a  rare  discovery,  the  ideas,  turns  of  thought, 
and  modes  of  expression  of  a  people  with  a  thou- 
sand years  of  literature  behind  them  suddenly 
emerging  into  an  alien  time.  It  was  this  discovery 
of  the  Playboy  rather  than  the  invention — that  is 
to  say  the  invention  of  the  plot — that  gives  to  the 
little  drama  its  freshness,  its  richness,  and  all  its 
racy  zest  and  go.  Synge  has  by  no  means  exhausted 
that  field,  for  the  transcription  of  the  picturesque 
and  striking  language  of  the  West  is  almost  sufficient 
in  itself  to  make  a  play  run. 

I  knew  Synge  in  Paris  long  before  the  days  of  his 
fame,  and,  possibly  in  memory  of  that  friendship, 
he  has  introduced  into  the  Playboy  an  allusion  to 
myself.  Synge  in  his  Parisian  days  was  a  singular 
figure.  He  was  poor,  and  to  be  poor  in  Paris  is  to 
be  doubly  poor,  and  Synge,  I  am  afraid,  was  very 
poor.  He  lived  in  the  Latin  quarter  adjacent  to  the 
Luxembourg  Gardens,  in  the  street  (rue  d'Assas) 
which  Alphonse  Daudet  has  selected  for  the  opening 
scene  of  his  "  Sapho."  It  was  a  neighbourhood 
made  notable  at  one  time  by  the  studios  of  famous 
artists — Whistler,  Bouguereau,  and  others.  Synge 
with  an  allowance  of  less  than  £50  a  year  had  acquired 
the  art  of  living  frugally  with  content.  Many  in  the 
Latin  quarter  subsist  on  means  less  substantial  but 
more  precarious  than  Synge's  modest  competence. 

Adversity  may  be  a  fine  school,  but  it  is  a  bad 
dwelling  house ;  and  it  has  this  inconvenience  that 


LITERATURE  307 

it  greatly  restricts  the  circle  of  one's  friends.  On 
the  other  hand  it  induces  reflection.  Synge  was,  no 
doubt,  even  at  that  time  nursing  the  hopes  and 
desires  that  afterwards  found  vent  in  his  bold  but 
all  too  brief  career,  but  he  had  not  yet  found  his 
work,  and  there  seemed  to  me  no  especial  attraction 
in  his  personality.  A  tall,  rough-hewn,  square,  broad- 
shouldered  man  he  was  ;  but  this  picture  should  not 
call  up  images  of  rude  and  granite  strength.  He 
gave  no  suggestion  of  athletic  prowess  with  his  bulk  ; 
he  appeared  as  the  belated  descendant  of  a  race  that 
had  dwelt  with  the  mastodon,  and  which  though 
losing  its  rude  force  in  the  contact  with  a  debilitated 
civilisation  had  not  become  absorbed  or  assimilated. 

Such  was  Synge  with  his  overgrown  height,  his 
clumsy  proportions,  his  great  square  head,  his  plain 
features,  his  somewhat  sombred  eyes,  and  his  modest 
expression  of  kindness.  He  spoke  in  a  voice  of 
muffled  timbre  as  of  a  peculiar  husky  flatness  which 
masked  its  true  expression  and  diminished  its  volume. 

He  seemed  neither  to  rebel  against  his  meagre  fate, 
nor  to  flaunt  it,  nor  to  be  greatly  ambitious,  or  at 
least  impatient,  of  changing  it.  A  quiet  insistent 
purpose  pervaded  his  personality,  and  the  observa- 
tions of  what  seemed  to  me  a  slow,  even  if  thought- 
ful mind,  were  marked  by  good  judgment  rather 
than  by  any  sparkling  brilliance.  Synge  was  study- 
ing French  literature  during  his  days  in  Paris,  but 
he  possessed  few  acquaintances  among  those  who 
could  talk  with  him  upon  such  subjects.  He  moved 
in  the  Irish  colony,  but  even  amongst  them  he  was 
retiring,  solitary,  and  in  no  way  conspicuous,  though 
he  was  made  welcome  wherever  he  went.  His  de- 
meanour was  always  that  of  a  gentleman. 


308  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

At  that  time  I  was  acquainted  with  some  of  the 
modern  French  writers  who  have  since  become 
celebrities  in  the  world  of  Paris,  and  it  so  happened 
that,  as  Synge  had  produced  nothing  yet,  it  had  not 
occurred  to  me  to  associate  this  gentle  giant,  of  the 
singular  stamp  and  somewhat  retiring  style,  with 
success  in  literature.  Indeed  if  I  were  to  say  the 
last  word  of  candour,  I  do  not  think  that  his  famous 
"  Playboy  "  would  in  Paris  have  placed  him  on  a 
pinnacle.  It  was  staged  in  Paris  not  long  ago,  and 
some  of  the  good  Parisians,  inveterate  playgoers  for 
thirty  years,  were  not  a  little  puzzled  by  this  strange 
production.  The  captivating,  irresistible  "  Playboy  " 
was  by  some  called  deadly  dull. 

Here  a  little  explanation  is  required,  for  it  is  called 
to  my  recollection  that  one  evening  when  I  was 
making  my  way  to  my  seat  to  attend  a  production 
in  French  of  one  of  the  brightest  and  best  of  all 
contemporary  writers — Mr.  George  Bernard  Shaw — a 
distinguished  French  critic  remarked :  "  Now  we 
are  going  to  be  bored  for  a  couple  of  hours  !  "  The 
fact  is,  for  one  thing,  that  to  bring  wit  to  Paris  is  like 
bringing  coals  to  Newcastle.  Moreover  the  sap  and 
savour  of  the  words  is  lost  in  translation,  even  in 
good  translations ;  and  in  the  case  of  Synge  that 
was  fatal.  For  not  merely  is  the  French  language 
flexible,  polished  by  attrition  through  the  ages, 
macerated  and  refined,  but  French  literature  is  cast 
in  a  form  where  the  subtle  influences  of  centuries 
of  civilisation  have  given  balance,  adjustments  of 
standards,  and  taste. 

Breaking  into  such  a  stratum  of  thought  a  play  of 
Synge's  produces  something  of  that  impression 
which  his  appearance  sufficed  to  suggest,  something 


LITERATURE  309 

that  seemed  to  belong  to  another  age.  Now  in  France, 
not  more  than  in  Ireland,  is  it  usual,  still  less  laud- 
able, for  a  young  peasant  to  kill  his  da  ;  and  when  a 
play  founded  on  this  theme,  and  presented  in  excel- 
lent French,  was  shown  to  the  cultured  inhabitants 
of  Lutece,  they  stared  as  they  would,  though  politely, 
at  a  troglodyte  who  had  invaded  a  salon  of  the 
Boulevard  St.  Germain. 

Which  of  these  conceptions  of  literature  is  right  ? 
Perhaps  the  proper  answer  is  that  one  should  seek  to 
define  rather  than  directly  to  compare.    The  Playboy 
is  a  little  work  of  genre  painting,  but  this  makes  only 
a  small  part  of  art.     Because  Wilkie,  for  instance, 
has    painted,    shall    we    not    admire    Turner  ?     Or 
because  Mrs.  Jarley's  show  is  popular  and  amusing, 
shall  the  Elgin  marbles  be  left  unvisited,  or  the 
Dance  of  Carpeaux  torn  from  its  pedestal  ?     Litera- 
ture discourses   of  all  life,   throughout  its   depths 
and  heights,  in  all  its  great  variety  and  range,  and 
great  literature  gives  us  some  sense  of  this  meaning. 
"Don  Quixote  "  would  fail  to  entertain  us  long  if  the 
fun  began  and  ended  with  such  exploits  as  tilting  at 
windmills ;    but  the  whole  story  is  wrapped  in   an 
atmosphere   of    humour,  through  which  Cervantes 
exhales  the  experience  and  philosophy  of  a  man  who 
has  seen  and  suffered,  meditated  and  hoped.     "Gil 
Bias  "  is  not  the  mere  tale  of  a  valet's  adventures ;  it 
is  a  study  of  human  nature  and  society.   * '  Endymion ' ' 
is  not  a  string  of  images  of  a  brain-sick  young  poet ; 
it  is  the  searching  for  a  guide  amid  the  ideals  of  life  ; 
it  is — if  one  may  use  a  term  so  uninspiring  for  a  poem 
of  genius — the  poet's  expression  of  the  data  of  ethics. 
Synge  has  given  a  lively  detail  of  the  great  fresco 
of  literature,  and  most  of  us  are  thankful,  but  we 


310  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

must  not  exaggerate  the  importance  even  of  "  The 
Playboy  of  the  Western  World." 

Synge  has  also  written  a  "  Deirdre/'  but  although 
it  is  greatly  admired  in  exclusive  and  refined  circles, 
this  fact  also  gives  rise  to  suspicion.  Synge  had 
never  seen  Deirdre.  He  had  seen  the  Playboy  ;  he 
had  listened  to  the  gossiping  of  colleens  round  the 
turf  fire,  and  the  talk  of  men  drinking  their  porter 
in  little  shebeens,  and  every  jotting  and  flash  gave 
us  life.  But  Deirdre !  Deirdre  lived  thousands  of 
years  ago.  Who  was  Deirdre  ?  I  cannot  tell,  although 
it  is  heresy  of  the  rankest  kind  not  to  know.  Deirdre 
was  an  ancient  Irish  Queen,  or  goddess,  perhaps  both. 
She  lived  along — along — ago.  Ireland  in  her  fiercest 
agitations  had  never  heard  of  Deirdre.  To  tell  the 
whole  truth,  Ireland  was  content  never  to  have  heard 
of  Deirdre,  but  the  literary  movement  wanted  a 
heroine  and  Deirdre  had  been  so  long  dead  that  little 
was  known  against  her  family.  So  M  rediscovered 
her.  Mr.  Yeats  wrote  a  ghosted  drama  round  Deirdre. 
Synge  gave  us  another  Deirdre.  And  now  every 
budding  Irish  dramatist  in  full  sail  for  the  conquest 
of  fame  must  pass  the  Cape  of  Deirdre. 

But  though  respectability  is  gained  by  ancient 
burial,  yet  a  certain  indistinctness  of  feature  accom- 
panies it,  and  so  it  makes  too  great  a  strain  on  the 
affections  to  ask  us  to  adorn  the  diaphanous  Deirdre. 
The  stage  may  lend  an  adventitious  aid,  for  it  appears 
from  the  dramatists  that  Irish  Queens  were  clad  in 
something  like  Hans  Breitmann's  mermaid,  and  the 
free  movement  of  comely  limbs  may  compensate  even 
for  stilted  verse.  But  here  we  are  not  lost  in  the 
"  twilight  of  the  Gods,"  we  have  found  ourselves 
attracted  by  modern  grace ;  we  are  not  brooding  on 


LITEBATUEE  311 

"  Celtic  mysticism,"  we  are  admiring  the  realities  of 
Celtic  physique.  I  have  lingered  over  Synge  with 
concern  for  his  renown,  especially  as  in  dying  he  felt 
that  he  was  capable  of  new  and  greater  flights. 

Of  later  writers,  Seosamh  MacCathmhaoil  (anglice, 
James  Campbell)  gives  us  lyric  quality  with  true  Irish 
spirit,  Seumas  O'Sullivan  rare  delicacy  of  nuances 
with  yet  firm  impression  in  the  painting  of  his  images, 
and  Francis  Ledwidge  has  caught  the  songs  of  the 
birds.  Francis  Ledwidge  is  one  of  the  youngest, 
the  newest,  and  one  might  say  the  freshest  of  the 
Irish  poets.  Lord  Dunsany  told  the  story  this  year 
to  the  National  Literary  Society  of  his  discovery : 

About  a  year  and  a  half  ago  he  received  while  in 
London  a  very  dirty  copy-book,  made  in  Navan, 
and  a  letter  with  it,  asking  him  if  there  was  any 
good  in  the  compositions.  The  copy-book  was 
full  of  poems,  many  of  which  were  bad,  while 
from  the  rest  flashed  out  the  authentic  inspira- 
tion of  the  true  poet.  At  present  the  writer 
was  about  twenty-two  years  of  age.  He  knew 
nothing  about  technique  and  far  less  about 
grammar,  but  he  had  the  great  ideas  and  concep- 
tions of  the  poet,  and  saw  the  vast  figures,  the 
giant  forces,  and  elemental  powers  striving 
amongst  the  hills.  Some  of  his  poems  had  already 
been  published  in  England  and  attracted  not 
a  little  attention.  His  name  was  Francis  Led- 
widge, and  most  of  his  poetry  dealt  with  descrip- 
tions of  nature  in  and*  around  his  native  district 
of  Slane,  Co.  Meath.  One  of  his  early  poems, 
"  Behind  the  Closed  Eye,"  had  appeared  in  the 
"  Saturday  Review,"  and  aroused  a  good  deal 


312  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

of  controversy  in  literary  circles  in  London.  It 
gave  a  picture  of  a  simple  Irish  country  village, 
such  as  no  writer  had  approached  since  the  days 
of  Goldsmith.  His  poetry  was  mainly  drawn 
from  the  life  of  the  fields,  and  if  he  (Lord  Dun- 
sany)  applied  any  title  to  him,  he  thought  he 
might  best  describe  him  as  "  the  poet  of  the 
blackbird." 

The  following  poem,  first  published  in  the  "  Saturday 
Review  "  of  March  1913,  gives  a  fair  idea  of  Francis 
Ledwidge's  charming  style.  The  poem  is  called 
"  To  a  Linnet  in  a  Cage  "  : 

"When  Spring  is  in  the  fields  that  stained  your  wing 
And  the  blue  distance  is  alive  with  song ; 
And  finny  quiets  of  the  gabbling  spring 

Rock  lilies  red  and  long. 
At  dewy  daybreak  I  will  set  you  free 
In  ferny  turnings  of  the  woodbine  lane 
Where  faint-voiced  echoes  leave  and  cross  in  glee 

The  hilly  swollen  plain. 
In  draughty  houses  you  forget  your  tune, 
The  modulator  of  the  changing  hours, 
You  want  the  wide  air  of  the  moody  noon 

And  the  slanting  evening  showers — 
So  I  will  lose  you,  and  your  song  shall  fall, 
When  morn  is  white  upon  my  dewy  pane, 
Upon  my  eyelids,  and  my  soul  recall 

From  worlds  of  sleeping  pain." 

Seosamh  MacCathmhaoil  calls  himself  the  Moun- 
tainy  Singer.  That  already  is  good.  He  aspires  to 
sing  the  joys  and  the  sorrows  of  the  common  people  ; 
and  that  is  excellent : 

"  A  bard  shall  be  born 
Of  the  seed  of  the  folk, 
To  break  with  his  singing 
The  bond  and  the  yoke." 


LITERATURE  313 

Here  is  a  good  verse :    "At  the  Whitening  of  the 
Dawn  "  : 

"At  the  whitening  of  the  dawn, 
As  I  came  o'er  the  windy  water, 
I  saw  the  salmon -fisher's  daughter 
Lasarfhionn  ni  Cholumain, 
Lasarfhionn  ni  Cholumain, 
Lasarfhionn  ni  Cholumain, 

Palest  lily  of  the  dawn, 
Is  Lasarfhionn  ni  Cholumain." 

Lasarfhionn  ni  Cholumain — I  do  not  know  pre- 
cisely what  it  means,  but  I  have  repeated  the  words 
a  score  of  times  for  the  delight  of  the  sound ;  but 
verse  of  this  kind  after  all  fails  to  captivate  for  ever. 

"Twine  the  mazes  thro'  and  thro' 
Over  beach  and  margent  pale  ; 
Not  a  bawn  appears  in  view, 

Not  a  sail ! 

Round  about ! 

In  and  out ! 

Through  the  stones  and  sandy  bars, 
To  the  music  of  the  stars  ! 
The  asteroidal  fire  that  dances 
Nightly  in  the  northern  blue, 
The  brightest  of  the  boreal  lances 

Dances  not  so  light  as  you, 

Cliodhna  ! 
Dances  not  so  light  as  you." 

Here  is  a  prettiness  of  melody,  and  gleams  of  fine 
imagery  ;  but  the  whole  verse  is  disappointing.  It  is 
elusive  as  a  passage  of  Browning  without  Browning's 
"  body "  and  underlying  consistency.  The  images 
are  far-fetched,  and  unfelt.  Once  and  for  all,  one 
can  give  to  this,  as  to  so  much  of  our  present  Irish 
poetry,  Newton's  definition  :  A  sort  of  ingenious 
nonsense.  And  this  must  be  said  severely,  for  in 


314  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

Seosamh  MacCathmhaoil,  as  in  many  others,  the 
genuine  spirit  is  there. 

Seumas  O'Sullivan  has  produced  two  volumes  of 
verse.  The  last  is  the  Earth-Lover.  Seumas  O'Sulli- 
van  is  the  most  gifted  of  all  in  the  quality  of  delicate 
but  rich  colouring,  in  the  deft  strokes,  in  the  wheels 
and  turns  of  the  metrical  art.  But  his  poems  are 
fugitive  sketchings.  One  has  the  impression  of 
coming  into  an  artist's  studio  and  beholding  a  number 
of  glimmering  half  thought-out  brilliant  studies,  but 
without  form,  consistency,  or  intent,  or  veritable 
sincerity  except  where  dilletantism  itself  may  be 
sincere.  These  touches  are  fine  : 

"  Nor  when  the  mellow  Autumn  moon 
Hung  still  in  quivering  mists  of  gold 
On  hill  and  meadow,  field  and  fold. 

I  will  go  out  and  meet  the  evening  hours 

And  greet  them  one  by  one  as  friend  greets  friend, 

Where  many  a  tall  poplar  summit  towers 

On  summit,  shrines  of  quietness  that  send 

Their  silence  through  the  blue  air  like  a  wreath 

Of  sacrificial  flame  unwavering 

In  the  deep  evening  stillness,  when  no  breath 

Sets  the  faint  tendrils  floating  on  light  wing 

Over  the  long  dim  fields  mist-islanded." 

And  then  we  have  Padraic  Colum,  a  true  poet ; 
that  is  certain.  Yet  I  have  still  a  tinge  of  disappoint- 
ment ;  disappointment  because  with  real  vision,  real 
feeling,  faculty  of  fine  technique,  he  has  not  entirely 
freed  himself  of  models.  He  gives  us  pictures  re- 
miniscent of  Millet,  and  couched  in  a  form  borrowed 
from  Walt  Whitman.  But  this  was  natural  to  Walt, 
and  natural  too  for  the  reason  that  it  was  only  in 
his  later  days  that  Walt  saw  the  necessity  for  the 


LITERATURE  315 

magic  of  form,  that  lie  knew  there  was  something 
wanting  in  him,  "  to  catch  the  final  lilt  of  songs." 
Then  why  should  Padraic  Colum  with  his  quickly 
apprehensive  •  mind,  the  lightsome  plasticity  of  the 
Celt,  inure  himself  to  these  heavy  old  Dutch  endea- 
vourings  of  Walt  ?  (In  passing  I  would  like  to  say 
I  have  a  prodigious  admiration  for  Walt.)  Yet 
Padraic  Colum  does  this  wonderfully  well : 

"THE   PLOUGHER" 

"Sunset  and  Silence  !    A  man  :  around  him  earth 

Savage,  earth  broken ; 
Beside  him  two  horses — a  plough  ! 

Earth  savage,  earth  broken,  the  brutes,  the  dawn- 
man  there  in  the  sunset, 

And  the  Plough  that  is  twin  to  the  Sword,  that 
is  founder  of  cities  ! 

Brute-tamer,  plough-maker,  earth-breaker  ! 

Can'st  hear  ?    There  are  ages  between  us. 
Is  it  praying  you  are  as  you  stand  there  alone 

in  the  sunset  ?  " 

This  is  from  one  of  Padraic  Columns  latest  volumes, 
well-named  "  Wild  Earth."  There  are  many  notes, 
many  moods,  many  striking  pictures.  His  impressions 
are  deeper  than  the  others.  He  is  ardent.  He  is 
fundamentally  sincere.  Padraic  Colum  stands  apart 
from  most  of  the  others  by  reason  of  the  volume  of 
his  work,  the  variety  of  the  subjects  he  has  touched, 
the  more  distinct  mark  of  individuality,  and  also  by 
his  promise.  This  last  word  may  be  read  a  little 
dubiously,  as  implying  only  insufficiency  of  actual  pro- 
duct, but  that  is  not  my  intention.  Every  true  poet 
finds  within  himself  not  merely  the  natural  stirring 
of  his  powers,  but  also,  and  this  especially  as  his 


316  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

sense  of  artistry  becomes  exercised,  the  possibilities 
of  great  development.  Hitherto,  I  believe,  Colum 
has  felt  too  much  the  influence  of  the  school  under 
whose  banner  he  first  sallied  forth  in  quest  of  fame. 
Something  similar  might  have  been  said  truly  of  a 
poet  so  deeply  original  and  true  as  Keats,  for  in  his 
"  Endymion  " — surely  one  of  the  most  marvellous 
poems  of  all  literature — there  are  obvious  faults, 
weaknesses,  and  mannerisms  which  were  derived 
from  his  association  with  Leigh  Hunt.  He  was 
sneered  at  as  belonging  to  the  "  Cockney  School." 
So  in  the  poems  of  Colum,  in  the  cast  of  thought,  in 
the  set  of  ideas,  and  in  the  forms  of  expression,  one 
seems  to  detect  the  influence  of  the  moonshine  school. 
Later  there  is  the  touch  of  Walt  Whitman.  This 
is  hopeful,  because  it  marks  the  effort  of  the  poet 
to  escape  from  lesser  associations.  His  work,  admir- 
able as  it  is,  steeped  in  the  very  atmosphere  of 
poetry — for  apart  from  the  expression  in  words,  he 
is  a  poet — his  work  may  still  aspire  to  find  immortal 
qualities. 

Another  not  less  notable  for  originality  is  James 
Stephens,  though  there  too  we  find  traces  of  the 
school  of  Yeats.  Still  the  genuine  fibre  is  too  strong, 
the  poet's  instinct  too  determined,  his  independence, 
confident  power,  and  riancy  too  exuberant  to  be 
held  within  the  compass  of  others.  In  Stephens  there 
is  too  often  marked  a  rugged  strength  and  graphic 
style  which  leaves  us  unprepared  for  the  delight- 
some freedom  of  his  airy  flights.  Of  his  prose  writ- 
ings, read  "  The  Crock  of  Gold,"  the  most  whimsical 
of  fancies  since  Sterne. 

Here  in  this  rapid  review,  so  brief  that  many 
spirited  authors  of  signal  merit  have  been  left  un- 


LITERATURE  317 

mentioned,  we  have  met  with  great  Irish  names 
adorning  nearly  every  form  of  literature.  Yet  I 
cannot  think  that  the  Irish  people  have  yet  given  the 
full  measure  of  their  strength.  The  reasons  may  be 
clearer  in  the  next  chapter,  although  the  theme  itself 
appears  at  first  unconnected  with  literature. 

Literature  does  not  grow  up  spontaneously,  or 
accidentally.  The  man  of  genius  may  arise  here  and 
there  from  origins  that  seem  unfavourable.  What- 
ever be  extraordinary  in  this  points  rather  to  the 
limitation  of  our  knowledge  than  to  anything 
capricious  in  the  great  movement  of  Nature.  Could 
we  see  truly  and  deeply  enough  we  would  find  that 
all  here  is  in  order,  and  that,  hard  though  the  saying 
be,  natural  laws  regulate  even  the  appearance  of 
genius  and  the  output  of  literature.  The  factors 
depend  on  ten  thousand  circumstances  of  the  charac- 
ter of  the  people,  the  degree  of  culture,  the  phases 
of  public  interest,  the  whole  endeavour,  energy,  and 
prospects  of  a  race.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  show 
how  often  in  the  world's  history  the  appearance  of 
great  literature  has  accompanied  an  outburst  of 
national  energy  in  all  directions,  so  that  the  works 
of  the  poet  mark  the  bloom  time  of  a  people  from 
Pindar  to  Dante,  from  Camoens  to  Keats.  Litera- 
ture is  but  an  expression  of  the  natural  forces,  and 
the  characteristics  of  a  race  will  be  found  there  as  in 
all  other  forms  of  its  manifestation.  What,  there- 
fore, makes  me  think  that  the  future  of  Irish  litera- 
ture may  hold  greater  glories  is  precisely  that 
hitherto  the  literature  of  the  Celt  has  not  illustrated 
his  genius  to  the  height ;  he  has  not  shown  there 
evidence  adequate  of  his  brilliancy,  his  noble  courage, 
impetuous  onslaught,  nor  even  of  his  ambition.  Too 


318  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

often  Irish  literature  has  been  imitative ;  and  even 
at  the  period  when  the  talk  was  oftenest  heard  of  the 
"  Irish  Renaissance,"  it  was  not  easy  to  buy  a  repre- 
sentative book  of  the  revival  in  Dublin,  still  less  to 
find  anyone  who  could  quote  half-a-dozen  charac- 
teristic lines ;  while  the  bookshops  of  the  principal 
streets  proudly  displayed  the  wares  of  third-rate 
English  authors  whom  all  had  been  content  to  for- 
get in  London.  Too  frequent  was  there  evidence  of 
imitation,  and  the  models  imitated  were  bad. 

Consider  for  a  moment  the  whole  range  of  the 
work  of  Robert  Burns  :  his  poems  descriptive  of  the 
life  of  the  country,  immortal  poems  like  "  Hallow- 
e'en " ;  the  poems  of  satire ;  the  exuberant  racy 
:<  Tarn  O'Shanter,"  or  the  irresistible  character 
painting  of  "  The  Jolly  Beggars,"  the  incomparable 
love  songs,  their  life  and  lyric  quality  ;  the  patriotic 
songs  breathing  the  very  soul  of  aspirations  ;  finally 
the  great  poems  of  humanity. 

I  have  cited  Burns  for  comparison.  Perhaps  it  is 
not  fair  to  the  present  poets,  for  Burns  himself  is  not 
to  be  appreciated  by  single  short  poems,  still  less 
by  extracts,  but  by  the  whole  volume  and  force,  and 
wealth  of  allusion  and  evocation,  of  all  his  various 
many-spirited  verse.  But  I  have  chosen  him  as 
giving  us  what  we  have  a  right  to  hope  for  also  in 
Ireland,  a  poetry  not  the  pale  reflex  of  foreign  models, 
but  breathing,  real,  vital  poetry  that  leaps  with  the 
throb  of  blood,  poetry  that  has  a  man's  force  behind 
it,  poetry  of  a  patriot's  passion,  a  bard's  vision, 
poetry  that  soars  at  times  with  the  lark-like  carol- 
ling of  joyous  thought.  And  all  that  can  be  found 
in  Ireland. 


CHAPTER   XII 

SCIENCE 

TURN  to  science ! 

That  if  I  had  but  one  monition  bearing  hope  to  the 
young  man  of  Ireland,  one  message  that  might  be 
listened  to,  that  would  be  my  saying :  Face  realities. 
Enter  into  veritable  knowledge  of  Nature. 

Let  us  see  in  the  first  place  how  science  stands  in 
the  world's  civilisation.  Truly  when  I  cast  my  eyes 
over  the  stream  of  time,  and  ask  what  is  the  valid 
meaning  of  progress,  and  when  I  contrast  Greek 
civilisation  with  our  own,  I  find  that  we  are  in  many 
things  inferior,  in  one  only  definitely  greater — we  are 
superior  in  the  positive  results  of  science.  Not  in 
the  spirit  of  science.  No.  That  flame  burned  in 
the  souls  of  Empedocles,  of  Plato,  of  Aristotle,  of 
Eratosthenes,  of  Archimedes,  no  less  brightly  and 
purely,  than  ever  since  in  the  history  of  man.  But 
in  the  actual  achievement  of  science,  in  the  massed 
and  aggregate  product,  in  the  organisations  that 
have  developed,  the  million  corollaries  of  science, 
there  and  there  only  can  we  claim  greater  credit. 

We  may  speak  of  the  lustre  of  literature,  or  of 
the  glories  of  battles  by  sea  or  land.  Yes,  but 
literature  is  but  the  adornment  of  the  architecture. 
The  beauty  of  the  edifice  should  arise  from  its  own 
perfect  conception.  Dante,  Shakespeare,  Moliere, 

319 


320  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

Schiller — these  are  the  great  amuseurs,1  showing  to 
our  gaze  rare  worlds  of  things,  varied  and  picturesque 
worlds,  worlds  of  emotion,  passion,  airy  fancy,  delicate 
thought ;  displaying  inner  motives,  though  it  be 
amid  the  shimmer  of  poetry,  the  sparkle  of  wit; 
delightful,  captivating,  wonder-filling;  but  not  the 
great  artisans  of  progress,  not  the  great  engineers  of 
civilisation's  campaign.  The  modern  world  begins 
with  Galileo.  Some  three  hundred  years  measures 
the  lapse  of  our  escape  from  the  Middle  Ages,  that 
darkened  period  when  science  was  lost.  Look  into 
these  things,  seriously,  and  with  illumination,  0 
ye  young  men  ;  on  you  I  build  my  hope.  The  older 
race  is  finished.  A  man  is  as  old  as  his  arteries ; 
a  nation  is  as  young  as  its  spirit  of  enterprise. 

Look,  therefore,  apart  from  the  catalogue  of 
kings,  the  records  of  battles,  look  bravely  upon  the 
world's  progress  ;  do  we  not  find  there  a  framework, 
an  ever- developing  structure  on  which  the  very 
delicacies  of  civilisation  ultimately  rest  ?  The  soul 
of  that,  the  spirit  in  the  ultimate  analysis  of  it  all, 
is  found  in  the  mind  of  the  thinker. 

Speak  to  me  of  imagination.  ...  It  has  been  one 
of  the  events  of  my  life,  often  deviously  blown,  to 
read  "  Paradise  Lost  "  a  second  time,  how  marvellous 
it  seemed  ;  and  yet  again  how  weak,  how  little  com- 
pared with  the  glories  revealed  in  the  analysis  of  exact 

1  The  word  amuseur  must  be  here  understood  in  no  low  or  trivial 
sense,  but  as  something  world- wide  and  deep.  Even  in  this  sweeping 
regard  I  would  except,  amongst  others,  Sophocles  ;  Byron,  when  the 
whole  scope  of  his  work  and  the  intent  of  his  later  poems  is  thought 
of  ;  Shelley,  though,  apart  from  the  splendour  of  some  inspired  passages, 
his  world  is  narrower,  less  real  and  strong ;  and  particularly  Keats, 
whose  poetry  springs  from  a  higher  inspiration,  an  illumination  of  the 
spiritual  world  of  man. 


SCIENCE  321 

and  patient  nature.  For  therein  is  Truth.  And 
Truth  is  the  imagination  of  God. 

Even  on  the  lower  sphere  of  National  pride,  what 
have  we  to  show  ?  Great  warriors,  yes.  Great 
orators,  many  ;  mostly  trained  on  the  bad  Ciceronian 
model ;  rhetoric,  rhetoric  ;  great  poets,  few  ;  great 
thinkers,  great  men  of  science,  very  few.  Is  this  the 
fair  outcome  of  Irish  genius  ?  No.  Science  would 
strengthen  our  literature.  It  would  give  the  nation 
a  masculine  soul.  Hitherto  our  literature  is  weak. 
Too  often  we  have  been  parsing  Celt  as  the  feminine 
for  Saxon.  Yet  the  Celt  is  adapted  to  science — the 
eager  spirit,  the  vivid  intelligence,  the  alert  and 
plastic  mind — all  these  qualities  tell  in  science. 

Literature,  yes  even  literature,  should  be  a  discourse 
of  life,  valuable  only  according  to  the  breadth  of 
view,  the  strength  of  the  beam  of  insight.  It  should 
be  as  true  as  the  Differential  Calculus.  Without 
this,  why  gossip  of  Othello  and  his  wife,  or  the  Play- 
boy of  the  Western  World,  except  indeed  to  spend 
an  idle  hour  ?  And  why  dull  that  by  affectation  ? 

Science  is  so  great  that  salvation  lies  that  way ; 
build  on  the  strong  nutriment  of  science,  rather  than 
on  what  we  have  known  as  the  stimulus  of  literature. 
This  nation  will  not  be  great — not  as  future  greatness 
will  rank — till  the  battle  of  Waterloo  pales  in  import- 
ance before  the  experiments  of  Schwann ;  till  the 
monster  European  war  is  seen  to  be  a  less  thing  in 
the  great  march  than  the  calculus  of  Maxwell  aiding 
Faraday,  finding  an  outcome  in  Hertz,  all  tending 
to  indicate  to  us  the  connection  between  electricity 
and  light.  Look  for  a  moment  on  the  prodigious 
material  consequences  that  have  sprung  from  the 
thinker's  mind,  X-rays  and  wireless  telegraphy  are 
21 


322  IKELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

but  incidents  of  that  conquest,  and  on  the  threshold 
of  discovery  we  dimly  see  the  world  of  thousand 
wonders  looming  far. 

The  nation  will  be  educated  when  the  elite  of  the 
young  men  will  find  in  Hamilton's  "  Quarternions  "  a 
joy  such  as  the  musician  feels  in  the  roll  and  sweep 
of  a  passage  of  Bach.  Who  was  Hamilton  ?  William 
Rowan  Hamilton  was  that  among  the  greatest  of  all 
men,  a  man  with  a  mind.  What  adventures  in  the 
world  can  equal  those  of  the  intellects  that  traced  for 
us  the  nature  of  heat — that  story  embellished  with 
the  names  of  Huyghens,  Lavoisier,  Rumford,  Davy, 
Laplace,  Fourier,  Mayer,  Joule,  Helmholtz,  and 
Hertz  ? 

And  of  chemistry  ?  What  work  there  for  a  mascu- 
line mind  of  order,  of  lucidity,  of  comprehensiveness, 
of  grasp ! 

And  in  biology  ?  What  soul  of  apprehension  fails 
to  find  in  Darwin  not  teaching  merely  but  the  joy 
of  snatching  a  veil  that  hid  Nature  ?  What  wizardy 
equals  the  experiments  of  Loeb  and  Delage  ? 

And  these  marvels  are  strewn  around  us !  These 
marvels  furnishing  us  with  inexpressible  delight  in 
themselves,  and  yet  again  bearing  fruit  in  practical 
domains  in  which  our  very  daily  lives  are  cast,  sound- 
ing finally  in  the  prosperity  and  strength  and  endur- 
ing greatness  of  the  nation  itself. 

I  will  refrain  for  the  moment  of  speaking  of  other 
things,  of  the  deep  ethical  interest  of  science,  of  the 
magical  uplifting  of  its  spirit.  This  is  but  an  exordium, 
a  few  significant  words.  I  will  venture  later  to  pierce 
to  the  core  of  things,  to  blazon  this  message  in  letters 
of  light. 

A  chapter  on  Irish  science  need  but  be  short.    That 


SCIENCE  323 

is  a  tragedy.  In  the  whole  range  of  Irish  history 
there  is  no  event,  no  calamity,  which  more  than  this 
should  give  us  serious  thought.  The  science  of  a 
nation  is  not  merely  the  measure  of  its  material 
progress,  it  is  also  the  standard  of  manhood. 

Certainly  Irish  names  have  figured  here  and  there 
in  the  records  of  intellectual  achievement,  but  these 
names  are  few  as  compared  with  those  distinguished 
in  other  fields  or  in  regard  to  the  total  capacity  of 
the  people.  In  chemistry  we  can  point  to  the  great 
work  of  Boyle,  and  in  this  case  the  admiration  due 
to  his  accomplishments  in  science  is  increased  in 
reading  the  account  of  his  methods,  his  experiments, 
his  aspirations.  We  find  here  the  true  cast  of  mind 
of  the  philosopher,  thoughtful,  enquiring,  desirous 
of  knowing  the  reality,  ingenious  in  devising  means  of 
testing  even  with  simple  apparatus,  and  endeavouring 
to  relate  one  field  of  knowledge  to  another.  His  name 
is  immortalised  in  Boyle's  Law  (though  called 
Mariotte's  Law  in  France),  viz.,  that  at  constant  tem- 
perature the  pressure  of  a  gas  bears  an  inverse  ratio 
to  the  volume. 

About  the  same  period  Molyneux,  the  Irish  friend 
of  Locke,  was  asking  shrewd  questions  in  philosophy 
and  psychology,  but  his  actual  researches  are  not 
considerable.  Another  who  is  claimed  as  Irish  is 
Bishop  Berkeley,  whose  spirit  flashed  a  lucid  beam 
here  and  there  amid  extravagance  of  abundant  ideas. 
Berkeley  was  born  in  Ireland,  but  his  father  had 
recently  come  from  England.  He  was  educated  in 
Ireland,  but,  apart  from  his  own  original  genius,  he 
derived  directly  from  Locke  and  from  Newton. 

In  the  domain  of  mathematics,  which  Gauss  with 
fine  understanding  called  the  queen  of  the  sciences, 


324  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

it  is  gratifying  to  meet  with  an  Irish  name  now  and 
then,  but  discouraging  to  find  that,  the  evidence 
of  capacity  having  been  given,  so  few  representatives 
have  struck  determinedly  into  this  field  of  enchant- 
ment. 

I  was  once  highly  interested  to  find  the  name  of 
d'Arcy  quoted  by  a  brilliant  German  mathematician 
in  an  historical  and  critical  account  of  the  Theory 
of  Least  Action.1  I  looked  a  little  more  closely  into 
the  matter.  The  story  is  worth  referring  to,  for  it 
mingles  with  the  name  of  d'Arcy  those  of  men  no 
less  familiar  than  Frederick  the  Great  and  Voltaire. 

Frederick  the  Great  had  invited  to  Berlin  the  cele- 
brated French  physicist  and  mathematician,  Mauper- 
tuis,  and  had  made  him  President  of  the  Berlin 
Academy.  Maupertuis  had  done  excellent  work, 
although  his  scientific  attainments  were  hardly  above 
mediocrity.  On  the  other  hand  he  was  pompous  and 
pretentious.  The  type  has  been  reproduced  a 
hundred  times  in  the  history  of  every  civilised  country, 
the  pompous  man-in-office  putting  forth  theses  marked 
by  no  depth  of  thought  but  over-riding  the  genera- 
tion of  thinkers  by  the  sheer  weight  of  authority. 

Maupertuis  had  as  the  result  of  manipulating 
mathematical  formulae  come  to  the  conclusion  that  he 
had  discovered  a  new  law  of  the  universe,  the  principle 
of  Least  Action,  which  according  to  his  view  proved 
that  in  Nature  the  most  economical  means  were 
employed  in  producing  a  mechanical  result,  and  that 
therefore  the  justice  and  glory  of  the  Deity  were  at 
length  demonstrated  with  rigour.  The  reality,  how- 
ever, was  this,  that  Maupertuis  had  misunderstood  his 

1  The  work  referred  to  is  A.  Mayer's  "  Geschichte  des  Prinzips  der 
Kleinsten  Aktion,"  Leipzig,  1877. 


SCIENCE  325 

own  formulae.  A  dispute  as  to  priority  of  this  great 
discovery  arose.  Voltaire,  who  detested  Maupertuis 
for  his  arrogance,  published  a  pamphlet,  "Docteur 
Akakia,  medecin  du  pape,"  in  which  he  ridiculed 
Maupertuis  without  mercy.1  Frederick  was  outraged, 
perhaps  not  for  the  sake  of  the  Deity,  nor  for  the 
consideration  of  science,  still  less  for  Maupertuis, 
but  that  his  own  august  state  should  be  aimed  at  in 
a  satire  which  derided  one  whom  he  had  exalted. 

Frederick  called  in  the  authority  of  Euler,  and 
though  that  great  mathematician  could  not  have 
failed  to  see  the  insufficiency  of  Maupertuis  and  the 
falsity  of  his  reasoning,  he  covered  him  as  far  as  he 
could  by  his  own  authority.  The  question  had 
attracted  much  interest  in  France,  and  Chevalier 
d'Arcy,  then  a  French  officer  of  artillery,  entered  the 
lists.  D'Arcy  pursued  the  reasoning  of  Maupertuis 
a  little  further  and  showed  that,  according  to  the 
interpretation  of  the  formulae,  Nature  might  in  one 
set  of  circumstances  be  the  most  parsimonious 
manager,  and  in  another  the  most  reckless  spendthrift, 
of  energy.  To  those  who  believe  that  a  mathe- 
matician must  necessarily  be  barren  of  soul,  I  would 
recommend  the  reading  of  the  two  memoirs  on  Least 
Action  published  by  d'Arcy,  for  together  with 
rigorous  demonstration  of  the  absurdity  of  the  theory 
of  Maupertuis  they  show  the  weapon  of  ironical  wit 
wielded  with  elegance.8  Chevalier  d'Arcy  was  of 
Irish  origin,  having  been  born  in  Calway,  and  I  have 

1  See  also  Voltaire's  "  Micromegas." 

2  Chevalier  d'Arcy's  papers  will  be  found  in  the  M6moires  de  1'Aca- 
d£mie  de  Paris,  1749-1752.     The  Theory  of  Least  Action  has  since 
been  investigated  by  Lagrange,  Hamilton,  Jacobi,  Helmholtz,  Hertz, 
Mach,  Holder,  amongst  others.     The  most  recent  study  is  that  of 
Mr.  Philip  E.  B.  Jourdain  :    The  Principle  of  Least  Action. 


326  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

dwelt  on  his  name  because  I  believe  the  talents  he 
displayed  are  those  one  would  expect  to  find  in  Irish 
intellect. 

In  the  same  field  of  mathematics  I  have  met  with 
names  typically  Celtic — O'Brien,  Casey,  MacCullagh, 
for  example — but  the  most  illustrious  of  all,  William 
Rowan  Hamilton,  claims  another  descent.1 

On  a  bridge  in  Dublin  Hamilton  carved  with  his 
knife  the  symbols  i2  =  j2  =  k2  =  ijk  =  —  1,  and  these 
are  the  signs  of  one  of  the  highest  flights  of  the  human 
mind,  for  they  indicate  the  completion  of  the  Qua- 
ternion system.  The  germinating  idea  in  Quaternions 
is  to  reduce  the  study  of  complex  spatial  relations,  as 
for  instance  of  lines  of  force,  to  its  simplest  form  by 
the  help  of  algebraic  methods.  Hamilton  had  for 
years  been  exercising  his  mind  on  the  subject  when 
one  day,  October  16,  1843,  walking  with  his  wife 
along  the  Royal  Canal  near  Brougham  Bridge,  he 
felt  the  mental  flash  which  showed  him  the  clue  to 
the  problem.  Thereupon  he  carved  the  symbols  on 
the  bridge.  Hamilton  is  well  known  for  other  work 
in  mathematics,  especially  for  his  presentation  of 
the  fundamental  formulae  of  mechanics,  which  he 
exhibited  in  elegant  form  after  Lagrange  and,  later, 
Poisson  had  brilliantly  led  the  way. 

In  reading  Euler's  "Introductio  in  Analysin 
infinitorum,"  I  met  with  the  name  of  one  whom  the 
great  mathematician  speaks  of  as  Irish,  Lord  Brounc- 
ker,  but  neither  he  nor  Salmon,  nor  Stokes,  nor 
Tyndall,  nor  Thomson,  known  later  as  Lord  Kelvin, 
though  their  wit  was  enlivened  no  doubt  by  Irish 
blood,  showed  any  sympathy  with  Nationalist,  that 

1  The  family  name  of  Blood,  of  County  Clare,  appears,  however,  in 
his  maternal  ancestry. 


SCIENCE  327 

is  to  say,  in  the  main,  Celtic  aspirations.1  In  tra- 
versing the  whole  range  of  science  I  have  met  with 
the  name  of  an  Irishman  highly  distinguished  now 
and  then — Murphy  more  than  once,  Fitzgerald, 
mentioned  by  Hertz  in  his  "  Untersuchung  iiber  die 
Ausbreitung  der  elektrischen  Kraft,"  Sir  Almroth 
Wright,  who  is,  I  believe,  half  Irish,  Signor  Marconi, 
whose  mother,  I  am  told,  was  Irish,  and  others  of 
less  note.  But,  after  all,  even  in  such  subjects  as 
Celtic  philology,  or  the  history  of  Ireland  studied 
upon  scientific  principles,  the  record  is  meagre  in 
the  extreme.  What  is  the  cause  ?  It  may  be  said 
at  once  that  the  political  turmoil  which  the  struggle 
for  autonomy  has  produced  has  in  regard  to  science 
been  detrimental  in  two  ways,  firstly,  by  producing 
conditions  of  disturbance  unfavourable  to  the  pro- 
secution of  scientific  studies,  and  secondly,  by  divert- 
ing the  keenest  intellects  into  political  activities. 

Neither  of  these  causes,  however,  offers  a  satis- 
factory explanation.  It  has  been  proved  again  and 
again  that  the  time  of  the  greatest  national  effer- 
vescence in  political  adventure,  whether  by  way  of 
defence  or  expansion,  has  been  the  era  of  the  highest 
intellectual  production.  The  scientific  genius  of  the 
French  never  burned  more  brightly  than  in  that 
period  which  embraced  the  Revolution  and  the  early 
days  of  the  Empire.  That  was  the  time,  Professor 
Tait  said,  though  more  emphatically  than  truly, 
when  the  French  were  giants  and  the  rest  of  the 
world  pigmies. 

We  must  look  a  little  deeper.    Ireland  is  com- 

1  Lord  Brouncker  was  the  first  President  of  the  Royal  Society. 
His  title  was  Irish,  and  his  maternal  grandfather  was  Irish,  but  other- 
wise Brouncker  had  no  particular  connection  with  Ireland, 


328  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

paratively  a  small  country  and  a  poor  country.  But 
the  scientific  output  of  certain  countries,  either  small 
in  extent  or  sparsely  populated,  has  been  consider- 
able— let  Switzerland,  Holland,  Belgium,  Serbia,  and 
Norway  attest  it.  The  deficiency  of  schools  has 
hitherto  been  a  great  obstacle,  and  it  has  happened 
that  by  virtue  of  religious  obstacles  and  political 
prejudices,  the  great  University,  Trinity  College,  has 
been  virtually  closed  to  Catholic  Nationalists.  Here 
again  we  meet  with  that  element  which  has  modified 
the  whole  tenour  of  Irish  history — the  impress  of 
the  religious  idea  upon  the  character  of  the  energies, 
the  endeavours,  and  the  aspirations  of  the  people. 

Unfortunately  the  history  of  the  Catholic  Church 
has  shown  that  it  is  averse  to  progress  in  scientific 
education,  scientific  research,  and  scientific  develop- 
ment. This  will  perhaps  be  vehemently  denied,  but 
I  ask  that  the  denial  should  not  be  the  expression 
merely  of  that  most  stupid  of  all  prejudices,  the  blind 
clinging  to  a  shibboleth  in  a  scientific  argument ;  we 
are  all  entitled  to  look  at  this  matter  fairly  and 
squarely,  without  prejudice  or  warping,  but  simply 
to  behold  matters  in  a  light  as  clear  as  we  can  com- 
mand. Viewed  in  this  way  the  history  of  the  Church 
in  its  relation  to  science,  and  in  its  treatment  of  men 
of  scientific  genius,  has  exhibited  a  tyranny  only 
paralleled  by  its  ignorance. 

Giordano  Bruno  burnt  at  the  stake,  Galileo  im- 
prisoned, compelled  to  renounce  his  intellectual 
labours  and  to  deny  his  greatest  discoveries,  Des- 
cartes forced  to  seek  seclusion,  Vesalius  persecuted 
and  hounded  to  his  death,  the  works  of  Eustachius 
hidden  for  many  generations,  the  projects  of  Columbus 
derided  and  denounced — these  are  but  the  salient 


SCIENCE  329 

facts  that  leap  to  light  at  the  first  view  of  history. 
These  facts  are  denied,  or  explained,  by  apologists. 
It  may  be  even  pointed  out  that  Roger  Bacon  was 
a  friar,  and  Copernicus  a  monk,  that  Descartes  and 
Kepler  were  devout  believers,  and  that  the  Popes 
and  high  dignitaries  of  the  Church  have  encouraged 
learning.  Roger  Bacon  was  himself  persecuted ; 
and  the  fact  that  Copernicus  escaped  has  no  signifi- 
cance when  we  remember  that  his  book  was  only 
finished  in  time  to  be  put  in  his  dying  hands. 

What  seems  to  be  important  is  not,  moreover,  the 
enlightened  patronage  of  individuals,  but  the  con- 
stant attitude  of  the  Church  towards  research,  to- 
wards all  that  has  led  to  an  illuminated  view  of  the 
world  and  of  natural  laws,  towards  science  and 
particularly  towards  that  science  whose  task  it  has 
been  to  scrutinise  the  validity  of  theories  of  the 
cosmos,  and  the  foundations  of  principles  of  ethics. 
Much  has  been  written  of  late  to  show  that  no  con- 
flict exists,  or  can  exist,  between  science  and  religion. 
If  it  be  so  then  surely  all  the  more  it  behoves  the 
Church  to  encourage,  to  foster,  to  hold  on  high,  the 
works  of  science.  Every  enduring  religion  must  be 
built  on  eternal  truths,  and  since  it  is  the  business 
of  science  simply  to  discover  the  truth  in  regard  to 
phenomenon,  those  who  believe  that  no  conflict  can 
exist  should  be  the  first  to  advance  the  march  of 
science,  to  perfect  its  methods,  and  to  spread  its 
results.  To  hesitate  in  this  is  to  show  a  want  of 
faith.  What  sincere  believer,  I  ask,  can  be  afraid 
to  read  together  Genesis  and  the  "  Origin  of  Species  "  ? 
And  what  sincere  Darwinist  ? 

It  is  in  the  century-long  attitude  of  the  Church  to- 
wards science  that  one  must  seek  the  explanation  of 


330  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

the  poor  achievement  of  Irishmen  in  that  domain. 
Science  requires  schools,  science  requires  universities, 
science  requires  laboratories ;  yet  after  all,  science 
is  aided  when,  throughout  all  ranks,  a  spirit  is 
prevalent  that  esteems  science  and  appreciates  its 
products. 

The  failure  of  Trinity  College  to  attract  Nationalist 
students  has  been  met  by  the  establishment  of  the 
National  University ;  but  this  solution  of  the  diffi- 
culty is  not  the  happiest  imaginable.  It  virtually 
amounts  to  setting  up  a  Catholic  University  in  rivalry 
with  a  Protestant  University,  and  once  more  bring- 
ing into  conflict  those  warring  principles  in  Irish 
life.  But,  once  again,  there  is  not  a  Catholic  way 
and  a  Protestant  way  of  solving  quadratic  equations, 
or  even  of  transforming  elliptic  functions,  nor  of 
estimating  the  relative  numbers  of  white  and  red 
blood  corpuscles,  nor  of  obtaining  new  synthetic 
products  of  arsenic.  It  may  be  said,  in  fact,  I  have 
heard  it  said,  that  these  subjects  should  be  taught 
in  a  Catholic  atmosphere ;  that  is  to  say,  that  the 
student  would  run  great  danger  if,  in  the  midst  of  an 
exposition  of  a  theorem  of  Lagrange  or  of  Jacobi, 
some  casual  remark  might  be  let  fall  that  would 
unsettle  his  faith. 

But  for  the  love  of  Heaven  itself,  what  have  we 
here  arrived  at  ?  Is  the  faith  of  these  Catholic  youths 
— and  I  have  no  doubt  the  same  remarks  apply  to 
Protestants — is  their  faith  so  frail,  their  mental  and 
moral  constitution  so  delicate,  that  all  through  their 
lives  and  particularly  at  the  period  of  their  most 
lively  vigour,  they  must  be  treated  as  mental  degener- 
ates and  moral  invalids  ?  Is  this  the  way  to  make 
a  Nation  ?  Is  this  the  way  to  strengthen  the  intel- 


SCIENCE  331 

lectual  sinews,  and  to  give  sanity  and  health  to  the 
moral  fibre,  of  that  elite  which  must  move  to  the 
front  in  shaping  the  great  destinies  of  a  race  ? 

Certainly  the  only  satisfactory  solution  has  now 
become  impossible,  so  that  we  must  do  the  next 
best  thing.  A  remedy  might  be  found  if  in  addition 
to  these  Universities  we  founded  still  another  which 
should  hold  towards  them  the  same  relation  as  they 
to  the  preparatory  colleges.  Does  this  proposal  sur- 
prise you  ?  Then  that  surprise  is  a  confession  of 
want  of  faith  in  the  Irish,  an  acceptance  of  the  per- 
petual dependence  of  the  race. 

We  should  imitate  the  example  of  the  great  Uni- 
versities of  Paris  and  Berlin.  In  both  these  centres 
of  science  I  have  had  occasion  to  observe  that  a 
student  who,  educated  elsewhere,  would  remain  a 
third-rate  man,  might  be  trained,  fostered,  developed, 
till  he  had  reached  any  rank  that  cultivated  talent, 
as  distinct  from  genius,  might  attain. 

There  should  particularly  be  held  up  before  the  eyes 
of  all  Irish  students  the  supreme  greatness  of  science. 
It  would  be  the  salvation  of  the  country  if  for  this 
high  ideal  they  became  inspired  by  a  noble  fire  and 
enthusiasm  such  as  seized  upon  Florentine  students, 
students  all  over  Europe,  for  the  glorious  fruits  of 
the  Eenaissance.  The  pith  and  kernel  of  all  that 
research  was  but  the  germ  of  what  in  its  development 
we  know  as  modern  science,  that  most  fascinating, 
that  most  enchanted,  that  most  powerful  of  all  the 
products  that  the  genius  of  man  has  known.  Science, 
science,  science,  should  be  the  longing  and  the  cry, 
the  intimate  watchword  of  the  soul  of  intellectual 
Young  Ireland. 

It  would  be  possible  to  trace  out  the  development 


332  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

of  science  and  its  practical  results  so  as  to  show 
that  the  form  of  civilisation  has  depended  on  that 
development.  Science  is  thus  seen  to  be  the  woof 
of  civilisation,  no  matter  in  what  varied  designs  and 
colours  the  pattern  may  be  woven  in.  Those  who 
care  to  read  history  in  this  light  will  discern,  perhaps 
not  without  surprise,  how  great  was  the  achievement 
of  the  Greeks  during  a  period  of  intellectual  activity 
which  extended  over  five  hundred  years,  but  which 
shows  the  highest  achievements  within  a  space  of 
less  than  two  centuries,  from  the  days  of  Hippocrates 
to  those  of  Eratosthenes.  Within  these  limits  of 
time  are  included  also  the  labours  of  Empedocles, 
of  Plato,  of  Aristotle,  and  of  Archimedes. 

There  are  few  of  the  cardinal  notions  of  science — 
the  atomic  theory,  originally  expressed  by  Democritus, 
the  theory  of  Natural  Selection,  well  understood  by 
Empedocles,  the  real  spirit  of  science  as  exemplified 
by  Aristotle,  the  foundation  of  modern  mechanics 
admirably  exhibited  by  Archimedes,  the  true  con- 
ception of  the  form  of  the  earth  and  its  astronomical 
relations,  as  set  forth  by  Eratosthenes — there  are 
then  few  fundamental  principles  as  known  to 
modern  science  which  had  not  been  considered  by 
the  Greeks.  For  the  most  part,  however,  their 
methods  were  too  purely  speculative,  not  sufficiently 
experimental ;  they  looked  on  mechanical  machines 
with  no  sufficient  regard  for  their  vast  possibilities, 
and  as  a  consequence  of  this  attitude  they  had 
advanced  but  little  in  the  invention  of  scientific 
instruments.  The  Greek  civilisation  was  trampled 
on  by  the  power  of  Rome,  by  the  subsequent  incursions 
of  the  Barbarians,  and  it  was  at  length  almost  for- 
gotten during  that  thousand  years  of  intellectual 


SCIENCE  333 

night  when  over  the  minds  of  men  the  Church  held 
undisputed  sway. 

From  out  of  the  obscurity  of  the  Middle  Ages  a 
few  names  flash  out  like  beacons — Roger  Bacon, 
Raymond  Lulli,  who  in  the  thirteenth  century  had 
gained  from  the  Arabs  the  teachings  which  they  in 
turn  had  remotely  derived  from  the  old  Greek  sources. 
One  hundred  years  later  we  find  the  glimmerings  of 
the  dawn,  with  Toscanelli  and  Copernicus  who  had 
accepted  the  ideas  of  Eratosthenes  ;  and  Galileo  who 
descended  intellectually  direct  from  Archimedes. 

In  modern  times  we  have  found  as  the  material 
evidence  of  our  progress — but  all  nevertheless  depend- 
ing on  the  related  research  of  science — the  steam 
engine,  with  its  products,  the  railway  locomotive 
and  the  steamship ;  the  electric  telegraph,  with  all 
its  developments  in  the  form  of  telephone  and  wire- 
less ;  the  telescope,  the  microscope ;  the  airships  and 
aeroplanes  ;  and  thousand  other  appliances. 

Underlying  these  inventions  are  the  laws  of 
mechanics,  the  laws  of  chemistry,  the  laws  of  optics, 
the  laws  of  radiant  action  in  all  forms,  in  as  far  as 
science  has  exposed  them  to  view.  And  underlying 
the  exposition  of  mechanics  is  the  development  of 
mathematics.  Thus  we  find  that  immense  material 
results  have  followed  upon  the  flash  of  insight  of 
Descartes  which  led  to  the  introduction  of  his  co- 
ordinates in  mathematical  investigation,  and  per- 
mitted the  application  to  geometry  of  the  apparatus 
of  algebra. 

It  is  not  here  the  place  to  trace  further  the  depen- 
dence of  material  progress  upon  science,  but,  once 
and  for  all  be  it  said,  that  no  discovery  in  any  realm 
of  science  can  remain  barren  of  definite  results  even 


334  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

in  the  concrete  world  of  affairs;  the  most  abstruse 
speculations  of  a  Gauss  or  a  Galois,  be  they  valid, 
are  destined  yet  to  sound  in  the  material  evidence 
of  vast  accomplishment.  The  genius  of  the  thinker 
moves  the  world. 

But  this  material  evidence  when  translated  into 
facts  of  everyday  life  means  vast  shipping  enterprises, 
manufactures  of  machines,  or  of  delicate  scientific 
instruments  ;  it  means  the  great  economy  of  means, 
and  thence  the  great  wealth  derived  from  chemical 
processes ;  it  means  the  highest  return  of  agricultural 
produce. 

In  all  this  shall  Ireland  stand  beyond  the  pale  ? 
Shall  she  be  for  ever  dependent  on  the  thought  of 
others,  on  the  machinery  of  others,  on  the  instru- 
ments of  civilisation  of  others,  a  hewer  of  wood  and 
drawer  of  water  in  the  family  of  the  nations,  for  ever  ? 

A  great  and  legitimate  ambition  is  here  opened 
out,  and  yet  so  clouded  has  become  our  thought 
precisely  from  the  lack  of  science,  that  I  feel  that  it 
has  required  even  more  than  sincerity  to  express  it. 
Be  that  as  it  may,  I  have  now  at  length  spoken 
determinedly  on  this  matter ;  and  reviewing  all 
that  has  linked  me  to  the  Irish  cause  I  would 
rather  that  all  else  were  forgotten  if  but  this  were 
remembered,  that  I  believed  that  the  greatest  cry 
that  I  could  utter  to  Ireland  was  :  Believe  in  Science. 
Hold  to  Science.  Build  on  Science.  In  the  centre 
of  things  set  Science. 


CHAPTER   XIII 

ULSTER 

To  write  a  book  on  Ireland  without  especial  reference 
to  Ulster  l  might  seem  like  playing  Hamlet  with  the 
prince,  yet  I  had  almost  succeeded  in  this  feat.  The 
truth  is  that  in  various  chapters  we  encounter  Ulster 
again  and  again,  and  nearly  all  that  it  is  necessary 
to  say  of  Ulster  may  be  found  in  those  references. 

Here  and  there  I  may  have  laughed  at  Ulster 
foibles,  but  nothing  is  further  from  my  intention 
than  to  disparage  Ulster  men;  the  qualities  of  the 
Northerners  are  indispensable  for  the  building  up  of 
the  new  Ireland. 

At  the  same  time  even  for  their  chastening  and 
betterment  one  is  bound  to  take  their  own  estimate 
of  themselves  with  a  grain  of  salt.  That  estimate 
might  be  summarised  thus  :  A  people  chosen  by  God 
to  live  in  a  somewhat  disagreeable  climate,  and  to 
set  the  world  an  example  of  magnificent  trade  and 
prosperity,  vociferous  loyalty  (with  an  occasional 
menace  in  that  vociferation),  high  character  and 
large-mindedness,  linked  with  stubbornly  unprogres- 
sive  ideas,  wide  tolerance  (except  to  those  whose 
creeds  are  not  in  accord  with  their  own),  and  in  public 
affairs,  efficiency  and  fair  play,  in  as  far  as  consistent 
with  the  Divine  Right  of  Protestant  Ascendancy  to 

1  I  use  the  term  Ulster,  often  where  I  should  say  North  East  Ulster, 
partly  for  brevity,  partly  to  show  good-will. 

335 


336  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

monopolise  the  lucrative  offices.  A  hard-headed, 
determined,  energetic  people,  the  Belfast  citizens, 
proud  of  their  trade,  proud  of  their  education,  proud 
of  their  intellect,  proud  of  their  children's  superiority, 
though  very  apprehensive  of  open  competition  with 
the  lively  urchins  of  the  South. 

Some  critics,  not  unsympathetic,  as,  for  instance, 
Mr.  Harold  Begbie,  say  that  Belfast  men  are  too  hard, 
and  they  describe  the  cruel  faces  one  meets  in  Belfast 
streets.1  Others,  as  for  instance,  Mr.  John  G. 
Ervine,  a  Protestant  native  of  Belfast,  castigate  the 
whole  pride  of  trade,  and  point  out  that  the  amassing 
of  fortunes  is  parallel  with,  if  not  actually  founded 
upon,  the  pinched  and  pallid  faces,  the  hopeless 
outlook,  the  phthisis-stricken  homes  of  thousands 
of  sweated  workers  in  Belfast  slums.  Others  more 
keenly  analytical  still  have  traced  the  rise  of  Belfast 
to  causes  partly  historical,  such  as  by  energetic 
interference  of  the  Government  in  favour  of  Belfast 
and  against  competitors,  partly  physical,  over  which 
the  most  intelligent  captain  of  industry  in  the  locality 
had  no  control.4 

1  Mr.  Harold  Begbie  in  "  The  Lady  Next  Door,"  describing  a  Bel- 
fast street,  says : 

The  faces  of  passers-by  are  terrible.    They  are  either  fierce, 
hard,  cruel,  and  embittered,  or  they  are  sad,  wretched,  hopeless, 
and  despairing,  and  among  the  young  people  it  is  rare  to  see 
a  big,  well-built,  healthy  specimen  of  humanity. 
Mr.  F.  Frankfort  Moore,  who  is,  I  believe,  a  Belfast  Protestant, 
gives  in  his  novel  "  The  Ulsterman,"  an  appreciative  study  but  with 
many  passages  of  mordant  satire. 

2  In  regard  to  the  rise  of  Belfast  compare  Cunningham,  "  English 
Industry  and  Commerce,"  vol.  ii ;    Miss  Murray,  "  Commercial  Re- 
lations," Chapter  VII.;    J.   M.   Robertson,   "Trade  and  Tariffs"; 
Erskine  Childers,  "Framework  of  Home  Rule."     The  question  is  dealt 
with  in  able  fashion  and  witty  style  by  Prof.  T.  M.  Kettle  in  the 
"  English  Review  "  of  1914* 


ULSTER  337 

Let  us  grant  all  this,  still  the  fact  stands  out 
clearly  enough  that  the  Belfast  people  had  the  enter- 
prise to  seize  their  opportunities,  that  they  have 
a  magnificent  commercial  record,  that  leanings  to 
culture  are  shown  even  in  that  wistful,  pathetic  hope 
which  made  them  dub  their  city  the  Athens  of  the 
North,  and  that  their  arrogance  is  not  unilluminated 
by  stray  beams  of  modesty,  as,  for  instance,  when 
they  went  to  the  South  for  a  leader. 

That  leader  has  achieved  renown,  as  well  as  a 
success  which  at  one  time  seemed  to  be  complete, 
but  which  now  appears  only  tentative.  Certainly, 
even  though  an  opponent,  I  cannot  withhold  admira- 
tion for  the  manner  in  which  Sir  Edward  Carson  has 
played  a  difficult  role.  He  has  been  bold,  astute, 
resourceful,  and  capable.  At  one  period,  I  confess, 
I  saw  nothing  before  him  but  destruction  ;  but  that 
was  at  a  time  when  I  had  not  suspected  the  weakness 
which  the  Front  Bench  hid  behind  its  manner  of 
impressive  dignity  and  righteousness. 

The  Ulster  leader  not  only  enrolled,  drilled,  and 
equipped  troops  in  the  light  of  day — with  a  few 
midnight  excursions  and  alarums,  for  there  is  some- 
thing of  the  Playboy  of  the  Northern  World  even  in 
Sir  Edward — but,  and  this  was  his  real  strength,  he 
mobilised  public  opinion  in  the  "  ruling  classes,"  and 
brought  to  bear  on  the  question  the  invisible  artillery 
of  those  higher  circles  which  exercise  their  undue 
influence  on  our- greatest  Liberal  parvenus.  At  one 
time  I  scouted  the  suggestion  of  civil  war  ;  it  did  not 
seem  to  me  consonant  with  sanity  and  the  twentieth 
century.  But  when  I  beheld  the  Government  looking 
helpless  at  ten  thousand  Covenanters,  and  compelled 
even  by  their  weakness  to  permit  the  arming  of  the 
22 


338  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

Nationalist  Volunteers,  this  aspect  of  the  question 
seemed  to  change.  Moreover,  of  late  the  twentieth 
century  has  given  us  no  guarantee  against  political 
insanity.  Civil  War  became  an  alternative  in  Ire- 
land ;  it  is  still  at  least  a  possibility. 

I  can  conceive  of  few  happenings  more  abominable 
and  disastrous  to  Ireland  than  that  of  Civil  War.  It 
would  I  think  be  especially  destructive  of  Nationa- 
list hopes.  Civil  War  in  Ireland  could  not  leave 
England  indifferent ;  on  the  contrary,  it  would 
arouse  feelings  hardly  less  intense  than  those  pre- 
vailing in  Ireland  itself.  No  matter  what  might  be 
the  immediate  origin  of  the  conflict,  no  matter  what 
side  might  claim  the  formal  rights  for  the  moment, 
yet  when  once  the  struggle  had  developed  it  would 
be  almost  inevitable  that  England  should  declare  in 
favour  of  Ulster. 

Civil  War  in  Ireland  would  divide  Ireland  sharply 
into  two  camps ;  and  soon,  clearly  seen  amid  minor 
differences,  the  banners  of  Catholicism  and  Protes- 
tantism would  wave  aloft,  and  Ireland  would  be 
plunged  into  a  miserable  aftermath  of  the  Williamite 
wars.  In  that  case  could  any  patriotic  and  en- 
lightened Nationalist,  Catholic  though  he  be,  hope 
— if  that  were  possible — for  the  unrestrained  domin- 
ance of  Rome  in  Ireland  and  the  obliteration  of  the 
Protestant  party  ?  And  could  any  British  Prime 
Minister  tolerate  such  a  conclusion  ?  We  need  not 
wait  for  an  answer. 

Civil  War  would  be  calamitous  to  all  in  Ireland. 
Yet  the  Ulster  men  still  hold  that  threat  over  our 
heads,  and  Ireland  has  still  a  devious  and  dangerous 
path  to  traverse  before  Home  Rule  becomes  de- 
finitely established.  Is  there  then  no  better  solution, 


ULSTER  339 

practicable,  equitable  ?  I  believe  there  is.  Let  us 
examine  the  main  features  of  the  Ulster  revendica- 
tions.  They  fear  religious  oppression,  unworthy 
appointments,  unfair  taxation  ;  and  they  still,  tacitly 
or  otherwise,  claim  Ascendancy, 

With  regard  to  the  first,  although  it  seems  to  me 
their  fears  are  absurdly  exaggerated,  I  think  that 
every  possible  "  safeguard  "  should  be  given  them. 
With  reference  to  partisan  appointments,  I  think 
that  the  introduction  of  a  system  of  running  politics 
on  the  basis  of  a  gigantic  series  of  "  deals  "  with  the 
spoils  for  the  victors — that  system  which  is  a  blight 
even  in  stronger  countries  than  Ireland — would 
there  be  a  moral  plague.  Yet  it  would  be  possible 
to  deal  with  this  matter  in  such  a  way  as  at  least  to 
keep  the  evil  within  bounds.  I  will  not  go  so  far 
as  to  suggest  the  machinery  by  which  any  of  these 
securities  might  be  attained,  that  would  lead  to 
detail  which  would  be  here  out  of  place.  Similarly 
in  regard  to  taxation  there  would  be  no  insurmount- 
able difficulty  in  providing  such  forms  and  instru- 
ments of  Government  as  to  eliminate  unfair  measures. 

That  being  so  mere  Ascendancy  must  go.  Even 
Belfast  men  must  learn  to  take  their  place  in  the 
national  life  on  the  same  terms  as  ordinary  mortals  ; 
they  must  see  that  there  is  no  divine  dispensation 
which  makes  arrogance  and  crude  ideas  of  the  cosmos 
the  golden  keys  to  superior  wisdom  or  even  to  the 
control  of  the  loaves  and  fishes. 

Ulstermen  are  not  only  Irishmen,  they  are  intensely 
patriotic  Irishmen ;  I  do  not  believe  that  as  a  body 
they  desire  to  be  cut  asunder  from  the  rest  of  Ire- 
land. To  repeat  the  words  of  Parnell,  who  was  a 
far-sighted  statesman,  Ireland  cannot  afford  to  lose 


340  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

a  single  one  of  her  sons.  The  strong  qualities  of  the 
men  of  the  North,  their  activity,  their  purpose,  their 
grit,  and  aptitude  for  great  enterprises — these  find 
not  their  opponents  but  their  complements  in  the 
fire,  the  dash,  the  vim,  and  intelligence  of  the  South. 
To  separate  them  would  be  disaster ;  to  join  them 
in  patriotic  co-operation  would  be  to  lay  the  founda- 
tions of  an  Ireland  stronger,  more  hopeful,  more 
progressive,  aspiring,  and  happy  than  has  yet  been 
known  in  the  battle-worn  but  ever  yearning  spirit  of 
Erin. 


CONCLUSIONS 

HISTORY  is  not  the  story  of  casual  happenings. 
History,  truly  told,  is  the  account  of  causal  processes. 
It  may  be  permitted  to  dwell  for  a  moment  on  the 
topic.  In  ordinary  life  we  have  a  sentiment  of  the 
accidental  character  of  the  events  that  produce  joy 
or  sorrow  in  our  lives.  The  wider  our  outlook,  the 
deeper  the  view,  the  more  the  sentiment  of  the  acci- 
dental tends  to  disappear  :  Two  men  are  crossing 
a  road  in  front  of  a  bolting  horse — one  of  the  men  is 
keen  in  all  his  senses,  especially  sight  and  hearing ; 
he  is  active  and  strong.  The  other  is  deaf,  half- 
blind,  and  lame.  The  first  escapes,  the  second  is 
killed.  But  here  is,  properly  speaking,  no  accident. 
Two  men  are  in  the  trenches  waiting  for  the  enemy. 
The  weather  is  inclement,  the  trenches  are  damp. 
One  man  is  robust ;  he  has  been  brought  up  on  oat- 
meal, he  has  been  a  shepherd  in  the  Highlands. 
The  other  is  a  narrow-chested  delicate  man,  addicted 
to  stimulants.  The  first  laughs  at  the  discomfiture ; 
the  second  dies  of  pneumonia.  Here  again  is  no 
accident. 

It  is  sufficient,  no  doubt,  to  have  given  these  in- 
dications. In  the  course  of  the  individual  life,  if 
we  can  properly  estimate  a  man's  physical  character- 
istics, his  mental  capacity,  and  moral  qualities,  and 

341 


342  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

then  if  we  know  his  environment,  we  may  forecast 
the  shaping  of  his  career.  If  we  are  unable  to  speak 
more  precisely,  that  is  because  of  the  limitations  of 
our  knowledge  and  insight,  and  the  intricacy  of  the 
causes  and  effects,  not  in  the  want  of  consecutiveness 
and  cogency  in  the  causes  and  effects  themselves. 

So  at  large  with  a  nation.  Again  and  again  I  have 
heard  Irishmen  well  versed  in  history,  despondent 
about  some  current  affair,  say,  there  is  an  ill-luck 
hanging  over  the  country !  Too  often  it  has  ap- 
peared so  in  the  past ;  but  it  is  our  duty  to  face  this 
matter  resolutely,  and  to  trace  out  the  cause  of  the 
failure,  even  though  at  length  we  may  be  compelled 
to  say  that  the  defect  has  been  lodged  in  ourselves. 
If  we  take  this  attitude  we  have  found  the  beginning 
of  the  solution.  When  we  look  at  the  physique  of 
the  Irish  people,  we  find  a  race  capable  of  produc- 
ing, as  it  has  done,  some  of  the  finest  specimens  of 
physical  excellence.  If  anyone  doubts  this  let  him 
take  up  a  book  of  athletic  records ;  he  may  be  sur- 
prised to  find  how  many  of  the  world's  greatest 
feats  have  been  achieved  by  those  of  the  Irish  race. 
On  the  other  hand  there  is  far  too  much  preventible 
disease  in  the  country,  and  consumption,  which  is 
in  the  popular  mind  usually  associated  with  a  meagre 
physical  build,  shows  a  high  death-rate  in  Ireland. 

The  moral — using  the  term  moral  in  its  widest 
range  to  mean  some  real  virtue  of  energy  and  life — 
the  moral  characteristics  of  the  people  sparkle  in  the 
stories  of  Ireland,  and  in  the  gravest  pages  of  history. 
We  find  perpetually  recurring  the  tales  of  dauntless 
courage,  enterprise,  and  dash ;  a  sense  of  easy  con- 
fidence and  gaiety  in  the  midst  of  danger  that  has 
sometimes  been  mistaken  for  levity ;  and  in  action 


CONCLUSIONS  343 

a  vehement  fire  that  has  astonished  beholders  in 
every  part  of  the  world.  The  temperament  of  the 
people  is  eager,  hopeful,  ambitious,  though  at  times 
too  easily  cast  down,  not  always  persistent  enough 
and  coolly  determined.  This  gives  to  the  story  of 
Ireland  activity,  restlessness,  and  frequent  disap- 
pointment. 

The  mental  quality  is  good,  there  is  no  lack  there 
of  intelligence,  quickness,  bright  apprehensiveness, 
tenacity  of  memory ;  there  has  been  in  evidence 
hitherto  less  of  that  deeper  but  more  powerful 
organised  movement  of  the  mind  which  gives  the 
impression  of  high  intellect.  That  is  a  matter  of 
training ;  and  it  is  the  truest  patriotism  to  look 
steadily  to  the  ultimate  highest  training  of  the  elite 
of  the  race. 

The  restlessness  of  Ireland,  the  strange  record  of 
the  race,  oppressed  in  its  native  home,  flashing  out 
in  brilliancy  and  reaching  high  positions  in  every 
country  of  Europe  and  America,  all  this  has  appealed 
to  the  sympathies  of  many.  It  points  to  the  fact 
that  hitherto  it  has  not  been  possible  for  Nationalist 
Irishmen  to  find  a  fair  field  and  full  scope  in  Ireland 
itself.  That  condition  must  be  remedied. 

There  must  be  an  intensive  culture  of  character 
and  achievement  in  Ireland.  Ireland  must  be  deve- 
loped from  within.  Here  we  strike  upon  the  Sinn 
Fein  doctrine  ;  but  apart  from  expressions  of  narrow- 
ness, prejudice,  and  hate,  the  inward  vitalising  spirit 
of  that  movement  seems  to  me  not  merely  acceptable, 
but  full  of  promise.  At  the  same  time  Irishmen 
must  be  bold.  You  tell  me  they  are  bold ;  yes,  in 
all  physical  prowess ;  but  they  must  be  as  bold 
morally  and  mentally  as  on  the  field  of  battle.  We 


344  IRELAND:    VITAL  HOUR 

must  be  bold  enough  not  only  to  meet  the  outward 
enemy  but  to  face  the  facile  hypocrisies  of  our  own 
minds,  to  drill  ourselves  to  the  hard  contact  of 
realities  in  the  mental  and  moral  world,  and  to 
appreciate  in  all  things  the  keen  atmosphere  of  truth. 

We  must  not  live  too  much  in  the  past,  nor  cling 
necessarily  to  every  tradition  because  it  has  been 
dubbed  Celtic.  We  must  shatter  some  of  our  illu- 
sions, and  refuse  to  be  led  along  by  shibboleths. 

It  is  not  generally  popular  to  preach  the  exorcism 
of  faults,  and  these  remarks,  moreover,  may  seem 
too  vague  to  be  useful ;  but  in  the  course  of  Ireland's 
progress  day  by  day  they  will  find  abundant  applica- 
tion. 

Above  all  we  must  look  forward.  I  believe,  or 
hope  I  believe,  that  the  greater  glories  of  Ireland  are 
yet  to  come,  and  that  the  gage  and  earnest  of  these 
is  to  be  found  in  the  development  from  within  of 
the  best  of  Ireland's  qualities — the  lively  energy,  the 
dauntless  on-moving  assailant  spirit,  directed  to  high 
purpose,  sincerely  bent  to  steady  up-building  of  the 
nation,  and  animated  by  the  faith  in  the  triumph 
yet  to  come. 


CHAPTER   XV 

ENVOI 

A  DISCOURSE  on  Ireland  should  reach  a  practical 
conclusion ;  accordingly  here  are  set  down  certain 
provisions,  necessary,  it  seems  to  me,  for  the  re- 
modelling of  the  political  and  social  life  of  the 
country. 

In  order  to  fix  the  ideas  these  provisions  are  pre- 
sented in  bare  outline,  thus  losing  somewhat  in  the 
sense  of  eventual  adaptability  but  gaining  in  definite 
form  : 

(1)  The  integrity  of  Ireland. 

No  solution  involving  a  permanent  partition 
of  Ireland  seems  feasible.  The  two  portions  of 
Ireland,  in  the  event  of  political  separation, 
would  be  like  hostile  states  thrown  unavoidably 
together  but  ranged  under  banners  of  that  worst 
kind  of  antagonism — religious  rivalry. 

(2)  Adequate    provisions    that    complete   re- 
ligious freedom  shall  prevail  not  only  in  Ulster 
but  in  the  rest  of  Ireland. 

(3)  Elimination  of  undue  clerical  control  in 
public  affairs. 

(4)  Special  provisions  in  regard  to  appoint- 
ments to  offices  of  state. 

(5)  Special   provisions    with   respect   to   the 
incidence  of  taxation,  so  that  no  unfair  treat- 

345 


346  IRELAND  :    VITAL  HOUR 

ment  should  be  meted  out  to  Ulster,  nor  indeed 
to  any  part  of  Ireland. 

(6)  Gradual    lessening    in    activity   of    rival 
organisations  founded  on  distinctions,  whether 
political  or  religious,  which  separate  citizens  of 
the  same  community. 

(7)  Direct  encouragement  of  trade  on  lines 
indicated  in  the  chapter  on  "  Industrial  Develop- 
ment." 

(8)  There  must  be  a  great  Amnesty,  a  forget- 
ting of  old  feuds  and  hatreds.    All  enlightened 
Irishmen  must  hail  a  new  vivifying  spirit  of 
good  fellowship  and  co-operation,  and  the  re- 
lease of  national  energy  in  serious  upbuilding 
work. 

(9)  New  ideas  of  Education.    Overhauling  of 
the  whole  system  of  education,  so  as  to  make  it 
at  once  an  instrument  of  practical  life,  as  well 
as  a  means  of  wider  culture.     Education  should 
be  the  informing  principle  of  the  whole  national 
activity.    The  higher  education  should  especially 
be    fostered.     There    should    be    established    a 
superior  University,  with  special  encouragement 
of  original  work,   at  which  graduates  of  the 
existing  universities  might  be  further  trained 
for  State  services.    The  models  of  the  £cole 
Normale  and  the  Ecole  Polytechnique  of  France 
should  be  here  kept  in  view. 

(10)  Science  should  play  a  dominant  part  in 
education,  and  eventually  in  the  practical  life 
of  the  nation,  vastly  more  important  than  has 
yet  been  contemplated. 

(11)  In  literature,  a  more  masculine  note ;  less 
of  the  minor  key,  less  even  of  passion ;  a  litera- 


ENVOI  347 

ture  invoking  more  determinedly  the  qualities 
of  intellect ;  a  literature  of  strength — fortitude, 
fortitude,  above  all,  mental  fortitude. 

(12)  The  path   must  be  kept  clear  for  all 
future  strengthening  development. 


APPENDIX 

AGRICULTURAL   CENSUS 


Valuation. 

Holdings. 

Population. 

Area 
Acres. 

Tillage 
Acres. 

Lands. 

Houses. 

Bought 
out. 

Ten- 
anted. 

£ 

£ 

LEINSTER    . 

1,160,328 

2,836,858 

2,348,946 

4,844,969 

1,265,358 

76,620 

57,867 

MUNSTER    . 

1,033,085 

2,461,122 

1,029,900 

5,955,027 

1,287,169 

85,046 

56,994 

ULSTER 

1,698,303 

2,564,025 

2,988,219 

5,322,634 

1,598,303 

123,593 

80,464 

CONNAUGHT 

609,966 

1,190,767 

271,813 

4,228,195 

710,394 

65,535 

69,787 

IRELAND 

4,381,951 

9,052,772 

6,638,878 

20,360,725 

4,861,224 

350,794 

255,102 

Holdings  according  to  acreage. 

0-1.  1-5.  6-15.  15-30.  30-50. 

NUMBER. 


50-100.  Over  100. 


LEINSTER    . 

29,660 

17,405 

24,990 

22,064 

15,469 

14,308 

10,132 

MUNSTER    . 

26,953 

12,472 

19,624 

24,508 

22,528 

23,077 

12,393 

ULSTER 

22,018 

20,006 

62,652 

53,698 

25,293 

14,683 

6,010 

CONNAUGHT 

7,013 

12,053 

46,299 

35,946 

12,378 

6,442 

4,763 

IRELAND 

85,644 

61,936 

163,665 

136,216 

75,658 

58,610 

32,298 

Milch  Cows. 

Total  Cattle. 

Sheep. 

Pigs. 

Poultry. 

LEINSTER     . 
MUNSTER     . 
ULSTER        .         .         . 
CONNAUGHT 

227,169 
608,083 
420,640 
212,653 

1,221,818 
1,597,221 
1,145,967 
746,714 

1,362,579 
823,011 
557,008 
1,164,842 

327,082 
452,587 
388,269 
247,181 

5,163,655 
6,942,553 
9,668,818 
4,672,775 

IRELAND  . 

1,468,545 

4,711,720 

3,907,436 

1,415,119 

25,447,801 

NOTES 

VALUATION.— The  proportion  of  the  valuation  of  houses  to  that  of  lands  roughly 
denotes  the  proportion  of  urban  population  to  rural.  Compare  Antrim  and 
Westmeath. 

349 


350 


APPENDIX 


SIZE  OF  HOLDINGS. — Many  of  the  holdings  classified  as  less  than  one  acre  are  la- 
bourers' allotments,  gardens,  accommodation  holdings,  etc.  In  Ireland,  out 
of  a  total  of  518,183  holdings  exceeding  one  acre,  351,717,  or  67'8  per  cent,  of 
the  total  number,  are  of  a  size  not  exceeding  30  acres. 

MILCH  Cows  and  TOTAL  CATTLE. — The  proportion  of  Milch  Cows  to  Total  Cattle 
will  roughly  indicate  the  importance  of  the  dairying  industry  in  each  county, 
and,  therefore,  the  opportunity  for  the  organisation  of  co-operative  creameries. 
Compare  Limerick  and  Meath. 

PIGS. — It  is  interesting  to  note  the  number  of  Pigs  in  each  county  in  relation  to  the 
number  of  Milch  Cows. 

CABLOW 
Population,  36,151. 

Valuation — Lands,  £132,350  ;   Houses,  £37,501. 
Area,  221,424  ;   Tillage,  74,384. 
Holdings  Bought  out,  2,227  ;   Tenanted,  4,288. 
Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 

0-1         1-5       5-15       15-30       30-50       50-100       Over  100 
1,866       684        847          968  822  829  477 

Milch  Cows,  11,062  ;  Total  Cattle,  50,312. 
Sheep,  100,219;    Pigs,  24,354;   Poultry,  306,886. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No. 

Members 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

CABLOW  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Miscellaneous 

3 

427 

159 

1,151 

5,370 

DUBLIN 

Population,  476,909. 

Valuation— Lands,  £246,637  ;    Houses,  £1,584,932. 

Area,  226,784  ;   Tillage,  72,211. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  3,427  ;    Tenanted,  645,015. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 

1-5        5-15       15-30      30-50      50-100      Over  100 
1,711       1,526         897  604  615  543 


0-1 
3,947 


Milch  Cows,  16,843  ;  Total  Cattle,  67,358. 
Sheep,  75,936  ;    Pigs,  14,076  ;    Poultry  264,826. 


No. 

Members. 

Capital. 

Turnover. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

DUBLIN  : 
Agricultural 
Miscellaneous 

1 

6 

85 
264 

£ 
21 

7,600 

£ 
23 

5,888 

£ 

257 
131,988 

TOTAL  . 

7 

349 

7,621 

5,911 

132,245 

APPENDIX 


351 


o-i 

2,206 


KILDARE 

Population,  66,498. 

Valuation— Lands,  £251,443  ;    Houses,  £89,986. 

Area,  418,497;    Tillage,  102,197. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  5,765  ;  Tenanted,  3,911. 

Holdings  according  to  average  : 

1-5        5-15         15-30      30-50      50-100      Over  100 
1,658      1,696         1,116         834  993  1,140 

Milch  Cows,  12,456  ;   Total  Cattle,  108,906. 
Sheep,  147,708;    Pigs,  15,807;    Poultry,  311,318. 


No. 

Members. 

Capital. 

Turnover. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

KILDARE  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Agricultural    . 
Miscellaneous 

1 
3 

104 

492 

104 

365 

2,450 

- 

TOTAL 

4 

596 

104 

365 

2,450 

— 

0-1 

2,520 


KILKENNY 

Population,  74,821. 

Valuation— Lands,  £291,865  ;    Houses,  £72,087. 

Area,  509,249  ;    Tillage,  140,221. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  10,379  ;   Tenanted,  4,011. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 

1-5         5-15       15-30       30-50       50-100       Over  100 
1,591       2,399       2,431        2,223        2,416  1,031 

Milch  Cows,  39,628  ;   Total  Cattle,  143,116. 
Sheep,  91,688;  Pigs,  35,880;  Poultry,  631,949. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No. 

Members. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

KILKENNY  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

16 

1,657 

9,260 

5,619 

153,770 

132,135 

Agricultural    . 

8 

462 

187 

1,811 

6,828 

— 

Banks     . 

4 

521 

1,211 

834 

2,173 

— 

Miscellaneous 

3 

642 

2,305 

459 

8,783 

— 

TOTAL 

31 

3,282 

12,963 

8,723 

171,554 

132,135 

352 


APPENDIX 


KING'S  COUNTY 

Population,  56,769. 

Valuation— Lands,  £197,944  ;    Houses,  £50,477. 

Area,  493,263;   Tillage,  115,241. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  6,715  ;   Tenanted,  4,868. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1 
2,223 


1-5        5-15       15-30 
1,530      2,203       2,086 


30-50 
1,418 


50-100 
1,206 


Over  100 

877 


Milch  Cows,  16,699  ;  Total  Cattle,  85,158. 
Sheep,  75,135;    Pigs,  30,553;    Poultry,  360,017. 


No. 

Members. 

Capital. 

Turnover. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

KINO'S  Co.  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

Agricultural    . 
Banks    . 

3 

4 

362 
201 

230 

566 
142 

4,778 
114 

— 

Miscellaneous 

1 

82 

1 

246 

505 

— 

TOTAL 

8 

645 

231 

954 

5,397 

— 

LONGFORD 

Population,  43,794. 

Valuation— Lands,  £125,487  ;    Houses,  £28,043. 

Area,  257,770  ;   Tillage,  66,545. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  7,183  ;   Tenanted,  2,262. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1         1-5 
1,354       879 


5-15        15-30 
2,424       2,677 


30-50 
1,230 


60-100 
588 


Over  100 
261 


Milch  Cows,  16,206  ;    Total  Cattle,  65,414. 
Sheep,  27,822  ;    Pigs,  22,819;    Poultry,  386,439. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

LONOFOBD  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

3 

912 

2,039 

1,966 

19,026 

19,026 

Agricultural    . 

1 

104 

20 

126 

282 

— 

Banks    . 

1 

159 

1,042 

100 

888 

— 

Miscellaneous 

2 

943 

— 

— 

— 

— 

TOTAL 

7 

2,118 

3,101 

2,192 

20,196 

19,026 

APPENDIX 


353 


LOUTH 

Population,  63,402. 

Valuation— Lands,  £158,331  ;    Houses,  £92,607. 

Area,  202,181  ;   Tillage,  78,919. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  4,878  ;   Tenanted,  3,894. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1          1-5        5-15       15-30       30-50 
2,174      1,238       2,443       1,415         640 


50-100 
473 


Over  100 
359 


Milch  Cows,  10,039  ;   Total  Cattle,  49,565. 
Sheep,  49,350  ;    Pigs,  18,852  ;    Poultry,  433,882. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

LOUTH  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Agricultural 

3 

67 

9 

— 

— 

Miscellaneous        . 

2 

474 

14 

— 

— 

Banks 

10 

504 

298 

1,757 

1,725 

TOTAL  .         . 

15 

1,045 

321 

1,757 

1,725 

MEATH 

Population,  64,920. 

Valuation— Lands,  £480,417;    Houses,  £72,905. 

Area,  577,735;   Tillage,  115,637. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  7,498  ;   Tenanted,  6,30  . 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1          1-5         5-15       15-30       30-50       50-100 
3,475       1,730       2,588       1,932        1,247         1,238 


Over  100 
1,550 


Milch  Cows,  15,805  ;   Total  Cattle,  225,478. 
Sheep,  225,397  ;  Pigs,  14,701  ;  Poultry,  514,044. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No. 

Members. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

MEATH  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Agricultural    . 

6 

35 

423 

527 

8,269 

— 

Banks     . 

3 

129 

126 

440 

569 



Miscellaneous 

1 

164 

134 

— 

1,075 

— 

TOTAL 

10 

328 

683 

967 

9,913 

— 

23 


354 


APPENDIX 


QUEEN'S   COUNTY 

Population,  54,362. 

Valuation — Lands,  £201,754  ;    Houses,  £56,009. 

Area,  424,723;    Tillage,  134,108. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  4,798 ;    Tenanted,  6,582. 

Holdings  according  to  acreag:  : 


0-1          1-5        5-15 
2,025      1,637      2,172 


15-30       30-50       50-100       Over  100 
2,023       1,336         1,267  881 


Milch  Cows,  20,095  ;   Total  Cattle,  88,822. 
Sheep,  56,661  ;    Pigs,  32,225  ;    Poultry,  384,341. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

QUEEN'S  COUNTY  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

1 

58 

266 

420 

922 

627 

Agricultural    . 

3 

175 

21 

805 

2,012 

— 

Banks     . 

3 

281 

260 

563 

836 

— 

Miscellaneous 

1 

62 

386 

— 

201 

— 

TOTAL 

8 

576 

933 

1,788 

3,971 

627 

WESTMEATH 

Population,  59,812. 

Valuation— Lands,  £258,834  ;    Houses,  £69,322. 

Area,  434,665;    Tillage,  78,549. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  7,106;   Tenanted,  4,959. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 

0-1          1-5        5-15       15-30      30-50       50-100      Over  100 
2,453       1,661       2,311        2,303       1,373         1,065  868 

Milch  Cows,  14,481  ;    Total  Cattle,  122,006. 
Sheep,  126,181  ;   Pigs,  15,638  ;    Poultry,  381,176. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter.  ! 

W.  MEATH  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Agricultural    . 

3 

436 

54 

153 

1,419 

— 

APPENDIX 


355 


WEXFORD 

Population,  102,287. 

Valuation— Lands,  £299,492  ;   Houses,  £91,546. 

Area,  578,720  ;   Tillage,  195,604. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  11,929;    Tenanted,  6,043. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1          1-5         5-15       15-30 
3,435      2,246       3,076       2,993 


30-50       50-100      Over  100 
2,621        2,479  1,061 


Milch  Cows,  34,512  ;   Total  Cattle,  141,469. 
Sheep,   175,145  ;    Pigs,  80,732  ;    Poultry,  882,185. 


No. 

Members. 

Capital. 

Turnover. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

WEXFORD  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 
Agricultural    . 
Banks     . 

4 

8 

27 

490 
1,025 
1,325 

2,170 
2,041 
422 

1,188 
8,687 
2,910 

25,602 
20,360 
3,742 

25,025 

Miscellaneous 

19 

297 

112 

— 

1,173 

— 

TOTAL 

58 

3,137 

4,745 

12,785 

50,877 

25,025 

WICKLOW 

Population,  60,603. 

Valuation— Lands,   £192,225  ;    Houses,   £103,532. 

Area,  499,958  ;    Tillage,  91,742. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  4,715  ;   Tenanted,  4,270. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1         1-5 
1,982       840 


5-15 
1,305 


15-30 
1,223 


30-50 
1,111 


50-100 
1,409 


Over  100 
1,084 


Milch  Cows,  19,343  ;   Total  Cattle,  74,214. 
Sheep,  211,336;    Pigs,  21,445  ;- Poultry,  306,592. 


No. 

Members. 

Capital. 

Turnover. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

WICKLOW  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

1 

60 

813 

200 

3,126 

3,126 

Agricultural    . 
Banks     . 

2 
5 

96 

560 

14 
1,746 

143 
643 

376 
3,151 

— 

Miscellaneous 

4 

167 

304 

— 

785 

— 

TOTAL 

12 

883 

2,882 

986 

7,438 

3,126 

356 


APPENDIX 


CLABE 

Population,   104,064. 

Valuation— Lands,  £273,585  ;    Houses,  £52,016. 

Area,  788,332  ;    Tillage,  155,787. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  9,375  ;    Tenanted,  10,059. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1          1-5        5-15        15-30       30-50 
1,826       1,588      3,340       4,862       3,627 


50-100 

2,822 


Over  100 
1,333 


Milch  Cows,  58,155  ;   Total  Cattle,  191,r<25. 
Sheep,   110,874;    Pigs,  45,106;    Poultry,  567,195. 


No. 

Members. 

Capital. 

Turnover. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

CLARE  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

Agricultural    . 
Banks     . 

10 
13 

774 
546 

82 
220 

388 
690 

1,338 
923 

— 

Miscellaneous 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

TOTAL 

23 

1,320 

302 

1,078 

2,261 

— 

CORK 

Population,  391,190. 

Valuation— Lands,  £796,065  ;    Houses,  £504,562. 

Area,  1,838,921  ;    Tillage,  455,824. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  25,319;   Tenanted,  17,101. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1          1-5         5-15 
9,566      2,675      4,727 


15-30       30-50      50-100      Over  100 
6,436       6,629         8,091  4,151 


Milch  Cows,  195,182  ;   Total  Cattle,  468,512. 

Sheep,  262,238;    Pigs,  162,415;    Poultry,  2,358,340. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

CORK  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

18 

704 

5,833 

4,714 

110,012 

90,436 

Agricultural    . 

5 

141 

204 

110 

1,402 

— 

Banks    .          *  . 

12 

369 

7 

312 

270 

— 

Miscellaneous 

2 

107 

— 

— 

— 

— 

TOTAL 

37 

1,321 

6,044 

5,136 

111,684 

90,436 

APPENDIX 


357 


KERRY 

Population,  159,268. 

Valuation— Lands,  £224,424;   Houses,  £87,115. 

Area,  1,161,752;    Tillage,  179,390. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  14,923  ;  Tenanted,  7,876. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1          1-5 
2,987       2,221 


5-15 
3,324 


15-30 

3,872 


30-50 
3,905 


50-100     Over  100 
3,989  2,422 


Milch  Cows,  116,471  ;    Total  Cattle,  267,527. 
Sheep,  122,505;    Pigs,  73,105;    Poultry,  897,263. 


No. 

Members. 

Capital. 

Turnover. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

KERRY  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 
Agricultural    . 
Banks     . 

12 
6 
13 

1,538 
769 
917 

7,205 
46 
916 

11,622 
1,291 
1,575 

90,162 
3,503 
2,078 

89,165 

Miscellaneous 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

TOTAL 

31 

3,224 

8,167 

14,488 

95,743 

89,165 

LIMERICK 

Population,  142,846. 

Valuation— Lands,  £403,688  ;    Houses,  £144,554. 

Area,  662,973  ;    Tillage,  163,414. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  12,980  ;   Tenanted,  7,001. 

Holding  according  to  acreage  : 

0-1          1-5         5-15       15-30       30-50       50-100       Over  100 
5,365       1,869      2,449      3,053        2,965        2,925  1,287 

Milch  Cows,  107,154;    Total  Cattle,  242,741. 
Sheep,  41,692  ;    Pigs,  56,221  ;    Poultry,  700,348. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No. 

Members. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

LIMERICK  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

40 

2,374 

14,868 

33,756 

379,902 

373,735 

Agricultural     . 

2 

44 

9 

— 

312 

— 

Banks     . 

2 

367 

277 

498 

798 

— 

Miscellaneous 

4 

608 

717 

8,141 

164,083 

— 

TOTAL 

48 

3,393 

15,871 

32,395 

545,095 

378,735 

358 


APPENDIX 


TIPPERARY 

Population,  151,951. 

Valuation— Lands,  £545,728;    Houses,  £143,143. 

Area,  1,050,137;    Tillage,  252,833. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  16,676  ;   Tenanted,  9,455. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1 
4,250 


1-5 

2,824 


5-15 
4,306 


15-30 
4,864 


30-50 
4,111 


50-100 
3,570 


Over  100 
2,117 


Milch  Cows,  91,511  ;   Total  Cattle,  310,196. 
Sheep,  220,721  ;    Pigs,  78,355  ;    Poultry,  989,773. 


No. 

Members. 

Capital. 

Turnover. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

TlPPERARY  : 

Creameries 
Agricultural     . 
Banks     . 
Miscellaneous 

49 

7 
7 
1 

3,534 
949 
209 
3,800 

£ 
16,075 
364 
5 
12,714 

£ 
24,833 
2,358 
350 
5,596 

£ 
395,537 

8,442 
220 
49,907 

£ 

380,988 

TOTAL 

64 

8,492 

29,158 

33,137 

454,106 

380,988 

WATERFORD 

Population,  83,766. 

Valuation— Lands,  £217,633  ;    Houses,  £98,510. 

Area,  452,912  ;   Tillage,  79,921. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  5,773  ;   Tenanted,  5,502. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1          1-5         5-15      15-30 
2,959       1,325       1,478       1,421 


30-50      50-100 
1,291         1,680 


Over  100 
1,083 


Milch  Cows,  39,610  ;   Total  Cattle,  116,620. 
Sheep,  64,981  ;    Pigs,  37,385  ;    Poultry,  429,634. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

WATERFORD  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

2 

128 

1,069 

419 

11,229 

7,457 

Agricultural    . 

1 

173 

455 

— 

7,305 

— 

Banks     . 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

Miscellaneous 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

TOTAL 

3 

291 

1,524 

419 

18,534 

7,457 

APPENDIX 


359 


ANTRIM 

Population,  478,603. 

Valuation— Lands,  £418,107  ;    Houses,  £1,528,493. 

Area,  711,666;    Tillage,  227,013. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  12,908  ;    Tenanted,  10,614. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 

0-1          1-5         6-15        15-3        30-50      50-100      Over  100 
3,536       1,945      5,207      6,907      3,656         2,446  745 

Milch  Cows,  62,635  ;  Total  Cattle,  156,507. 
Sheep,  94,706  ;   Pigs,  69,165  ;   Poultry,  1,040,019. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Batter. 

ANTRIM  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

10 

1,672 

6,989 

2,970 

107,557 

107,244 

Agricultural    . 

4 

258 

253 

945 

4,160 

— 

Banks     . 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

Miscellaneous 

5 

1,287 

927 

500 

14,814 

— 

TOTAL 

19 

3,217 

8,169 

4,415 

126,631 

107,244 

ARMAGH 

Population,  119,625. 

Valuation— Lands,  £260,019;    Houses,  £182,076. 

Area,  312,659  ;   Tillage,  142,239. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  14,584  ;    Tenanted,  5,381. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1  1-5         5-15 

1,730       3,417       8,222 


15-30       30-50 
4,413        1,425 


50-100 
568 


Over  100 
122 


Milch  Cows,  30,373  ;   Total  Cattle,  93,195. 
Sheep,   24,694  ;    Pigs,  30,949 ;    Poultry,   938,528. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No. 

Members. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

ARMAGH  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

11 

1,869 

3,807 

3,337 

24,639 

23,449 

Agricultural    . 

4 

235 

31 

320 

649 

— 

Banks     . 

8 

1,072 

3,803 

1,063 

5,147 

— 

Miscellaneous 

1 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

TOTAL 

24 

3,176 

7,641 

4,720 

30,435 

23,449 

360 


APPENDIX 


o-i 

1,398 


CAVAN 

Population,  91,071. 

Valuation— Lands,  £226,200  ;    Houses,  £52,834. 

Area,  467,025  ;    Tillage,  145,774. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  14,027  ;    Tenanted,  6,443. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


1-5 
1,392 


5-15 

5,881 


15-30 
7,074 


30-50 
2,465 


50-100 
926 


Over  100 
264 


Milch  Cows,  46,522  ;    Total  Cattle,  126,613. 
Sheep,  22,700  ;    Pigs,  63,630  ;    Poultry,  1,005,416. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

CAVAN 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

23 

3,108 

7,871 

1,760 

96,905 

96,122 

Agricultural    . 

15 

1,396 

240 

2,586 

3,395 

— 

Banks     . 

13 

862 

1,113 

1,178 

2,302 

— 

Miscellaneous 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

TOTAL 

51 

5,366 

9,224 

5,524 

102,602 

96,122 

DONEGAL 

Population,  168,420. 

Valuation— Lands,  £228,483  ;    Houses,  £85,995. 

Area,  1,190,269;   Tillage,  222,758. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  15,705  ;    Tenanted,  15,902. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1          1-5         5-15 
1,894      2,912      10,411 


15-30      30-50      50-100      Over  100 
8,577      4,136         3,075  1,391 


Milch  Cows,  62,391  ;   Total  Cattle,  169,066. 

156,673  ;    Pigs,  28,041  ;    Poultry,  1,221,605. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No. 

Members. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

DONEGAL  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

15 

2,597 

6,464 

4,758 

46,661 

42,999 

Agricultural    . 

5 

350 

286 

1,726 

19,767 

— 

Banks     . 

20 

2,102 

3,884 

1,401 

5,050 

— 

Miscellaneous 

7 

601 

474 

4,854 

8,248 

— 

TOTAL 

47 

5,650 

10,108 

12,739 

79,926 

42,999 

APPENDIX 


361 


DOWN 

Population,  304,589. 

Valuation— Lands,  £488,700  ;    Houses,  £660,781. 

Area,  612,113;   Tillage,  243,790. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  15,610  ;   Tenanted,  15,002. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1          1-5        5-15        15-30      30-50 
7,473      3,522      8,601       6,409       3,246 


50-100 
1,815 


Over  100 

438 


Milch  Cows,  48,512  ;   Total  Cattle,  151,  596. 

Sheep,   105,373  ;    Pigs,  46,539 ;    Poultry,   1,372,068. 


No. 

Members. 

Capital. 

Turnover. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

DOWN  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

1 

93 

1,060 

768 

2,234 

2,236 

Agricultural    . 
Banks     . 

8 

1 

462 

265 

1,252 

2,165 

— 

Miscellaneous 

— 

— 

— 

•   — 

— 

— 

TOTAL 

10 

555 

1,325 

2,010 

4,399 

2,236 

FERMANAGH 

Population,  61,811. 

Valuation— Lands,  £189,148  ;    Houses,  £53,279. 

Area,  417,665;   Tillage,  101,610. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  10,329  ;    Tenanted,  3,445. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 

0-1         1-5          5-15       15-30       30-50       50-100       Over  100 
946       1,164       3,404       4,112        2,375         1,209  437 

Milch  Cows,  38,166;   Total  Cattle,  93,208. 
Sheep,  8,855;    Pigs,  21,494;    Poultry,  773,533. 


No. 

Members. 

Capital. 

Turnover. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

FERMANAGH 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

13 

2,545 

9,026 

5,257 

98,324 

94,613 

Agricultural    . 
Banks     . 

2 

130 

— 

300 

355 

— 

Miscellaneous 

3 

591 

— 

— 

— 

— 

TOTAL 

18 

3,266 

9,026 

5,557 

98,679 

94,613 

362 


APPENDIX 


DERRY 

Population,  140,621. 

Valuation— Lands,  £222,501  ;    Houses,  £214,527. 

Area,  513,388  ;   Tillage,  172,549. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  11,493  ;   Tenanted,  5,367. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1          1-5         5-15        15-30      30-50 
1,633       1,433      4,900        4,345        2,372 


50-100 
1,493 


Over  100 
626 


Milch  Cows,  36,027  ;   Total  Cattle,  100,431. 
Sheep,  66,490  ;    Pigs,  38,649  ;    Poultry,  814,770. 


No. 

Members. 

Capital. 

Turnover. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

DERRY  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 
Agricultural    . 
Banks     . 

10 
3 

4 

1,367 
118 
108 

6,061 
14 

692 
184 
271 

28,782 
778 
205 

28,605 

Miscellaneous 

5 

993 

597 

58 

16,653 

— 

TOTAL 

22 

2,586 

6,672 

1,205 

46,423 

28,605 

0-1 

992 


MONAGHAN 

Population,  71,395. 

Valuation— Lands,   £208,274;    Houses,   £67,678. 

Area,  318,806;   Tillage,  111,464. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  12,729  ;   Tenanted,  4,733. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


1-5          5-15 

1,876       7,284 


15-30 
5,027 


30-50 
1,561 


50-100 
529 


Over  100 
133 


Milch  Cows,  31,232  ;  Total  Cattle,  88,286. 

Sheep,  13,169;    Pigs,  41,670;    Poultry,  1,003,674. 


No. 

Members. 

Capital. 

Turnover. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

MONAGHAN  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 
Agricultural    . 
Banks     . 

19 
2 

7 

3,325 
137 
693 

6,252 
18 

1,797 

5,246 
965 

71,078 
236 

2,785 

65,941 

Miscellaneous 

—  -. 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

TOTAL 

28 

4,155 

8,067 

6,211 

74,099 

65,941 

APPENDIX 


363 


TYRONE 

Population,  142,437. 

Valuation— Lands,  £322,593  ;    Houses,  £142,554. 

Area,  778,943  ;   Tillage,  231,105. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  16,208  ;   Tenanted,  11,577. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1          1-5         5-15 
2,416      2,345      7,742 


15-30      30-50      50-100      Over  100 
7,834      4,057         2,542  754 


Milch  Cows,  54,782  ;   Total  Cattle,  167,065. 
Sheep,  63,344  ;    Pigs,  48,132  ;    Poultry,  1,499,205. 


No. 

Members. 

Capital. 

Turnover. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

TYRONE  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

36 

4,978 

15,709 

11,127 

158,576 

157,784 

Agricultural    . 
Banks     . 

5 

317 

935 

225 

938 

— 

Miscellaneous 

5 

179 

90 

1,464 

637 

— 

TOTAL 

46 

5,474 

16,734 

12,816 

160,151 

157,784 

0-1 
2,111 


GALWAY 

Population,   181,686. 

Valuation— Lands,  £384,366  ;    Houses,  £98,945. 

Area,  1,467,850  ;    Tillage,  222,315. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  15,510  ;    Tenanted,  21,167. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


1-5 

4,220 


5-15        15-30 
12,179       9,662 


30-50      50-100 
4,019        2,377 


Over  100 
1,984 


Milch  Cows,  48,823  ;   Total  Cattle,  209,032. 

Sheep,  632,286;    Pigs,  71,937;    Poultry,  1,286,963. 


No. 

Members. 

Capital. 

Turnover. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

GALWAY  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

Agricultural    . 
Banks     . 
Miscellaneous 

19 
13 
3 

3,286 
1,078 
399 

686 
453 
160 

5,844 
2,113 
160 

10,744 
1,785 
4,318 

— 

TOTAL 

35 

4,763 

1,299 

8,117 

16,847 

— 

364 


APPENDIX 


o-i 

790 


LEITRIM 

Population,  63,557. 

Valuation — Lands,  £11,520;   Houses,  £22,189. 

Area,  376,510  ;   Tillage,  84,347. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  11,906;   Tenanted,  2,944. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


1-5 
873 


5-15 
5,147 


15-30 

5,288 


30-50 
1,821 


50-100 
675 


Over  100 

205 


Milch  Cows,  35,668  ;    Total  Cattle,  91,279. 
Sheep,   13,668 ;    Pigs,  26,499 ;    Poultry,  587,460. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

LEITRIM  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

10 

2,285 

3,807 

2,901 

34,989 

33,714 

Agricultural    . 

2 

100 

12 

35 

77 

— 

Banks     . 

14 

1,690 

1,473 

3,543 

6,286 

— 

Miscellaneous 

2 

68 

— 

— 

— 

— 

TOTAL 

28 

4,143 

5,292 

6,479 

41,352 

33,714 

MAYO 

Population,  191,969. 

Valuation— Lands,  £262,128;    Houses,  £51,144. 

Area,  1,333,340  ;   Tillage,  188,516. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  13,412  ;    Tenanted,  23,302. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1         1-5          5-15        15-30      30-50      50-100 
2,018      3,337      15,060      10,168      2,997        1,660 


Over  100 
1,349 


Milch  Cows,  60,301  ;    Total  Cattle,  202,700.    .. 
Sheep,  291,115;    Pigs,  78,276;    Poultry,  1,307,244. 


No. 

Members. 

Capital. 

Turnover. 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

MAYO  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 
Agricultural    . 
Banks     . 
Miscellaneous 

1 
23 
37 

1 

595 
2,428 
4,294 
60 

981 
351 
3,970 
16 

316 
3,337 
6,315 

7,467 
8,223 
10,978 
422 

6,651 

TOTAL 

62 

7,377 

5,318 

9,968 

27,090 

6,651 

APPENDIX 


365 


ROSCOMMON 

Population,  93,904. 

Valuation— Lands,  £260,202  ;    Houses,  £41,885. 

Area,  608,290  ;    Tillage,  129,456. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  14,895  ;   Tenanted,  7,024. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


0-1 

1,188 


1-5 

2,178 


5-15 

8,552 


15-30 
6,312 


30-50 
1,913 


50-100 
931 


Over  100 

770 


Milch  Cows,  35,294  ;    Total  Cattle,  141,344. 
Sheep,  161,494  ;    Pigs,  39,836  ;    Poultry,  838,071. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

ROSCOMMON  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

6 

2,292 

4,957 

1,646 

23,975 

21,869 

Agricultural    . 

9 

1,236 

170 

2,714 

4,775 

— 

Banks     . 

4 

269 

30 

1,105 

750 

— 

Miscellaneous 

1 

425 

129 

339. 

3,349 

— 

TOTAL 

20 

4,222 

5,286 

5,804 

32,749 

21,869 

0-1 
906 


SLIGO 

Population,  78,850. 

Valuation— Lands,  £167,550  ;    Houses,  £47,650. 

Area,  442,205  ;   Tillage,  85,757. 

Holdings  Bought  out,  9,812  ;   Tenanted,  5,350. 

Holdings  according  to  acreage  : 


1-5 

1,445 


5-15 
5,361 


15-30 
4,516 


30-50 
1,628 


50-100 
799 


Over  100 
455 


Milch  Cows,  32,567  ;   Total  Cattle,  102,359. 
Sheep,  66,279  ;    Pigs,  30,633  ;    Poultry,  653,037. 


Capital. 

Turnover. 

No 

Paid. 

Loan. 

Total. 

Butter. 

SLIGO  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries 

11 

6,611 

11,664 

4,843 

103,032 

94,685 

Agricultural    . 

2 

366 

71 

249 

418 

— 

Banks     . 

5 

482 

778 

1,421 

1,296 

— 

Miscellaneous 

2 

171 

16 

26 

— 

— 

TOTAL 

20 

7,640 

12,529 

6,539 

104,746 

94,685 

366 


APPENDIX 


SUMMARY    OF   FARMERS'    SOCIETIES' 


<a 

<u   V 

Turnover. 

°'S 

Paid-up 

Loan 

°75 

Capital. 

Capital. 

"£ 

Total. 

Butter. 

MUNSTEB  : 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

Creameries     . 

121 

8,278 

45,050 

65,344 

986,842 

941,781 

Agricultural  . 

31 

2,850 

1,160 

4,147 

22,302 

— 

Banks  . 

47 

2,408 

1,425 

3,426 

4,290 

— 

Miscellaneous 

7 

4,515 

13,431 

13,737 

213,990 

— 

TOTAL 

206 

18,051 

61,066 

86,654 

1,227,424 

941,781 

LBINSTEB  : 

Creameries     . 

25 

3,177 

14,553 

9,393 

202,446 

179,939 

Agricultural  . 

39 

3,451 

3,124 

13,206 

47,031 

— 

Banks  . 

57 

3,680 

5,106 

7,390 

13,200 

— 

Miscellaneous 

45 

4,014 

11,015 

7,744 

149,880 

— 

TOTAL 

166 

14,322 

33,798 

37,733 

412,557 

179,939 

ULSTER  : 

Creameries     . 

138 

21,554 

63,239 

35,915 

634,756 

618,991 

Agricultural  . 

41 

2,956 

1,107 

7,013 

31,150 

— 

Banks  . 

60 

5,284 

11,534 

5,181 

16,720 

— 

Miscellaneous 

26 

3,551 

2,088 

6,876 

40,257 

— 

TOTAL 

265 

33,345 

77,968 

54,985 

722,883 

618,991 

CONNAUOHT  : 

Creameries     . 

28 

11,783 

21,409 

9,706 

169,463 

156,919 

Agricultural  . 

55 

7,416 

1,290 

12,179 

24,327 

— 

Banks  . 

73 

7,813 

6,705 

14,499 

21,096 

— 

Miscellaneous 

9      1,123 

321 

4,525 

8,189 

— 

TOTAL 

165    28,135 

29,725 

36,909 

223,075 

156,919 

1 

IRELAND  : 

Creameries     . 

312    44,792 

144,251 

119,352 

1,993,500 

1,897,630 

Agricultural  . 

166 

16,673 

6,681 

36,545 

124,720 

— 

Banks  . 

237 

19,185 

24,768 

55,492 

55,372 

— 

Miscellaneous 

87 

13,203 

26,855 

32,882 

412,316 

— 

TOTAL 

802 

93,853 

202,555 

244,271 

2,585,908 

897,630 

The  number  wf  Societies  has  increased  since  these  figures  were  tabulated. 


APPENDIX  367 

NOTES  ON  FARMERS'  SOCIETIES 

These  Societies  have  been  organised  by  the  l.A.O.S.  With  the 
exception  of  the  Banks,  they  are  registered  under  the  Industrial  and 
Provident  Societies  Act,  and  are  like  Ordinary  Joint  Stock  Companies 
in  constitution  except  that  each  member  has  only  one  vote,  and  there 
is  no  limit  to  the  number  of  shares  which  may  be  issued.  No  member 
may  hold  more  than  200  shares.  Shares  are  usually  of  the  denomina- 
tion of  One  Pound.  Interest  is  limited  to  5  per  cent.  In  Creameries 
shares  are  usually  taken  by  members  at  the  rate  of  one  for  each  milch 
cow. 

The  Irish  Agricultural  Organisation  Society,  84  Merrion  Square, 
Dublin,  is  the  parent  body  of  all  these  Societies,  and  it  ia  governed 
by  such  of  the  Societies  as  pay  an  annual  affiliation  fee.  The  affiliated 
societies  elect  the  President  and  Vice-President,  and  the  Societies  in 
each  Province  elect  the  Committee  at  the  rate  of  four  for  each  Pro- 
vince. Individual  members  elect  four  members  also.  The  Committee 
thus  elected  directs  the  work. 

CREAMERIES. — Suppliers  of  milk  are  paid  according  to  amount  of 
butter  fat  in  milk.  Suppliers  receive  back  about  8J  gallons  separ- 
ated milk  for  every  10  gallons  milk  supplied.  Prices  paid  for 
milk  decided  at  monthly  meeting  of  Committee  elected  by  members. 
Many  Creameries,  called  Auxiliaries,  merely  separate,  sending 
cream  to  Central  where  it  is  churned.  Cost  of  Auxiliary  from 
£600  to  £1,000,  cost  of  Central  from  £1,000  to  £2,000. 

NOTE. — If  Creamery  butter  only  realised  for  the  farmer  10  per  cent, 
more  than  butter  produced  at  home,  the  figures  for  1910  would  denote 
an  extra  gain  to  Ireland  of  £189,763  for  the  one  year.  This  represents 
a  saving  for  one  year,  as  contrasted  with  the  £10Q,000  subscribed,  in 
21  years,  by  private  individuals  to  the  l.A.O.S. 

As  the  usual  difference  between  the  price  realised  by  Creameries 
for  their  butter,  and  that  obtained  by  farmers  in  the  markets  for 
home  butter  is  between  3d.  and  4d.  per  lb.,  and  consequently  the 
saving  effected  by  the  Creameries  in  one  year  is  nearer  £400,000. 

AGRICULTURAL. — These  are  Societies  specially  formed  for  the  purpose 
of  supplying  members  with  seeds,  manures,  and  feeding  stuffs 
of  best  quality  at  lowest  prices. 

BANKS  have  no  shareholders.  Members  pay  an  entrance  fee,  and 
are  jointly  and  severally  liable  for  all  the  debts  of  the  Bank.  In 
the  statistics  supplied,  which  should  be  read  in  reference  to  the 
Map,  one  of  the  columns  indicates  local  deposits.  The  "  loan 
capital"  denotes  sums  borrowed  from  joint  stock  banks  on  overdraft, 
and  from  government  departments.  Loans  are  only  granted  to 
members  for  reproductive  purposes,  and  each  intending  borrower 
has  to  produce  two  sureties  satisfactory  to  the  Committee.  The 
rates  of  interest  charged  to  borrowers  are  from  Id.  to  IJd.  per  £1 
per  month. 

MISCELLANEOUS. — Under  "  miscellaneous "  are  included  Poultry, 
Flax,  Bee-keeping,  Home  Industries,  and  Bacon-Curing  Societies. 
The  Poultry  Societies  buy  eggs  by  weight  so  as  to  encourage 
the  poultry  keepers  to  improve  their  breeds. 

The  organ  of  the  Agricultural  and  Industrial  Development  movement 
is  the  Irish  Homestead.  Weekly,  One  Penny. 


368 


APPENDIX 


SUMMARY   OF   CO-OPERATIVE   CREAMERIES,    1910 


No.  of 

Societies. 

Member- 
ship. 

Paid-up 
Capital. 

Loan 
Capital. 

Butter. 

Other 
Sales. 

ULSTER  : 
Antrim 
Armagh 
Cavan 
Donegal 
Down 
Fermanagh  . 
Londonderry 
Monaghan   . 
Tyrone 

MUNSTEB  : 
Cork  .  • 
Kerry 
Limerick 
Tipperary    . 
Waterford    . 

LEINSTER  : 
Kilkenny     . 
Longford 
Queen's  Co. 
Wexford 
Wicklow 

CONNAUGHT  : 

Leitrim 
Mayo  . 
Roscommon 
Sligo  . 

ULSTER 
MUNSTER 
LEINSTER 
CONNATJGHT    . 

10 
11 
23 
15 
1 
13 
10 
19 
36 

1,672 
1,869 
3,108 
2,597 
93 
2,545 
1,367 
3,325 
4,978 

£ 

6,989 
3,807 
7,871 
6,464 
1,060 
9,026 
6,061 
6,252 
15,709 

£ 

2,970 
3,337 
1,760 
4,758 
768 
5,257 
692 
5,246 
11,127 

£ 
107,244 
23,449 
96,122 
42,999 
2,234 
94,613 
28,605 
65,941 
157,784 

£ 
313 
1,190 
783 
3,662 

3,711 
177 
5,137 

792 

138 

21,554 

63,239 

35,915 

618,991 

15,765 

18 
12 

40 
49 

2 

704 
1,538 
2,374 
3,534 
128 

5,833 
7,205 
14,868 
16,075 
1,069 

4,714 
11,622 
23,756 
24,833 
419 

90,436 
89,165 
373,735 
380,988 
7,457 

19,576 
997 
6,167 
14,549 
3,772 

121 

8,278 

45,050 

65,344 

941,781 

45,061 

16 
3 
1 
4 
1 

1,657 
912 
58 
490 
60 

9,260 
2,039 
266 
2,170 
818 

5,619 
1,966 
420 
1,188 
200 

132,135 
19,026 
627 
25,025 
3,126 

21,635 

295 
577 

25 

3,177 

14,553 

9,393 

179,939 

22,507 

10 
1 
6 
11 

2,285 
595 
2,292 
6,611 

3,807 
981 
4,957 
11,664 

2,901 
316 
1,646 
4,843 

33,714 
6,651 
21,869 
94,685 

1,275 
816 
2,106 
8,347 

28 

11,783 

21,409 

9,706 

156,919 

12,544 

138 
121 
25 
28 

21,554 
8,278 
3,177 
11,783 

63,239 
45,050 
14,553 
21,409 

35,915 
65,344 
9,393 
9,706 

618,991 
941,781 
179,939 
156,919 

15,765 
45,061 
22,507 
12,544 

TOTAL      . 

312 

44,792 

144,251 

120,358 

1,897,630 

95,877 

Number 
Members 
Capital  . 
Loan  Capital 
Butter  Sales 
Other  Sales 


312 

44,792 

£144,251 

£120,358 

£1,897,630 

£95,877 


APPENDIX  369 

CREAMERY  MAP 

NOTE. — If  Creamery  Butter  only  realised  for  the  fanner  10  per  cent, 
more  than  Butter  produced  at  home,  the  figures  for  1910  would  denote 
an  extra  gam  to  Ireland  of  £189,763  for  the  one  year.  This  represents 
a  saving  for  one  year,  as  contrasted  with  the  £100,000  subscribed,  in 
21  years,  by  private  individuals  to  the  I.A.O.S. 

N.B. — The  usual  difference  between  the  price  realised  by  Creameries 
for  their  butter,  and  that  obtained  by  farmers  in  the  markets  for 
home  butter  is  between  3d.  and  4d.  per  lb.,  and  consequently  the 
saving  effected  by  the  Creameries  in  one  year  is  nearer  £400,000. 


24 


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INDEX 


Abbey  Theatre  Company,  visits 
to  London  of,  3  ;  founded  by  Mr. 
Yeats,  301  ;  the  productions  of, 
302 

Achilles,  58 

Adrian,  IV,  Pope,  the  Bull  of, 
gave  Ireland  to  England,  17, 
133,  134  n. 

"A.  E."     See  Russell,  George 

Albert,  Marcellin,  held-  up  as  ex- 
ample by  Sinn  Fein,  200,  201  n. 

Albuquerque,  131 

Alexander  III,  Pope,  authorised 
the  annexation  of  Ireland, 
134n. 

Allen,  one  of  the  Fenians  known 
as  "  Manchester  Martyrs,"  30 

All-For-Ireland  League,  founded 
by  William  O'Brien,  185  ;  Lord 
Dunraven  a  member  of,  185 

America,  in  United  States  of, 
people  seldom  speak  of  the  Civil 
War,  68 ;  70,  91,  95,  105,  106  ; 
little  need  of  secrecy  in,  107 ; 
122,  123,  179,  343 

Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians. 
See  Hibernians 

Antrim,  244 

Archimedes  cited  as  an  exemplar 
of  science,  319,  332,  333 

Argentina,  248 

Aristotle,  cited,  277,  319,  332 

Armagh,  city  of,  8 

Armagh,  County  of,  240,  250 

Ascendancy,  166,  167 

Ashanti,  author  war  correspon- 
dent at,  60 

Asquith,  Mr.,  remarkable  orator, 
called  Parliament  the  Great 
Inquest  of  the  Nation,  209  ;  a 
man  of  iron  towards  Irish 
prisoners,  227  ;  took  attitude 
of  Brutus  or  Cato,  228  ;  let  the 
law  go  hang,  229 


Astley,  Sir  John,  famous  in  sport, 
bitter  opponent  of  Home  Rule,38 

Athlone,  the  woollen  mills  of,  243 

Austin,  Rev.  F.  W.,  Rector  of  St. 
Columba's,  Knock,  quotation- 
from  a  letter  of,  written  to  the 
Belfast  News-Letter,  161  n. 

Australia,  Parnell  a  great  name 
in,  53,  101 

B 

Bacon,  Roger,  329,  333 

Bacteriology,  the  science  of,  222 

Balbriggan,  linen  trade  of,  244 

Balfour,  A.  J.,  as  Prime  Minister, 
200 

Balfour,  Gerald,  128  n. 

Balingarry,  Tipperary,  scene  of 
abortive  rising  of  Young  Ire- 
landers,  25 

Ballarat,  rebellion  of  miners  at,  48 

Bangor,  massacre  of  monks  at,  8 

Banims,  The,  291 

Begbie,  Harold,  336  ;  quotation 
from  book  of,  "  The  Lady  Next 
Door,"  336  n. 

Belfast,  men  of,  Irish,  2,  129  n.  ; 
author's  visit  to,  159,  162,  164  ; 
"the  Athens  of  the  North," 
165,  167  ;  the  rapid  rise  and 
continued  prosperity  of,  232  ; 
the  trade  of,  234,  241,  252  ;  no 
Roman  Catholic  ever  been  ap- 
pointed Mayor,  159  n.  ;  Harold 
Begbie  gives  in  "  The  Lady 
Next  Door"  unprepossessing 
picture  of,  336  n.  ;  Frankfort 
Moore  in  "The  Ulsterman," 
gives  appreciative  but  at  times 
mordant  study  of,  336  n.  ;  some 
critics  of,  say  that  Belfast  men 
are  too  hard  and  describe  the 
cruel  faces  one  meets  in  the 
streets,  336 ;  John  G.  Ervine 
says  amassing  of  fortunes  paral- 


373 


374 


INDEX 


lei  with  the  pinched  and  pallid 
faces      and      phthisis-stricken 
homes  of  sweated  workers  of, 
336 ;  337,  339 
Belgium,    244 ;     scientific   output 

of,  considerable,  328 
Belleek,     the    pottery    manufac- 
tories of,  252 

Beresford,  Lord  Charles,  humor- 
ous utterance  of,  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  284 
Bergson,  Henri,  Pope  condemned 

philosophy  of,  139  n.,  303 
Berkeley,  Bishop,  claimed  as  Irish, 
-  323  ;    was  educated  in  Ireland, 
323 

Berlin,    author    studied    at    Uni- 
versity of,  52 

Bermondsey,  Parnell  held  a  meet- 
ing in,  53 

Birmingham,  George.     See  Han- 
nay 

Birrell,  A.,  Chief  Secretary  to  Lord- 
Lieutenant  of  Ireland,   83,   85, 
88,  97,  266 
Bismarck,  remotely  affected  the 

butter  trade  of  Ireland,  246 
Elaine,  Alexander,  quoted,  269  n. 
Blarney,  woollen  mills  of,  243 
Blatchford,  126  n. 
Board  of  Intermediate  Education, 

263,  265 

Board  of  National  Education,  263 
Board  of  Works,  255 
Bonaparte,   Napoleon,  3,    21,  88, 
108,    203,    204;     unfitted    for 
Parliament,  215,  256 
Borrow,  279 
Botha,     General     Louis,     author 

met  Davitt  at  table  of ,  41 
Botha,  Mrs.,  41 

Bouguereau,  a  famous  artist,  306 
Boyle,     name     immortalised     in 
Boyle's  Law,  known  as  Mariotte's 
Law  in  France,  323 
Boyle,  William,  the  true  comedy 
of,  301 ;  wrote  play  "The  Build- 
ing Fund,"  301 
Boyne  Waters,  strains  of,  3 
Brett,  Sergeant,  killed  by  Fenians, 

30 

Brian  Boru,  Monarch  of  Ireland 
in  1014,  9,  10  ;    crushed  power 
of  the  Danes,  67,  111 
Bright,  John,  128  n. 
Brookes,  Sydney,  136  n. 
Brougham,  Lord,  laughed  at  the 


undulatory  theory  of  light  as 
expounded  by  Young,  222  ; 
cried  "  The  Schoolmaster  is 
abroad,"  267 

Brouncker,  Lord,  spoken  of  as 
Irish  by  Euler  in  his  "  Intro- 
ductio  in  Analys  in  infinitorum," 
326,  327  ». 

Browning,  313 

Bruno,  Giordano,  burnt  at  the 
stake,  328 

Brutus,  228,  229 

Bryan,  American  ex-Secretary  of 
State,  could  not  trace  Irish 
ancestry,  120 

Bryant,  Dr.  Sophie,  305 

Bryce,  Annan,  128  n. 

Buddhists,  religious  sect  of  ancient 
origin,  146 

Burke,  Mr.,  assassinated  in 
Phoenix  Park,  178 

Burke,  Sheridan's  reply  to,  on  the 
French  Revolution,  282 ;  Gold- 
smith saw  more  clearly  than, 
282 

Burns,  Robbie,  49 ;  incarnated 
the  spirit  of  a  people,  280  ;  cited 
for  comparison,  318  ;  must  be 
appreciated  for  the  whole 
volume  and  force  and  wealth  of 
allusion  and  evocation  of  his 
various  many  spirited  verse,  318 

Butt,  Isaac,  first  to  formulate  the 
Home  Rule  movement,  32  ;  the 
flabby  policy  of,  35  ;  the  lead- 
ing spirit  in  the  Home  Rule 
Federation,  176;  a  Protestant 
of  Conservative  leanings,  176  ; 
a  description  of,  176,  177,  294 

Byron,  satirised  Castlereagh,  had 
a  rare  instinct  for  character, 
19  ;  a  good  ten-stone  man,  29, 
49,  72,  213,  219;  quoted  on 
education,  261,  274,  279; 
showered  eulogies  on  Sheridan, 
282,  286,  287,  299;  great 
beyond  artistry,  320  n. 


Caesar,  Julius,  described  Britain, 
103 

Calvin,  robust  faith  of,  268 

Camoens,  317 

Campbell,  J.  H.,  K.C.,  extract 
from  a  speech  of,  delivered  in 
House  of  Commons  relative  to 


INDEX 


375 


priests  subordinating  every- 
thing to  religion,  144  n. 

Campion,  found  schools  for  medi- 
cine and  law  in  1571,  6 

Carleton,  the  tales  of,  5,  27  ;  de- 
scription of  faction  fighting,  173, 
291  ;  redolent  of  genuine  na- 
tive Irish  humour,  292,  294,  297 

Carlow,  poultry  trade  of,  248 

Carlyle,  196,  279 

Carnot,  2 1 ;  organiser  of  victory, 
202 

Carpeaux,  the  Dance  of,  309 

Carrack,  Rev.  J.  M.,  curate  of 
St.  James,  Little  Roke,  Ken- 
ley,  referred  to  in  quotation  from 
"  Daily  Chronicle  "  as  a  victim 
of  political  animus,  126  n.,  127  n. 

Carson,  Sir  Edward,  his  voice 
that  of  a  Southerner,  166,  188, 
337 

Casement,  Sir  Roger,  188 

Casey,  John  Keegan  ("  Leo  "),  293 

Casey,  mathematician,  326 

Castle,  Dublin,  74,  83,  84,  86; 
Board  of  Education  off-spring 
of,  263 

Castledown,  Lord,  active  in  pro- 
moting afforestation  in  Ireland, 
257  n. 

Castlereagh,  Bvron's  description 
of,  19 

Catholic  Association,  held  sway 
from  1809-1829,  172;  only 
organisation  having  a  definite 
religious  stamp,  182 

Catholic  Church,  the  power  of, 
15 ;  the  impress  of,  16 ;  the 
intervention  of,  17  ;  the  history 
of,  shows  that  it  is  averse  to 
scientific  education,  328 

Catholic  Emancipation,  22,  23,  24 

Cato,  215,  228,  229 

Cavendish,  Lord  Frederick,  assas- 
sinated in  Phoenix  Park,  178 

Cervantes,  in  '"Don  Quixote,"  ex- 
hales experience  and  philo- 
sophy, 309 

Chamberlain,  Joseph,  speech  of, 
at  West  Islington  likening  Ire- 
land to  Poland,  74 

Charlie,  Bonnie  Prince,  seemed 
beau  ideal  of  gallant  leader,  16 

Cherry,  Lord  Justice,  144  n. 

Cicero,  it  was  said  of  that  his  excess 
was  moderation,  70 

Clan-Na-Gael,      Irish      American 


Organisation,  succeeded  the 
Fenian  movement  in  America, 
31,  116 

Clare,  author's  father  born  in,  48; 
92,97,148,  148  n.,  149n.,  150  n., 
151  n.,  158  n.,  242  ;  instance  of 
official  bungling  in,  254,  326  n. 

Clare,  West,  author  elected  Mem- 
ber of  Parliament  for,  73 

Claretie,  Jules,  said  that  common 
sense  was  the  backbone  of  wit, 
206 

Clarke,  Joseph  I.  C.,  an  Irish- 
American,  achieved  success 
with  his  poem,  "  The  Fighting 
Race,"  290,  291 

Clemenceau,  M.,  201  n. 

Cleopatra  claimed  as  Irish,  281 

Clontarf,  the  battle  of  1014,  8  ; 
Macliag's  account  of,  10  n. 

Cobbett,  286 

Cochrane,  Rev.  S.,  of  Fisherwick 
Presbyterian  Church,  quota 
tion  from,  161  n. 

Collier,  Rev.  H.  G.,  speech  de- 
livered at  Ulster  Hall  cited, 
160  n. 

Colum,  Padraic,  205,  283  ;  true 
poet,  314,  315,  316;  tinged 
with  Moonshine  school,  316 

Columbus,  247  ;  the  projects  of, 
derided  and  denounced,  328 

Congested  Districts  Board,  86,  87, 
88,  89,  250,  259 

Connaught,  woollen  mills  of,  244 

Constantino,  51,  65 

Copernicus,  329,  333 

Cork,  woollen  trade  of,  244 ;  glove- 
making  of,  252 

Cottle,  Amos,  299 

Countess  of  Huntingdon  Per- 
suasion, a  religious  sect  of 
recent  origin,  145 

Courteline,  305 

Crabbe,  was  to  English  verse  what 
the  Banims  are  to  Irish  prose, 
291 

Crabtree,  Father,  represents  one 
type  of  Priest,  156 

Craig,  Capt.,  a  reactionary  factor, 
66,  161  n. 

Credit  Societies,  370,  371 

Cromwell,  the  curse  of,  14,  67  ; 
John  Milton  noted  in  Parlia- 
mentary circles  as  Secretary  of, 
209 ;  the  great  speech  of, 
"  Take  away  that  Bauble,"  210 


376 


INDEX 


Cronin,  Dr.,  the  murder  of,  117 

Crowther,  Dr.,  260  n. 

Cuffe,    Hon.    Otway,    helped    to 

establish    a    wood    factory    in 

Kilkenny,  257  n. 
Cumberland,    Duke    of,    "  Grand 

Master "    of    Orange    Society, 

168  n. 
Cunningham,  author  of  "  English 

Industry  and  Commerce,"  336  n. 
Curry,  Father  John,  parish  priest 

of  Drogheda,  letter  to   "  Free- 

mans     Journal "     referring    to 

priests    placing    their    religion 

first  and  their  country  second, 

143  n. 


D 

"  Daily  Chronicle,"  quotation 
from,  referring  to  the  case  of  the 
Rev.  J.  M.  Carrack,  126  n. 

Danes,  grafted  on  to  original  Irish 
stock,  2  ;  defeated  at  Clontarf, 
7,  8,  239,  246 

Dante,  author  of  Catholic  Poem 
"  Divina  Commedia,"  attri- 
buted the  decline  of  the  Church 
to  the  endowments  of  Con- 
stantine,  65,  317,  319 

D'Arcy,  Chevalier,  quoted  by 
German  mathematician,  324  ; 
published  two  memoirs  on 
Least  Action,  325 ;  of  Irish 
origin,  325,  325  n. 

D'Arcy,  Rt.  Rev.  Dr.,  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Swift  MacNeill  to, 
124  n. 

Darwin,  the  fame  of,  69,  223,  322 

Daudet,  Alphonse,  206 

Davis,  Thomas,  name  not  Hiber- 
nian, not  a  Roman  Catholic,  2  ; 
Young  Irelander,  24  ;  a  Pro- 
testant, 25  ;  potent  inspirator, 
25  ;  patriotic  verses  of,  25,  26, 
102,  288,  289,  290,  293 

Davitt,  Michael,  agricultural  re- 
forms, of,  5  ;  the  son  of  pea- 
sants, 40  ;  description  of,  41  ; 
had  rare  and  simple  courtliness, 
42  ;  his  opinion  of  Parnell,  42  ; 
chosen  vessel  of  a  great  move- 
ment, 43  ;  his  clear  vision,  44  ; 
land  campaign  of,  .commenced 
at  Mayo,  44,  50  ;  agent  of  Ire- 
land's redemption,  55  ;  author's 
conversation  with,  70  ;  saying 


of,  "  Physical  force  is  a  Faith," 
71,  72  ;  secured  rejection  of  an 
arbitration  Treaty  between 
Great  Britain  and  America, 
122,  136  n.  ;  founder  of  Land 
League,  177  ;  believed  in  land 
nationalisation,  178 ;  physical 
force  as  a  "  Faith,"  203 

Davy,  322 

Deasy,  Capt.,  Fenian  Leader,  30 

Deirdre,  rediscovery  of,  294;  haven 
of  rest  for  tempest-tossed  souls, 
295 ;  cult  of,  295 ;  old-time 
Nationalists  did  not  know,  295  ; 
restoration  of  due  to  A.  E.,  295  ; 
well-meaning  young  English 
women  devoted  to,  296  ;  utter 
oracular  sayings  regarding,  296  ; 
Cabinet  Minister  fostered  cult 
of,  296 ;  Idealism  of,  304  ; 
Synge  wrote  a  "  Deirdre  "  but 
had  never  seen,  310  ;  Ireland 
in  her  fiercest  agitation  had 
never  heard  of,  310  ;  Ireland 
content  never  to  have  heard  of, 
310  ;  Yeats  wrote  a  ghosted 
drama  round,  310  ;  diaphanous, 
310 

Delage,  the  experiments  of,  322 

Democritus,  originally  expressed 
the  atomic  theory,  332 

Denmark,  the  commercial  rise  of, 
246 

Department  of  Agriculture,  236  n., 
239  n.,  240  n.,  241  n.,  242  n.  ; 
sends  out  Instructors  to  show 
farmers  the  best  means  of  pro- 
duction, 246,  248,  250  ;  fosters 
horse  breeding,  253  n.,  275  n., 
276  n.,  277  n.,  259 

Descartes,  7  ;  forced  to  seek  seclu- 
sion, 328,  333 

Devlin,  Joseph,  controller  of  the 
Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians, 
183  ;  remarkable  orator,  called 
Parliament  the  Great  Inquest 
of  the  Nation,  209 

Dickens,  220,  279,  285 

Differential  Calculus,  the  mother 
of  innumerable  practical  works, 
222,  321 

Dillon,  John,  men  of  Belfast  as 
Irish  as,  2,  55,  135  n.  ;  report  of 
speech  of,  referring  to  the  right 
of  the  Catholic  Laity  to  exer- 
cise their  own  judgment  in 
political  matters,  145  n. 


INDEX 


377 


Doheny,  M.,  Young  Irelander,  24  ; 

his  style  of  oratory,  24  n. 
Donegal,  the  linen  trade  of,  244 
Doonagore,  a  small  village  in  Co. 

Clare,  254,  256 
Down,  Archdeacon  of,  a  kind  of 

Local  War  Lord,  161  n. 
Downey,  303 
Dripsey,  manufactories  for  woollen 

goods  of,  243 

Drum,  Rev.  Father,  153  n. 
Dryden,  286 
Dublin,    the    industries    of,    239, 

244,  252 

Dufferin,  Lord,  253 
Duffy,    Sir    Charles    Gavan,    on 

"  wrongs  done  to  the  Milesians," 

1,  24,  26 
Dunlop,  R.,  author  of   "  Ireland 

under      the     Commonwealth," 

cited,  11,  15 
Dunn,    Peter,    author    of    "  Mr. 

Dooley  in  Peace  and  War,"  112 
Dunraven,     Lord,     ridiculed    the 

Castle  system  in  his  book  "  The 

Outlook    in    Ireland,"     85  n.  ; 

member   of    All-For-Ireland 

League,  185,  241 
Dunsany,  Lord,  302  ;    discovered 

Francis  Ledwidge,  311,  312 

E 

Edgeworth,  Maria,  author  of 
delightful  tales  giving  insight 
into  the  modern  phases  of  Ire- 
land, as  "  Castle  Rackrent," 
etc.,  4,  5,  11,  213,  291 

Egg  trade,  239  ;  capable  of  de- 
velopment in  Ireland,  247 

Eire,  78 

Elgin  marbles,  309 

Elizabeth,  the  successive  planta- 
tions of,  15  ;  is  dead,  66,  295 

Emerson,  159  n. 

Emmet,  Robert,  name  not  Hiber- 
nian, not  a  Roman  Catholic,  2  ; 
his  youth,  etc.,  21,  22  ;  death 
of,  26,  102,  298 

Empedocles,  319,  332 

Endymion,  expresses  the  search- 
ing for  a  guide  amid  the  ideals 
of  life,  309 

Eratosthenes,  319,  332,  333 

Ervine,  John  G.,  302  ;  points  out 
that  the  amassing  of  fortune 
in  Belfast  is  parallel  to  the 


pinched   and  pallid   faces   and 

phthisis-stricken   homes  of  the 

sweated     workers     in     Belfast 

slums,  336 

Estates  Commissioners,  86 
Euler,  271,  325  ;    mentions  Lord 

Brouncker  as  Irish  in  his  "  In- 

troductio    in   Analys   in  infini- 

torium,"  326 
Eureka    Stockade,    Ballarat,    48  ; 

became  foundation  of  Australian 

self-government,  49 
Eustachius,  the  works  of,  hidden 

for  many  generations,  328 
Everard,  Colonel  Sir  Nugent,  241 


Faction  fighting,  a  description  of, 
173 

Faraday,  the  fame  of,  69  ;  was 
a  Sandemanian,  146,  321 

Fenians,  first  to  grasp  thoroughly 
the  real  significance  of  organisa- 
tion, 27 ;  movement  struck 
very  deep  in  Ireland,  28,  29  ; 
rescue  of  Fenian  leaders  at 
Manchester,  30  ;  first  to  ex- 
tend Irish  movement  to 
America,  31  ;  stamped  out 
ruthlessly  in  Ireland,  31,  109; 
a  secret  organisation,  172  ;  in 
many  ways  marks  beginning  of 
recent  Irish  history,  173  ;  plans 
never  fully  developed,  174,  175, 
176,  185,  204;  a  literature  of 
its  own,  293 

Fermanagh,  woollen  factories  of, 
244 

Field,  William,  M.P.,  240  n. 

Fielding,  279 

Filgate,  W.  T.  Macartney,  author 
indebted  to,  for  many  of  the 
particulars  in  the  chapter  on 
Industrial  Development,  242  n. 

Finerty,  Colonel  John,  one  of  the 
most  powerful  platform  orators 
in  America,  110,  111,  112 

Fitzgerald,  an  Irishman,  men- 
tioned by  Hertz  in  his  "  Unter- 
suchung  iiber  die  Ausbreitung 
der  elektrischen  Kraft,"  327 

Fitzwilliam,  Lord,  active  in  pro- 
moting afforestation  in  Ireland, 
257  n. 

Flanagan,  Rev.  John,  quotation 
from  a  speech  of,  delivered  at 
Newbliss,  Co.  Monaghan,  162  n. 


378 


INDEX 


Flood,  Henry,  the  "  statesman  " 
of  the  Irish  party,  19 

Foley,  O'Connell's  statue  the 
masterpiece  of,  22 

Fourier,  cited  in  regard  to  the 
development  of  science,  322 

Fox,  161  n. 

France,  Anatole,  great  writer,  133 

France,  methods  of  intensive  cul- 
ture in,  81,  132,  223 

Frederick  the  Great,  324,  325 

Frederick  III,  of  Germany,  the 
saying  of,  79 

"  Freeman's  Journal,"  78,  143  n., 
144  n. 

French,  the,  in  Bantry  Bay,  23 

G 

Gaelic  Athletic  Association,  185 

Gaelic  League,  has  accomplished 
a  great  work  in  Ireland,  181 

Galileo,  7,  139  n.,  the  modern 
world  begins  with,  320  ;  im- 
prisonment of,  328,  333 

Galois,  334 

Galway,  had  commerce  with 
Spain,  48  ;  home  of  the  Lynch 
family  for  centuries,  48  ;  author 
stood  as  parliamentary  candi- 
date for,  57  ;  author  defeated 
in  election,  57  ;  author  elected 
as  Member  of  Parliament  for, 
62,  141 n. 

Garrick,  282 

Gauss,  called  mathematics  the 
queen  of  sciences,  323,  334 

Geological  Survey,  of  Ireland, 
259  n. 

German  Emperor,  161  n. 

German  organisation  in  America, 
121 

Germany,  Roman  Catholic  states 
least  progressive  in,  131,  201  n. ; 
system  of  education  in,  greatly 
due  to  William  von  Humboldt, 
262  ;  technical  education  in, 
262  n,  ;  Kerschensteiner's  edu- 
cational system  in,  274 

Gibbon,  279 

Gil  Bias,  affords  a  study  of  human 
nature  and  society,  309 

Gladstone,  56,  179  ;  analogies  of, 
drawn  from  foreign  countries 
not  conclusive,  198,  289 

Glanville,  H.  J.,  M.P.,  author's 
conversation  with,  283  n. 


Goethe,  280 

Goldsmith,  is  he  representative  of 

Irish  literature  ?  279,  280,  282  ; 

Padraic  Colum  presents  the  real, 

283,  312 
Gonne,  Miss  Maud,  founder  and 

editor  of  "  Irlande  Libre,"   196 
Gormanstown,  district  of  Meath, 

250 
Grattan,  the  Parliament  of,   18  ; 

allowed  the   Volunteers   to   be 

disbanded,  19,  20,  196 
Grattan's  Parliament,  was  not  a 

good  parliament,  18,  19,  20,  170,    ' 

225 

Greer,  Rev.  R.  Ussher,  Episco- 
palian Rector,  quotation  from 

a  lecture  of,  160  n.,  162  n. 
Gregory,  Lady,  author  of   "  The 

Workhouse  Ward,"  301,  302 
Griffin,   Gerald,  author  of   "The 

Collegians,"  302 
Griffith,    Arthur,    editor   of    Sinn 

Fein  Newspaper,  196 
Guinness,  the  famous  brewers,  239 
Gwynne,  Stephen,  M.P.,   144  n.  ; 

lover  of  letters,  302 

H 

Hamilton,  William  Rowan, 
"  Quarternions,"  322,  325  n.  ; 
carved  on  a  bridge  in  Dublin  the 
symbols  indicating  the  principles 
of  the  Quarternion  system,  326  ; 
well  known  for  his  works  in 
mathematics,  326 

Hannay,  Rev.  James  Owen,  has 
adopted  nom-de-plume,  George 
Birmingham,  author  of  the  play 
"  General  John  Regan,"  302 

Harland  and  Wolff,  shipbuilders, 
251 

Harris,  H.  P.,  J.P.,  letter  of,  on 
toleration,  149  n. 

Hayden,  Mr.,  M.P.,  153  n.,  154  n. 

Healy,  Timothy,  said  Parnell  was 
like  the  iron  core  in  electric 
magnet,  35,  55 ;  called  the 
Irish  "  fissiparous,"  64,  135  n. 

Hell,  one  of  the  proudest  posses- 
sions of  our  race  ;  146  ;  Parlia- 
ment in,  209 

Helmholtz,  cited  in  regard  to  the 
development  of  science,  322, 
325  n. 

Henderson,  Arthur,  labour  leader, 


INDEX 


379 


"  a  Wesleyan  preacher  of  great 
piety,"  126  n. 

Henry  II,  the  conquest  of  Ire- 
land, 17,  66 

Henry  VIII,  the  "reformation" 
as  conceived  by,  13  ;  the  suc- 
cessive plantations  of,  15 

Hertz,  321,  322,  325  n. 

Hippocrates,  7,  322 

History,  Irish,  terribly  entangled, 
1,4;  makes  doleful  reading,  15 ; 
not  the  story  of  causal  happen- 
ings, 341 

Holder,  325  n. 

Holland,  244,  248,  251  ;  scientific 
output  of,  considerable,  328 

Home  Rule,  76,  77  ;  Act,  79,  95, 
96, 101, 102,  123  ;  critical  periods 
of  debate  on,  Bill,  137  ;  battle 
of,  waged  round  the  question 
of  toleration,  148,  158,  159 »., 
161  n.  •  Bill,  has  found  its  way 
on  the  Statute  Book,  188,  198  ; 
kept  in  being  by  the  Parliament 
Act,  226,  231,  235,  338 

Home  Rule  Federation,  Irish 
organisation  which  followed  the 
Fenian  movement,  the  leading 
spirit  of  which  was  Butt,  176 

House  of  Commons,  qualifications 
necessary  for  a  legislator  in, 
210  ;  a  great  conservative  force, 
221,  222  ;  Lord  C.  Beresford's 
humorous  utterance  in,  284 

House  of  Lords,  226 

Howitz,  a  Danish  expert,  sent  to 
Ireland  to  study  the  question  of 
afforestation,  257  n. 

Humboldt,  William  von,  remo- 
delled the  educational  system 
of  Germany,  262,  273 

Hungarian  Policy,  advocated  by 
Sinn  Fein,  197 

Hunt,  Leigh,  287  ;  Keats  associa- 
tion with,  316 

Huxley,  271 

Huyghens,  cited  in  regard  to  the 
development  of  science,  322 

Hyde,  Dr.  Douglas,  inspirator  of 
Gaelic  League,  181,  294 


Independent,  Irish,  78 
Inish  Murray,  the  monks  of,  8 
Invincibles,  the,  an  Irish  Organi- 
sation, secret,  178,  182 


Ireland,  one  of  the  most  assimila- 
tive countries  in  the  world,  2; 
the  land  of  "  Saints  and  Schol- 
ars," 5,  6  ;  tried  by  ordeal  of 
education,  7,  8 ;  under  the 
Commonwealth,  15  ;  described 
by  Duffy  as  corpse  on  dissecting 
table,  26 ;  always  shown  im- 
mense vitality,  27 ;  68,  70,  72  ; 
likened  to  Poland,  74 ;  75,  76  ; 
choked  by  mandarins,  80 ;  82  j 
the  government  of,  83,  84  n.,  91, 
94,  95,  101,  102,  103,  118,  133, 
152  n.,  157,  161  n.,  165,  167, 
175,  181,  195,  196,  202  n.,  205, 
206,  208,  233,  235,  236,  239,  240, 
241,  242,  248,  249,  251  ;  glass 
manufacture  of,  252  n.  ;  not 
rich  in  minerals,  253  ;  incom- 
petence of  government  of,  256  ; 
afforestation  of,  256  n.  ;  educa- 
tion of,  faulty,  262,  263  ;  educa- 
tional curriculum  in,  badly  con- 
ceived, 271  ;  still  waits  for  her 
National  Anthem,  290 ;  294  ; 
mystics  of,  295 ;  hope  for  a 
Burns  of,  318  ;  civil  war  would 
be  calamitous  to  all  in,  338  ; 
spoils  system  would  be  moral 
plague  in,  339  ;  foundation  of, 
stronger,  more  hopeful,  more 
progressive,  340,  342  ;  restless- 
ness of,  343  ;  qualities  of,  344  ; 
integrity  of,  345 

"  Irlande  Libre,"  a  newspaper 
founded  and  edited  by  Miss 
Maud  Gonne,  196 

Irish  Agricultural  Organisation 
Society,  greatly  aided  co-opera- 
tion, 259  ;  note  on  work  of,  367, 
369 

Irish  Forestry  Society,  revived 
interest  in  the  subject  of  affores- 
tation, 257  n. 

"  Irish  Freedom,"  78,  150 

"  Irish  Homestead,"  260  n.,  367 

Irish  Renaissance,  294,  318 

Irish  Republican  Brotherhood, 
known  as  the  Fenians,  1 72 

Irishtown,  in  Mayo,  scene  of  first 
meeting  of  the  Land  League,  44 

"  Irish  Volunteer,"  78 

"  Irish  Worker,"  78 

"  Irish  World,"  78 

Irvine,  Alexander,  author  of  "  My 
Lady  of  the  Chimney  Corner," 
293 


380 


INDEX 


Ito,  Marquis,  leader  of  progress  in 
Japan,  moral  of  work  of,  1 94 


Jackson,   Andrew,   author   found 
little  that  was  reminiscent   of  _ 
the   spirit  of,   in  first   view  of 
Americans,   106 

Jackson,  Gentleman,  his  indulgent 
appreciation  of  Byron,  29 

Jacobi,the  mathematical  works  of, 
271,  325  n.,  330 

Jacobs,  Messrs.,  biscuit  makers, 
252 

James  II,  might  have  done 
wonders  in  Ireland  had  he 
seized  the  spirit  of  the  people, 
16  ;  ran  from  Boyne,  16,  166 

Japanese,  eclectic  in  their  regard 
of  the  world,  193 

Jefferson,  author  found  little  that 
was  reminiscent  of  the  spirit  of, 
in  first  view  of  Americans,  106 

Joanna  Southcote's  persuasion,  a 
religious  sect  of  recent  origin,  145 

John  XXII,  Pope,  aided  Edward  I 
in  annexation  of  Ireland,  134  n. 

"  John  Bull,"  a  quotation  from, 
referring  to  the  Rev.  W.  Bankes 
Williams,  illustrating  the  meth- 
ods of  a  clergyman  in  his 
opposition  to  Radicals,  126  n. 

Johnson,  the  impression  of  Gold- 
smith's conversation  with,  282 

Joule,  cited  in  regard  to  the  de- 
velopment of  science,  322 

Jourdain,  Philip  E.  B.,  325  n. 

Joyce,  Dr.  W.  P.,  author  of  "A 
Social  History  of  Ancient  Ire- 
land," 6 

K 

Keane,  Rev.  C.  E.,  160  n. 

Keats,  the  fame  of,  69  ;  inspired 
interpreter  of  Truth,  228,  229, 
279,  286;  his  "  Endymion " 
one  of  the  most  marvellous 
poems  of  all  literature,  316  ; 
his  association  with  Leigh  Hunt, 
316,  317  ;  poetry  of,  springs 
from  illumination  of  the  spiri- 
tual world  of  man,  320  n. 

Kelly,  Colonel,  a  Fenian  Leader,  30 

Kelly,  R.  J.,  compiled  a  volume  of 
"Popular  and  Patriotic  Poetry," 
285 


Kelvin,   Lord,   previously   known 

as  Thomson,  326 
Kennedy,  Bart,  141  n. 
Kepler,  329 

Kerry,  the  industries  of,  242 
Kerschensteiner,  Dr.,  educational 

reformer  in  Germany,  274 
Kettle,  Mr.  T.   M.,    188;    article 

of,  in  "  English  Review  "  deal- 
ing with  Belfast,  336  n. 
Kickham,  contributor  to  Fenian 

newspaper,  27,  294 
Kilkee,  in  the  hands  of  one  man, 

99,  100,  101 
Kilkenny,  the  industries  of,  243, 

248,  252,  257  n. 
Kilrush,  90,  97  ;    in  the  hands  of 

one  man,  98,  99 
Kitchener,    Lord,    188 ;     claimed 

as  being  an  Irishman,  281 
Knox,    John,    1 58 ;     the    robust 

faith  of,  268 
Kynoch's  of  Arklow,  238 


Labouchere,  Henry,  supposed  to 
have  originated  the  famous  Plan 
of  Campaign,  180 

Lagrange,  325  n.,  326,  330 

Lalor,  Peter,  leader  of  miners  at 
the  Eureka  Stockade,  after- 
wards Speaker  of  the  Legisla- 
tive Assembly  of  Victoria,  48, 
49 

Lalor,  Richard  Finton,  brother  of 
Peter  Lalor,  initiated  Tenants' 
Rights  Organisation,  172 

Land  Act  of  1909,  86,  89 

Land  Campaign,  would  not  have 
been  commenced  without  the 
Fenians,  30 

Land  League,  founded  by  Davitt, 
177,  178,  179;  its  suppression, 
188,  294 

Lane,  Denny,  of  Cork,  knew 
O'Connell  and  heard  him  speak, 
22  n. 

Laplace,  cited  in  regard  to  the 
development  of  science,  322 

Larkin,  one  of  the  Fenians  known 
as  Manchester  martyrs,  30 

Lavoisier,  cited  in  regard  to  the 
development  of  science,  322 

"  Leader,"  The,  78 

Leamy,  an  Irish  writer,  302 

Ledwidge,  Francis,  one  of  the 
youngest  and  newest  of  Irish 


INDEX 


381 


poets,  311;  poem  of,  "To  a 
Linnet  in  a  Cage,"  quoted,  312 

Leinster,  woollen  mills  of,  244 

Leinster  Hall,  vote  of  confidence 
in  Parnell  passed  at,  56 

Lever,  author  of  "  Charles 
O'Malley,"  "  Harry  Lorrequer  " 
and  "The  Dodd  Family 
Abroad,"  4, 11,  283  ;  not  greatly 
read  now  in  Ireland,  upbubbling 
zest  of,  284  ;  291,  297 

Limerick,  the  industries  of,  242, 
252 

Liscannor,  the  port  of  shipment 
of  slate,  255 

Lissadell,  in  Co.  Sligo,  251 

Lissoy,  in  Westmeath,  280 

Locke,  deep  and  candid  philo- 
sopher, said  that  there  is  no 
error  that  the  human  race  has 
not  at  some  time  or  other 
adopted,  146,  323 

Loeb,  the  experiments  of,  322 

London,  Bishop  of,  168 

Londonderry,  the  industries  of, 
244,  245 

Lover,  Samuel,  at  one  time  no  less 
popular  than  Lever,  284,  285 

Luby,  contributor  to  the  Fenian 
newspaper,  27,  293 

Lucan,  woollen  mills  of,  243 

Lulli,  Raymond,  gained  from  the 
Arabs  the  teachings  which  they 
had  derived  from  Greek  sources, 
333 

Lutece,  the  cultured  inhabitants 
of,  309 

Luther,  the  Reformation  of,  65 ; 
appears  as  a  reactionary  factor, 
66 

Lynch,  John,  author's  father, 
second  in  command  to  Peter 
Lalor  at  the  Eureka  Stockade, 
48  ;  was  centre  of  public  de- 
monstration at  site  of  Stockade 
fifty  years  later,  49 

Lynch,  Canon  J.  F.,  article  on 
Maelsechlainn  (Malachy),  10  TO. 

Lynd,  Robert,  author  of  "  Home 
Life  in  Ireland,"  303 

M 

Macaulay,    Rev.    Dr.,    quotation 

from,  160  n. 
Macaulay 's  "History  of  England,"a 

quotation  from,  pointing  out  the 


difference  of  prosperity  between 
Protestant  communities  and 
those  under  the  domination  of 
the  Church  of  Rome,  130  n. 

MacCullagh,  name  met  with  in  the 
field  of  mathematics,  326 

MacCathmhaoil,  Seosamh  (James 
Campbell),  The  Mountainy  Sin- 
ger, 205  ;  gives  us  lyric  quality 
with  true  Irish  spirit,  311  ; 
Lasarfhionn  ni  Cholumain 
quoted,  312,  313,  314 

Macdonnell,  Lord  Anthony,  an 
organiser  in  India,  170 

MacGregor,  author's  mother  kins- 
man of  Rob  Roy,  50 

Mach,  320  n. 

MacKenna,  Stephen,  the  sensitive 
and  charming,  303 

MacKinley,  President,  117,  120 

MacLiag,  his  account  of  the  battle 
of  Clontarf,  10  n. 

MacManus,  Seaumas,  302 

MacNeill,  Eion,  188 

MacNeill,  J.  G.  Swift,  M.P.,  K.C., 
letter  of,  addressed  to  the  Rt. 
Rev.  Dr.  D'Arcy,  124  TO. 

MacOlave,  Father,  represents  one 
type  of  priests,  155 

MacVeagh,  J.,  M.P.,  127  n. 

Madrid,  106 

Maelmordha,  King  of  Leinster, 
joined  the  Danes,  9 

Magellan,  131 

Manchester  Martyrs,  30 

Mangan,  James  Clarence,  poems  of, 
exercised  a  singular  fascination 
in  the  minds  of  Irish  students  of 
literature,  289 

Manning,  Cardinal,  157  TO. 

Marconi,  Signor,  highly  dis- 
tinguished in  science,  his  mother 
Irish,  327 

Mario tte's  Law,  called  Boyle's  Law 
in  this  country,  323 

Marlborough,  56 

Mary,  the  successive  plantations 
of,  15 

Maupertuis,  celebrated  French 
physicist  and  mathematician, 
324  ;  ridiculed  in  a  pamphlet 
published  by  Voltaire,  325 

Maxwell,  the  calculus  of,  ex- 
pounding Faraday,  321 

Mayer,  A.,  324  TO. 

Mayer,  R.,  cited  in  regard  to  the 
development  of  science,  322 


382 


INDEX 


Mayne,  Rutherford,  author  of 
characteristic  Irish  play  "  The 
Drone,"  4 

Mayo,  Davitt,  commenced  his 
Land  Campaign  in,  44 

M'Cann  case,  debate  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  141,  141  n. 

Meade,  Alderman,  the  saying  of, 
143  n. 

Meagher,  Thomas  Francis,  Young 
Irelander,  24 ;  potent  inspirator, 
25  ;  comparable  to  Emmet,  26  ; 
suffered  transportation,  26 ; 
name  still  potent  to  stir  an  Irish 
assembly,  26,  29,  102 

Meath,  the  Gormanstown  district 
of,  250 

Melbourne,  Australia,  48  ;  author 
studied  in,  52 

Mitchel,  John,  name  not  Hibernian, 
not  a  Roman  Catholic,  2 ;  Young 
Irelander,  24 ;  a  Protestant, 
25  ;  potent  inspirator,  25  ;  his 
"  Jail  Journal,"  25  ;  name  still 
potent  to  stir  an  Irish  assembly, 
26 

Milesians,  "  the  wrongs  done  to," 
1 

Mill,  James,  the  advice  of,  given  to 
his  son  John  Stuart  Mill,  5 

Miller,  Hugh,  on  "  Eve  of  St. 
Agnes  "  of  Keats,  286  ;  author 
of  "The  Old  Red  Sandstone," 
287,  287  n. 

Millet,  Colum's  poems  reminiscent 
of,  314 

Milton,  John,  the  fame  of,  69, 
176 ;  author  of  "  Paradise 
Lost "  describes  great  Parlia- 
ment in  Hell,  209,  279 

Mohammedans,  a  religious  sect  of 
ancient  origin,  146 

Moliere,  299,  301 ;  a  great  amuaeur, 
319 

Molly  Maguires,  William  O'Brien 
denounced  the  Ancient  Order  of 
Hibernians  as,  1 82 ;  a  short  ac- 
count of,  182  n. 

Molyneux,  Irish  philosopher 
friend  of  Locke,  323 

Montgomery  Act,  233 

Moore,  Count,  active  in  assisting 
afforestation  in  Ireland,  257  n. 

Moore,  F.  Frankfort;  wrote  novel 
"  The  Ulsterman,"  336  n. 

Moore,  Tom,  favourite  national 
poet  of  Ireland,  280  ;  suffers 


undue  depreciation,  286  ;  songs 
from  "  Lalla  Rookh  "  of,  sung 
on  Tigris,  287 ;  braved  society  by 
visiting  Leigh  Hunt  in  prison, 
287  ;  indebted  to  old  Irish  airs 
for  charm  of  songs,  288  ;  is  less 
a  favourite  now  than  Thomas 
Davis,  288  ;  melodious  pipings 
of,  superior  to  strain  of  the  Yeats 
school,  297 

Moore,  William,  a  reactionary 
factor,  66,  161  n.,  165 

Mormons,  a  religious  sect  of  recent 
origin,  145 

Morris,  Lord,  Irish  Unionist,  64 

Morton,  Rev.  H.  C.,  143  n. 

MotuProprio,  decree  of  the  Pope, 
ordained,  amongst  other  things, 
that  no  Catholic  should  bring 
an  action  against  a  priest,  142, 
142  n. 

Munich,  educational  sytem  of,  274 

Munster,  woollen  mills  of,  244 

Murger,  176 

Murphy,  an  Irish  name  met  with 
more  than  once  in  traversing 
the  whole  range  of  science,  327 

Murphy  (Dr.),  with  his  button,  a 
bright  name  in  the  science  of 
America,  119 

Murray,  Miss,  author  of  "  Com- 
mercial Relations,"  336  n. 

N 

Napoleon  III,  132 

National  Federation,  founded  in 
1891,  succeeded  the  Land 
League,  181 

National  League,  founded  in  1884, 
took  the  place  of  the  Land 
League,  180 

National  University,  established 
to  meet  the  failure  of  Trinity 
College  to  attract  Nationalist 
students,  330 

National  Volunteers,  the  creation 
of,  185,  187,  188,  338 

Nelson,  56 

Ne  Temere  decree,  declares  mar- 
riages between  Catholics  and 
Protestants  null  and  void  in  the 
eyes  of  the  Church,  139 

Newton,  beclouded  his  fame  by 
attempts  to  interpret  Hebrew 
prophecies  according  to  data 
of  modern  science,  146,  313,  323 


INDEX 


383 


Nisbet,  Dr.  J.,  high  authority  on 
the  subject  of  afforestation  in 
Ireland,  257  n.,  259  n. 

Norway,  the  scientific  output  of, 
considerable,  328 

Nulty,  Dr.,  153  n. 

O 

O'Brien,  name  met  in  the  field  of 
mathematics,  326 

O'Brien,  one  of  those  known  as 
Manchester  martyrs,  30 

O'Brien,  Smith,  chief  of  Young 
Irelanders,  24 ;  a  Protestant, 
25 

O'Brien,  William,  55,  135  n.  •  de- 
nounced the  Ancient  Order  of 
Hibernians,  182  ;  founded  All- 
For-Ireland  League,  185,  205, 
302 

O'Carroll's,  feud  of,  typical,  11 

O'Connell,  the  saying  of,  "  Our 
Religion  from  Rome  our  poli- 
tics from  home,"  18,  134;  won 
Catholic  Emancipation,  22  ; 
epitomised  Ireland,  22  ;  child 
of  the  Church,  23  ;  Tribune 
of  the  people,  23 ;  spoke 
Irish,  but  discredited  the  lan- 
guage, 23  ;  born  of  the  land- 
lord class,  24,  33,  56  ;  his  say- 
ing "  England's  danger  is  Ire- 
land's opportunity,"  109,  134, 
135  ;  Repeal  movement  of,  172 

O'Connor,  James,  K.C.,  Solicitor- 
General  for  Ireland,  gives  impres- 
sive figures  on  the  population 
of  Ireland  in  a  brochure  entitled 
"  A  Plea  for  Home  Rule,"  93  n. 

O'Connor,  T.  P.,  M.P.,  gives  a  note 
on  Parnell,  37,  55 

Old  Pretender,  16 

O'Leary,  an  Irish- American  pedes- 
trian, 38 

O'Leary,  Ellen,  an  Irish  writer  of 
the  days  of  the  Fenian  move- 
ment, 293 

O'Leary,  John,  contributed  to 
Fenian  newspaper,  a  man  of 
high  literary  culture,  27  ;  sen- 
tenced to  imprisonment,  174  ; 
his  opinion  of  James  Stephens, 
175;  story  of,  279,  280 

Orange  Lodges,  166  ;  the  intoler- 
ance of,  181  ;  Duke  of  Cumber- 
land "  Grand  Master  "of,  163  n. 


Organisations  indigenous  on  Irish 
soil,  170 

O'Reilly,  John  Boyle,  an  active 
agent  of  propaganda  of  the 
Fenian  movement  in  the  Army, 
28  ;  was  true  poet,  29  ;  cele- 
brated John  L.  Sullivan  in 
poetic  prose,  106 

O'Riordan,  Conal,  author  of  "  The 
Piper  "  and  "  Shakespeare's 
End,"  303 

O'Shaughnessy,  commenced  the 
manufacture  of  woollen  goods 
in  Dripsey,  243 

O'Sullivan,  Seumas,  gave  rare 
delicacy  of  nuances,  311  ; 
"  Earth  Lover  "  of,  quoted,  314 

Othello,  321 


Paoli,  the  saying  of,  20 

Papal  decrees,  two,  launched 
during  critical  periods  of  the 
Home  Rule  Bill  debates,  137 

Parliament,  209-31 

Parliament  Act,  225  ;  the  effect 
of,  226 

Parnell,  Charles  Stuart,  name  not 
Hibernian,  not  a  Roman  Catho- 
lic, 2  ;  had  a  powerful  influence 
in  the  making  of  modern  Ire- 
land, 4  ;  seems  hardly  to  have 
studied  Irish  history  at  all,  4  ; 
agricultural  reforms,  of,  5,  23, 
30  ;  the  rise  of,  32  ;  hailed  from 
the  landlord  class,  33  ;  his 
determination,  34 ;  affinities 
with  Caesar  and  Bonaparte,  34  ; 
T.  Healy  said,  Parnell  was  like 
iron  core  in  an  electro  magnet, 
35 ;  was  the  soul  of  the  Irish 
movement,  36,  37 ;  T.  P. 
O'Connor's  reminiscence  of,  37, 
38  ;  achievements  of,  written  on 
the  Statute  Books  of  Great 
Britain,  39 ;  his  downfall,  39  ; 
was  aristocrat,  40  ;  Davitt's 
opinion  of,  42  ;  author's  im- 
pression of,  53,  54 ;  agent  of 
Ireland's  redemption,  55 ;  the 
human  side  of  his  character, 
55 ;  vote  of  confidence  in, 
passed  at  Leinster  Hall,  56  ;  the 
death  of,  56,  60,  95,  177,  178  ; 
placed  his  resignation  in  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Gladstone,  owing 
to  Phoenix  Park  murders,  179  ; 


384 


INDEX 


his  signature  to  the <c  No  Kent  " 
manifesto,  179;  very  little  origin- 
ally created  by,  180  ;  the 
greatest  leader  of  whom  Ireland 
can  boast  in  her  whole  history, 
180  ;  234 ;  the  downfall  of,  294 ; 
the  words  of,  339 

Pasteur,  a  great  thinker  devoted 
to  the  advancement  of  science, 
133 

Pasteur  School,  222 

Patterson,  Rev.  Dr.,  quotation 
from,  162  n. 

Peculiar  People,  a  religious  sect 
of  recent  origin,  145 

Persico,  Monsignor,  Papal  Envoy 
to  Ireland,  17 

Phillips,  Justin,  quotation  of  an 
article  by,  in  "Irish  Review," 
dealing  with  afforestation,  258  TO. 

Phoenix  Park,  Mr.  Burke  and 
Lord  F.  Cavendish  assassinated 
in,  178 

Pindar,  29,  317 

Pinkerton,  a  Unitarian  Ulster  far- 
mer, authors'  opponent  in  elec- 
tion at  Galway,  57,  59 

Pitt,  19  ;  had  the  majority  of  the 
bishops  on  his  side  in  the  policy 
of  the  Union,  134  n. 

Pius  IX,  138  n. 

Plan  of  Campaign,  evolved  under 
the  National  League,  supposed  to 
have  been  originated  by  Henry 
Labouchere,  180 

Plato,  319,  332 

"  Playboy  of  the  Western  World," 
a  lively  detail  of  the  great  fresco 
of  literature,  298,  303 ;  much 
appreciated  and  misunderstood 
by  an  English  audience,  304  ; 
regarded  seriously  plot  of,  is 
absurd,  305,  306,  307  ;  puzzled 
Parisians,  308,  309;  321 

Plunkett,  Sir  Horace,  pioneer  of 
the  spirit  of  co-operation,  259 

Plutarch,  215,  227 

Plutarch's  men,  distinguished  by 
character,  215 

Plymouth  Brethren,  a  religious  sect 
of  recent  origin,  145 

Poincare,  Henri,  a  great  thinker 
devoted  to  the  development  of 
science,  133 

Poisson  led  the  way  in  the  presenta- 
tion of  the  fundamental  formulae 
of  mechanics,  326 


Pope  Adrian  IV,  the  Bull  of,  17 
Portugal  once  divided  with  Spain 

the  spoils  of  the  ocean,  131 
Prempeh,  King  of  Ashanti,  60 
Priests,   the   undue   influence   of, 

129  ;  not  all  of  one  type,  154 
Pyke,  Father,  represents  one  type 

of  priests,  156 

Q 

"  Quixote,  Don,"  reveals  philo- 
sophy of  Cervantes,  309 

R 

Race,  no  Irish,  in  any  strict  sense, 
3 

Raftery,  Father,  represents  one 
type  of  priest,  154 

Ramsay,  Sir  William,  author  of 
an  article  indicating  Germany's 
greatness  in  industrial  develop- 
ment, 262  n. 

Randall,  Jack,  claimed  as  Irish, 
281 

Rasselas,  in  the  "Happy  Garden," 
author  felt  like  :  no  man  can  be 
a  Member  of  Parliament,  210 

Redmond,  John,  leader  of  the 
Home  Rule  movement  of  the 
present  day,  45,  55,  78 ;  a 
speech  of,  in  which  he  drew 
comparison  between  the  condi- 
tions of  administration  in  Ire- 
land and  in  Scotland,  94  n., 
135  n.,  189 

Religion,  the  question  of,  17 

Repeal  Movement,  in  force  from 
1840  to  1846,  172 

Republic,  of  Ireland,  difficulties 
of ,  2 1  ;  author's  desire  to  make 
Ireland  a,  59,  62 ;  of  South 
Africa,  author's  sympathy  with, 
62,  108,  131,  132,  201  n.,  217 

Ribbon  Men,  a  sectional  body  of 
United  Irishmen,  171 

Robertson,  J.  M.,  M.P.,  author  of 
"  Trade  and  Tariffs,"  336  n. 

Roche,  Jeffrey,  wrote  stirring 
patriotic  American  poems,  29, 
29  n. 

Rodin,  upheld  the  high  ideal  of 
art,  133,  151  TO. 

Rolleston,  the  scholarly,  303 

Roman  Catholic  States,  in  Ger- 
many, the  least  progressive,  131 

Rome,   on   the   side   of   England 


INDEX 


385 


against  Ireland,  17,  132,  133, 
135  ;  endeavoured  to  discredit 
Parnell  Testimonial,  1 34  ;  in- 
tervened to  suppress  Plan  of 
Campaign,  134,  134  n.  •  rulers 
of,  planted  themselves  again 
and  again  in  the  path  of  De- 
mocracy, 136,  136  n.  ;  Greek 
civilisation  trampled  on  by  the 
power  of,  332  ;  no  patriotic 
Nationalist  could  hope  for  un- 
restrained domination  of,  in 
Ireland,  338 

Rome,  Church  of,  65 

Rooney,  William,  author  of  "  The 
Men  of  the  West,"  290,  291 

Roosevelt,  President,  has  a  strain 
of  Irish  blood  in  his  veins,  120 

Rosebery,  Lord,  author's  article 
on,  229,  230 

Rumford,  cited  in  regard  to  the 
development  of  science,  322 

Rush,  County  Dublin,  251 

Russell,  G.  (A.  E.),  keen  agricul- 
turist, 247  ;  one  of  the  most 
eminent  of  modern  Irishmen, 
295  ;  is  painter,  poet,  prophet, 
writes  like  a  poet  on  growing  of 
artichokes,  295 

Russell,  Lord  John,  163  n. 

Russia,  importation  of  flax  from, 
244 

Ryan,  W.  P.,  author  of  "  Pope's 
Green  Isle,"  151  w. 


S 

Sadler,  the  regime  of,  44 

Sallybrook,  near  Cork,  factory  for 
the  manufacture  of  woollen 
goods  started  at,  243 

Salmon,  spoken  of  as  Irish,  but 
showed  no  sympathy  to  Na- 
tionalist aspirations,  326 

Saugnier,  M.  Marc.,  138  n. 

Saxony,  the  King  of,  137  n. 

Sayers,  Tom,  claimed  as  Irish,  281 

Schiller,  320 

Schools,  Bardic,  6,  7 

Schwann,  the  experiments  of,  321 

Science,  the  woof  of  civilisation, 
82, 332 

Sects,  religious,  of  recent  origin, 
145 

Serbia,  scientific  output  of,  con- 
siderable, 328 

25 


Sexton,  55,  135  n. 

Shackleton,  Sir  Ernest,  claimed  as 
Irish,  281 

Shakespeare,  public  like  quota- 
tions from,  220;  268,  279,  303, 
319 

Shaw,  44  ;  succeeded  Isaac  Butt, 
believed  that  the  best  policy 
for  Ireland  was  that  the  Irish 
party  should  show  itself  as  a 
model  of  behaviour  and  trust  to 
the  goodwill  of  England,  177 

Shaw,  George  Bernard,  136  n., 
165  ;  a  production  of,  in  Paris, 
like  bringing  coals  to  New- 
castle, 308 

Shelley,  49,  279;  the  thrilling 
ecstasy  of,  286  ;  splendour  of 
inspired  passages,  320  n. 

Sheridan,  fascinating  in  wit,  33  ; 
cited  as  one  of  the  three  great 
English  writers,  279 ;  is  he  re- 
presentative of  Irish  literature  ? 
280  ;  less  known  than  Moore, 
280  ;  his  outlook  that  of  an 
Englishman  moving  in  what  is 
called  "  high  society,"  281 

Sigerson,  Dr.,  has  much  to  say  on 
the  battle  of  Clontarf ,  10  n. 

Sinn  Fein,  78,  188  ;  the  meaning 
of,  189,  191-208 

"Sinn  Fein"  newspaper,  edited 
by  Arthur  Griffith,  196 

Sitric,  a  Danish  Chieftain,  married 
to  Brian  Boru's  daughter,  9 

Skeffington,  Sheehy,  136  n. 

Smith,  Joseph,  of  Lowell,  author's 
pilgrimage  with,  29 

Smythesdale,  near  Ballarat,  Aus- 
tralia, author's  father  civil 
engineer  at,  49 

Sophocles,  great  beyond  artistry, 
320  n, 

Spain,  had  commerce  with  Gal- 
way,  48  ;  gradually  sank  in  the 
scale  of  the  nations,  131 

Spanish  Point,  99 

Starkie,  Dr.  W.  J.  M.,  Resident 
Commissioner  of  Board  of 
Education  in  Ireland,  264, 
272  n. 

Steinbeis,  Dr.  von,  successfully 
promoted  industries  in  Wurtem- 
burg,  quoted,  260  n. 

Stephens,  James,  his  opinion  of 
the  oratory  of  Doheny,  24  n.  ; 
leader  of  the  Fenians,  27,  30, 


386 


INDEX 


172,  173  ;  imprisonment  of, 
1 74  ;  author's  meeting  with, 
174;  O'Leary's  opinion  of, 
175,  176 

Stephens,  James  (poet),  205,  316  ; 
slight  traces  of  school  of  Yeats 
in,  but  poet's  instinct  of,  too 
determined  to  be  held  within 
that  compass,  316 
Sterne,  cited  as  one  of  the  "  three 
great  English  writers,"  279 ; 
is  he  representative  of  Irish 
literature?  280;  less  known  than 
Moore,  280  ;  born  in  Clonmel, 
281,  316 

Stokes,  spoken  of  as  Irish,  but 
showed  no  sympathy  with  the 
Nationalist  aspirations,  326 
Stuarts,  devotion  of  the  Irish  to 
the  cause  of,  16 ;  brilliant, 
charming,  worthless,  insupport- 
able, 16 

Suir,  the  Valley  of,  250 
Sullivan,  Alexander,  believed  by 
some   to   have   engineered   the 
plot  of  the  slaying  of  Cronin,  117 
Sullivan,   John  L.,  his  apprecia- 
tion  of    John    Boyle   O'Reilly, 
28  ;    has  made  been  famous  in 
marble  and  celebrated  in  poetic 
prose,  106 

Sullivan,  T.  D.,  author  of  "  God 
Save  Ireland,"  31  ;  his  songs, 
294 

Svampa,  Cardinal,  138  n. 
Swedenborgians,   a  religious  sect 

of  recent  origin,  145 
Swift,  Dean,   161   n.  ;    interested 
in   the  coal   question,   253   n.  ; 
claimed  as  Irish,  281 
Switzerland,  scientific   output  of, 

considerable,  328 
Synge,  author  of  "  Playboy  of 
the  Western  World,"  which  is  a 
lively  detail  of  the  great  fresco 
of  literature,  299,  303,  304,  305  ; 
took  notes  of  conversations  of 
peasants,  306 ;  personal  de- 
scription of,  307,  308,  309  ; 
dying  felt  capable  of  new  nights, 
311  ;  wrote  a  "  Deirdre,"  310  ; 
had  never  seen  "  Deirdre,"  310 


Tait,  Professor,  said  at  the  time  of 
the  Revolution,  with  regard  to 


scientific     thought,     that     the 
French  were  giants  and  the  rest 
of  the  world  pigmies,  327 
Tammany  Hall,  the  origin  of,  113, 

115,  116 
i   Tariff    Reform,  the    question  of, 

223 

]   Tenants'     Rights      Organisation, 
founded    on    the    initiative    of 
Richard  Finton  Lalor,  172 
Teufelsdrockh,    the    learning    of, 

211 

Thackeray,  says  that  genius,  de- 
votion, distinction,  seem  as 
nothing  compared  with  calling 
a  Duke  your  cousin,  217,  279  ; 
his  story  of  an  Irish  jarvey, 
284,  285 

Thomson,    afterwards    known    as 
Lord  Kelvin,  claimed  as  Irish, 
but  showed  no  sympathy  with 
Nationalists'  aspirations,  326 
Timoleon,  215 
Tipperary,    the  glove-making  of, 

252 

Toleration,  as  a  virtue,  66  ;  a 
word  that  has  seen  too  much 
service,  247  ;  not  wanted  as  a 
goal,  148  ;  Home  Rule  waged 
round  the  question  of,  148, 
148  n.,  150  n.,  151  n.,  152  n. 
Tone,  Wolfe,  name  not  Hibernian, 
not  a  Roman  Catholic,  2  ;  his 
United  Irishmen,  15;  "one  of 
Plutarch's  men,"  20,  21,  22,  23, 
77,  102  ;  the  leading  spirit  of 
the  United  Irishmen,  171  ;  his 
death,  171  ;  203,  204 ;  the 
ideals  of,  295 
Torquemada,  153  n.  ;  the  robust 

faith  of,  268 
Toscanelli,  accepted  the  ideas  of 

Erastosthenes,  333 
Toulon,  plan  of  attack  of  Napoleon 
Bonaparte's  commander  at,  256 
Town  Tenants  League,  formed  to 
secure  fair  rent,  fixity  of  tenure , 
compensation       for       improve  - 
ments,  96 

Trinity  College,  great  University, 
virtually  closed  to  Catholic 
Nationalists,  328  ;  its  failure  to 
attract  Nationalist  students  has 
been  met  by  the  establishment 
of  the  National  University,  330 
Turner,  shall  we  not  admire,  be- 
cause Wilkie  has  painted,  309 


INDEX 


387 


Tynan,   Katharine,    Irish   writer, 

favourite  of  many,  302 
Tyndal,  spoken  of  as  Irish,  but 

showed     no     sympathy     with 

Nationalist  aspirations,  326 
Tyrconnell,    Countess    of,    retort 

to  James  II,  16 
Tyrone,  linen  trade  of,  244 

U 

Ulster,  2 ;  Unionist  representatives 
of,  3,  15  ;  gun-running  in,  108, 
158,  160  n.  ;  166,  182,  187,  203, 
233,  235,  240  n.,  241  n.  ;  woollen 
mills  of,  244 ;  grit  of,  270  ; 
qualities  of  the  men  of,  244  ; 
need  of  religious  freedom  in, 
345  ;  often  used  for  brevity  in- 
stead of  N.E.  Ulster,  335-40 

Ulster  Players,  visits  to  London, 
3 

Ulster  Volunteers,  their  creation, 
185,  186,  188 

United  Irish  League,  succeeded 
the  National  Federation,  is 
National  organisation,  181 

"United  Irishman,"  an  Irish 
newspaper,  196 

United  Irishmen,  an  Irish  or- 
ganisation of  1796-1798,  171 

Upstanding  Glassites,  a  religious 
sect  of  recent  origin,  145 


Vandeleur,  Mr.,  owner  of  Kilrush, 
97 ;  name  not  Milesian  nor 
Norman,  98 

Vasco  de  Gama,  131 

Vatican,  the  intervention  of,  in 
Irish  political  affairs,  133  ; 
condemned  Parnell  Testi- 
monial, 134  n. 

Vesalius,  7,  139  n.  ;  persecuted 
and  hounded  to  his  death,  328 

Veto  question,  134 

Victoria,  Australia,  Peter  Lalor, 
Speaker  in  Legislative  As- 
sembly of,  48 

Victoria,  Queen,  163  n.,  242 

Voltaire  said  that  England  was 
the  country  which  had  a  hun- 
dred religions  but  only  one 
sauce,  145,  324 ;  published  a 
pamphlet  ridiculing  Mauper- 
tuis,  325,  325  n. 

Volunteers,  the  creation,  20,  170  ; 


disbanded   by    their    own    mo- 
tion, 170 

W 

Walmsley,  Bro.  Rev.  Mr.,  quota- 
tion from  a  speech  of,  at  Belief 
of  Derry  anniversary  at  Castle 
Irvine,  Irvinestown,  162  n. 

Walsh,  Archbishop,  143  n. 

Walsh,  Thomas,  "  renounced  Po- 
pery," 15 

Washington,  106 

Waterford,  the  poultry  trade  of, 
248 

Webster,  159  n. 

"Weekly  Independent,"  153  n., 
269  n. 

Wellington,  Duke  of,  said  that 
Irishmen  fought  best  in  the 
wine  countries,  249  ;  a  saying 
of,  281 

Welsh  Disestablishment,  231 

Welsh,  Freddie,  claimed  as  Irish, 
281 

"Westmeath  Examiner,"  153  n. 

Wexford,  poultry  trade  of,  248 

Whistler,  306 

Whiteboys,  a  sectional  body  of  the 
United  Irishmen,  171 

Whitman,  Walt,  Padraid  Colum 
borrowed  the  form  of,  314,  316 

Wibberley,  T.,  a  quotation  from 
an  article  of,  in  "  Irish  Home- 
stead," 260  n. 

Wilkie,  because  he  has  painted 
shall  we  not  admire  Turner,  309 

William  of  Orange,  the  successive 
plantations  of,  15,  165 

Williams,  Rev.  W.  Bankes,  re- 
ferred to  in  quotation  from 
"  John  Bull,"  illustrating  the 
methods  of  a  clergyman  in  his 
opposition  to  Radicals,  126  n. 

Wilson,  President,  did  not  go  to 
Irish  when  forming  Cabinet,  120 

Wordsworth,  279 

Workman,  Clark  &  Co.,  ship- 
builders, 251 

Wright,  Sir  Almroth,  highly  dis- 
tinguished in  science,  half  Irish, 
327 


Yeats,  W.  B.,  introduced  into  Ire- 
land the   Moonlight   School   of 


388 


INDEX 


Poetry,  296 ;  ignored  great 
thoughts  and  deep  sincerity, 
297  ;  now  anathema  to  cer- 
tain former  adulators,  298  ;  at 
one  time  poetry  of,  considered 
as  touch-stone  of  Nationalism, 
298;  poetry  of,  tenuous,  affected 
with  air  of  something  mysterious 
covering  silliness,  299 ;  re- 
quires to  be  defended  now,  299  ; 
school  of,  reveals  secret  envy  of 
bourgeois  class,  299,  300  ; 
has  deserved  well  of  Irish  litera- 
ture for  foundation  of  the  Abbey 


Theatre,  301  ;   wrote  a  ghosted 

drama  round  Deirdre,  310,  316 
Young,  Arthur,  his  study  of  France, 

103 
Young,    exponent    of    the    undu- 

latory  theory  of  light,  223 
Young       Irelanders,       succeeded 

O'Connell,   24,   26,   27,   31,   32, 

172,  293 
Young  Pretender,  16 


Zoroastrians,   a  religious  sect   of 
ancient  origin,  146 


Ptinted  by  Eatell,  Walton  A    Viney,  Id.,  London  and  Aylesbury,  England. 


MAP  n 


MANUAL    TRAINING. 


•-*":-  5dL> 


Nt  r<-r-- 


•  -• 


MAP  SHOWING  CENTRES  AT  WHICH  SHOKT  COUBSES  OF  INSTKUCTION  IN  MANUAL 
TRAINING  (WOODWORK)   WERE  CONDUCTED   BY  ITINERANT  INSTRUCTORS  DURING 

THE  SESSION  1913-14. 
Map  I  of  this  section  is  the  key  map. 


MAT*    TTT 


DAY      SECONDARY     SCHOOLS 


MAP     SHOWING    THE     DAY     SECONDARY    SCHOOLS     IN    WHICH     THE     DEPARTMENT'S 

PROGRAMME  or  EXPERIMENTAL  SCIENCE,  DRAWING,  MANUAL  INSTRUCTION,  AND 

DOMESTIC  ECONOMY  is  IN  OPERATION,  SESSION   1913-14. 

Map  I  of  this  section  is  the  key  map. 


MAP  IV 


OOM2KM  Of  AMJWUUti  MO  TtMSICU  Wll/fnOH  FOS  MUM 


SPECIAL  SCHOOLS^  CLASSES  >«  GIRLS 

~  A 


MAP  SHOWING  THE  DISTRIBUTION  OP  SPECIAL  SCHOOLS  AND  CLASSES  FOB  GlBLS, 

SESSION  1913-14. 

^    Higher  Schools  of  Domestic  Economy  and  Residential  Schools  of  Domestic  Training. 
•    Short  Courses  of  Instruction  in  Domestic  Economy  conducted  by  Itinerant  Teachers. 
E3    Classes  in  Lace  and  Crochet-making,  Sprigging,  Knitting,  and  other  Home  Industries. 
Map  I  of  this  section  is  the  key  map. 


MAP   V 


jtoaamtt  me  toman  Issreurnox  rot  taunr 
TECHNICAL  SCHOOLS" AND    CLASSES 


MAP    SHOWING    THE    TECHNICAL    SCHOOLS    AND    CLASSES,    SESSION    1913-14. 

9  Technical  Schools  (with  more  than  300  Students  enrolled). 
•   Technical  Schools  (with  less  than  300  Students  enrolled). 
^  Day  Technical  Schools  and  Colleges. 

Schools  of  Art. 

L  Other  Permanent  Centres  of  Technical  Instruction. 
0  Day  Trades  Preparatory  Schools. 

Map  I  of  this  section  is  the  key  map. 


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PKRCENTAGES  OF  CATHOLICS 

The  above  map  shows  the  portions  of  Flster  in  which  Catholics  predominate,  and  the  portions  in  i 
contain  a  majority  of  Catholics.  If  Antrim  and  Down  be  excluded,  there  is  no  homogeneous  populati 
gathered  together.  In  one  Parliamentary  division  of  Down,  namely,  South  Down,  the  Catl  olics  are 
Home  Ruler.  In  Mid-Armaph  the  Catholics  are  42'8  of  the  population  ;  in  South  Armaph  the  percei 
by  a  Nationalist.  In  Londonderry  County  the  Catholics  are  51'1  of  the  population  in  South  Londondc 
considerable,  the  Catholics  are  61*7  of  the  population.  In  three  of  the  Parliamentary  divisions  of  Tyro 
South — the  Protestants  have  a  small  majority:  they  are  in  the  proportion  of  ol'.">  to  48'7,  three  of 
Catholics  are  55'4  of  the  population.  In  the  whole  of  Ulster  there  are  890.880  non-Catholics  and  6 


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SOUTH 
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)  PROTESTANTS  IN  ULSTER. 

i  Protestants  are  in  the  ascendancy.     The  shaded  parts  are  the  county  Parliamentary  divisions,  which 

any   real  sense  of  the  words ;    even    in    Antrim    there    is   a    considerable   minority   of   Catholics   all 

of  the   population  ;    and    South    Down    is   represented    now,    and    always   has    been  represented,  by  a 

is  higher,  fcr  it  is  08'2  of  the  population  ;  !South  Armagh  is  now,   and   has  always  been,  represented 

In  North  Fermanagh  the  Catholics  have  a  small  majority  :    lut  in  South  Fermanagh  the  majority  is 

"forth.  East,  and    Mid,  Catholics  show  percentages   of  54'7,   54'8,  and  62°6.     In   only  one  division — the 

divisions    out   of  the  four  are   represented    by  Home  Rulers.     Taking  the   County  as  a  whole,  the 

16  Catholics. 


MAP  vm 


SUMMARY  OF  CO-OPERATIVE  AGRICULTURAL  SOCIETIES,   1910. 

Map  I  of  this  section  is  the  key  map. 


MAP    IX 


SUMMARY  OF  CO-OPEBATIVE  POTTLTBY  SOCIETIES,  1910. 

Map  /  of  this  section  is  the  key  map. 


MAP   X 


SUMMARY  OF  CO-OPEBATIVE  CREAMERIES,   1910. 

Map  I  of  this  section  is  the  key  map. 


MAJ> 


s. 


SUMMARY  OF  AGBIOULTURAII  BANKS,   1910. 

.Afap  /  o/  «Ais  section  is  the  key  map. 


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Lynch,  Arthur 

Ireland:  vital  hour