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Booft flo.
IPro«<ratbebraI Xibrai^,
Clifton.
<Ea0c.Z.\ ©belt
Pe^- 11^ e. Si
r
fiW? -is^ftA}
fK**?.<^'^!'
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD
Jl fiCotdhl^ lomrnol,
UNDEB EPISCOPAL SANCTION.
THIRD 8ERt£9.
• t - *
VOLUME v.— 1884.
«( nt Chiistumi ita et Bomani aitia.*'
** As jon are children of Christ, so be yon children of Rome."
Em DieHs 8. Fatrioii, Booh of Armagh^ foL 9.
DUBLIN :
BROWNE A NOLAN, NASSAU-STREET.
1884.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
lO*
pAoa
Abbeydiiralef Go. Longford .... 652
Ad Almam Matrem . .... 322
American Flea for Physical Fremotion . . . 341
An Impedimenta Canonica Attingant lieretioos . . 647
Aiiima Christi ..... 767
Apology for Thomifim considered, The . . . 299
Apostolica Benedictio in Artioolo Mortii • • 108
Benedictio in Articido Mortis .... 170
Brownson's Works ..... 13
Bangor, the School of ... . 749
Calendar Ecclesiastical ; Becent Changes in . . 216
Cashel of the Kings .... 552,629,732
Catholk; Opinion, A New Organ of • .88
Charles O^Conor of BeUnagare . • . 285, 786
Cholera, Sanitary Sermon on . . . . 566
Colnmbanos, St., The Death of . . . 771
Comgall, St., Founder of Bangor School . 749
Confessor, The, as Consulens .... 681
Confession, Integrity of ... . 399, 595
Convert, A Distingnished «... 285
COBBESPONDEKCE :—
Monita Breyia by the late Dr. Murray . . 54
Can Cvrates assist at Marriages ? . . .55
The Birth Flace of St. Boniface . . 115, 190, 259
Clandestinity and Domestic Servants . . 121, 192
Was St. Boniface an Irishman ? . . , 181
A New Faper ; a SViggestion . . igj
Butter on Fast Days .... 194
Directorimn sen Ordo Officii Diyini^Bedtandi . 195
Pecunia in Tribunali .... 196
The Nationality of St. Boniface . . 115, 190, 259
On giving Communion from a Ciborium before the
Communion of the Mass in which it was consecrated 264, 324
Extreme Unction • • • . 826
Quasi Domicile . • . • ' . 327
Milk at Collation .... 828
ContentB.
V.
PAoa
290
552, 629, 7S2
647
. 899,595
487
137
881
22, 81
80, 95
420
865
. 273,854
BSfltoxians of Ossory, The
Holy Flacee of Ireland
Impedimenta CanomcA, an Attmgant HereticoB ?
Integrity of Confession
Indufltnal Schools in Ireland .
Jnspiration of Scripture, Card. Newman on
yj „ Card. Franzelin on
Interest, Plain Truths about
Lrish Grammar, Recent Books <m
Irish Theologians, Marianua ScotuSi The Chronicler
James Clarence Mangan.
Jurisdietion and Besenred Cases
liiTCBeiCAL Questions :—
Vestments of the Gothic pattern forbidden by the S.E.C. 56
Vestments of blue or yellow colour not allowed — ^Decrees
of S.B.C on this matter ... 57
Stations of the Cross :— The crosses and not the pictures
indulgenced, 58. When some few Crosses are broken,
they may be replaced, and the new ones need no bless*
ing, 58. New concession in regard to the Indulgences
of, namely, that when many persons join in making
the Stations before a properly indulgenced Crucifix
each person need not hare a distinct Crucifix, 661.
Power of Bishop in delegating his Priests; to erect
the Stations. How limited? . . . 58,661
Various Questions regarding a Crudfix indulgenced for
the Stations of the Cross . . . 808
Indulgenced Prayer " Sweet Heart of Mary, be my Sal-
vation^' . , . • . 125
*' Deusj omniim Jiddium pastor et rector^'' when said for a
Bishop on^the day of his consecration, should the name
of his diocese be inserted? 126. Correction of
last, 268. Should this Prayer be said on Anniyersary
of Election as well as of Consecration of a Bishop V 126.
Said on Anniyersary of the Translation of a Bishop
from one See to another, 126^ May be said on
Anniyersary of his Consecration, de mandato
EpUcopk Should be omitted as an Orafio imperata
on the Anniyersary of the Consecration of the Ordinary,
as it is said specially for him, 126. When the
Bubric says that the 3rd Oratio will be pro
Eeciesia vel pro Papa^ and the pro Papa is already an
Oratio imperata^ both prayers must be said— the EccU'
mae tuae in the 8rd place, and the Prayer pro Papa as
ibe Oratio imperata . . . 126,127,268
Contenta. vii.
pAoa
liTUBOIGAL QUESnOKS— COnhntte<f.
The Credo not said within the Octave of St. John Baptist.
Why? ... 636
The Consecration Crosses in a Church, can they be removed? 538
Rosary said in Choro as a substitute for the Office by
those who have the privilege . . . 468
Tlie Crescent Lunette, proper provision for preserving the
Blessed Sacrament in connection with . . 469
Missa Solemnis de Bequiem during Octave of Corpus
Christi, absente cadavere . . . 469
New Votive Offices, Gloria in ExcelsU said in the six new
Votive Masses. This does not apply to all other
Votive Masses, 231. The last Gospel in the six new
Votive Masses is <ie Feria in Lent, and whenever it
would be the last Gospel on an ordinary semi-double
Feast, 331. Li other Votive Masses the last Gospel
is always St. John's Initium, &c., 332. Votive Mass
on a semi-double ad libitum, 332. May one say a
Votive Office followed by a Missa de requiem on a
Ferial ordeeaf 466. Recent decisions of S.B.C. on •
the New Votive Offices, 659. New Votive Office in
Lent, Lessons for, 663. . 231, 332, 467, 659, 663
** Angelus *' Lidulgences, New concessions removing the
conditions of saying the Angelus at the sound of the
bell and on bended knees in case of those who are
legitimately hindered^ 657. Five ^'Hail Marys '' a
substitute for those who do not know the Angelus
or Regina Coeli, 658. .... 657, 658
The Latin Ordo, Directions given in • . 664, 806, 807
Ceremony of Ordination, the Inhibition to the Ordinandi
must be made in the name of the Ordinarius Lod, or of
the Vicar Capitular, sede vacante . . . 268
Dress of Celebrant, when Benediction immediately follows
Vespers ..... 269
Feast of St. Malachy in the Diocese of Armagh, Decree
of S.R.C. regarding the . . . .665
The Seven Dolour Beads ; how blessed, and by whom ? . 804
Newly Indulgenced Prayers for Priests . . 805
Indult revalidating the invalid reception of Scapulars . 806
The Credo on Feast of S. Mary Magdalen . 806
The Colour of Vestments on the Festum Prodigiomm
■■^ — ... M)7
Contents^
Notices of BooKS^-^ontimied.
Land Sales, Ireland . . . .
The Cnlttire of the SptrittuJ Senae .
A. Supplemental Appendix to the Easay on the Relations
eziatmg between Conyent Schools and the Systems of
Intennediate aid Primary National Education
Footprints, Old and New
The Glories of Onr Lady of Perpetoal Sncconr
The Complete Story of the Passion and Death of Christ
A Short Memoir of Esterina Antinori
The Maxnns and Conndls of St. Vincent de Paul
The Bdigioos State
An Easter Book
Notes on Catholic Missions
liesyes from My Note Book ; or, A Tear^ Ramble in the
United States and Canada
St. Joseph . • • .
Jjather and his Century
A few ilowers from the Garden
Occasional Sermons, Addresses, and Essays .
Our Birthday Bouqnet
Allocations to the Clergy and Pastorals of the late Rer
Dt. Moiiarty, Bishop of Kenry
Early Christian Symbolism
Spiritnal Devotion
Tlie Year of the Sacred Heart
The Month of Mary
The Messenger of the Immaculate Heart
From the Crib to the Cross
Derotion to the Sacred Heart
The Smuggler's Bevenge|
Ill-won Peerages, or an Unhallowed Union
The Ufe of Elizabeth, Lady Falkland
A Maryellous History
The Difference between Temporal ai^d Eternal
'Die S^aphic Guide . ,
llie life of Mdlle. Le Gras
Luther's own Statements, concerning his Teaching and
its Results ....
An Easy Method of Meditation
Marims and Duties of Parenis
Latin Prose Exercises
'■""Ka T^MUTTtA r%t ^l«A i^i
IX.
272
272
884
889
839
840
840
840
405
406
406
407
407
408
408
470.
471
541
271, 642
548
548
548
548,679
548
544
544
544
612
612
675
674
675
676
677
678
678
nfl tfk.tfw««
Contents. xi.
TmoLoaiChi. Questions —
Csa Curates assist at Marriages ? • • . 66
CUDdestinitj and Domestic Serrants . . . 1^1,192
Batter on Fast Dsfs . , . 19 {
Pecunia in Tribniiali ..... 196
Extreme Unction, Pions Prayers not to be inserted in
the rite of administering .... S27
Qaam-Domicile - ■ . . . S27
Uilk at Collation - ■ ■ . . S28
Is Uean Solar Time obligatory for Ecclesiastical
Fmiotiona . , . . . 82», 483, 464
Integrity of Confession — the Confessor's obligation in
»gMd to 399, 69fi
Uatrimony — Case of Clsndestinity , . . 46s
Case of Invalid Mwriage — Diaparitaa Cnltus . . 666
Matrimonial Cansee
Case of a Mixed Marriage with special circumstancea
patrimonial Domicile
Simples ConfessariuB
Qaestions regarding Honoraria .... 667 801
Tbeiam, the Hiilosophy of, by Dr, Ward . . . ' 477
Three literary Maaqueradera
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
JANUARY, 1884.
) CONTAQION.
per, dealing with the ques-
on, Bv many these terms
fact tney are bo regarded
r ao ; fur many diseases are
infectious. All infectious
>:ion8; but all contagious
jctioue. NeverthelesH, the
liscrimiuately. Contagion
d the former, taken in its
garded as identical widi
erie* morbi, is brought into
some such medium as the
gion. Contagion creeps,
ce is more of degree, than
s also used to mean the
If, by which the disease is
nlagion ; not of sin nor of
ntagious and sometimes
contagion which gives rise
[uction of a specific poison
oduces itself with absolute
according to the doctrine
eciea "As surely as a
writes one of the foremost
2 » Sanitary Sermons.
thorn from the thorn ; so surely will the Typhoid virus
increase and multiply into Typhoid Fever, the Scarlatina
virus into Scarlatina, the Smallpox virus into Smallpox.
What," ho asks, "is the conclusion that suggests itself
here? It is this — ^that the thing which we vaguely call a
virus is to all intents and purposes* a seed." 1 he modem
theory as to infectious and contagious diseases could not be
stated in language more clear or terse. If we were poetically
incUned we might picture to ourselves Death as the husband-
man goin^ forth to scatter the seed, which, falling on ever-
fruitful soil, takes speedy and steadfast root, and quickly
blooms and blossoms on the cheeks and bodies of men ;
fast ripening for the ever-ready reaper.
Do these diseases then never originate and arise de
novo f Science answers never ; contagion, or infection,
never starts except from pre-existing germs of the same
disease ! How then, it may be asked, did they first
begin ? It may be asked, but not satisfactorily answered,
until God shall choose to reveal, through the mind of
some man of genius, one of the greatest mysteries of the
creation. Why these things were created I know not, no
more than I know why many things and shapes of evil
exist and are permitted. As the countless millions which
constitute the human race spread from Adam, so may we
suppose that the myriad germs of infection and contagion had
their origin in as limited a parentage, which bore un them
the primal law of increase and multiply. That they
existed in far-oflF ages we know from history as well
as from the fact that one of tjie most widely-spread,
the butyric microbe-^ has been found fossilized in countless
numbers, just as it exists to-day. In truth, they are a
hardy race. What their mission was it is hard to say :
whether to wreak God*s wrath on man for his trans-
gressions, or serve some purpose directly opposite, we know
not. That to which I have just alluded, the butyric
microbe, was, according to Van Tieghen, " the agent which
in the marshes of the coal epochs, as in those of to-day, was
the great destroyer of vegetable organs, dissolving the
envelopes of the cells, and preparing the way for their
fossilization." It is a strange, important, and suggestive
fact, that more light has been thrown on the process of
infection and contagion by the study of fermentation,
and of the diseases of plants and of the lower animals,
by Pasteuf, Koch and others, than by any other means
whatever, within our time. Thus every living thing is
Samtan/ Sermoiu, i
shown to be linked in bonds of suffering and sympathy,
&om the cell to the sphere, and &om the worm that
crawls beneath to the fly that flits above. The investiga-
tion was began thirty years since by the study of Spleaio
Fever, a disease which was proving aa destructive to cattle,
as it had proved in the old days of the Jewish Bondage,
when Jehovah sent it npon the flocks and herds of Egypt ;
for Splenic Fever is regarded as identical with the plague
of cattle which devastated the land of Pharaoh.
The minute organisms, or microba, as they have come to
be called, which cause infection and contagion, may not
have been originally so fatal, but may have acjinirwd
increased virulence by transmission. This theory is ren-
dered probable by the history of Fowl Cholera — a disease,
so called, not from its resemblance to the nholera which
attacks mankind, but irom the fact, that it prevailed
in Franco simnltaneously with the latter. Toussaint, a
distingnished French investigator, asserts, and seems to
have proved, that it has its origin in an organism found,
in common with others, in ordinary putrefaction. Thia
mierobe, he says, is swallowed by the fowl with its
food, is absorbed, or inoculated, owing, perhaps to the
presence of some accideotal abrasion of the mucous
membrane, is multiplied within the body, and, eventually
being got rid of, is swallowed by other fowl ^vith
thpir fonf) ; iust ar tvn>i(ii(l fnvBr ia propagated amongst
imitted, or cultivated,
enormous virulence,
ory. Koch, another
lies the proof. This
plorers, who, not long
ititioner in a remote
icficent despotism of
t in Berlin, and lately
m Egypt to India, to
Dg link in the chain
;ing a single drop of
n of a mouse, death
be blood was found
med vibrioa. Other
inoculated a rabbit
, and the blood was
4 Scmitary Sermons.
out of 48 rabbits, injected with from 1 to 10 drops of putrid
blood, 26 died. Next they found that, by injecting from
1 to 4 drops of the blood of any of the 26 so killed into a
number of fresh rabbits, every one died. Repeating the
experiment again and again, it was found, at the fifrh
cultivation, or generation, that the one-hundredth part
of one drop proved fatal in less than 20 hours, and at the
tenth generation, the twenty-thousandth part of a
smg^e drop was sufficient. By frirther cultivation its
fistality was still further increased. The history of Fowl
Cbofera is, I hope, of sufficient interest to warrant me in
following it a little further. To Pasteur, who is to France all
that, and more than, Koch is to Germany, is due the credit
(rf having solved this problem. He cultivated the microbe in
chicken-soup, showing it to be possessed of an existence,
and a vitahty, independent of the birds in which it con-
stituted a disease. Dipping the point of a needle into
the blood of a fowl affected with the disease, he introduced
it into chickenH30up, kepi free from danger of other con-
tagion, and maintamed at a proper temperature, and after
a time the soup became turbid, and he found it filled with
the microbe multiphed a thousand-fold. After some days,
he introduced a orop of this microbe-permeated soup into
another vessel of chicken-soup, and the same thing
happened. However often performed, a similar result
followed; and after even the hundredth cultivation the
disease was reproduced by inoculation, with precisely the
same characteristics.
Continuing the experiments he found that by allowing
the infected medium to rest for weeks, the microbe became
less virulent ; and the longer it was allowed to lie by the
weaker it became. Exposfed to the air for six or eight
months, it ce^ased to prove fatal when injected into the
circulation of a fowl; but, like vaccination, warded oflT
subsequent attacks. When reduced by exposure below
the fatal point, and then cultivated as at first, the same
mild form was reproduced invariably, and this when injected
gave rise to merely local inflammation, but still acted as a
preservative. A strange fact, likely to prove of great
Sractical importance, was eHcited, namely, that the most
eadly microbe was foimd in the blood of birds that had
lingered imder the disease for weeks or months, instead of
in the more rapidly fatal cases ; but even this, so fatal that
the fraction of a drop of blood inoculated on 20 hens
killed every one of them within 24 hours, was rendered
Sanitary Sermont* 5
harmlees hy cQltiTation. Yet between the two varietids,
even the microscope failed to reveal any difference. The
Time when bo weakened as to prove innoonoua to fowl,
was found to be fatal to ench birds as Bparrows, and on
them it eTentnally acqnired all its old viruIeDce and malig-
nity. Tlie same thing was found to ocoar in the similarly
attenuated organism of Splenic Fever, to which I have
before alluded, when cultivated through a number of
guinea-pigs, llie question occurs: — may not tbe same
tiling occur in Typhoid Fever t
Another fact of great practical importance was elicited.
Pasteur observed that drowsiness was one of the most
prominent symptoms of the disease. Filtering some
chicken-broth in which he had cultivated the microbe, he
injected the fluid into some fowl, and found the same
drowsiness supervene ; but after a time it passed off, and
tiiey recovered. He thus found that the microbe, by a
iduces a sort of alcohohc poison
x)ms given rise to by the microbe
may possibly occur in Typhus
ar line of investigation, patiently,
', Pasteur brought Splenic Fever
J of his intelligence, and flashed
), enkindled by his genius. Ko
his country so much as this
The triumphs of Napoleon pale
He has preserved the wine and
atened with extinction by disease,
ic Fever may be combated ; there-
ally to France and to Europe;
ly beyond which, are the priceleas
^t to mankind, as to how disease
its own weapons,
red too long over this phase of the
that X have lost sight altogether
t it may not be thought so. I
\i& idea that specific diseases are
specific germs, which exist widely
ready to settle down when a
f, be it in earth, air, or water ; in
6 Solitary Sermons.
sufficiently vigorons health, or wha is not susceptible of them,
they fail to effect a lodgment ; but too often they find the
poitals open, and once they have gained a foothold they
are not easily shaken offl Besides the diseases ordinarily
regarded as infectious, many others have lately been
J roved to depend on the presence of a specific organism,
'oremost of these is Conaumptioriy that terrible malady
which claims more victims than any other disease of whicn
we have cognisance. " K," says Koch, " the seriousness of
a malady be measured by the number of its victims, then
the most dreaded pests which have hitherto ravaged the
world, plague and cholera included, must stand far behind
the one now under consideration." He computes that one-
seventh of the deaths of the entire human race are due to
this disease, whilst one-third of those who die in middle
life are carried off" by it. He has succeeded in cultivating
and reproducing, in the same manner as the microbe of
fowl-cholera was cultivated, the structure, organism, or
parasite, on the presence of which, he maintains that
tubercular disease depends ; and by injecting it so culti-
vated he has reproduced the disease. If it can be tamed
and attenuated so as to prove harmless, yet protective, the
greatest triumph of modem medicine will have been
achieved. The well-recognised hereditary character of
consumption has compUcated the investigation, and makes
many slow to believe m its infectiousness. It is not asserted,
however, that the disease-germ is transmitted ; but only
the tendency to disease ; a structural weakness is, it is saia,
inherited, which readily gives way to, or invites attack from
the swarming hosts of micro-organisms. The disease can
be transmitted, not only from man to man, but also from
one lower animal to another, and again to man. Meat and
milk may mtroduce it through the digestive apparatus ;
and it can be also readily communicated to the lun^
through an abrasion of the mucous membrane, which
may be regarded as a prolongation inwards, and a
modification of the skin ; and whicD, when intact, possesses
the faculty of filtering the air of excessive moisture, as well
as of dust and disease-germs.
M. Galtier, a distinguished Veterinary Surgeon of Lyons,
has conducted important investigations into the cause of
that dreaded disease, hydrophobia, and has found that by
injecting the virus directly into the blood, the animal so
treated not only did not develope the disease, but was pro-
tected from it, even when subsequently inoculated ; whilst
Sanitary Sermons. 7
other animals not so protected, quickly succumbed. This
result he arrived at oy observing that similar results were
attained by some of his confreres m the cattle disease known
as Charbon Symptomatique^ also called la maladie de Chabert.
Ague and typhoid fever have lately been proved to
depend on the presence in the blood of specific organisms,
which can be cultivated outside of the Dody, and repro-
duce the disease when inoculated; and diphtheria, yellow
fever, typhus, and cholera have recently been added to the
list ; whilst many other diseases, to which I need not even
refer, have been likewise proved to depend on the presence
of similar bodies. Doubtless, future investigations will yet
bring all contagious and infectious diseases within the
same category.
The question of greatest importance undoubtedly is,
how may these diseases be prevented? The first step has
been tak'en in ascertaining ?he cause. Pasteur says^ « it
is in the power of man to banish parasitic diseases from the
surface of the globe ; " and science partly shows how this
may be done. The fully developed microbes are compara-
tively easily killed, whilst the spores or seeds are extremely
difficult to destroy. Dr. Cameron, M.P. for Glasgow,
in a masterly paper, of which Tyndall says that " Matthew
Arnold himself could not find fault with its lucidity ^^^ thus
writes : " The most extraordinary difference exists between
the tenacity of life exhibited by the developed microbes
and the spores or gei-ms from which they spring. Submit
the microbes to a boiling heat, or, in many instances, to a
heat far short of the boiling point, and they are killed.
Dry them, and in many cases they die at once, and in all
in a comparatively short time. Expose certain of them to
the oxygen of the air, and they pensh. Saturate the fluid
in which others are found with carbonic acid, and they are
paralysed ; and though fpr a time capable of revival by
oxygen, ultimately succumb. Expose any of them to
t)xygen under high pressure, and they are asphyxiated.
Dilute solutions of' antiseptic agentis kill them. But
as to the spores which they produce, and from
which succeeding generations spring, there is almost
no killing them. The more you dry them the
better they resist destruction. Time is no object with
them, and they maintain their dormant vitality for an
indefinite number of years. Absolute alcohol has no effect
on them. As to oxygen, they can stand that concentrated
by the pressure of twenty atmospheres, and be none the
8 ^anUary Sermons^
worse. Two or three hours* boiling, if they have been
well dried beforehand, seems not to nnrt them, and they
have been even known to survive eight hours of the pro^
cess. The only effectual meajis for their immediate de-
struction, that I am aware of, is the flame of a spirit lamp."
" How comes it, then," he asks, " when these germs can stand
so much rough handling, without destruction, that mild solu-
tions of such harmless antiseptics as carboHc acid or borax,
or permanganate of potash, can have any eflFect in preserving
US against the mischief they work?" And he answers:
"while they remain simple^spores they resist prolonged boil-
ing. But allow them to germinate, and deal with each
successive crop as it is springing into life, and your victory
is of the easiest. In the same way we can easily see how any
solution which will kill the developed microbe can preserve
the decoction or wound in which it is placed from the
development of microbes. It may not kill the refractory
germs, but it will kill them off in detail as they spring
into life."
On the recognition of this fact, and its practical appli-
cation by Lister, rest some of the greatest triumphs of
modem surgery.
Of aU antiseptic agents which we possess, corrosive
sublimate or percnloride of mercury, is the most potent ; but
carbolic acid is found the most generally useful. It is a
most interesting fact, that quinine, which experience has
proved to be so useful in the treatment of intermittent
fevers, stops at once the growth of the spores in the culti-
vating medium, and if added to the blood causes them to
disappear.
The acute infectious diseases with which we have most
to do in this coimtry are : — Typhus fever, measles,
whooping-cough, mumps, scarlatina, diphtheria, small-pox,
and occasionally, but happily very rarely, cholera. Infec-
tion is effected through the air, which becomes charged
with the disease-germs, without the need of actual
contact with the patient. The person attacked is, as
it were, a seed-pod of disease, and every breath of air
disperses the death-pollen. Those infectious diseases
which are accompanied by a visible eruption or rash, are
called exanthemata. Infection is effected in many and
different ways ; it enters through niany portals, and the
virulence of the disease is centred on different organs, each
after its kind. After the poison is absorbed mere is a
period of quiescence, of varying duration, according to the
nature of the disease, called iticubation — as the mischief is
Sanitmy Sernunu, 9
then hatehinq; alter frhich the disease itself becomes
manifeflt. l^he actnal tOtack or inicatwR is announced in
many ways ; asaally by naium or vomiting, ihicering and
htadache. Special Kymptoms, however, courier-like, an-
notmce the special enemy; but it is not necessary to
ennmerate them. The contagion, meaning thereby the
vuUrus morbi, is beUeved to act by effecting a eort of
catalt/tic or fertr.eMative change in the blood, whence
the term zymotic, as applied to difieases ; zyme or
(vpji, meaning ferment. But the term zymotic is now
generally used to designate all communicable diseases
which are capable of being prevented by hygienic and
other measurea
In these diseases i^ch are now under consi deration,
the attack is of definite duration, and, when not fatal, it
nsnally secures immunity against future attacks of the same
disease. Indeed it is asserted by some, and is quite conceiv-
able, that a severe attack of one species of fever will protect
a person exposed to another and dofferent form of fever. But
this is not usually the case. That it may occur, we know
from experiments performed on the lower animals, when
the injection of the vims of chicken cholera was found to
aftnfi anreflervativA airninRt SnleTiic fover. But SUsceptibiUty
e who never escape
appear to enjov com-
k " the reintro auction
renew that patient's
:lcoholic fermentation
iread or wine. The
dable, that each such
inctiveness of elective
)r ingredients of the
ular material in febrile
3n the exhaustion is
'hich the contagium
3f the beat autborities
h that which occurs
exhausted. As yet
) conta^one, such for
10 Samtary Sermons,
bined attack of typhoid fever and diphtheria. In his
experiments on anunals, Eoch found that by injecting
a drop of putrifying matter into the ordinary mouse, the
blood was filled with orgam'sms of a peculiar character, and
at the point of inoculation there were others of a totally
diflFerent character ; whilst in the field-mouse the former
Eerished, and the latter caused gangrene. And Pasteur in
is experiments with ferments found that when the yeast-
plant was vigorous, it triumphed orer any parasites with
which it mignt have been accidently contaminated, and
killed them or restrained their development, but that when
its vigour was impaired the parasites kiUed it ; just as weeds
grow apace when other vegetation fails. In the case of
contagion, if it were two-fold, one variety might in the
same manner dominate over or kill the other. It is to be
regretted that they do not usually counterbalance or
destroy one another. The nearest approach to this an-
tagonism, of which in drugs there are many examples, is
the case of the virus of fowl-cholera, already quoted,
neutralizing that of splenic fever, and of vaccination modi-
fying or neutralizing small-pox. '
I have said that susceptibility to infection vanes
greatly in different individuals ; it also varies veiy much
in the same individual at different times. It is influenced
by the condition of health, by the atmospheric conditiofi
that prevails, and by the vigour or vmilence of the
disease. After an epidemic has prevailed for some time it
tends of its own accord to die out, owing to the want of
freBh pabulum ; having, as it were, consumed all that there
was lor it to feed on : and until the population has been
regenerated, or until some time has elapsed, a certain
immunity is enjoyed. In this way the periodicity observed
in epidemics may be partiallv accounted for. But after all,
this scientific speculation will prove comparatively useless
unless we can derive some practical lessons from it, as to
how infection and contagion may be avoided or prevented.
How are they acquired by the individual, and how spread
in the commimity ? These questions must first be answered.
Other things being equal, that individual is most likely to
be attacked whose general health is below par, and whoae
system is at the time most absorbent. Exhaustion, fatigue,
hunger, a moist condition of the skin, favour absorption
of the poison. Absorption may take place through the
skin, or through the mticous mernirane of the pulmonary or
digestive apparatus. When near a patient one should, so
far as possible, avoid breathing in the air expired by the
Sanitary Strmotu. 11
invalid, and this prohibition applies to coQsnmption as well
as to typhus fever, smallpox, measles, whooping-cough,
Bcarlatina and diphtheria.
Notinfreqaontly the infection, particularly of Diphtheria,
has been taken from the lips oi a dead husband or child, by
the too-fond wife or mother, bidding an eternal adieu. It
is no wonder that, in such a case, popular imagination
should have personiBed the disease, and invested it with the
human form, by which the fatal embrace and death-kiss are
given.
One should, particularly at such a time, as indeed at
all times, breathe through the nostrils, and not through the
mouth. It is well to spit out, or even to wash the mouth,
and use'one's handkerchief immediately afterwards. I kuow
some in whom, from habit, salivation is induced on examin-
iog a patient suffering from even slightly infectious diseases.
Soft, flo8By,or woollen, clothing is hkely to carry, and be a
means of propagating, the contagion; and hence should
not be worn. Ccunphor, which is by some greatly relie*
on as a preventitive, is of little use, although it has been
found to destroy the tubercle-bacillus. The same may be
said of smoking, which is besides intolerable in a sick
room. Stimulants afford no protection, and should not
be resorted to. Tea and coffee may be recommended with
advantage to those in attendance.
Bedi^ng, clothes, towels, or any articles, of whatsoever
kind, used by the sick person should be disinfected and
washed; and all exhalations and discharges, so far as
possible, disinfected. Of course the room occupied by the
mvalid must be thoroughly cleansed and disinfected, else
it may prove contagious years after, owing to the vitality
of the disease srerms. Sulphurous acid, got by burning
chlorine gas, got from
te of potash, contained in
ctants which we possess
hen suflSciently strong to
5ast, moist air is better
allows the almost ind&-
3n, as we have seen, they
ised person acts as a soil
altiplied and propagated.
12 Sanitary Sermons.
food-Bupply ; or may lie dormant for even lengthened
periods of time.
Hence it follows, first of all, that a thorough and com-
plete separation Bhovldhe efiFected between the sick and the
nealthy — a separation which, as Simon writes, ** so far as
the nature of the disease requires, must regard not only
the personal presence of the sick, but equally all the
various ways, direct and indirect, by which infective
matters from that presence may pass into operation on
others." Everyone suffering from a contagious or infectious
disease should be regarded, to use the words of Cameron,
of Glasgow, ** as a hot-bed swarming with living organisms
which cause and spread the disease. So long as these are
confined within the body of the individual, the pubUc—
selfishly speaking — need not trouble itself, but when the
organism beeins to be eliminated from the body, when its
spores in millions and hundreds of millions are sent forth by
the skin or intestines, then the danger to the community
T^egins." The liberty of one man ends where that of
another begins ; and therefore, as each case of infectious
disease is a pubhc danger, the pubUc, through the proper
sanitary authority, should be warned of its danger ; so that
all due care should be taken against the spreading of infec-
tion. Hence, individuals suffering, or recovering, from any
such disease, should not be allowed to mix with others, but
should be sent to hospital or Convalescent establishments,
if they cannot be taken care of at home ; and above all,
public conveyances, dairies, laimdries, lodging-houses, and
schools should be looked to, so that they be not means of
disseminating disease.
In an epidemic the greatest personal, domestic, and
general cleanliness should be observed ; sewers, cesspools,
and the like should particularly be attended to ; over-crowd-
ing should be avoided ; free and thorough ventilation should
be secured ; and the general health should be maintained
by the avoidance of fatigue, privation and excesses.
This much sanitation requires, and will not be satisfied
with less. If this were done, if the requirements of health
were always careftdly regarded, then should a different tale
be told by the the death-register : which even yet shows
that a fifth of all the deaths which take place annually in
these countries is due to preventible diseases, for as Pasteur
wrote, ^^ it is in the power of man to banish parasitic
diseases from the surface of the globe, if, as I am convinced,
the doctrine of spontaneous generation is a chimera."
MiOHASL F. Cox.
[ 13 ]
BROWNSON'S WORKS.*
WE have received a copy of the works of the late Dr.
BrowDfion coUected and arranged by his son, H. F.
Brownson, and such a collection deserves special notice at
our hands. Brownson was before the English-speaking
world as a publicist for fifty years. During twenty years
of that he was groping his way honestly and earnestly to
the light ; during the remaining thirty years, when his mind
was iUundned bv faith and his soul at rest in the conviction
of truth, he did brilUant service to the cause of Catholicity
both in America and in these islands. He undoubtedly fell
into errors, but, as he himself truly observes, the Church is
tolerant of many strange opinions in philosophy and
politics. She leaves her children a large realm for free
discussion in all things in which '* freedom is compatible
with the end for which she has been instituted. Her wish
is not to rear a race of slaves but of free and loyal
worshippers of God.**
We are inclyied, therefore, to ^ve Brownson all credit
for his great services to the Church, and to look with much
forbearance on what we consider to be unsound,aIthough not
quite heterodox, philosophical principles. Few men travelled
over a wider domain — philosophy, politics, ethics, and
religion — ^he discusses them all with a courageous and
inquiring, yet withal, a reverent spirit. He was a docile
son of the Church, and bowed to her authority ; but in the
free and ample realm of speculation, he soared aloft on
strong and fearless pinions, generally in the sun-light of
truth, but sometimes in the mists of error.
In the beginning of his career Brownson was in philos-
ophy an eclectic, and in religion a naturalist. It was the
result of the principle of private judgment in both cases ;
for naturalism is a logical outcome of Protestantism, and
eclecticism only means that each philosopher should select
for himself what he thinks right, and reject what he thinks
WTonff, in every system. This right of judging for
oneself, which impUes the right of judging and condemning
every body else, was very flattering, and, therefore, very
acceptable to a young and able man just let loose from his
university studies.
! The works of Orestes A. Brownson, collected and arranged by
Henry F. Brownaon. Detroit : Thomdike Nourse. 1882-3.
14 BrownsofCs Works.
But eclecticism could not satisfy an inquiring mind.
He knew too much not to know that his own authority was
but a poor foundation for a religious or philosophical
system ; and he saw so many errors in the other self-con-
stituted teachers of mankind that he soon perceived the
necessity of aid and light from above to strengthen and
illumine the gloom and weakness of human nature. As he
himself emphatically expressed it, **A man cannot lift
himself by his own waistbands ; ** neither can any one else
on the same level do it for him. The light and the help
must be from the very nature of things — desursum —from
above. The man who accepts this principle honestly must,
of logical necessity, become a CathoUc; and so ferown-
son, following the * kindly light * that led another and a
greater mina to the Church, placed himself under the
guidance of the late Bishop Fitzpatrick, of Boston, and
soon foimd that light and peace in the City on the
Mountain, which he had for so many years vainly sought
elsewhere.
Although a neophyte in Catholic theology, Brownson,
by the advice of Bishop Fitzpatrick, still continued to write
articles on philosophy and religion in his Review ; for it
was felt that what came from him would have much
greater weight with* non-Catholics than anything spoken
or written by those who were born in the bosom of the
Church. He certainly dealt very severe blows at
Protestantism in America. Rarely attacking it directly,
his incidental thrusts were felt to be irresistible. Protes-
tantism, he used to say, is composed of two elements, the
negative and positive. In so far as it is positive it holds
fast to a portion of the truth, which, however, is in no sense
its own, but the inheritance of the Catholic Church. In so far
as it is negative, it denies the truth of God on the strength of
purely individual opinion, and inasmuch as the individuals
are all divided amongst themselves, it follows that Protes-
tantism, as such, in so far as it has anything of its own, is
infidel, denies the truth of God, and hence, as history
proves, finally resolves itself into Atheism.
In his philosophy — and Brownson waa before all things
a man of philosophic mind — ^he was an ontologist. It is ridt
easy to' ascertam what phase of ontologism Brownson
adopted, for he censures Malebranche, openly attacks
Gioberti, sneers at the Rosminian ens in generty and
pronounces the Germans to be, as no doubt they are,
altogether heterodox ontologists. Yet we think the differ-
Bromuon's Works. 15
encee, at least in the first three caaee, are 011I7 accidental,
and that the ontologiem of Browneoa is radically as
natenable and ae dangerous in its (sonsequeDcefl aa any of
the systemB which he reprehends. In his Essay on the
Existence of God he asserts " that as a matter of fact every
man, in every act of intelligence, in every exercise of the
nnderstanding, in every thonght, apprehends and asserts
thai viki^k i» God, although he himself may not be distinctly
conscioTis that such is the fact."' His whole argument in
favour of the existence of God is founded on the fact that
the " mind of man has immediate and direct intuition uf
lw>ino'."' that this beinp is « real being," and he adds, " it is
'eal being is necessary and eternal
ough, it is ontologism pure and
'Malebranche; butBrowuson goes
t, the " belief in God is one that,
ith it, could not originate,"' This
iQ Council and the censure of the
1866, is one that can no longer
, however, be said that this essay
fore the ultimate development of
xoversy. Browneon accordingly
irgument for the existence of God
form or an undue assumption of
But his reasoning clearly shows
ly mora carefully and systemati-
se of which hs makes so light.
, deny all intuition, that is, direct
, of real and neceswary being, and
al and necessary being is legiti-
:ognition of contingent existences.
he contends, that the conclusion
premises, which is against the
ogism.* It is very manifest from
rowns'on confounds the matter
its torm, and because the
QS imperatively requires that no
forma) greater extension in the
premises ; therefore, the existence
16 BrownsofCs Works.
premises I ! But, urges Brownson, the truth of the con-
clnsion is, according to the Scholastics themselves, con-
tained in the truth o£ the premises ; and, therefore, he who
has intuition of the premises — that is, of contingent being,
has therein also hxtmtion of the conclusion — that is, of the
existence of God. Is there no difference, then, between
what is contained formally or expUcitly, and what is con*
tained virtually in the premises ? Do the bOys beginning
their EucUd who " intue " the axioms of the First Book,
"intue" also, by the very fact, the perns asinorum and the 47th
proposition? If they did, it would be for them a great
olessing, for it would save them much labour and, some-
times, many stripes. Yet the truth of the 47th is virtually
contained in the truth of the axioms, but it needs a long
chain of demonstration to educe the scientific cognition of
the former from the intuitive truth of the latter. In like
manner, from the principle of contradiction and the exist-
ence of contingent beings we can, by a process of reason-
ing, educe the existence of God ; but it does not, therefore,
foUow that he who has intuition of the two former truths
hath therein direct and immediate intuition of the latter.
Brownson may have meant well, but greatly erred on these
goints, as also when he thought it necessary " to teach our
cholastic Psychologists — St* Thomas and the rest — that
to their demonstrative method (of proving the existence of
God) they must add tradition or history, and prove to the
heterodox that true philosophy can be found only where
the primitive tradition and the unity and integrity of
language have been infallibly preserved, therefore only in
the Catholic Society or Church." In so far as this propo-
sition implies that the knowleage of one God cannot be
obtained with certainty from created things, by the light
of reason, it is now contrary to the defined doctrine of the
Catholic Church.^ And in so far as it implies that this
knowledge is not scientia obtainable by a posteriori reasoning
from tjie existence and wonderful order of the created
universe, without any need of primitive tradition, such
statement is at least erroneous and no longer tenable by
Catholics. For although the Council used the word cog-
nosciy the mediiun of knowledge is declared to be per ea
quce facta sunty and elsewhere e rebus creatis, which can'
i*'Si quia dixerit Denm tinmn et yemm Creatorem et Dominma
nostrum, per ea qiUB facta Bunt, natniali rationis humansB lumine oerto
cognoad non posse : anathema sit/' Can. IL, No. 1, Condi. Yat.
BrownBorCs Works. 17
hardly be understood of inttdtion, but rather of reasoning
&om created things. It is manifest, at least, that human
reason is self-su£Scing for the purpose, and that tradition
is certainly by no means necessary to enable men to know
br prove the existence of God.
His son informs us, that Dr. Brownson greatly loved
his country, but detested the dominant radicalism, which,
he adds, if unchecked, bannot fail to lead a nation to
destruction. In his detestation of radicalism he has our
hearty sympathy. He is undoubtedly right in the view,
apparently endorsed by his son, that " no government can
be a good government if divorced from religion, and moving
on independently of the Church.*' Hence he severely con-
demns those Catholics ^ who adopt the false maxim that
tiieir politics have nothing to do with their religion," and
its inevitable consequence that the Church or the Pope has
no right to interfere with politics — a principle that has been
recently put forward by people who call themselves
Cathohcs I As if, forsooth, politics have nothing to do with
morals ; as if peoples and governments never do wrong ;
or, when they do, are not amenable to the law of God, and
to the authority of his Church. This doctrine has been
condemned in the Syllabus,^ and is undoubtedly erroneous ;
for it is a virtual denial of the authority of God and of the
rights of his Church. For what is meant by politics?
Etymologically as well as philosophically they mean the
affairs of the State, the practical science that ascertains and
expounds the rights and duties of all the members of the
body politic, but especially of the government in all its
branches towards the people and of the people towards the
government. Even Aristotle laid down the doctrine that
this science was a branch of ethics, and the same view is
repeatedly put forward in the dialogues of Plato. In moral
theology the discussion of these questions constitutes a
special part of the treatise on justice — it is known as
" Justitia Legalia" To say that the Pope, as expounder of
the moral law, has no right to interfere in questions of
politics, IB, therefore, to deny his right to teach the Church
of God, both rulers and subjects ; in other words, it involves
heresy
18 Brownson^s Works.
contraryjisthedivinelyappointed •'Judex controversianim,''
not only in all purely spiritual questions of faith and morals,
but also in all temporal questions where the interests of faith or
morals are at stake. In purely temporal or political questions,
which have nothing to do with morality or with the salvation
of souls, either as obstacles or necessary aids for the attain-
raent of that great end for which the Church was instituted
— ^with these the Church has no concern, she has neither
the wish nor the right to interfere. But in regard to that
large class of poUtical questions in which the faith or morals
of the children of the Church are concerned, where her
highest interests are at stake, she has a Divine right of
interference, and she has Divine guidance in her action, not
in the sense that she is infallible in the decision of every
point, but in the sense that God has furnished her with the
means of deciding these questions throughout the entire
Church, that she has the help of His Holy Spirit in making
use of these means of action fpr the good of the Church,
that she cannot be false to her high trust. Hence she has
the right to decide in all doubtful points, not only questions
of law but of fact, she has the right to decide- the proper
time and place and manner of intervention in aU such
questions, and her children, one and all, are bound under
pain of sin to yield j;ier unhesitating obedience. This right
at least of a directive guidance in political questions, and of
commanding her own children under penalty of mn, has, as
far as we know, never been questioned by any theologian
of eminence; not only Gerson and Fenelon, but even
Bossuet himself when rightly understood admits it — on these
questions, however, he is now no authority, for his teaching
has long since been repudiated by the Church. But the Pope
may be misinformed or mistaken — so said Luther, and the
Jansenists, and the Disciples of Febronius. It is enough
for us to kiiow that the Ruler of the Church has the n^t
to decide, and has abundant means of information and
of action at his disposal with the unfailing guidance of the
Holy Spirit in his government of the Church. And it is sin
and dislovalty to assume that he acts rashly, unadvisedly,
or trnjusuy.
As a matter of fact we know that the Church has
always exercised her right of interfering in political
questions connected with faith or morals. She has an-
nulled penal laws, she has condenmed secret societies,
she has denounced godless education, she has interdicted
States, excommunicated rebelUous subjects, and, as an
Browtuon'i Worki. 19
extreme resource, pronoanced the depoffltion of oatrageonfily
rinical kings, who violated their coronation oath, hroke
constitutional pact, and raged Hke lions against the
Chnrch of God. To deny the right of intervention in
many cases of politics is, therefore, erroneous doctrine, that
has been repeatedly condemned by the Chnrch. But on
these questions Brownson seems to have gone quite as far
ae, if not farther, than Bellarmine. He was a courageous
thinker as well as a keen logician. He always followed
out his principles to their logical conclusious. Hence we
are not suprised to hear from his son, what is evident
enough from his own later writings, that he always, since he
became a Catholic, maintained the supremacy of the Pope
as the representative of the spiritual order over temporal
princes, fhis supremacy has been formally asserted in
two famous doouments inserted in the Corpus Juris
Canonici — the celebrated Decretal Novii of Innocent III.,
and the famous constitutioQ Vnam Sanctam of Boniface
VIII.
John, King of England, was summoned by his
Hege lord, Philip Augnetus, King of France, to defend
himself against the charge of assassinating his nephew,
Arthur. John not appeanug, as in duty bound, was found
' "■ ' oade war against him to
led to the Pope, and com-
hia territories, had broken
Pope, the great-souled
Bgates to both, imploring
bmit their case to arbitra-
1 cause against the Turks.
the fruits of his victories,
er of fiefs and vassals the
lat the Pope had no right
otifi" wrote his celebrated
t documents on this ques-
e declares, " Non enim
cujue ad ipsum spectat
aere de peeeato, cujns ad
tuHora, quam in quemlibet
It is the famous dietinc-
vRfillfti ■
20 Brownsi^ris Woris,
by one and denied by the other party who appeals to the
Pope, then the Pope has, jure divinOf the riffht to judge
the moral question at issue between his clularen — it mat-
ters not whether they be peasants or princes. Thus it is
that he has, as the representativ^e of God, an indirect
power of judging in temporal things ; and it is so called,
because directly it regardia only the moral question, but
indirectly it re^rds the temporal queBtion wUch uuderlies
it. The Decretal " Novit" to this day forms a part of the
Canon Law, and, indeed it is manifest that the doctrine
which it asserts can hardly be questioned by those who
recognise the Pope to be the divinely appointed teacher
and guardian of moraUty whom all Christians are bound
to obey.
But Brownson emphatically proclaims the essential sub-
ordination of the temporal to the spiritual power. No
doubt the State is a perfect and independent society, and,
it may be added, self-sufficing for the attainment of its own
end. But that end is purely temporal ; it is the peace and
happiness of man's life in this wond, so far as it is attainable
through the preservation of law and order, and the protection*
of life and property. No Christian, however, can assert
that this is the final end of man or of society ; it is in reaUty
only a means to an end, and it is a means that is divinely
ordained to man's higher and supernatural end. God
himself has, therefore, subordinated the temporal to the
spiritual end of man, and.consequently He has subordinated
the society, whose end is merely temporal, to that society
whose end is spiritual^ that is, to the Church of Christ.
And, as the Pope is the divinely appointed guardian of
man's spiritual interests, it follows mat he is entitled to
receive the co-operation of all Christian rulers for that
purpose, that the separation of Church and State involves
the denial of a Christian duty ; that in any conflict of
interests, real or apparent, the temporal must yield to the
spiritual ; that in all matters of controversy the Pontiff is
the supreme and final judge ; and thus has the two swords,
the spiritual sword, which he bears himself, and the
temporal sword, which, at least in mixed questions,
is to be drawn under his guidance and according to
his direction. The conse<^uences of this doctrine are
very far-reaching, vet, it is difficult to find a flaw in
the reasoning involved; and it is undeniable that, if
carried into practice, Europe would not be, as it now is,
an armed camp, where milhons of men, when not engaged
BrmtmtoiCt Wor]u. 21
in bloodshed, lire in idlenen on the fmits of other men'c
industry.
Bu^ althongh the Pope posseaaeB these rights jura
divitio, it hj no means follows that he ought to try and
exercise them eveiywhere and always. He must look to
what ia expedient, that is, he must regulate the exercise of
these powers with a view to the interests of the Church,
according to the circumstances in which she is placed. Even
in matters spiritual, he may forego, by Concordat, for a time,
the exercise of certain rights that are not essential, as, for
instance, Domination to oishoprios, in return for certain
advantages from the State — the regulating principle being
always the same — to keep in view what is most likely in
the circumstancee to promote the glory of God and the
salvation of souls.
It will he seen that, in most questions, Brownson waa
what is called a thorough Ultramontane. He believed
that the Churcti was the salt of the earth, that the Pope
was the divinely appointed teacher of governments and
jteoples, quite as much as of individuals. He held, that
the nations who reject his authority are on the way to ruin;
for, from the Quistian point of view, Atheism brings ruio.
ith G&llicanism, and h«
lore dangerous even than
is we think his teaching
, he errs on the safe side.
he essays in these four
absence of an episcopal
caution. For a layman,
acquaintance with phil-
:, however, he is bv no
b might have treated the
more consideration. At
t the first three voltmies
ngularly able, and most
7 important question in
IS the relations between
snson and revelation. Of
lliug to pronounce any
If admits that it contains
n theoriea advocated by
22 Plain Truths about Interest
again by their author; but the world is bo full of evfl
books, that we could very well aJKord to dispense with the
immature speculations of even such a mind as Dr. Brownson's.
For the rest, no one can deny liim the praise of vast mental
power, great and various learning, as well as of high purpose,
and imdaunted courage.
John Hkalt.
PLAIN TRUTHS ABOUT INTEREST.
I. — ^Have the Usury Laws Retarded Commercial
Progress !
IT is still fashionable to denounce the Church as the enemy
of progress and enUghtenment. In every age, say her
adversaries, she has stood in the way of some needed reform,
or over-awed with the spectre of her teaching authority the
noblest efforts of the human mind to investigate truth and
seek the perfectibility of our race. As the merest matter
of course, the Mediaeval Church had this fell purpose
peculiarly dear at heart, and for most selfish ends, kept the
world shrouded in ignorance, burned innovators, and
exercised relentless tyranny over mind and body. These
are sopie of the charges made on that ^rand old pillar-tower
of Christianity, all oiwhich have resulted in but exhibiting
its structure's strength and the weakness of its assailanta
By degrees, indeed, the assault is being grudgLngly
abandoned, and in latter times foes are compelled, from a
fair study of facts, to join friends in lauding the Middle-age
Church as a most praiseworthy institution for the time and
circumstances. But this exculpation regards her poUcy as
a whole, and not its several paita. Many counts yet remain
in the indictment, and one in particular which the com-
mercial spirit of this age is Uttle disposed to cancel. It is
that when the crusades against Saracen and Turk had
spent their force, a new and more persistent series of
crusadee were directed indisoriminately against Cibristian
and Hebrew money-lendera
To do them justice, it l9 not these obliging fiiends of
suffering humanity who alone or most complain. Far louder
and much more wroth are the political economists in
Phin Tmtht about Interest. 33
invdghing ag^Bt an outrage, as they conceive, put by
&nticipatioii, on the principles of then* ' diurnal science.'
Even grave liistonans and eage commentatora on law
have- fallen in with the general prejudice, and taxed the
UBury legislation of the Church with retarding prosperity
uid civilization throughout the different countneB of
Eorope.
That these writers should fail to give credit to the
Ciinrch for enforcing what many men, as able as themselves,
{'unBts as well as canonists and theologians, coasidered to
>B dictated by Nature's Lord, is not perhaps surprising.
But strange it is, and to them discreditable, that when they
wish in onnfnt* hor ftntHnn in prohibiting iuterest on a loan
aodity consumed by its first and
■signed as unanswerable proofs
ice of any one of which in a
B held by Catholic writers to
increase. Says one in effect,
lusti in case of hazard interest
ivay of insurance against risk.
s of natural equity a merchant
who interferes with a profitable
e a neighbour with a loan of
lird, is he who for a hke purpose
y he necessary to enable him to
ticlee until they can be disposed
e undoubtedly valid reasons;
I be lawful where the Church
rrupted gain (bicrum cessaru),
ergens), and risk of principal,
d always were, universally
lona fide difBculty to be met in
Hallam and Mill ground wbat-
icter they say of Church legisla-
te well to examine the matter
)jectiou seems to be that the
me Old-Law prohibitione, or
fly Jewish ordinance, unwisely
24 Plain Truths about Interest
make fortunes if they coiild but command the necessaiy
capital for a beginning. Credit is the soul of trade, and
no interest, they say, meant meagre credit.
Fiu-ther on it will be seen how little effect on the
world's commerce such prohibition could have had, did
it exist in full vigour against interest on productive loans
(mutuum productionis), supposing the absence of an extrinsic
title. Here other aspects of the questions present them-
selves more conveniently. Of consumptive loans (mutuum
consumptionis) nothing need be said. Indeed, the pro-
hibition of interest for them is commended on economic
grounds. And as regards the alleged restraint on
lending in other cases, assuredly we may decline to
accept material progress as the sole criterion of reason-
ableness. To promote material progress, was not the
object of the Church's institution, and in the unreal
hypothesis of conflict between the two, she should unhesi-
tatmgly seek the mju'ch of spiritual progress instead. The
supposition is, however, unfounded ; in this, as in every
other department, the Church has led the vanguard of true
prosperity and civilization. Of both, as their admirers in
modem times triumphantly assert, the noblest aim and
object should be to raise the condition of the lowest class,
to eUminate vice by removing want. Well, whereas
it is extremly doubtful, to say the very least of it, whether
improvements, vast as they have been, in the machinery
of production and methods of exchange, have at all
benefited the condition of the toiling many who earn
their bread in the sweat of their brows, certain it is
that the Usury laws and charitable banks (montes pietatis),
under papal control, saved directly or indirectly millions of
the human family from being engulphed in ruin by over-
reaching Jew and grasping Lombard. Fair compensation
this for damper, if any were put on commercial activitr by
the EncycUcal which Benedict XI V. addressed to the bishops
of Italy in 1745, or any similar document. Not to speak
then of the spiritual at all, in the temporal order mankind
gained much by papal intervention, and the loss to com-
merce must have been so small as to be inappreciable. This
we now proceed to establish.
Trade is the exchange of one commodity for another.
The primary condition of prosperity is abundant production,
and nothing further is required for brisk trade, if men desire
it, except the presence in sufficient quantity of a
medium for exchanging the products of the same or of
Flain Jruthi about laterest.
25
difTerent conDtries. This latter is the great function of
money in commerce. No doubt the precious metals are
themselves articles of commerce, and gold, with ub, serves
besides as a standard of value : but for trade in general the
amount of money required is precisely Trhat will suffice to
exchange manufactured products as well as effect the pr^
limiuary ezchaoges necessary in production. Accordingly,
if at any particiirar period we find there was enough money
to be had for the whole function of exchange, plainly during
that time the slow progress of commerce is not traceable
to legislation against Usury. Now, as a matter of fact, in
every century from the twelfth to the nineteeth, the supply
trf money was abundant, and even if it had been otaer-
wise, some other cause, and not the Church, should be held
reeponfiible, so long as she admitted the justice of extrinsic
titles. Both points in order.
It is complained against the Holy See that, through its
legiiladon, men of butdness who wanted loans and were
willing to pay for them, could not find ready lenders. But
the facts are far different There was more money on the
worlds market than productive industries cared to employ
at a price Englanct has long been in the fore front of
„.„ -jjg y^^ hoarding was a common
?Ja hundred years ago. So rare
6 "5ts for money saved, in the early
^ hat it was a matter of ordinary
isiness, on retiring firom trade, to
""ong box before quitting town for
B told of Pope's father, as a typical
II twenty thousand pounds, and
" had been, it was only opened to
of his household. This occurred
seventeeth century. What his
J point. The custom which he
ind where papal laws did not
n from lending, and in which
kted fully as much demand for
'as anywhere else in Europe,
borrowers could not find ready
pould not find borrowers of fair
it, trading nation, much capital
26 Plain Truths abovU Interest
profitable investments were still rarer. But the latter fact
should no i^ov^ be attributed to papal prohibitions of Usury
than the former. Let some economist, making allowance
for other recognised deterrents, show that alarger proportion
of capital remained idle in Catholic than in non-Catholic
towns and countries. No one has done so, for the good
reason that no one can. Something different, therefore,
from Usury legislation must be sought, to explain why all
over Europe, much of the yellow metal, not employed in
purchasing land, was consigned to the darksome recesses of
mouldering wainscots or back again to the earth from
which it had been digged.
Instability of government and danger in transit retarded
the commercial progress of many nations. Want of dis-
positions or opportunities kept others back. But no country,
which got a fair start, seems to have faUed from mere want
of money. Irish industry a hundred years ago sprang into
vigorous Ufe on smaU begmnings, and when it went down,
want of capital was not the cause, but want of fair play.
Even in new countries, provided their products are
numerous and in demand, money becomes plentiful in a
wonderfully short period. In reaJity, it is a serious error to
mistake gold and mlver for prosperity, or suppose that their
presence in large quantities impHes the existence of what
is required to inspire commercial enterprise. The precious
treasures of Mexicoand Peru did not make of the Spaniards
a nation of merchants or bankers. Money is required to
effect exchanges, whether in production or afterwards ; but
it IS not what inspires production, and when the proper
incentive is present, the money necessary as an aid soon
appears.
The real motive power of commercial enterprise will
, explain how the Church, admitting extrinsic titles, could not
have stood in the way oi those loans which traders required.
Remotely, production of any commodity is stimulated by
production of other things useful ; proximately, by demand
for specific products. The effect of demand deserves
attention. As soon as it exists, there is an inducement, for
those who have means, to engage in trade. Before, the pos-
session of wealth did not enable a man to grow richer ; now,
by entering business an independence can be realized out
of a small capital. This is the point at which it would bo
important for a person, with an inclination for trade, to
negotiate a loan on reasonable terms. The Usury laws
were no obstacle. When to produce is profitable, a large
Plain. Thitht about Interest. 27
nnmber out of the monied clasB will conaider it ekeer
Ion to part with the meaos of personal trial. Some
wiU refuse to do so ; others will abandoD their chance and
lend money for fair compensation. We speak of times
antecedent to the present century, and plainly from the
second class jost mentioned, those who wished to borrow for
prodnction might procure whatever capital was necessary,
and could not be obtained gratuitously. Thus then follows
an important conclusion. As soon as we can conceive trade
as requiring loans for its development, those who needed
tiie use of other men's money practically could have it,
because the inducement to produce and borrow for that
purpose created also the title of accruing lost (damnum
emergen*), which the Church fully recognised and on which
the necessary advances could be made at interest.
it is then both illogical and unfair to attribute the
stagnant funds, locked-up capita), and wholesale hoarding
of every century up to the present, to ecclesiastical
legislation against Usury. Hoarding went on where the
prohibitions were disregarded ; hoarding ceased when and
where production \'itahzed money by multiplyingexchanges.
Had extrinsic titles been disallowed the allegation might
be sustained. But so far from this, as soon as borro'wmg
commerce, facilities at once
be just ground of ' damnum
were the demands of trade
uppear that the prohibition
productive loans without an
ed progress. Does not such
lOt estimate the giving of a
jage themselves m produc-
gain is prohibited? Does
sionally to obtain capital
1 in Church legislation as
yseem calculated to awaken
iwed abundant facilities for
1 in question could not have
I a whole. But as affecting
worth noticing that many
_ _ _ . . y altogether the exteiTion
28 Plain Truths about Interest.
Dioeesana," seem, no doubt, to brand interest on advances
for commercial purposes as unlawful Usury, forbidden by
the natural law. Still there always was much controversy
about what exactly the Pope meant to condemn, and in his
own day, immediately after the Encyclical, as ever since,
the opposite opinion was held and taught with perfect
freedom. Even Carriere, who has all the zeal of the
Sulpicians against Usury in every shape, holding himself
that interest on commercial loans was prohibited, admits
the tenableness of the other opinion, on the ground that its
•condemnation cannot be conclusively established. Assu-
redly, severe critics might do the justice of fully acknow-
ledging this diversity of opinion, as well as the service
which, according to their own theory, miust have resulted
to trade from the prohibition of interest on the much
more numerous loans that were purely consumptive
and tended to destroy capital altogether. To examine
the reasons on either side of the controversy alluded to is
not within the scope of this paper.^ Independently of its
issue, the ages which, under the Church's fostering care,
saw painting, sculpture, and architecture cultivated as they
never rince have been, during which printing was invented,
America discovered, and Uterature revived, if they failed at
all in commercial activity, lacked its spirit not because of
ecclesiastical restraint, but rather from the absence in the
world of trade of certain economic conditiona essential to
material progress. Besides, the practical question now to
be discussed must be decided on widely different consid-
erations.
If, as has been shown, the Church never discouraged
that credit which serves commerce, we are naturally led in
the next place to examine what precisely it is which she
continues to prohibit down to our own time. Obviously,
in general terms, it is nothing else than unjust interest, one
of the greatest enemies of progress. But, to come to
particulars, what does the prohibition of Usury now a days
miply?
Viewed under one aspect the literature of the question
is immense. As anyone looking into Carriere's foot-notes
may easily conclude, the books written to investigate the
fiource or sources of prohibition would of themselves fill a
^ For an able treatment of this subject, see two articles in the Dublin
Review — ^Vol. m., 1873; VoL xxii., 1874— where the writer argues
strongly that Papal prohibition did not affect productive loans.
Flain Instha about Interest 39
goodly-sized Kbrary. Increase, however small, to money
lent, V19LB the matter under consideration, and according
to the most prevalent opinion it was forbidden by the law
of Nature, of Christ, and of His Church. Some, however,
questioned the existence of a natural prohibition, and others
held the restraint to be purely ecclesiastical. Again, there
were several smaller divergencies, with a distinction drawn
pretty often in favour of productive loana High rates
were condemned by all, extrinsic titles admitted by all,
whilst serious differences of opinion arose as to what the
latter were in detail. But these controversies, once
interesting and practical, can scarcely claim to be so any
longer. What a fair rate of interest really is concerns
Catholics much more intensely at present. There is no
law against charging it, and to exact more is against the
law of God and man.
It is idle for the moneyed classes to talk of the Church
as interfering with their fair profit, as harsh and unjust to
them in her over-indulgence to the poor. For the
toiling, helpless, humbler classes, who form so large a por-
tion of her flock, she has always manifested the deepest
concern ; but just as her efforts in the past to shield them
from oppression in no way clashed with legitimate trade,
so the mterest now a days permitted on all loans is not a
farthing less than reason dictates to be alone lawful She
might, indeed, if the public good could benefit thereby,
prohibit the taking of tnis sum in full. But in this century
at least, her restraint is co-extensive with that of the natu-
ral obligation. By the latest decisions those who charge
a moderate rate are not to be disturbed. Such in effect
seems to be their meaning. Assuredly, money lenders need
not grumble if allowed to exact what is the current rate
for a loan in open market. The standard is obviously
most fair to them, and on a future occasion we hope to
claim for it ecclesiastical sanction.
Patrick G'Donnell.
[ 30 ]
RECENT BOOKS ON IRISH GRAMMAR.
IN the I. E. Record for November, I find a reply to a short
notice of mine in July last hurriedly written, owing
to circumstances, and so late that the Editor had, with
characteristic kindness, to put it personally into the printer's
hands in order to its timely appearance. The reply to this
by Rev, Dr. M*Carthy concludes characteristically thus : —
" We subjoin a Ust, which is not exhaustive, of F. Malone's
errata, compiled from three pages of his paper." I did not
write a fourth page. Such as they are, divided over seven
words and one letter, and arising from misconception and
a httle unintentional, of course, misrepresentation, they do
not bear on the main question. I do not complain that the
alleged errors are compiled, bracketed, measured and
numbered, but that the reader has no means of weighing
them, as there had not been the slightest allusion to any
Previously except one,* to indicate their connection or
earing. I wisn the reader wotdd carry away correct
notions on the matter at issue — whether our forefathers
were a race of self-prostrators. Not to speak of the ten
attributed errors, one may be fatal to a theory; and I
believe that a double error has been committed by
confounding Sundays with churches, and not making
" slechtam " identical with *^Jillem gluni" I shall be
thankful for the correction of errors, whether arising on
the main question or collateral issues, but I protest, in the
interests of truth, against a bare mention of errors as
mystifying.
2. I cannot admit Dr. McCarthy's translation of the
Irish quatrain :
" When we reach the church
We prostrate ourselves (we kneel, ilechtham) fully
thrice:
We bend them not — the knees aloney (we kneel not,
fillem gluniy only)
In churches (on Sundays) of the living God.''
^ FiUim, Dr. McCarthy says that this ia an actiye verb, sometimes
used colloquially in an intransitiye sense to tum^ though not by itself
without three other words. But it is found in the best MSS., used in
a reflectiye sense per se. Thtis the L.B, uses it in that sense in four
different places (p. 160, 1. 9, 10, 15,16) Ro JhUlset na mercedu. *» The
branches in the handft of the soldiers before the court of Pilate Ixnoed
to Christ.'* ThatJUUmhBa a passiye form too is seen by the phrase glun
fUte, See par. 24 of this paper. Usmg/Uem for brevity sake I intended
It should be taken in connection with glunt.
Recent Books on Irish Grammar. 31
Dr. McCarthy contends that the Italicized line is a causal
sentence, and that since is understood before it. Besides
this ellipsis, it is elliptical in another way, in that it does
not tell us what else besides the knee is bent. Moreover,
there is no reason given in^the latter lines that is not given
in the former. In other words, we are told that persons
were to prostrate themselves at the Church because they
did prostrate themselves in Churches of the living God.
Kneeling or bending the knee is quite plain, but making
we bend them not the knees alone an equivalent for prostra-
tion is very unnatural if intelligible EngUsh : and I must
honestly declare that in my limited experience I never
met the expression, as it stands, in the Irish, as synonomous
with prostration : and even if I had met with it in other
places I would not admit it in the present connection.
Moreover, in a few stanzas under the one under discussion,
persons are told to genuflect three times (slechtham) before
and after each celebration. Would not this be immeaning
if the word meant prostration ?
St. Ailbe, who was bom before St. Patrick came to
Ireland, drew up a religious rule of life, whose authenticity
O'Curry sqes no reason to question. It has been published
as well from two Latin copies, a Brussel's and Colgan's
Boman one, as from Irish copies in the R.I. A. and in T.C.D.
Well, the 17th strophe enjoins " a hundred genuflections at
the Beatusj a hundred genuflections every evening.*' (See
LE.R., Jan., 1872). So, too, strophe 35 directs : " advance
to None with a chorus of psalms with S.g}n\l-genu/lexions,
as enjoined." Again, the 18th strophe has : " a hundred
Snunexions every Matins are required in a devout
urch." Yet Dr. McCarthy says they bent them not the
knees alone!
When at prayer in a Church, St. Moling, who is re-
presented as a Ctildee, was addressed by the devil (vid.
Whitley Stokes' very learned Calendar of Oengus). He
craved the saint*s blessing ; but not having given satisfac-
tory answers to the questions put him as to his willingness
to serve God or to fast, he was finally asked, could he
kneel (slechtaim) f The devil replied " he was unable to
bend forwards, as his knees were backwards," Star atait
mo gluine. Here we see that slechtaim instead of being
opposed to, is identical with bending the knees alone* Yet
Dr. McCarthy says there was no genuflection !
3. Though Kneeling be the usual meaning of sUchtham,
yet it can mean bowing or adoration, and is found in
32 Recent Books on Irish Grammar.
connection with a standing, kneeling, or prostrate attitude.
Thus a writer in the L,B.^ tells us that the Hebrew youths
paid honor, worship, and bowing in [adoration (slechtain)
to our Saviour entering Jerusalem. None of the Evangelists,
though alluding to the occasion, makes mention of kneeling ;
and considering the crowds that followed and preceded
them it was not very easy to do so, and therefore we have
no warrant in giving any meaning to slechtain used by the
Irish writer than bowing and adoring.
4. Thus too St. Martin is represented as kneeling and
adoring (slechtain). A poor woman whose son was after
dying begs of the saint to raise him to Ufe. * St. Martin
knelt, adored (slechtain) and did the crossfigell.' Slechtain
could not be prostration as beiQg inconsistent with the
crossfigell.
5. So, again, the word slechtain for adoration is foimd in
connection with prostration. The wise kings are repre-
sented as coming with their gifts into the stable of Beth-
lehem and honoring our Saviour by prostrations and
adoration — -prostrait a^gus oc slechtain^
AgaiQ, a writer on the life of Pope Marcellinus repre-
sents him as charged with " adoring *' idols and ^bowing to
them (slechtaim). (L.B., p. 8, a. 39.) Now, this word un-
auestionably means not prostration nor kneeling here ; for
le martyr is represented as admitting the charge, and as
having gone to confess the name of Christ before the
Emperor Diocletian, and acknowledged in sorrow that he,
from weakness, and not conviction, adored the demon, and
stooped to it. {Ibid. p. 55.) While the W9rd for " adore '* is
the same here as above, the equivalent for slechtaim is
crommsa^ " I stooped."
Dr. McCarthy, while admitting ' that definitions sustain
F. Malone's contention,' endeavours to weaken the force of
passages quoted in support of the definitions. One of the
passages describes St. James's knees as like those of a
came^ from constant kneeling in the temple, so that he
was known by the name of James the Kneed. How does
Dr. McCarthy meet this? By saying that he met with
instances of imury to the forehead, nose, and elbows, from
prostration. But this only proves that when such effects
are not spoken of here that there was no prostration.
1 P. 160, a. » L. B. p: 138 a.
' EnsebiuB, Ktifttvos IWi rois yovairi. In referring to this in a former
paper, the reference to L. 5, cap. 5, was by mistake given, should any caie
to learn, for L. 2, ch. 28, however, either reference establishes the point
aimed at — the custom of kneeling with the primitive Christians.
Beeent Booh on Trith Grammar. 33
There is mention of no effect but on the knees ; so mtich
10 that Iiieh writers instead of calling him the man of the
noee, or forehead, or elbows, calls him the kneed, because
he knelt (elecht) 400 times in every 24 honra
7. There was another passage quoted hj me and so
convincing that the meaning <ntlecKtkain is rendered by
Snua fieeUndo. Nothing could be clearer. But Dr.
'Cbrthy meetfl this by stating that he 'took (/mua/fo*-
tmhtr to mean prostration.' If his translation be right,
1 have to change the idea that was always left on my mind
by the Rubric of the Mass— /fcfomiM gemui.
8. But Dr. M'Carthy appeals to Scripture. He eaya
that ' But yvva.TA and aenuflectere could mean not only genu-
flection but prostration.' For this he refers to St. Luke's
narrative of the Passion. I am not aware that any classical
writer, before nor since St Luke, used the words per se for
prostration, nor does St Luke say that they have such a
meaning. Did not Dr. M'Carthy hear of minor discrepan-
cies of a real or apparent character between the Evangel-
igtsT and if he looked into one of our ordinary Catholic
commentaries he would find that they admit, that while
the other Evangelists state or imply tnat our Saviour fell
nmetrntd Sf T.iiVo imvH i\mi he Only knelt' Therefore
lid establish by no means his
len, taking for granted that
oceeds to say : " very fortu-
required expression in the
>ook, and find St. Matthew's
en by the Irish writer, who
^one a little aside from the
! on the ground.' In the next
ill on ttie narrative by St.
but St. Luke says, that our
ine's throw &om the Apostles,
irayer."
Mention, for its own sake and
Titer, in giving St. Matthew's
'or lor (KfiM do gne ernaigkti^
d and did prayer ; in giving
tlechtana agu* emaighti — He
S4: Recent Books on Irish Grammar.
therefore the Irish writer never suspected that the word for
kneeUng (slechtam) could be taken to signify prostration ;
otherwise it was not a different version we wonld have, as
he intended, but a repetition. And yet Dr. McCarthy had
the temerity to appeal to this passage.
9. The Greet and Latin and Irish being against him,
perhaps the English may favour him. I willingly turn to
the Douay Bible, authorized by the Archbishops and
Bishops of Ireland. In opening it I find the passage
referred to — " and, kneeling down. He prayed.'* For my
part I prefer following the opinion of their lordships,
on the meaning of a Greek or Latin passage, with due
respect for Dr. McCarthy, to his opinion.
10. Dr. McCarthy appeals from writings to the Acts of
Saints, and says that St. Columba came down at sound of
bell, and rested on his knees in prayer, and adds that -the
equivalent is given by an Irish writer once again in L.B.- —
do roigne slechtain ocus emaightu In reply, see my answer
in last number on the phrase on St. Liike.
11. He then introduces St. Columbanus : — "Accordingly
we find, corporis flexibilitate^ in the second instruction of
St Columbanus.'' Not a word besides is given by Dr.
McCarthy. But perhaps this refers to dancing. If he under-
stood the phrase, I think he would not allude to it. The
passage in which it occxurs I thus literally translate: —
" Whoever, then, wishes to be made the habitation of God,
let him strive to make himself humble and quiet, so that he
may be known to be a worshipper of God, not from
avidity after words dkudi flexibility of the hody^ but in the truth
of humility ; for goodness of heart {cordis bonitas) does not
require the false religions of words.'' The Saint wished to
guard against the extravagances in words and gestures
denounced previously by the Fathers, and in almost hiis
words.^ Tertullian denounced the loud voice used in
praying, and the tossing of the hands wildly, with other
faults, which, he says, were common to pagans, but recom-
mended the use of a low voice and the arms moderately
raised, " for God is a hearer not of the voice but of the
heart." To this St. Columbanus alludes, to whom the
^ Hier. in Ep, ad Ephesios, ** Deo non voce sed corde cantaDdom,
nee in tragsedoi^m moaum, &e."
s Tertul. de Oratione, eh. 12. Yacufe observationes . . . non relig-
ioni sed superstitioni deputantur: Humiliter adorantes magis com-
mendabimus Deo preoes nostraa ne attoUamtis manus sublimhiB elataa.
• . . Yel pTopterea in nobis reprehendi mereatur quod apad Idola
celebzatnr.*' Gh. xiii.
Recent Booii on IrUh Grcanmar. 35
writing of the primitive Fathers were familiar ; and even
though we were absurdly to suppose that the phrase
eoTporit JUxibilitate meant prostration, etill St. ColumDanus
discountenanced it. And if Dr. M'Carthy had looked into
the course or arrangement of Offices by the Saint, he would
have eeen that genuflexion was enjoined after each psalm,
and thia in obedience to what he had learned, as he saya,
from his fathers in Ireland, Further comment ia useless.
Ab to the objections raised in connection with particular
instaacea, mich aa those of SS. Columbamis and Columba,
it may be replied, on principle, that the Irish quatrain
neceesarily deala only with the genuflection on entering a
Chnrch, though other evidence would affect kneeluig
during the pubhc religious services or Liturgy.
Aa to St. Columba coming down and kneeling after
midnight, Sunday, there may be a special answer, that he
threw himself on his knees in his dying agony to support
his sinking frame.
Then as to the instance of pTnyiag prostrate on Sunday,
on hearing of St, Columbauus death, Dr. M'Carthy is not
accurate in his reference. He refers me to page 375 of
Greit's German worti, Geschichte der altirlschen Kirclie, for
the saint's death on Sunday, I have looked into it, and
find not the shghtcst allusion to his death at aU ; nor in
any subsequent page have I seen anything at variance
with the Irish aud Catholic rule of praying in a standing
anua,
arher
and
lis to
antur
a are
aityt
ireht
room
rmed
utrea,
dthe
retro
36 Recent Books on Irish Grammar.
versus retro presbtter adpopulum compleat has orationes " super
eosjacentes. * Then, at the Agnus Dei, even the spouses nse.
You may suspect why Dr. McCarthy gave only the few
unconnected words of the Rubric. And this is the testimony
of a writing that he has summoned to his aid I
In looking the Missal through, I find that, before
adoring the Cross on Good Friday, the celebrating priest
was directed by the rubric to address a short homily to the
people, and to finish by telling them to prostrate themselves
before God. Now, how could they be told to prostrate if
they had been prostrate previously ? Besides, while all are
adoring the Cross, the celebrant was to remain sitting like
a good Roman or Irish bishop. Furthermore, there is a
Rubric for Good Friday, which, while directing most of the
prayers to be said with a flectamus genua, as at present,
enjoins some to be said sine genuflexione. Now if flectamus
genua means prostration, accordmg to Dr. McCarthy, the
prayers said with a non Jlectamits gefiua must mean the con-
tradictory. Therefore, imless a thing can be and not be
at the same time, in the same circumstances, Dr. McCarthy
is wrong.
13. Fmally, there is an appeal to the famous Stowe
Missal, It is relied on as * a positive and decisive proof.'
It is an Irish Rubric of the Mass supplied by a learned
AngUcan clergyman from his fac-similes : " When Jesus
received bread is chanted, the priest bows thrice in repentance
of his sins, offers them to God (consecrates) and the people
adore " slechthith. On this Dr. McCarthy strives to form an
argument. I give his own words. "The force of this
proof can be. evaded only by one of two methods — either
by maintaining that slechthith means genuflection, or that
Mass was not celebrated on Sunday in our ancient church."
The first contention has been disposed of already, the second
is a reductio ad absurdum.
If * the force of the dilemma can be evaded by either one
or two ways * it is a lame dilemma. Even though it be
conceded that the Rubric applied to the Sunday Mass as well
as week-day Mass there are many knswers : — Firstly, that the
prohibition against kneeling was confined to the limitation
m the matter of the Irish quatrain ; that is, to the entrance
into the church and other customary prayers ; just as at
present we repeat the Angelus in a standing posture in
commemoration of a past mystery, though a direction to
that effect is overridden by the Rubric which enjoins kneel-
ing at the real though mystical mystery of the Mass while
7he Sevolation. 37
KctnaUy perfonned. Secondly, it could be said, that thou^^h
tUehthitk meact kneeling at the Elevation, still to all intenta
it wooid be true substantially to assert that there waa no
kneeling on Sunday. Thirdly, it can be replied, without
asking a grain of allowance, that we need not answer at all,
as the disjunctive is illogically foolish, admitting of a
medium. For I proved (see No. 3), that slechtkam could,
and does mean adoration and bowing, aa it does in the Hubric
referred to : and thus then the head waa bowed in adora-
tion of the Host without kneeling or prostration. ITie very
priest at the altar, through whose instrumentality the dread
mysteries were effected, only bowed. He waa the model —
forma gregv. The priest and people were in accord. The
Rubric directed that to be done which waa done in other
chnrchee and other times in Ireland. Thus in a Maas which
O'Curry maintained to be St. Patrick's, but which has been
proved by me to be several centuries later, the priest
IB represented as bowing three times at the consecration.
(Vid. L. B,, p. 251, a). In bowing then in adoration at the
coneecration the priest waa in accord with the discipline of
the Irish Church, which enjoined abstinence from kiieeling
on Sunday.'
Sylvester Malone.
[We regret that we must reserve the remainder of this
paper for the next number of the RECORD. — Ed.]
TION.
theories of that phase of
es its immediate origin
' 1789, is a matter which
E^e at the present day.
ilization, the lighta and
frequently the aubject
orator, that any attempt
in many quarters, acorn
evils of the times, of the
38 The Revolution.
age which began in 1789, we are reproached as bein^
enemies of modem society — ^men who fear the light, ana
regret the darkness of the Middle Ages.
It seems to us, nevertheless, that we best show onr
interest in the welfare of our fellow-creatures, when we
boldly speak the truth, be the consequences what they may.
In dealing with our present subject, it is by no means
our intention to deny or under-rate any real progress which
modem society has made, or to dimmish, in any respect,
its claims to tnat glory of which it may be justly proud.
We are willing to admit, for instance, that tne means
of acquiring knowledge were never so great as at the
present time. Never, at any previous period of man's
history, was his sway over the material world so great or
80 extensive. Never were his movements so rapid, never'
were earth's treasures so developed, or so largely utilized,
for man's enjoyment. The astronomer's vision has acquired
a lonffer range ; the geologist has penetrated more deeply
into the bowels of the earth ; and, we may add, that at no
period in the past history of the human race, were the
aspirations towards liberty, equality, and fraternity, more
ardent or more universal than at the present time.
Having freely admitted so much, we may be permitted
to ask, wais European society, at any former period of its
history, so profoundly agitated, or so subject to those
periodical convulsions which threaten the existence of all
order and of all civilization?
During the last ninety years, forty-three thrones have
crumbled, twenty-four reigning dynasties have gone into
exile.tweniy-nine constitutionshave been sworn, acclaimed,
and torn to shreda In France alone, within eighty years,
<^e form of government has been changed, with more or
less violence, eighteen or nineteen times, and nothing
indicates that the cycle of its revolutions is as yet closed.
There is hardly a government in Europe that does not
totter, while the goveminjg and the governed are alike
living by expedients from day to day. The vessel of
society seems advancing without a helm amongst shoals
alnd quicksands, and no Ught is recognised on the horizon'
tb pomt the way of safety.
Audit is not alone the {Political pov^er which guides^
and protects society that is iiireatened, but the ramily
relations, the rights of property, and all the most essential
elements of civmzed life, are in imminent danger of beinp
The JRewlittion. 89
ewallowed up in the abTBa. Men's minds are troubled at
the prospect of an unknown future ; and society, surrounded
by tozmy and splendour, reprodaces in onr day the picture
of Balthaasar revelling in his eacrflegions cnpe, and
stnick with terror at the mysterioue handwritiug upon
tie waiL
The masses on the Continent of £urope are discontented
snd impatient of control, and cherish a hatred of all pre*
eminence. The authority of the father, and the authority
of the state, are equally disregarded. All rights are called
in question by the pre«8, aud from the tribune. A wither-
ing scepticism haa rendered the minds of men incapable of
strong convictions ; and, as the basis of future legislation,
new principles of justice are announced, which consist
only in the denial of all recognised ideas of rights
Materialism is the fashionable creed amongst a large
DioportioQ of the better classes ; ignorance of the most
dangerous type—that proud ignorance which knows only
how to read and write— is the condition of the greater
portion of the massea The extravagance of hastily made
fortunes, the ardent pursuit of material enjoyments, the
distrast and fear that prevail between class and class,
rnnat not be omitted Crom this disheartening picture of
existrng European sooisty.
AAA *« thim tiiat {» «ll flia nniintvliui of EoTOpe, the
Bvstem of edu-
suit, immorality
all influence in
as a necessity
dgn of a virile
progr«BB.
[era society — ^if
ts surface — are
vasting disease
itiistanding its
dy in Europe ifl
red at by some
h them, we are'
i reserved some
40 The Revolution.
deepest and most far-seeing writers of the present century
DoNOSO Cortes, exclaimed : —
*' Tes, European society is dying; its extremities are already
cc^d, and its heart shall soon be stilL .... Eurc^ is dying;
for she has been poisoned with error. No saving truth remains
intact .... and for this reason the i^proaching catastrophe
of Europe shall be called the great catastrophe of history."^
By what name shall we designate that terrible malady
to which modem society is a prey, and which has, within
recent years, made gigantic strides towards that final issue
of which the illustrious Spanish publicist i^eakst It»
friends and foes are alike agreed as to its name. It is hj
both termed The Revolution.
It has been the lot of the human race, in recent times^
to become the victim of words. The magic terms, ** Refor-
mation,'' " Liberty," Process," have in turn enjoyed the
privilege of exciting umversal interest, and of agitating
society to its depths. But no word in the vocabulary of
human language has possessed a stronger influence, and
exercised a wider empire, than that of the ^ Revolution.'*
On the platform^ in the press, in the schools and the
academies, it has attained all but universal sway during
the last ninety years. It is impossible to convey even a
partial idea of the passions it has evoked, and the debatea
it has originated. The vague and indefinite sense so fre-
quently attached to it, has but added to its prestige^
There are those who glory in the Revolution, and those
who tremble at its name. Some regard it as the liberation
of mankind from every species of servitude, the destruction
of tyranny, and of every form of abuse ; and some look
upon it as identical with absolute indep^idence and
universal licence. The former regard it as synonymous
with that progress which advances through all barriers to
a new civilization, on the ruins of the old world, while the
latter, meditating on its past history, shudder at the pros-
Sect of what this new civilization may bring forth. The
iends of the Revolution exult in it as the triumphant
march of the human race towards the El Dorado of all pros-
perity, the ideal and long sought paradise upon earth,
whilst its adversaries consider it as the return of the worst
form of pagan barbarism, and the advent of an iron
despotism such as the world has never yet beheld.
^Letters to the Paisand Heratdo. Apud Mgr. Lafobet, Ze <%8a&itt
tt ks plaiesde la Societi Modeme^ p. 6.
The Revolution. 41
The Revolution I We may here venture to strip this
magic word of its vagueness, and exhibit it in its native
colour.
The Revolution, as now considered, does not consist in
a change of reigning dynasties, nor in the substitution of
one form of government for another. It is not identified
with any special form of poHtical constitution. Europe has
witnessed Republics that were not revolutionary ; and it
has seen the Revolution prostrate herself at the feet of
despots. Revolutions, social convulsions, and violent
changes have hitherto been frequently witnessed in the
world, but never, until recent times, has history witnessed
Hie Revolution^ that is, a chronic state whose special charac-
teristic seems to be a rage for destruction, and whose virus
has penetrated the social body and infected the sources of
legidation.
Ask this mysterious being who and what she is, and
firom out the chaos of ideas which hope and fear, love and
hatred, have engendered regarding her, she seems to
reply : — " T am not Freemasonry, nor Carbonarism, I do not
wiish to be taken for secret conspiracy or open insurrection.
These things are my work, they are not myself. Call me
not Marat, nor Robespierre, Mazzini, nor Cavonr. These
men are my children, they are not myself. Those events,
those characters are transitory, I am a permanent state.
I am the hatred of every order of things in which man is
not his own sovereign and god. I represent the principle
of the rights of man as opposed to the rights of God. I
am the philosophy of revolt, the religion of revolt. Like
Hephistopheles in Faust, 1 am the spirit of negation,
negation itself, defiant and destructive. Callme anarchy,
if you will, but call me first the Revolution^ for it is my
mission to upturn and root out the present order of society,
and replace it by one of my own creation. I demand the
destruction of property, which I call robbery. I demand
the abolition of stan<£ng armies, and the defence of the
nation by the nation. 1 demand the destruction of the
magistracy, and the election by the people of judges who
will serve the cause of popular justice. I demand the
suppression of the right of inheritance as opposed to my
prmciples. In the name of Revolutionary Uberty, I demand
the suppression of the free school, the exclusion of all
religious teaching, and the instruction of the whole nation
concentrated in the hands of the State. In fine, I demand
the abolition of capital, and the distribution amongst the
42 The Revolution,
masses, of the nation's riches, together with the machineiy,
implements, and other sources of wealtL"
The Revolution is not, I repeat, a special political system
of government. It is neither Republic, nor Monarchy, nor
Empire. It is the appetite of disorder, the genius of
destruction, the hatred of authority, the irresistible instinct
of independence and anarchy. It is a blind and furious
ra^ for the annihilation of all the fundamental institutions
hitherto recognised as the basis of human society. It is,
in a word, the realization on earth of that vision of another
region, which the poet describes : —
'* The stormy blast of heU
With restless fury drives the spirits on,
Whirled roimd and dashed amain with sore annoy,
When they arrive before the ruinous sweep.
Their shrieks are heard, their lamentations, moans,
And blasphemies against the good power in heaven.*^
It is to no purpose to inform us that disorders and
crimes have been always visible in the world, and that
modem society is no exception to the rule. True, criminal
excesses and subversive theories have ever stained the
{)age of history to a greater or less extent. But, for tho
ast ninety years, and for the first time in the history of the
world, such excesses have asserted their right of citizenship
on earth, and such theories have been dignified into a
system, and claim the sanction of public law in Europe.
Tvranny and oppression have always existed m the
world, but hitherto they were not set up as the standard
of justice, freedom, and humanity. In the past, even in
the midst' of the greatest crimes, enough of conscience wfitfi
left in the perpetrators to force them in numberless cases
to recognise the justice of the law that punished them, and
to bring them many a time to repentance. But it remained
for modem society to uphold such crimes, and to glory in
them in the names of Liberty,Equality, and Fraternity. Cain
oppressed his brothel* Abel, but not in the name of liberty.
He slew him, but not in the name of fraternity ; and Cain'0
despairing remorse sufficiently testified his belief in the
Divme law he had violated. My iniquity is too greai tha
I should merit pardon}
But Vermesoh and his associates of the Paris Conmmne,
gloried in deeds of blood, and paraded themselves before
* Carey's Dante I/Infemo, Canto V, * Om. iv. 8.
The Revolution. 43
tbb world ae ths apostlee of liberty, and the champions of
hamamtr and progress.
It wul not sufGcG to remind ub that the ReTolution has
swept away many intolerable abuseB, for in the violent
changee which it hag brought about, we are not to be sur-
prised that eome real abuses have disappeared. In the
Inrious torrent which has overflowed its oanks, and ew^rt
through the fertile valley, scattering ita people and de-
vastating their peaceful homes, we should not wonder if
nanynoxioUB elements and sources of disease must naturally
disappear with the stores of wealth which years of
pati«at iodushy have accumulated.
We have considered the Revolution in its nature and
general aspects. Lest we should be taxed with exaggerat-
ing this dismal picture, we now purpose to descend some-
what into the details of its hietoiy. The origin of so-called
:ed at the beginning of the
[ dates from the proclamation
I . This was the great epoch
.a were to be applied to the
new era of prosperity intro-
ance, always so enthusiastic
, and come what may, whose
literated, to France, we say,
of initiating the era of the
The genius of its people,
seemed singularly suited to
evolution, and spread their
Lcuse or palliate (he crying
■ance. The absolute power
the king, the pagan idea of
■ the legists, the grinding
de for the splendour of the
ses of long continued and
rhich if they have sometimes'
I existed in terrible reality,
been exhibited at court, and
5S of society. The writings
;nlarly the cynical sarcasms
it of irreligion through the
44 2 he Revolution.
to ridicule the idea of God, and reeard as imbeciles those
who believed in religion." * " There existed a league
to annihilate religion," says our great fellow countryman,
Edmund Burke.
If we are appalled at the infernal orgies of licentiousness
and blood into which the people plunged during the frenzy
of the Revolution, we must not forget that when religion
is brought into contempt, and has lost its influence over
men, the worst passions of the human heart are let loose,
for, says de Bonald, " A people of dissolute morals are easily
moved to ferocity."
Yes, when pride, absolutism, and violence were seated
on the throne of the Bourbons, when Fenelon, the saintly
Archbishop of Cambray, wrote of Louis XIV., ** The king
has no idea of his duty, and he spends his time outside the
ways of justice and truth, and consequently outside the pale
of the Gospel,"* when Vauban pointed out the half of
France reduced to mendicity, and La Bruy^re exclaimed
that either God ** was not God, or those disorders were
occasioned by the malice of men," we are not to be
surprised that the people grew tired of the yoke, and that
a revolution of some kind had been foreseen long before the
event, by the most serious thinkers of the age.
Such was the deplorable state of society in France on
the eve of the great Revolution. By this time a school of
poUtical economy had sprung into existence, whose ideas
and aspirations had already exercised considerable influence
in the country, and many there were who believed that
France possessed in itself sufficient power to right its wrongs
by a pacific and legitimate Revolution, without having
recourse io those scenes of violence and blood by which
the vital forces of the nation were dissolved, and which
cast it headlong into a fever of commotion from which it
has not as yet recovered.
At that time France was ruled by a monarch who was
the reverse of many of his predecessora Louis XVI., was
correct in his private life, and desired nothing so ardently
as the reform of abuses, and the alleviation of the miseries of
the people. The States General were summoned to devise
means to carry out the benevolent wishes of the king. I
cannot better describe the spirit which animated the
beginning of their counsels than in the words of an eminent
writer on this subject : — " We have often seen in history,*"
1 In 1771. * Uttre a M^ de MairUenon.
The Revolution. 45
says P. Gratry, " men rise up to demand justice for them-
selves, but here we behold an entii'e people demand justice
for others. The most influential, the most enlightened, the
most prosperous rise up to demand justice for the masses
of the people. I behold the great, the powerful, asking
justice jfor the little and the weak, in order to establish
civil and political equality."^
"I have studied history profoundly," says M. de
Tocqueville, "and 1 unhesitatingly declare that I have
never found in any revolution so great a number of men
filled with a more thorough spirit of patriotism, more dis-
interestedness, and a higher spirit of true nobiUty." * It
was truly a memorable night, that of the 4th August, 1789,
when kin^, nobles, and clergy came forward and laid down
the cherished privileges of their classes in favour of the
people, and seemed to vie with each other in sacred
enthusiasm to establish what may justly be called the
Kingdom of God upon earth.
But, alas I that this salutary current of opinion should
have been reversed, and that selfishness, passion, and
violence should have conspired to dash from the lips of an
expectant people the peaceful cup of hope, and firom their
eyes the prospect of a glorious futmre.
Scarcely had the representatives of the nation begun
their deUberations when shouts of violence were heard,
and blood was seen to flow in the streets of Paris. The
city resounded to the cry, '* The people have conquered ilie
Bcutille; the people heme borne in triumph four human heads on
their pikes T THE PEOPLE HAVE TAKEN THE BaSTILLE !
why aid they not ask for the key and wait a Uttle to get it t
The people ! that is to say, a ferocious group of malefactors,
who were destined to be henceforth the masters of the
gi andest nation on earth. They call themselves the people,
and identify themselves with twenty-five milhons of
Frenchmen. ** That false people," says Siey^s, " the most
mortal foe which France ever encountered — ^that false
people alighted upon us like a race of harpies, to defile all,
and devour all before them." ^ " There were not more than
four hundred or five hundred miscreants,'* says Petion,
** who were the authors of all these crimes.'** This is the
astounding fact which undeniable history aflSrms, and we
» P. Gbatkt, La Morale de VHistoire^ vol. it, ch. 7,
* VAncien Regime et la Revolution, p. 260.
• Notice o/Sieye's, by himself , in 1794,
« Petion at Conyention, 10 Ap., 1793.
46 The Mevolution.
may add with Vergniaud, " That posterity will never be
able to conceive the shameful bondage in which Paris was
held by a mere handful of brigands, the offscourings of the
human race." Such, however, I repeat, waa the astound-
ing fact, and henceforth violence snail be erected into a
principle of government, and insurrection declared the holie$t
of duties. The result is thus described by Leonce de
Lavergne. '* From October, 1789, the National Assembly
loses the direction of affairs. It obeys the clamour of the
mob, and the spirit of justice and of Uberty is succeeded
by violence and oppression. All rights are trampled upon,
all properties violated, every liberty destroyed. Blood
flows in torrents, and the legislators of 1789, who knew the
laws of soimd government and the true conditions of hberty,
are succeeded by men who ignore every law and disregard
every right."*
Such was the origin of what is called the Revolution,
and such the beginning of modern society as issued from
the Revolution. Violence, tyrannical oppression of
minorities, the ruin of Uberty, hatred of religion, contempt
of law, war in the streets, anarchy everywhere, followed
by an iron dictatorship, universal centralization, and
universal servitude ; and if this be the Revolution, are we
not justified in saying " that it is the ruin, the shame, and
the last agony of civmzed society."*
But the Revolution was blown away, says Carlyle, by
Bonaparte in a whiff of grape-shot on the 13 Vendemiaire.*
We must here be^ Mr. Oarlyle'a pardon. The Revolution
lives; it is domiciled in Europe, and has now become a
permanent part of contemporary history. The Revolution
exists more defiant, more wide-spread, and better organized
than ever. It has become incarnate in a strange race of
men, new beings in human form " who have spread them-
selves," says de Tocqueville, "over the entire civilized
world, and everywhere exhibit the same character, the
same instincts, and pursue the same line of conduct without
any change or conceivable improvement."'
But it LB time we should take to task those preachers
of the new Gospels, and those apostles who promised to the
human race a new era of Liberty^ Equality, and Fraternity.
1 Conyention, 28th December, 1792. » EccnomU rurale^p. 18.
• P. Grdtry Morale de VHistoire Tom. 11 CL IX. j
^Ihe French Revolution, Vol, III. Ch. VII.
' DAnden Regime etla Revolution^ CH. II,
The Revolution, 47
" Liberty," criea Madame Roland on her way to the scaSbld
"how many crimee are committed in thy name I" For
ninetj- years the Revolution has been propagated in the
name of liberty and I say, without heatatioii, that whilst
ite disciples reject absolutism in name, they maintain it ia
substance. The pagan emperor of old said, " lly will is the
law," and Louis XlV., reviving the pagan tnidition, held
that he wag the stale. The disciples of modem society
denounce this tlieory, whUe tbey ring changes on the
name of liberty by which the generations have been
eDchauted. And in the person of Robespierre they declare,
"Liberty is the despotism of reason, it is what I and the
Committee of Public Safety ordain. See you follow it
strictly, otherwise the guillotine will make shfirt work
of you." Liberty is fine in theory, but detestable in
♦practice," said M. Cuignet, of the Commune, in IST], " We
must annihilate our adversaries or we shall be overborne
by them,"
The ancient Working Men's Corporations which had
flourished in France for ages, and which, notwithstanding
many abuses, had offered to the labouring classes a power-
ful guarantee of their just rights, were abolished by the
Bevolution; and this is what Pierre Leroux, a decided
' ■" " ■ "■' ■ ■ id
ih
48 The Eevohition.
name of the right for every man to go and come, in the
name of Uberty of the press, of liberty of thought, and of
the ri^t of meeting, and behold, no one can go or coma
Barriers to liberty are erected on every side . . . there
is neither liberty of the press, nor hberty of speech, nor
liberty of conscience/*
The Revolutionary idea of liberty is always the same.
Have we not seen in our own day thirty newspapers
suppressed in one week in Paris in 1871, for criticising the
acts of the Commune? The Dictator, M. Gambetta,
refused for six months to permit general elections of the
National Assembly, and when those elections arrived, ho
strove with might and main, to exclude from the right of
voting, an entire class of P rench citizens. The present
revolutionary leaders in France still hold fast to the
theories announced by their predecessors in 1792. " The
Republic,'* said St. Just, " consists in the destruction of
everything that is opposed to it." They are the legitimate
heirs of those who filled the prisons of Paris with twenty-
two thousand of their victims, and with at least half a
million more the prisons of the provinces, and such
prisons I " The prisons,'* said Dumont, in 1797, ** are tombs
in which one dies a hundred times.**
It would, indeed, be vain to hope for liberty from men
who may be aptly described in the words of the Sacred
Text, " They promise liberty to men who themselves are the
slaves of corruption."^
True liberty can only consist in the faculty of enjoying
our just rights, and in freedom from restraint in the dis-
charge of one's obligations. " We can only be free,** says
Goetiie, "under the empire of God*s law.** This is what
the great Liberator of the human race pointed out in his
address to the Jews : " If you abide in my word^ you shall
know the truths and the truth shall set you free,** They
repUed : " We are the seed of Abraham^ and we were never
slaves J^ He answers : *' Amen, ameriy I say whoever sinsy is
the slave of sin. If then^ the Son of God deliver you from sin^
you shaU be truly free.*^^
Society, aa issued from the Revolution, has ignored or
despised this law, and hence it falls by turns under the
despotism of the mob, and the despotism of Caesar. Both
despotisms are identified with the ruin of liberty and the
filavery of the people.
1 2 Peter, ii, «/oA>i, viiiSl.
The nevolution. 4S
Equality.
There is an eqnality which makes all men brothers, one
that is just, wise, and necessary, and which, as men and
Christians, we are all bound to uphold. Men are equal,
because tbej have a common origin, and a common
destiur. We are all equal, because for as all there is bot
one religion, one moral code, one judgmeut, one Qod.
But to say that all should occupy the same position is
■odety, exercise the same influence, share in the same
hoDOuis, and posaeaa only the same amount of property, is
just as Benedble as to maintain that all should be alike in
peiBoaal complexion, equal in stature, or in power of mind
and body- This, nevertheless, is something like equality
according to the theory of the Revolution.
Nothmg is more essential for the well-being of society
than that oomestic authority should be strenuously main-
tained. Without this, the family ia in disorder, and when
disorder reigns generally in the family, anarchy is the per-
manent condition in the state. The father has received
from God the right to govern and direct his children- His
paternal love, the labours and sacrifices of his life, give
him an undoubted claim to the reverence and gratitude of
his ofispring, and confer upon him the right to reward
and pnmsh. The Revolution has undermined his authority
by depriving him of the right to dispose of his property at
id amongst all nations,
favours conferred on
1 on some signal service
790, all distinctions and
ty, were abolished. So
>f equality gone, that it
Mister" and "Madam"
here exists a resolution
ding that the spires and
because their elevation
as considered an oQence -
.n fared by the law of
free, more independent t
Quite the contrarv. The
50 The RevolutiofL
of 1789 revolted against the titled aristocracy, so the
•workingmen of the present day are preparing to revolt
against the aristocracy of the money-bag. Fourier, in
1808, said the social movement originated by the
Kevolution tended more and more to impoverish the
poorer classes for the benefit of the rich, and citizen Prost,
a representative workingman, declared in 1876 that '^the
workingman was condemned to a subjection impossible to
be endured, and one that was a hundred tunes more
oppressive than that against which their fathers of 1789
and 1793 rose in insurrection.**
Such is the equality of the Revolution, as seen in con*
temporary history, and as judged by the Revolutionists
themselves. It is equality in misery — the savage equaUty
of Proudhon — a ruthless levelling down of all ranks and
conditions, tending only to socialism, communism, and
anarchy.
Fratebntty.
This is the most brilliant term found in the vocabulary
of the Revolution. To fraternity, in the revolutionary
sense, we may apply what Goethe says of a certain class
of men whom he compared to drums — ^the emptier they are
the more noise they make. The Revolution talks loudly
of fraternity, and yet it never ceases to sow the seeds of
discord and calumny among men. It has made a reUgion
of hatred. Its disciples daily prepare the way for civil
strife, and to their adversaries they offer the alternative of
fraternity or death.
All men are brothers, for God is the common Father of
all. Such is the foundation of that brotherhood inculcated
by the Redeemer — a brotherhood based on devotedness,
charity, patience, and forgiveness. The fraternity intro-
duced by the Revolution creates suspicion, developes
enmity, and ends in assassination. A series of iniquitous
laws confiscated the revenues of the poor, the hospitals,
and the Church. Edmund Burke says the National
Assembly laid its hands on five miUions sterling oi revenue,
and hunted from their houses fifty or sixty thousand human
beings, because such was its goodwill and pleasure. A
report presented by the Committee of Pubuo ReUef in
1794 describes in terrible language the condition of the
poor of Paris, without beds, without covering, all sexes
huddled together. ^* The aged and infirm are in want of
the barest necessaries There are three thousand of such.
The BevobUion. 51
and the Government can only provide for five hundred."
Of three thousand one hundred and tweaty-two foundlings
brought to the asylums in the year IV., only two hundred
and fifteen survived at the end of that year.
The city of Lyons revolted against the oppression of
the Convention. The Convention deGre<;d that Lyons
should be destroyed. Who has not heard of the thousands
massacred with hardly a semblance of judicial form by the
agents of the Revolution to advance the cause of glorious
&at«niity t Thirty thousand were sliiin at Lyons by
Collot D'Herbois, thirty thousand at Nantes, twelve
thousand during the massacre of September in Paris, At
the barrier of St. Antoine an immense aqueduct was made
to convey the blood of the slain. At Nantes the waters of
the Lou^ were infected by the bodies of the drowned, and
ran red with the blood of the victims — a fact sworn at the
trial of the ferocious Carriere. In La Vendee twenty com-
manee had laid down their arms and. surrendered to the
Republic. Their inhabitants were all immediately slain*
says Merlin de Theonville. Danton called for the heads
of two hundred and sixty thousand aristocrats, and Carriere
demanded that two-tmrds of the inhabitants should be
tappretied, that the Repubhc might live to clierish frater-
nity. At tbe sitting of the Assembly, 2nd May, 1795, Louvet
declared that two hundred revolutionary tribunals had
B^ra!uiv nent AhnnHrorl tVimifunH Frptinhmeu to their graves.
on of the Revolution,
than four millions of
space of ten years.
ce. Id those days a
i from Amiens to the
;g hve the Republic,
>ehold the operations
itenial towards the
>8e whom it regarded
lists who had voted
d by Danton, Danton
Tallien, so that w©
, " like Saturn the
52 The Revolution.
Religion.
De Bonald has said, *' It is all over with Europe when
she no longer possesses a public religion." The blind rage
of destruction which animates the Revolution has left it
vision enough to see this truth. Hence all its energies
are turned against religion, which it pursues with an
intense and satanical hatred. £dgard Quinet has but
spoken a clear historical fact in saying " the abolition of all
religion shall be for ever the distinctive mark of the French
Revolution." This ideal the Revolution still pursues by
means of all the engines which modem society furnishes for
creating and directing public opinion. Whether by covert,
stratagem, or open violence, her end is always the same
— the destruction of religion — for it alone is capable of
presenting an efiective obstacle to that material, moral, and
mtellectual ruin of which the Revolution is the herald and
agent. In the popular repubUcan catechism, youth are
taught that " there is no power, no justice above man.
. . . To deny God is to affirm that man is the sole
true sovereign of his own destiny." We do not exaggerate
when we say that the Revolution is essentially antichristian
in its principles and in its object, and that it is in direct
opposition to all revealed religion. This truth becomes
more evident day by day. In the first stage of its history-
men stood aghast at the prospect created by the aboUtion
of all worship, and Robespierre was forced through political
necessity to decree the existence of a Supreme Being.
** For," said Camille Desmouline, " if kings were ripe for
destruction, God was not yet so."
But we have made progress since that time, and the
Revolution has now visibly thrown off the mask. ** Catho-
licity must be destroyed," says E. Quinet. " It is not a
question of refuting the Papacy, it must be extirpated, not
onW' extirpated, but dishonoured, not only dishonoured, but
stifled in mud.*^
In the secret instruction of a supreme Venta or
Revolutionary Coimcil discovered by the Roman poUce, we
find these words : — ** Our object is the same as that of
Voltaire .... the complete desti-uction once and
for ever of CathoHcity, and even of the Christian idea."*
The revolutionary correspondent at Leghorn writes to
Nubius (probably the mysterious chief of me sect) and re-
* Lettres de Marmx^ Introduction, p. yiL
■ Apud Segur^ La B evolution, p. 32.
The Sevolation. 53
porta that be liad visited aH the secret societies of Enrope,
aad eajB, " the overthrow of all European thrones is now a
matter easily accomplished ; but what is chiefly to he
desired ie not s revolntion in this or that particular country
— a tbio^ Which could be effected at any time — but in order
to kill the old world effectively, every germ of Catholicity
and Chriatianity should be smothered."^ Was not De
Maistre right when he said that "the Revolution was
satanical in He essence 1 "* And can we tax with exagger-
ation the words of the late Pius IX., of glorious memory,
when he wrote " the Kevolution is inspired by Satan. Its
object is to effect the utter ruifl of Cnristian society, and
re-establish on its ruins the social order of Paganism? "*
We have seen what the Revolution is in its nature, and
in its object. Its promises have been great, its results dis-
astrous. This, some of its most ardent admirers are forced
to confess. The Revue des Deux Mondes, a publication
iniatuated with "modem" ideas, exclaimed, after the
atnvit;<ui nf *ha IntA nfimmiinn ■ " The Revolution has not
It has made shipwreck
'e repeat, and its deadly
[vitzerlaud, and elsewhere,
are spread, and in nearly
holds the reins of govem-
it to await a favourable
ate deeigas. Wbat shall
ot wanting deep and far
,t no distant future to the
, and a universal reign of
i time may shortly come
it loose from the caverns
away every vestige of
vith tears and blood I
fi be realized, then shall
e opened, the altar shall
' innocent victims flow in
lall be forced from his last
k refuge once more in the
54 Correspondence,
devoured its own children. Then, in the midst of scenes
of blood and smoking ruins, a venerable man, with hoary
locks, whose head is bowed with sorrow and the weight of
years, shall once more be seen issuing from his hiding
place. In one hand he holds the Book of Truth, and with
the other he clasps to his heart the image of the
Crucified. He breathes a blessing of peace upon the
scattered children of men. His voice reaches through
a continent, and is heard on the shores of that land
whose hills are ever green, and whose heart is ever
faithful. Holy Ireland responds to the call of her
father. She is once more ready for her traditionary
work of CJhristian civilization. What has already happened
may occur again — ^for history, some one has said, but
repeats itself— and as Erin in former days played so
active a part in rescuing Europe from barbarism, the
same lofty mission may fall to her lot once again. It
may be her noble destiny to aid once more in restoring
Chnstian civilization in Europe, and thus to co-operate in
the fulfilment of De Maistre's prophecy, that " the Revolu-
tion which began by the proclamation of the rights of man
shall end by proclaiming the rights of God."
D. Keller.
CORRESPONDENCE.
MONITA BrEVLA., by THE LATE Dr. MuRRAT.
TO THB EDITOB OF THE IBISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
Many of your readers will, I think, be glad to have the
following relic of the pious and learned Professor of Theology,
Dr. Murray, of Maynooth. He seems to have given this printed
leaf to his students at the end of their course : — M.K.
MONITA QUAEDAV, IK USUM PRARSBRTIM E0RU1C QUI JAMJAM
ORDINANDI SUNT PRESBTTBRl BT AD YINEAM DoMIMI EXCOLBN-
DAM PROFECTURI.
I. Haec quotidie petenda sunt, et etiam saepius in die: — 1%
Omnium peccatorum vestrorum venia ; 2^, Gratia nunquam post-
hac ullum peccatum deliberatum admittendi, maxime grave ; 3^,
Ut quotidie proficiatis in odio peccati atque in amore Dei et B. V.
Mariae : 4°, Ut tempore mortis omnia ultima sacramenta mentis
compotes ac digne recipiatis ; 5^, Perseverantia finalis.^
^ Preces pro bona morte, quae, utpote brevissimae, faoUe memoriaa
mandari possunt, vid. apud *^ Raccolta," nn. 6, 19, 187. Aliae sunt
paulo longiores, ibid. n. 181, 132, item, n. 84 (feria 3), 126 (oratio 3),
125 (Sabb.) Yid. indulgentias singulis istis predbus ^^nnA-gftg^
Correspondenee. 55
H. Frequenter in die, qnibngcnrnqne negotiis diatenti, et
wmper nocte e somno excitati, attoUite meatea vestraa in coelnm,
pnces quas vocant ejaculatorias effundeudo.
III. Confessionem hebdomadalem, niat caiua gnm nrgente^
nanqnuii intemtlttite.'
IV. Ab omni moto ultioou deliberato, qnacumqoe offensa
illAla, strenuo cavete.
V. Qo&taor novissima crebro recolite.
TI. LectioDi lifarorum Bpiritualium sedulo Incnmbite. In istia
pabola doctrinae salataris omnlgeaa invenietis. quibus, ut cibig
diomu, uti possitia et ad veatr&s aniraas alendaa et animaa eomm
qoonim coram utcnmqae habebitb.'maxime antem in sacro Foe-
nitentiae tribonali.
"Tantam iJIud voa rogo, nt ad Domiai allare memineritis
Eoei, abi ubi fneritis." — S. Adodst. Coofeaa. 1. 9, c 11.
Decern. 1670. P. M.
Can Curates assist at Marriages t
inch obliged for your satis-
Record. Your concluding
Ton tay the curate should
I marriage. Is it true that,
curate to a parish in this
irera aa the parish priest in
iage ceremony without any
I P.P. ? I have heard that
c.c.
lis ooontry have, by virtue
the same powers as the
ting at marriagefl. The
loee, authorise curates to
iah, or in epecial districta
a be an explicit declara-
■Qy dioceses in which it is
it marriages without the
are saj, appointment as
would suffice. Otherwise
cannot validly aasist at
the parish priest.
J. H
[ 5fi J
LITUEGY.
I.
Gothtb Vestments, Blue and white Vestments.
Rev. and Dear Sir — Having to officiate where there are
Gothic vestments, as they are called, which hang down cope-like
over the shoulders, and some of which are of a blue and white
pattern, I would ask you kindly to inform me :
I. — (a) Whether there is a decision 6f the Congregation con-
demning the use of such chasubles ?
{b) If there is such a decision, what b the date of it ?
(c) And whether, in the face of such a decision, it is
lawful to manufacture new vestments of the style referred to, not
only for churches and chapels in which they were in use prior to
the prohibitory decision, but also for other churches and chapels.
II. — ^In the matter of the vestments of the blue pattern which
are in use on the feasts of the Blessed Virgin, I would ask whether,
and how far the blue colour, pure and simple, may be used in
conjunction with white or yellow in chasubles ?
Constant Reader of the Record.
Answer to question I, (a) — Yes, there is a general decree
forbidding the use of vestments of the Gothic pattern.
(6) The date of the decree is the 21st of August, 1863,
(c) In the face of this decree, it is not la'wful to manu-
facture new vestments of this pattern. The bishop may
aUow the use of those already made, till they are worn
out. We give the decree in full, as you and those con-
cerned will be anxious to see it.
Rbverndissime Domine uti Frateb— Quum renunciantibus
nonnullis Episcopis aliisque ecclesiasticis et laicis viris Sanctam
Sedem non lateret quasdam in Anglia, Grallia, Germania et Belgio
Dioceses immutasse formam sacrarum vestium, quae in celebratione
Sacrosanctae Missae Sacrificii adhibentur, easque ad stylum, quem
dicunt gothicum, elegantiori qujdem opere conformasse.
Ex hoc porro examine, quamvis eadem Sacra Gongregatio probe
nosceret sacras illas vestes stylum gothicum praeseferentes praecipue
saeculis VIIL, XIV., et XV. obtinuisse, aeque tamen animadvertit
Ecclesiam Romanam aliasque latini ritus per orbem Ecclesias, Sede
Apostolica minime reclamante, a saccule XVI., nempe ab ipsa
propemodum Concilii Tridentini aetate, usque ad noetfa haec
tempera illarum reliquisse usnm, proindeque, eadem perdurante
disciplina, necnon Sancta Sede inconsulta, nihil * innovari posse
oensuit, uti pluries Summi Pontifices in sois edocuere Constitu-
Idturgical QuesUona. 57
tionibus sapienter monentes immutationes istas, utpote probata
Ecclesiae mori contrarias, saepe pertnrbationes producere posse et
fidelium animos in admirationem inducere.
Sed quoniam Sacrorum Rituum Congregatio arbitratur alicujus
ponderis esse posse rationes, quae praesentem immutationem per*
fioasenint, hinc, aadito Sanctissimi Domini Nostri Pii Papae IX.
oraciiloy verbis amantissimis invitare censuit Amplitudinem Tuam,
Qt quatenos in tua Diocesi hujnsmodi immutationes locum
habnenint. rationes ipsas exponere velis, quae illis causam dederunt.
Interim Amplitudini Tuae fausta omnia a Domino adprecor, &c»
Card. Patrizi, S.R.G., Praef.
21 Aug., 1863.
Answer to question IF. — The vestments must be of the
recognised rubrical colours, if we except those made of
gold tissue. Neither blue nor yellow is a rubrical colour,
and accordingly it is forbidden to make vestments of either
of these colours. It is obvious that it would be better,
because more in keeping with Church regulations, to
exclude those colours altogether from vestments ; and
it would be certainly in violation of the decision of the
Congregation of Rites, to make blue, instead of white, the
donunant colour in a chasuble used on the feasts of the
Blessed Virgin. We append some decrees bearing on this
question.
Marsordh.
Quaer, — "Potestne continuari usus illarum ecelesiarum, quae
pro colore tam albo, quam rubro, viridi, et violaceo utuntur p£u*a-
mentis vel flavi colons, vel mixtis diversis coloris floribus,
praeaertim si colores a Bubrica praescripti in floribus reperiantur ?
In Rubriea Missalis Fratnim Ordinis Praedicatorum num. 6,
legitur : in diebus vero solemnibus uti possumus
pretiosioribus paramentis cujusoumque sint coloris, dummodo non
sunt nigri."
S.R.C. resp. : — " Servetur strictim Rubrica quoad colorem
Paramentorum."— 12th Nov., 1831.
Ve&onem.
Quaer. — " Utrum liceat uti colore flavo, vel caeruleo in
Sacrificio Missae, et expositione Sanctissimi Sacramenti."
&R.C. resp.:— *' Negative."— 16 Mart., 1833.
Cong. Oblatorum B. M. V
Qii€ier, — *' An usus coloris caerulei in sacris Paramentis permitti
possit pro colore albo, uti lieri assolet in Missis Beatae Mariae
Yirginis, vel potius violaceo ?"
S.R.C. resp. : — " Negative in omnibus, et usum caerulei coloria
veluti abusum eliminandum." — 23 Feb., 1839.
58 Liturgical Questions*
IL
When some of the Stations of the Cross are broken, must all he
blessed again f
Rrv. Sir — ^What is to be done, if after the Stations of Uie
Cross have been solemnly erected in a church, one or more of the
fourteen get injured or broken. Can one or more new ones be
procured and erected, and do they require to be blessed, or are the
fourteen to be again blessed ?
Any information on the point will much oblige
Sacerdos.
1; Our respected correspondent will bear in mind that
it is to the crosses and not to the pictures that the indul-
gences are attached. Consequently even though all the
pictures were destroyed, but not the crosses, the indul-
gences are not lost.
2. Even though a few of the crosses (less than half)
were destroyed, it is only necessary to substitute others in
their place, and those thus substituted do not need any
new blessing
The following are the decrees which bear on these
points.
1**. An pereant indulgentiae, cum Cruces, vel imagines quatuor-
decim stationum aut partim, aut integre, quacumque de causa e
suo loco amoveantur, etiam ad breve tempus ?
2^: An pereant, cum novae imagines, servatis crucibus, aut
vice versa, novae cruces, servatis imf^inibus, in locum aliaram
pariter aut partim, aut integre sufficerentur ?
3°. An pereant indulgentiae, si cruces et imagines meliori mode
disponantur ?
Sac. Cong. resp. : —
Ad 1™. Indulgentiae Viae Crucis crucibns tantum sunt adnexae,
minime vero imaginibus» quae necessariae non sunt. Hoc posito,
ei cruces, vel imagines quatuordecim stationum Viae Crucis aut
partim, aut integre e loco suo moveantur ad tempus, ut denuo
eidem loco restituantur, indulgentiae non pereunt.
Ad 2*°. Si cruces primitus benedictae omnino pereant, vel
tollantur, iterum nova erectio el benedictio requiritur ad acquirendas
indulgentias ; si vero pereant, vel tollantur ex minore parte, licet
alias illis substituere absque uUa nova erectione et benedictione ;
ideoque indulgentiae perseverant.
Ad 3*^. Ob meliorem dispositionem crucium, indulgentiae non
ftBiittuntur.
R Browne.
DOCUMENTS.
Decree seqardinq Uixbd Mabriages.
The last issue of the " Acta Sonctae Sedia " republishes a decre*
oi the CongT^&tion of the Inqoiattion regarding mixed maniageB.
In this decree the following points are clearlj stated : —
1. It is not unlawftil in the case of mixed marriages that the
contractiog partiea, if nt^ently required by the heretics or by the
law, should present themselves in fulfilment of the law before a
heretical minister, when such heretical minister is also the civit
officer, and acta merely at ruck. And in these circumstances the
parties may lawfully present themselves before him either before
or after the celebration of the marriage prescribed by the Council
of Trent.
2. Bnt whenever the heretical minister is regarded as perform-
mere fungens, then it is
)arty to present himself
the purpose of express-
would be in that case
md taking part in an
liesion to heresy, must
icatio in divinis.
. and others engaged in
ir people regarding the
e points, warning them
ast never to celebrate
u addicixu, that is, acts
I is altogether unlawful
the contracting parties
.he parish priest should
s purpose to go before
pve their matrimonial
I should wani them of
le censures which they
L particular case should
:he proceeding, and no
ng before such minister
hough he foresee that,
retical minister, yet to
... iheclearlyperceiveshia
60 Documents.
6. If the parties wish to renew their consent before the parish
priest, having first given their consent before the heretical minister,
and that this fact should be publicly known, or notified to the
parish priest by the parties themselves, he may not assist at the
renewal of such consent except all other requisite conditions are
fulfilled, and that the Catholic party, truly penitent for the crime,
for which due penance is to be imposed, shall also have received
absolution from the censures incurred.
Feije thinks that the censures to which this decree refers are
local censures which may be imposed by the Ordinaries. The
words of the decree, however, *' in quas incumint," not incurrant,
and "contractis censuris," are very definite, and seem to imply
censures contracted by the common law as well as by local laws.
The first case of specially reserved excommunication in the Bull
of the Apostolicae Sedis includes *' fautores hereticorum," and we
venture to think that the public celebration of a mixed marriage*
to which the decree makes special reference, is, at least in foro
extemo, abetting heresy, and comes under this censure. Yov as
Busembaum Observes, "auctoritas ministri et consequenter doc-
trinae ejus augetur, concurriturque ad ritus hereticos quos minister
isto actu exercet." If such a case, therefore, should occur in this
country, we think it would be well to apply to the bishop for power
to absolve from the censure.
We subjoin the document itself, for although it contains nothing
new, it is well to have a clear knowledge of the important practical
questions which it determines. J. H.
Ex. S.« Cong. S.R.U. Inqcisit.
DECBBTUM.
Quoad matrimonia mixta quae iniri solent coram heretico mia-
istro.
Non latet quibusdam in locis haereticum ministmm agere per-
sonam magistratus mere civilis, coram quo se sistere solent conjuges
aut etiam debent ob fi nem politicum, nempe ut habeantur civiliter
honesti conjuges prolesque censeatur legitima. Tunc vero urgen-
tibus haereticis aut lege civili imperante, non improbatur quod
pars Catholica una cum haeretica se sistat ante vel post contractum
ad formam Tridentini matrimonium, etiam coram ministro haeresi
addicto ad actum civilem dumtaxat implendum. Etenim ad
dubium olim sic expressum, '* Utrum Catholicus coram proprio
Catholico parocho cum haeretico contrahens licite possit, urgenti-
bus haereticis, matrimonium hoc ratificare coram ministro haeretico,
si nulla hinc ritus haeretici professio habeatur ant colligatur, et
qnidquid minister haereticus in casu agit civilis dumtaxat et poli-
tica postulatio sit, et censeatur," per banc S. Congregationem re-
sponsum fuit-affirmative.
Verum enim vero quotiescumque minister haereticus censeatur,
veluti sacris addictus, et quasi Parochi munere f nngens, non licet
Catholicae parti una cum haeretica matrimonialem consensum
coram tali ministello praestare, eo quia adhiberetur ad quamdam
DocumenU. 61
leEgjosam coeremoniam complendam, et pars CsthoHca ritui
haeretko se consociaret ; unde oriretur quaedam implicit a haeresi
■dliaesio, ac proinde iUicita omnino haberctur cum haereticia in
dinnia commimicatio. Ea propter et^i perniciosa haec consuetudo
iDoleferit, ita nt s clero de facUe cortigi non possit ; nihilo tamen
teciiu Mnni adbibito studio ac zelo evellenda erit.
Et sane Beoedictos XIV. aperte docct non licere conlrahen-
tibos ee sistere coram miuistro haeretico, quatcnus asaistal nt
miniater addictus aacris, et contrahentes peccare mortaliter, et esse
monendos.
Opportune itaque a t« instruct! et commoniti Paroclii ac
Miaaionarii edoceant Adelea, qua pablicia in Eccleaiia Catecbesibaa,
qua priratia inatructioaibiis circa conatantera Ecclesiae doctrinam
et prazim, ita ul a mixtis contrahendig nuptiis quoad fieri poasit
s&lnbriter BTertantnr: ain autem, abhorreant prorauaacelebrando
matrimonio coram haeretico miniatro sacris addicto, id quod
omnimode illicitom et aacrilegum eat Ita rcsponsum fuit
Ordinario Treverensi sub fer IV. SI Aprilis. 1847, ^
Sciant inanper Farocbi, ai interrogentur a contra'entibus, vel
u certe noverint eos adituros miDistrum bacreticum eacris addic-
tom ad consenaam matrimonialem praeatandum, se ailcre non
posse, aed monere eoadem debere aponaos de graviasimo peccato
quod patrant, et de censuris in quas incurrunt. Veruntamen ad
gravia praecaveoda mala ai in aliquo peculiari caau I'arocbus non
fuerit interpeUatus a aponais, an liceat necne adire miniatnim
baereticum, et nulla fiat ab iiadem apooaia nxplicita declaratio de
adeimdo miniatrum baereticum, praevideat tamen eos foraan adi-
turos ad matrimonial sm renovandum consensum, ac inauper ez
em certo non
materiale in
nen acandalo,
3 atque cau-
>nia exercitio
role in reli-
enaua coram
nt coram mi-
ipaia sponsla
ioterait nisi
itholica facta
mem a con-
Congregatio
er et firmiter
itum tectum
leant, damna
'oborati ince*
[ 62 ]
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
The New Parish Priesfs Practical Manual. Bj Josbph Frasi*
KRTTi, Prior o^ S. Sabina. Translated from the Italian hj Rev.
W. Hutch, D.D. London : Burns & Oatks.
We think it would be almost impossible to comprise in the
sam^ space a greater amount of more useful matter for missionary
priests than is to be found in the present excellent Manual. It
certainly well deserves its name, for it is beyond all things a prac-
tical Manual touching on every single point of the wide sphere of
duties which a missionary priest is called upon to discharge. The
writer of this book was not one of those pious and well-meaning
scholars who, in the comfort of their studies and in the protection
of their cloisters, philosophise at their ease about the performance of
duties concerning which they have nothing but a speculative know-
ledge. GnAhe contrary, he bore the burden of the day and
the heat. He was for thirty years a parish priest; and for seven
of these years he governed a large suburban parish in which he
had wide experience of both town and country life. He was,
moreover, a learned and evidently a very holy man. Such a man
has a right to say, as he says to young priests, ^* You, fresh from
your studies, siu'pass me in theoretical science ; but in practical
matters I must, of necessity, have an advantage over you."
Every young soldier in the Church's warfare should listen
with respect, and can attend with profit, to the sage advice of such
a veteran warrior.
Ballerini, certainly no incompetent judge, pronounces, in one
of his notes to Gury, an extraordinary eulogy on the merits of
this book. He says that, in the matter of a parish priest's obliga-
tions^ it is *• dignissimum quod legatur ** — most deserving of peru-
sal : that it should be in the priest's hands day and night ;
that it omits nothing appertaining to his duties; that he does
not deal in rhetorical exaggeration, or bitter censure of the faults
and failings of others ; but that he gives brief and sober warning
in all wisdom and prudence and tenderest charity, such as might
be expected from a man of solid learning and vast experience, with
a temperate and well-balanced mind.
We need say no more on the merits of the book. We have
only to add that Dr. Hutch has, as might be expected, performed
his task of translation with great taste and literary skill. The
work is beautifully printed in the clearest type, on the finest rolled
paper, in a fashion very creditable to its publishers. We owe
thanks to Dr. Hutch for giving this exceUent work to English-
speaking priests, and we dare say a new edition will soon be called
for. J. H.
Noticei of Books. 69
Tie ParotAiai i^mn Bool. Londoa : BCBiia & Oates, 1863.
This is bj for the moat complete Uacual of its kind which we
tiBTe seen. It not only contains « very large coUwtion of the
choicest hTmns on all the great truths of religion as well as on the
principal festivals of the church, but also excellent sets of prayers
for nse on all ordinary occasions. It thus combines the double
adrantage of being a Manual of devotion, as well as a Hymnal
in the usual tense of the word. There can be no doubt that tt
will prove of very great utility for all those churches and parishes
where congregational singing is practised. It is greatly to be
regretted that our people in this country are not sufficiently
trained id sacred mnsic to adopt the same devotional practice, and
we venture to think a young priest with a knowledge of music
could not direct his zeal to any more laudable object than the
instruction of his flock in congregational singing. It may be, in
many cases, a work of some difficulty, but there is no reason in the
nature of things why our people in Ireland could not do what is
inccessfally done by the factory hands of the great towns in
England. The possession of this book will greatly facilitate the
tssk ; for it not only gives a great number of most appropriate
hjmns but gives the music, which appears to be of a simple
duracter, at the head of the hymn. We hope the book will have
a large sale, it certainly deserves it. J. H.
nutortcal and Biographical Sketches: by the late Most Rev. John
MacHai-e, D.D., Archbishop of Tuara. Edited by TnoitAB
MacHalk, D.D., Ph. D. M. H. Gill & Son, Dublin.
This book contains a brief sketch of the history of the church
for the first fonr centuries. It was prepared ncarlysixty years ago,
when the Archbishop was professor in the college of Maynooth,
._j ~; — « ;.. tu« f»...» ^f U..1..W.. t« .i.n "»udenl8 of his class.
igorous thought, the
of illustration that
irime. Consummate
;ht and shade in this
I leading men of the
3 that no reader can
tortant incidents are
en we laid the book
eriy contrast drawn
if the Arian heresy,
s, we found ourselves
iter gives expression
red to the illustrious
64 Notices of Booh.
Alice Riordan^ or the Blind MarCe Daughter. By Mrs. J. Sadueb.
Dublin : Gill & Co.
'* The Blind Man's Daughter *' first appeared in the columns of
the Boston Pilots and was widely read and highly appreciated. It is
a very interesting story for the young, and improves the hearts, as
well as wins the sympathy of its readers. Books of this kind are
a desideratum amongst us; the supply is very limited, and we
hope this one will have a large circulation. J. H.
True Men as we Need Them, By the Rev B. O'Rkillt. Dublin :
Gill & Son.
This is a reprint of the American edition of an exceedingly
useful book for men of all classes in the world. Father O'Reilly,
its author, is already favourably known to the reading public by
his " Mirrors of True Womanhood/' a work that has had a large
sale and wrought much practical good for many members of the
female sex. The present work wiU, we hope, prove useful to the
sons and fathers of many families in Ireland. We should very
earnestly recommend the clergy to try and circulate it amongst
their flocks ; it would certainly serve to improve their people and
lighten their own labonr.
The Book of the Professed (New York : Benziger Brothers),
is a translation from the French, by Miss Ella M^Mahon, of a
work on the religious state, which is highly commended by the
Archbishop of Avignon. The reverend author is already well
known as the writer of ^* Golden Sands *' and other works, which
convey sound ascetic theology in a simple and pleasing style.
We cannot speak very highly of *' Twitterings at Twilight **
(Gill & Son). Its preface condemns it. Rhyme does not make
poetry of common-place thoughts expressed in common-place
language. The author would do well to study the great masters
of song, and try to catch the breath of their inspiration; If not, he
had better take to something useful.
The Catholic World for November furnishes much interesting
reading. " Luther and the Diet of Worms," is the opening article,
and gives a very complete and satisfactory account of that famous
incident in the life of the pugnacious Doctor. Irish readers will
probably take a greater interest in the article on Celtic Art by Mr.
Clynch. Though we cannot agree with all the writer's conclusions,
we give him credit for discussing the subject in an artistic and
sympathetic spirit. The remaining articles, especially, '^ The
Early Fruits of the Reformation in England,'' and '' Skepticism in
its relations to Modern Thought," are readable and instructive.
We wish a long career of usefulness to our American contemporary.
An Appeal and a Defiance is a translation from a little work
of Gardinid Deschamps, in which he appeals to the good fedth of
the Protestant, and defies the rationalist to give a rational account
of his own opinions, or any refutation of the evidences of Catholicity.
. [ 6* ]
APPENDIX.
MONTHLY NOTES.
DR MOLLOT AND DR. PORTER ON UNIVERSITIES
IN IRELAND.
An interesting eoirespondeoce haa lately appeared in the
tdunms of the IriA Times on the relative merits of the Catholic
Dmreisity and the Queen's Colleges, as well as on the general
question of University Education in Ireland. In the first para-
grsph Dr. UoUoy explains the "Constitution of the Catholic
CniTOTsity."
"COSanTDTIOH OF THK CATnOLIC DNIVER3ITr.
" Dr. Porter seems greatly puzzled about the present Constitu-
tioii of tlie Catholic University. He says it is a mystery ' which
Dr. MoUoy'a explantition makes only more mysterious.' With a
vieic, therefore, to satisfy Dr. Porter's mind oa the Eubject. and to
prerent future mbunderstanding, I will briefly set forth what the
Constitution of the Catholic University really is. The Catholic
University coasista of a number of Colleges, each one having its
own head and its own independent organisation, while all co-operate
together for the development of higher Catholic education. First
amongst these colleges in dignity and importance is the College of
Maynooth, which is the chief seat of the Faculties of Theology
—J TM,:! 1.„ -M^-..^.!. i..,~ _)„« ., ijigiier course of studies in
up to the examinations of
he highest distinctions for
cr come the colleges which
mportant of tliese Colleges
^een, which is now under
Vencli College, I31ackrock,
hers of the Holy Ghost ;
t Catholic College foun<led
Lolics had ceased to be a
tly, we have the Medical
3 been an integral part of
this organisation, and to
one harmonious whole, a
nown by the name of the
:h consists of the heads of
i, in each academical terra ;
6 6 Montlily Notes.
for the degrees of the Royal University in Arts, Medicine,
Engineering, and Law ; but it confers its own degrees, as hereto-
fore, in Theology and Philosophy. That this Constitution is far
from ideal perfection I frankly admit. But it is certainly not very
mysterious, and I do think that it provides as well as can be done,
in our present difficult circumstances, for the promotion of higher
Catholic education in Ireland. As time goes on, and the policy of
our rulers is guided by wiser and more liberal counsels, we hope to
attain a fuller and more complete organisation.
*' This Constitution, however, is by no means satbfactory to
Dr. Porter. He complains that the colleges of which the Catholic
University is composed, * with, perhaps, a single exception, are
Intermediate Schools.' To this charge, if it be a charge, I might
simply answer that it is contrary to the fact. Maynooth College
is not an Intermediate School ; University College is not an Inter-
mediate School ; the Medical School, in Cecilia-street, is not an
Intermediate School ; the French College, £lackrock, contains two
distinct departments — one is a flourishing Intermediate School, the
other, a flourishing University College. But I do not care ta
quarrel about names. I will content myself with recording a
statement which I have received from the head of the University
department in the French College. He teUs me that the students
of the French College, at present reading in the first three years
of the Arts course, have gained more honours, exhibitions and
scholarships, under the Royal University, than all the students of
the corresponding three years in the three Queen's Colleges taken
together. Dr. Porter, then, has his choice of two alternatives.
Either he must acknowledge that the French College is a Uni-
versity College, or he must admit that the three Queen's Colleges,
taken together, have been defeated in open competition for Uni-
versity prizes by one Catholic Intermediate SchooL"
Dr. Molloy then applied Sir Lyon Playfair's Test of the
Success of a University.
"sir lton playfair's test.
" Sir Lyon Playfair, in defending the Queen's Colleges before
Parliament, said that the true test of an University College is the
number of graduates it produces, and applying this test to the late
Queen's University he proved that it stood higher than Oxford or
Cambridge, Edinburgh, Glasgow, or London, because it produced
a greater number of graduates in proportion to the number of its
students. In dealing with this argimient, I said, in effect, that
the number of graduates produced may or may not be a good test
of a University College. It is a good test, if the standard of
examination is high ; it is no test at all if the standard of examina-
tion is low. But Sir Lyon Playfair did not show, nor attempt to
show, that the examination for degrees in the Queen's University
Monthljf Notet. 67
was kept up to a ii^h standard, and, therefore, his arguments
really proved nothing at all. To this Dr. Porter replies that ' the
c^nuioQ of Sir Lyon Flaj^air, on auch a subject, will cany qnite
u mnch weight with the British public as that of the Rev.
Dr. HoUoy.' Dr. Porter does not seem to appreciate the differ-
ence between the weight of an opinion and the weiglit of an
argsment. I did not question the value of Sir Lyon Flayfair's
opinion, much less did I presume to set up my own opinion against
it. What I undertook to do was to answer his argument, and
Dr. Porter does not even attempt to show that I have failed iif
doing so.
" But I pushed the matter further. I said that if we accept
Sir LyoD Playfair's test it will prove agtunst the cause of which
he was the champion. Let it be remembered that Sir Lyon Playfair
wu defending, not one Queen's College only, as Dr. Porter is
doing, but all three — Cork, Galway, and Belfast, 1 took ^then
Sir Lyon Flajrfair's lest, end I applied it to Queen's College, Cork {
not ss it was in the halcyon days of Queen's University, but as it
now exists under the Boyal University. From the published
returns I showed that the uomber of students in the first year of
the Arts course was only 14, and that of these 14 students only six
passed the first University Examination at the close of the session.
Now this examination is a necessary step to all degrees in the
Bo;al University, and, therefore, these six students constitute the
wbolematerial.sotospeak, out of which all the graduates of one year,
d Iaw, are to be manufactured.
ided that if Queen's College,
in Playfair's test its prospecta
7 bright. To this ai^ument
Molloy refers to his own and
tore of University Education
FiaiTIES IN IBttLAND.
Dr. Porter will find himself in
t body of Catholics in Ireland,
liversity, and so are they. It
e Catholics of Ireland are not
bliahment of the Royal Uni-
: they never accepted it as
ause it is better than nothing,
substantially with Dr. Porter's
68 MonMy Notet.
value of examinatioii8. As regards Univernty students, it tends
to develop a morbid and almost feverish competition for honours
and prizes as the be-all and end-all of University life. As regards
University professors, it tends to lower them to the condition of
college grinders, and to extinguish all ardour for original research.
But even with these drawbacks, which I fully appreciate, I still
prize the Royal University, and prize it highly, because it affords
to Irish Catholics, for the first time, an opportunity of proving
that they are worthy of a University of their own— chartered,
endowed, and fully recognised by the State.
**Dr. Porter, being dissatisfied with the Royal University,
proposes that a new University should be created in Belfast. ThLo
proposition, considered in itself, plainly assumes that Dr. Porter
and his friends have, by some peculiar privilege, a right to be
dissatisfied with the Royal University, while everybody else must
be content with it ; that the Royal University, in fact, is not at
all good enough for the Ptesbyterians of Ulster, but quite good
enough for the Catholics of all the four provinces of Jreland.
These assumptions, of course, cannot for a moment be entertained,
and need not be further discussed. But Dr. Porter's proposition,
regarded as part of a possible reconstruction of the University
system in Ireland, seems to me deserving of favourable oonsidera*
tion. According to the last census, the population of Ireland is
thus composed — Catholics, 76*6 per cent. ; members of the late
Established Church, 12*3 per cent. ; Presbyterians, 9*4 per cent. ;
all others, 1 '7 per cent. Now, the University of Dublin amply
and nobly provides for the members of the late Established Church ;
the Catholic University, chartered by the Crown, and suitably
endowed, would furnish University education to the Catholic body ;
and Queen's College, Belfast, raised to the rank of a University,
would meet the wants of the Presbyterian Community. A provision
might be adopted, and enforced under suitable regulations, that
each University should be ready to receive students of other
religious denominations who might choose to come to it, and
should not interfere with their religious opinions. Under such a
system the three great religious bodies which constitute, when taken
together, 98 J per cent, of the whole population, would be provided
with University education in a manner conformable to their
religious convictions, while the remaining \\ per cent, would be at
least as well off as they are at present. This would be a solution
of the University question, as I think, devoutly to be wished for.'*
1
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
FEBRUARY, 1884.
TEE ENGLISH OR SCOTCH LAKES— WHICH ?
No. L— Scotch Laxes.
9a recommend 1
>Qa of this kmd
' our return from
el Ab regards
^ to come to a
determine what
m. ideal of lake
imself; he has
rater of certain
rith a due pro-
itioLa, at least he
upoD him -which
B conditiouB, or,
a what he had
mself ae much
has at another
iilfilment of his
J circumstaDces
' health — at the
roDgh them, the
9 ourselveH prize
aee, and decide
to do with the
70 The English or Scotch Lakes — Which ?
Perhaps the safer course will be to recall to mind, as far
as memory, unaided by notes, can do, some of the scenes
through wtiich we have recently passed, and to lay our
Record before the inquirer, that he may determine for
himself which it shall be, England or Scotland, which
shall show him its beautiful lake scenery. Confident in
this, whatever misgivings we may have of the result in
other respects, that, go to which he may, he will have
reason to rejoice in the resolution that took him there,
amid scenes which cannot fail to please every lover of the
beauties of nature. We will devote this chapter to the
Scotch Lakes, reserving for another what we have to saT
of those of England, follo^ving thereby the order in which
we made our recent visit.
By some accidental good fortune we took a railway-
route, which carried us past the three glorious Cathedrals
of Ely, Lincoln, and York, on our way to Durham, where
we made a brief stay. So we seemed to enter Scotland
with enough of the Episcopal element in our constitutions
to protect us againt the anti-prelatical influences of the
Kirk, Established, Free, or Combined (U.P., as it is
generally called).
Beautiful and picturesque Edinburgh has its Cathedral
too,* St. Giles, which Chambers, of the Journal^ has restored
at great cost and vn\h good effect, at least as far as
Presbyterianism would allow. It seems waiting for better
days, and will require but little additional restoration to
fit it for the old CathoUc rites, when it will become, indeed,
a Cathedral once more. In the meantime, waiting also for
these better days, the Catholics have to content themselves
with a tiny pro-cathedral, which is put to shame by a
bran-new Protestant episcopal building of very fair dimen-
sions and of no little pretence. But Edinburgh must not
delay us now, though it failed not, at the time, to detain
us for several davs, while Queen Mary's Holyrood Palace,
with its gloomy chambers and grim memories, the towering
Castle, and the other imuosing buildings of this remsirkable
city, fully occupied our long days. Nor must we omit just
a single word to tell of the poorest and oldest parts of
Edinburgh, which we were shown over, up, and tnrough,
to the no small surprise of the queer inhabitants, who
seemed Uttle accustomed to, and no little suspicious of,
such visits. Staircases opened upon the street, and
wound up exterior turrets, which were almost detached
from the nouses to which they seemed scarcely to belong.
The English or Scotch Lakes — Which f 71
Indeed, they appeared rather to be remains of ancient
fortificationB, which had survived alone, and been since
converted to more domestic uses. If so, they are soon to
follow their old companions, .and, therefore, we look with
additional interest upon these last vestiges of an ancient
world, which are fast disappearing before light, air and
cleanUness, with which, in truth, they seemed to have had
but Uttle intimacy.
On to Stirling, and a few days' delay ; not there, but
at charminff Bridge of Allan ; for Stirling has but few
attractions beyond its well-placed, but otherwise unin-
teresting Castle : it is another relic of past times, (with, of
course, sad memories of Queen Mary,) out modernized into
a barrack, which somehow seems to imply in its very name
ugliness, and the absence of all grace of form. How is
this, we say to ourselves, as we look up from the plain, or
climb the steep cliff on which it stands I how is it that
old castles have so much grandeur about them, so much
character, and are so eloquent, even in their ruins, of the
times and people among which and whom they flourished ;
and these moaem buildings are characterless and lifeless,
telling of nothing, and having no history for posterity,
unless it be that military life has become a thing of system,
a dull formality, a machine which can neither Uve *nor
think, and so its outcome are their powder magazines,
and hideous factory-like buildings f So we prefer bright^
beautifol Bridge of Allan, with its adjacent parks, its
noble terraces, which climb one above another into the
lofty woods that shut it in, and make it so salubrious a
dwelling in spring and autumn. If we wish to indulge
our antiquarian tastes there are the ruins of Dotme Castle,
but not Bums' " Bonnie Doune " and the majestic reUcs of
Dunblane Cathedral ; this latter being one of the finest in
Scotland of the few the old Covenanters spared.
On by train again to Callander, where the visitors to
the lakes leave the railway and take coach, as of old, to
the Trossachs, while those in haste for Oban continue on
the line. We join the former, and dash along in first-rate
style, as, indeed, one does on every coached road in
Scotland. A pleasant drive — all the pleasanter for being
the first of a tour — ^brings us throuffh eight miles of wild
and lakey scenery to the Trossacns, which, to say the
truth, is a terribly over-rated glen, leading down to Loch
Eatrine. Walter Scott has thrown a glamour over this
district, and must be held responsible tor the make-believe
72 The English or Scotch Lakes— Which f
enihusia«m which seems to be expected here. " The Ladj
of the Lake " is in everybody's mind, and in everbody's
eye too ; and so, the scenery is not what it really is, but
what it once was, or, perhaps what the poet feigned it to
be. But the Trossachs Hotel is very comfortable, and
there every one lunches at least, while many linger for a day
or two ; and so the scenery is visited under favorable
influences, and the satisfied tourist is in tgniable mood, and
sees, or fancies he sees, what the poet so well paints.
Lochs Venachar and Achray, which he has viewed firom
the commanding heights of the stage-coach, have prepared
the well-fed traveller for closer acquaintance with Loch
Katrine, and so he embarks in the little steamer, Scot in
hand, declaims " With promontory, creek, and bay, " &c^
and hardly finds time to look about him to compare the
original with the copv in verse, before the seven miles are
steamed, and he lanos, with all his traps, books, and minor
luggage, at Stronachlachar, which sonorous name he rolls
about his mouth like a first taste of Gaelic, and hastens
nervously to the awaiting coaches, under an unfoimded
dread, which never leaves him, in spite of repeated proofisi
of its needlessnesSy that he will not get a seat ana may
have to walk — goodness knows how far.
C!ould he have been left behind, and have left his
anxiety with his luggage, he would have enjoyed the walk
of five miles between Loch Katrine and Loch Lomond*
But here we are at Liversnaid, on the banks of the greater
Lake, and just at a point where, on the right, the waters
contract into a narrow channel shut in by lofty mountains,
and, on the left, spread out into the broad sheet which, to
the southern end, widening to five miles, has in all a length
of about 23 miles, and contains about 20,000 acres of
water, to speak with Scotch precision. Liversnaid has aa
excellent hotel, which^ indeeo, is no diBtinguifihiQg mark in
this land of good living; and some of our tourists cast
longing eyes at the plenteous luncheon exposed to view,
and seem to regret their anticipation thereof at the
Trossachs. But eating has its limits even in the '^ Land
of Cakes," and so, as me steamboat has not yet arrived, an
half hour may be spent about an adjacent waterfall, which,
it seems, Wordsworth has immortalized in his poem, ^^ The
Highland Girl." It is close at hand, and easy of access,
for bridges span its large boulders and wild banks ; it is a
complete waterfall, minus the water, which, happily for us
travellers, is just now wanting — A very unusual want in
rainy Scotland.
The EnglUh or Scotch Lakes— Wliick t 78
So the crowd fidgeta nntil the boat arriTee, and ofiF
they rtinh away once more, full steam, up or down the
lake, to Balioch, at one end, for (ilaegow ; or for Inver-
arnan (another Hotel), and the beautiful Glenfalloch, at
the other, for Oban. We leave the boat at Rowardennan,
for the cb'mb up Ben Lomond, and to escape the stampade.
The rush is made from Glasgow or Edinburgh for this
expedition, which can eaaily be completed in one day —
By rail, road, boat, road, boat and rail again.
(HaTing accidentally constructed a Terse, we give it a line
to itself).
This is one of many day-excursion e which Scotland has
provided for ita people who congregate in the large cities,
and daily crowds show how they are appreciated. The
company is somewhat mixed, very resolute and outspoken,
and bent on enjoyment For the quiet tourist, or,in truth,
for men of ordioary capacity or movement, these excursion-
ista are a source of occasional excitement and distraction ;
and sweep yon on in their rush with almost as much im-
petttositj as a mountain torrent, and with somewhat of the
nme unsatisfactory result. So we land at the foot of Ben
Lomond ; pass the afternoon in strolling along the beauti-
folly-wooded shore at its base ; climb it« bold head the
following day, and spend a third in traversing the take
s it were, the mountain view
last for Loch Awe and Oban.
one, but not arduous. We
6, in truth, a carthorse, old,
stumbling; like the Last
lave known a better dayj"
y, surveyed the path widi
med in spirit when urged to
IB a fine view ; it is 3,192 feet
tiles long. Loch Lomond
eals all its many islands and
h, of course, it is too close
a view of it. Loch Katrine
eas-known lochs, while moun-
ns by name, spread out map-
for a while, filled with mist,
1, and reveals all this in sun-
Q to the foot of the lake, and
74 The English or Scotch Lakes— Which f
the railway we had quitted at Callander which was to
carry us to Oban. The drive was through a wild and
desolate wilderness, whose only life TCas a brawling stream,
for such it now appeared to be, though it bears the more
dignified name of the River Falloch, and doubtless, at
ordinary times, is as grand and maje^ic as it is now
sportive and wilful ; for its bed of large rocks is now its
play-ground, wherein it dances and flashes in the bright
sunshme, and would be thought a water-maiden, did not
its steep banks tell of a fierce, manly power, which at times
makes itself felt. K we gain, as surely we do, by its many
cascades in place of a few wild leaps, and a headlong-
hurrying to destruction, we, of course, lose the grandetir of
its renowned fall, which we can judge by its site and
accessories, to be a sight to see. We are told that the
wild scenery through which we are driving is historic, and
we hear of Robert Bruce and the Lord of Lorn ; but, in
truth, we are more interested by still older memorials of
the past, which stand single and widely scattered for miles
and miles over glen and mountaina There are trees of
unknown age, gnarled, twisted bv fierce temnests into
strange shapes, some branchless, and others weighed down
by their limbs ; each one sohtary, the last of his group,
and all combine into a memorial of that vast Caledonian
Forest which has passed away, sind left these relics alone
to tell of what once had been.
But while we are lingering in thought amid times past,
the present has its railway claim upon us, and we urge our
driver to hasten on that we may catch the last train. He
promises to be in ^ood time, which in truth he is ; for we
orive into the station as the clock strikes. But the train T
There is no sign of it, no token of expectation, none of that
bustle which generally receives a coach-load of people at
a side station. So we wait, at first impatiently, and at last
resignedly, for some two hours and more, when in it comes,
steadily and orderly enough, and we think of the Lish
Express, or the Flying Dutclunan, and the sensation when
either is a few minutes behind. The explcmation is, that
it is the First of August, and everybody is ^ing North for
the shooting, and does not expect to reach it m a hunry. The
railroad, which, at one time, seems to have been given up
in despair, is now completed to Oban. Very wild, not a
little oreary, but at times wonderfully grand, is the route
of this brave little line, which creeps among the base of
Ben Cruachan (3,670 feet), skirts the best bits of such
The Engluh or Scotch Lakes— Which t 75
sceneiy as Lochs Awe and Etive, climbs up heights and
planges down agaia into dark valleys, and m time — houre
atter its due time — ecreams and snortB into beautiful Oban,
as though proud, as it may well be, of having arrived at
alL Everybody seems to have turned out to receive us,
and Oban itself talks not a little of the late arrival, as
though it were a proof of the grandeur of the undertaking,
which could contrive the loss of so many hours. As people
Baid,«iid not without reason, it is worth coming to Scotland
to make that Railway journey.
Beautiful Oban, we called it quite naturally ; for it ie so
femimne in its aspect — so cosily placed is it on the bright
sea-shore, so jealously guarded by its overhanging mils,
and then so — seemingly uunecessarily — land-locked by
Eerrara Island placed down right in front of it, while grim
old Mull stands scowling close behind, towering above
Eerrara, and looking longingly at the pet of the moun-
tains, which has been snatched from his protecting arms.
It is on the sea-shore, and yet on every sea-side there is
gome outlying land ; so that the approach to the harbour
is every where between lofty heights, and opens up fresh
vistas, look where we will from me little harbour, or the
broad promenade which skirts the adjacent shora And
then when any of the heights are climbed, up steep streets
andly the distance spreads
nes mto view, which lies
md Ireland ; that sea over
hirteen hundred years ago,
re at lona, near that won-
emphatically of hia native
rst excursions which await
■the island of the church of
in — though, of course, we
th due submission to the
hat link of mysterious pris-
the Giant's Canseway in
ountry " followed its mis-
g arms beneath the sea, and
t it may still claim him as
8 of pflgrimage rather than
76 The English or Scotch Lakes— Which f
afraid to leave the landlocked bay and face the open ronnd
the wild coaet of Mull.
Another of the favourite excursions from Oban is
through the Caledonian canal to Inverness, a voyage of
great and varied interest across Scotland, from west to
east The route is a very skilful piece of engineering by
Telford, and occupied upwards of forty years in its com-
pletion.
Its whole length, from the Atlantic to the German
Ocean, is about sixty miles, of which thirty seven are lakes
cleverly connected by links of canaL Now, these lakes
are very grand in some parts; and very beautifrd in others ;
so that the canal seems but resting places for the mind and
eye to repose on, as we pass from one noble or exquisite
scene to another. Coasting northwards from Oban, we
are soon in the broad waters and amid the very striking
and romantic scenery of Loch Linnhe, whence we diverge
from our eastern route to visit tjie beautiful Loch Leven.
(not, however. Queen Mary's Loch of that name), and
land at Ballachulish. Many hasten on to the wild pass of
Glencoe ; but we while away the time on the banks of the
sweet Leven, and prefer its ever- varying charms to the
wild desolation ofXxlencoe and its hideous memories. Not
but that Glencoe well repays a visit, and would guide
books but be content to twine the sublimity of this land
of Morven with the memory of the poet whose home and
inspiration it was scdd to be, and to tell of Ossian rather
than of the Massacre of Glencoe, the mind might be filled
with accordant thoughts, and enter somewhat into the sub-
Ume suggestions of so grand a scene. Strange that men
will not be content with polluting such spots with their
brutcd rivalries, but must needs seek to perpetuate the
memory of their evil deeds, by connecting them with the
names of the localities themselves.
In the bright afternoon we steam back into Loch
Linnhe, and pass through a narrow passage, almost a
doorway, into Loch Eil. Here the grand Ben Nevis (4,406
feet) is the chief feature of the scene, and at Fort William
we rest for the night. On we sail by the first canal the
next morning into and through Loch Lochy, ten miles in
len^h, whose banks owe their beauty to a rich foliage,
and to the occasional openings into wild and picturesque
flens. Another canal leads through into another lake —
loch Oich — some four miles long, and then again another
of many locks, which gives us time to visit the noble
7%e EnglM. or Scotch Lain— Which t 7
monastery at Fort Angostas, where the English Beaedio-
tinefl are employed in their old work of prayer, praise, and
the tnBtraction of the young. All honotir to Lord Lovat,
who parchaaed this Govemment property and presented it,
and much more besides, to those who have used it well in
the erection of so imposing a group of buildings. But th©
eeren lochs are passed by our steamer, and once more we
are aboard and, traveising the twenty-four miles of the
wide waters of Loch Ness {the Lake of the Cataract), we
of coniBe visit the Ness itself, the well-known Fall of
Foyere, as a thing to be " done," and for the doing of
which the steamboat waits 'somewhat impatiently, and
with occaaional protesting screams. There are two falls ;
the lower being down a perpendicular height of two
hundred feet; the upper being about thirty feet, and that
twice broken. Fine weather had diminished the body of
water ; but it was still grand : and not very much imagi-
i»tion was needed to realize the fine lines with which it
inspired Bums.
U any historical castles are seen on the pleasant TOy-
»ge, and each with itslegend of times old and new. Some
are bat relics of bygone times ; while others have developed
into modem residences which yet retain much of their
ancient lochs and the
istics of what is around,
ink of modem civilisation
)88t. And so we arrived
nrlieat history we touched
lECORD,^ carried us from
nt instead of continuing
1 route, we left it mid-
along the wild shore of
the coast at Oairloch.
iries of Scotland. Some
with several beautiful
too grand — setting; for
sn for Scotland, and so
>wl at what tempers its
inate even its own little
ate : it was fishiest of the
78 The English or Scotch LakcB — Which f
>
fishers, who wasted hour after hour in unskilled line
drawing, and what time they spent on shore in talking
over their useless and purposeless employment. So the
next morning we cross to the Isle of Skye and land at its
quaint little capital Portree, after a Toyage of some hours
in varying sunshine and shower.
Now Skye has two special excursions, one of which we
had done years ago : so it was at once determined to do
the other ; and, indeed, the plan was put into immediate
execution, for the drag was waiting for us at our Royal
Hotel. In truth, we started so quickly that we left our
baggage in the hall, and found, on our return, that it hsul
gone on an excursion of its own, or had quitted us in dis-
gust at our neglect in not seeing it to our rooms, and had
returned by the steamboat to Gairlochl However, by
means of telegraphing in some very primitive manner,
which would be called telegraphing no where but in Skye,
we recovered most of our property the next morning, and
carried it triumphantly home again, with the loss only of
our guide boot and notes (manuscript, not bank), to
which loss the reader will be kind enough to attribute the
vagueness and many inaccuracies of this present RECORD.
The Quiraing is a famous mountain some 1,774 feet in
height, sloping steeply towards the west, but with its
eastern or sea face composed of rugged precipices, varied
by huge columns of basalt and massy fragments of fluted
rock Such queer giants are no where else to be seen ;
but we have nothing to do with thcQi now, for our excur-
sion is in quite the opposite direction. However, we
viewed the Quiraing from the deck of our steamer, and so
may make tins briei allusion to its strangeness.
So off we drive to explore the Cuchullin Hills, and to
see what we can &om the heights above of- the famous
Lochs Coruisk and Scavaig.
The drive of upwards of nine miles from Portree to
Sligachan is inexpressibly dreary, and occasional showers
did not increase the pleasure of the journey. Fortimately
we were seated at the back of the <;Aar-a-6ane, and so
enjoyed the only interesting object to be seen; for we
were leaving it behind the nirther side of the Royal Port
(as the name implies) : this is the Stor Rock. It is a lofty
mountain, a mile and a half from the shore, the summit of
which has been cut down b^ man or nature in a vertical
face of 500 feet : down this face have been tossed the
fragments in enormous masses , but the strangest and most
The EnglUh or Scotch Laktt — Which f 79
stiiking feature is the gTonj)ing of what atill remaine above,
vbich has split up into intricate groups, that, at a distance,
combine into castles, towers, and spires ; and so, as we drive
aloQ^, the forms seem shifting, and we have a city moving,
as it were, in a mazy dance.
Sligachan is nothing more than a comfortable little inn,
irith its needful surroundings, including stables for mouu-
tain poniea. These latter we call loudly for at once, and
perhaps the moreloudly because the callers are more uumer-
oni than the steeds, and " first come " is not only " first
served," but probably alone served. So the ladies and the
elderly gentlemen are soon mounted, while the more active
start ahead for what proved to be about the roughest,
wettest, and dirtiest bog- scrambling which probably wild
and ragged Skye could furnish. Thin desolate valley is
Glen Sugachan, and its five miles of toiling, stumbling, and
splaehiug, grow to the mind's eye and to the body's torture
into at least, twice the distance. Mountain climbing on
Swiss mules ispleasant enough, for the paths are often good,
and fresh views are ever opening upon the traveller to
beguile him on; but here almost every step has to be
selected, and the gradual ascent reveals but Qttle beyond
the adjacent mountains. These indeed are often very
grand in outline, and are of a colour that at first surprizes,
and never becomes familiar. This is an ashy brown ; very
volcanic are they in character, and this ashy tone impresses
that, c.h&fflcter still more forciblv noon the mind. At last
he ponies are left with
the climb among the
itifi pull brings ue to fl
3wn into the upper end
in the vast mountaiua
le inner face of the cliff
eep, brings ns to the end
and at our feet ties the
hy-coloured monntaiDB,
es streams innumerable '
IB by the heavy storm
ire IB Loch Scavaig and
;lim|>ae of it at the point
ige into Loch Coruisk ;
80 The English or Scotch Lakes--- Which f
basaltic oolumnBy but looking down from them is far leas
striking than looking up. However, see it how you may,
the scene is very striking — sea, loch, and mountains jumbled
in the wildest confusion, and each jcontributing it » best to
make the picture complete. The proper way is to approach
by the sea : and this the steamboat from Oban to rortree
does, but only once a week, for Scavaig lies much out of
its straight course. The next day opens with rain and
wind ; and the usual quiet, landlocked harbour is alive with
wild commotion. What are we to do ? Skye in bad
weather must be simply intolerable ; and so we resolve to
face the storm, and to make the run of 110 miles to Oban«
We expected a rough passage, and we were not disap-
pointed Seldom have we seen waves run so high and
make such a plaything of a steamboat ; but the scene was
grand beyond expression ; for the stem coast was as wild
as the waters, threatening them and driving them back
with a power equal to their own. Storms such as these
explain the scenery which in calm weather seems need-
lessly rugged and barren ; and eive it life, as the battle
rae:es between land and water. We have made the voya^ce
in calm and sunshine, when it was charming if somewhit
tame in its quietness, but now it is a grand and sublime
thing, and is worth experiencing in spite of its incon-
veniencies.
So we are at home again : for so Oban seems to be in
right of the several times we have been in and out of it.
The next day the storm is fiercer than ever, and scarcely
one of the usual steamboats ventures out. We enjoy it as
best we may from the windows of the Argyle Hotel, and
the next day depart for Glasgow, on our way to the English
Lakes.
The voyage from Oban to Glasgow is quite a different
affair from that which has brought us from Skye. Then
after we had worked our way along the coast, and through
the narrow Kyles of Rhea, we were in the broad Atlantic,
with the western Hebrides in the distance, and some other
isles, which, like Skye itself, come under the same name,
closer at hand: but it was not until nearly at the
end of our rough voya^, and had entered the Sound of
Mull, that we were m comparatively quiet waters;
but now, to-day, our final voyage is tnrough land-
locked straits and a narrow canal; so that me swell
which followed yesterday's storm is hardly felt in
such pleasant waters. Two hours and a half bring us to
i^n Tmtht (^out InteresL 81
the entnuice of the Oman Canal, where the steamer is left
for a Tei7 small one which just fills the narrow passage, and
leemB to glide on land rather than on water for nine mileB,
wbeu we pass once more to a fine steamer, which carriea
DS thiongh Loch Gilp, over the lower portion of Loch
Fvne, np the Kyles of Bute, into the Clyde, and bo on to
Ouisgow. Beautiful and varied are the scenes which pr^
lent themselves in this dehghtful sail. The wildness of the
north-west has been left l>ehind, and something of the
Knth is here; Wealth in its outcome — beautiiul parks,
■tstely mansiouB, and mnch-&equented watering-places —
ibowB itself on all sides ; and as we steam at last up the
buy Cljde, amid a fieet of ships and noisj factories,
we seem to trace to its source the trade which has produced
all these fair &mts of labour, and added to the natural
besuty of Scotland a chann and refinement which civilizes
lion iJone cu. give. ^^^^ BmFOBD.
nitentiary and
y in reference
iationis," and
mm, &c," as
penitent, pre-
I0I7 See, was
.thors remark,
all together,
own a practi-
lerate rate is
■ilitr or otber-
Piaiulj, too.
What influ-
82 Plain Truths about Interest
of fact it is commonly held that such a title exists now-a-
days in every loan. Benedict XIV. seems to lay down
the very contrary of this. But times are changed, and with
them money.
Within little more than a century, great has been the
change in its value and capacity. At the beginning of
this short period profitable investments were inconveniently
rare ; now their number and variety are indefinite. Then,
as a rule, a man should either engage personally in trade,
or lock his cash in a strong box ; at the present time, an
imbecile, having a thousand or two, need not starve, should
he live for a millennium. There were no Savings Banks,
in those days for the hard-won earnings of the labourer ;
now his weekly wages, deposited in the office, to which he
goes occasionally for a letter, will, with unerring fecundity,
produce fruit according to their land. What had been to
most a res sterilis became to all a res frugifera by an
alteration which gave money power of increase indepen-
dently of its owner's exertion. With its present purposes,
it possesses the capacity of multiplication, and many
hold that, in this age, there is an intrinsic title justifying
interest.
In practice it makes little difference whether it be main-
tained that in every loan there is found some extrinsic
tide, or that the fruitfulness of money constitutes an in-
trinsic reason for demanding an increase. So too in
theory, except that the former view is not easily demonstrable
for all cases that can be imagined, though certainly
true in general. Whatever fruitfulness money enjoys is
founded on the aggregate of extrinsic titles. Ultimately,
the reason why a loan brings a certain market price is
because it can be invested in production, which will bring
at least an equal return, and which becomes impossible for
him who gives away his capital. As trade began to
develope, the inconvenience and loss of thus parting for a
time with one's money was being gradually felt by a
greater number, and by each in a more intense degree.
Commercial enterprise, by enlarging the outlets for capital,
extended the range of damnum emergens and lucrum cessans^
until finally profitable production became so varied, and
its demancU for aid in the form of capital so manifold, that
producers came, as it were, spontaneously into the market,
and without asking questions for conscience' sake, offered
indiscriminately to all having money a certain price for its
temporary use. At this stage, when governments, com-
Plain Truths about Interest. 83
ponies, and mdividiialB competed in ofiTerin^ terns, when
every pennj on the market found a ready and secure
emplover, money, as a whole, as such, ceased to be barren,
and put on the quality of practical Iniitfulnesa From itB
nee being, some time ago, to a large extent, of no avail to
increase wealth, it ifl now universally capable of employ-
raeat in production, and the person who receives interest
oualoan, does so, not so much because he intended to
employ the som personally, as because, independently of
hi« intention, another willingly pays for a portion of the
world's capital, which can be at once invested, and which
no man of business allows to lie idle. 8uch certainly is the
attitude of companies towards the lending public, a fact
which would justify the taking of interest from individual
borrowers not similarly disposed. Demand on more or less
favourable terms exists for all sums offered. From day to
day is formed, a public estimate of the use of money, as a
whole, looking to the various profitable concerns to which
it can be turned. The right of employing it for a time
has a market value just as horses have, and, as in the
latter instance, so in the former, want of asefulness to the
owner need not prevent him from selling at current prices.
Enough has been said to explain an apparent change
in the CSiurch's dealings with usury. Up to the beginning
of this century queriste were referred to Benedict XlV.'s
leon directed, as
its who charge
)ey any decision
it in this there
What altered
a title did not
Berent economic
atment ; and, as
one need dread
le a thoroughly
d period is daily
1 other articles,
emotely, indeed,
annum emergens,
I auother. This
d. For, capital
investments, and
84 Plain Truths about TnteresU
a eelection. The just prioe for d loan, then, should be easily
determined. Obviously it is that which it brings in publio
market There is no other standard by which to decide
the value of goods for sale. And as in ordinary circum-
stances the man who charges his neighbour a shilling for
a sixpenny loaf is guilty of injustice, so too is he who,
without any special reason, charges higher interest than
he can secure on his loan in the open competition of
commerce.
Now, the return which can be had from investments
open to capital is no secret At the present time, whether
the man of money looks to Government stock, or railway
shares, or trading speculations, he finds it extremely
hard to secure four per cent Plainly then more cannot
in justice be demanded from a poor man compelled to
borrow, if his security be equally good, and if there be no
special inconvenience in letting him have the small sum he
desires. Hence the current price, something under four
per cent., is the proper rate of interest when this two-fold
condition is fulfilledl In private lending, however, some-
what more trouble and nsk are involved, especially the
latter, and a proportionate allowance must be made. It ia
important to determine the amoimt of this proportion*
Where the borrower is himself perfectly reliable, or brings
an unexceptional surety, it is dif&cult to see how any notable
increase on the normal rate can be justified. In such cases,
to go beyond four and a-half, or at the utmost five, per
cent., is patent extortion. Plainly five per cent makes
allowance for some extra risk, and hence ordinary rates
should be within its compass. A shilling in the pound
seems, no doubt, small to money-lenders, who fence them***
selves within a secure paling of legal instruments, and
afterwards exact three times that amount. They are not,
however, good judges. Their profession hardens the heart
and dries the wells of human feeling, and too often avarice
runs riot with their reasonings.
Nothing above four per cent can be taken in justice at
the present time, unless by way of compensating labour
or hazard not found in lending to rauway companies
in these countries. How to assess fairly for extra perils
where it exists, can best be determined by what au
Assurance company would demand on becoming req)onsible
for the additional danger. This can be ascertained itoxa
the daQy transactions of such companies, and should be
added to the normal four per cent, to come at fair interest
Haul TruAt about Intereat. 89
Such is the method which Crolly recommMida, and under
ite guidance, he concludes, in his practical rules, that for
goods sold on credit to the poor a merchant ehonld not
charge more than six per cent., tmless where the danger
is Twy extraordinary, even in rec^tect of this class of
CDStomers.*
Rarely is it lawful to demand a higher rate for money
lenL Two per cent, is considerable insurance. In those
very excepbonal cases, however, where it would not cover
the risk, three, four, or five per cent., might be added on
this score alone, so as to maKe the aggregate rate £7, £S,
or £9, for every £100. *' Sed secluso aliquo caaa periculi
9iilde extnwrdinani nunqnam concederemus ut fenus 8 vel
9 pro 100 excederet."*
In imposing interest the lender mnst decide each case,
or class of cases, on its merits, and not fine one man for the
risk of lending to another. Bat &om what has been said,
it is obvious a money-lender or shop-keeper cannot charge
ike run of his poor customers a higher rate than six per
cent. There is absolutely no title for more, and to exact
it is to traffic on the necessity of those who are in want.
Tet, sad to say, vrithin recent years, this amount has been
enormously exceeded on the necessanes of life supplied by
credit to a starving people. The meal trade in several
1„ -f tu; 4. — '"riously allied with the cruel
summer of 1880, a cwt. of
idy money, for seven shillings
t his name into the book, and
r two, until he could sell some
ig it, and eight shillings or
lis eiccouat. Worse still, if, as
yment, a second supply were
isome salting was r^eated.
No doubt many Catholic
extortion, even when others
3ut cases of its occurrence
1, and how so large a number
S)tation seems unexplainable,
vertence, in great measure,
bnrtcen shillings' worth of
86 Plain Truths about Interest.
sixth of it. Nor is it the least justification to say that very
little more would have been added for the whole year.
However plausible such a plea may seem to a merchant
whose credit trade is largely restricted to May, June, and
July, it cannot make a loan for two and a loan for twelve
months identical.
Before 1854 the legal rate of interest in Ireland was
six per cent., in England five. In that year, however, all
restriction was removed by 17 and 18 Vic, c, 90, on the
ground that laws prohibiting high^ rates defeated their
own purpose, inasmuch as money-lenders, whilst restraints
oontinued, were sure to charge their customers — needy,
heedless, or spendthrift — for the risk involved in their viola-
tion. Whatever is to be said of this sweeping change in
law, one important exception was made m the case of
pawnbrokers^ who lend a sum of less than £10 on pledge
security. For them a very hi^h legal rate is still fixed,
and as they are commonly held justified in taking what is
allowed by law, provided they conscientiously observe its
requirements, and give a fair price for articles not redeemed,
one might think that a good case could be made for
provision dealers by comparison with them.
There is no parity whatever. The business of the " poor
man's banker," as he loves to style himself, is extremely
disagreeable, laborious, and risky. He lends to the poorest
class, for the shortest periods, the smallest sums, on every
variety of merchandize, and keeps accounts and checks of
the minutest transaction. Stolen goods are often pledged,
and no matter how honest the act may have been on
the pawnbrokei'^s part, a detective officer sent in pursuit
will seize the property for the original owner. " Refusing to
deliver up goods pawned, on order of Justices, committal
to prison till goods delivered up, or satisfaction made. "
These are some of the evils to which the " Lords of
the golden balls *' are heir. They are not enumerated to
exonerate the whole craft. Although in large towns, un-
licenced houses are much the most pernicious, pawnbrokers
but too frequently imitate their malpractices. What the
disadvantages mentioned prove is that there exist reasons
peculiar to pawnbroking and justifying its high legal
mterest, whicn are not foimd in ordinary businesa
In the matter we have been considering there is really no
^reat danger to prindple. Where such risk exists, surety
IS usually required. For ordinary cases the known machin-
ery of law, combined with a pretty generally used expedient,
Plain TrtUh$ about Interest. 87
of not Buj^lying for one year until the previous year's
account is cleared, affords adequate protection against bad
debts. No extra labour, wortn speaking of, is necessary
for sale on credit A little book-keeping is ihe only addi-
tion to the cash system. And so far from interfering with
ready-money trade, a meal merchant, on ceasing to give
credit, should find his cash sales decrease, not merely in
that^ but in every other department of his business.
Justification is sometimes sought for an exorbitant rate
of interest by appealing to the freedom which customers
enjoy in selecting with whom they are to deal, and the
consequent competition amongmoney-lenders or merchants.
Freedom there is none, where people must borrow and
can find no one in their neighboiurhood able and willing to
lend on fair terms. As for competition and its effect on
lenders being a protection against extortion, on the con-
trary, it has in no age, even at the largest centres of
commerce, been able to save the poor and the improvident
from usury's cruel grasp. Much more is this true of remote
isolated districts. Competition, indeed, soon reduces cash
prices in a locality, because the contracting parties are
&ee, but where a large number must borrow, and com-
paratively few have means to give supplies on credit, each
of the latter will find himself practically imopposed, and
without interchanging a word, a high-rate interest will be
charged all round, as if by arrangement. The poor are
not free. They can be got at by a thousand subtle influences,
and up to the present the benefits of competition have not
reached their demands for credit. An open market and
not forced willingness should fix the standard.
Private money-lenders thiok themselves safe if their
charges are not much above current bank-rates. As a rule
they should be less. Banks rarely serve a rural district.
Their rates of lending are often exorbitant. Frequently
the effects of mismanagement are sought to be remedied
by a tax on the bone and sinew of the poor. Still their
interest is generally much under that of private lenders,
and occasionally they are at considerable expense to main-
tain establishments without which borrowers could not
easily procure the required advances. Like merchants,
money-lenders of every description should remember
that p '"'«o* a^^ount of their dealing is not with free agents
88 A New Organ.
or expenses. The precise amount in each case may be
determined by an honest estimate of the extrinsic titles, or
more conveniently, by the general rule alreadjr explained.
This brings our remarks to a close. Chanty often im-
Eoses an obligation of lending gratuitously to one in need ;
ut it is the violation of justice and charity together that
grinds the faces of the poor and brings a curse on their
oppressors. In words, that sound like thunder-claps, Sacred
Scripture speaks protection for the widow and the orpkan.
All the faults, however, are not on one side. " Many have
looked upon a thing lent as a thing foxmd, and have given
trouble to them that helped them." . . "Many have
refused to lend, not out of wickedness, but they were
afraid to be defrauded without cause."^ Too often debtors
discharge their obligations with as much reluctance as if
they were compelled to pay without having received.
Covetousness is not confined to one class in particular, and
once involved, a man is apt to yield to despairing reckless-
ness. For tiie poor, especially, borrowing cannot be
too much discouraged, and where unavoidable, prompt
payment, besides being commanded under pain of sin, is
the debtor's surest hope of future independence. But the
repayment of principle with fair interest is full satisfaction
of ms indebtedness, and whoso demands more commits a
crime against the human race and its Protector.
Patrick O'Donnell.
A NEW ORGAN.
A FEW evenings ago, during a mission recently given by
the Redemptorist Fathers, we were present at an
evening service at the large church of Rathnunes, dedicated
to Our Lady of Refuge. The building was crowded in
eveiy part; a few minutes after the hour at which the
service was to commence, the great doors leading to the
sanctuary were closed, there beinff neither sitting nor stand-
ing room left. In one of the wings or arms (the church,
it will be remembered, is in the form of a Greek cross),
where there are no seats, we succeeded in finding standing
room, a unit in a dense mass of human beings, young ana
old. An Italian Redemptorist mounted the pulpit and
^ EcdesiasticuB, zxix., 4 and 10.
A New Organ. 89
preached for nearly an hour; his eloquence held the people
spell-boimd. Bat it is not our intention to say anything
about Oxe sermon, admirable in many ways as it was. The
behaviour of the people was the striking feature of the
scene, and impressed us profoundly. Here were hundreds
of men, women, and children, many of them of a very poor
class, standing patiently all this time, in an atmosphere
none of the best ; and yet neither in word, nor look, nor
gesture, did any individual in that great number behave
otherwise than as was fitting in that sacred place. Several
women and children could not endure the heat and
pressure, and showed symptons of fainting ; way was then
promptly and silently made for them, and those supporting
them, through the crowd, that they might escape into the
open air. The attention to the sennon was general and
profound ; and even within a few feet of where we were
standing, we noticed on several faces tears that would not
be repressed. At the end of the service there was, of course,
great thronging to the single door of exit, beyond which
were five or six stone steps. Had there been the least
attempt at wanton or voluntary crowding, an accident
must have happened ; the weak would have fallen down,
and a terrible confusion must have resulted^ But the per*
feet behaviour of the people continued to the end, and
though the delay was some trial to the patience, eventually
the throng extricated itself from the narrow passage and
dispersed. A mild contentment, to say the least, sat upon
every face ; all had been brought together under the -^ang
of the one holy Mother of Souls ; all had drunk in the same
holy doctrine ; and a common sentiment seemed to pervade
all hearts, as though all felt themselves to be members of
one happy united family.
Amia such scenes the Irish race shows itself in its true
colours. The kindliness, self-respect, and mutual courtesy
of a people nurtured on fourteen centuries of Catholicism
keep out of sight, in such surroundings, the harsher and
wilcler lineaments which untoward circumstances and
fi*equent disappointments have superinduced upon their
character. Tnis, one feels, is their congenial element.
Ad Irishman, as such, is a Catholic ; if any Irishmen are
not Catholics, their error arises rather from oismal mistakes
and confusions in the past, than from any split in the
natio] ~ t, any schicma in the jpopular conscience. The
90 A New Organ.
there will be bo much the less of wasted effort, and the
advent of a better time will be the nearer.
The object of this paper is very practical, as will pre-
sently be seen ; but it was necessarjr to commence by a
statement of principles, for if first principles be wrong, all
is wron^. We maintain that Ireland is Catholic, and that
those who love her and wish to serve her, must take this
iLS a fundamental axiom, or they will lose their labour.
There are a number of men — ^mistaken men, we think —
who tell us to " sink our religious differences," to join all
together in suppressing the landlords and resisting England,
and not to trouble our heads how a man worships God, or
whether he worships Him at all. This party has an organ —
"United Ireland." But if creed be indeed a matter of
indifference, what fools were the Irishmen of former
days to let so sU^hfc a matter come between themselves
and prosperity I If the Catholic creed be no better than
the Protestant, the conduct of the maiority of Irishmen
during two centuries, in enduring decimation, banishment,
robbery, outlawry from the constitution, and ill usage of
every kind, rather than change one creed for the other,
was not wise or glorious, but simply idiotic. The party
who lay such a basis as this for their public action are
defiling the graves of their forefathers, neutralizing their
protest, and obscuring their fame. No I the Irish of the
past were right — sublimely right — in making the sacrifice
which they made ; it is for us, who inherit the fruit of their
struggle and the purchase of their agony, and who can
profess the faith in peace, to see that we do not fall behind
themF in fideli^. They retained the Catholic faith under
persecution. We, who are xmder no persecution, are bound
to put forth an energy not inferior to theirs, to raise that
faith to its rightful position in our midst. It is not our
business, therefore, to talk about a *^ United Ireland ** — as if
a people split up into sects, but joining to get certain
things they all want, were in an ideally perfect condition —
but about a Catholic Ireland. Try the matter over longp
periods of time, and you will find that a people falls or rises
according to the nature of its ** philosophy of the universew^
The Irishman's philosophy is that of the CathoUc Church t
Let us return now to that misoellaneouB tlvrong whicH
) Soph. Antig,
A Nete Orgim. 91
i»ned that evening bom the doore of Our Lady of Refuge^
Their feelings have been deeply stirred ; they would be
glad to do aomething, to begin aome course of action, but
they do not well know what. "Hodie mutatio dexterae
EsctUi." They have been spoken to as men and women,
and they hope that their lives will be the belter and the
purer for the instraction. But they are also citizens —
members of an organized civil society ; is there no teacher,
who, in alliance with the Catholic priest, will show them
their duties and privileges here alsoT Surely there is; it
is the Catholic Journalist. In the morning the worshipper
of the night before will read his newspaper; will he hero
^8o find what, as a Catholic Irishman, he ought to findt
Thii is a matter which deserves carefnl investigation.
A newspaper has two principal functions; one aa a
vehicle of news, the other aa an organ of criticism. The
former function i» one which is performed in substantially
the same way by all journals alike ; it is therefore needless
to dwell upon it at length. It should, however, be remem-
bered that our Catholic Irishman does not want news
served up to him by men who will designedly give it a
iwvnliihiiMinrT nr hnrfiHnnl flavour. He does not desire that
be BuppUed by Oallenga, or
va. Nor again does he want
iws," or "Presbyterian Kewa,"
st Newa " that can be of interest
it a Methodist, is the news that
he absurdity and peril of their
ibout to become Catholics. At
ay that the performances of a
f>ublic notice, are as interesting
as they are to his own sect
Methodists, qua Methodist, are
pt to themselves; and there
sive in the parade of their
f such a heading as " Methodiat
criticism that a representative
uost easily and effectually serve
speaking, newspaper criticism
s : institutions, books, and men.
a the Church or to tbe State ;
t. A few years ago, a Catholic
92 A New Organ.
lished and maintained by force in Catholic Ireland
Thanks to Mr. Gladstone, that anomaly no longer exists :
Protestantism has been disestablished. Nevertheless, not
only is the rightful superiority of the CathoUc Church
ignored, but even that visible equaHty of treatment, with
less than which no Irishman should rest satisfied, is withheld.
To foreigners visiting DubUn, it is still a subject of wonder
and scandal that both the ancient cathedrals of the city
are in Protestant hands. Christ Church, where stood the
archiepiscopal throne of the last canonized saint of Ireland,
St. Laurence O'Toole, ought, in common justice and
decency, to be restored to the Church. Similarly, the
Rock of Cashel, with its sacred edifices, the ruins of Qon-
macnoise and Glendalough, and the cathedral of St. Canice
at Kilkenny, ought, with the least possible delay, if any
approach is to be made to the visible equahty of which wo
spoke, to be replaced in the hands of the original pro-
prietors. Of course, all bona fide expenditure, recently
made on any of these buildings by private benefactors,
would have to be made good to them ; but this is a mere
detail. The point of importan,ce is, that the principle of
equitable treatment should be conceded ; and in preparing
pubUc opinion in this direction, the services that might be
rendered by an able and resolute CathoUc journal would
be of inestimable value.
Among the civil institutions of Ireland, the vice-royalty
holds the highest place. As the law now stands, no
CathoUc can be Lord Lieutenant. The Nationalists care
little for this, because their object is to aboUsh the con-
nexion with England altogether ; if that went, of course
the anomaly in question would disappear along with it.
Without entering into argument on this point, may we not
say that those who take this view would do well to con-
sider whether it is not the part of practical poUticians to
strike first for a reform which is obviously just, and there-
fore probably attainable, before stirring ulterior questions ?
The law, as it stands, casts a slur upon them, in common
with the great majority of the Irish population ; why then
not agitate for its removal ? They would be in no worse,
but rather in a better position, when this grievance was
remedied, to pursue any further designs which they might
regard as coming withm the scope ot Irish .^patriotism. It
seems impossible to doubt that a steady and united pres-
sure on tne part of the Irish p€trty in ParUament would
easily force this concession from any government. This,
A New Organ. 93
agaiD, is a matter on which the new organ that we have in
view could render effectual aid.
The legal inBtitutions of Ireland, on account of the
general fairness which characterises the action of Govern-
ment in appointing to the high posts, offer Uttle ground
for criticism. However, the vi^ance of a daily paper,
devoted to the CathoUc cause, would here also be always
useful; for the motives of a Protestant government, in
appointing Catholics to o£Sce, are seldom such as to com-
mand entire confidence.
Coming to the institutions connected with education,
we note that the equaUty between the two confessions,
which is the very least that Irish Catholics should be con-
tented with, is far from havine been yet realised. We
cannot here enter into details ; but our readers know that
neither in respect of primary, nor of secondary, nor, least
of all, of University education, does the CathoHc majority
at present receive equal justice. If we had an organ of
Irisn opinion, conducted with the energy and singleness of
purpose which characterise the management of the
Germanioj the well-known organ of the Prussian Catholics,
the solecism of one University and three Queen's Colleges,
wholly imder Protestant management, and largely endowed
or sul^dized by the State, while no Catholic College draws
from the Treasury one farthing, would be continually
exposed in its naked monstrosity, and could not be much
longer upheld.
Other lines of criticism might be named, in which the
services of the new journal might be utilized in promoting
the cause of Art and Learning, pari passu with that of
rdigion. These it is easy to imagine; they would all
naturally be followed up, were such an organ once started.
It may be objected that Irish Catholics have already an
efficient organ in the Freeman's Journal. But, without dis^
(mting tfie ability with which the Freeman is conducted, or
the reality of the services to the cause of reUgious equality
wludi it hae occasionally rendered, we may answer that a
mefe reperusal of what we have written will show that the
Fnmnan is not exactly the sort of organ which the serious
teeiio" ^^ ^^^^ ^rish Catholic people requires. It seems to
94 A New Organ.
side witb journals which place the political interests of
mankind in the foremost rank.
Again, it may be said that the time is ill-chosen ; that
the Irish Catholic majority has taken for its leader a
Protestant, Mr. Pamell ; that it is enthusiastically attached
to him ; and that he cannot be supposed likely to fayojor
any of the objects which we have specified. Mr. Pamell
has been the principal agent in obtaining for the tenant
farmers— t.e., for the bone and marrow of the Irish popu-
lation — a signal amelioration of their condition; and we
do not grudge him one iota of the gratitude with which he
is consequently regarded. We would not indeed commit
ourselyes to the approval of every speech which he has
made — every course which he has recommended. Still it
is obvious that without Mr. Pamell there would have been
no Land Act ; and it is no less certain that the Land Act
has anchored the Irish people to the soil in a way that hcM
been unknown for three centuries. We do not, therefore,
wonder or murmur at the political leadership which such
services have conferred. At the same time, since the con-
cessions to Catholicism which we have sketched are
manifestly just, what reason is there why Mr. Pamell, or
any other smcere politician, should not accept and further
them ? K Mr. Gladstone, a devoted Anglican, could feel
it to be his duty to disestablish the Irish Church, why
should not Mr. Pamell, with equal conviction and sincerity,
aid in securing for Catholics the restoration of those equal
rights of which they were wrongfully deprived? He
would, by so doing, enhance that claim on the gratitude
of the people which he has already established ; and such
a CathoUc organ as we are considering, finding him pre-
pared to work for the good of Ireland in all clearly just
causes, would freely and cheerfully support him on that
pinnacle of unexampled influence ana chieftainship, to
which his own high qualities, and the course of eventSi
have con/^ired to raise him.
F.RU.I.
[ 95 ]
RECENT BOOKS ON IRISH GRAMMAR— CoNTiNum
THE dtacipline of the Iriah Church wae in hannonj
with the Catholic Church. Public fflnnera or penitentB
formed &n exception, for these were to kneel on Sundar.
The intereatB of the general discipline were consulted for
by the standing of the body of the faithfnl, while thtt good
tad edification of the particular church were secured hj
the penitential attitude of the public einuers. But at
oertain solemn parts of the Maes even the penitents or
■inners were directed to stand up, but to bow the head
odIj, as beine more correctly symbolical than a kneeling
Sitore. Tdo same exception was made in the Irian
nrch in regard to penitents. While others were to
rejoice tmd be glad, to be free from fasting, and enjoying
the privilege of standing, the penitents were to be treated
othuwise. Thus it was decreed r — " Go festivals and
Snndays a collation of gpiel to penitents,' and there is no
freedom from viyili (which supposed kneeling), but on one
evemng. on every high festival between Easter and Pente-
ooBt" (L.B. 10 a.) Every day from the Reeurrection-day
till Pentecost was treated as Easter Sunday (L.B. p. 261, b.)
Oonld there be a clearer proof of the accord between ths
Irish and Catholic disciphne on this point?
But Dr. M'Carthy remarks that the passages in favour
of a standing posture on Sunday contain nothing racy of
the eolL Taere was very little racy of the sod in the
doctrine and discipline which St Patrick brought us : and
if there be anything rather than another indigenous to the
Quistian soQ of Ireland it is its orthodoxy in matters of
n the early ages of the
rving and honoring the
-the Resurrection — and
■8 than a preference for
ne Host The Fathere
Ipline of standing was
M etiam diebns remiaaloals '
Q ea ab Apostolis religioM
unlluB Deque in tenam tlralo
96 Recent Books on Irish Grammar.
apostolic, and yet it was not to be valued becatiBe Tiot racy
njf ike soil !
15. But in point of fact, is Dr. McCarthy correct in say-
ing that the passages quoted in favour of a standing
posture were mere transcripts from Continental or Roman
writers? Have we not seen that the privilege of standing
on Sundays wcus denied by the rule of the Irish Culdees to
penitents ? apd again that when a festival fell on Saturday
outside Lent, the vigil prayers^ as requiring genuflection,
were discontinued at None (L.B. 10 b.) St. Augustine
says that this observance of standing was observed every-
where so far as he was aware. The observance of the
Sunday began, as elsewhere (4) in Ireland on Saturday
evening; " that is, from Vespers on Saturday to Matins (or
morning watch) of Monday." CEspurta in toathaim oo
fuinne maitne dialuain (L.B. 202).^
Not racy of the soil, indeed 1 Why the MSS. which
supplies the quatrain under discussion, and on which
Dr. McCarthy relies for the prostration theory, states * that
every day from £aster till r entecost is to be treated aa the
great festival of the Resurrection,' and that no fasting
diould take place on Sundays * in honor of Him who savea
us.' Not onJy so, but there was to be no kneeling of the
figell on the principal feasts of the apostles and martyrs in the
refectory. {Feli apstal ardmartir eenfigilt). When speaking
of honoring the Sunday properly, tne writer spoke of not
fasting ; but in speaking of the feasts of apostles he said
besides, there should be no kneeling. Why was this ? Was
the feast of a martyr to be more respected than the Lord's
day ? No, but he had said before in the quatrain under
discussion, that we were not to bend the knees on Sunday
of the living God.
Not racy of the soil I Adamnan. whose Life of St.
Columba has been quoted by Dr. McCarthy to prove the
proetration theory, he Burely is racy of the soil, not to speak
of SS. Ailbe, Molua, and of Connall, who brought the Law
of Sunday^ beginning on Saturday evening, cu*. 590, from
the Altar of Peter. Well, the directions given in the
Vision of Adamnan were, that people should, in obedience
to the testament of St. Patrick, perform triduums
periodically ; and that during these tridua in the
^ *< Hoc quoqne nosse debenms a yespere sabbati quo lucesoit in
diem domini usqne in dkm sequentem apudEgyptios non genua curvarL*^
Cassian, Imt. L 2, C la
SeeetU Sook$ on Iriah Grammar. 97
churches they should perfonn 100 gmuflecHona snd the
croBsfigell, and have their hands joined at the hymn
" Dicat," that they should gmufieet toree times at end of
each hymn, striking their breasts at each genuflectioa, and
raising their bands np to Heaven, Now, the word used
for genuflection in the above instajice was (alechtan), and
conid not, as appears from the contest, mean prostration.
This surely was racy of the soil.
But to return to the Rubric. Dr. M'Carthy should have
eMablished not only that tlechthith could and should mean
prostration, but that it coold not mean genuSeL-tiou or
bowing. Why, the contradictory has been proved (see
Ho. 3 of this paper.) Waiving ray right, however, of not
Inlying to him as being out ot form, and pardoning him
logical improprieties, I would fain have Dr. M'Carthy t^e
his perch oa the horns of a legitimate dilemma, iac
the matter is capable of it. Jt is this: — "Before con-
secration the people were either- prostrate or they were
not; if they had been, the Rubric la useless, as, according
to Dr. M'Carthy, sUchthith means prostration ; if they
had oot been prostrate it proves his contention to be
Maa ■ tV,ari,(nra fhft Riihriiv " woTth anything, proves him
own petard.' Yet this was
5 proof' of prostration,
e no kneeling, but prostra-
ig God, without exception,
limited to the "early Irish
to the Culdees ; and 1 hope
istration, in bis next paper,
" hatemity.
y last words of hia reply
" that the rule (for proatea-
of the body of the people,
ghtly says, a monk. " Tboee
[tended were not ri^tly
ed Dean Reeves who reviews
Dllandists and others onboth
ry, ably suma up by stating
rving some of the diacipUne
rere in Ireland, in their mpin
d if Dr. M'Carthy had not
Reeves' Culdtet. he mierht
98 Recent Books on Irish Grammat.
and stated so, in nineteen stanzas, says that now he treats
of the occupations of the Culdees ; therefore, according to
the writer of the Rule, the Culdees were not monks.
17. 1 apprehend that Dr. McCarthy's reference to tiie
Corpus Miss^ does not limit prostration to the Culdees unless
he supposes like Dean Reeves and Rev. Mr. Warren, whose
modesty and gentlemanly courtesy are on a par with their
vast learning, that the Culdees Uved in opposition to and
at variance with the Roman See. I am, therefore, if for no
other reason, opposed to siving the Culdees this additional
peculiarity attributed to them dj^ Dr. McCarthy. But had
they in point of fact this pecuharity f Well, I know no
better authority on the question than the very Rule of the
Culdeea
That Rule prescribes (L.B., p. 10.) '* that when a psalm
is chanted it is to be said by them alternately standing and
sitting ; for when they sit it induces sleep, and if they stand
too long it is fatiguing." Now, to repy to this he must
quote some authority as good fius the framer of the Rule, and
what he quotes must refer to the Culdees. For by his
subterfuge he has narrowed the matter to that issue. But
I am certain Dr. McCarthy's views on prostration c^e as
baseless as are in regard to independence of Rome those of
Protestant writers.
18. I regret that the point intended by the introduction
of the Crossfigell by me has been missed. I intended to
come at the meaning of slechtam. Dr. McCarthy says, truly
indeed, that there is no radical connection between the
words, but withal there is a necessary however indirect
connection, and therefore he is not correct in saying that
the objection founded on it falls to the ground. The
glossanst defined ^^U to be < a prayer or meditation which
one performs on his knees, as genuflection (slechtaim). Here
was the equivalent for the word in dispute. He repeated
the same meaning in giving the defimtion of Crossfi^U,
explaining the Cross by ^ the hands stretched out crosswise.'
But because I adopted the explanation oifigdl in its simple
state, making use of the word meditation as being more
intelligible tnan wcUcliing^ which weus employed by the
glossarist in defining /{^eu in composition with Cross^ I am
credited with emU. No. 10. I did not, and do not sub-
scribe to O'Clery's idea of the Crossfigell but intended
merely to come at his idea and the meaning of sleektham as
used by him. But as Dr. McCarthy has taken trouble
to conrect my imaginary errors in connection with Crossfi^U
Recent Booh tm Inth Grammar. 99
I have something to say to his real eirora io the same con-
nectioD.
19. That a standing posture was not necessaiT' to the
idea ofCroesfigellismaaeclearbT an entry in /..£. (p. 6I.a).
A desolate widow came to St. MartiD and implored him to
raise her son lately dead to life. Thelriah wnter represents
him as yielding to her request : m fkiU M. a gltmi antin agut
dotgtd aUehtain agtu Croifi^ll. "Martin bent his knees,
made adoration and the CroMfigell," Dr. M'Oarthy is not
ooirect in saying.tbat here there is a contrast, there is only
a connection between kneeling and (gleehtain) adoration.
Snch had been St. Martin's life-long habit of prayer, with
•yes and hands directed to heaven, that, in the crisis of his
dying agony, be would not purchase ease by turning prone
on the ground, in order that he might die as be bad lived,
looking, when praying, to heaven. The description in the
L.B. tallies with what is given of him in the old Latin
Hves. They Te[)reBeut bim not as praying with clasped
hands, nor as Saints Agatba and Amoroso are respectively
repreeented by their acts, " with hands expanded," and
"formed to the image of a cross" — manibvt expantu, et in
!w, but " with eyes and bands
manibuK in eoebtm semper in-
I Apostle pray. He is repre-
art of the night in prayer and
be second part of the night in
le cold brook, with eyes and
Its manibiumie ad caelum. Our
tin, whose lives represent him
and hands directed to heaven.
Croesfigell. Yet Dr. M'Carthy
his Hves state, but stretched
therwise bis hands could not
The L.B. says (p. 259) that,
ids in CrossSgell to God, the
irossfigelj then depended not
3ut the position of the hands,
lecessaty to the idea of Cross-
hat the Irish writer says of
n allusion to the passage in
re know Moses was not pros-
o r.iU-i-1 =o™ / /■ D .. -.^ . <
100 Recent Books on Irish Grammar,
shall perform 100 genuflections (slechthain) and CrossfigeU
with Beattie"
21. It would appear that kneeling though usual was
not necessary, in idea or practice, to the CSrossfigell, as the
genuflections were omitted on Sundays and Paschal time,
nee genua flectenda. {LuB.^ 54, b.) These words were
used to explain slecht/ianaf and I was right then in stating
that the " genuflections of the CrossfigeU " were not per-
formed on Sunday. Yet, unaccountably, the " genuflec-
tions of the Crossflgell '* are marked by errat. 9. Dr.
McCarthy makes a mistake by thinking that I intended to
give anything but the equivalent of genua fiectenda^ kneel'-
ing without at all going into the natiure of CrossfigeU. He
then gives, in correction, a definition of CrossfigeU which
I did not intend to touch on — " prostration and exten-
sion of the hands crosswise." But neither prostration nor
extension of the hands was a part of CroeefigeU. He is
mistaken consequently in connecting extension of the hands
with Moses' CrossfigeU, and doubly so in ^ving it with
prostration in connection with that of St. Martm's CrossfigeU.
Dr. M^Carthjr understands the reference to the CrossfieeU
three times m the next paragraph, as meaning outstretched
arms in regard to Josue, and thus commits three mistaken.
22. But if it consist not in any particular attitude of the
body, it must be sought for in the position of the hands.
O'ReiUy in his Dictionary says that the hands should be
crossed on each other.
There is a great deal to favor the view of the out-
stretched arms crosswise. It was the position in which
Christ last prayed and died ; and the early Christians loved
to imitate him.^ And this apostoUc custom was not unknown
to our Irish Saints. The Irish writers emploved pretty
imagery to express a Hkeness of the cross. Havmg traced
a Ukeness to it in the horizontal points, an Irish writer con-
tinues : — ^' A likeness to the cross in air is the bird on the
wing; a Ukeness to it on earth is man with hands out-
stretched (sinte) in prayer ; a likeness to it on water is a
ship under saU and canvass unfurled." (i.B». p. 234, a).
These simiUtudes appear taken from St. Jerome (comm. on
St. Mark), who adds, if I remember rightly, the likeness of
a man swimming.
There would appear then an antecedent probabiUty in
^ MaximuB Turin. " Cracia signum est cum homo porrectis Manibua
Deum pura mente Yeneretur/' Tom. 11. c2e Cruce Domini,
EKTtTOfitpaf irpofidkkoftttfot rat ycipaf to tov frravpov mtfoff cv rm
XI f^*"''^ cfucovtfci. Apud Vhn^. Qnd. ^1.
P
Recent Booh on Irish Grammar.
IDI
&TOiir of outstretched anns in connection with Crossfigell.
Dr. Beeves thinks the matter is decided by a passage in
ZjSL, ^ when Moses raised his hands in Crossfigell the
heathens were defeated." But is it certain that Moses in
Exodus, to which allusion is made, had the hands outstretched
laterally f Or what is more to the point, how did the Irish
writers understand it ? I maintain that they imderstood hj
it ' the hands raised as those of the priest at the altar.' This
is the ^sence of CrossfigelL There is some confusion in a
reference made by an Irish writer in L.B. (p. 124 b) to
Moses and Josue ; but I have only to reconcile him with
IdmBelf. " When Josue, the son of Nun, raised in front of
Amra (Moses), his two beautiful, singularly white, and pure
hands in Crossfigill, the Canaanites were overcome in
battle ; but when the Crossfigill ceased and the hands fell
by his side, the children of Israel were defeated. They
then adopted an ingenious and prudent plan — they fixed
and raised two chosen stones under the hands of Josue, so
that they may be in Crossfigell during the battle." Now
ike hands must have been raised aloft, otherwise they would
not be raised in front of Moses, but stretched out on either
side of him. Besides, it is not the arms but the hands, the
white and beautiful hands, that are raised up to heaven,
which could not properly be said if they had not been higher
&an the other parts of the body, or if the arms were as high
by being outstretched laterally. Finally, whenever Israel
was overcome, not only had the Crossfigell ceased, but, as
a different thing, the arms fell by the side ; whereas if the
aims had been outstretched the cessation of the Crossfigell
and the falling of the hands would not be different* Moses
must have been considered by the Irish wiiter as a sort of
propitiatory, and Josue before him.
24. I shall cite several instances of Crossfigell as proofs
or tests of my defijiition* The first is firom the Martyrology
of Donegal on the life of St Becan, The Saint is found
raying and building by St. Columba. (See April 5>
\&E.):—
5
1st Stanza. ,
^ Making a wall, the Crossfigell,
Kneeling in pure prayer (slech-
taib'
Tli
^11 •-
2nd Stanza.
*' Hand on a stone, hand raises
up;
Knee bent (glun fiUte) to set a
102 Recent Books on Irish Grammar.
The second is only an explanation of the first stanza ;
and, by the way, fillem gluni and slechtham are identified
(see par. 1). Now hand raised up is the equivalent tor
Crossfigell. The hand was not stretched out ; and if wo
suppose that the Crossfigell consisted of the cross by out-
stretched arms, one arm outstretched would be meaning-
less, unless in a menacing or demonstrative manner ; not
so, if raised without relation to a cross formed by the handa
25. Another instance is given in the Milan Glosses. The
passage translated runs thus : ** The word of the bold eyes
IS in raising them up to heaven (vid. Oadoilica p, 21), and
the word of the bold body is when it is stretched to God
in kneeling (slechtain) and Crossfigell*'
The aUusion to the bold eyes, etc., of the ancient
Glossarist, is understood by a reference to Tertullian, who
recommended the Publican's method of prayer — ^not to
raise the hands too high (sublimius), nor even the face too
boldly. (Vultu quidem in audaciam). Audacity (dana) is
the very word in the Gloss. Now when the body was
reached as far as the hands could oifer it to God in Cross-
figell it came under the description discountenanced by
TertulUan, who did not censure the expansion of the hancis
but practised it.^
26. The L.B. (p. 135 a), gives another instance. Speak-
ing of the Immaculate Virgin on the 25th December, the
writer says ; ** after her going into the house (stable), she
began prayer and the Crossfigell, and her eyes up to
Heaven." The Virgin was represented so weak as to be
supported on the left by James the Kneed and by Simon on
the right ; and considering that there were five virgin com-
panions with her cmd St. Joseph, it is not easy to see how
she could have extended her arms in a narrow stable,
surrounded as she was.
27. The last instance is taken from the Rule of the
Culdees. *^Deus in adjutorium down to festina and thy two
hands up to Heaven ; and the sign of the cross afterwardB
with the right hand similiter in every direction, thus iS
down, up, it is the shrine of ipietv with tnem ; but the Ooss-
figell premously^ it is their shield." (i.5., p. 10). Here the
Crossfigell is distinguished from the cross, consisting of
raising the hands up to Heaven.
Now that we have determined the nature of Croflsfigell,
a question rises to the lips ; Is the Crossfigell a misnomer T
> Nob yero non attollimoB tantxim, sed etlam expandimnB, et dominica
pasdone modulantes et oiantes, &c., Tert, de oradone, ch. IL.
Recent Books on Irish Grammar, 103
No. The early Chrigtianfl loved to express a -likeness to
our Saviour on the Cross ; but in doing so ran into excesa
To this the earliest of the Latin Fathers alluded when he
recommended a moderate elevation of the hands. The
Chnrch comes forward and recommends by her practice
such a position as the priest gives now to the hands at Mass.
This came into use before St Patrick's time. St Sylvester
is represented as so praying (Vid. Bened. xiv. Sac. Mis.
Kb. it, ch. vi. No. 5, and Mus. Bonarrotae). This manner
of prayer observed in St. Patrick was copied by his very
docile converts; and the manner of prayer observed before
the altar-cross got the name of Crossfigell.
There is another reason for the name. The sacrifice at
the altar being the same as that of the cross, the position
of the priest's bands in his sacrificial capacity could be said
to be that of the cross. To this L.B. (p. 234^, alludes : <* If
it be right to honour and respect the ordinary altar on which
we offered the body and blood of Christ daily, much more
flhould we honour the first altar (piece of the true cross)."
flere the altar and cross are convertible terms.
Now that we have established the essential meaning of
Crossfigell, I am in a position to repay Dr. McCarthy for the
trouble he took in correcting imaginary errors in connectiou
with the Crossfigell. He is inconsistent in that in one place
he says that Moses was in Crossfigell on an occasion when
he could not be prostrate, and in another says that it con-
sisted ' of prostrations and extension of the hainds crosswise '
(pp. 708-10 Record, 1883). '
27. He tells us in an unscientific if not tinkering
manner, that by tacking a phrase in a Paris manuscript to
another in a Bobio manuscript we will find a Cros^gelL
The first piece is palmce superncs ad orationem. Why the
palms were not to be supine at all in Crossfigell. Besides,
the supine position of hands is impossible with full
prostration^ which he wrongly made a condition to
Crossfigell. The other piece was, canat triginta psalmos in
eruee, Kor has this more than the first patch an element
of the Crossfigell. He need not have crossed the seas to
patch up a Qrossfigell, if he knew how to understand one
at his door.
Di hv. in order to crive us his irlpa o •mT.r»*%*^ rv.*«
104 Recent Books on Irish Grammar.
Church." Now, the arreum which Dr. McCarthy gives as
the second, in reference to the Crossfigell, is quite oiflFerent
from that given in the bishop's very correct version of the
arreums.
There is still more reason for quesrioning the propriety
of translating arrevm by " penance,*' as Dr. McCarthy has
done. Of course he might say that a word by itself can
have a meaning different from what it has in composition.
True. I therefore await his translation of, if not all the
arreums occupying only fourteen full lines, at least the first
arreum, Arreum superpositionis c. psalmi et c, fiectianes
genuum vel ter guingenta et cantica septem. If I rightly under-
stand the two first words of this arreum, Dr. McCarthy has
to change his views «U8 expressed on his second arreum.
28. He says the Crossfigell has two meanings 1 It has the
right and wrong one. Dr. McCarthy's views on the Crossfigell
have been wrong and inconsistent ; and when a difficulty
arose he ought rather have paused than misrepresent facts
that they should square with his theory. To multiply words
or their meanings when any difficulty arises as to the true
meaning is bad enough, but to do so without any difficulty
in the way is far more imreasonable. It were to revolu-
tionize language to multiply words for difficulties created
not merely by some mented obtiquit)', but by not opening
our eyes physically. The evils of such a system are
illustrated m Dr. McCarthy's writing. As to Crossfigell, he
says i—^*^ The second meaning is given in the Prose rule of
the Culdees, and said to be the sign of the cross,with the right
hand," Not at all ; there is no mention or trace of a second
meaning (i.-B., p. 10). The writer does not say that it
consists of the sign of the cross, but quite differently [see
Par. 26). Thirdly, the translation is not up, down, as he
fives it, but down, up, sis ecus suass. The '* Tlwughts'^ of
ascal tells us that the common people have truth with
them, but do not know the point where it is to be foimd ;
Dr.M*Carthy not only has not a true notion of the Crossfigell,
and does not appear to know where to find it. And if he
has erred in a matter of fact that he could see and touch, he
has no less reason to fear that the unseen and supposed
link, with a causal force between the first and second half
of the Irish quatrain, in support of the prostration theory,
is only a creature of the imagination. At aU events Dr.
McCarthy's views on the Crossfigell have been characterized
by confusion,^contradiction, and manifold mistakes, in fact as
well as opinion.
Explanatory Note. 105
While Dr. McCarthy finds fault with the adoption of
what is tenable in O'Cleary's definition of Crossfigell, as to
the meaning of sUchtaim^ supported as that meaning is by
an irresistible mass of evidence, he may then get the benefit
of his own remarks, as it is to be observed that his adop-
tion of what is untenable in the definition — the error touch-
ing the hands crosswise — and superadding to it that of
i)ro8tration, notwithstanding all that has been done by
earned societies during thelast 100 years, " shows how far
Irish studies have progressed in Ireland since the 28th
October, 1643.*' Sylvester Malone.
EXPLANATORY NOTK
[May we venture to express a hope that with the
publication of the following Explanatory Note, this
interesting controversy will now cease ?]
In reference to the misreading Briani^ Rev. E. Hogan, S.J.,
has pnblished* a copy of the original entry in the Book of
Armi^L From this it resnlts that what Father O'CarroU's
anonymous defender disparagingly called the '^new/' is in reality
the tme, reading. " The facsimile/' we are told, ** is wrong in
muting t and n in Briain . . . even with the naked eye I could
see they are not joined in the MS." Solventnr risu tabule !
Father Hogan goes on to show that my transcript contains as
many as six errors. They are as follows : — 1. ** Patncius."
This means that I did not mark the letters which were omitted from
the MS. form Patrius. But, as I have done so in no case, hy the
same role I should have been written down for twenty additional
blunders. Strange, however, the instance selected for animad-
yeraion is the only one in which an error as to the letters omitted
was- possible; stranger still, that error has been fallen into by
Father Hogan ; and, strangest of all, he would have avoided it,
had he been content to copy O'Ctury. For Patrius is what pakeo-
graphers call a syncopated stfllabic contraction; and, unless the
Spelling-hooks are wrong, or to be read backwards, there is no
such syllable as ic to be omitted or retained in Patricias.
2. " Caelum {recte celum, the e being a Utera caudatay^ A
reference to Reeves* Adamnan' will show the same a retained in
106 Explanatory Note.
6. "Maceridtf for Maceri^.*' Herein, however, I have been
foUowed by Father Hogan, who writes Calvus and mumae,
6. " Bebliothica for bebliothici[8]." Having before me
O 'Curry *s assurance, that the facsimile was a *' perfect
representation," how, I may fairly ask, was I, who had never
seen the original, to know that the facsimile was so far from
being perfect that it contained two disgraceful blunders ?
In one of these I was enabled, it wiU not be denied, Ui give
what the result has shown to be the true reading. The other I
had no option but to read as I did. Father Hogan, indeed, says
that what I took to be an a is " unlike any of the eighteen a's of
this entry." But, under favour, the entry contains twenty a's ;
yet, notwithstanding, the standards of comparison for my guidance
were but one-fifth of that number. Irish Palaeographers will
smile when they learn that, though he spent *' many a day over
that celebrated Book of Armagh," Father Hogan never noticed
any difference between the writing in the first and that in the
second part of the entry in question. The character read by me
as an a bears, anyone but a mere tyro will admit, an exact
resemblance to the same letter in the last word of the facsimile.
Moreover, the singular seemed calculated to lessen the
enormity of what, there can be little doubt, was an impudent
forgery on the part of O'Carroll. For the ** accomplished Irish
scholar," or ** distinguished literary gentleman," who can point out
the "book-collections of the Scots," wherein it is stated that
St. Patrick commanded the whole fruit of his labour to be carried
to Armagh, will have rendered a lasting service to Irish
Archeology.
Of Father Hogan's philological errors I have already corrected
some in my Reply to Father Malone ; the rest I may rectify on an
another occasion.
F. Hogan^ goes out of his way to characterize in angry terms my
mistake in reference to or*e blunder in F. M'Swiney's TVanslation of
Windisch's Grammar. This I explained and apologized for at the
earliest opportunity — a fact which entitles me to say to my accuser :
Qui secutus es errantemy sequere poenitentem. For the following
statement of F. Hogan is utterly destitute of foundation : — ^ In his
note to p. 484, Dr. MacCarthy wrongly attributes to F. M^winey,
line 24, 2nd column, p. 162, of Dr. Moore's Grammar."
I attributed nothing of Dr. Moore's Translation to F. M^winey.
The words alluded to stand thus in Windisch* : sa Part, augens der
1 Sg. ; and, difficult as they are, yet I was able to master them
before the appearance of either the unauthorized or the authorized
version of the Chammar.
With respect to O'Curry's original, and F. O'CarroU's adopted,
blunder, Briani instead of Briain^ F. 0*CarroU*s nameless
» Gaelic Journal, No. 8. »p. 146, coL 2.
Explanatory NoU. 107
blight has been compelled to abandon the contest. He has
not, I r^ret to saj, had the candour to admit that he was
bopeleesfy vanqoished.
In regard to bis . ascription of palseographic infallibilitj to
(yCnnjy the sajne fate has befallen him. Still he looks forward, be
confesses, with curiosity to see what ' line will next be taken up ' by
me on thia sabject in the Record. I may, therefore, take occasion
to famish wherewithal to slake his laudable thirst for knowledge.
With reference to Hibemo-Latin, it is less satisfactory to find
that, instead of taking my advice to consult approved authors, this
writer fills a column and a half in proving, with schoolboy confi-
dence, that he has nothing to learn on the subject,
** The truly peculiar Hibemo-Latin," he lays down emphatically,
" mixed up with the classic tongue even Irish words which were
not proper names." Doubtless it will be new to him to hear that,
nevertheless, Br. Reeves could find but three such instances in
the whole of Adamnan's Columba. And, if he wiU allow me to
inform him, m all three Dr. Reeves was mistaken / For the first
example is part of a personal name ; the second, a gloss which crept
into the text ; and the third, a factor in a locative adverbial phrase.^
His proof is as original as his thesis. He quotes, namely, as Latin
an Irish sentence, in which part of the subject and three genitives are
in " the classic tongue !" By parity of reasoning he must main-
tain a fortiori that a great man penned a Latin sentence when he
wrote : *^ Nitor in advertun is the motto for a man like me."
The following elementary distinction, this disputant will learn
in due time, sets the subject in its true light. The introduction of
native proper names, inflected according to native rules, by ancient
Irish writers into their Latin compositions, and the use of foreign
WQfds by Irishmen writing in Irish, Germans in the common dialect
of scholars, or Englishmen in English, form two literary features
which are radically distinct. One appears in works intended for
readers who were necessarily ignorant of our national tongue ; the
other, in writings composed for those who either knew, or had
within reach the means of knowing, the strange vocables em?
ployed. The first constitutes what may be called Hibemo-Latin ;
the second, according to circumstances, is bilingualism, or pedantry,
or adoption. As I may revert to the subject, I need not illustrate
the foregoing with examples.
In justice to the readers of the Record, I cannot close without
putting before them the decision of the ^' editor " of the high-class
monthly:* — "Rev. Father O'Carroll's quotation in our columns
firom a weiymown printed book did not, in our opinion, place on
us the — — '*— 'bility of ascertaining whether the late illustrious
•._a1.^>_ l_ l__J ?-a ii p • . •%.mc%
108 The Benedictio Apostolica in Articulo Mortis.
seqaentlj have been so printed by the author of the work quoted
by Father O'Carroll, or by that writer himself.''
Ah ! la beUe chose, que de savoir quelque chose T
So that, if I read this lucid judgment aright, the whole discus*
sion turned upon the question whether O'Curry copied a Latin
sentence correctly. But, with all submission, I may be allowed
to state that, for reasons set forth by me at due length, and which
F. O'Carroll^s shadowy champion with commendable discretion
passed over in silence, O'Gurry's Latin transcripts lay outside the
limits of discussion. The point in dispute, it is evident to all con-
cerned except "us," was whether a certain zcord was Irish or
Latin, as written by the original scribe.
I The foregoing shows how much we have lost by " the Editor's "
determination " to have no part inithe controversy itself;" and how
justly this ^^ most accomplbhed Irbh scholar '* thinks his journal much
more suitable*' for articles like mine than the pages of the Record.
B. MacGartht, D.D.
THE BENEDICTIO APOSTOLICA IN ARTICULO
MORTIS.
ON the third of last January the first copy of the
work, issued by Pustet, of Ratisbon, New York, and
Cincinnati, entitled Decreta Auihentica Sacrae Congregatumis
IndulgeniiiSf Sacrisque Reliquiis praepositae^ ab anno 1668 ad
annum 1882, edita jussu et auctoritate Sanctissimi I). N.
Leonis XIILj reached the United States by mail, and was
immediately placed in the writer's hands by the New York
members of the firm. In the Pastor of the same month,
a hurried notice of the work appeared, accompanied by an
assurance that at the earUest opportunity some farther
details would be given of the na^e and contents of the
book. After looUng carefully through the Decreta^ I
directed the attention of clergymen, in the March number,
to a series of dec^es respecting the plenary indulgence
imparted by the Benedictio ApostoUcoj and wound up the
Saper in the following words : — "From the foregoing
ecrees we may infer: (a) that the plenary indulgence
pro mortis articulo is not appUed spiritually to the soul at
the time the Benedictio is pronounced by the priest, but
only at the moment of death, let that come sooner or later,
in the impending danger, by reason of which the Benedictio
is imparted ; (b) that it is wholly needless for the priest to
de lay giving the Benedictio^ as long as be dare risL The
The Benedictio Apostolica in Articuto Mortis. 109
BenidicHo given three months before the hour of death
is, caeteris parHms^ just as efficacious when apphed now, in
articuloj as the same Benedictio given three mmutes before ;
(c) that consequently it may, and should, be given, when
tiie danger would justify the giving of £xtreme Unction ;
((f) that the condition once fulfilled, it would be as silly to
impose a repetition thereof, as to require one who had
ah^ady complied, say, with tiie fast prescribed in a jubilee,
to repeat his fast as a necessary condition for gaining the
indulgence ; (/) that the repetition (of the Benedictio
Apostoliea) woind not only be silly and useless, but sinful
on the part of the priest in face of the positive prohibition
of the sacred Congregation of Indulgences; (g) and finally,
just as it is not among the requirements for gaining the
mdulgence of a jubilee, that the man, while complying
witii the required fast, should be in the state of grace, or,
if in the state of grace at the time, that he should not fall
into sin between then and the jubilee communion, neither
is it necessary, so far as regards the plenary indulgence in
articulo mortis^ that the sick person be in the state of grace
when the papal blessrug is imparted ; nor, being so just
tiien, that he should not forfeit that state previous to the
final absolution and remission of his sins, whether such
remission be obtained by perfect contrition or through the
Sacrament of Penance."
To these conclusions I had come from a perusal of the
decrees of the Sacred Congregation, and though over a
score of years in the ministry, and having in that time
devoted as much time to theological reading as the
average secular clergyman engaged in parish duties, I am
not ashamed to confess that most, if not all, of these
conclusions were new to me. But so was the volume
of Decreta just published, and so was an important work
published the year before by the Rev. Joseph Schneider,^
8.J., entitled, " Die Ablasse, ihr Wesen und Gebrauch."
Now, on this question of repeating the Benedictio^ let us at
once hear Schneider, page 610 of the "Ablasse," hejwrites ; —
^ This blessing, imparting the plenary indulgence, is not to be
repeated even though the sick person, when receiving it, was in
the state of sin ; for, to the query — ^licetne, aut saltem convenitne,
itenim applicare indulgentiam in furticulo mortis, l** quando
1 Father Schneider is well known as the author of the "Mannale
Sseerdotnm.^ He is a consnltor of the S. Cong, of IndoleenceB and
110 The Benedictio ApoBtolica in Articulo Mortis.
aegrotus accepit applicationem in statu peccati mortalis ? 2^ quando
post applicationem in peccatom relapsus est ? 8^ quando post appli-
cationem diutuma laborat aegritudine, uno verbo, quando Bituale
permittit, aut praecipit iterationem Extremae Unctionis, aut con*
tessarius judicat iterandam esse absolutionem ? To these questions
the decision of the Sacred Congregation was rendered June 20,
1836, as follows : Ad 1"™ et 2*^ Negative. Sicut non iteratur
Extrema Unctio, etsi aegrotus sacramentum hoc accepit in statu
lethalis peccati, vel postea in peccatum relapsus est, sic non est in
casu proposito iteranda Benedictio pro lucranda plenaria indul-
gentia, quae, cum concessa sit a Sununis Pontificibus pro mortis
articulo, suum sortitur effectum in vero articulo mortis. Ad 3"*,
proHtjacet, Negative pariter in omnibus. Neque valent exempla
iterationis Extremae Unctionis ac absolutionis. Iteratur saepe
absolutio, sed pro remisgione peccatorum quoad culpam, Ac
Iteratur Extrema Unctio in ipsa infirmitate, si diutuma sit, ut,
cum infirmus convaluerit, iterum in periculum mortis incidat
( Rituale Bom. de Extr. Unct.), quia per istud sacramentum peccata
yenialia remittuntur, aegroti mens a timore mortis liberatur, ani-
musque pio et sancto gaudio repletur, &c., ac sanitas quoque
corporis eidem, si ita expediat, redditur (Trident. Syn., Sess. 14,
de Extr. Unct.). Aliunde vero indulgentia plenaria, per ApostoU^
earn Benedicttonem lucranda, remittit poenam temporalem peccati,
et in vero mortis articulo effu^aciam habet, ut fj deles, vere contriti
de peccatis, ad aetemam beatitudinem statim perducantur.*^
Nothing could be more clearly expressed. Though
Absolution "and Extreme Unction may be repeated in
eadem infirmitate, Schneider teaches that the Benedictio
should not be. And surely if it come to a question of
interpreting a decree of the Sacred Congregation, cujus
pars magna est Schneider, it would be rash of any untned
and inexperienced individual to set up his own judgment
against that of the learned Jesuit.
We must follow Die Ablasse a little further. The dying
cannot receive this blessing from several priests, each
having faculties to impart it: Utrum infirmus lucrari possit
indulgentiam plenariam in mortis articulo a pluribus sacer-
dotibus facultatem habentibus impertiendam t The Sacred
Congregation replied, Feb. 5, 1841, in una Valentitien :
negative, in eodem mortis articulo.
This answer provoked a fiirther interrogation : Utrum
I O'Kane writes, n. 962 : — ^*' It is certain that the Benediction may
be repeated in the circumstances in which Extreme Unction may be repeated^
He thought so, and many a worthy theologian thought so too, at the
time O^Kane was writing. Again, n. 63 :--If the sick person, however,
be not in the state of grace when the Benediction is given, it is of no
ayail, and should be repeated when he recovers the state of grace.'*
Were CKane writing in 1883 he would pen no such sentence.
The Benedietio ApoBtolica in Artictdo Mortis. Hi
Ti praecedentijs resolutioni8/>roAt&t^m sit, infirmo in eodem
mortis periculo permanenti, impertiri plories, ab eodem vel
a pluribns sacerdotibus banc facultatem habentibus, indul-
gentiam plenariam in articnlo mortis, quae vulgo Benedietio
Papalis cncitur? 2°. Utrum vi ejusdem resolutionis item
prohibitum sit impertiri pluries infirmo in iisdem circum-
Btantiis, ac supra, constituto, indulgentiam plenariam in
articulo mortis a pluribus sacerdotibus banc facultatem ex
diverso capite habentibus, ratione aggregationis confrater-
nitati SS"*. Rosarii, S. Scapularis de Monte Carmelo, SS°*®
Trinitatis, etc. I
In Prinzivalli's edition of the " Resolutiones Sacrae
GoDgregationis," published in 1862, with an attestation
over the signature, Aloisiiu Colombo Secretarius^ that the
Sacred Congregation recognised as authentic all the
decrees, decisions, declarations and, rescripts contained in
the volume, the answer of the Sacred Congregation to the
dubium just quoted: Utrum prohibitum sit, &c., is: Ad
f)rimum et ad secundum. Negative, firma remanente reso-
utione in una Valentinen^ sub die 5 Februarii, 1841. The
decision, as pronoimced by the Sacred Congregation, was
confirmed by Pius IX., on March 12, 1855.
According to the reading of this decision in Prinzivalli,
it was not forbidden to impart the Benedietio Apostolica
several times to the same sick person, whether given bv
the same priest or by several different ones. And yet it
was obviously intended by their Eminences that their deci-
sion in this case should harmonize with that given in 1841
to a similar query. The decision of 1841, referred to,
reads : Utrum infmnus lucrari possit indulgentiam plena-
riam in mortis articulo a pluribus sacerdotibus facultatem
habentibus impertiendamT Et Sacra Congregatio respon*
dit. Negative in eodem mortis articulo.
It was assuredly no reproach to a theologian to be foimd
floundering helplessly, trying to reconcile these irreconci-
lable decisions. Some very ingenious explanations were
put forward, but, however ingenious, all proved very lame
and inadequate to the sounder scholars, who mind things
not words. Besides, it is well known that of all the Roman
Congregations, the one in charge of Indulgences makes a
special point of endeavouring so to word its decisions, that
no doubt can be entertained of their intent and meaning,
father Schneider writes (1. c. p. 612) : —
''As I conid not reconcile this response of March, 1855, with
preTious decisions of the Sacred Congregation, I petitioned for a
Il2 7 he BenedUHo Apostolica in Articulo Mortis,
solution of the following dttbium : — Sacra Congregatio Indulgen-
tianim quoties interrogata fuit, ntrum liceret, intirmo in eodem
mortis articulo, plnries impertiri Benedictionem ApostoUcam com
applicatione indulgentiae, usque ad annum 1855 semper rcspondit:
Negative ; quae reqponsio negativa non admisit uUam exceptiooem.
Anno vero 1855 die 13 Martii eadem S. C. interrogata, utmm vi
resolutionis Valentinen^ diei 5, Febr., 1841, prohibitum sit infirmo
in eadem mortis periculo permanent! impertiri pluries ab eodem
Tel a pluribus sacerdotibus banc facultatem babentibus, indulgen-
tiam plenariam in articulo mortis, quae vulgo Benedictio Papalis
dicitur, respondit. N^egative, firma remanente resolutione Valentinen^
sub die 5, Febr. 1841. Huic responsioni negatnrae nulla conditio
nuUa clausula restrictiva adjecta est ; non dicitur ' si prior imper-
titio verosimiliter vel certo invalida fuit; ' nee dicitur, ' si infirmus
post priorem irapertitionem in peccatum relapsus fuit,' sed simpli*
citer dicitur ; non est prohibitum, infirmo in eodem mortis periculo
permanent! impertiri pluries dictam benedictionem, sed infirmus
eemel tantam lucratur indulgentiam. Quaeritur igitur, ntrum
standum sit norissimae resolutioni tali sensu acceptae, et utrum
hac resolutione anterioros decisiones contrariae sint revocatae vel
reformatae ? **
" His Eminence Cardinal Oreglia," writes Father
Schneider, ** ordered the officials of the Secretariate to
investigate the question and give me a reply ; and a reply
wajB accordingly forwarded to me, June 25, 1879, as
follows: —
Est error amanuensis,, ut patet ex actis in archive servatis;
legendum est ; Affirmative^ firma remanente reso.utione Valentinen,
sub die 5 Febr. 1841. (Die Ablasse, p. 613 ;
Now, with professors and writers labouring under the
delusion that the answer given in Prinzivalli's edition waa
correct, it is not surprising that the general practice was
to repeat the Benedictio in certain circumstances.
I must call attention to a distinction made in a paper,
more fierce than forcible, lately published in the RECORD.
" If it be true, ar^es the writer, " that a main reasou for
its being received only once in the same sickness is that^ in
reality, the indulgence is not applied spiritually until the
physical moment of death, the same argument would hold
good for receiving it only once in a lifetime. It could just
as well remain suspended as to effects.'* I answer, so ife
could. And the all-sufficient reason for its not remcuning
80 is simply because so wills the Holy See. Has the writer
never seen an^ of the formularies by which the indulgentict
plenaria in articulo mords is conveyed to members of several
The Benedietio Apoitoiica ut Articulo Morlit. 113
confraternities : " quodra praeeens periculum, Deo far^ite,
erBfleria, sit tibi haec indulgeDtia pro vero mortis aiiaculo
reeervata ; " or, again — " si in infirmitate, qua aegrotas,
decedas; alias ex nusericordia Dei salva sit tibi, doaeo
inerifl in articulo mortis constitutus ; " another still —
"quodsi hac rice non decesseiis, reservo tibi, auctoritate
^edicta, istam indnlgentiain pro vero mortis articulo.'*
These indnlgences do actually remain suspended usqae ad
ficem vitae, quoad appiicationem. The Holy Hee does not
vish that the BenedtcHo ApostoUca once received shovdd
hold the effects suspended longer than fot that one sick-
lies, or, if preferable, stage or state of sickness.
Huch ado is made about the expression eodtm statu
morbi Now how else could the Sacred Congregation
express its idea. I have seen persons die of diseases of
which they had been ailing for years. I have seen them
■t death's door with the disease to which they finally
eaccumbed, but recover again, and go about their badness
for three, four, five, six or more years. If the congrega-
tion's answer had been lemel in eodem morbo, none of these
persons could, or would need, to receive the Bmedietio
Afottoliea again. Bat the S. Congregation does not wish
mcb to be the case, and, while distinctly declaring that
absolution, yea, and Extreme lUnction, wiU often have to
be given when the Blessing is not to be repeated, neither
can it define that, when, for the samt ncknets, Extreme
UDction is to be repeatec^ the Bmedtctio is not to -be
repeated. It is to be, when the convalescence is such
that, when the person qQacumque de causa, whether Irom
the same or any other cause, relapses, the relapse may be
buly regarded as a new fit of sickness. Convalescence ia
required. No convalescence, but only diutuma infirmitas,
is required for repeating Extreme Unction. When things
id regulated by such dififerent
iment, the other an indulgence,
:in8 solely on the will of the
ason to argue from one to the
I similarity of phrase. We hope
B " si convaluerit " to extremes
Extreme Unction. The will or
Congregations of Indulgences
i. But be may rest perfectly
Benedietio Apostolica once in the
Il4 The BmedicHo Apostolica in Articulo Mortis^
lent to a new one, 843 when a convalescent relapses into
fever, the Holy See and the Sacred Congregation do wish
and will that such person at death receive all the benefits
flowing from the BenedicHo AposipUca.
And this is a great relief to priests, and enables us
effectually to carry out the wishes of Benedict XIV.^
expressed in the Constitution, Pia Mater, namely, that
" none of the faithful might have to depart this life without
80 great a spiritual benefit.*' We need not be waiting to
the last.
As we cannot hope for more space we subjoin the
following epitome of the subject : — " Non potest infirmus
in eodem articulo mortis pluries lucrari indulgentiam
plenariam a pluribus sacerdotibus facultatem impertiendi
habentibus, (S.C.I., Feb. 5, 1841^. Non potest naec in-
dulgentia pluiies impertiri permanente mfirmitate etai
diutuma (March 12, 1855). Accipitur indulgentia tantum
in vero articulo mortis, (April 23, 1675), semel tantum
Benedictio conferri debet in eodem statu morbi (Sept. 20,
1775). Potest vero iterari, si infirmus convaluerit, ao
deinde quacumque de causa in novum mortis periciilum
redeat (Feb. 12, 1842). Valida est, quamvis Benedictio
collata fuerit infirmo in statu lethalis peooati existent!
(June 20, 1836). VaUda quoque nee iteranda, si aeerotus
post receptionem in peccatum sit lapsus, (ibid.) Per se
non repetenda eo quod forte repeti debeat Extrema
Unctio (ibid.) Non potest repeti in eodem morbo, qui
insperate protrahitur (Sept. 20, 1775, et Sept. 24, 1887).
Tum valide, tum licite, conceditur iis, qui etiam culpa-
biliter non fuerunt ab incoepto morbo sacramentis refecti,
subitaque vergunt in interitum. (Sept. 20, 1775).
The truest honour and fittest monument to Fr. O'Eane
would be a new edition of his "Notes." It is to be
regretted that he was republished here, in New York, a
couple of years ago, without revision. If the Rev. E. T.
O'Dwyer would undertake to follow in the track of
O'Kane's studies, and bestow plenty of time and conscien-
tious care in investigating each question, he would do
himself more lasting honour in editing 0*Eane, than he
ever will by " going for " or •' demolishing" (!) Seeley and
the Sacred Congregation, and might possibly furnish
English-speaking clergymen with an invaluable and much
needed work.
W. J. Wiseman.
[ 115 J
CORRESPONDENCE.
TO THK XDITOB OF THB IBISH EOCLESIABTICAL BECOKD.
Deak Sir, — Dr. Healj calls St. Bonifftce aa EnglislimftD in his
irticle OD S. VirgUins ; Dr. Moran takes it for granted or rather
offers proofs at page 151 of his Essays, that S. Boniface was an
IriibnuD ; " turn matre turn patre Scottus." Would you or the
ProfeflMor of History let me know through Record which ia
right ? I would also respectfully ask htm, is the unsouod man
wibom Alzog calls " Clement an Irish Bishop," the same as Dr.
Honui's Claudius Clemens, Bishop of Auxerre, and whom be aU
b« frees from Alzog'a censures ? Amor Patriae.
L TheleamedBishopofOseOTyhasTerykindlyintiraated
hia intention, in case Be ahould hare leisure, of setting
forth Ireland's elaina to St. Boniface in the March number
of the Record. Meanwhile it ma; be well to indicate the
reasons that have led us to believe that the Apostle of
Qermany was of Anglo-Saxon birth and parentage. We
HbaD be delighted, however, if Dr. Morao can succeed in
ehowing that to Irelaod belongs the great glory of having
produced the moat iUiistrioiis Saint and MartjT of the
eighth century.
1. The earliest extant life of St. Boniface was written
b^ hia disciple WilHbald, who calls himself a priest, and
Beems to be the same WiUibald whom Boniface appointed
to the See of Eichstadt about the year 740. T^e life is
dedicated to " Dominis Sanctis et vere in Christo charisaimis
Lnllo et Megingozo coepiscopis WilhbalduB licet indignns
in Domino presbyter." Lullus succeeded St. Boniface,
i See of Mayence, and
ears previous Bishop of
J, therefore, must have
after the death of St.
imple opportunities of
er of this life says : —
is Dei judicio camalem
t languor, deposita mox
116 Correspondence.
it was ad Escam Castnim,that is, near the fort on the Esk,
a well known river in Devonshire, on the banks of which
this monastery was situated. Not only, therefore, the
father of Bonuace — ^the saint was then called Winifred —
but apparently all his relations, lived in the neighbourhood
of th^ river Esk, and all the scenes of the subsequent
events of the saint's youthhood, as narrated in this life, are
laid in the south of England.
2. Boniface himself writing to Pope Zachary about the
year 742 (epist. 49,) says : — ^" Quod non aestimamus esse
verum, quia synodus et ecclesia in qua riatus et nutritue fuij
id est, in transmarina Saxonia, Londimensis synodus," &c.
He was writing from Germany and describes the church in
which he was bom and bred as in Saxon-land beyond the
sea, and the synod, or general assembly, of which it formed
a part, as the synod of London. The bishop, too, of his
native church was Daniel, to whom several of his letters
are addressed. Daniel was the Bishop of Wessex, or West
Saxony, of which Devonshire formed a considerable p€a^
8. Wandelbert, a monk and deacon of the abbey of
Pram, in the diocese of Fulda, wrote a metrical martyrology
about the year 848, when he himself was only thirty-five.
In this martyrology, first published by D'Achery, we find
the following reference to St Boniface on the fifth or
Non^ of June : —
Nonis antistes fulget Bonifacius, Anglis
Editus, ad Christum Oceani qui traxit alumnos,
Frisonimi puro submittens coUa lavacro.
It is quite unnecessary to quote later authorities, because
it has always admittedly been the common opinion amongst
scholars that St Boraface was a native of CSrton in
Devonshire.
On the other hand, the following authorities are certainly
in favour of the Irish birth of Boniface.
1. The Chronicon of Marianus Scotus. It is admitted
on all bands that Marianus was an Irishman. In the Vatican
MS.,1 the original writer in his own hand and in the Irish
language distinctly states that he was of Irish birtlx.
This original MS. belonged to the monastery of St Martin
of Mayence, and so there can hardly be any doubt that
Marianus was not only an Irishman but that he lived as a
recluse, first at Fulda and afterwards at Mayence, where
^ The Codex Palatino-Vaticanos, No. 830, which is commonly
regarded as an autograph. See Pertz. Mon. G«r. His. v., p. 481.
Corrtspondmee. 117
be Beems to have composed his creat work known aa the
Cbronicon. On the otner hand, it must be borne in mind
tbat he flourished certainly not less than 300 years after
the death of St. Boniface, and hence can have no claim to
the authority of a coeval writer.
In this Chronicon, under date of DCCXV (715), we
have the following entry about PopoGrregory JI. ; — Hie erat
rir caatna et sapiens, qui Bouifaciuni, patre atque etiam
matre Scottmn, ordinavit episcopum ad sedem Mogua-
tJDum, &c." Here we have a definite statement of the
original scribe that Booiface was by father and mother of
liiah parenioffe, but not precisely of Irish birth. The entry,
by the way, is certainly in one respect inaccurate, for it
was not Pope Gregory but Pope Zacbary who made
Booiface Archbishop of Mayence. During the life of
Gregoiy that See was filled, and continued so until 745,
when Gervilio was deposed for homicide and Boniface
Darned by Pope Zachary to the vacant See. The expression,
however, might perhaps be «xplained to mean that it was
Gregory who ordained Boniface bishop — that Boniface
who afterwards became Moguntinus.
In the marffin of the MS. foHo, and it would seem in
a diferent hand, we have the following entry : — « lete enim
Bomfatius de Hibemia missus est cum Wilhbrordo Anglico
episcopo nt in vita ejus Willibrordi legitur." This is, as we
have said, a later entry on the margin and only goes
to rfiow Boniface was in Ireland before he came vnih
^^brord to Germany. It is admitted on all hands that
tbou^ WiUibrord was an Anglo-Saxon, he had studied
in Ireland before his departure for the continent, where he
was made bishop of Utrecht.
: chronicon under theaubsequent
band, and some in the margin,
riutedly too, as a Scottus, or
, spoken of oa the Scotio
tum — Bo much so that it seems
lestioned at the time, and the
a and his continuator meant to
fello w-c oimtry man.
f original evidence that can be
118 Correspondence.
of a writer who flourished at the end of the fifteenth
century is entitled to no special weight in fixing the birth-
place of a man who flourished seven hundred years before
Ms own time.
Dr. Moran cites the authorities quoted in Pertz's
" Monumenta Germaniae Historica," voL vii. ; but these
authorities, so far as we could ascertain, make no reference
to the Irish birth of Boniface. We consulted all the
references to Boniface in vol. vii., but the only one
regarding his birth-place is the expUcit statement made
by a writer contemporary with Marianus Scotus, and a
writer too of high authority, Magister Adamus Canonicus
Bremensis, that " Winifridus,*' that is Boniface, " erat
natione Anglus, verus Christi philosophus . . . cui
postea cognomentum erat ex virtute Bonifacius."
In our opinion there are many probable reasons which
go to show that Boniface was not of Irish, but of Anglo-
Saxon birth. His name Winfrid is certainly Anglo-Saxon.
His associates in his apostolic labours in Germany — Bur-
chard, Lullus, Willibald, Wimibald, and Wita — ^were, as
their names imply, all, or nearly all, Anglo-Saxons whom
he appointed to the principal suffiragan Sees of Germany.
His correspondence with Daniel, the Abbess Eadburga, the
virgin Leobgitha (his cousin), Ebwald, King of the East
Angles, Ethelbald, King of the Mercians, Ethelbert of Kent,
as well aa with several other eminent persons amongst the
Anglo-Saxons, both male and female — all point to the fact
that not only were his friends and associates to be found
amongst the Saxons " beyond the sea," but that his asso-
ciations, sympathies, and instincts all tended in the same
direction. Moreover, if he were an Irishman, he certainly
treated his fellow-countrymen with a harshness quite as
singular as the sympathy which,mthat hypothesis, he shows
for the Anglo-Saxons. He was undouDtedly severe on
VirgiKus of Salzburg ; but VirgiUus very clearly showed
that, on the question of re-baptism, he waa an abler theo-
logian than Boniface, and on the question of the antipodes
he was a sounder philosopher than Boniface, or any other
man of his time. The latter also severely attacked another
Irishman called Samson, of whom we know nothing else,
on account of his alleged teaching that a man could be-
come a Christian merely by the imposition of hands without
baptism. We flnd Boniface also attacking Adalbert and
See Fertz, YoL yii., page 287. Gesta Pont\f. Eccles. Hammonb.
Correspondence, 119
Qement the Scot. Against the latter he brings several
heinonfl charges before rope Zachary.^ He was, according
to Boniface, " genere Scotus," and a ** hereticus publicus,
peesimus, et blasphemus contra Deum," &c. But when he
comee to specify the charges in the end of his letter, it
most be confessed that they are exceedingly vague, and
rather of a moral than doctrinal character.
** Alter antem hereticus qui dicitur Clemens, contra
Oitholicam contendit ecclesiam, et canones Ecclesiarum
Qu^ abnegat et refutat, tractatus et sermones sanctorum
patram, Hieronymi, Augustini, Gregorii recusat Synod-
aHa jnra spemens, proprio sensu affirmat se post duos filios
a'bi in aanlterio natos sub nomine episoopi esse posse
Qiristianae legis episcopum. Judaismum inducens judicat
JTwtum esse Cnristiano,ut si voluerit viduam fratris defuncti
acdpiat uxorem. Contra fidem sanctorum patrum quoqne
contendit, dicens, quod Christus Filius Dei, descendens ad
inferos, omnes quos infemi career detinnit inde liberavit,
crednlos et incredulos, laudatores Dei simul et cultores
idolomm et multa alia horribilia de praedestinatione Dei
contraria fidei Catholicae affirmat."
Both Adalbert and Clement the Scot were condemned
and imprisoned by Boniface, and afterwards condemned
by Zacnary in a Council held at Rome in 745, on the
representations made by Boniface through one of his
pnests, Deneard, who was admitted to the Council, and
read the letters of Boniface before the assembled fathers.
It k a pity that we have no means of ascertaining what
Clement the Scot had to say in his own defence. It may
be diat he deserved the chastisement inflicted ; but it may
be, too, that these vague charges were as greatly exag-
gerated in his case as they undoubtedly were in tne case
of St. Vir^ of Salzburg.
II. " element, an Irish bishop," whom Alzog mentions
(page 127, voL ii.) is Clement the associate of Adalbert, to
▼hom we have just now referred. What Boniface, how-
ever, says of him is not precisely that he was " an Irish
Iwahop," bnt that he was ** genere Scottus," and claimed to
be a bishop notwithstanding his alleged crimes. He was
certainly luive in 745, and can hardlv be the same as the
dius GkBfllik referred to by Dr. Moran, who first came
120 Correspondence.
Clement Bishop of Auxerre, the Bishop of Oaeoiy folIoTVB
Usher Colgan, and several other Irish writers. On the
other hand, MabUlon, Lanigan, and the continental writers
generally hold a different opinion.
Clement, the bishop of Irish birth, who was condemned
by the Roman Council in 745, cannot with certainty be
referred to any particular See. It is not unlikely, hoi?v-
ever, that he was the same Gement who about that tune
was Bishop of Auxerre, if we are to credit the Benedictine
Annals (voL iii., p. 63). Dr. Lanigan (vol iii., p. 218), re-
ferring to that very passage, sa^s that Mabillon makes it
clear that Clement of Auxerre died in 738. In that case he
certainly could not be identical with Gement the heretical
Scot But Dr. Lanigan is for once inaccurate in his oi?vix
reference. What Mabillon says is to this effect, that
dement was bishop of Auxerre five years and one month,
his successor, Aidulphus, was bishop fifteen years and
some months, at whose death Maunnus became bishop
about the year 768, which he takes as about the beginning
of Charlemagne's reign. It is manifest^ therefore, that there
was a Bishop of Auxerre called Clement about the year
746 or 747^ and it is highly probable that he was Clement
the Scot.
The other and later Clement, who, according to the
high authority of the Monk of St. Oall, an aknofit
contemporary writer,' came to France about the time that
Charles the Great became sole monarch, that is, about
771, cannot, we think, be proved from any early authority
to have been Bishop of Auxerre. The name Claudius^
is sometimes prefixed to that of Clement, and he is
called by several of our writers Claudius Clements
Lanigan thinks this arose from the fact that he was con-
founded with a very different person, who was, however,
a teacher in the same school, Claudius^ Bishop of Turin.
We know of no ancient authority that gives the nfiune
Claudius to the Irish Clement, who founded the Palatine
School some years before the English Alcuin came over to
France. Dr. Moran, following Usher, seems to think that
this Irish Claudius Clement was not only the Bishop of
Auxerre, but also the author of the unpublished com-
mentary on St. Mathew in the Vatican, and he appeals tx>
the difference in the style of the introduction to that Goqpel,
which has been published by Mai, and the sfyle of the
preface or introduction prefixed by Claudius of Turin to his
own commentaries on the Pauline £pistles, as well as to the
Correspondence. 121
designation Claudii Scoti^ which Usher alleges is to be
found in the heading of the Cambridge MS. of the Com-
mentary on St. Mathew's Gospel.
Dr. Moran's opinion is entitled to the very greatest
weight on a question of this kind; Lanigan, however,
thii)^ that Claudius of Turin wrote the Exposition on
St Mathew as well as on the other parts of Scripture, and
he says that the heading Scoti after Clavdii may have been
an interpolation by a later hand. The question, though
interesting, is likely to remain for some time longer
amongst me unsolved literary problems.
J. H.
Clandestdoty and Domestic Servants.
Sev. and Dkab Sir. — Will you kindly allow me to say a few
words on this vexed question ? Knowing the many demands on
yoor valuable space, my say shall be very brief. Domestic ser*
▼ants must, I think, always be married as ''vagi." Let me assign
the reasons. We may assume a triple ^' domiciHom" — the domi-
cilium '* originis,*' ^* permanens," and ** quasi."
I^. The domestic servant, male or female, cannot contract mar-
riage by virtue of the '' domicilium originis/' When a young man
or woman leaves the paternal home to seek a living, the going out
is finaL Just as the old birds turn the young out of the nest when
able to feed themselves, in the same way the parents — always poor
— of domestic servants, turn their children adrift when able to pro-
vide for themselves. If they return now and then to the *• domi-
cilinm originis,** it is not as a right, but as a favour — as guests. The
^domicilium originis," therefore, will not validate the marriage of
domesttt serwnts.
2®. The servant, male or female, cannot contract marriage by
virtue of the '* damiciHum permanens," because a servant cannot
possibly acquire a '^ domicilium ** of this kind. The domestic ser*
vast is absolutriy dependent on the whim of the master or mistress.
The place, it always held provisionally. Master or mistress may,
influenced by some personal dislike or mistrust, both in many
Cases purely imaginary, dismiss at any moment, without fault of
any kind on servant's part, and without a notice. One month's
wages in advance legally entitles the employer to dismiss on the
spot. Completely unable, therefore, to acquire a "domicilium
permancns,*' the domestic servant cannot marry by virtue of it.
S^. The servant, male or female, cannot contract marriage by
virtue of the " quasi-domicilitun. A '^ quasi-domicilium ^ requires
the intention of residing in a certain place '^ a notabilis pars anni,**
mod also an actual residence <^ some time, more or les$. But a
122 Correspondence.
domestic servant cannot possibly comply with these requirements.
The reasons assigned in No. 2 hold equally here.
4°. Domestic servants therefore must, I take it, be married as
" vagi." — ^Yours, Rev. and dear Sir, very faithfully,
Pab. Dub.
We shall reply to the points made by our respected
correspondent one by one.
1. First, then, we agree with him that neither a domestic
servant, nor anybody else, can be validly married by the
parochns originis. The episcopus ratione originis may
ordain, but the person who is parochus merely ratione domi-
cilii originis cannot assist at the marriage — on that point all
the canonists are agreed.
2. As to our correspondent's second point, we can
neither accept his reasons nor his conclusion.
The domestic servant may, when he or she has re-
nounced the paternal domicue, secure a domicile in the
house of the master or mistress. This is quite possible in
the case where the servant,, having no other domicile,
means to continue to live in that house with its kind
master or mistress until he or she get married, or some
other unexpected thing may happen. This, perhaps, is not
usual, but it is certainly ppssible, especially when the ser-
vant has no other domicile. We shall give the reasons
forthwith.
3. We still more emphatically object to the third state-
ment of our correspondent, *' that male or female servants
cannot contract marriage by virtue of the quasi-domicile "
— and why ? because, he says,they caimot have the intention
of residing in the place for a ^ notabilis pars anni," inaa-
much as they are dependent on the whim of the master or
mistress, and may be dismissed at any moment for cause
shown, or without any cause at all, if the mistress pays the
servant a month's wages in advance.
This argument, unfortimately, proves a great deal too
much. For centuries the gi'eat majority of oiu* Irish
farmers were tenants at will, and in many cases could at any
momentbe dismissed fromtheirhomeswithoutnotice,ormore
recently at six months' notice, yet no one would go so far as
to say they had no domicile for the purpose of marriage. We
have known cases where several of the tenants on a great
estate held on leases, terminable, exactly like the servant's
hiring, at a month's notice ; yet, surely, the acceptance of
such a lease from the landlord did not render them vagi,
and make it impossible for their .parish priest to many them
except as vagi
Correspondence. 123
Again, in the city of Dublin there are many families who
inhabit rooms or housea let by the month or by the week,
and who may be tamed out at a month's or a week's notice
reepectiTely. Have they, then, no domicile in their respective
panshes 1 Are they vagi or vagabonds, in the sense of the
law, without house or home T Nobody would dream of
regarding them aa such, Dotwithstanding the insecurity of
their tenure.
The law most asfuredly does not require a domicilium
ptrmanetu in the sense of our correspondent. It requires
no security of tenure that their home, such aa it is, may
be for them a true domicile. It only requires the intention
of remaining there, as in their home, as long as they are
left in it, and does not even necessarily exclude the intention
of changing theu- home if they should find a more suitable
home OT a more profitable situation. This is what is meant
by the " intentio ibi perpeluo manendi, nisi quid inopinatum
aeeideril." Hence Dr. Murray, quoting Schmalzgrueber,
eipressly declares — " Nihil refert utrum Caiua domiciUum
habeat ut rem suara, per emptionem aut succeasionem, an
ut conductum, vel precario possessum (' tenancy at will ")."
It makes no difTerence, therefore, whether the house oe
fee-simple, or leasehold, or held by yearly, moothty, or
weekly teuaucy — it may, all the same, be the domicile or
home for the purpose of marriage, as it is for the piurpose
of social Ufa
So also a servant by the year or by the quarter may,
notwithstanding the insecurity of the situation, acquire a
qnasi-domicile, and in certam rare cases a domicile, pro-
vided the other conditions are fulfilled — the general
IV looks not to the theoretical
ice, but to the ordinary course
in the world.
udent's statement in the first
its leave their parents' house
it of young birds when they
k, contrary to experience and
ry one knows that although
B is final, yet in many other
' is it intended to he final. If
_ .d happen, loss of situation.
124 lAturgical Questions^
on the impediments of matrimony. He says — ** Juvenes qui
in seminario, vel coUegio, pnellae quad in monasterio vel
oonservatorio educationis cau8& deganiy/amuU et ancillcein
domo heri eommorantesy quasi-domicilium nabent in parochia,
in qua est seminarium, collegium, monasterium, conserva-
torium, domus heri, neo idcirco amittunt domicilium qnod
in alia parochia habent, et cui non renuncianmt."^ Feije
in this passage expresses the common teac^iing of all
canonists that 8erTants,male and female, generally speaking,
acquire a quacd-domiciUum in the house of their master, and
at the same time retain a, domicile in their own parish
except they have renounced it. And as reffaros the
renmciation he 8ay^»Porro ad amittendum domicUium
non sufficit actualis discessus, nee diutuma absentia ; sed
sive verbis sive factis debet oonstare de animo valedicendi
domicilio et quamdiu de eo non coiutiterity illud con-
servatur.'** This is an important statement. One may
renounce the parental domicile by words or facts, but the
law presumes ttie retention of the domicile of the parent by
the servant until there is the evidence of words or facts
that it is has been renounced. One thing is certain, going
to service of itself is not evidence of such renunciation,
and the last thing we should advise our correspondent to
do is to assist at the marriage of a servant as if she were
a vaga. J. H.
=c
LITURGICAL QUESTIONS.
I.
1$ the Prayer^ " Sweet Heart of Mary^ be my Sahation^
indulgenced f
Rbv. Sib, — I shall take it as a great favour, if yoa will reply
to the following : —
The Haccolta contains an ejaculatory prayer, stated to have
been indulgenced in September, 1852. . . Pere Maurel, S.J., gives
it in Italian^
•* Dolce cuor di Maria,
Slate la Salvezza mia."
Maurel gives it in French also—
" Dottx coeur de Marie, soyez mon salut."
^^ Page 14a a Page 130.
LUurgieal Questions, 125
In the English addition of the BadeoUa ; in Father Comerford*8
book, Hoiy Indulgences ; and in other books, it is rendered —
'* Sweet heart of Mary, be my salvation.**
The question arises : Can the indulgence be gained by the
recital of that English form, because it is maintained that the
English is an erroneous translation ?
Maurel says, in section 4, of the second part of his book on
Indulgences : '* In order to gain the Indulgence attached to a
prayer, it is necessaiy to recite it in the language in which it has
receive the application of the Indulgence, because the Ohurch
dreaib, above all things, that which could in any way be injurious
to the faith, and it is very easy to slip into error in translating^
•nd thus mislead ill instructed minds."
It is presumed that this Indulgence was attached to the Italian
disUch, as given by Maurel, and it is maintained that the English
18 not a correct translation in the words, " Be my salvation."
The word salvation in English, has only one meaning in theological
connection, namely, *' redemption in its effect ;" and, therefore, is
not an accurate meaning of the Italian *' Salvezza.*' This word is
given in the Italian-English Dictionary of Graglia, as meaning
"safety, welfare, salvation." It is contended that either of the
two finst of those words, or such as, protection, refuge^ would be
ooQsistent with Catholic Faith and with the English language, which
the word '* salvation " is not. Maurel in his French translation
of the distich, gives the word ^' saiut/' which also has safety,
welfare, for a just English equivalent.
The origin of this contention was, that the ejaculation was
feand in use in a school of young children ; the objection taken to
it was, that a vulgar and not reverent metuiing may be attached
to the English form of the first line, and an un-Catholic meaning
may be drawn from the second, and, finally, that the privilege is not
applicable to it. On tliis your opinion is sought.
Yours respectfully,
T.
Piufl IX. declared on the 30th September, 1852, that
the mdulgences mentioned in the Raooolta may be gained
by saying the prescribed pmyers ib any language, provided
the traaflLition was a faithful Tersion of the original. Ho
moreoTer declared on the same occasion that translations
of the Raccolta should not be published without the
ipprobation of the S. Congregation of Indulgences.^
Uo^ •" ift^^ an English trandation of the Raccolta
ft rm.
126 Liturgical Questioni,
Indulgeaces, in view of the testimony of the profeeaorfl of
theology of Woodstock College, in the United States of
America, auarantees the fidelity of this English version.
Well, in this edition^ we find the ejaculation you mention
translated : —
" Sweet Heart of Mary, be my salvation,"
and consequently we ccm have no doubt that the indulgence
may be gamed by using this translation of the prayer.
The word " salvation *' may not be the best translation,
as it is open to misinterpretation by those who do not
understand the CathoUc doctrine touching the nature of
the power of the Blessed Virgin ; but it can hardly em-
barrass any instructed OathoUc child who understands in
what sense we style her " our life, our sweetness, and our
hope," in the Salve Regina.
II.
Questions regarding the prayer " Deus omnium fidelium pastor
et rector.**
(a) In saying the prayer " Deus omnium," for the Bishop on
the Anniversary of his Consecration, do we merely insert his name^
or should we also add, after the word ^' Ecclesiae," the name of
the Diocese ?
(b) Should this prayer be also said on the Anniversary of his
Election f
(c) When it is an ''Oratio iroperata," what should be done
regarding it in the above event ?
(d) When the Ordo says, " 8* Oratio Ecclesiae vel pro Papa,"
may we select the latter although it is already an '^ Oratio imperata,"
and make it serve the double obligation, or seeing that both
prayers are somewhat similar in their object, may we say both ?
Answer to (a). — You merely insert the name of the
bishop.
Answer to (6). — The anniversaries of the Election and
Consecration are regarded in the rubrics as of equal im-
portance.' But the obUgation of making the commemora-
tion on either day is not obUgatory throughout the whole
diocese, except de mandate Episeopi ^ and it is not usual in
this country to order the prayer except on the anniversary
of the consecration. In the case of a bishop who has been
transferred from one See to another, the commemoration is
to be made on the anniversary of his translation. He may
» Page 229, n. 112. • Caer. Epis Cap, XXXV.
•DeHerdt PraxuLUur. Par8.L»n.71
Liturgical Questioiu. 127
order a commemoration for the day of his consecration
alfio.^
Answer to (<?). — The prayer, Detu omnium fidelium
pastor should be omitted as an *' Oratio imperata,'' and said
on this day for the bishop*
Answer to (d). — In this case you are not allowed to
select the prayer ** pro Papa " for the third Oratio. You
must say the " pro Ecclesia" for the third prayer, and the
"pro Papa " as the Oratio imperata.^
111.
On giving Communion from a Ciborium before the Communion
of the Mass in which it was consecrated,
DsAS Sir — Let me suppose the case of a. priest who has to
give communion to the faithful, and (there being no other conse-
crated particles) who takes, for the purpose, a ciborium directly
after its consecration in a Mass which another priest is saying at
the same time. As a rule, the small particles consecrated remain
on the altar stone until the communion of the priest. Now, can a
dq)arture from this rule be authorized by the inconvenience of
delaying communion when great numbers are waiting to receive ?
In my humble opinion, I say it cannot. To give an idea of the
reasons which weigli with me, 1 ask : —
1. Is it not the teaching of theologians on the rubrics of the
missal, that the particles may not be removed from the altar stone
before the communion of the priest ?
2. The particles received in communion are no longer present
in the samfice — ^is it lawful, then, to communicate with them
immediately after the consecration, by which means they cannot
continue, at least in a complete sense, to be the object of the
ritual of the sacrifice?
3. Is not such a communion to be considered communio intra
ntMam, and consequently, why not keep to the rubrics of the missal
(No. 6), according to which communion can be given to the people
only when the consecrating priest has communicated ?
As this is a question of interest for priests generally, and
wpedally such for those having large parishes, not only in Ireland,
hot also in the great cities and towns of England, in which the
occasion for the practice alluded to may more easily occur, I
Tenture to address you this letter on the subject, with the view of
eliciting from yourself, or one of your learned correspondents, some
•nthoritative opinion on the subject or elucidation of it, or, it may
128 Documents.
Answer to Question 1. — I am not aware that the theo-
logians teach thus absolutely, that the particles may not
be removed from the altar before the communion of the
priest.
Answer to Question 2. — The communion particles are not,
after the consecration, the object of the ritual of the
Sacrifice, inasmuch as there is no word or rite, after the
t^onsecration, which is directed or referred to them.
Answer to Question 3. — This is not communio intra
Missam in the sense of the rubrics. The communion intra
Missam is distributed immediately after the celebrant's
communion. This is the proper time for distributing holy
Communion, as every priest knows, but a cau^a rationabilis
will justify one* in departing from this order either by
anticipation or by postponement. Among the excusing
causes are usually enumerated cases similar to the one you
mention.
It may be, however, a matter for doubt whether it would
not be better in the case you make, to wait for the
communion of the priest — a delay of only a few minutes —
than to disturb the congregation at so solemn a part of
the Mass. This is a question for the local authorities.
R. Browne.
ROMAN DOCUMENTS.
FOR the convenience of ftiture reference we print the
following important Documents regarding the addition
to the Holy Rosary and the Prayers of the Mass, which the
Holy Father has prescribed for the Universal Church : —
LEO PP. xni.
Ad Pbrpetuabi Rbi Memobiam.
Salutaris iUe spiritus preoum, misericordiae divinaemunus idem
et pignus, quern Deos olim effondere poUicitus est super domum
David et super hahitatores lerusalem^ etsi numquam in Ecdesia
catholica cessat, tamen experrectior ad permovendos aminos tunc
esse yidetur cum homines magnum aliquod aut ipaius Ecclesia aut
reipublicae tempos adesse vd impendrae sentiunt. Solet enim ia
rebus trepidis excitari fides pietasque adversos Deum, quia quo
minus apparet in rebus humanis praesidii, eo maior esse caelestis
patrocinii necessitas intelligitur. Quod vel nuper perspezisse
videmur» cum Nos diutumis Ecdesiae acerbitatibus et communium
temporum difficultate permoti, pietatem ehristianorum per epistolam
Documents. 129
Kostram EncjcUcam appellants, Mariam Virginem sanctiasimo
Roearii ritn coleodam atque implorandam Octobri mense toto
decreriniua. Cui quidem voluotati Kostrae obtemperatum eaaa
DOvimuB studio et alacritate tanta quantam vel rei sanctitaa vel
causae gravitas postulobat. Est eaim neque m hac solum It^ia
nostra Bed in omnibus terris pro re cathoUca, pro salute publica,
mpplicatom : et Episcopts auctoritale, Clericis exemplo operaqua
praeeuntibus, magnae Dai matri liabitus certatim. honos, Et
mirifice sane Nos declaratae pietatis ratio multiplex delectavit ;
templa magnificentius ezomata : ductae solemni ritu pompae : ad
sacras concioiies, ad synaxin, ad quotidianas Rosarii preces magna
abiqne populi frequentio. Nee praeterire volumus quod gpstienti
aoimo accepimua de nonnuUis lociii, quos procella temporum
vehementius offligit ; in quibus tantus extitit feiror pietatis, ut
presbyterorum inopiam privati redimere, quibus in rebus pt^sentt
guomet ipsi ministerio maverint, quam ^ere ut in templis suis
indict ae preces silerent.
Quare dum praesentium malonim sensum spe bonitatis et
misericordioe divinae coasolamur, ioculcari bononim omnium
animis intelligimus oportere, id quod sacrae Litterae passim aper-
teqne declarant, sicut in omni virtule sic in ista quae in obsecrando
Deo Teraatur, omnino plurimum referre perpetuitatem atque cou-
Blantiam. Exoratur enim placaturque precando Deus : boc tamea
ipsua quod se exortari sinit, noo solum bonitatis suae, sed etiam
peneTerantiae nostras vult esse fructum. Talis aulem in orando
peneverantia longe plus est hoc tempore necesaaria, cam tarn
circumstant ex omni
mperari non possunt.
Oeusetcolitur: oppug-
coDsiliia, aed civilibua
i|) ientiae adversantnr
sua cuique et publica
ema virium coniura-
pToelii complectentea
a animo esse censemus
lo Nos ad imitationem
fbrmulis in Ecclesia
te fioearium Mariale
In quibus, quemad-
rmavimns, illud per-
plorando Matris Dei
nstitutum : eaque ex
amitatibus idem saepe
130 Documents.
atque obsecramus, ut quotidianam Bosarii consnetudinein
religiose et constanter insistant : itemque declaramus, Nobis esse
in optatis ut in Dioeceseon sinsnilarum templo principe quotidie, in
templis Curialibus diebus festis singulis recitetnr. Huic autem
excitandae tuendaeque exercitationi pietatis magno usui esse
poterunt familiae Ordinum religiosorum, et praecipuo quodam iure
8U0 sodales Dominiciani : quos omnes pro certo habemus tarn
fructuoso nobilique officio minime defiituros.
Nos igitur in honorem magnae Dei genitricis Mariae ; ad per-
petuam recordationem implorati ubique gentium per mensem
Octobrem a purissimo Eius Corde praesidii ; in perenne testimonium
amplissimae spei, quern in Parente amantissima reponimus; ad
propitiam eius opera magis ac magis in dies impetrandam,
volumus ac decemimus, ut in Litaniis Lauretanis, post invoca-
tionem, Begitia sine l<ibe originali concepta, addatur praeconium,
Eegina tcusraiiasimi Bosarii ora pro nobis,
Volumus autem, ut hae Litterae Nostrae firmae rataeque, nti
sunt, ita in posterum permaneant : irritum vero et inane f uturum
decemimus, si quid super his a quoquam contigerit attentari:
contrariis nonobstantibus quibuscumque.
Datum Bomae apud S. Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris die
XXIV. Decembris An. MDCCCLXXXIH., Pontificatus Nostri
Anno Sexto.
Th. Card. Mubtel.
Degrrttih Urbis ST Obbis.
lam inde ab anno MDCCCLIX sa. me. Pius PP. IX. ad im-
petrandam Dei opem quam tempora difficilia et aspera flagitabanty
praecepit, ut, in templis omnibus Ditionis Pontificiae, certae preces,
quibus sacras Indulgentias adiunxerat, peracto sacrosancto Missae
sacrificio, recitarentur. lamvero gravibus adhuc insidentibus
malis nee satis remota suspicione graviorum, cum Ecclesia catho-
lica singulari Dei praesidio tantopere indigeat, Sanctissimas
Dominus Noster Leo Papa XIII. opportunum indicavit, eas ipsas
preces nonnullis partibus immutatas toto orbe persolvi, ut quod
christianae reipublicae in commune expedit, id communi prece
populus christianus a Deo contendat, auctoque supplicantium
numero divinae beneficia misericordiae facilius assequatur. Itaque
Sanctitas Sua per praesens Sacrorum Hituum Congregationis De-
cretum mandavit, ut in posterum in omnibus tum Urbis turn
catholici orbis Ecclesiis preces infrascriptae, ter centum diemm
Indulgentia locupletatae, in fine cuiusque Missae sine cantu cele*
bratae, flexis genibus recitentur, nimirum :
" Ter Ave Maria, etc
^^Deinde dicitur semel Salve Regina, etc. et in fins:
'* F. Ora pro nobis, sancta Dei Grenitrix.
R. Ut digni efficiamur promissionibus Christi.
u
"Dens refoginm noetram et virtns, adesto piis Ecclegiae tnae
precibni , et praesta ; ut, intercedente gloriosa et Imm&cutiita
Virgine Dei genitrice Maria, beato Josephs, ac beatia Apostolis
toil Petro et Paulo et omnibiu Sanctis, quod in praesentibus neces-
atatibns hnmiliter petimug, efficaciter consequamur. Per enindem
Cbristnni Donunnm noetnun.
', V. Amen,"
Coatrariis non obstantibns qoiboBcamque^ Die Epiphania«
Domini vi laonarii, hdccclzxxit,
J>. Cakdihalis Bartoliniob
S. H. C. Praefoctna.
L.*S.
liAnBBNTIUB Salvati,
S, R. C- Secretarins.
wifB & Nolan.
bavfl a more than
l^e. The special
ich the Very Rev.
Talsh has iDsertcd
of the College, in
I College, from the
year, are set forth,
all who filled any
lent.
te. Dr. Walsh Has
collection of faetn
tors of the College,
highly interesting
Jl briefer notices of
rs. Flood, Dunne,
so mentions some
from Dr. Power to
to collect matarials
of the College, he
132. Notices of Books.
from oblivion the history of the early superiors and professors of
their Alma Mater, and we feel we may express, in their name, a
wish that the work begun in this Calendar may be continued, as
far as practicable, in succeeding numbers.
There are also other Appendices ; one is an interesting essay,
extracted from the Irish Ecclesiastical Becobd, on the Foun-
dation of Maynooth, by the Rev. J. Gunn, formerly Dean of the
College ; and another is a graceful and appreciative memoir of the
late Dr. Murray, from the pen of his successor in the prefecture of
the Dunboyne Establishment, the Rev. Dr. Healy.
In the body of the Calendar we get, as usual, full information
on the College staff, courses, classes, numbers and names of
students, diocesan tree places, and such other matters as may be
expected in a college calendar. We note with pleasure that the
number of students has this year reached the very high figure of
525, perhaps a larger number, and certainly quite as large, as the
College has had in residence at any period of its history. This is
very gratifying, when we consider the change financially which the
with^awal of the Grovemment Grant has made in the condition of
the students. ,
In the section onHhe Programme of Entrance Examination an
important notice is printed on a fly-sheet, which concerns candi-
dates for the September Examination, and their masters. It runs
thus : —
*' In consequence of the modifications elsewhere referred to
(p. 38), in the Programmes of the Classes of Philosophy, certain
changes are to be made in the Entrance Courses for these
classes.
*^ These changes, the details of which are not as yet fully
arranged, will not tiJce effect until after the Entrance Examination
in January, 1884. A copy of the revised Programme will be sent
as soon as possible to the President of each of the Diocesan
Seminaries and Colleges."
Theologia MoraUs, Atjotorb AnousTiNO Lbhhkubl, S.J.
Freiburg, Herder, 1888.
This is the first volume of a new Moral Theology just published
by Father Lehmkuhl, S.J., for several years Professor^ Theology
in the College of Marienlachs — ^Maria ad Lacuiii<-«n Rhenish
Prussia.
In his prefaoe the author apologises for adding another to the
vast number of treatises on Moral Theology that have appeared
from time to time. The intrinsic exceUence of the book needs no
such apology, for beyond doubt, it is a valuable addition not only
to the number of books, but also to our stock of accurate and easily
accessible knowledge. A writer on Moral Theology cannot give
us much original iQ&>l{^tion ; but he can put the old knowledge
Notices of Books* ISS
in a new foim; he can be clearer, more accurate, and more
attractive than others in handling this supremely important subject.
Moreover, he can give us the benefit of the latest legislation, and
of the most recent decisions, which is in itself a matter of great
TtUlity. On many controverted questions the living voice of the
Chan^ is heard from time to time, and although it does not always
settle the question at issue, it can never be ignored by the moralist,
because, so far as it goes, it is the voice of authority as well as the
voice of truth. This new treatise at once suggests comparison
with Gury, and most people will readily admit that it must be a
work of great excellence if it should prove superior, for the pur-
poses of general use, to Ballerini's edition of that famous manual.
We have not studied the new book with enough of care to pro-
nounce a decided opinion, but from a hasty perusal we are certainly
inclined to think that both students and missionary priests will
find the new work, when completed, the more useful treatise ;
because it gives us all, and more than all, the knowledge in
Ballerini's Gury, without the disputatious verbosity of Balleriiii's
Notes. It is much fuller in matter than Gury, and equally clear,
terse, and practical. More than all, it is eminently scientitic, not
only in its careful exposition of principles and the just deduction
of its conclusions, but in the perfection of the unity and co-ordination
which it establishes between all the branches of the great St^ience
of Morals. It is eminently practical too,; the author always has
an eye on the confessional, and gives most valuable rules, and
bmts for the confessor's guidance on all questions that present any
difficulty.
This first volume deals with Moral Theology in general —
Human Acta, Conscience, Laws, and Sins — as also with those
special treatises which discuss the theological virtues, and the
moral virtues whether in the realm of domestic, social, or indivi-
dual Ufe. The second volume will, it seems, be given up to the
Sacraments, and other kindred questions. Father Lehmkuhl's disser-
tation on Probabilism is certainly about the best we have yet seen —
simple, thorough, and consistent. In this he is a great improve-
ment on St. Liguori and La Croix ; the former, especially, very
often gives conclusions somewhat inconsistent with his own prin-
ciples, and the latter, though full of information, is altogether
deficient in systematic arrangement. On some future occasion we
hope to call the attention of our re€ulers to F. Lehmkuhrslvaluable
observations on ^' Abortion," and although we may not be able to
accept aU his conclusions, yet we think no one can deny him the
merit of great learning and ingenuity, as well as lucid and cautious
exposition.
We have given,' as we have said, only a hasty and partial
penual to this volume, but we think we are justified in strongly
recommending it to all students of Moral Theology. j^ ^
YOL. V. K
1 34 Notices of Boohs.
The Relations existing between Convent Schools and tite Systems of
Intermediate and Primary National Education, By the MoBt
Rev. Dr. Nultt, Bishop of Meath. Dublin : Bbowmb & Nolan,
1884.
The Most Rev. Dr. Nulty has just published a very able and
eloquent pamphlet, which all true friends of education should read,
on the relations between the Convent Schools and the Primary and
Intermediate systems in Ireland. The author opens with a grace-
ful dedication to Cardinal Manning, and thus administers a just
and sharp rebuke to the anonymous scribblers who, writing in the
interests of the Alexandra College, so falsely assumed that the
Convent Schools withdrew from the Intermediate Examinations
because they were worsted in the contest. In this matter of Inter-
mediate Education the Bishop holds that Convent, as well as
other schools, can derive great benefit from a healthy national
rivalry, which reminds them of their defects, and stimulates them
to exertion. But he points out that the Programme of the Inter-
mediate Board admits authors like Horace, the study of which
must sully the lustre of female purity, and that, moreover, the
useful arts are neglected, and too much prominence is given to the
study of speculative sciences, which tends to produce tiiose horrid
*^ strong-minded " women of the present day, who are a terror to
their male and female Mends. In the matter of Primary Educa-
tion, some will think his Lordship is unduly severe on the National
System of female education, to which he seems to attribute the
decadence of our national industries. It is not easy to see how a
girl is apt to become a less useful servant, or a less industrious
housewife, because she has gone to school and learned to read,
write, and cipher. We happen to know, too, that in those parts
of Ireland where there have been few, if any, schools, the females
are not on that account more religious, industrious, or intelligent
in the performance of their household duties. The prelates, too,
who testify to the generosity and piety of uneducated servant girls
in America, admit that many of them lost their faith mainly be-
cause they wore uneducated in religious as in secular knowledge.
And if education could do anything to raise Irish emigrant girls
from their present destiny of becoming ignorant drudges in the
households of the great American cities, we should deem it a great
temporal and spiritual blessing. We think, so far as it goes, the
National system has done good work in educating the females of
Ireland, and that it is not responsible for the (decadence of our
domestic or other industries ; but his Lordship is quite right in
insisting that it should be supplemented by industrial and technical
training, and with pardonable pride he points to the Navan Con-
vent and Industrial Schools as the most successful institutions of
their kind in Ireland. We hope the *^ Commissioners ** of every
kind will take the trouble, or rather the pleasure, of reading this
excellent brochure.
Notiett of Bookt. 135
Tkt Lift and Teaehitig of Jetui Chriit. By Father Nicholas
AvASCOto (2 vols.) London: Bdb»3 & Oates, 1883.
Tlie very title of these two volumes of the " Quarterly Series "
implies that it is a work eminently useful for priests. The original
antbor was Father Nicholas Avancino, a most learned Jesuit, who
flourished during the middle of the seventeenth century—an age
&mons for men of solid learning. It was subsequently enlaced
'by its German editor, who drew fab materials from the works of
uothcr &mous writer. Father Louis de la Puente.
Father Coleridge in these two volomes gives ua an English
Tosion of that Oermao Edition ; so that in reality this work is the
fruit of the rich maturity of three great minds. It is quite
mmecessaiy for us to say that in soch a treatise there is sound
Ibmli^ and various learning, expressed in chaste and appropriate
taognage. It is, as it were, an epitome of that most profound and
beaatifnl of all the treatises written by Suarez — "I)e Mysteriis
Vilae Christi " — and we can conGdently recommend it as admirably
nited to furnish matter not only for private meditation, but abo
for public instruction. J. H.
Tkt Old Religion. By Rev, W. Lockhart, B.A., Ozon. London :
Bdrss & Oatks. New York : Gatholiq Pdblioatioh Sooiety.
Father Lockhart's happy thought of making ordinary couvet-
satiotis the medium of expounding and defending Catholic doctrine,
has already produced abundant fruit amongst the readers of the
Catholic Ojrimon and Tka Catholic World, in which the subject-
matter of this volume first appeared. We beg pardon, however,
for irwTling them ordinary conversations, for the genius of the
writiT luu woven them into a tale of great dramatic interest,
deal of a fonnol course of instruc-
to receive it through tJie more
□versatioDS like the present, not
imd witty repartee.
Clement Maria Bo/bauer, of the
ly Redeemer, written by Father
tor-General of the same Gongre*
;ranslated into English by Lady
Pustet & Co., New York and
lerable Father Clement, so beauti-
r, is an- exceedingly edifying nar-
«r that of his spiritual father, St.
lis own person all the virtues that
136 Notices , of Books.
Poland^** wliidi first appeared in the columns of the New York
Freeman*s JbumaL It is trandated from the French, but with a
freedom and spirit which preserve all the charm of the original. It
will, we are confident, be eagerly read by the young, and its pemsal
will tend to vivify Catholic sentiment andconfinn Catholic principles.
^^ The Castle oj Roussillon " (Gill & Son), is another translation
from the French by Mrs. Sadlier, equally interesting and no less
^Catholic in tone and spirit. Books of this character would
admirably serve as premiums for our schools and Christian Doctrine
classes.
" Young Ireland *' is a two-shilling ' ;^print by the same pub-
lishers, of Sir Charles Gavan Duffy's famous work. It is certainly
a marvel of cheapness, but by no means a marvel of handicraft,
for the printing, though perfectly legible, is in places somewhat
blurred. However, we ought not to be too hard pleased when we
can get a book so deeply interesting at so trifiiug a figure.
" Adventures at Sea,'* published by Messrs. Burns & Gates, is
a neat little volume of thrilling interest. It has this peculiar merit
amongst £ng)ish books of a similar character, that in most cases
the heroes of the stirring scenes of danger and privation, which
are so vividly narrated, are animated by the courage of Christians,
and in the hour of darkest danger lose not their faith in God*s
good providence.
^^ Alley M^Cahej or the Boatman* s Sorrows" is a small, but in
our opinion, a truly beautiful poem in blank verse by a writer to
us ui^nown, who signs himself " J. G. C." We have not space
for a lengthened criticism, but we are confident that the writer ^s
soul has been touched by the divine afflatus of genuine inspiration,
and we would recommend him to persevere hopefully but labo-
riously in his task, and Melpomene may yet crown his brows with
Delphic bays that are the highest reward of^true merit.
^^ Faddy Blake amongst the Soupers'** (Dublin: J. Duflly) is
not the work of a novice in poetry. Father Casey is already
widely known to fame by his previous poems. In Paddy Blake,
however, he is at his best, for he has a keen eye for drollery, and
keen wit in its expression. Paddy is a rare theologian, as well as
a genuine wit, .and his poetic harangue to the leaders of the
Soupers, must, we should think, have made them look supremely
ridiculous. We hope the bard of Athleague won't forget to send a
copy to Mrs. Smyly.
^^ The Little Seraphic Manwd^* for the members of the confra-
ternities of the Chord of St. Francis, by Fr. Jarleth Prendergast,
Q&S. (Dublin : Duffy & Sons), contains much useful instructioQ
as well as very many beautiful prayers and hymns.
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
MARCH, 1884.
CARDINAL NEWMAN ON THE INSPIRATION
OF SCRIPTURE.
IN the January number of the Nineteenth Century there is
an article on " The Inspiration of Scripture, written
bj Cardinal Newman, which has attracted a very consi-
unongat Cathoucs and
poatiOD in the Church,
own love of truth, not
0 everything he writes,
His smallest word is
to with attention, and
i hundred-fold when he
of the Inspiration of
it are cert^ly calcu-
the theological schools.
Tallin ^ the attention of
on this most important
imberthatthe Cardinal
ments are simply my
uiyone h erades myself. ' '
genuine filial obedience
, he nnreservedly sab-
judgment of the Holy
ements are more of a
138 Cardinal Newman on the Inspiration of Scripture.
and we trust that in our observations we shall not say
a single word inconsistent with the aflfectionate rev-
erence in which, in common with all the Roman Catholics
of these kingdoms, we hold his Eminence Cardinal New-
man.
The question which he proposes for consideration is
whether, as alleged by Renan and others, "it is an
undoubted fact that the Church does insist on her children's
acceptance of certain Scripture informations on matters of
fact, in defiance of criticism and history." Many persons
would probably object to the assumption implied in this
question, that there are Scripture mformations on any
matters of fact which are in defiance of genuine criticism
and true history. Hence, we think it is safer, and more
satisfactory from a logical point of view, as being less open
to the charge of undue assumption, to accept the statement
of the question at issue as it is formulated a little lower
down in No. 8 : "Now, then, the main question before ns
bein^ what it is that a Catholic is free to nold about Scrip-
ture m general, or about its separate portions or its state-
ments, without compromising his firm mward assent to the
dogmas of the Church, that is, to the de fide enunciations
of rope and Councils, we have first of all to inquire how
many and what these dogmas are." Then the writer goes
on to say that there are two such dogmas ; one relates to
the authority of Scripture, or, as we Miould say, its inspira-
tion, the other to its interpretation.
With regard to the Cardinal's views on the inter-
pretation of Scripture, we have nothing to say ; he merely
expresses the common teaching of theologians on this
pomi We shall, therefore, confine ourselves to the first
question which he discusses — ^the authority or inspiration
of Sacred Scripture.
In answer to his own question on this point — What is
de fide with regard to the inspiration of Scripture? his
reply is : — ** As to the authority of Scripture, we hold it to
be, in all matters of faith and morals, divinely inspired
throughout" In No. 11 he tells us that the Councils of
Trent and the Vatican " specify * faith and moral conduct *
as the * drift ' of that teaching (in Scripture) which has the
guarantee of inspiration." In No. 12 he says that the
Vatican Council pronounces that supernatural Revelation
consists " in rebus divinis," and is contained — the italics are
not ours — ^^ in Ubris scriptis et sine scriptis traditionibus."
And finally, in No. 13, he asserts that while the Councils, as
Cardinal Neaman on the Inspiration of Scripture. 139
has been shown, lay down so emphatically the inspiration
of Scriptnre in respect to " futh and moraJs," it is remark-
able that they do not say a word directly as toiia inspira-
tion in " matters of fact ■" and hence he nuses the question
— biit does not answer it — whether there may not be in
Scriptnre, as there are in the dogmatic utterances of Fopea
and CouBcils, obiter dicta, " unimportant ' statements of
feet,' not inspired, and therefore unauthoritative " (No. 26),
and, we may add, not even neceasarily true.
The merest tyro iu the schools of Catholic theology
will at once perceive the Btartling character of these state-
ments, and the pregnant consetjuencea which they involve.
Hence we prcyose to examine them very briefly, in order
to ascertain if the dejide utterances of the Church on this
matter of the inspiration of the sacred volume are exactly
of the character described by Cardinal Newman; and we
shall for the moat port con£ne ourselves to an analysis of
these dogmatic utterances themselves.
Of couise, when the Cardinal says \i \& de fide that
R/^.^tr..^ in oil mottaH, (jf fjQth ftud morals, is divinely
3ays what is true ; but he certainly
not defide that Scriptnre is inspired
e any such) which are not '* matters
iw, here precisely we join issue, and
ion, the Catholic dogma, as defined
rent and the Vatican, admits of no
:hat it is adequately and accurately
inating that clause; or, in other
gma IB, to borrow some of the
that Sacred Scripture is divinely
it first enumerates the books that
Scripture, and then, in the strictest
decree in the following words : —
ipsos integrot cam omnibia auia par-
>atholica legi consueverunt, et in
editione haoentur, pro socris et
t, et troditiones praedictas Bdeos
, anathema sit."' There is here no
I or canonicity to matters of faith
books, with all thrif rtnrtt a-ra
140 Cardinal Newman on the Inspiration of Scripture,
that is the meaning of sacred and canonical, as applied by
the Council of Trent and of the Vatican to the books of
Scripture. If we take the expression " entire books, with
all their parts," to be equivalent to the Cardinars word
ihroughouty we have a right to conclude that the Catholic
dogma, as enunciated in that canon, proclaims that these
canonical books are inspired throughout^ and therefore not
merely in questions of faith and morals.
Lest there might be any doubt of the meaning of the
expression " pro sacris et canonicis," we beg to append
the analogous canon in the Vatican Council, which, m our
opinion, leaves no doubt about the matter. Here it is : —
" Si quis sacrae Scripturae libros integros cum omnibus suis
partibus,proutillos SanctaTridentina Synodusrecensuit,pro
sacris et canonicis non susceperit, aut eos divinitusinspiratos
esse negaverit, anathema sit." (Can. 4, De Revelatione.) It
is impossible to enunciate in clearer language the great
Catholic truth, that the entire books of Sacred Scripture,
with all their parts, are divinelv inspired ; or in other words,
that the books of Sacred Scripture are inspired throughout.
If any one should urge that perhaps " eos,*' in the last
clause of this canpn, is not necessarily the exact equivalent
of the subject of the preceding clause, our answer is, that
both grammatically and logically **eos " and "illos " stand for
the subject of the preceding clause, and are therefore exactly
co-extensive with it. At any rate, the Council pronounces
the entire books — eos, soil, Ubros vUegros — to be inspired,
without making any distinction between "matters of
fact " and " matters of faith and morals," and that is quite
enough for our argument.
Every one trained in theological discipline knows that it is
not always easy to ascertain, from the wording in the body
of a dogmatic chapter of a General Council, what is strictly
and exactly defde. But when a Council wishes to express
CathoUc dogma with the utmost accuracy and exactness,
it formulates it as a canon, and pronounces anathema
against the gainsayers. I have a right, therefore, to infer
from this canon, as a Catholic dogma, that Sacred Scripture,
without exception or restriction, is inspired throughout
Cardinal Newman says that the dogmatic phrase used
by the Councils of Florence and Trent to denote the inspi*
ration of Scripture, viz., that one and the same God was
the author of Doth Testaments — Deus unus et idem utrius^
e Testamenti Auctor — ^left some room for holding that
e word " Testament" might mean " Dispensation, rather
qu
th<
Cardinal Newman on the Inspiration of Scripture. 141
than the Books of the Testaments, although he admits
that the Vatican Comicil has settled the question by insert-
ing the word " books."
It appears to us that the Council of Florence left no
doubt about the matter, for it has explained the meaning of
the word " Testament " in its decree, as may be seen in so
common a book as Franzelin (De Inspir. S. Scrip. Thesis. II.,
No. 1.) Here are the words : —
•
"Firmissime credit, profitetur et praedicat (SacrosanctaBom.
Ecclesia) unom verum Deum Patrem et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum
creatorem Unom atque eundem Deum Yeteris et
Novi Testament!, hoc est, Legis et Prophetarum atque Evangelii
profitetur Auctorem, quontam eodem Spiritu Sancto inspir ante
utriusque Testamenti sancti locuti sunt, quorum libros suscipit et
veDcratur, qui titulis sequentibus continentur.^
Surely the expression " Old and New Testament," when
explained to mean "the Law, the Prophets, and the
Grospel," can mean nothing else but the Sacred Books that
commonly go under these names.
But if there could be any doubt about the matter it
would be removed by the reason that is subjoined — God is
the author of the Law, the Prophets, and the Gospel,
htcause it was under the inspiration of His Holy Spirit that
the saints of both Testaments spoke^ whose hooks^ therefore,
the Council receives and veneratea The word " locuti "
evidently refers to the written word^ as in 2 Peter i., 21,
and, in conjunction with libros, clearly shows that by
Testament the Council meant the hooks of the Old and
New Testament — that is, as it explains, the Law, the
Prophets, and the Gospel.
It is diflScult to see how this explanation given by the
Council itself can be reconciled with the statement that
the Councils of Florence and Trent left the meaning
of the word Testament in the phrase referred to somewhat
doubtfol. The Council of Florence certainly did not ; and,
PaOavicini tells us, the Coimcil of Trent, in framing
its decree, was careful to follow the very words of the
Council of Florence.^
It is defined both by the Coimcils of Trent and of
Florence *^at God is the auctor utritisque Testamenti^ and
as "VrCk K< „ llia'i' CmOn -fnQ4' 10 -fklA OamA on 4-r\ etn^rr \>r\ in 4-l«<%
142 Cardinal Newman on the Inepiration of Scripture.
Conncil, as the Cardinal himself admita Bnt, he says, the
Latin word auctor still leaves some ambignily, for it is not
equivalent to the English ^ord, author. That maybe very
true, when there is question of the words auctor and
avihor in their generic sense ; it is too delicate a point for
tis to discuss, and it is quite unnecessary to discuss it.
For there is no question now of the generic meaning
of these terms, but of their specific meaning, which^
as Cardinal Franzelin clearly pointo out (Thesis IIL,
No. 1.) is determined by the context, that is, by the special
eflSciency of which there is question. Generically, both in
English and Latin, * author ' means the person who gives
origin or authority to anything, but in its specific sense the
meaning will very much depend on the kind of origin or
authority of which there is question* The same man may be
the author of a law, the author of a book, and the author
of a crime, but in very different senses. Now it is de fide
that God is the author of the Books of the Old and New-
Testament, and will the Cardinal undertake to say, that
when thus used in regard to books, auctor in classical
Latin is not equivalent to "author" when said in
reference to books in English ! We do not pretend to the
Cardinal's knowledge of classical Latin, but we know
something of ecclesiastical Latin, as used by the Councils of
Trent and Florence, and we are quite sure that auctor libri
in ecclesiastical Latin is pretty much the same as the ^author
of a book" in English.
It is defidcj therefore, that God is the author of all the
Books of the Old and New Testament ; and we have seen
that it is defide that they are inspired throughout, whole
and entire, without any distinction between ' matters of fact
and * matters of faith and morals.* Well, now, in No 11,
the Cardinal asks, in what respect are the Canonical Books
inspired? "It cannot be in every respect," he says,
"except we are hound defide to believe that * terra in
aetemum stat,' that heaven is above us, and that there
are no antipodes.*' If by " respect " is meant every signifi-
cation which a word or phrase might have, scientific or
popular, Uteral or metaphorical, he is evidently right ; but
then it is hardly necessary to tell us so. Surely the phrases
" terra in aetemum stat," " and heaven is above us,*' "the
sun rises," and the like, have a popular meaning which is
perfectly true, and which might be revealed by God, and
which tf revealed by God, incidentally or otherwise^ in
that popular sense, we should be bound to believe as defide.
Cardinal Newman on the Tn^nration of Scriptare. 143
Sut apparently this is not what Cardinal Newman
means, for ia the next aentence he Bays : " And it seems
imworthy of Divine greatness that the Almighty should, in
His rerdation of mmself to ns, undertake mere secular
duties, and assume the office of a narrator as such, of a
historian, or geographer, except bo far as the secular
matteiB bear directly on the revealed tmth." Doe*, any
one assert that God in His Bevelation undertakes the office
of narrator, at tueh, or historian, or geographer? We
thought it was a well-known diBtinction made by Catholic
tiieologians of every school between the things revealed
propter se, or, as the Cardinal calls them, matters of faith
and morals, and things revealed per accident, including
every other statement made in Sacred Scripture, whether
in narration, history, geography, or anything else. God
reveals none of these thmgs propter ae. He does not
ondertake the work of annalist, historian, geographer, a»
nch. They are revealed on account of tbeir connection,
oeceasary, useful, or accidental as the case may be, with
the main purposes of Divine Revelation. Bat as
Benedict XIX. m his Dotrmatic Catalogue of the Errors of
signifies, they must be all
ivebeen revealed pw accidena,
be word of God, and all serve
e economy of our salvation.^
written, were written for our
mce and the comfort of the
pe." Rom. XV. 4.
be should undertake to pro-
what is unworthy of Divine
tempt to do BO, especially in
luld we stop ! Does not the
of God to reveal mysteries?
iwhat similar reason, denies
otestant contends that tbe
Blessed Eucharist is utterly
le gives up the literal, and
It is the old atory — Dnros
sum andire? Our reply is —
i, qui instruat eum t Human
ly tnat of all unworthy things
144 Cardinal Nevrman on the Inspiration of Scripture.
the most unworthy of God was to redeem the word by the
" folly " of the cross ; and it did say it by the month both
of Jew and Gentile.
We have no objection to the statement that faith and
moral conduct is the ' drift * of the teaching that has the
guarantee of inspiration, or that the Council of Trent inaists
on faith and moraUty as the * scope' of inspired teachings,
provided always it is not thereby mipUed that Scripture is
not also inspired throughout, even in those things which to
us seem to have least connection with faith and morals. It
is in this sense and in no other sense the Council of Trent
speaks. In the preamble of the chapter it states, as
Cardinal Newman says, that faith and morality is the
* scope ' of ini^ired teaching, and that the Gospel is the
' fount ' of all saving truth and all instruction in morals ;
and this is perfectly true, but the main proposition to which
everything else is incidental is contained in the following
words, which necessarily imply the inspiration of every
single statement made by sacred writers. **Sacrosancta . . ,
Synodus . . . orthodoxorum patrum exempla secota,
omnes Ubros tam Veteris quam Novi Testamenti, cum
utriusque imus Deus sit auctor, necnon traditiones ipsas, turn
ad fidem, tum ad mores pertinentes, tanquam vel oretenus
a Christo, vel a Spiritu Sancto dictatas et continua succes-
sione in ecclesia Oatholica conservatas pari pietatis affectu
et reverentia suscipit et veneratur." From the l]ueginmng
of the chapter to the word veneratur is one single sentence;
the last part, as written by us, contains the main assertion,
the purport of which is perfectly clear : that as God is the
author of all the books of the Old and New Testament, and,
as the divine traditions regarding faith and morals were
either spoken by Christ himself or dictated by His Holy
Spirit, therefore the Council accepts and venerates both with
equal affection of piety and reverence — and why ? because
they are both equally the Word of God. It must be care-
fully observed that the words "tum ad fidem, tum ad
mores pertinentes '* — refer onlj' to the traditions, and have
nothing at all to do with the preceding words. And they
were inserted, as Pallavicini tells us, in order to distinguiw
the divine traditions, of which God is the author, and
which concern faith and morals, firom purely apostoHc and
ecclesiastical traditions, which are of their own nature
disciplinary and mutable. So far, therefore, is the Council
of Trent from lending any countenance to the idea that
all Scripture is not inspired, that it distinctly affirms the
Cardinal Nemman on the Inspiration of Scripture, 145
divine anthorehip of all the books of Sacred Scripture, and
as we have seen, proaoimceB anathema against those who
would dare to assert that thej are not "sacred and
caoonical," and inspired Scripture throughout
There is one point to be carefully kept in mind in any
discuBsion on this important question, if we wish to avoid
grave errors — thediflerence between inspiration and revela^
tion. Inspiration, as we shall eee further on, in its plenary
sense, implieB three tbinge, the Divine afflatus moving,
enlightening, and guiding the writer — inspiratio active
gumpta : the state of the human agent under this Divine
influence — inspiratio passive sumpta ; and, lastly, the pro-
dact of the combined action of God and man, that is,
llie book written by the Holy Spirit through man's
agency — which is inspiratio terminative sumpta. Inspira-
tion therefore, in reference to Sacred Scripture, essentially
regards the writing — the writing injtiri, and the writing
in facto e*se. Not so in the case of revelation. It need
have no coonection with inspired writing at aU. In
;.- _„*; — ;+ ;„ „: — t^ jj,g Divine manifestation of
j of things not previously
t merely means the things so
atioQ, therefore, necessarily
le sense given above ; but
vine traditions not contained
r at all to do with inspiration,
md, for the Cardinal goes on
acil pronounces that super-
s/ms JJivinis, and is contained
ttraditionibus," italicising as
t seems to us, that all Sacred
'ine truth or a Divine revela-
aspiration are identical.
;he first point is contained in
certainly will. not admit the
iplication : — " Hmc Divinae
m est, at ea, quae in rebus
86 impervia non sunt, in
lani conditione ab omnibtis
uUo admixto errore cognosci
B Council declares in that
iets " in things Divine," but
1 sav is. that everv statement
146 Cardinal Newman on the Inspiration of Scripture.
implication, regarding the Scriptures certainly of the Old
Testament, if not also of some of the New — TrSa-a ypa<^
ficoTTvcvcTTos Kot (o^cXi/io? &0. If everj" scripture is dc<JaT€va'T05,
it may well be called Divine.
As regards the second point, the Council does say that
the supernatural revelation is contained in the written Dooks
and unwritten Divine traditions; but concerning these
same books it says in the very next sentence, mat the
church does not regard them as sacred and canonical,
merely because they contain this revelation without error,
but because, having been written under the inspiration of
the Holy Spirit, they have God for their author, and as
such have been handed down to the church, " Eos vero
(libros) ecclesia pro sacris et canonicis habet, non ideo
quod sola humana industria concinnati, sua deinde auctori-
tate sint approbati, nee ideo duiitaxat, quod revelationem
sine errore contineant ; sed propterea quod Spiritu Sancto
inspirante conscripti, Demn habent auctorem, atque ut
tales ipsi ecclesise traditi simt." To say, therefore, that the
Divine books contain the revelation of God, and even
without any error, is declared by the Oouficil itself to be
an inadequate description of their sacred and canonical
character.^ The reason is manifest. A book might contain
the whole revelation of God, and contain it without error,
and yet not be at all an inspired book, because inspir$ttion
essentially regards the writing or authorship of the book.
K it is .an inspired book God is its author; it must have
been written m all its parts under the guidance and
inspiration of the Holv Spirit of God, so much so, that
God becomes responsible for every single statement it
contains, and therefore quite as much responsible for its
statements ^< in matters of fact," as for its statements in
reference to *^ faith and morals." All these truths will not
have the same intrinsic importance in relation to each
other, or to the economy of man's redemption ; but they
are all divine as regards their origin and their authority.
And now this leads us to give, in conclusion, a Tery
brief explanation of the nature of inspiration as taught in
all Catholic schools, and it is as contained in the writings
of the Fathers, and of all our eminent theologians, since
the Council of Trent. Catholic teaching on this point has
become still more definite and dogmatic since the defin-
itions of the Council of the Vatican abeady referred to.
•
^ See Franz, page 375, Theaia IV.
Cardinal Newman on the Inspiration of Scripture. 147
The points of Catholic do^a clearlj defined are,
(a) that God is the antibor of all the canonical books of the
Old and New Testament, (b) that these books have been
wriUen under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit of Ood,
(c) and henpe the entu-e books are inspired. The second
ct these points more clearly and accurately defines
the meaning of the first; and the third expresses the
abiding consequence of the other two, that is, the in-
spiration of the sacred books terminaiive, as the theologians
€»llil
God, then, is defined to be the author of all the Sacred
Scriptures, because they were written under the inspiration
of His Holy Spirit. Now, what is meant by bemg the
authoj of a book in this sense t It must mean here, as it
means everywhere else, either that He Himself wrote it, as
He wrote me Tables of the Law, with his own finger,
wfaicli, of course, is out of the question ; or that He dictated
the sacred bopks word for word to the inspired penmen,
an opinion which has been held by a few, but is now justly
and generally rejected ; or finally, as a minimum^ it must
mean accordmg to the use of language, that He directed
or procured the writing of all these sacred books; that
He eruggested to the sacred writers all the matter to be
written — ^res et sententias — even that known before, and
finafly gave them such constant, ever watchful assistance
in the composition of all these books as to ensure
tiiat eveiytmn^ which He wished should be said, and
that notiiing would be said except what He wished,
and hence that there should be no trace of falsehood
or error, for which He, the principal and infallible Author
of the book, would, in that absurd h^othesis, be held
renponsible. The venr nature of Divme authorship re-
quires this at least ; if the instrumental author begm to
write motu proprio, it is in no special sense God's work ;
if he write anything which he is not directed to write,
it is not God's work so far ; and if there could be errors
or mistakes in any book written by Divine authority,
God could never olaim that book whole and entire, witii
aB its parte, as purely and simply His own — as written in
lb entirety unaer uie inspiration of His Holy Spirit.
Bberefo*^ +1^^ Divine authorship of the Sacred Books, in the
148 Cardinal Newman on the Inspiration of Scripture.
possible, would not be the error of man, but of GoA It is
as absurd to say that a man could commit sin under the
impulse of the Holy Ghost, as to say that the sacred writer
could write error under the inspiration of the Holy Ghost,
Therefore, ositiB de fide that the Sacred Bookfiip whole and
entire, were written under the inspiration of the Holy
Ghost, it follows, at least as a conclusion theologically
certain, that everything written by the sacred writers is,
what it is called in Scripture, and by the Church, and by the
Fathers, and by the people, verily and indeed the Word of
God, unmixed with any false, or erroneous, or merely human
element.
This doctrine, regarding the nature of inspiration, does
not imply that God did not, in most cases, leave the choice
of the words to the sacred writer. It does not even imply
that the words chosen were the most elegant, or most
appropriate, for expressing the Divine ideas in the Writer's
mind. It does not imply the adoption of the graces of
style, nor the niceties of grammar, nor exactness in
scientific or rhetorical arrangement. But it does imply
that the words must be suitable to express the writer's
Divine thoughts, that his language must be intelligible,
and that the arrangement must not be such as will neces-
sarily lead the readers astray.
Again, inspiration does not exclude antecedent know-
ledge of much of the matter to be written, nor labour in its
acquisition, provided always it is written by the huma:a
author of the Sacred Book, not motu proprioy but in virtue
of the Divine impulse, consciously or unconsciously fol-
lowed, and written also under the Divine guidance, lest
any error might creep in, of which, as it could not originate
from God, He could not accept the authorship or respon-
sibility.
Neither does our doctrine on inspiration imply that it is
confined to the autograph of the sacred writer. Inspiration
does not, terminative sumpta, consist in the material book as
suoh — in the handwriting, the ink, and the vellum ; but it
consists in the book as a series of signs, with a definite ob-
jective significance for the mind of man : and hence the
mspired books remain, although the autographs have all
perished.
Of couree, what we have been saying only regards tiiat
which has been actually written by me sacrea writers.
We are not now speaking of any additions, omissions, or
other changes in the sacred text. We know, however, for
Cardinal Newman on the Inspiration of Scripture. 149
certain^ that in the Vulgate, at least, these corruptions do
not involve any error in faith or morals, or interfere with
the substantial integritv of the text.
It will be observed that we have not, except incidentally,
appealed to Sacred Scripture in support of our views, nor
quoted the Fathers, many of whom speak in exceedmgly
strong language of the impossibility of the smallest error
in Sacred Scripture. Neither have we oited the authority
of all the great scholastic and modem theologians,^ from
St. Thomas's to the present time, who, if they do not go
much farther in the durection of verbal inspiration, without
exception deny the possibility of merely human, and there-
fore possibly erroneous, statements in Sacred Scripture.
In conclusion, we wish to observe, that it is with great
reluctance we deem it our duty to dissent from the views
which Cardinal Newman has put forward regarding the
inspiration of the Sacred Scripture. We think, with
St Augustine, that the possibility of a falsehood in Sacred
Scripture woidd be fatal to the Sacred Volume. " I pay
the canonical books,'* he adds, " such reverence and honour,
that I most firmly beUeve that no sacred writer in writing
committed the least mistake."^ On the other hand, to use the
words of the learned Patrizi, while the Church is silent, we,
of course, do not dare to censure those views, but neither
do we dare to hold them. In one respect at least we beg
to follow the excellent example of the Cardinal, by unre-
servedly submitting our observations, such as they are, to
the judgment, and, if necessary, to the correction of our
ecclesia!stical superiors.
John Healy.
^The opinion of Lessias, Du Hamel, and Bonfrere, pnt forward by
them only as a hypothesis, is no longer tenable since the Vatican
Coimcil. In any case the doctrine of subsequent inspiration does not
touch the present ouestion.
*De Consensu JBvang. L 11,12.
[ 150 ]
GREENLAND : WHAT IS IT ?
The Question Answered.
SOME nine months ago Baron Nordenskiold asked this
question : he has since answered it :^ and perhaps our
readers may wish to have a Record of his reply, as we gave
them one of his questions (pp. 358-365, vol. ivA Then we set
forth his reasons for supposmg that Greenland was a country
in accordance with its name ; shut in, it is true, by enormous
barriers of ice, but containing within that iron frame many
a scene of sylvan beauty, with fertile valleys intersected
by mountam ranges. He is not a man to rest content
with speculations, and so he started last June on a voyage
to the unknown land, to test his theories by actual observa-
tion. If our readers will take the trouble to refer to our
former article they will see that Nordenskiold explained
and maintained that the interior condition of Greenland
depends unon the configuration or orographical features
of the lanA K it follows the same law as tnat which pre-
vails in England and in Sweden, as indeed also in both
American Uontinents, the highest points, or culminating
line of the land, will run along the west coast, and the interior
will be such as Nordenskiold suggested ; if, on the contrary,
it rises gradually from both eastern and western shores to
the centre, it will be a land of glaciers.' The former eon-
formation seemed the more probable, for, indeed, this latter
formation had not been found in any part of the known
world, and why should Greenland be the one exception?
So, last June, Nordenskiold sailed to the unknown land,
and landed on July 4th, on the western coast, at the head
of tiie Auleitsivik Fjord, whence he had made his former
attack upon the country in 1870 (see p. 362), and the next
* See Nature, vol 29, pp. 10-18, 89-42.
> Fjofessor Borgen, in the Deutsche Geographische BUiUer (No. 8,
vol. yi.), controverts these theories of Nordenskiold, and maintains
that, considering the comparatively short distance of any part of Green-
land from the sea, and its low average temperature, winds both from
the east and west most deposit snow everywhere on the weather side of
the mountains against which they strike, and so maintain the conditions
for the formation of glaciers. Tliese glaciers again must, in the course
of time, drift down into the vaUeys and the lowest levels, the tempera-
ture of Greenland, even down to the level of the sea, being everywhere
below the freezing j^int. The controversy is interesting, and between
two snch - distinguished men as Nord^oskiold |and ^igen must
eventuate in the advance of science.
Greenland : What U it ? 151
morning the inland advance began^ though, at first, a
deiour to the north had to be made in order to find a route
eastwards practicable for the aledges his party had with
tiiem. Their two Lapps were invaluable wjth their long
$Udar [pinewood shoes] ; they made their way over the ice
ynih perfect ease, even though it abounded with crevasses,
and were of the greatest service in tracing out the route for
the advance. The expedition took only necessaries, but had
Bofficient food, and suffered only from an occasional wetting.
Their stout alpenstocks were of extra use in bridging over
numerous streams and frequent crevasses. For the first
three days the advance was slow indeed, averaging only
two and a-half miles a day. The ice was at times so un-
even that no tent could be pitched, sometimes so soft and
slnfihy that a dry spot could not be found, and then again
it abounded in small cavities, into which they often sUpped
at much risk of sprained ankle& These cavities have a
special scientific interest as Nordenskiold shows, but they
'^were perhaps more dangerous to our expedition than
anything else we were exposed to." They lie, with
a diameter just large enough to hold the foot, as close to
one another as the stumps of trees in a felled forest, and it
was, therefore, impossible not to stumble into them at
every moment, which was the more annoying as it
happened just when the foot was stretched for a step
forward,andthetravellerwasprecipitated to the groimd with
his foot fastened in a hole 3 feet deep." Constantly did they
meet rivers in the ice, and these occasionally flowed into
lakes which discharged themselves into deep abysses. Then
the rate of advance increased to six or eight miles a day,
but all alon^ the ascent was rapid, their ninth camp being
2,400 feet above the sea. But ice, ice everywhere ; " no
stone was found, not even one as large as a pin's head." Up
to the middle of July the weather was fine and mild, and tiie
ascent had reached 3,000 feet, but then the thermometer
sank considerably below freezing point, and the nights
en^ecially were very cold. Onwards, but still upwards, yet
with gradual ascent ; but no mountains, not even hiUs, to
give h<y e of a summit crest of the interior ; no sign of the
hoped-for Greenland; but every sign of that gradual
rising to the centre which would account for a land of
152 Greenland : What is it f
and they were compelled to pitch their tent in wet snow.
The Lapps were sent on, and reported that the ice was
everywhere covered with water and snow. "It being
ntterly impossible to get the sledges further on," says
Nordenskiold, " I had no choice. J decided to turn back"
But Nordenskiold resolved upon giving the Lapps a nm
eastwards for four days to see if anything more promising
should show itself in that last eflFort. So, at 2 a.m., on the
22nd, they started, but on the 24th they returned, after an
absence of S8 hours, and it is believed that they advanced
72 miles, and attained an altitude at their tummg point of
6,600 feet. They returned because, after about half way
out, no more drmkinff water was met with by the Lapps,
when the ice became level and smooth. But what of the
promised Greenland ? This is their report : — " From their
furthest point they saw no trace of land appearing above the
surface of the ice, nothing but an even sheet of ice, rising in
terraces, covered with snow to the depth of about four feet
The only living things they saw were two ravens which
came from the north, and swept round, disappearing in the
same direction." At night the cold was intense, frequently
down to zero, Fahrenheit. While they were shivering in
their now constantly wet clothes, awaiting the return of
the Lapps, a dry, warm mist descended upon them, and
dried their dresses. So the return journey is made without
accident, and on the 4th of August they regain the Fjord.
What is the outcome of the expedition t Nordenskiold
was right in foreseeing that it would turn out to be a land
of ice, if its orographical features were such as they proved
to be. He was wrong only in supposing that Greenland
would not be the sole exception in me world to the
general rule. At any rate he solved the enigma, he
answered his own question ; and in so doing he was able,
by the help of his Lapps, " to penetrate into the very heart
of Greenland, and thus to be the first to explore the
interior of the only continent into which man had not
previously been able to penetrate,"
Several scientific inquiries, of which we spoke last
June, were investigated, but of 'these we need not here
speak. Now we know that Greenland has no bright,
fertile interior — none of those mountains and valleys upon
which the imagination delighted to dwell, but instead it
is — if we may venture to quote our own words (p. 361),
which we little thought to have so closely verified — " a
frozen mass of ice, with nought of mother efiu*th visible and
Systems of Grace. 153
profitable ; a barren, lifeless, fruitless waste, one enormous
glacier; the last remnant of that terrible glacial wave
which once swept over our Europe, and extmguished or
drove away the fife which previously prevailed, and made
it for a time a veritable desert ; and then, when life and
heat once more came, and the earth smiled into plenteous
harvests, and rejoiced in the new life of her children, did
the cold death-hand linger on this ill-fated spot, and men
mocked it with the strange name of Greenland.
Hbnry Bedford.
SYSTEMS OP GRACE.
No.n.
IN measuring the share which human fiberty has in the
performance of a salutary act, it is evident that the
via media is the only safe guide. We must not exaggerate
its influence, for, by so doing, we should fall into semi-
Pelagianism. Neither can we unduly extenuate that
influence, for undue extenuation would cany us headlong
mto even more revolting error& On the one hand we
cannot attribute to man even the " initium *' of a salutary
work, remembering that over no purely human foundation
can a supernatural structure be raised. On the other hand
we must maintain that man is truly and unequivocally the
responsible cause of that salutary act ; that he is not the
" inanime quoddam " through which a superior intelUgence
works, nor his will a passive, sleeping faculty, that receives
the substance and form of its motion from the dominating
will of another. Whatever analysis we may make of the
complex or concurring causes of the salutary act, we must
vincEcate for man's will a complete and abiding freedom.
The words of the Council of Trent, speaking of efficacious
grace, are clear — ^^ quippe qui illam et abjicere potest."
1. The very definition of the ** supernatural " places it
on an elevation to which unassisted human nature cannot
reach, and towards which it, unaided, can make no progres-
sive step. ** Supernaturale est quidquid exigentias et vires
natoras superat." This is why all the theologians of every
school maintain (for it is Catholic doctrine) that before man
can ever contemplate the doing of a supernatural act, the
VOL. V. M
154 Systems of Grace.
faculties of his soul must have been themselves super-
naturalized by God's ^ illuminating " and ** elevating"
grace. The most perfectly formed organ of vision cannot
see without light; n,or-can the most exquisite piece of
mechanism act upon an object placed beyond the range of
its influence. Hence thev all hold — and must hold — ^that
before the human will is m a position to even desire what
is supematurally good, it must nave undergone preparation
at the hands of God, and that this preparation is God's
purely gratuitous gtft, to which man can establish no
shadow of claim. "Non quod sufficientes sumus aliquid
cogitare a nobis, quasi ex nobis ; sed sufficientia nostra ex
Deo est" (2 Cor. 3, 5).
Thus far, if you will, all theologians are Thomists, for
they all hold (in conformity with CathoUc dogma) that this
illumiaation of the intellect and inspiration of the will are
in nobis sine nobis.
Yet even all this is not enough for the doing of the
salutary act; for thus far man has only undergone that
preparation which is necessary that his intellect may form
its judgment, and that his will may be disposed to embrace
the good things of the higher order. A new grace, or (as
many say) a new function of this preparative grace, is
further required in order that man may de facto perform the
act for wnich those graces were given. This is called
" gratia adjuvans," and, like the former (if it be a distinct
grace) is in nobis sine nobis. We can do nothing to
merit it — ^though, by misconduct, we may disquaUfy
ourselves from receiving it — " Dei enim donum est, ne quis
glorietur."
It may or may not have been necessary to premise
all this; but we do so by way of forewarning that
when, in any system, theologians speak of the action
of man's will, they always mean the will of man prepared
and supematurah'zed by grace. They never speak of it as
a merely natural faculty.
2. At this stage we have the two elements essential to
the performance of a salutary act. We have (1) the abun-
dant "gratia adjuvans'* which God gives, and (2) a free
human soul, thus enlightened, thus inspired, thus imbued
and penetrated by supernatural life and dueposed towards
good. Grace and free will form together the potestas
adaequata to the performance of the act ; and the act, when
perfonned, is directly attributable to each as to its cause.
It is God's act ; " Deus est enim qui operatur in nobis velle
Syitems of Grace. 155
et perficere." No less truly is it man's act : " Merces mea
in manu mea, reddere unicuique secundum opera ejusJ*
Thus we arrive at the question in controversy : What
sets this caitaa adaequata in motion ?
3. It cannot be the physical premotion of the Thomists,
which begins by eliminating man's freedom.
Nor, for the same reason, can it be any intrinsic quality
of the grace which so dazzles and draws and overwhelms
the will by its attractiveness, that resistance or non-com-
pliauce is a veritable — ^albeit merely a moral — ^impossibility.
Neither can it be such a mechanical creation or adjust-
ment of surrounding circumstances (" Cum Dei sit circum-
fitantias ordinare." Suarez). that the will sees no escape
from yielding its assent — the circumstances being so
artifitically contrived, or availed of, that it will seek none.
Whence, therefore, comes the ulterior impulse in response
to which the causa adaequata becomes operative?
On the one hand, "gratia adjuvans" cannot take the
ioitiative, for the will is free to repel it (Trent.) On the
other it would be preposterous to conceive man direct-
ing the movements of grace ; and thus we are, of sheer
necessity, straitened to hold that the salutary act is
produced by the simultaneous movement of both grace
and free will. "Non partim gratia, partim liberum
arbitrium, sed totam singula opere individuo peragunt."
(St. Bernard apud Jungmann).
4. This simultaneity of action reveals to us in matters
spiritual the same wakeful vigilance of Providence which
is momentarily exercised in our ordinary acts. We know
that for each ordinary act, no matter how trivial, we stand
in need of the Divine concurrence to work with our faculties
whether of mind or body. These allied influences begin at
absolutely the same indivisible instant; they work together,
and desist from working at the same moment. Remove
the interval that lies between the igniting of a train of
gunpowder and the explosion that follows it, and we have
Borne idea of this simultaneity. Subtract the time which
an electric current consumes in traversing the length of an
inconceivably short wire, and the action of the fluid upon
objects at either pole gives us a notion of simultaneity.
All these illustrations, however, being derived from material
things, are necessarily cramped and inadequate. If we
could reason from observation upon immaterial objects,
the difficulty of conception would vanish.
5. We may form a fair estimate of the agency of the
156 Systems of Grace.
human will in the performance of a salutary act, by
expanding the idea of what occurs in the "reviviscence"
of a sacrament. The sanctifying and sacramental graces
are produced by the vaUd sacramental act, but their
entrance into the soul is stayed by the presence of some
obstacle. Remove it, and all at once the soul is flooded
by the full tide of grace. Similarly, the sufficient grace
lies around and invests the will; the ejfficacixi virtutu is
there : let the will but yield to the tendency that has been
^ven to it by preparative grace, and the ejfficacia cannexiojiis
is established.
6. No doubt, the will has plenaiy power to resist and
refuse comphance ; but the " preventing '* grace has con-
ferred upon it the inestimable privilege of being in a
position of making, if it so pleases, the better choice.
7. This may be the fitting place to advert to the only
objection of moment raised against the structure of thiB
system.
Granting that absolute simultaneity is possible, from
what principle comes the antecedent determination of the
will to co-operate with the motions of grace? If we say
that it is from a new grace, our system relapses into
Thomism. If we replv that it is from the native energy of
the will itself, we fell into semi-Pelagianism, If we say
that it is from " preventing " grace, we transform it into
«< efficacious," and the same question returns upon ua
The objection is founded on a falsely assumed analogy
between things material and spiritual, and the answer to it
is very simple. No such determination of the will, as
distinct from the consent itself, is necessary or indeed
possible. If it were possible, it follows that this determin-
ation, being in se an act of the will, must (in the theory of
the objection) be preceded by one still earlier — and thus a
final consent coula never be given, because the series of
antecedent acts could never be begun.
8. Such — in ve^y imperfect outline — is the theoi^
which Molina formulated into the system known by his
name — " doctrina quae (sola) semper, ubique, cimctis
fidelibus, doctis et indoctis, justis et injustis, tutissime et
fructuosissime prsedicari potest " (Dr. Murray).
9. It is evident that the system of Molina is not
exposed to the objections that surroimd Thomism and the
others. It neither imperils the existence of Hberty nor
impoverishes sufficient grace. It is the only system that
makes manifest the ^^ copious redemption " and -bountiful
Systems of Grace. 157'
love of God, as it is the only one in which the Divine
exhortationB and threats and punishments accord with His
jastice. It alone affords intelligible interpretation of myriad
passages of Sacred Scripture. In the work of salvation
two only are concerned, God and ma^. The inference is
easy. If that work fail of accomplishment, the failure
must be attributable wholly to one or partially to both.
That God has no share in the failure — even in those *' dura <
cervice et incircumcisis cordibus et auribus " — ^is proclaimed
over and over again in Sacred Scripture. In fact, God
speaks there like one oppressed by an anxiety that this
shonld be made clear: He even -condescends to invoke •
upon it the verdict of men : '
"Ye inhabitants of Jerusalem, and ye men of Juda,
]ndge between me and my vineyard. What more is there that
I ought to do for my vineyard, that I have not done for it t
... I looked that he should do judgment, and behold
iniquity : and do justice, and behold a cry 1" (Isaias v.)
** And the word of the Lord came to me, saying, . . .
Thou, therefore, O son of man, say to the house of Israel :
Thus you have spoken, saying : Our iniquities and our sins
are upon us, and we pine away in them : how then can we
live? Say to them : As I live, saith the Lord, I desire not
the death of the wicked, but that the wicked turn from his
ijcay and live. Turn ye, turn ye from your evil ways ; and
why will you die, O house of Israel ? . . And if I shall
say to the wicked. Thou shalt surely die : and he do penance
for his sinSf and do judgment and justice^ he shall surely live
and shall not die, &c." (EzecL 33.)
*' God made man from the beginning and left him in
the hand of his own cotmseL He added his commandments
and precepts: If thou toiU keep his commandments and
perform acceptable fidelity for erer, they shall preserve thee.
Ee hath set water and fire before thee : stretch forth thy hand
to which thou toUt" (Eccles. 15.)
" My son, if thou wilt receive my words . . . incline
Ay heart to know prudence . . . Forget not my law,
^d let thy heart keep my commandments • • . Let not
mercy and truth leave thee, put them about thy neck^ and
vrite them in the tablets of thy hearty Ac, &o." {Prov.)
10. In an essay of this kind it would be out of place
to give farther proofs from Sacred Scripture of the doc-
trine that forms the weft and warp-thread of Revelation —
the doctrine, namely, that pre-supposes and proclaims that
the doing or neglecting of salutary works ninges, (in the
158 Systems of Grrace.
sense emlained) upon man's volition. God supplies his
share in bountiful abundance. All the rest, fbr better or
for worse, lies with man.
11. Molina and his followers, strenuously rejecting the
Sredestination of the Thomists, &c., assert that God's first
ecree secured to all men indiscriminately an abundance
of graces of such " sufficiency " that the mere acceptance
of them by man would make them efficacious of salutary
acts. (2) That God saw from eternity what use man, in
the exercise of his freedom, would make of these ffracea
(3) That God, in possession of this fore-knowledge,
enrolled in the Book of the Elect those who (as He fore-
saw) would persevere in grace to the end. In other
words — if we may i^eak in apparent paradox — ^the Book
of God's Predestined is a transcript, made by anticipation,
from the record of his own future, which each man, day by
day, writes by his own life. This is Predestination post
pravisa merita,
12. In sustainment of this doctrine from sacred Scrip-
ture, the MoUnists are chiefly concerned in evolving such
interpretation as fits in with their theory, from those
Eassages which seem to speak of the antecedent PROPOSITUM
>EL This they do abundantly ; and it must be remembered
that they cannot be required to do more. Nevertheless,
they go farther and trace the plain revealing of predestina-
tion post prcevisa merita in many texts. For example :
^ Then shall the King say to them that shall be on his right
hand : Come ye blessed of my Father, possess the kingdom
prepared for you from the foundation of the world* FOR I teas
hungry and you gave me to eatj ^c." Here, they say, the
Divine Judge not merely rewards the good works of man,
but proclaims that a throne was prepared from eternity in
order to reward their charity. This would clearly be
predestination post prcevisa merita. A^ain, they discover
this doctrine in the parable of the mamage feast* " Many
were called" by preventing grace*: of these some " would
not come " ; others " neglected and went their ways, one
to his farm, another to his merchandise:" "few were
chosen'* to sit at the banquet, namely, those alone who
clothed themselves in " the wedding garment." The same
doctrine, they say, is formally propoimded by St. Paul in
his arrangement of the divmo decrees: "Whom [1] He
foreknew He [2] predestined to be made conformable to
the image of His Son . « • and whom He predestined,
them He also [3] called, and whom He called, them He
Systems of Grace^ 159
abo [4] justified, and whom he justifiedy them He also
[5] glorified"
13. Retoming at last to the question with which wo
firt out, let ns see bow does the system of Molina explain
the "mystery of God's prevision and man's perfect
freedom."
It most be admitted that this system, unlike Thomism
and the rest, establishes complete himian liberty, whereas
the others begin by extinguishing it. It also amply pro-
Tides for God's unalterable and infaUible foreknowledge
of man's free acts. For, how, in this theory, does God
foreknow themt Through a mediimi which is "termi-
nated" in their actual free performance. To form a
conceptionjof this scientia divtna, let us examine its imper-
fect counterpart as it exists in man. In man it is called
conjectural mowledge, and may be invested with much
accuracy. Instances of it are of daily occurrence. We
may mention, as an illustration, that one of the London
Monthlies, pubUshed in 1867, predicted the outbreak of a
Franco-German war to happen within a few years ; and,
with almost prophetic inerrancy, foreshadowed, even in
detail, its probable duration, its varied fortime, and final
iflBae, To-day, the knowing ones, even outside the
cabinet, can tell us who will be the next Liberal Premier,
and who will be the chief officers of state during his
administration.
14. Now, it is evident that in these and the hundred
other examples that will suggest themselves, the liberty of
those concerned is not affected by our conjectures regard-
ing their acts. On the contrary, the more inviolate that
h*berty is preserved, the nearer to the truth will be our
forecasting.
15. With God, however, there is no conjecture, for
conjecture involves liabiHty to error. His knowledge of
future events is perfect : He knows them because from all
eternity they were objective truths, and no element of
* necessity" is needed that the event may verify that fore-
knowledge.
All this will become much more strikingly evident if
we revert to the idea which theologians give us of the •
Eternity of God. God sees through duration, as a medium,
jittt as we see through space ; and just as our seeing the
present act of a free agent does not rob him of his freedom^
1 60 Reminiscences of MaynootL
revolves in the circumference. With God the past, and
present, and future have present existence and are the
objects of His Divine vision — which cannot be dimmed
by His having bestowed free agency upon man.
Futura srmt Deo praesentia, non soltmi objective et
intentionaliter, sed physice et realiter. Est communis inter
Thomistas quibus jungunturMoHna et alii." (BiLLUART.)
C. J. M.
REMINISCENCES OF MAYNOOTH.— No. U.
IN the account which appeared in the May nimiber of the
Record, of the foundation of Maynoofli College, some
things, from space being limited, were omitted, which I
now purpose laying before the reader — some of them,
though not essential, with the hope that they will be
interesting to the readers of the RECORD ; others of primary
importance, and necessary for the completeness of the
account itself.
Maynooth College is, in many respects, remarkable.
So great a number of ecclesiastical students educated in
the same college is, 1 beUeve, nowhere else to be seen. A
National college, too, for all the dioceses of a country, is
rather an exceptional form; the diocesan seminary, as
regulated by the Council of Trent, being the ordinary
mode of providing for the education of the clergy. But
whether It be more or less perfect from those circumstances
is beyond my power of estunating : the matter was doubt-
less thought of by those concerned in founding the
^^ peramplum seminarium," as it was called. In calling the
attention of the reader to the subject, I should add that
what I have called the exceptional form of Maynooth is
itself in accordance with the Council, as the country was
then clearly in those circumstances in which they leave it>
to the discretion of the bishops to unite the resources of
two or more dioceses in the same seminary.^
One considerable advantage, it seems to me, in this
country, from a national college, is, that it tends to dimin*
ish the elements of discord that were but too prevalent
in Ireland in past times. For, a body like the CathoUo
clergy, who were educated in the same place, and had
^C. Trid. Se«3. 28, de Bef. 18, ad finem.
Beminiscenees of MaipiootJi. 161
fonned acquaintances and fiiendships, and have in many
reepects a community of ideas — ^' facies non omnibus una,
nee diversa tiMuen, qualis debet esse sororum " — ^by their
infinence with the people amongst whom they are placed,
most have great power to counteract the habits of disunion.
In the sketch that has already appeared of the Maynooth
foundation, I said that '^the great body of the Catholic
clergy of Ireland " were educated there. Fearing that to be
an overstatement, and as some might wish for more accu*
racy, I securched the matter out. In 1855 the Commissioners,
I find, inquired about this subject ; and, for that purpose, the
English Directory for 1853 was given to Dr. Renehan, then
President; and he was requested to mark off, in the hsts of
the clergy therein, the names of those who were educated
at Maynooth. After, he says, a careful examination of the
lists, file return he gave to the Commissioners was, that
1,222 were educated at Maynooth, and 1,069 in other col-
leges, some on the Continent, some in Ireland. To the
1,222, which represented the parochial clergy, were to be
added 52 others engaged as chaplains or in colleges. The
number of students now at Maynooth is, I believe, about
ihe same as then ; and I am not aware of anything that
would make the proportion at present much different from
what it was then.
Being an alumnus of Maynooth myself, I acknowledge
a leaning to those who studied there ; and I will now give
them some useful advice. In former times, when all were
educated abroad, there was cause of complaint, it appears,
that some were in the habit of ^ving exaggerated acccTunts
of what they had seen in foreign countries ; seemingly to
increase their influence. In a theological treatise written
shortly before the middle of the last century, for the use of
missionaries, I find some of them referred to as ^* ad fabulas
convertentes de suis magnificis gestis (quamvis falsis), et
de moiibus Gallorum, Hispanorum, &c., et de rebus mira-
bilibus ab ipsis visis tractantes." I am not aware that any
of those at the present day who were educated abroad
would use such means to draw the people to themselves.
I hope not. But if the Maynooth men should feel aggrieved
m that way, or have their just influence imperilled, I would
162 Reminiscences of MaynootK
home, and some abroad, is surely the most perfect way. It
will be useful as well as agreeable to communicate, each to
other, what they have learned and seen ; and some degree
of emulation, which wiU best promote the common purpose,
will not be undesirable, while they labour together in the
vineyard.
When treating of the foundation of the College, it
would clearly belong to the subject to give some account
of the first staff of oflScers who managed the institution.
But of most of them, but few particulars can now bo
gleaned. I have spoken of some of them already, espe-
cially of Dr. Hussey,
About this time, owing to the French Revolution, there
were many dispossessed of th6ir places in the Continental
Colleges ; and several of the first appointments at Maynooth
were from those.
Dr. Power, who was appointed vice-president, was a
native of Clonmel. He studied in Paris, and was ordained
for the diocese of Cloyne. Going into the diocese of
Avignon, in France, he became a Canon of that diocese,
and subsequently Archdeacon, till he was expelled by the
Revolution ; when he returned to Ireland. He held oflSce
at Maynooth for fifteen years, when he resigned, burdened
with years ; and afterwards taught the Church ceremonies
to the students. He died in 1817, and was the first interred
in the college cemetery.
There was no Dean appointed till January, *98.
Dr. Ferris was the fii'st Dean of the college. He was a
native of the Kerry diocese, and made his studies in France,
where he became Professor of Divinity in the University
of Paris, and Rector of the Irish College, then called of the
Lombards. During the Revolution he returned to Ireland.
After serving in the deanship for three years he went to
the chair of Moral Theology. He died about 1810, and
was interred in Laragh Brien : but as he belonged to the
Vincentian Order, they have of late years removed his
remains to their cemetery in Castleknocfe.
The earliest of the French professors that came to
Maynooth was Dr. Delort, in *95. He was from the dioceee
of Bourdeaux, and was doctor of laws in that city. He
was appointed to the Physic class, which he taught for
four or five years. Dr. Darre was appointed to the lorfo
class in '96 ; and in 1801 he succeeded Dr. Delort in the
Physic chair, which he held for twelve years. The treatise
on Geometry composed by him must have been considered
Remimscenc€9 of Maynooilu ' 163
well adapted for the college course, as it has kept its place
as class-book since his time, and continues so to the pre-
sent day. Both these seem to have returned to France
when affairs there settled down.
Dr. Ahem, who was appointed to the Chair of Moral
Theology, was from the diocese of Kerry. He came from
France, where he had been Professor of Philosophy in the
University of Paris, and Canon of the diocese of Qiartres«
He died in February, 1801.
The Western Province, too, was represented on that
firat list of professors. Dr. Clancy, who was made Pro-
fessor of Sacred Scripture, was from the diocese of Tuam.
He had been a Lector of Divinity in the University of
Prague : and, after one year's professorship of Scripture at
Haynooth, he returned to Prague in 1797. Galway also
furnished a member in the person of Dr. Lovelock, who
was appointed to the Chair of Humanity, and subsequently
to that of Rhetoric.^
Of those Founders of the College, as I may call them, I
regret I cannot give a more detailed account. One might
reasonably wish to know something more of each of them,
as — ^was he mild or austere in his manner ; was he social,
or disposed to silence and solitude ; what power of memory
had he, or of other mental faculties ; what degree of learn-
ing, and in what departments ; what faciUty or eloquence;
are any sayings recorded of hhn, of wisdom or of wit ; and
for his pupils, what was his manner of explaining, and how
cKd he endeavour to form them in piety or m their studies, as
his office might be ; and what degree of attachment had they
for him ? But it is vain to inqmre. Their merits and their
imperfections are alike unknown, " Carent quia Vate sacro."
To those of my readers at least who studied at May-
Dooth everything in it must be interesting, the grounds and
walks, the trees, the buildings. But, for those who saw it
ai the earlier period, many changes have been made, and
noted objects effaced. On the terrace near the Senior
iDfirmaiy there was a hawthorn called the third year's
Divines ^ush, because the budding of its leaves in Spring
\ye notice to that class, then the highest, to prepare for
img. That part of the terrace has disappeared, being
164 Reminiscences of Maynooth»
formed in early times the College boundary on that side,
before the enclosing wall was bunt. About the central part
of it, betwe^en the two rows of trees, it was interrupted by
a pond ; which also was part of the boundary. About that
pond many stories used to be told of jiunping feats by
students wno cleared it. The pond is long since closed up,
its site being traceable only by a sUght depression in the
groimd* The two large yew ^ees in the front square, had,
in former times, the walk passing between tnem; and
spectres were said to be sometimes seen dancing between
them by moonlight. The walk has been taken away, and
replaced by another through the centre of the square ; and
two young trees have been planted on the south side in
places corresponding with the old yews, and they are fast
putting forth their strength to compete with their northern
companions. In the garden there was a Harp formed of
boxwood, planted so as to represent beautifully the frame
and strings; and it was always kept neatly trimmed into
form. It was said by some to be the work of Paul O'Brien,
the Professor of Irish ; by others, of the French Professors,
who were beheved to have a great taste for such thmgs ; for
the tradition varied on the subject. The latter account is
rendered more probable by the following anecdote which
was formerly current. On some Visitation day, when the
Judges were visitors, Lord Manners, the Chancellor, was
lookmg at that part of the garden where the Harp was,
amongst the flower beds, accompanied by some of the
Professors, who acted as cicerones ; when Lord Norbury,
who was in the garden at the same time, came towards
them, and exclaimed, " Oh, my Lord, I regret it will be my
duty to report you to the Government, as I have caught
you with the Maynooth Professors in a French plot." The
place where the Harp was, is now enclosed within the new
square, somewhere near the door that opens from the £ast
cloister into the square ; either within the cloister, or on the
grass-plot outside, that adjoins the new chapeL
As for college facetiee, they are numberless. K they
could be collected from the different generations since the
beginning, the electric flashes crackling aroxmd the Poles^
in ever varying colours, would but fainuy represent the wit
and fancy (£splayed in them. But they should be used with
caution by a writer, not knowing where, like shells, they
might explode; perhaps in his own hands, "Horresco
referens.'' Soubnauets applied to individuals were also
numerous, but as tney might offend, it would not be well
ReminUeenees of MaynootJu * 1 65
to qaote anj of ^em. They were applied also to classes.
Those in the Physic Class who were not successful in their
stadieSy were called ^^ Doctors." Some students who seemed
of such manners or disposition as would deserve to be only
sabordinates^ and to have the rough part of the work put
on them, were called ^ Sappers." These may be taken as
samples.
Of the old college stories I will mention a few. Some
of the Professors played a practical joke on Dr. Delahogue.
A large turnip was scooped out, the rind alone remainmg,
and eyes, nose and mouth cut on it, to represent a man's
face ; and it was placed, with a Ughted candle inside it, in
Dr. Delahogue's room, on the table. When he opened the
door to enter his room, and saw the spectre, as he thought,
he ran off in terror to Paul O'Brien, crying out, ** 0 Father
Paul, vidi daemonem in cubiculo ; he is persecuting me
for that treatise I wrote de Ecclesia."
In the examinations of the Church History Class, Dr. R.
asked a student to give some account of the ^' Tria
Oapitula" controversy. The answer not seeming sufficient,
the Professor asked the same question a second and a third
time, with the same result, when the student said; ^I
believe, sir, in the three answers I have given I have
replied indirectly that I don't know anything of the matter."
But if the professors could press the students hard at
examinations, sometimes the students would occasionally
replv in good humour. An aged Professor examining a
student in logic, asked him to explain a " morally universal"
proposition ; and gave as an instance, " Juvenes sunt
mconstantes." While explaining it, the student, fearing
the inconstancy was intended for himself, gave, instead of
the professor's example, " Senes sunt queruli ;" at which a
great laugh was raised in the Hall, by all present ; in which
the professor heartily joined. This, it should be observed,
was all in good humour.
Whether any of the Freshmen, coming for the first time
to the College, were treated as Mr. Pucker was at Oxford,
when Verdant Green became an imdergraduate, I cannot
say. I knew no instance of it ; but there was a tradition
certainly of some having been hoaxed in that way by
students pretending to be Examinera Some accordmgly
166 BeminUcences of MaynooHu
the Endowment Act, of the foundation of the new buildings,
of the appointment of the officers, &c. But all these were
only means to an end. The machinery was at work ; but
for what purpose ? Of that purpose I will now say some-
thing ; for an account of the College that would not include
the end and main purpose of its existence, would be very
incomplete; the more so as philosophers tell us that, in
every deliberate act, the end, though last in the execution
or attainment, is the first in the intention. With regard to
Maynooth Colleee, I need not say that the end is to
educate and send out clergymen on the mission. It is weU
that I do not require to beat about for matter: on this subject^
or labour in thinking how I should state it. Indeed tho
attempt to say what that education should be might appear
to some to be uncalled for, or presumptuous on my partw
But I will set before them a document which forms part of
the early history of the college, and speaks with authority
on the subject we are now considering ; and draws the lines
deep and clear for that moral foundation, of which the
other we have spoken of is the outward figure.
As 80on as the Education Bill had passed, and the
Board of Trustees was constituted, the Ecclesiastical
Trustees wrote to the Propaganda to notify the event ; and
after some time received from the Cardinal Secretary a
letter, the substance of which I will now place before the
reader.
They say to the Bishops, that " As they formerly shared
their sorrow in adversity, they now rejoice with them in
their prosperity; and that, from the fond esteem they
always had for the Irish Church, which was ever con-
spicuous for the praise of sanctity, it is a source of con-
gratulation to the Propaganda no less than to the Bishops
themselves, to have received the glad tidings, that the
permission and the means to found an ample seminary
(peramplum seminarium) for the education of youth for the
sacred ministry, has been granted by the liberality of the
Legislature; for which imceasing thanks are due to the
Almighty. And if gratitude for benefits is due even to
adversaries, how much more to those by whose aid God
enables us to lead a quiet life, in all piety.
" The Congregation is confident, from their knowledge
of the Bishops' distinguished virtue, that they will attend
carefully to mese two things.
« 1st, That the young men called to the Ecclesiastical
state be formed and instructed in a manner worthy of that
JSemniseenees of Mdynooih, 167
Tocatioii) as the Apostle teaches ; to advance in faith and
love ; to be sober, prudent, chaste, modest, not given to
wine, not litigious, giving oflFence to none, but careful to
preserve peace in unity of epirit. And that they will
diligently instruct them to be subject to Princes and
Powers ; as obedience to the higher Powers is what the
Congregation impresses on its own alumni in all parts ot
the world.
" 2ndly, That they will use the most watchful care that
they be taught the words of sound doctrine, which they
will also be able to teach others ; lest the flock be infected
with the monstrous errors prevalent in these evil days,
which, issuing in a flood of all kinds of crimes and wicked-
ness, would extinguish not only the knowledge of the
Sapreme Being, but all reUgion, and every feeUng of
humanity itself. Nor should the sacred dogmas, nor the
language used to convev them, be softened down to
conciliate the sectaries; that the entirety of the Catholic
doctrine may be a splendid note to prove the divinity of
the Catholic religion, and to distinguish it from the ever
varying sects; and to avoid all contentions, which are
foreign to the Church of God, who is a God of peace.
" To remedy such evils, let the yoimg men * be not too
hi^-minded, but wise unto sobriety,' and shun all strange
and deceitful learning, how ornate soever it appear ; and
to be safe from error, let them go to the Chair of Unity, as,
according to St. Augustine, * doctrinae Veritas posita est a
Domino in Cathedra Unitatis;' that the nations may
believe, hearing the words of the Gospel from the lips of
Peter, who is always living. Nor should they be ashamed
to be dependent on the magistracy of Him from whom
St Jerome earnestly besougnt a standard to regulate his
judgments and his words*
" But in matters which are discussed salva fide pro and
con in the Schools, a safe guidance is presented in those two
farifht luminaries, St. Augustine and St. Thomas, whose
briUiancy has enlightened and adorned every age ; and
whose doctrine, embracing the whole circle of theological
Aidies, may be the more safely followed, as it Uas been
Qommended in every age by the consent of the wise, the
Jaorees of the Pontiffs, and the tradition of the Holv
168 Reminiscences of Maynooth.
doubts not that from such a choice circle of students m the
bloom of youth, who are the hope of the Church, and now
committed to the C6u:e of the Bishops, and whom the
Congregation fondly embraces, there will go forth very
many fit mimsters of Christ, who will exeinpUfy the truth
of doctrine by the sanctity of their lives, and whose con-
versation, descending from heaven on earth, will force even
adversaries to admiration, and bring them to glorify God."
This letter is dated 9th July, 1796. It shows the
Eatemal solicitude of the Congregation for the Church of
reland ; the more so that it was written at a moment, to
themselves, of the greatest danger and distress. The
French Revolutionary army, animated by those doctrmee
referred to by the Congregation, had, led by their bright
Chieftain, conquered a great part of Northern Italy, and
already had seized some of the Pope's territories; and
were now engaged in the siege of Mantua, then the great
fortress of Austria in Italy ; the fall of which would lay the
whole Peninsula at the feet of the Revolution. It was
while the conflagration was thus rapidly approaching
Rome, the seizure of which was an avowed object of the
Revolution, that the Propaganda was thus careful not to
neglect its duty to Ireland.
After this letter was received by the Trustees, there was
some delay in answering it, as there was no meeting of the
Board till November; on the 17th of which the answer was
agreed to and signed by the Ecclesiastical Trustees.
In their reply the Bishops say, that " When that letter
was read at their meeting, it was received with joy, and
with applause for the grave and prudent instructions it con-
tained, and the charitable care of the S. Congregation for
their welfare. They promise to give eflfect to those in-
structions that concern the interests of reUgion, and the
decorum of the sacred ministry ; that the students will be
instructed in the principles, regarding the Chair of Unity,
pointed out by St. Augustine and St. Jerome, in the words
referred to ; and that the guidance of St. Augustine and
St. Thomas will be recommended to them in those matters
that are of free choice in the Schoola" Itwould be a needless
repetition to ^ve at more length the Bishops' letter ; as they
use almost the same words as me letter from the Propaganda.
But they add that " It is an especial duty for them, and for
all of the Ecclesiastical Order, with regard to the doctrines
referred to, by which men confederated together, are
trampling under foot all laws human and divine, to reost as
ReminiBcenceB of Maynootlu 169
much as they can the evil consequences of them, by sound
doctrine and a blameless life ; and which resistance they
will exert " agmime facto, et in aciem instructo ;" that they
may efficaciously convince the gainsayers."
The expressions used by the Trustees are remarkable ;
and I cannot help viewing them as divining that material
reostance that was brought to bear against those destructive
doctrines ; in which the Empire to which they belonged
acted no secondary part in co-opeyating to bridle the
Sevolution, and to subdue, not France, which, even in its
d^eats, was always a ^eat nation, but the predominance
(A those doctrines ; while France was enabled to return to
the well-known place it always held amongst the nations
of Europe, of bemg the first in those arts that adorn and
dyilize.
The Bishops conclude by saying that, " with regard to
Csttholic Dnity, they received that rule from their Prede-
cesBors, who were surpassed by none in accepting and de-
fending the authority of the Roman Pontiffs ; to which
doctrine, and to aU omers in the sacred deposit of the faith,
they will be always faithful."
Here 1 will close this account of Maynooth College,
having intended from the first to sketch its commencement
only. If 1 proceeded further, and came nearer to modem
times, I would be in danger of moving *' Per ignes suppositos
cmeri doloso." During the time of which I treated the
College was in a condition like that of the Church of the
middle ages, when the words of the Prophet were fulfilled,
''That Kmgs would be its nursing fathers, and Queens its
nurses."^ That state of things has passed away, and may
be considered as the scaffolding that served to erect the
building. The building, in its present state, is more in
accordance with the sentiments of the clergy and people,
for whose benefit it was at first established.
J. GUNN.
^ Isaias, xlix.
VOL. V.
[ 170 ]
THE BENEDICTIO IN ARTICDLO MORTIS.
AN article which appeaxed in the Record for February
makes it necessary to re-discuss the decrees of the
Sacred Congregation on the repetition of the Benedictio in
articulo mortis during the same sickness.
The writer does not go the length of the view put
forward last Septeqiber by Rev. E. A. Selley, that the
Benedictio in articulo mortis can be given '* only " once in
the same sickness, *< however long " that sickness may last.
He draws the line not at the same sickness, but at the
same " fit " of sickness, and holds that it is necessary for a
repetition of this blessing that the person receiving it should
so far recover from the sickness in which he first received
it, that he may be considered to suflFer from virtually a new
sickness, or what is commonly understood by a new attack
of sickness.
I cannot acquiesce in this view, which I think incon-
sistent with the explicit decisions of the Sacred Congre-
gation, difficult to carry out practically, and involving
everything objectionable in Father Selley's view, without
either its simpUciiy or consistency in the interpretation of
decrees.
•^ I am still of opinion that a priest may securely repeat
this Benedictio in each new periculo mortis during the
same sickness which is prolonged : in other words, that
the conditions prescribed by the Roman ritual as inter-
{)reted by O'Kane, following the common opinion of theo-
ogians for the repetition of Extreme Unction, are precisely
the same as those given in the decrees of the Sacred Con-
gregation for the repetition of this blessing, and that what-
ever decrees are alleged in a contraiy sense are at most
80 uncertain in their meaning as to be unavailing against
the dear decisions which I can adduce.
To maintain this view it becomes necessary for me to
re-examine these decrees, even at the cost of repeating
almost all the arguments in my former article, which 1
think Fr. Wiseman has rather evaded than answered ; but
as the question is one affecting our daily practice, it may
be worth while to sift it until we get to a safe and certain
conclusion.
This veiy question arose soon after the publication of
the Bull Pia Afater ; for in the year 1775 we find the fol-
lowing decision. I quote here and all through from the
The Benediclio in Articvlo Mortis. 171
recent edition of the decreta " Authentica" of Pustet, Ratia^
bonne : —
** Benedictio in articulo mortis cum applicatione indul-
gentiae plenariae, potestne bis aut amplins m eodem morbo
qui insperate protrahitur impertiri, etiamsi non convaluerit
aegrotus? Si possit iterari haec benedictio, quodnam
requiritur intervallum inter ejus largitiones ?"
Sac. Congregatio die 20 Septembris 1775 respondit
ad 6™ : — " Semel in eodem statu morbL"
I think I can show that Father Wiseman misinterprets
this answer, which seems to me decretorial on the question.
He would wish to make nothing of it. " Much ado," he
writes, " has been made about the phrase * in eodem statu
morbi*" And why not, 1 askt Is it not the entire and
explicit answer of the Sacred Congregation, and if it can
be shown to have a clear and distinct meaning according
to the well known use of language in the theological
schools, that meaning is binding on us. We are not at
hl)ert7 to emasculate formal decisions such as this, and to
render such a phrase as " in eodem statu raorbi " by " in
one sickness, or, if preferable, stage or state of sickness,"
and then a few lines farther on to substitute ** attack," and
finally to settle down on "fit.'* Surely language, espe-
cially the language of a formal decree, is not this jelly fish
kind of thing that can take any shape ; or rather a kind of
steps of stairs by which the writer gradually lets himself
down from the **same sickness" simply through ** stages,*'
"states," "attacks," tmtil he reaches terra firma (?), and
stands on "fits."
His idea is, that a " novus status morbi," in the sense of
this decree, is such an one as occurs when an interval of
years intervenes between two " fits," or when a patient
having recovered from fever sufiers a relapse.
On the other hand, I say that " novus status morbi "
means no such thing, and that no standard theologian can
be quoted to sustain such a meaning ; whereas I think I
rfiowed beyond all question in my last article that the
phrase " novus status morbi '* had the fixed conventional
meaning attached to it, which I give as determined by no
other Qircumstance than such a change as is involved in
the passing off and recurrence of a periculum mortis.
Let me quote again the words of St. Thomas : —
" Quaedam ergo infirmitates non simt diutumae ; unde
172 The Benedictio in Articvlo Mortis.
statu illo, nisi infirmitate curata ; et ita iterum non debet
inungi ; sed si recidivum patiatur, erit alia infirmitas et
potent fieri aKa inunctio.
" Quedam vero sunt aegritudines diutumaOyUt hectica et
hydropisis et bujusmodi; et in talibus non d^bet fieri
inunctio nisi quando videntur perducere ad periculum
mortis ; et si bomo ilium articulum evadat, eadem infirm-
itate durante, et iterum ad similem statum per illam
infirmitatem reducatur, iterum potest inungi ; quia jam
est quasi alius infirmitatis status ; quamvis non sit alia
infirmitas simpliciter."
If tbat passage be of authority, and it is j;aken from
St. Thomas, quoted by Benedict XIV., St. Liguori, and
almost all the great theologians, the meaning of " status
morbi" **in eodem statu morbi," "alius status morbi*' is
clear. .Every line of it is a distinct contradiction of
Fr. Wiseman's interpretation of these phrases. He asserts
that a relapse in fever may be called a "novus status morbi."
It is no such thing. It is a distinct sickness " erit alia
infirmitas." He asserts that to constitute a novus status
morbi in a prolonged sickness that an interval of years is
necessary between its attacks : there he is equally wrong.
No such circumstance is even suggested in this passage.
The one condition in reference to which we are to deter-
mine whether or not the status morbi is changed is simply
the periculum mortis, and if that periculum is removed and
recm-s there is a new status morbi, whether the interval
between the recovery and renewal of the danger of
death be one of years or weeks.
But what removes this point practically out of the
region of uncertainty, and determines for us the precise
meaning of status morbi, is the fact that in this passage
St. Thomas lays down, for the repetition of Extreme
Unction, the canon which has been followed unanimously
by theologians. Fr. Wiseman will hardly hold that such
an interval as he requires between the repetitions of the
Benedictio, or such distinction as he thinks necessary
between the attacks in which it may be given, is necessary
for repeating Extreme Unction. But the changes, whether
of time or condition, which St. Thomas considers necessary
for repeating Extreme Unction, are those which in a long
sickness, constitute a novus status morbi.
If then we ask St. Thomas and the Theologians how
often we may repeat extreme Unction their answer is
^ Semel in eodem statu morbL"
The Bmedictio in Articulo Mortis.
178
The Sacred Congregation, in answer to the same question
with regard to the Benedictio, decide that it can b©
repeatea
" Semel in eodem statu morbi,"
by what principle of interpretation can we be justified in
iuaiataiDing that both decisions do not mean the same.
And here I have to interpose a remark which ought not
to be necessary. It does not at all follow that because I
argue from the identity of language which theologians use
m reference to the repetition of Extreme Unction and the
Benedictio in articulo mortis, that I presuppose any
similarity of naturebet ween a Sacrament and an Indulgence.
No one will deny that in the first instance I am
justified in giving the Benedictio whenever I am justified
in anointing. What is my justification? The language
of Decrees and Rubrics, and the writings of theologians
explaining them. Precisely the same method is followed
by me with regard to the repetition. I have nothing to
guide me but such authoritative pronouncements, nor any
way of ascertaining the meaning of these pronouncements
except the ordinary rules of interpreting language, and
one of these rules is that language has a fixed definite
meaning, which cannot be changed at the caprice of every
writer.
When I maintain that the Benedictio can be given as
(rften as Extreme Unction, I do so, not from anything they
have in common by their nature, but because the
authoritative decision of the Congregation says that the
Benedictio can be given " semel in eodem stiatu morbi,"
and the distinct and almost unanimous teaching of Theo-
logians lays down the same for Extreme Unction.
The same remark applies to my argimient from the
next decree on which I rely.
As in my previous article, I now print the decree and
the Rubric of the Ritual on the repetition of Extreme
Unction side by side.
Decree.
^ Utmm Benedictio Apostolioa
pliuies impertiri possit novo
mortis periculo redeunte ?
i J CVm te 11.T.
Rubric.
In eadem infinnitate hoc
sacramentum (Extrema' Unctio)
iterari non debet, nisi diutuma
174 The Benedictio in Articulo Mortis.
I think it would be difficult to find two distinct deci-
sions on different subjects not only so like each other, but
almost so identical down to their minutest terma Whether
I am right or wrong in my view, 1 maintain, without any
doubt, that the decree must have been framed with regard
to the Rubric ; yet Fr. Wiseman imagines that he can
run away from the argument by saying that it all rests
" on a fancied similanty of phrase." Indeed I do fancy
that there is a great BimUarity, and much more, and it is
simply childish to try and deny it.
JBut then Fr. Wiseman's difficulties only begin. He has
to interpret both the Decree and the Rubric consistently
with his views, and it is amusing, to follow his efforts. " Si
convaluerit " in the case of the JBenedictio, means, accord-
ing to him, total recovery, so that any further attack would
be virtually a new fit of sickness. *' Si convaluerit," in
the case of Extreme Unction means nothing, because '* no
convalescence " is required for its repetition. Of necessi^
he must give a similar twist to, " iterum in periculum mortis
incident." The " novum periculum mortis " means, in the
case of the Ben6dictio, such a change in the patient's
condition as occurs in a relapse in fever, in which, accord-
ing to St. Thomas, there is not " aUus infirmitatis status/'
but alia infirmitas, whereas it means, with regard to
Extreme Unction, merely the vicissitude in the patient's
state which is involved in mere Ungering for a good while.
Surely nothing but the stress of argumentative difficulty
could drive anyone into such absurdities. ** Si conva-
luerit" and "novum periculum mortis" mean the same
thing in both cases. 1 may be wrong in the meaning I
ffive them, but in one thing I know I am not wrong, and
tnat is, in maintaining that whatever they mean in the Rubric
they mean the same, neither more nor less, in the Decree.
My argument on this head is, I think, complete here.
Yet I think it well to add instead of Fr. Wiseman's gloss,
St. Liguori's exposition of the Rubric on the repetition of
Extreme Unction, as laying down authoritatively the safe
opinion to follow in this matter, and as illustrating most
luminously the meaning of the Decree on the repetition of
the Benedictio.
« Unde adverte quod in morbo duitumo, siinfirmus post
unctionem certe manserit in eodem periculo morti£^ non
potent rursus ungi." {Lib. 6, Tract 5, n. 715.)
The Decree lays down " Benedictio non potest eadem
permanente infirmitate, etsi diuturna iterum impertiri."
The Benedictio in Articulo Mortis. 175
What is the meaning of eadem permanente infirmitate
etfii diutuma ? Mind, not eadem infirmitate, but eadem
pomanente? It is to be interpreted in contradistinc-
tion to the second part of the answer ; ^^ Si convaluerit et
iteram in mortis pericnlum redeat," that is, it means exactly
what St Liguori lays down for Extreme Unction, and not-
withstanding Fr. Wiseman's long years of study, I prefer
to foUow St Liguori rather than hun, and hold that it can-^
not be repeated when the patient, eyen in a long sickness,
has remamed in eodem penculo mortis.
Again, let us consider St Liguori's exposition of the
conditions in which, according to the Rubric, we may
repeat £xtreme Unction, and compare with it the affirma-
tive part of this decree.
"Si ob mortem impendentem quis unctus fuerit, et
evaserit, et deinde ex eodem morbo in aliud simile periculum
mortis rursus incident rursus ungi debet.
Again, he says in the same place, ^' Praesciptum
Tridentini, * Si convaluerit,* non potest veiificari nisi saltern
probabiliter a periculo mortis exierit."
According to St Liguori, then, there is a strict
correlation between the convalescence expressed by " Si
convaluerit, and the escape from the periculum mortis ; and
a necessary condition for the repetition of Extreme
Unction is the return of another sucn danger. Apply his
exposition to this decree of 1838* ** Affirmative Si con-
valuerit, et deinde quacunque de causa in novum mortis
periculum redeat," and word for word, does it not fit it as
accurately and exhaustively as if it were written for it
originally, and not for the Rubric on the sacrament of
Ex&eme Unction.
There remains one minute point of difference to be
noticed^ The Rubric runs **m eadem infirmitate nisi
diutuma," whereas the decree is " eadem permanente
infirmitate etsi diutuma " ; but the explanation is obvious.
In the Rubric we have the simple phrcuse " eadem infirmi-
tate," and then " nisi diutuma " with a qualification of
diutuma ; in the decree we have " eadem permanente
Q^rmitate, etsi diutuma/' a totally different expression.
I think, then, I am justified in maintaining that these
two decree" '^f 1775 ana 1838 are so explicit in allowing
176 Tlie Benedictio in Articulo Mortis,
opinion until an equally clear decision is given on the oth^
side*
Nor does the interestii^g history of PrinzavaUi's mistake,
by which he led Maurel and other writers on indulgences
astray, tell against the conclusion.
When the Congregation had definitely settled that the
Benedictio could be repeated in each new status morbi, or
in each periculo mortis, a further concession was sought.
2°. Utrum vi praecedentis resolutionis prohibitum at,
infirmo in eodem mortis periculo permanenti impertiri
pluiies ab eodem, vel a pluribus sacerdotibus hanc facul-
tatem habentibus Indulgentiam Plenariam in articulo
mortis quae vulgo Benedictio Papalis dicitur ?
Sac Congregatio die 5 Mar., 1855, respondit.
Ad 2™. Affirmative ad utrumque, firma remanente reso-
lutione in una valentinen. Sit die 5th February, 1841.
That decree makes it plain that the Benedictio can be
given only once in " eodem periculo permanente," and is
inconvenient only for those who were led by Prinzavalli
into holding that in such circumstances it could be re-
peated.
It has this further use, that it shows the insecurity of
any private authority in deahng with decrees of Congre-
gations. Personally, Prinzavam was a high authority on
indulgences, and even Substitutus of the Congregation.
Yet we find him going wrong on a most important practi-
cal point, and setting astray so learned and careful a writer
as Maurel, S.J., who even went to Borne, and remained
there, I think, for years, that he might derive the doctrine
and accurate decisions at the foimtain head.
For that reason I do not think that Father Schneider, S. J.,
is entitled to pronounce the final decision on the question
which I now oiscuss, and I much prefer to consider his
arguments than his authority, weighty though it be, in
discussing decrees of Congregationa
However, he is cited for tne direct contradictory of my
proposition ; and an expUcit decree of the Congregation
IS alleged for the view, that even when, according to the
ritual, Extreme Unction may be repeated in a long illness,
the Benedictio Papalis may not be repeated.
7^ Licetne aut saltem conveni^e iterum applioare
Indulgentiam in articulo mortis 1^ Quando aegrotus
accepit applicationem in statu peccati mortalis. 2^. Quando
post apphcationem in peccatum relapsns est. 3^ Quando
post applicationem diutuma laborat aegritudine,ano verbo^
Thi BatedicHo in Articulo Mortis. 177
Souido ritnale permittit autpraecipit iterationem Extrema©
nctionia, ant confesBariuB judical iterandam esse absolu-
tjonem.
Sac. Congregatio die 20 Jmiii, 1836, respondit.
Ad 7", ad 1" et 2° negative, ad 3° prout jacet negative
paritcr in omnibus.
Here, they say, is the whole question settled, eind in
clear terms.
But we may be allowed to observe — 1°. That this
decree ia prior to that of 1838, which I have ehown has
decided beyond yea or nay, that the Benedictio may be
repeated in the circumstances in which the Eitual pre-
Bcribes the repetition oi Extreme Unction. 2". The Con-
gregation answers directly " Negative " to the first and
second divisions of the question, but with the important
prefix of " prout jacet " to the third. I called attention in
my last article to this qualification, which simply puts the
decision out of this argument : yet Father Wiseman quietly
ignores the point. So, too, does Father Schneider, S.J.
in my humble opinion their omission to discuss the value of
this qualification is quite enough to invalidate their author-
ity, because if they were twice as great men as they are,
tkey can hardly aBk us to believe that " Negative " and
" Negative prout jacet " mean the same thing.
1 contend that "prout jacet" indicates a defect of form,
not of substance, in the question, and I should be inclined
to enrmiee that the mind of the Congregation was that the
fienedictio and Extreme Unction did go together, but that
an affirmative answer to the question, as put, might lead
farther than that.
Besides, it is one thing for me to contend that they go
together according to the Rubric, and for the Congregatioo
to determine one in terms of the other.
leld with regard to the repetition
beyond those which 1 have quoted
Thomas. We know, from Bene-
views were held in the Eastern
man be a fair authority it would
tch them in the American. It ia
t first Bight to determine amongst
s meant by " quando permittit
g a very indefinite term,]and this
178 The Benedictio in Artieulo Mortis.
show that it is, that it wonld be unreasonable to depart
from a practice which has grown up under the sanction of
clear and explicit decrees such as mese of 1775 and 1838,
on no better authority than a private and obviously
erroneous interpretation of a most obscure decision.
There remains to be noticed the opinion which I am
satisfied weighs much with the writers from whom I
presume to differ, that the Indulgentia attached to the
benedictio in Artieulo Mortis, is only gained at the moment
of death, remains suspended during a sickness, however
long it may be, and consequently that the repetition of
the Benedictio must, in such a sickness, be a useless
ceremony.
I might retort on these gentlemen, and maintain that the
fact that the Church allows the Benedictio to be repeated is
an evidence that its repetition is not useless. But, as I said
in my last article, we have to do here, not with a priori
reasoning, but with positive decision,
♦ However, I may say that I do not think it at all certain
that the Indulgence is suspended until the actual moment
of death. Such a separation of an Indulgence from a
special blessing to which it is annexed is so extraordinary
a thing, that I can accept it only on the authority of a
most explicit decree, or the unanimous opinion of writers
on Indulgences.
We are asked to believe that when Benedict XIV,
grants power " Benedictionem Apostolicam cum applica-
tione IndulgentiaB plenarias Christi fidelibus in Artieulo
Mortis constitutis impertiri ** he meant " in Artieulo Mortis
constitutis " to be an equivocation— to mean in periculo
mortis as regards the Blessing and " in vero Artieulo mortis '*
for the Indulgence.
The form of appUcation given by him runs :—
" Indulgentiam plenariam et remissionem omnium pec-
catorum tibi concede." " Concede/' in the present tense, and
absolutely, yet it too has to be qualified. It means what
it expresses if the person die, but if the person does not
die, it means nothing at all, or rather is completely
falsified.
The following reason, which is given by Amort, a great
authority on Indulgences, and who wrote in the time of
Benedict XIV., deserves consideration : —
<<Est exorbitans a stylo Ecclesise et sana ratione
suspendere effectum Indulgentiaa ad conditionem indepen-
deutem ab homine quantumvis jam posuerit omnes con-
The Benedietio in Artieulo Mortii. 179
didonee ex parte sua pro Incrandis Indulgeatiia reqiuaitas. —
(TheoL Moraiifl. Tract XIII., n. XIV, Qusea. 27.)
These reasona eeem so strong that I should reqtiire a
yeej clear decree to displace them, and one directed
.ezj^esdy to this Becedictio Apostolica. Yet it will strike
many readere, I am snre, witli surprise, to learn that no
such decree exists, and that no decree bearing at all, even
indirectly, on the point, has emanated from the Sacred
Congregation since the Bull Fia Mater was pubUshed.
There is an old decree. No. 9 in the collection of Deer.
Anthentica, of the date of 1675, the Bnll Pia Mater being
pobHshed in the year 1747, and by that very Bull the
conditions under which this Benedictio Apostolica was
given, were completely altered.
However, let tib just consider the decree itself.
1° Utnun indulgentia plenaria in artieulo mortis quae
one alia declaratione adjecta concedi solet, in vero mortis
artieulo accipienda sit, an in presumpto, an demum in
ntroqueT
Sac rVinflTeeratio die 23 Aprilis, 1676, respondit, Ad l"
ipi." Observe there is no direct
Apostolica even as it was given
to be given under the Bull Fia
I to any particular blessing or
;eDce was attached, but simply
fvhich a particular indulgence
claratione accipienda^'sit, which
3 gained," or " is to be under-
er meaning to avoid discusfflon.
3f this decree ? Considering it
comes to this. If a plenary
rtis is granted without any
d of the Pope as to the precise
aed, beyond the simple phrase
at phrase to be understood?
lulgence in artieulo mortis is
. particular sodaUty or to those
;ertain devotion, or personally
anything in the terms of the
e tune for which it is made,
3 mortis, are we to understand
1 moment of death, or simple
180 The Benedictio in Articulo Mortis.
Here we have "alia conditio adjecta," and the plainest
indication of the mind of the Pope, and therefore 1 hold
that this decision does not apply to the case. Some forms
in use amongst various confraternities have been referred
to as evidence that a suspension of this indulgence until
the moment of death is not out of keeping with the
practice of the church. " Has the writer,*' asks Rev. W. J.
Wiseman, in the pride of his erudition, "never seen any of
the formularies by which the indulgentia plenaria in
articulo mortis is conveyed to members of several confra-
ternities : * quod si presens periculum Deo favente evaseris,
sit tibi haec indulgentia pro vero mortis articulo reservata?'"
The writer has seen them ; and more than that, he has
seen a decree of Sac. Congregation dated 18th May, 1879,
by which several such formulae which were in use amongst
the Tertiaries of various orders were abolished, as " in their
obvious and literal sense opposed to the truth, and injurious
to the dogmatic doctrine of indulgences," and for the
future it was ordered that :
" Formula Benedictina est praescribenda sub poena nullitads
pro omnibus indiscriminatim facto verbo cum SSmo."
That decree ought to put an end to arguments founded
on the Uteral sense of these old formulas.
Nor can we draw any inference as to the tin^ at which
the indulgence is gained from the refusal of Sac. Congrega*
tion to allow the repetition of the blessing for a person
who received it in mortal sin, or commits mortal sin after
its reception. Any one who attends to the manner in
which tnis blessing and indulgence have been restricted in
their use by the church, will see that they have not been
regarded as the simple right of the faithful, but as a great
privilege, anciently entrusted only to episcopal hands for
distribution amongst the people, and even now dispensed
only by priests specially delegated for it.
In conclusion I have only to add, that I trust a more
mature dehberation will suggest to Rev. W, J. Wiseman
the possibiU^ of his being in error, and the propriety of
qualifying his very dogmatic assertion, that all who differ
from him and act on their opinion, are not only " silly but
sinfuL"
Edward T, O'Dwter.
[ 181 ]
COKRESPONDENCE.
Was St. Boniface an Irishman t
TO THE BDITOB OP THS HUBH ECCLBStABTtCAL KECORD.
Ret. Dkab Sib, — ^The question, "Was St. Bonibce an Irish-
msn," proposed by your coireapondent in the last number of the
IfiiSH Ecclesiastical Record, cannot foil to interest very many
ofyoDr readers. The English writera of the present day, almost
witboQt exception, claim St. Bonifoce for their countryman. Nor
is thia to be wondered at; for, whilst the royal families of England
bare given many sabts to the Calendar of Holy Church, and the
Anglo-Saxon cloisters have yielded abundant fraitfi of piety, there
tra comparatively few of England's sons whose names are enrolled
iBKOg the apostles and sainted missionaries of mediieTal Europe.
On the other hand, St. Boniface is a missionary of whom any
BitioD may be justly proud. His labours in propagating the
futh in the eighth century were those of an Apostle, and the im-
mortal services which he rendered to Germany, as well as his
riitnes, and writines, and heroism in martyrdom, have won for him
ightcst ornaments of Christendom in
it England should have found so able
Everyone must admit that her case
lealy with all his usual vigour, pre-
ning; and if the desired conclusion
ises, it certainly cannot be said that
St. Boniface was an Englishman, it
any way this great missionary saint
ftt I am convinced that the witness of
I's claim. The roll of Irish saints
Ltrons in Belgium, Franco, Switzcr-
lany, is too illustrious that we should
er lands ; hut it would be ungenerous
rch, whom we so love, to surrender
d son whom the authentic voice of
n, Dr. Healy cites : (1), ike words of
i Bonifacii ;" (2), an extract from a
Zachary ; (8), the metrical " Martyr-
BD In any way the authority of these
182 Correspondence^
Sancti BonifaciL** Two questions must be asked regarding that
work : first, who was the Willibald by whom it was written ?
second, have we the genuine text of WiUibald^s work ?
On the first question, Dr. Healy adopts the opinion that
Willibald was a cherished disciple of St. Boniface, '^who calls
himself a priest, and seems to be the same Willibald whom Boniface
appointed to the See of Eichstadt about the year 740." This
opinion was held long ago by such able men as Canisius, Serarios,
and Mabillon. The writer of the life would appear indeed to claim
identity with that disciple of St. Boniface, when he dedicates his
work to Lullus and Megingaud '* clarissimis coepiscopis," and
when, at the end of the life, as edited by Wicelius, he adds, *^ Ego
Willibaldus Episcopus, etc., conscripsi." Nevertheless, the
Bollandist Grothfried Henschen, S.J., writing after Mabillon, has
proved to evidence that the work is not firom the pen of Bishop
Willibald, disciple of St. Boniface ; and, without entering into his
proofs, it may suffice to state that the two great German his-
torians of our own day, Pertz in *'Monumenta Historica Grer-
maniae," and Jaff^ in ^' Monumenta Moguntina," have adopted the
opinion of the Jesuit Henschen.
As regards the second question, I fear it must also be admitted
that we are far from having the genuine text of Willibald's work.
Not to wander too far from the matter now before us, I will
merely cite the words of Jaffe, the ablest editor of the text : " Est
vero cognitum (he writes) opusculum hoc non integrum usque ad
nos remansisse ut maxime verisimile sit, jam primom
vitae exemplar detrimenta cepisse hiatusque et nmas postea levi
brachio oblitos fuisse." (Monum. Mogunt. page 424.)
But I have said that it is only as a matter of erudition that I
refer to these points ; for I wish to waive all this. I will accept
in full the statements made in the three passages relating to
St. Boniface. What do they affirm ?
(1) In the Vita, by WilUbald, the scenes of the saint's boyhood
are laid in the south of England, and the saint, at an early age, is
said to have been enrolled among the religious Brethren in the
Monastery of Adestancastre, on the banks of die Exe in Devonshire,
in or near the present City of Exeter.
(2) In the second extract, St. Boniface, writing to Pope
Zachary, mentions the transmarine Saxonland '' in qua natos et
nutritus foL"
(3) The Martyrology of Wandalbert refers to St. Boniface as
bom in England, '* Anglis editus."
All this only proves that St. Boniface, by accident of birth^
was bom cU Crediton in Devonshire ; but it affords no proof that
St. Boniface was not an Irishman. We have seen, in our own
time, a somewhat similar discussion about Cardinal Wiseman, and
Dr. Grant, Bishop of Southwark, and Archbishop Strain, of
Edinburgh. Their birth-place may be assigned to Spain, or France,
Correspondence. 183
<ffSeotland; bat wbo vQl renture to deny, vliat they themselves
itteeted a thousand times, that they were all three sons of old
The "probable " reasooa advanced to prove that St. Boniface
nam Englishman, will not detain ns long:
(1) Hb name Wyofrith, in later documents more commonly
writteo Winifred, is pure Saxon. To this I reply, that it is
quite uncertain whether the name Winifred was given to him
io baptism or on his embracing a religions life ; nor should it be a
matter of wonder if Boniface, born in England, would receive at
baptinn a Saxon name ; however, it is far from being improbable
tlul both the Saxon Winifred, and the Latin Bonifacius {i.e, bene-
Scent), are nothing more than translations or adaptations of hie
ariginEil Celtic name. There was another Irish saint, known in
Scottiah history by the name Boni&cius, who, nevertheless, is regis-
tered in our calendars by his Celtic name of Curitan. May not this,
ia like manner, have been the original name of St. Boniface, the
Apostle of Giermany ?
(2) " His associates in his apostolic labours in Germany were
■S, or nearly all, Angb-Saxons." That there were several zealous
'""' " " *■' * with St. Boniface in his apostolic
it it wonld be a mistake to suppose
ting among the most cherished com-
ihard, foremost among the bishops
I ; Bishop Eoban, his companion
Bishop of Burabm-g, were Irish,
narratives in St. Boniface's life
LB described aa going forth to wel-
man, devoted to Giod's service from
pilgrim from Ireland to Gaul, and
years. Hearing of the abundant
Boniface, he wished to be sharer
ooiface, who had seen in vision a
he See of Wnrzburg, now tenderly
lard, and turning to those around
ren, for God has sent us the chosen
ollected in Wurzburg by St, Kilian,
>nilt a cathedral church, in which
Kilian and companions, and dedi-
»tion of these Irish martyrs. In
■g are still preserved the fine old
queathed to his spiritual children.
■eligious capital of all the territory
erected his cathedral there, not nn-
184 Correspondence.
great ceDtre of piety for all the faithful of the adjoining territory.
The name Witta is the Celtic Fintaa. For instance, St. Fimuan,
of Moville, was known in England as St. Winnio: and the Saxon
tongue loved to assiiydlate the n before d or t: thus not to multiply
examples, Brendan became Braddon, and St. Gwendoline's Church
was called Uanwaddolen. There was, moreover, a host of other
Irish missionaries scattered throughout the Prankish Kingdom at
this very time, as St. Dobda, St. Alto, St. Declan, to say nothing of
St. Ferghal and St. Sedna. But we should hold in mind that it.was
from England that St. Boniface set out on his German apostolate,
and it would be strange, indeed, if we were not to find him accom*
panied by several religious from the Anglo-Saxon monasteries.
(3) He treated the Irish missionaries with *' a singular harsh-
ness." This I cannot admit. It is unquestionable, indeed, that at
this very time jealousy of Ireland's renown had taken hold of some
of the Anglo-Saxon schools ; and we would not err perhaps were we
to assign, in part at least, to this very spirit of jealousy, the decay
of piety which was witnessed at this period in the English church.
But such men as Venerable Bede and St. Boniface were above
those petty jealousies, and none more than they lamented the sad
state of irreligion to which England was now (reduced. Some of
the Irish missionaries were St. Boniface's chosen companions,
as we have just seen, and if he wrote in the strongest terms
to Pope Zachary against the errors which were erroneously
imputed to St. Virgil (Ferghal) and St. Sidonius (Sedna), it appears
to me that it was not any national antipathy, but rather his apos-
tolic earnestness and love of the Faith that made his words more
forcible than otherwise they might have been. Moreover, it must
be borne in mind that anything he wrote about the supposed
errors of those missionaries is mild indeed compared with his bitter
denunciations of the Anglo-Saxon pilgrims who lived forgetful of
their religious duties on the Continent.
I come now to the direct proofs that St. Boniface was an Irishman.
The principal witness in favour of Ireland^s claim is the chronicler
Marianus Scotus. He received in Baptism the name Moelbrigte,
but he is better known as Marianus, the name which he assumed
when he embraced a religious life in Germany,. and as was usual
in those times, his contemporaries added the epithet ^ Scotus,' i^^
' the Irishman,' to designate his country and distinguish him from
others of the same name. He begins his chronicle with the words:
^' In nomine Sanctae Divinitatis, Resurrectionis Christi inquisitio
incipit, quam Marianus Hibernensis inclusus congregavit." He
was bom in the year 1028, as he records in his chronicle under
that year: "Ego miser Marianus in peccatis fui in hoc anno
natus." Educated under the care of Tighemach of Boirche, Abbot
of Moville, in the County Down (whose death is recorded in our
Annals in the year 1061), he became a pilgrim for Chnst, and
entered a monastery at Cologne in 1056 : ** Ego Marianus pere-
Correspondence. 185
grinns factor pro regno coelesti, patriam motuavi (sic), et in
Colonia, 5 feria, Kal. August!, monachus efifectus." Two years
later he was enrolled among the religious brethren at Fulda, and
he was ordained in 1059 at Wurzburg, as he takes care to record,
" JQXta corpus Sancti Kiliani martyris." For ten years he led the
life of a strict recluse in Fulda, spending his whole time in prayer
and study ; but in 1069, with the consent of the Abbot, and at the
inTitation of the Archbishop of Mentz, he proceeded to that city,
and he continued, till his death in the year 1082, to pursue the
same austere manner of life in the hermitage chapel at St. Martin's
MoDastery in Mentz. Dr. Lanigan writes of him that ^' his reputa-
tion for piety was very great ; and, as to learning, he has been ever
ance considered as one of the first men of his times," and adds that
hk Chronicle '^ exceeds anything of the kind which the middle ages
have produced." (Ec Hist. iv. 7.) His chronicle became the
groondwork of most of the later chronicles, particularly in England,
and William of Malmesbury was so proud of him, as to boast that
he was a lineal descendant from the family of Venerable Bede.
Ihring the past centuries his fame was not a little impaired on the
continent in consequence of spurious additions introduced by
Lutheran editors into the printed text of the Chronicle, and espe-
cially by the entry which purported to record the election to the
Popedom of the Papessa loanna. However, in our own days his
£air fame has been fully vindicated, and the accurate edition of the
Chronicle by Waitz, in the 7th vol. of Pertz*s " Monumenta
Historica Germaniae," has revealed the fact that not one of those
heretical or offensive entries is to be found in the genuine text.
In this matter, indeed, of the authentic text of Marianus*8
vork, all question has been set at rest by the discovery of the
original MS., of the Chronicle in the Vatican Library, whither it
was brought from Mentz, and where it is now accessible to all
students of history. It is classed among the Palatine MSS.,
No. 830, membr. saec. xi. The greater part of the Chronicle was
dictated by Marianus, and written by an expert Irish scribe, who
attests in a marginal Irish gloss that he was engaged at this
task for the Recluse Moelbrigte, at Mentz, the year of the murder
<^ Biarmid, King of Leinster, whose death is recorded in our Irish
Annals, and in the Chronicle of Marianus, at a.d. 1072. ** It is
pleasant for us to-day, 0 Maelbrigte, recluse, in the enclosure
Idusail) in Mentz, on the Thursday before the Feast of Peter, in the
fart year of the yoke (ilegaid, i.e., the religious profession) that is,
ikt year in — ^ich Diarmait, King of the Leinstermen was slain, and
*VJ_ ;_ ji ■ T . e A It
18,6, Correspondence^
fir9t foliQS, however, of thc^ Chronicle, and those from folio 150 to
folio 166 are writt^a in Marianiis's hand ; and, farther, his addi*
tions and corrections rup through the whole text. After the year
1074, in Marianus's own writing, the Colophon is. added, giving
us the author's name : —
' Hiiltuiu ob excerptos legimus barbaricos
Beges Justificandos g^taque turbida egenos :
Collige litteram anteriorpm,volvito summam,
Bxistat numeratu^ aiictor ; intra require,
Rectus omnes me tulit in. novum (t.e, librum) ordine laudis.**
Putting together, as he directs, the first letters of these words,
we have '^ Moelbrigte^ Clausenair Romtinbl," which I find trans:
late4 in one of the Wadding.MSS.: " Moelbrigte, inclusus coenobita,**
that is, * Moelbrigte, the hermit Recluse.*
I have been particular in these details that the reader may
underistand that in the following passages relating to St. Boniface,
we have the authentic testimony of the most accurate Irish
chronicler Marianus, who spent the best years of his life in the
exercises of piety and the pursuits of study, at Fulda and Mentz,
the great monastery and diocese which honour St. Boniface as
founder and patron.
I will now reduce to a few heads the. testimony given by
Marianus in regard to St. BonifiEu^e : —
(a) He tells us that both the father and the mother of St.
Boniface were Irish : a.d. 715 : " Hie (Papa Gregorius) erat vir
caistus et sapiens, qui Bonifacium, patre atque etiam matre Scott am,
ordihavit Episcopum ad sedem Moguntinum, et per eum in
Germania verbum salutis praedicavit, gentemque illam in tenehris
sedentem evangelica luce illustravit."
(b) He expressly calls St. Boniface an Irish Archbishop :
A.D. 7^23. ^^Juramentum Sancti Scotti Archiepiscopi Bonifatii
(sic) in ecclesia Sancti PetH Apostoli coram Papa Gregorio
Secundo."
(cV In the marginal additions to the text made in Marianns's,
owA hand, St. BonLface is said to have been from Ireland : ^ Iste
enim Bonif^itius de Hibemia, missus est cum WiDebrordo Anglico
Episcopo, ut in vita ejus Willebrordi lejptur/^
(d) Passages from Pontifical letters are cited by Marianus,
addressed to the Irish Boniface, Archbishop of Mentz. Thus :«^
^'Epistola Gregorii ad Bonifacium Scotituin Moguntinupi (sic)
clusenair isin clnsail immagantia isin dardoen ria fel petair isin cet blia*
dain denilegaid -1- Idn bliadain irromarbat diannait ri lagen, agus iai^ds
cetha bliadain tanac sa aalbain in peiegrinitate mea,*' &c. This text hMi
been inaccuirately piibliahed by Z^ufis and dimmer. It is fttntfigQ to fod
that both those Grennan schol^.omit the.^iai^ clusail/' an4 .both. SQ^.,
ttitutedendegaid for *' denilegaid,** though this is quite plainly wntten m*
the ancient manuscript. In some less important oetidLi' they ^dietStom
one another^ both difEering frotnthe authentic text.
i
Gorre9pondenee: 187
«
Aidiiepiscopam." ^'Epistola Zachariae Papae ad Bonifacium
Scottiim Archiepificopum Moguotinum data nonas Januarias," &c.
Again : *' Alia epistola Zachariae Papae ad Bonifacium Seottum
.^jchiepiscopam Mosruntinnm."
(e) Wh«i iQCording the dtetraotion of the monaBteries of
St. G-ail: and Falda, in the Hnngarian incarsions, he links these
great monasteries together as founded by Irish saints : a.d. 1037.
«< Monasteriasanetonim Seottorum, Sancti Galli et sancti BoniCacii,
igne consnmanttir."
It will be said, perhaps^ that Marianns was prejudiced in this
case,. and; that. he allowed love of country to give a bias to those
entries in his chronicle which refer to St. Bonileuse. HowcTer, you
will searcdi in, vain for any trace of such bias or prejudice through-
oat the work of Marianas. He was indeed thoroughly acquainted '
with the ecdesiastical history of his- country, and refers with
pardonable pride to Ireland's saints and her fame for sanctity.
Thus, at A.D. 521, recording the death of St. Bridget, he takes
oare to call her an Irish virgin : ^' Sancta Brigita Scotta virgo in
HibemiA obiit." In the heads of chapters of Book the "iniird '
(No. 63), he refers to St. Oolnmbanus : ^'Sanctus pater Oolumbanus
etx nostra .sanctissima insula Hibemia,^ quae insula sanctorum nomi-
oatur, cum sancto Gallo et aliis probatis discipuHs in Burgundiam
venit.'^ And here I may- remcu-k that Waitz, in the printed text,
adopts tke reading inmla-Sootorum^ but in the MS., the latter word
has the doable contraction usual with Celtic scribes when writing
SiUKtorum^ so that th^e can be no doubt 'as to the true reading
iuula Sftftetorunu Again, at a.d.' 674, we have: ^'Hibernia,
imula .Sanetorum, Sanctis mirabilibus perplurimis sublimiter plena
habetor/' where Waitz gires the accurate reading of the text. So,
too,, at A.D.. 667, Marianus commemorates St. Kihan-as' an Irish
saint: '^Sanotus Kilianas Scottus, de Hibernia iusiria natus,
Wirziburgensis Episcopus darus habetur."
Bnt if Marianas is - thus attentive to give Iteland her di!ie meed
of'praise^ he is not less particular in removing aU doubt as to
England's claim to her illustrious saints. Thus, at a.d. 372:
^SanctosiPatricius nasoitur in Britania insula ex patre nomine
CUpuint." JuiK 431 : <' Sanctus Patricius,- genere Brittus, a
Sancto Celestiaa Papa consecratur." a.d.- 694: '^Sergius Pkpa
oidiiuurit^ venerabtlem virnm Vilbrordum, cognomine Clementem,
FresQoumigenti Bpiscopum, de Britaoia natum, genere Ataiglicum."
Again: .^' Ecberctus vir sanctus, de gente Anglorum, etsacerdos
monaflhica vita et peregrinus exomans,- plurimaa Scotticae gentis
pnyvinoiaa ad . canonicam pasehalis - temporis observantiam, a qua
diutius aberraverant, pia praedicatione convertit anno ab Incarna-
tione'Demini juxta Dionysium 71 6i^ These entries suffice to
prove jtkat'Mananus did not alibw himself to be influenced by mere
mrtjonal bias in assigning to> their respecdre nations the great
Bants-Sffhomhe commemopates. On the contrary, his accuracy and
188 Correapofidenee.
impartiality, as shown in the above entries, are a sure gaarantee
that he did not allow himself to be influenced by national prejudice
when dealing with St. Boniface.
But Dr. Heal J remarks that the repeated use of '^ Bonifacius
Scottus " is rather a proof '^ that the point was questioned at the
time.'' It is to be presumed, indeed, that the point was questioned.
It is probable that many of the Franks and Saxons supposed
St. Boniface to be an Englishman, because he had come to them
from England, precisely as they supposed St. Willibrord to be
an Irishman, because it was from Ireland he had set out on his
missionary enterprise. In proof of this latter assertion, I may refer
to the following entry in the ancient catalogue of the Abbots of
Epternach, the monastery in which St. Willibrord's relics are pre-
served : '^ Sanctus Willibrordus Ibemus, anno Domini 658 natus,
venit ex Ilibemia trajectum anno 690." (Published by Brusch,
" De Monast. Eptem.") So, also, Molanus, in his Martyrology,
in accordance with the Grerman tradition, calls St. Willibrord an
Irishman, " Willibrordus Hibernus." As Marianus wished to cor-
rect this latter error by attesting that Willibrord was " de Brit-
tania natus, genere Anglicus," so he set at rest the former mis-
take by recording that Boniface was ** de Hibemia/' ^'patre atqae
etiam matre Scottus.'*
It must be borne in mind, however, that Marianus does not
always add as a mere matter of course the epithet Seottus to
St. Boniface's name. On the contrary, having recorded the fact of
his Irish nationality, he, in the direct entries regarding the
saint, seldom makes use of that designation. Thus, we find at
A.D. 743: '* Sanctus Bouifatius Moguntinus Archiepiscopus clams
habetur;" At a.d. 750 : *^ Pipinus decreto Zachariae a Bonifatio
Moguntino Archiepiscopo unguitur (sic) in imperatorem, et deinde
ob id post Papam secundus habetur episcopus Moguntinus;" and
again, commemorating his martyrdom at a.d. 765 : ^' Sanctas
Bonifatius Archiepiscopus adnuntianB verbum Dei in Fresia passus
est cum aliis martyribus, nonas lunii." Thus, it is not by a set
phrase, or as a matter of hobby, that Marianus speaks of *^ Boni-
facius Scottus ;" and if in the heading of some of the Pontifical
Letters addressed to St. Boniface, we meet with the phrase *^ ad
Bonifacium Scottum," it appears to me that in this case Marianas
inserted those documents with their address and context precisely
as he found them, as we know by many examples was the usage
of the old Celtic annalists. It is to be borne in mind that
although in the printed text nothing but the titles of these
Pontifical Letters is given, the Letters themselves are inserted in
Marianus's original manuscript.
Dr. Healy interprets the marginal entry, *' Bonifatius de
Hibemia," to mean that ^* Boniface was in Ireland before he canie
with Willibrord to Germany.'* I cannot accept this interpretation ;
for, in the first place, it is not consistent with historic truth, all
Corrapondence. 189
uthoritiei being agreed that it waa trom the Anglo-SaxoD
•dmolfl St. Boniface prooeeded on his mission to evangelize the
Gtnnans; and, aecondly, because the phrase de Hibemia, like the
Bmilar phrase de Brittania, has a definite meaning in the pages of
Uarianns, and is need to indicate the oation to which the saint
betoDged.
I come now to Trithemius, who conSrms the statement of
Htrianus, and attests that St. Boniface was "Scotus natu,!' that is
m Irishman ; but Dr. Heal;]' writes that " the statement of an author
wbo fionrished at the eod of the fifteenth century, is entitled to no
ipedal weight in fixing the birth-place of a man who flourished seven
bnsdred years befora his time." For my part, however, I assign
consitierable weight to the authority of TrithemiuB. He was abbot of
tbehmoas Benedictine Monastery of Spanheim, and was remarkable
imong hia contemporaries for the accuracy' of his historical koow-
ledge. The treatise " De Scriptoribos Ecclcsiasticis," in which he
inigns St. Bonifitce to Ireland, is still regarded as a classical work ;
ud Gams, a learned German writer of the present day, does not
Iwntale to assert that Trithemius, in this treatise, " surpassed all bia
predecessors of the Middle Ages." One fact, moreover, should add
weight to the authority of Trithemius in the matter of which we
treat He held in his hand the traditions of Meutz and Fulda^
thstfis, of the See of St. Bouiface, and of the great monastery
which he founded. It appeara to me that it would be alike strange
to suppose that if St. Boniface were a Saxoo, the traditions of
Henti and Fulda would assign him to Ireland, as that Liixeuil
■sd Rohhio would conspire to assign to England their great patron
ud founder St. Columlnuius. But, it is said, that Trithemius cites
Mariaous, and evidently consulted bis chronicle. It is to be pre-
nmied, indeed, that it was so; but whilst Trithemius accepts as
mrrect the statements of Marianus relating to St. Boniface, be
becomes voucher to us that those statements are conformable to
the traditions of the spiritual children of St. Boniface, which is the
k of Msrianos's authority
oar correspondent proposed
d. His " Commentary on
lifterent in style from the
rurin. Three ancient MS.
it the Vatican, and in the
last, which I repeatedly
inal MS. of Claudius. It
it is written on the finest
7e Irish band as the " Book
le MS. heirlooras that have
190 Correspondence.
dedication of die commentary to the Abbot Jastns, ait *w1io0e
request it was written, and this, of itself, if other proofs were
wanting, should suffice to mark out the nationality of the writer.
Dr. Lanigan, indeed, «ays, that " perhaps " this title may be an
addition of a later age ; but, with all xespeot for Dr. LanigaA,
such a line of argument, resting on a mere conjecture regarding a
MS., which he did not take the ironble :to ^examine, cannot be
allowed a place in serions criticism. 60 for as I liave been able
to discover, there is no trace in the " Commentary on tiie Oo^iel
of St. Matthew," of -any of those errors which St. Boniface imputes
.to Clement, ** genere Seottus," and which, at his request, 'were
condemned in the Sj^mod of Bishops of the Frankish kingdom in tiK
year 745.
4^ Patrick F. Moban, Biskap ofOatorif.
St. Boniface.
to the £ditob of the ibish ecoi^siastioal record.
The Presbytbrt, St. MartchuroHv
Torquay.
Sir, — Will you kindly allow a Deyonshire Priest to make a
few remarks upon your very clear statement of the grounds for
regarding the Apostle of Germany as -an Anglo-Saxon.
1. The correct intetpretation of the '' Adesoanoastre" of the
life by Bishop Willibald is^ " Near the Fort on the Exe," not the
*' £sk," the latter name belongs to two rivers in Scotland, and to
one in Cumberland, as well as to a lake in Donegal, but is unknown
in Devonshire.
3. Crediton, or Kirton, is said to be the native place o£
St. Boniface in the old Exeter Lectionary, revised by Bishop
Grandisson, a.d. 1B27. The Best Lection of the second Noctum
begins : '* Beatus Bonefacius in Westsaxonum Provincia Angtie
apud Creditoniam, in Devonia, ^bc" There is still to be seen at
Crediton, *' St. Wynfrith's Well ;" and there seems much pro-
bability in the conjecture that Crediton was chosen to be the
Episcopal See, 140 years before St. Edward the Confessor founded
the Cathedral of Exeter, on account t>f its having ^ven birth to
St. Boniface.
3. I venture to call in question one of your grounds for
judging St. Boniface to iiave been an Englishman. You saj,
''If he were an Irishman, he certainly treated his fsllow-country-
men with a harshness quite as singular as the sympathy which, ia
that hypothesis, he ahows for the Anglo-Saxons." Are you im>4
implying that in the eighth century the same antipathy existed
between the Irish and the English which now unhappy obtains ?
I can find no trace of such an antipathy in the writmgs of
St. AHhelm, or the Venerable Bede. The former describes how
English scholars streamed over to the Irish centres of learning
Correspondence. 191
fike bees to a hive, and draws a pleasing picture of tlie kindly
llieodore, Archbishop of Canterbury, surrounded by youug Irish
monks, whose eager powers of disputation so hotly pressed the
eood prelate as to make him appear like an old boar defending
himseU from a pack of hounds. We may judge of the warm
sympathy that existed between the Anglo-Saxons and their Irish
brethren at this period, by the indignant liorror with which
Venerable Bede narrates the atrocious outrage committed by
Egfrid, King of the Northumbrians, who, in 684, '* sent Beort,
Ids general, with an army injto Ireland, and miserably wasted that
harmless nation, which had always been most friendly to the
English: Gentem innoxiam et neUioni Anglorum semper amicutai-
vtam.** — (H. K, B. iv. c. 26). It is p}easaQt to look back at a
period when this could be said, and I therefore trust you will
pardon my protest against importing into that age of amicable
rivaby .our own more modem antipathies. Dr. Mervale, the
Protestant Dean of Ely, in his presidential address last year
before the '* Devonshire Association," makes a point of Saint
Boniface's supposed antagonism to '* the Celtic or British forms of
fiuth," I believe most unwarrantably ; but he will claiin you as an
anthority on his side.
I should like to say something about Clement and Adalbert,
and also about the Yirgilius, whom Pope Zachary says, '' lied
wickedly," and whom I cannot kdmit to have been St. Virgil,
Bishop of Salzburg, but 1 have already made my letter too long.
—1 am, Sir, yours faithfully, W. K. Cam'ok Brownlow.
We beg to thank onr correspondent for giving us the
correct nanie of t&e Devonshire river: the Latin name
Tmded'ns. As to his seconcl point, we have only to say
that we stated our own conviction honestly, and that we
turrived at it mattirely, after k carefol perusal of most of
tiie letters of St. Boniface. He undoubtedly did show
great sympathy for the Anglo-Saxons, and no sympathy
for the Scoto-Celts ; but we by no means accuse £l\ his
countiyn^en, either then or how, of antipathy for, or even
a want of sympathy with, Irishmen. J. H.
A StTGfOESTIOk
TO THE EnrroB of the ibish ecclesiastical becord.
^ . , WiTHAM, Essex.
SiBj — ^In the part of your jperiodical devoted to correspondence,
tDow me, please, a small space , in which to nif^ke a suggestion,
whicB *"«^ Af. T«i^y not, be 'worthy of notice. The suggestion is
192 Correspondence^
than the ordinary run of Irish papers, were estahjished and placed
under ecclesiastical management or Rupervision, a paper with good
and well-written leading articles upon Irish and Catholic subjects,
and with interesting Irish and Catholic news and information, a
paper well got up and printed, and arranged somewhat after the
manner of the Tablet, the Weekly Register, the Spectator^ or the
Pall Mall Gazette f Like the Tablet, it might be " A Catholic
Weekly Newspaper and Review," and deal largely with Irish
educational and ecclesiastical matters.
By the way, if we, English Priests, want to know anything of
the educational, ecclesiastical and Catholic state of affairs in
Ireland, it is chiefly to the Tablet we have to turn. 8trange to
say, there is not, I think, in Ireland a single Catholic newspaper
which may be termed an Ecclesiastical one ; that is, one dealing,
if not exclusively, at least principally, with matters interesting to
Catholics in general, and, above all, to priests. And by the
way, too, how many eloquent and splendid Irish Catholic sermons
are lost to English Catholics, and also to the world, for want of
being reported and published in occasional and cheap numbers,
and so forming what might be entitled, " The Irish Catholic
Pulpit."
But to continue. There are not wanting, I am sure, in
Ireland, or amongst Irishmen, talent and ability for the manage-
ment and conducting of such a paper as I suggest. With a staff
of steady and thoughtful directors, and of able and talented
writers, such a paper, I think, could not fail of becoming a
success, and of becoming the leading Catholic paper of Ireland,
and a paper most acceptable to priests, and to Catholic educated
laymen. And no doubt the paper would, in time, have a sale in
England and Scotland, equal to that of the Tablet and the Weekly
Register in Ireland, and containing general 9JiA interesting Irish
and Catholic news, would also have an extensive circulation in
America and Australia. The paper might be entitled. The Irish
Catholic Chronicle : a Weekly Newspaper and Review ; or, perhaps
better, The Irish Chronicle: a Catholic Weekly Newspaper and
Review. I have done. — ^Faithfully yours,
An English Priest.
Clandestxnxty and Domestic Servants.
Our correspondent ** Dunenfiis," referring to the decision
which we gave in the case made ny "Canonicus
Dublinensis," where the servant, after having the banns
twice published in one parish, " resigns her situation in
that parish," leaving it miaUy and for good, and takes a
room in another parish, in which she intends to live after her
marriage, and where, in our opinion, she gets married law*
fullj and validly, observes as follows, in reference to onr
Correspondence. 198
opinion, and our quotation from Dr. Murray in its support,
(see Record, vol. iv., new series, page 740) : —
** Now, what I dan*t understand is the ffrottnda of the universality
of this solution. It is true that we must have conjoined the
*< &ctQm habitationis,*' and the '' intentionem ibidem perpetuo
habit&ndi,^ in the case of a domicile, and in that of a quasi-
domicile, the " factum, et animum ibidem permanendi per majorem
aani partem." In cases, however, such as that proposed, there
most be numberless instances in which, owing to want of means
and other causes, which might be easily specified, the '' animus
habitandi perpetuo, vel per majorem anni partem '' is not absolute,
bat merely conditional ; the condition beipg that of marriage.
Hence, in such instances, we would have the validity of marriage
dependent on a condition which does not exist, and which will only
exist when the marriage has actually taken place. In other word^
the existence of a condition necessary to the validity of a marriage
depends on the due celebration of that marriage, and the validity
of the marriage itself depends on the existence of a condition which
is simply non-existent. Such is the difficulty in which your solution
involves me. May I trouble you to elucidate it ? — Faithfully
Toors,
" DUNKNSIS."
We think, if our correspondent refers to the last num-
ber of the Record, in which we pointed out that speculative
imcertainties of this kind, whether regarding the tenure of
the house, or the means of living, cannot affect the acqui-
sition of the domicile in the eye of the law, he will find his
first objection satisfactorily answered. As regards his
second objection, that the animus perpetito habitandi is con-
ditional on the marriage, the distinction to be made is very
obvious: it is conditional on the intention of getting
married, we admit ; it is conditional on the actual marriage,
we deny. What is conditional on the actual marriage is
actual residence subsequent to that marriage; but not
actaal residence before it, nor the intention of living there
after it
In reference to another statement, incidentally quoted
bom the Rbcobd by " Can. Dub.," that parties from the
coontry, even when the female does not mean to return
again to her father's house, may be validly married in
Dablin by her own countrv pastor, because the sponsa
loses her n, and intends to acquire her husband's
194 Correspondenee.
marriage at some length, and with much ingenuity; tut,
inasmuch as the same question was asked and answered
in the Record before (see new series, voL iii., page M3),
we think it unnecessary to re-open the case again, aiid
beg to refer our correspondent to the place indicated for b
solution of his difficulty.
A correspondent, who eignfl himself a "Cotmtry
Priest," asks whether he is bound to perform the Oaesarean
Section in order to baptize a foetiis less than four months
and a half old, when the mother, too, is dying of a lingef-
ing and painfol disease, and, moreover, there was no one
there to help him, and a doctor assured him that, in any
case, there would be no use in his performing it. W6
answer, most decidedly not — the last reason alone woulA
isuffice ; and we may add that, in oiu: opinion, in this
country a priest is rarely, if ever, bound to perform this
operation, in order to baptize a child or a foetus,
J. H*
Butter on Fast Days ouTsroE Lent.^^Stipendium
FOR THE SECOND MaSS.
TO THE BDITOB OF THE BOOLBSIASTICAL BBOORD.
Rev. Sir, — ^May I trouble you to give replied to die two
llowing queries in the next number of the Record : —
1. Does the dispensation granted by the Holy See for the use
of butter at collation during Lent apply to the same meal on other
fast days outside Lent ?
2. In a diocese where the Priests who duplicate on Sundays
have permission from the Bishop to adopt a honorarium for each
Mass, is there any law to prevent a Parish Priest, should he find
it necessary to duplicate, ^m accepting a honorarium for his
seccmd Mass ? — Faithfully yours,
A. B.
As to the first question, we cannot speak with certainty,
because we have not seen the original applicatioix. We
^re inclined, however, to think that the phvilege, su<^h as
ft is, extends to fast days outside Lent; for the bhlV
Exception made regaHs the ^more solemn f^ dKje^
'#hicn se^ms to ref^ to black fast days of Lent-^th^y iure
lBf{>ecial]y excepted.
' If our correspondent in the second question '^r<£9 i&b
Bishop's permission iaccurately. Parish Priests Wb6 nrb
^aUoided to duplicate are not included, for hh b^^ ihat
- k. .., -y .
Correspondence^ 195
Bishops gire permiflaioii to priests who duplicate on Stndays
^tD accept a honoraritim for each Mass/' He could
give DO such permission. to Parish Priests — one Mass at
least must be said for their flock, and without a honorarium.
But, if the Bishop considers himself jufitified in giving «
general permission to Priests who duplicate to take a
honorarium /or t/ie second MclsSj then we should isaj that
the Parish iSiests ^re included, and may take that honot^
aiiom for the ^saiiie puita et grams cawa which warrants th^
Bishop in granting the permission to ta;ke a honot'arium
for the two Masses, in the case of the Curate, may justify
faim in granting permission to the Parish Prie^ to take it
fbr their second Mass. J. H.
DiRBCTOEIUM, fflBU OrTK) OFFIOn DiVINI RBOITANDt.
TO THE EDITOB OF THE IRISH KCCTLBSIAfltlOAL RECORD.
Rev. Dear Sir. — ^The DirtcXoriunif seu Ordo is an annual
publication of great importande to the clergy. It is in their hands
dailj for reference. It has an enduring interest extending over
the entire year. A compilation of so opportune and practical a
character -shoald above all things recomttiend itself to its supporters
bj deamess and complet^iess in matter, as well as hj convenience
in form. The labour and devotion which the reverend and revered
compiler bestows on his work year after year cannot be dented
genoine appreciation on all sides. But where Canon Kehoe's
work concludes, the publisher makes his advance and unduly
intrudes on the attention of the clergy with some 282 pages of
totally extrinsic and superfluous matter in the line of business
advertisements and public noticeSb The result is that the ** Ordo "
proper of 120 pages is made so gross and cumbersome that a priest
is obliged when going £rom home for a day or looger to tear out a
leaf containing the required office which he runs the risk of lonngor
misplacing at one time or another^ and thereby peiplexing
himself for a time at least very considerably. It is time to ^leak
freely on this mattw. What is wanted in the #ay of an Otic is
a emaU and w«ll got-np pocket issu«^^aper aild lettlarpress the best*
I have no doubt that the olet^ could be supplied with an Ordo
of this class for a shilling or under^ The cletgy use the current
Ordo only of necessity. They have no oheice. Tliere is a okss of
matter, specially selected and appropriate, which might with
advantage be partially intermixed with the Ordo without altering
die character of the publication or adding very much to its sub-
sCftnoe. A few texts of dogmatic or tno^ extracts given at thd
md of each page wotlld give warmth to the tnatter, atid sei2iQg th6
eye and the mind, would help those about to recite the great
prayers of the church to cdlect theii thoughts, and thus ^' Dign^
196 Correspondence.
attente, et devote ofBcium recitare, et exaudiri ante conspectnm
Divinae Majestatis." Such texts abound in the Psalms, Book of
Job, Imitation, Memoriale, and in the works of St. Francis De
Sales and St Teresa.
Nearly four years ago (Record 1880, vol L, No. 6) complaint
was made by a correspondent, ** W. O'B." of the '^ bulky and
expensive way our Ordo is brought out."
I will supplement my present remembrance with the cogent
remarks of W. 0*B. and so conclude. '* One hundred and fifty pages
are taken up with the Orcio proper, the rest being devoted to advertise-
ments which, for the great majorityof priests, have no interest, and for
this we are called on to pay 1<. 6d. Now, I think they (the
priests of Ireland) could and ought to be supplied with a handy volume
containing what is necessary for sixpence. Other improvements
might also be introduced into it with advantage, but I content
myself with objecting to the size and price. I may remark that
the English clergy have their Ordo for sixpence. In Rome and
Belgium the price is still less."
I am, &C.) &c.,
Gbo. Joseph GtOwimo, P.P.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
Dear Sir,— ^Amongst the Statutes of our Diocese I read the
following admirable one : — " Omnino prohibetur Clericis nostris,
mib qtiocunque praetextu, pecuniam accipere in tribunali penitentisB.
The ** pecunia " here referred to usually takes the form of an
^' honorarium " for Mass, and the Statute as it stands receives
three different interpretations, viz. : — (1) Some say it no longer
binds, for that custom has abrogated it ; (2) others contend that
you may accept when the confession is over, but not before ;
(3) lastly, there are those who maintain that you cannot take at
all, before or after.
Those who adopt opinion No. 1 are certainly wrong^ for I have
it on the highest authority that this Statute stiU retains its binding
force.
It therefore is a question as to the interpretation put upon it
by Nos, 2 and 3. I hold that the words ^' in tribunali penitenti®"
mean not alone the Confession but the Confessional also, and that
therefore opinion No. 2 is incorrect. I shall thank you for your
reading of it. — Your's in Christ, W. J. P.
We should say in this case — consolatar episcopus.
Meanwhile, however, we are inclined to agree with our
correspondent that the Statute forbids taking any money,
not only during confession, but also before or after it.
And if it meant anything else, it would be perfectly
useless. J. H.
[ 197 ]
LITURGICAL QUESTIONS.
L
The BUssinff of the Baptismal Font on the Vigil of Pentecost,
Rev. Deab. Sm. — Would you kindly inform me : —
V. Is there an obligation of blessing the B^tismal Font on
the Vigil of Pentecost, and what is the origin of this obligation ?
^, If the answer be in the affirmative, I would ask further is
the Font to be blessed on the Vigil of Pentecost —
(a) If it is still almost full of the water coosecrated oa the
preceding Holy Saturday ?
(h) If the faithful are unable to be present at the ceremony ?
(c) If there is in the parish or diocese a custom of not blessing
the Font on the Vigil of Pentecost ?
I am aware that the Ritual uses the particle vel in giving its
directions on this point (in Sabbato Sancto vel Sabbato Pentecostes).
(yKane, in his Treatise (4th Edition), leaves one under the same
impression as the Ritual does, viz., that it suffices to bless the Font
either on Holy Saturday, or on the Vigil of Pentecost.
Kindly enlighten me on this important question.
A. O. R.
I.
Yes; the Font is to be blessed on the Vigil of Easter
and of Pentecost. The Rubric of the Missal {in Vigilia
Pentecostes) is clear on the point ; it supposes the ceremony
of blessing wherever there is a Font, just as on Holy-
Saturday. The Council of Rome held in 1725, under
Benedict XIII., speaks of the obligation "quod juxta sacra
canonom statuta Kituali Romano praescribitur ut solemnis
Kilicet per eos (parochos) bis in anno, utroque Sabbato
ante sacratissimum Pascha et Pentecostem, baptismalis
Fontis benedictio persolvatur."
The Congregation of Rites has also decided this point
a? Sept., 1844, n. 4993).
Tins enactment has had its origin in the ancient discip-
line of the Church. In the early ages it was usual for
inahops to reserve to themselves, except in cases of neces-
6tf, me administration of baptism.^ This custom accounts
&r the fact that in the old Churches the baptistery was
ttoally found in connection with cathedrals only. It was
1 ** Frimum est olim in soHs fere cathedralibus ecdesiia extitisse hap-
198 Liturgical Questions.
E laced ueax the cathedral for the convenience of the bishop,
ut outside of it to indicate that it is by baptism one is
made a member of the Church, and allowed to participate
with the faithful in the sacred mysteries.
In those early times it was also customary to admimster
baptism only twice a year, viz., on the Vigils of Easter and
Pentecost,^ except in cases of necessity. On those two days
the Font was blessed, and then followed the administration
of solenm baptism with the newly consecrated water. In
course of time, as the number of the faithful increased, the
Church had to change this discipline. Baptismal fonts were
attached to parochial churches, and the ceremony of con-
secrating the water and administering solemn baptism
were no longer exclusively episcopal fonctiona But, while
changing her discipline to meet the exigencies of the time,
the Church was desirous to retain some part of her ancient
practice, in order to connect the new with the old discip-
line. With this purpose in view she continued the practice
of consecrating the baptismal water^ as oi old, on the
Vigils of Easter and Pentecost, and gav>e expression to her
mind in the Rubrics.*
II.
(a) Yes ; the Rubrics i*equire the consecration of the Font
bis in anno, viz., on the Vi^ls of Ekifiter and Pentecost.
This enactment is independent of the arrangement pro-
vided for blessing baptismal water in case the water oi the
Font failed in the intervals between those vigils,*
(b) Yes, for the same reason.
(<?). Yes. This caae was submitted to the Congregation
of Rites in 1844 by the Bishop of Orvieto. The bishop
explains tha4; he fouiKi in his diocese an immemorial custom
of blessing the Fonts only once a year, that is, on Holy
Saturday, and not on the Vigil of Pentecost, and he asked
the Congregation whether he may conform to this custom.
Tie Congregation replied : " Having diligently examined
the rubrics and decrees, especially the decree of the 12th of
August, 1775, in Lueana, in which it is cleariy laid down
that parish priests ought to bless the baptismal Font on ,
the Easter and Pentecost Saturdays, we- answer that the
^ SiRiaus Epist, ad Bimerium, Leo Magnus Epist, 4 et 80. Gela-
sius Epist, ly c, 12, apnd, CavalierL 6aRI>ellini, note to degree
23 Sept., 1837, n. 4820.
" CaVALIERI, ibid.
>GARDELLiNi,note to decree of 3rdSept.,18d7,n.4820. MABTomca^,
lib, iii. cap. viiL n. 1. " EV^clesiae, in quibus adest f ons baptiamalis teneotiir
function^pi pez^^ere h^ijiis die^ nje^o licet i^iaiocho. ipmu o^utteijeJ'
IMurgical Questiona* 1^.
aforesaid custom, abould be elimini^d a^. an abuse and
conUary to the Bubnca"^
II.
The Bkised Sacrament reseroed in a Priest' $ house inMs absence^
Prieats on the Mission in Ireland are allowed, for weighty
reasons, to keep the Blessed Sacrament in their houses. If the
Priest is on his vacation, can the Blessed Sacrament be kept in his.
house in his absence ?
It should be bor^e in mind that the Priest is responsiblo
not only for the regular renewal of the Blessed Sacrament,
but also for its safe guardianship. Who is. tq be the .
guardian of the Blessed Sacrament during his long absence?
Moreover, the reason why the great privilege of keep*
ing the Blessed Sacrament in his house is given to the.
wdx Mi88io^ary Priest, is that he may have the Viaticum
in. readiness for the many sick people of his parish. Now^
during his vacation, wluch may extend to two, iiiree, or-
four w;eek;B, YnBpyxU is certainly not to be usedy I presume,
for. a sick call, and accordingly it would, in our opinion, be ,
much bettfsr not to reserve the Blessed Sacrament in bisi
house during this prolonged absence from home^
IlL
7^ Blessed Sacrametit reserved in the Oratories of certain
Communities.
I, Is it allowable for persons not Priests, say, Christain Brothers,
to keep the Blessed Sacrament in a room fitted up for the purpose ?
2; If not, who can give the necessary permission, and is it
moreover required that tl^ document granting the privilege should
be posted in any part of the room ?
&. W^ty if Mass is never or hardly ever said during a whole .
year in this loom or oratory where the Blessed Sacrament is kept ? •
^XJrbenetanae Ecclesiae nt primmn lenmiciatus fuit Epis. R.)^.D.
Jeieph, Maria Archiep. Yespignani, Fastoralis sui muneris partes Busci-
piens.iQud aoimadyertit conveniens minus, immo uniyerMJi prari et..
rabricarom sanctioni contranum, quod in ecdesiis. ubi Fons B^^tismaliB .
reperitur, ipsius Fontis benedictio semel tantmn per annum Sabbatb,
nimiram ante Besurrectionem Domini peragebatnr, quin eaden^ bene-.,
dictio iteretur Sabbato etiam ante Pentecostem. Immemorabili huic in
nia dioceasi consuetudmi quum suffragare compererit Synodales leges,*
QuiiL pro Buo arbitcib quid^uam in re deoemeret memoratus Praesul
o.jEC«C. humilimus datus precibus adivit, eique rem ipsam exponens enixe
rogarit ut dedarare dignaretur num immemorabili huic consuetudini
Btandmnsit?
B£m. vero ac Rmi Patres . . . attentis Rufarioornm Banctioni-
bot^kp.a^i^ I)ecan$ti9^p^^rtim,^in^ Lqcfma d|^ 12 ApriUsj 1775, in^nOf.
deludde edicitur parochos Fontem feaptiamalem Sapbatisjli^bqs Fa^«
cbatis et Pentecostis benedioere debere respondendum oensuerunt :—
Cometa4iiMm,vthU akvawB^ ct^IUtbricis coatrarit^ esse'tliminandafB.'
17 Sept.,' 1844.
200 Liturgical Questions.
We are not allowed to take the Blessed Sacrament to the sick
merely that they may pray before it. Has this any analogy to the
question? Besides, many of those houses to which I refer are
only a few minutes' walk from the church, and the inmates are not
bound to enclosure.
1. We have treated this question at considerable length
in the Record,^ Vol. II., pages 365-370 (1882). On that
occasion we concluded our essay in the following words : —
" From all we have said, our opinion as to the answer to be
given to the questions proposed by our revered corres-
pondent may be easily irderred.
First, we think that the bishop has no power to give
permission to the Christian, or Patrician, or Presentation
Brothers to reserve the Blessed Sacrament in their domestic
oratories, unless he has received special faculties for this
purpose. Because it is not in any sense necessary that it
should be kept there per modum Viatici.
Secondly, for the same reason, we think it is not in the
Eower of the bishop to allow it to be reserved in the poor-
ouse chapel merely to give the resident nuns and others
an opportunity of visiting the Blessed Sacrament. It may
perhaps be allowed to be reserved there as Viaticum for
the sick, as in the chapel of a hospital.
We cannot say what are the special faculties of our
bishops on this point, &c.
We are allso unable to state what are the privileges of the
Communities you mention, but we conclude from the fact
that they reserve the Blessed Sacrament in their private
oratories, with of course the permission of the bishop of
ihe diocese, that they have received the necessary Apostolic
Indult ^ranting the privilege.
2. We do not thmk that they are obliged to post thehr
Indult on the walls of their oratory, or to show it to every-
one who questions their claim. This is a matter to be
settled between the bishop «ind the community.
3. The general rule is to require a daily Mass where the
Blessed Sacrament is reservecL^ The Holy See has, in
some special cases, relaxed the stringency of this general
rule and required Mass only foiur times a week, and in a
case lately decided, only once a week, but I have met no
case in which it dispenses altogether with the celebration
of Mass in private oratories where the Blessed Sacrament
is reserved. In this case the Indult should be examined
and its provisions observed.
» S.R.C. 16 Mart. 1838 (4,700). S. Cong. Ep. et Reg. 22 Mart. 1864.
Liturgical Questions. 201
IV.
Questions on the New Rubrics.
Bbv. Sir — ^In connection with the recent changes in the
Calendar, kindly afford the following information :—
1. Feast of St. Cyril of Jerusalem is fixed by Papal Bull for
March 18th. Why is it given in our Ordo for the 23rd?
St. Gabriel's Feast is the same day with the Romans as with us.
2. Feast of St. Justin fixed for April 14th, our Ordo makes no
mention of it — why not ?
3. On the 10th of January fDom. SeptuagesimaJ our Ordo said :
'* Com. S. Scholasticae (dupl.) sine nona lectione." Should not the
9th lesson have been read. Similarly in the case of St. Fintan
(dupl.) on January ITtfa, Dom. Sexagesima.
4. Have the Feasts of B. Urban and S. John Leonard been
extended to Ireland ?
The Feast day of St. Cjml of Jerusalem in the universal
Calendar is on the 18th of March, but in the calend&'-s of
particular churches the dies jixa of this, as of other feasts,
may be different.
St. Cyril's feast, being only a minor double, cannot
be held on the 18th of March either in Rome or with us,
because in both calendars the 18th is the feast of
St Gabriel, which is a major double. Neither can it
be placed on the 19th in the Roman calendar or in ours,
for the 19th is St. Joseph's feast. In the Roman calendar
the 20th of March is the first free day after the 18th, and
accordingly in the very Constitution, Nullo unquam tempore^
to which you refer, the Pope states that the 20th of March
is to be the dies fixa for St. Cyril's OflBce in the calendar
of the Roman clergy. With us the 20th is not a free day,
neither is the 21st nor 22nd, all three being already occupied
by double feasts, and so the earliest day on which it is
possible for us to celebrate St. Cyril's feast in any year is
the 23rd, the first free day after the ^ 8th in our calendar.
Hence the 23rd becomes the dies Jixa^ or feast day, of
St. Cyril in our calendar.
St. Cyril,beinff a doctor^ is transferable ; and consequently
his feast may be later than the 23rd, propter occurrentiam,
as happens this year when the 4th Sunday of Lent falls on
the 23rd.
Our correspondent will also remark that the feast of
St ^ril of Alexandria of the 9th o^ February is Jixed in
^02 Liturgical Questions.
14th of November for the 14th of December. These
particulars are stated in the ConstitutioQ itself, I^uUo
tmquam tempore.
II. In tnis your Ordo is right. There are nine days in
the year on which simplified doubles are not to be com-
memorated, namely, the three last days of Holy Week,
Easter Sunday and the two following days, and Pentecogt
Sunday with Monday and Tuesday of the same week. In
the present year Easter Monday will fall on the 14th of
April.
III. The Ordo was right. The 9th lesson of a com-
memorated feast is not to be read on a Sunday which has
a 9th responsory, "quae lectio de Sancto non leritur,
quando de eo fit commemoratio in Dominicis quae h^ent
nonum responsorium " (Tit ix. 10). The Sundays you
mention had the 9th responsory.
IV. No, the feasts of B. Urban and B. John iLeonard
have not been extended to Ireland.
V.
Dear Mr. Editor — Can you inform me if it is right for a
priest to hold the Chalice in his hands while reading or reciting
prayers prescribed to be said on bended knees after Mass. In
Rome the Chalice is not removed from the altar till after the
prayers. •
There is no express prohibition, as far as we know,
forbidding the practice you mention, but the Roman custom
of not removing the chalice from the altar till the prayers
are over, is manifestly safer and more becoming, and to
be preferred. When those prayers are read from a book or
chart, the celebrant is not allowed to lay the book on the
burse, and if he tries to support the chalice with the left
hand only, the right beiug engaged in holding the book,
the paten, burse, and purificatory may be easily upset. The
attitude is certainly not a becoming one, and we ou^t,
moreover, to follow the practice of Rome.
VL
The name of the diocese is to be inserted when the prayer
" Deus omnium fidelium " is said for the bishop of the
diocese.
In the last number of the Record (February) it was
stated, in reply to questions sent to us, that the name of
' the diocese should be omitted in the prayer, ** Deus omnium
Notices of Books. 208
fdeGmn pastor et rector,/ when said for a bishop on the
occasion of the anniversary of his consecration. The answer
was 60 obvions a mistake that it could have misled but
very few. The name of the diocese should, of course, be
inserted, as is very plainly indicated in the Missal, where
the letter N. is placed after the word Eeclesiae^ and in place
oi the pronoun suoij in the prayer, " Deus omnium fidehum,"
given in the Mass in Armiversario Electionis sen Consecrationis
Episcopi
The prayer is printed in the Missal thus : —
Deus omniam fidelium pastor et rector, famulum tumn N.
<iaem pastorem Ecclesiae N. praeesse voluisti. .^^ J, iN^rnn
R. Browne.
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Uriel ; or the Chapel oj the Holy Angels. London : Burns & Oatbs,
1884.
Hiis little volume is a republication of a charming tale which
speared in the columns of our excellent contemporary, The Irish
Monthly. On a previous occasion we referred to the power and
literary skiU shown in the seventh and eighth chapters of this story ;
it^ perusal, as a whole, now confirms us in the opinion we expressed
then. We have no idea who the writer is ; but we can truly say
that we have not for a long time read anything more attractive
than " Uriel ; or the Chapel of the Holy Angels." Wo hope it
will have a wide sale : it deserves it. J. H.
Ellif^s Irish Education Directory for 1884. Dublin :
M. H. Gill & Son.
This excellent work b every year increasing in size and utility,
and secm*ing a more extensive patronage. Much new matter has
been this year introduced, especially a very full and interesting
•8}Dopsis of our Irish Educational Annals from 1320-1883. The
informalion concerning the various educational institutions in this
«oantrj is accurate and abimdant ; even the recent changes made
in the management and personnel of the Catholic University are
204 Notices of Books.
surprised to find that it is largely availed of for this purpose hj
the managers of schools of all denominations. We heartily wish
it a long Ufe, and a widening sphere of interest and utility.
J. H.
The Manucde Parvulorum is a translation firom the Latin of
*' Thomas h, Kempis." It is a tiny little volume, very neatly
brought out, by the Messrs. Gill, and bears the imprimatur of
His Eminence Cardinal M'Cabe. It is written in the spirit of the
" Imitation," and will no doubt prove a useful and welcome gift to
to the " little ones *' for whom it is destined.
In the current number of the Dublin Review^ which we failed
to notice last month, there is an interesting article from the pen of
Father Delplace, S. J., on " Wycliffe and his Teaching concerning
the Primacy," in which the learned writer shows that, in spite of
his errors and inconsistencies, the great parent of the Reformation
in England was very far firom holding Protestant views on tliis
important question. The article is well worthy of perusal. We
have also a number of other interesting articles on " Secular Edu-
cation," " The Copts," " Madagascar, Past and Present," and the
" Notices of Books " are, as usual in the The Dublij^, very full and
interesting.
The Irish Monthly continues to pursue its varied and interesting
career. The ** Original Correspondence of O'Connell," now pub-
lished for the first time, is one of the most noteworthy traits of our
enterprising contemporary, and must be specially interesting to the
admirers of the immortal Liberator. May its shadow never grow
less.
Liber Status Animarum^ or Parochial Begister^ Dublin :
Browne & Nolan, Nassau-street.
The Synod of Maynooth, as our readers are aware, direct
Parish Priests, and others entrusted with the care of souls, to have
a Parochial Register, in which they are to keep a record of the
names, the age, and the religious condition of all the inhabitants
of the parish, as prescribed by the Roman Ritual. Everyone
knows the great assistance which such a Register will afford to the
parochial clergy in the discharge of their duties. It is prescribed,
too, that it should be open for the inspection of the Bishop at his
visitation of the parish. We think it well, therefore, to call the
attention of the clergy to the excellent form of Parochial Register,
which, at the suggestion of some of the Bishops, has just been
published by Messrs. Browne & Nolan. It contains, on the face
of each double page, a column for marking every particular which
the Parish Priest may find it necessary or useful to note, and is
published at a very low price. When this Registry is once
filled in, it may be kept with very little trouble, and will greatly
facilitate the labours of the Parochial Clergy.
J. H,
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
APRIL, 1884.
SYSTEMS OF GRACE, FROM THE THOMIST
POINT OF VIEW.^
UflTH the Editor's permission I would ask a little sj)ace
n in the Record — just enough for a few observations
on the article entitled " Systems of Grace," which appeared
m the number for last December.
Although a Thomist, and therefore one to whom
**the phantoms" that disturb the mind of the writer of that
article are, and have been for many years, living reaUties,
I should not have thought of reviving an old domestic
controversy, the resuscitation of which, however useful in
exercising trained intelligences, carries us too far from the
sphere of modem Polemics to serve any practical purpose-
In Theological works on the subject of Grace, and some
topics aUied to it, the Thomistic and other views are, no
doubt, to be found explained mth more or less of detail,
and the various points emphasized, according as the incU-
nation of the. writer led him in the direction of either
Thomism or Molinism ; but, as a rule, while announcing
iiid justifying the view adopted by them, Theologians
have not nesitated to allow the admissibility of the con-
trary opinion. This was precisely the conclusion arrived
a^ after protracted disputations, over two centuries ago
a oonclusion that, so far as 1 know, has undergone no
<j«uige from that time to the present. This state of things,
fcdWever, appears unsatisfactory to yqur contributor,
CIJ.M., to judge from his article, so far at least as the
206 Systems of Graces from the Thomist Point of Vieic.
Thomistic view is concerned. Thoraism is, he thinks,
clearlj^ out of couil; ; indeed his impression for years was
that it was utterly defunct, and his theological conscience
takes fright at the mere suggestion of a possible retitm to
its tenets ; and, no doubt with the best nitentions, he sets
to work in very downright style to ridicule its pretensions
to any degree of credibiUty. The Thomists, according to
him, entangle themselves in the meshes of inconsistency;
their system is derogatory to the Divine attributes ; it is
at variance with the doctrine — a very important one — of
" sufficient Grace," and utterly subversive of free will, the
principle of merit and demerit.
I do not pretend to have enumerated all, but only what
seem to me the weightiest pai;ts of the indictment against
the Thomistic view. The charges are certainly formidable.
But are they true ? I hope to be able to show that they
are not. The work would be easier and the defence made
not less piquant, perhaps, than the attack, had I the
advantage of having before me the view patronised by the
writer. As it is, Thomism alone is before the readers of
the Record, and therefore I shall confine myself to a
defence, or apology for that system, which is my own,
merely saying for the present that it is in the power of a
Thomist to raise difficulties against the systems to which
he is opposed, not less startling in their character than
those objected to him, and as puzzling, in one instance at
leasts as the famous Thomistic knot of free will under
" physical premotion."
Keeping, then, exclusively to the Thomistic theory of
Grace, it is necessary, in the first place, to state it clearly
and a little in detail, even though this involve reference to
questions not in controversy, but having a bearing on the
subject. A clear and adequate view of the system will
help to remove some of the difficulties, and may present it
in a more favourable light than the lively Khetoric of
C. J. M. has cast around it.
The subject of Grace is one of acknowledged difficulty.
St. Augustine speaking of it, says : " Ista quaestio, ubi
de arbitrio voluntatis et Dei gratia disputatur, ita est
ad discemendum difficilis, ut quando defenditur liberum
arbitrium negari Dei gratia videatur, quando autem
Dei gratia asseritur, liberum arbitrium videtur auferri."
(De Grat xl. et Peccati.Or. L. 1, c. 17.) Now it would
be vain to seek for that difficulty anywhere except in
the relations between Grace and free will. All the
Systems of Grace^ from tlie Tliomist Point of Hew. 207
other doctrines are comparatively plain, or, if a difficulty
is involved, it is one submitted to by all. It is with
this a«pect of the question, in fact, that the doctrine of
"efficacious Grace," that Thomism concerns itself, and its
fault, if fault there be, consists in an attempt to explain
the nature and action of " efficacious Grace" m accordance
with the philosophical principles of the Angel of the
schools.
All systems unite in this — for it is question of dogma —
that there is a Grace infalliblv and certainly joined with
its eflFect (Gratia efficax), while, at the same time, it does
not impose any necessity on the will. So, too, must there
be admitted a Grace, not joined with its effect (Gratia
snfficiens), which confers on man full, and taking the
circumstances in which he is into account ready (expeditam)
power to perform good actions ; but this Grace is made
useless by the resistance of the wilL So far all are agreed.
Now coraes division. The question naturally presents
itself: What is the nature of these two kinds of Grace?
Why is one always efficacious, the other not so. In what
way does efficacious Grace act, and how is its action joined
with that of a will that always remains free ?
Two schools, the Thomists and the Augustiuians,
answer by saying, that efficacioTis Grace differs " entita-
tive" from sufficient Grace, and operates by a power inherent
in itself which infallibly sways the wilL Thev therefore hold
that Grace is efficacious ** ab intrinseco." Two others — the
Molinists and Congruists — hold that the infallible connection
of efficacious Grace with its effect, is to be sought for, not
in the nature of the Grace, but in something extrinsic to it,
in the circumstiances or in the will, or rather in the pre-
vision of the will's consent.
Keeping now to the Thomistic theory, the only one in
conffict just at present, the fundamental principle out of
which it has grown, and as I think must grow, if the
principle be true, is this — " All second causes depend on the
fint cause, which is God, as to their operations, and this in
» manner so absolute and essential, that in the natural
<>Pfer no less than the supernatural, to do *' aUquid boni,"
4«y need to be moved and determined by the first cause."
208 Systems of Grcuie^from the Thomist Point of Vieic,
Very many passages of St. Thomas may be quoted in
the same sense. I select this for the very sufficient reason
that even Suarez is forced by its clearness to admit that
St, Thomas not only favours but teaches "praemotio
physica" in it. Metaphy. disp. 22, Lect, 4, adding, however,
that he retracted his words in the Summa 1
It follows from this principle of the universal causality
of the first cause that not alone must we receive from God
the power (potentiam) " volendi " et " agendi/* but that
furthermore, this power must be, by a Divine motion,
appKed to the act. This is " praemotio physica/* necessary,
according to Thomists, in every case when a power or
faculty is moved from quiescence into activity. It is
called "praemotio," because it precedes the act of the will,
not indeed in point of time or duration, but by a priority
natural to it as a cause, from which the action of a sub-
ordinate cause depends. It is " physical," that is real, not
metaphysical, or "moral" motion, such as we ourselves
and the enemjr of souls can eflfeci We, Thomists, hold
that "premotion** is necessary to all actions, a fortiori^
therefore to salutary works of the supernatural order, that
as regards these " praemotio physica" is grace itself, per se
et ab intrinsecoj efficacious, and may therefore be defined
" the help" (auxihum) by which God bestows on the soul,
not onlv a real power of performing good actions, but also
determmes the will "ut actu bonum velit ac operetur.*'
Efficacious Grace is then a certain virtuous and powerful
motion, having a double function — 1st, it enhghtens the
intellect, enabling it to distinguish what is really good from
that which has the semblance only ; 2ndly, it determines
the will to consent to the Divine invitation.
In addition to this grace, efficacious ah intrinseco,
Thomists maintain a grace which is " sufficient," and
which of itself conveys the power of performing the good
and salutary actions for which it is given, but by the
perversity and maUce of the will it is extinguished and
deprived of its effect — for the aety however, they still
require '* efficacious Grace." C. J, M. treats this as ilhisory
— the power it gives he calls a parchment power, the grace,
a Tantalus cup. But surely there is a difference between
the poir^ of doing a thing and the act. 1 don't lose the
power of vision because I happen to be in the dark, nor
the power of reading simply because I am at the moment
writing. WJjiat hinders us from recognising the same
difference in actions of the supernatural order and in
Systems of Grace^ from the Thomist Point of View, 209
requisites in the matter of grace? At all events, the difference
made itself clear enough to S. Augustine : — " Ipsa adju-
toriaf" he says, " distinguenda sunt ; aliud est adjutorium,
fime quo aliquid non fit, et aliud est adjutorium quo aliquid
fit Nam sine alimentis non possumus vivere, nee tamen,
cum affluerint aJimenta, eis fit, ut vivat qui mori voluerit ;
ergo adjutorium alimentorum est sine quo non fit, non quo
fit, ut vivamus," It is not difficult to draw "sufficient"
and "efficacious" Grace from this passage. It will be
found in Lib. de Correp. et Gratia, c. 12. St. Thomas is no
less clear. In Lect. II., in cap. 3 ad Eph., he says : —
"Hujusmodi auxilium duplex fuit; unum quidem ipsa
facultas exequendi, aliua ipsa operatic sive actualitas.
Facultatem oat Deus infundendo virtutem et gratiam,
per quas efficitur homo potens et aptus ad operandum :
sed ipsam operationem confert in quantum operatur in
nobis interius movendo et instigando ad bonum."
C. J. M.'s metaphors, referred to above, express a diffi-
culty which is obvious. How can Grace be sufficient
which requires something more ? Well, St. Thomas deals
with this also. In 3 p., qu. 61, ur. 1, having proved the
necessity of the sacraments, he objects thus : — " Posita
causa sufficienti, nihil aliud videtur esse necessarium ad
effectum; sed Passio Christi est sufficiens causa nostrae sa-
Intis. . . . Non ergo requiruntur sacramenta." To
this he answers : — " Passio Christi est sufficiens causa nostrae
fialutis, nee propter hoc sequitur quod sacramenta non sint
necessaria, ^uia operantur in virtute Passionis Christi ; et
passio Chnsti quodammodo applicaiur hominibus per
sacramenta." So is it with sufficient Grace. It confers the
power of doing what is good and salutary (I use the word all
through in its technical sense, " opus salutare'*) ; it is, there-
fore, perfect " in genere suo,*' and nothing is wanting to
it But that this power be brought to act, a determination
of the will is needed, and here the Divine motion, which is
efficacious Grace, comes in, we say, in accordance with our
master St. Thomas* maxim : — " Ipsum bonum usum gratiao
fl»e a Deo.'* So much for our system. Difficulty there
toy be, and no doubt there is, in some parts ; but difficul-
fies, inexplicable difficulties, may be found in truths belong-
ttttrto the natural order: thev jcertainlv nrA. nn RtrRnorprH
210 Systems of Crrace^from the Thomist Point of View.
light, where minds Uke St. Augustine and St. Thomas found
profound obscurity, if not darkness, would in some minds
raise a presumption against the theory that moves so easily
and freely when they advanced with "hesitating step and
slow," and more than one admission of humble subjection
to what was mysterious. It woidd take a good deal to
convince me that Molina made a discover}' unknown to
St Augustine and St. Thomas — one that would have made
semi-Pelagian controversy pointless, if it were possible —
and that the discovery was true.
Recognising a difficulty, Thomists hold still by Grace
per se efficacious, and they justify themselves on many
grounds — first, on the dependence of the creature on God.
The second cause is subordinate to the first cause, not
only as to the power or faculty, but as to the act. It is or
ought to be obvious that, as the second depends on the
first, the positions cannot be reversed, so that the effica-
ciousness of Grace cannot be dependent on the consent of
the will, but rather the consent of the will on the efficacious
nature of the Grace. Then, in the next place, they consider
that Grace per se efficacious corresponds to those expres-
sions occurrmg frequently in Holy Writ, where God's
action on the heart and will of man is described —
Ezech, xxxvi. 26 ; Hebrews xiii. 21 ; PliiL ii. 13 ;
Prov. xxi. 1 ; John vi. 44. In these and other similar
places of Holy Scripture, an action or influence is attributed
to God which is proper to Him alone : at least there would
seem to be more mvolved than is found in moral pressure
or persuasion, in which sense the will may be moved by
mere human agency, not to speak of diabolic. On the
other hand, it is in the power of God to act on the will
directly, and through it on its action ; and this power is
His " exclusive.^* St. Thomas is our guide here. In quaest.
de Malo, ar. 5, he says : — " Relinquitur ergo, quod causa
perficiens et propria voluntarii actus sit solum id quod
operatur inteHus, Hoc autem nihil aliud esse potest quam
ipsa vohmtas, sicut causa secunda, et Deus sicut causa
prima" — and then farther on : — "/Sic ergo motus voluntatis
directe procedit a voluntate et a Deo qtti est voluntatis causoj
qui solus in voluntate operatur, et voluntatem inclinare potest
in quodcunque voluerit.'* The same idea is expressed, i.e.,
quaest. 9, ar. 6, quaest. 80, ar. 1, and in other places. In
these places the saint teaches that God moves the will, or
first cause, just as the will moves itself in the order of
second causes. But no one doubts that the will moves and
Sy$Um$ of Graeejfrom the Thomist Point of View, 211
determines itself physically. Therefore, the motion of God
is a physical motion, and the efficacy of that Grace which
is according to all efficacious is inherent in it as the divine
action or inotion imder which the will moves itself.
In addition to this, the notion of a Divine influence
swaying and ruhng with masterful hand the capricious
will of man is one that occurs frequently both in the
prayers of the Church and the writings of the Fathers.
A catena might be formed of passages from Latin Fathers
especially, which would be an extensive cpmmentary, in
the most rigorous Thomistio sense, of the famous passage
of St Paul to the Corinthians — " Quid habes quod non rece-
pisti," &c. And making every allowance for the fact that
some of these passages occur m discourses, when a certain
latitude is admissible, the current of thought they picture
for us demands something more than a grace of power ^
however much augmented by a '* genus beneficii,*' what-
ever that may mean. It seems to demand a Divine influence,
immediate, direct, and efficient, to which the will yields,
and under which it acts certainly and infallibly, yet freely
at the same time. Instead of encumbering your pages with
quotations, allow me to call attention to a single fact in
connection vrith St. Augustine, whose authority on this
question is undoubted, recognised, as it has been, by Pontiff
after Pontiff, by Congniists and Thomists, heretics and
Catholics alike. He was engaged in controversy on this
subject for a great part of his life, and of course he had
keen and able adversaries. Now, what form did their
objections take ? They exclaimed, that he destroyed man's
freedom I that he preached a Grace " quae libertatem des-
truat (Caelestius in Ep. ad Cleseph.), et sine voluntate
nostra sanctitatem perficiat." " Quae ita velle et operari in
iiobis operatur ut nos non agamus — qxiae invites cogat
adbonum, imponat necessitatem volendi bonum," &c.
Are we to suppose that Pelagians and semi-Pelagians
^ould have said tnese things if the Grace St. Augustine
Doabtained depended for its eflScacy on man's will t Where
^ould then be the point of their argument ? I may be
wrong, but I confess I cannot remember a single instance
in which danger to free will has been charged on the
system of either Molina or Suarez, at least in the grace
212 Systems of Graces from the Thomist Point of View.
Suppose, on the other hand, Caelefitius and his other
opponents misunderstood St. Augustine. What more easy
than to disengage himself from the web in which they tried
to involve him — the web of ruined freedom of the will !
Could he not point out that the will was imtouched — ^that
the Lord, like a wise and prudent adviser, sought to bend
the will by coimsel, persuasion, entreaty, and every other
multiplied form of inducement, its freedom remaining all
the while inviolate ? Did St. Augustine do this ? Nothing
of the kind. After labouring for twenty and more years at
the elucidation of this question, he can discover no other
means of reconciUng hberty and grace than to fall back on
God's omnipotence, which, having created man's will, can
change it — which gave us freedom, and so gives the exer-
cise of freedom ; and in the end to confess that such was
the diflSculty remaining that, ** when Grace was asserted,
free will appeared to be taken away."
Perhaps Thomists may find in the example of this
great Father a few crumbs of comfort to console them
under the sneer which C. J. M. thought fit to fling at them
in the amusing but rather illogical story that appears as a
foot-note to one of the pages of his article.
From all that has been hitherto advanced, it ought to
be evident that Thomism has a vast deal more in its
favour, than anyone whose acquaintance with it was gained
from the article in the Record could or would have
anticipated, that the controversy is not one that can be
gone through in a canter, nor is the result a kind of fore-
gone conclusion. Until the writings of St. Augustine and
St Thomas are relegated to the dust — ^imtil their authority
in religious controversy is set aside — until they cease to
be what they are, the two great luminaries of the Catholic
Church, will the doctrine "intrinsic efficacv" hold its
ground, and this in the face of all the difficulties urged by
writers like the present — which difficulties are in substance
as old as St, Augustine — and were, many of them, origin-
ally flung at the doctrine he defended.
The first in importance of these is the rebuke of the
people of Corozain and Bethsaida. How can they be
censured for not doing without " efficacious Grace," which
clearly was wanting to them, what Tyre and Sidon would
have done under its influence ? The objection is a strong
one. It is a comfort to Thomists to know it does not fall
exclusively on their shoulders. A large and important
body of Iheologians, not Thomists, shrink from what I
Systems of Grace, frani the ThomUt Point of View. 213
may call the extreme view of " extrinsic eflRcacy," accord-
ing to which it is placed in the assent and co-operation of
the will. Of this opinion, Bellarmine says: — "Omnino
tdi^a est a sententia D, Angustini, et quantum ego existimo
etiam a sententia Scripturarum Divinarum, Lib. 1, cap. 12,
de Gratia. He refers to " suflScient Grace " plus the consent
of the will, qao accedente it is eflScacious. Wow, this is the
theory, and the only one, that completely avoids the
difficulty. I need not pause to prove it. But this theory
is not that generally embraced by the school opposed to
ours, according to which '* semper moralit^r et m ratione
beneficii plus aliquid in " efficaci " quam in '* suflSciente
gratia continetur." The Jews then might answer, *' If
you had given us that beneficium, which would have been
given, with the * signs and wonders ' to the Tyrians and
Sidonians, we, as they, would have done penance.*'
The answer Thomists give to the objection is this: — The
reproach is just, because by their greater obdmacy, malice
and ingratitude, the Jews rendered themselves more
unworthy of the grace that was necessary for their conver-^
fflon. St. Augustine says this, De dono persev. c. 14 ; and
Our Lord even cives it as a reason for His rebuke, for He
adds : — " It shall be more tolerable for Tyre and Sidon in
tiie day of judgment, than for thee." Why ? For no other
reason, surely, than their lesser obduracy and hardness of
hearts Perhaps they might rejoin that their obduracy
was due to the absence of" efficacious Grace " which, were
it wanting to the others, their obduracy would have been
the same. I answer, the cause of obduracy is the perversity
of the will, not the absence of*' efficacious Grace." It is quite
true, " efficacious Grace " either prevents or removes hard-
ness of heart ; for as St. Augustine says, " a nullo duro
corde respuitur; ideo quippe datur ut duritiam cordis
auferat." But it is not true to infer obduracy from the
privation of Grace as its cause. 1 hold a stone in my hand
and thereby keep it from falling. I withdraw my hand
suddenly, it falls to the ground. Is the movement of my
hand the cause of its fall f Every schoolboy knows it is
lM)t. The stone falls in virtue of the attraction of gravita-
tion. Man, therefore, and not Grace, or its absence, is
iecountable for his own bad dispositions — which may
214 Systems of Gmce^ from the Thomist Point of View,
fant them to the less unworthy " pro miserieordia."
can say, then, in^ reference to another argument of
C. J. M.— the case of the father and his sons — that if the
misconduct of the boy deprived him, as imfit, of the
advantage of university training, neither reproach nor
Eunishment would be out of place, though the latter might
e excessive under the circumstances.
Taking into account, then, the possible dispositions of the
will, there is ample room and need for warnings, exhortations,
prayers, &c. — ^full reason to work in " fear and trembling " —
to neglect no means whereby salvation is sought for.
" Ideo," says St. Augustine, " haec et nobis praecipiuntur
et dona Dei esse monstrantur, ut intelligamus quod et nos
facimus et Deus facit, ut ilia faciamus.*' De Predest,
Sanct., cap. ii.
Coming now to the special difficulty of the Thomistic
system, that about free-will, C. J. M. will pardon me if 1 say
that the form it assumes in his pages is rather novel as
applied to deep problems of metaphysics; and, judging
from the result, 1 doubt whether the style, popularly
denominated as " slashing," is the one best adapted for a
fair statement of an opponent's case. I don't think there
is a sentence in pages 785, 786, to which a Thomist might
not fairly take exception on one or another ground.
However, the diflBculty is a genuine one, and a closer
treatment of it will be mor6 satisfactory, as it certainly
will be more to my taste than a fusilade of verbal criticisms
with possible rejoinders and sub-rejoinders in the distance.
Here is the objection. Efficacious Grace (that of the
Thomists) determmes the will, "ad unum," so that it
cannot do the opposite. Therefore, it takes away the
liberty of power, dominion and indifference, which in our
E resent state is necessary for merit. To this Thomists reply
y their famous distinction, that the will cannot do the
opposite " in sensu composite ;*' that " in sensu diviso " it
has the power — and this suffices for liberty. The distinc-
tion is subtle, yet it may be made clear if we turn our
thoughts for a moment on what takes place, when the will
determines itself, as it does, let it be remembered in every
hypothesis on the subject. Let us suppose then the will
determining itself by its own native strength as opponents
of Thomism wish, to the act of loving ; certainly " in
sensu composito " with that determination it cannot but
love— supposing the determination to be efficacious-
otherwise it would be efficaciously determined to love and
it would not ; for a determination without effect is ineffica-
Sgilema of Grace,/rom the Thomial Paint of View. 215
ciona. Yet the will thua detennined ia still free, for it is
mita power "not to love in seaeu divieo." In the eame
manner, there cannot be with efficacious Grace, the con-
trary act " in sensH compoeito " it can " in sensu diviso "
wliicii Boffices for liberty. Let it be borne in mind that
the will detenoineB itself as ti " vera causa efficiens, licet
Beconda" — that prtemotion or gratia efEcax is the action
of the first cause — that it "influes" (sit venia verbo) on
the act of the second cause, with the cause itself, for
priority of time there is none, and the reconciliaf.ioa of
treedom with efficacious Grace becomes conceivable. It
18 not free from obscurity, it is from contradiction, which
■is all that now concerns us. The ultimate test of any
controversy that touches in any way the Deity and Hir
sctioa is contradiction in terms. Theologians are satisfied
when they are clear of this in the problems of God's
fteedom post decreta — of the obedience and merit of our
Saviour. Thomists, therefore, may ^ be satisfied if they
reach thus far in the difficulty arising in the subject of Grace.
There is another charge, that of inconsistency, directed
against us — founded on the notion of eternity accepted by
ns, who nevertheless describe a certain order in the Divine
decrees. Do not all Theologians lay down such order and
racceasion — iu the Fall and Redemption for instance — in
vocation to grace and to glory T But then do they mean a
real distinction or one " rationisratiocinatfe V Does that hurt
tiie Divine eternity any more than the Divine simplicity ?
These are questions I leave to C. J. M. My own opinion
IB, that a necessity for them should never have arisen in a
theological paper.
One word, now, before I end this article, already too
long. C. J. M. quotes, with approval, a sentence of the
, the Thomistic system
lligence and win the
0 theologise scholasticse
le su% scholse aut alio
ectendum systema illud
sion of opinion 1 fully
econd clause I dismiss ■
jr which the wonderful
ip have not sufficiently
1 Tiot trnifind iin in nnv
[ 216 ]
ON THE RECENT CHANGES IN THE
ECCLESIASTICAL CALENDAR.
Supplementary Paper.^
THE point to which attention is called in the following
question is one that seems, since the beginning of the
present year, to have occurred to many priests as a matter
requiring explanation.
'* In your Paper on ' The Recent Changes in the Ecclesiastical
Calendar/ in the last Decemher numher of the Record, page 788,
you say that, ' as regards semi-douhles and ordinary douhles « •
the transferring of feasts . • . is now at an eud.'
" Will you kindly tell me, then, why was the Feast of St. Ray-
mond of Pennafort transferred to the 11th inst. from the 23rd alt
[i.e , to the 11th of February from the 28rd of January], and why
was the Feast of St. Marcellas transferred for Cashel and Limeridc
from the 16th ult. to the 11th inst. [i.e., from the 16th of January
to the 11th of February] ? This has puzzled several grave heads."
Even, it may be added, before the date of the above
letter (17th of February), several other instances of such
" transfers " had occurred, and since that date the number
has been still further increased. Thus, for instance, in the
Ordo for the month of February we find the following : —
Feast
Db7 assigned in
the Encleaiaatioal
Calendar
1
Daj aarigned in this year's Ordo
S. Romuald
S.John of Matha...
S. Ignatins
S. Raymond
S. Maroellus
S. Ignatius
7th Feb. . .
8th Feb.
Ist Feb.
23rd Jan.
16th Jan.
Ist Feb.
SsCt «Src, Sse,
9th Feb. (Ferns)
0th Feb. (KUdare : I^ighlin)
0th Feb. (Cashel: Limerick: Ar-
dagh)
11th Feb.
11th Feb. (Cashel: Limerick: Kil-
dare : Leighlin : Ardagb)
11th Feb. (Ferns)
How, then, is all this to be explained t Our respected
correspondent seems to have overlooked the letters A /.,
standing in abbreviation for dies jixa^ which are carefufly
inserted by the Very Rev. Compiler of the OTdx>y in each of
the instances referred to, and, as a matter of course, in the
many similar instances, amoimting probably to several
hundreds, occurring throughout the year.
»See I. E. Record (Third Series) voL iv., n. 12 (Dec., 1883), p. 787.
On the Recent Changes in the Eccleeiaetical Calendar. 217
The asaigninent of " fixed " days, as distinct from the
mere " tranfflening " of Feasts, has been noticed in a former
paperin the RECORD,^ on the subject of the changes effected
by the Brief of the 18th of July, 1882. In the mimber for
November, 1882, on pages 696, 697, the following, among
other observations regarding this branch of Uturgical law,
wfll be found :—
« In many cases the day assigned to a Feast in our Irish
Calendar is different from that assigned to the same Feast
m the general Calendar of the Church. For, when special
Feasts are introduced by Indult into a particular Cakndar,
as into that of Ireland, a permanent displacement of some we-
riouily eadsting Feasts is frequently rendered necessary. The
day to "whicn a Feast is thus permanently transferred is
Uirmed ek dies Jiaa. • . . Tlie assignment of fixed days is
wt interfered with by the new Decree'*
The rules regiJating the permanent displacement of
Feasts, and the copsequent assignment of ^' fixed days,"
need not be enumerated here. They may be found in any
of the ordinary manuals of liturgical law, as, for instance,
in De Herdt's Sacrae Liturgiae Praxis, where they arc veiy
clearly set forth.
But it may be useful to illustrate the application of these
roles by examining in detail their operation in the cases
meDtiooed in the preceding letter.
We may begin with the Feast of St. Marcellus. Why,
then, was this Feast celebrated this year on the 11th of
February, and not on the 16th of January, the day assigned
to it in the Ecclesisistical Calendar ?
The explanation is as follows : — The 16th of January
being occupied in Hie Irish Calendar by the Feast of an
Irish saint, St. Fursey, that day, as regards Ireland, has long
nnce ceased to be the calendar date of St Marcellus. As
the displacement, which seems to have taken place in the
{ear 1747, was permanent, a dies fi>xa was assigned to the
'east of St MarceDus ; this was the 9th February, the next
day that then happened to be vacant. Thus, then, the
Wi of February became, for Ireland^ the Calendar date of
itie Feast of St Marcellus; and so, last year, when that Feast
W» transferred (owing to the occiu-rence of one of the
fmtkB of the Passion assigned to the Fridays in Lent) it
218 On ike Recent Clianges in the Ecclesiastical Calendar.
day " assigned to it in the Calendar of the Irish Church
This may be seen from the Ordo of last year, pages 12
and 20, or from any previous Ordo for many yeara past.
But no'w this Feast has once more been permanently
displaced. The new Feast of St. Cyril of Alexandria has
been estabhshed for the 9th of Februaiy, and, as it is of
double rite, it takes precedence of the (semi-double) Feast
of St. Marcellus. Thus, then, a new permanent displacement
of the Feast of St. Marcellus has taken place. The new dies
jixa consequently assigned to it, is the next day now hap-
pening to be vacant, which is the 19th of February.
On this day, then, in future, the Feast of St. Marcellus
will be celebrated (or commemorated, as the case may be),
not subject to " translation,'* but still, of course, subject to
permanent "displacement," if, at any future time, the 19th of
February shoxild happen to be assigned to any new Feast to
which, in accordance with the rules regulating this branch
of the liturgy, the Feast of St. Marcellus should eive way.
As regards the Feast of St. Raymond, the explanation is
precisely similar. Permanently displaced, apparently in the
year 1772, by the extension to Ireland of the Feast of the
Espousals of the Blessed Virgin (23rd of January), it was
assigned in the Irish Calendar, as may be seen from last
year's Ordo, to the 11th of Febiniary. Thus, then, as St. Ray-
mond's feast is one that, under the new regulations, cannot
be transferred, it Avill invariably, unless once more removed
by some future permanent displacement, be celebrated (or,
as the case may be, commemorated) on the 11th of February,
its dies Jixa in the Calendar of the Iiish Church.
I may here transcribe a short explanatory note on this
subject of " fixed days," inserted by the present Very Rev.
Compiler of the Ordo, in the Ordo for the year 1844.
"Hie diligenter est distinguendum inter translationem
festi et mutationem diei illius. Translatio quippe importat
iransitum oflScii a die sibi assignato in calendario ad alium,
per modum peregrinationis, sic ut anno sequenti vel altero
sedem sibi fixam recuperet. MutaHo vero diei importat
transitum officii ad alium diem in quo sedem fir am acqnirit^
" Translatio locum habet quando per accidens tantum
festum a suo die transportatur ; mutatio autem, quando
tjnctannis necessario trausportari debet ob occursum officii
dignioris. . . .
" Assignanda est dies fixa prima die, etiam infra Octavam^
non impedita officio dupUci vel semiduplici. Hanc autem
0» the Recent Changes in the EccleMmtical Calendar. 219
diem deincepa ita Srmiter tenet ut ab eo dimoveri non poseit
falo translalo quantumvis xolemni," HOMSEE, I'raMB Div.
O^i, Art 21, sect. vi. n. 2-
It still remains to be explained why the " fixed daya "
asagned in our Irifih Calendar differ bo widely in the
Calendars of the various dioceses.
Why, for iuetance, is tho 11th of February nssi^ed in
tile dioceses of Caehel, Limerick, Kildare, and Leiglilin, to
the Feast of St. Marcellus (permanently removed from the
16thof January) whilst in rems that day is assigned to the
Feast of St. Ignatius (permanently removed from the 1st of
February), and in the rest of Ireland to the Feast of
St. Raymond of Pennafort (permanently removed from the
Srd of January)?
Let us first take the less complicated case, that of the
anwigement for the dioceses generally throughout Ireland.
Previous to the year 1869, there were in the general
of January, and down to
iree instances of permanent
Feasts thus displaced were
•om the 16th of January;
the 23rd of Januaiy; and
a the lat of February. It
t of these three cases, the
reax 1747, and in the second,
d, as it resulted from the
St. Bridget on the let of
n the General Ecclesiastical
arobably of much older date,
irded as dating from time
: that the first vacant day in
lat is to say, the (ith day of
assigned to the Feast of St
is the 9th of February) to
lird (which is the 11 th of Feb-
. Thus, when the feast of St.
"or " the first free day after the
in the general Irish Calendar
t day having previously been
9 earlier days having been
220 On the Recent C/uxnges in the Ecclesiaatieal Calendar.
This, then, was, in fact, the arrangement of the Irish
calendar in the Ordoa for the years 1855-62.
Subsequently, the extension of the Feasts of the
diocesan Patrons to the dioceses of Ireland generally, ouce
more displaced the Feast of St. Ignatius: the 6th of
February, the day previously assigned to that Feast, being
also the feast-day of St. Mel, the Patron Saint of the
diocese of Ardagh, to which, as a Feast of one of our
national saints, the Feast of St. Ignatius should give way.
The 18th of February, then, became the new " fixed day'^
for St Ignatius, thus, for the second time, displaced.
This was in the generallnQh Calendar. Let us now see
why in various dioceses — in the diocese, for instance, of
Limerick — a totally different arrangement prevails. The
principle being absolutely the same in all cases, the
explanation to be given in this instance will apply equally,
mutatis mutandisy in the case of any other diocese.
In Limerick, then, as may be seen by referring to the
Ordo for 1868, or for any previous year, a special dis-
placement occurred on the 15th of January, by the
occurrence of the feast of one of the local saints, St. Ita.
Here, let us remember, we are considering the state of
things existing previous to 1869, the year in which this Feast
was extended to the rest of Ireland. Thus, then, in Limerick,
although not throughout Ireland generally, .the feast of
St. Paul, the first Hermit, was permanently displaced. To
it, consequently, in the Calendar for Limenck, was assigned
the first vacant day, that is to say, the 6th of February,
elsewhere, generally speaking, assigned to the Feast of
St, Imatius. In Casnel also, 1 may perhaps add without
unduly compUcating the matter, a local displacement of
the same feast of St. Paul, the first Hermit, took: place, as its
Calendar date, the 15th of January, is also the Octave day
of the diocesan patron, St. Albert. Thus in Cashel, as in
Limerick, the 6th of February was assigned to the Feast of
St. Paul, the Hermit ; and thus too it happens that those
two dioceses are practically bracketed together as regards
so many of the " fixed days " assigned m their diocesan
Calendars during the month of February.
Since, then, m Cashel and in Limerick, the first vacant
day was thus given to the Feast of St Paul, all the other
displaced feasts were in those dioceses necessarily put back
each by one step in the assignment of their " fixed days,"
Having thus pointed out the circumstances that have
led to the existing diversity, I shall probably best succeed
Oh the Recent Changes in the Ecclesiastical Calendar. 221
in conveying a clear idea of the whole case by setting forth
in tabular form, a statement of the results of the successive
establisliment of new Feasts, as affecting the arrangement
of the "fixed days" during the months of January and
February, in all those inst^inces in which the Calendars of
any Irish diocese differ in this respect from the General
Calendar of the Irish Church.
TABLE 1.
Feasts permanently displaced in Irish Calendars, general
OR diocesan, previous to 1869, THE year in which the
Fkasts op the Irish Diocesan Patrons, and of St. Ita,
were extended to all the Dioceses op Ireland.
^*" 1 Irish Calendar
In
Caahel
In
Limerick
In
Arda«h
In
Ferns
In
KUdare
Jan.l5
__
S. Paul
Paul
„ 16
S.Marcel1u>>
Marcellus
Marcf'llus
Marcellus
Marrellus
MareelluH
„ 2«
„ 31
S. Raymond
Raymond
Raymond
Raymond
Raymond
P.Nolasco
Raymond
Feb. 1
S. Ignatius
Ignatius
Ignatius
Ignatius
IgtiatiuK
Romuald
IgnatiuM
. ft
Jno.,Matha
TABLE n.
Resulting arrangemrnt of Calkndar in 1868, showing the
Feasts then allottkd to all those days that are capable
OF BEING assigned AS DIES FIXAE.
Ti,*. In Oeaoral
In
Cashel
In
Limeridc
In»
Ardagh
In
Ferns
In
Kildare
Feb. «
,. 9
» 11
„ 12
„ 13
.. u
.. 15
n 16
.. 18
• n 10
„ 20
. 21
S.iunatiiis
S. Marcellus
S. Uaymond
S.Titnfl
Paul
Ignatins
MarcelliiF
Raymond
Paul
Ignatius
Marcellus
Raymond
[S.Mel]
Ignatius
Marcellus
Raymond
Oct. S.Mel
P,Nolcuco
Romuald
Ignatius
Marcellus
Raymond
Ignatius
Jno.^Matha
Marcellus
Raymond
Titus
la
Titns 1 Titns
U
Titus 'Titns
Note on Tables I. and II. — In both Tables, the
Feasts displaced 6y the occurrence of a local Feast, as of
the Feast of the Diocesan Patron, or of its Octave day, are
VOL. V. R
222 On the Becent Clumges in the Ecclesiastical Calender.
printed in itaKcs. It will be observed that in the afiBign-
ment of fixed days, the Feasts thus displaced obtain a
priority.
Previous to 1869, all the days left blank in Table II.,
down to the 22nd of February, were merely Ferias,
either altogether unoccupied, or occupied only by Simple
Feasts.
TABLE ni.
Feasts permanently displaced in 1869 by the extension op
THE Fkasts of the Irish JSaints to all the Diogeses of
Irkland.
Date
Tn General
Ixish Calendar
In
Cashd
In
limerick
In
In In
Ferns EikUve
JaD.25
M 31
Feb. 6
S.Paul
S.P.Nolaero
S.Tsrnatius
P.Nolasco
Panl
P.Nolasco
Paul
Paul
P.Nolasco
Paul Panl
P.Nolasco
P.Nolasco Ignatias
Note. — Fixed days, then, were to be assigned to the
Feasts thus permanently displaced ; also (except in Cashel)
for the Feast of St. Albert, the Calendar date of which is
January 2nd, and (except in Limerick) for the Feast of
St. Munchin, the Calendar date of which is January 8th.
In Cashel and Limerick, respectively, these Feasts, as
doubles of the first class in the diocese, are, of course,
celebrated on their Calendar dates.
A TABLE IV.
Resulting arrangement of Calendar in the years 1869-1883,
AS REGARDS THE DAYS MI£NTIONED IN TaBLB U.
TWafA
In6«Deral
In
In
In
In
In
Iriah Oaleodar
Oishel
Limeriok
Aidacfa
Ferofl
ESkte*
Feb. 6
, S.Mel
Mel
Mel
Mel
Mel
Mel
„ 9 S. MarceUus' Ignatins
Ignatius
Igrnatins
Romuald
Jno.,Math|i
. 11
S. lUymobd
MarcelluB
Marcfillus MarceUus
Ignatius
MajrceUus
. 13
S.Titus
Raymond
Raymond ; Raymond
MarceUus
Raymood
„ 13 S.Munrhin
Titus
Titus
Oct.S.Mel
Raymond
Titus
„ U S.Albert
Munchin
Albert
Titus
Titus
Munchin
„ 15 S.Panl
Ita
P.Nolasco Munchin
Munchin
Albert
. 16 S. P.Nolasco
P.Nolasco
Paul
Paul
Albert
.Paul
P.Nolasco
Albert
Paul
Paul
„ 18
. 19
S. Ignatins
IH
P.Nolasco
19
P.Nolasco 1 Ignatius
. 20.
•
H 21'
On the Recent Cfianges in the EcclesiasHcal Calendar, 223
TABLE V.
Pe&vanskt displacement caused bt the establishmrnt of the
NEW Feast of St. Cybil foe the 9th of Febbuaby.
D^
In General
ItubCalandnr
In
Cnthel
In
TJmerick
In In
Axdagfa Ferni
In
KIldaM
Feb. 9
S. Mareellus
NOTK — In the general Irish Calendar, the Feast previously
assigned to the 9th of February having been that of
St.Marcellus, which is a semidoubU, the Feast of St. Cyril of
course takes its place. But in those dioceses where, as shown
in Table IV., Feasts of dovhh rite were already assigned to
the 9th of February, those Feasts remain undisturbed and
tiie Feast of St. Cyril is placed on the next vacant day,
which in Limerick is the 18th; in Cashel, the 19th ; and
in Ardagh, Ferns, and Kildare, the 20th, of February.
TABLE VI.
Pebsent arrangement, consequent on the establishmekt of
THE NEW Feast of St. Cyril op Alexandria.
<i
21
Dite
XnOcnenJ
Iii^ Calendar
In
Gaahal
In
Umerfck
Mel
In
Aidagh
In
Femif
In
Klldaie
Feb. 6
S.Mel
Mel
Mel
Mel
Mel
„ 0
S.Cjril
Ignatius
Ignatius
Ignatius
Romuald
Jno.,Matbs
.. 11
S. Raymond
Mareellus
Mareellus
Mareellus
Ignatius
Mareellus
„ 12
S.Tita8
Raymond
Raymond
Raymond Mareellus
Raymond
.. 13
S.MaDcbin
Titus
Titus
Oct.S.Mel
Raymond
Titus
« u
S.Albert
Munehin
Albert
Tilus
Titus
Munehin
., 15
S.Paul
Ita
P. Nolasco
Munehin
Munehin
^bert
„ 16
S.P.Nolasoo
P.Nolasco
Paul
Albert
Albert
Paul
„ 18
S.Igi]atraB
Paul
Cyril
Paul
P.Nolasco
Cyril
Paul
P.Nolasco
Cyril
P. Nolasco
„ 19
S.Marcellus' Cyril
19
Ignatius
„ SO
20
Cyril
Note, — This Table, representing the actual arrange-
ment of this portion of the Calendar, stands in remarktu)le
contrast with Table IL The diflference is, of course, the
result of the establishment, or extension to all the dioceses
of Ireland, of the new Feasts mentioned in the headings oC
the various Tables.
W. J. Walsh.
[ 224 ]
THE ENGLISH OR SCOTCH LAKES : WHICH ?
Chapter II. — The English Lakes.
TTI7E entered Scotland from Durham, and found in the
IT stately capital its ancient Church of St. Giles
restored, as if the Old Faith were about once more to take
possession of it. Now we take our last look and linger
awhile in its second capital, and in Glasgow admire a
similar restoration of an old cathedral, St. Mungo^s, and
quit it to find in England a daughter of the great church
of Durham, and to see in Carlisle the family likeness, the
same and yet with a difterence.
We must not stay at Glasgow, at least in our writing —
though an old friend made it for some days a home tons —
and we found its new and splendid university, its parks
and its restored cathedral, more than made amends for
the gloom which a canopy of smoke and the consequent
rain spread ever around.
Perhaps some of the charm of the journey over the
Border was due to the contrast with this preceding gloom ;
but certain it is, the bright, watery meadows out of which
Merry Carlisle rises, were smiling their brightest ; and the
group of cathedral and castle standing on a peninsula
between the abounding waters of the Eden ana Coldew,
hemmed in by ancient walls and surrounded by quaint
houses, was a sight of Merry England which warmed our
heart.
Nor was the first impression weakened by closer
inspection. If " distance lends enchantment to the view,"
by enabling us to group into one picture the many striking
features of the Border city, a visit in detail tends only to
strengthen the interest which is thus excited, and make^ us
pause ere we hasten on to the lakes.
The cathedral is a sore puzzle to those who, like our-
selves, have not mastered its history before visiting it.
There is no west front, but instead a dead wall built amid
the ruins of an ancient nave. When we enter what is
behind this wall, we find round arches and massive pillars
which are like those of Durham, yet with a marked differ-
ence. Some years ago this fragment of a nave was barred
off by another dead wall from the choir beyond. This
has now been removed, and through a central door, —
which yet is not central — we enter the wonderful choir,
The English or Scotch Ixikes— W7ii<;// f 225
** one of the finest in England,*' and possessing, moreover,
an east window which has nine lights (** more than any
other Flamboyant window in existence "), while its upper
portion " exhibits the most beautiful design for window
tracery in the world/' So say the great critics, and
few will be disposed to question their judgment ; though
the glass in the nine ligkts is modem, and scarcely manages
to hold its own against the ancient splendour above, fiut
that central, non-central door which leads from the frag-
ment of a Norman nave into this splendid Early English
choir, which joins the eleventh with the fourteenth century,
that is a puzzle. Central it is to the choir, leading out
between tne fine stalls which are returned on each side
of it, and above wliich rises the grand organ ; but not
central to the tower into which it leads, but far on one
aide : so the vista from east to west is strange and perplex-
ing. Something Uke it we remember at Toulouse, but the
excuse there given was that the choir was later work, built
quite independently of the nave, which wa* to have been
rebuilt in harmony of design and position with the choir.
But here, at Carlisle, no such reason is assigned : the choir
was built duly in line with the nave, the centi*al line pass-
ing through both. But in process of time, it seems, the
authorities resolved to widen the choir, which was done by
simply throwing the north of its aisles into the choir itself
ana building a new north aisle beside it, without any
consideration for the, even then, venerable nave and its
central tower, which were thrown, as it were, off their
centre, and left to take care of themselves and to account
as best they could for their queer position. Truly these
fourteenth century builders were bold and independent
men and studied other things rather than general effects.
There are some quaint fifteenth century paintings with
equally quaint English inscriptions on the back of the
stalk, telling the legends of St. Augustine of Hippo,
the Patron of the Canons of the Cathedral, and of St.
Cathbert, whose veneration the painter Bishop of Carlisle
brought with him from Durham when he left its deanery
tot tms new see.
After last Mass on the Feast of the Assumption at the
Iwgc, if not imposing, Catholic Church — which on this
226 The English or Scotch Lakes— Which t
penetrated by them. The consequence i« that excellent
roads traverse the beautiful district, and equally excellent
coaches traverse the roads. The railway journey to
Keswick is unpromising ; some rain and much mist fill np
the valleys and cut off the tops of the surrounding moun-
tains. I'hus much is left — almost too much — ^for the
imagination and the memory of la former visit to paint,
and the outlook, both present and prospective, is gloomy.
We make no delay at Keswick, which is too much of a
town for our present taste, but mount to the outside of an
omnibus which carries us over the four miles of lakeside to
the excellent Lodore Hotel in a half hour. We are in 'the
midst of the haunt of the Lake Poets. Southey and
Wordsworth are supposed to be in every body*8 mouth,
and here at Lodore we have the waterfall which inspired
the former with that fantastic poem in which the words not
only paint the scene, but follow the rhythm of the water
itself. The rain and mist clear off as we pursue the wind-
ings of the shore, and beautiful Derwentwater reveals
itself in all its exquisite charms. '* Derwentwater should
be kept for the end of the tour," say prudent people,
because the best should be reserved. But what ardent
lover of nature follows prudent advice ; and when does he
care to keep in store what may be enjoyed at once ? So
we have come straight to the most charming of the lakes,
and carry from it many a pleasant picture, each of which
seems to give a zest to other charms rather than to injure
them by contrast* So we escape the fidget which comes
of something special in store, and having had what is
pronounced to be the best, enjoy more leisurely and with
an equable mind the scenes that follow. Lodore is at its
wildest to-day, at least at summer wildness. The fall
between the two crags is about 150 feet, but broken into
several leaps, and as we climb its wooded sides it offers
views from all points ; each of which seems to have some
special charm which marks it as the point. The next day
is fine and bright, and the fall loses much of its grandeur ;
but now it has new charms* and compensates for the loss
of volume by an increased number of sportive leaps in
graceful cascades which seem in truth to be its happiest
and most appropriate character. For already we feel that
beauty, richness and colour, rather than gloom and barren
sublimity, are the things to be enjoyed in the Englisti
Lakeland.
To-day we make a grand excursion, not on any one of
The English or Scotch Lakes— Which f 227
die smart coaches that pass us on the road ; but on foot,
leisurely and most eujojablj. We coaflt the lake to its
liead where the Derwent pours into it, traverse Borrowdale,
climb Honister crag (1,100 feet), descend to Buttermere
and Crammock water, climb again over Buttermere Hatise
(1,095 feet), down into Ne^lands valley, and then another
climb over a rough and pathless height brings us at last
saddenly above Derwentwater, with our hotel glittering
with its many lights on the further side of the lake. But
what do these names reveal f Enough to say, they mean
the finest valley, the steepest crag, and three of the most
beautiful lakes in the district An authority says, ^ It is
justly aeeounted the finest carriage drive in Britain ; neither
Scotland nor Ireland has anything to match it." So we
begin well ; indeed the scenery is so varied and inspiring
that we do the rough climbing and the long sweeps
around the lakes, through the dales, and over the wide
i?{ffeading downs, with scarcely a sense of fatigue, though
it is a walk of 23 miles, and feel at home here as we had
never done in the wilder, sterner end more scattered
soeuery of Scotland. This is walkable, sociable and
mvitiug; it can be grasped and mastered, while there
it must be looked up to, revealed from a distance, and
reached by riding or driving through great intervening
difltances.
The mext day is again fine — our usual good fortune —
^ we stay at home, which means that we limit our
wanderings to our own lake — ^for Derwentwater has already
become our own, — and make on foot its complete circuit
wme ten miles in all., We visit Keswick, but eschew its
otnseam and all indoor pursuits, and content ourselves
with its pencil manufactory of ancient renown. Indeed
Keiwick has no plumbago left, and so imports its metal
&MI abroad and makes the famous lead pencils by quite a
WW process. From the Lodore we return on Saturday
te Keswick and thence by rail to Penrith ; for Catholic
Chutes, although increasing, are still not very numerous
ii Lakeland. As we leave thfe lovely vale beneath the
^veriumging heights of Skiddaw (3,054 feet) and Saddle-
Mk (2,^47 feet), with the sunlight playing on the placid
y^uu where tm^ lake reveals itself between the openings
228 The English or Scotch Lakes— Which f
After Ma43s it is a pleasant mid-day stroll to Pooley
Bridge, which lies at the foot of Ullswater, and which has
pleasant walks enough to occupy the rest of the day, one
especially deserving of commendation is for four miles to
Howtown, at first through meadows by the side of the
lake, and then by a carriage road, through two or three
domains which are charming in their abundant foliage and
the frequent glimpses they afford of the lake beyond. The
lake itself is long enough to justify a steamboat ; pleasant
is the voyage from end to end, through three reaches,
which are so different in character and so seemingly cut
off from one another, that they may fairiy count for three
lakes. The scenery improves as one advances: in the
second reach Helvellyn (3,118 feet) appears ; in the third
Patterdale, like Borradale at Derwentwater, rises gradually
until it culminates in the famous Kirkstone Pass. The
length of Ullswater is eight miles, and its greatest breadth
is little more than half a mile ; yet in that short distance
there is such variety of scenery that somehow it suggests
recollections of foreign lakes ; giving us, as it were,
favourite bits of each. So it seems agreed that it is not
unique, like Derwentwater and Windermere, which recal
DO lakes elsewhere.
Here, of courae, is an excellent hotel in its own exten-
sive grounds, close upon the lake, with guides, mules,
boats and coaches for difierent excursions without, and
every creature comfort within for those who have done
the Uons of the neighbourhood or have lounged along the
pleasant heights which overhang the lake. Everywhere
It is the same ; the pleasure of arrival with its courteous
welcome is dimmed only by the thought that a day or two
must see us on our way again.
We leave Helvellyn, as we left Skiddaw, tmclimbed ;
and are content to rest in the memory of former ascents.
The next day we are on foot, traverse Patterdale, skirt
the gloomy Brotherswater, and climb the somewhat stiff
ascent of Kirkstone Pass, and rest awhile at the Kirkstone
Inn, which rejoices in the deputation of being the highest
inhabited house in England. We are told, probably by
some envious Derbyshire man, that the Cat and Fiddle, on
the Buxton and Macclesfield road, stands a hundred feet
higher, but here in Lakeland we laugh him and bis Cat
and Fiddle to scorn, and maintain that nothing can exceed
the 1,500 feet of the Inn where we rest We rest and
hesitate, for here are twb roads, both inviting; both
The English or Scotch Lakes— W hieh f 229
ihow lovely views of lake, beck and fell beyond. 8hall
we take the one that leads direct to Ambleside, our next
resting place, or shall we diverge some four miles, by a
bold sweep by Troutbeck to Windermere? Our host is
consulted and he almost insists upon the latter and longer
route, seeming to think it little less than sin to miss
Troutbeck and that famous view of Windermere from its
heights. So down we swing, in a good round pace, which
is more refreshing than rest after our long climb ; the bright
fresh air adding still more stimulant to what the choice
ale of the mountain Inn had already impai-ted. That was
a day's walk not to be forgotten. The view, which was
so fine and diversified from the Pass, grew in beauty as it
diminished in extent, until a final upward climb brought
ns abruptly upon a bold ridge Qiause) from which nearly
the whole extent of Windermere could be seen. W^inder-
mere, — Winandermere as it is more correctly called by
those who are not in a hurry, and do not care to clip their
words — is the acknowledged queen of Lakeland by right
ot grandeur, and still more, to our thinking, because her
mountain court stands at a reverential distance around her,
instead of crowding upon her shores with undue famil-
iarity, as smaller and less noble lakes are hemmed in and
seemingly overpowered by overhanging giants. Eleven
miles of placid waters with an average breadth of a mile,
thus afibrding a pleasant drive of some twenty-three
miles along its margin, arp the ample dimensions of the
royal mere : so, as we should expect, there is a steamboat
to carry us from end to end, with pleasant villages and
even riny watering places where we can break our journey
and land to extend our wanderings beyond the shore.
Perhaps we are wrong in saying watering places, at least
in the common use of that word : for our readers must not
suppose that there is any of the confusion, noise and
pretence, which characterize such places ; in Lakeland all
ifl quiet, orderly and rural ; a group of cottages, a simple
landing place, a few boats, and perhaps an omnibus from
an hotel buried amid the Neighbouring trees, suffice to
nutfk the spot which is not even to be identified by its
BMI16 on the landing place. As we descend from our
iBoontain height to the shore, all its beautiful features
wveal themselves, and we but lose the general view to
230 Tlie English or Scotch Lakes— Which f
The descent is fortunately not abrupt, so we have no
need to divert our attention from the scene before us to
guard and guide our feet. Up and down the path wan-
ders, seemingly more intent upon showing us the view
from each successive coin of vantage, than on leading us
down to the lake ; and doubtless with this intention it was
laid out, for such indeed is the spirit of Lakeland, where
each proprietor seems to do his best to make our wander-
ings pleasant, and in honest pride to exhibit the beauties
of the lovely land to the best advantage.
Our few remaining miles are along the margin of the
lake, by a winding road which follows each graceful curve
of the shore, under the shadow of fine trees, and with the
inland side adorned with gigantic flowering shruba We
reach Waterhead, but resist the attraction of its pleasant
hotel, and ask our way to Ambleside. Surely it is charac-
teristic of what we have just said, that the reply we
receive is, that there is a short way, but we are recom-
mended to take a more circuitous route, " the view is so
much more beautiful." Evidently we are away from
railway-land, and have no train to catch. We catch
instead the spirit of the place, and lounge along the longer
way, lingering over some of the many charming bits of the
suburb of Ambleside.
We are soon at home in our comfortable hotel, the
" Salutation," for here we look, and not in vain, for letters,
and find pleasant news and kind greetings awaiting us ;
and so we settle down for a few days, far too few, for the
investigation — no, that is not the word, for that/ implies
trouble — but for the enjoyment of the surroundings of
Ambleside, far and near.
Ambleside is a great centre, and, to our mind, quite
ideal in its perfection as such. There are centres that are
in themselves ugly, out of which one is almost driven to
look for attractions elsewhere, and to which the return is a
necessary evil, to be endured only for the night, in the
knowledge that joy cometh in the morning, when a freah
escape awaits one. Such is not Ajnbloside. It is .the very-
centre of varied andcharming expeditions,itself as charming^
and beautiful as any of them, and somehow as varied as all of
them put together. There are wonderful drives in and
among the Langdale Pikes, by noble roads running through
park-like domams and through flowering meadows, with
rivers which have not yet lost their wild character of
mountain torrents: at times there are steep climbs and
TU Englith or Scotch Laiei— ITAicA ? 231
rapid deecents, which neceaaitate no little skill in the
dnver, and stren^^ in the carriage drag ; and all around
sweep the beautiful bille, which mingle so sweetly their
rich foliage and soft outlines with the quaint, almoet ero-
te«qae, grimneBs of the Laugdales themBelves. But
Ambleside will show mauy of these scenes from the heights
that surroimd it, and will give es sudden and eharp climbs
and twists to those who limit their wanderings to its
immediate surrouDdiugs. Again, there are pleasant drives
or strolls to the adjacent lakes, Grasmere and Rydal ; but
Ambleside has its own Windermere close at hand, yet so
shut out, that it breaks upon the view in half an hour's
«'alk, with all the charm of a discovery at the end of a
long expedition.
We feel as if we were in a new world, and so vary our
overland routes by a sea voyage. We spend a day upon
Windermere. The steamboat is a tiny monster of the
deep; small, clean, and comfortable. It has a shrill whistle
of its own ; but as this awakens pleasant echos, we excuse
its noise: and gliding over the lake like a water-bird, and
winding its way amid the islands and the sailing boats
just as deftly, it seems eo in harmony with things
aroimd, that its outer-world character is overlooked. But
at length it fulfilled some misgivings, and proved itself to
be the missing link with what is not Lakeland, for it landed
UB at Bowness, which led us to a railway on the top of a
lofty hill and at last drew up at the further end of the lake,
at a landing-place which was a railway station in disguise.
So we thought evil of the little steamer until it took us
back again, and landed us within a mile of our Lakeland
home, Ambleside.
Nor indeed had we much reason to complain of these
Dnobtrasive tokens of the outer world : for by one a person
in derm ere without
moog us almost at
the heights above
ems a due compli-
h it is a steep and
vhen reached it is
I that it is invisible
id unpresuming —
it it seems to have
inoffensive, which.
232 The English or Scotch Lakts— Which ?
waters discharge themselves by the pretty meandering
Leven, has many and varied charms; but the return
voyage up to Waterhead is far grander. Here the three
valleys, each with its well-known river and towering
heights, open out in succession, taking turn to reveal their
several beauties, and then combining into one grand
amphitheatre of Iiills, which close in upon us as we
approach the shore, in well-ordered confusion : telHng a
fresh arrival of what Ambleside has in store, and reminding
us, who have already explored much, of what still remains
to invite our willing steps. There is no use in stringing
together names of mountains, some of which, in truth, are
queer and unpoetical enough: each has its record in
memory, or promises to write its record there. The past
and future speak at Waterhead, and we hasten to Amble-
side to arrange future expeditions.
For the next day, however, there is no choice to be
made. P] very body is going to Grasmere, and to Grasmere
we, of course, go with the rest of the world ; and that
" world " extends far beyond Ambleside and the Winder-
mere district, and includes in its compass Cumberland,
Westmoreland, and much of Lancashire oesides. In short,
there is a great gathering, which draws to Grasmere all
classes ; for there are to be sports which all can more or
less understand, and so, from the Lord Lieutenant of our
county downward, all hasten in carriages of varying
dignity, on horseback, or on foot, to an amphitheatre
which is as noble in its surroundings as it is wonderfully
adapted for the very peculiar sports it has to exhibit
The pleasure of the walk of nine miles we defer till our
return, so we get seats in the first public carriage that
offers itaelf, cUmb the hills, and rattle down the dales,
through Rydal, with scarce a thought of Wordsworth,
until the beautiful Grasmere sudd^*nly breaks upon the
view.
There spread the placid waters of the lake, and at their
lower end is a grassy plain. Around rises a noble range
of hills, themselves inclosed by a still grander range, which
cuts the cloudless sky, a fitting canopy for so noble a
theatre ; for the plain is the auditorium, and the lower hilb
the stage.
A large space is inclosed by three ranges of rustic
benches, where hundreds can sit at their ease and criticise
what they evidently thoroughly understand ; outside the
circle are ranged the carriages and horsemen; while tho8«
The English or Scotch Lakes-- Which f 238
who prefer a more distant and bird's-eye view, scatter
themselves over the neighbouring heio^hts. Wrestling is
the first sport, where many local celebrities display their
drill — local, and yet general ; for the best men of other
counties seem well known here, and receive due honour,
without regard to geographical divisions. Wrestling has
grown more refined than it was some half-century ago ;
fornow there is no kicking of shins, a&we refnember in
that far distant past. Football seems to have inherited the
brutality which wrestling has had the grace to discard.
But, for ourselves, the sport that followed was more
exciting, and turned to good account the special advan-
tages of our theatre. The trail had been drawn over the
nuTounding heights, and the hoimds were let loose in the
cia-le to find the trail and follow it home. The whole
course was open to our sight ; up and down, over fence
and through woods; now single, and now in orderly pro-
cession, the dogs worked their way : at times at tault, and
then again the scent is found — until at length the dash
home is made ; and woe be to the wanderer who has got
in the way, for the dogs are too much in earnest to stand
on manners when the chase is nearing ita end. But
another race has to be run, when guides have to show
their skill in hitting on the best route and cUmbing it with
topmost speed. Fine^oung fellows they are, as we watch
them assembling in the midst of the circle. The word is given :
away they go, over the seats, and over an enclosing wall,
through some marsh land, and then up the Silver Howy on the
topmost peak of which flies the signal flag. The height is
some fifteen hundred feet, and the winner reaches the
wmmit in ten minutes, and is down again in the midst of
B8 in five minutes more. We should not care to be guided
np the Silver How at this pace, and resolve to keep clear
(a such swift-footed guides. But the sight was exciting
enough, as werff the cheers with which the victor was
greeted. We were assured that it had never before been
nm in so short a time.
The sports are over in sufficient time to allow a pleasant
itnUhome to Ambleside— pleasant when amid the mea-
fcws, over the heights, and along the banks of the lakes ;
fcilt dusty, indeed, for those who take to the road and
234 The English or Scotch Lakes — Which f
his house — as we had just before done to his grave at
Grasmere — ^here at Mount Rydal, where he lived and was
worshipped. In past years we had been admitted into the
garden, and saw the simple rooms in which the great
phiJosopher-poet lived so long; but now that it has grown
into a villa, perhaps it' is na harm that a notice on the
locked gates should say that there is no admission for
strangers ; for plainly it is no longer the poet's home. But
yet, somehow, this notice jars upon the feelings which a
very different custom has cultivated in us, by which we
were bid to find and make ourselves at home everywhere
in this enchanted land.
However, we must not linger at and around Ambleside,
though a pleasanter place for so doing could scarcely be
found ; but must hasten on to our last lake at Coniston,
when at the railway station we bid adieu to Lakeland, on
which we cast back many a longing look as we hasten on
through Lancashire, homewards. Coniston Lake must not
detain us, though it has varying and pleasant scenery which
unfolds itself with becoming pride as the pretty Gondola
carries us over its four miles of water. It has two graceful
residences on its shore, which have been rendered illustrious
by distinguished occupants. In one Tennyson once lived,
while the other, formerly belonging to Gerald Massey, is
now the home of John Ruskin. The Waterhead Hotel
claims, by right of position and architecture, a leading
place among even these, and affords pleasant views over
the lake and the grand mountain scenery which shuts it in,
and localizes what otherwise would be too extensive a view.
And so we quit Lakeland with pleasant memories stored
up for future enjoyment; with regret that we cannot
longer remain, and with a hope of some day revisiting it
This hurried glance is reflected but imperfectly in this still
more hurried record. But even this will serve, if no other
purpose, at least to show how we answer the question we
started with — ^which lakes do we prefer ? • It is a matter
of taste, much influenced by accidental circumstances,
and still more dependent upon the individual who judges ;
but, be this as it may, our preference is for the English
lakes, not that we love Scotland less, but that we love
England more. But we desire to impose our dictum upon
no one. Let the reader go and juage for himself; and
perhaps, if he is wise, he will .visit both, and so love both
and prefer neither.
Henry Bedfc«d.
r 235 ]
CHARLES O'CONOR OF BELINAGARE.— IV.
Family, Birth, Education.
rhave tried, in former numbers of the RECORD, to
vindicate the fame, the learning, and the patriotism
of the venerable Charles O'Conor, of Belinagare, from the
UDJust aspersions of his grandson. Dr. Charles O'Conor,
Librarian to the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos, at
Stowe. It occurs to us that some chapters from the life of
this pioneer in the field of Catholic Emancipation, one of
the founders of the Catholic Committee, the greatest Irish
scholar and antiquarian of his century, may prove interest-
ing to our readers. They will open to us a glimpse of the
practical working of the Penal LawH, of their fatal efiects
on the intellectual, social, and physical life of the Irish
people, the remnant of the slaughter and confiscation of
Elizabeth and James, Cromwell and Wilham. They will
show us how the dauntjess courage, the heroic devotion
and martyr zeal of those whom it is our privilege to
sacceed in the sacred ministry, have preserved, under God,
tiie altars and the faith of the Irish race.
The O'Conors were the chief sept of the Siol-Murray,*
or Murray race of Connaught. They descended through
Duach Galach, the youngest of the twenty-four sons of
Brian, King of Connaught, from Eochaidh Moyvane,*
Monarch of Ireland (died A.D. 379), and father of Niall of
the Nine Hostages. The O'Conor Don, chief of the sept,
traces his descent from Cathal Craobh-Dearg, Charles of the
Bed Hand,* younger brother of Roderick, the last monarch
of Iieland. Dr. Kelly, of Maynooth, in -his notes on
ODngan's topographical poem, says, writing in 1848 : —
**Thi8 family (CConchobhair, now O'Conor), is now repre-
sented by the son* of the late O'Conor Don, aged about 12
yean, and his brother* aged about ten. The next to these
^ffiol — ^Moireadhaigh = Clan-Murray, so called from Moredach
fflKmr) Mullethan, King of Connaught, a,J>. 696.
* fiochaidh Mm^hmeadhoin.
*Thi» 18 the ffing of Connaught whose times are celebrated by
j^C-Xangan in his weird and musical ballad **Cahal More of the Wine-
236 Charles O* Conor of Belinagare,
in point of seniority, are Denis O'Conor, of Mount Druid,
and his brothers, Arthur O'Conor, of Elphin Palace House,
and Matthew O'Conor, Esquires. These five individuals,
with the venerable Thomas O'Conor, of New York, are the
only descendants, whose pedigree is to a certainty known,
of Turlogh More O'Conor, King of Connacht, and sole
monarch of Ireland."^ The first of the race of Clan-
Murray who assumed the name of O'Conor was Teige, of
the White Steed (Teige an Each Ghal),King of Connaught,
A.D. 1030, from his grandfather Conor (Conchobhar, A 973).
The distinguishing title of O'Conor Don dates from the
end of the fourteenth century, and arose in this way.
Richard II., on the occasion of his first expedition to
Ireland in 1394, summoned the Irish chieftains to meet him
in Dublin. It is said that no less than seventy-five princes
exercising sovereign rights in their own tribes and districts,
attended Richard's court on this occasion, " all,*' as Leland
politely observes, " bUndly attached to their own unrefined
customs and manners.'* Turlough O'Conor, King of
Connaught, was one of the four Provincial Kings who were
present, and were most graciously received by Ifichard.
Froissart, who was an eye-witness, relates how the Irish
princes, when offered the honour of knighthood, expressed
their wonder that the Saxon King should think his knight-
hood any additional honour or dignity to them. They
assured him that every Irish king made his son a knight at
the age ot seven. "We assemble," they said, "on a
plain : the candidates run with slender lances against a
shield erected on a stake, and he who breaks the greatest
number is distinguished by marks of peculiar honour
annexed to his new dignity.*' They were, however, per-
suaded to gi'atify King Richard. The four kings kept the
vigil preparatory to knighthood, and on the t east of the
Annunciation they received the honour with all the
formalities, in the Cathedral of Chiist Church. After the
ceremony, Richard entertained the new jmights right
royally at a splendid banquet, at which th'ey sat as his
equals.
But his English knighthood cost Turlough O'Conor
dearly. On his return to Connaught, he found his clansmen
disgusted with his submission to Richard and his foreign
^ ^' CambrenBis Eversus/* edited with translation and notes, by the
Rev. Matthew Kelly, St. Patrick's College, Maynooth, yol. I, p. 250,
note L
Cliarles O' Conor of Belinagare. 237
hoDonra His cousin and namesake Turloagh, grandson of
the gallant Felim, who had fallen on the fatal field of
Athunree, was supported against him by McDermot, of
Moylurg, and O'Rorke, of Brefiny. McDermot, to whom
the office belonged, had summoned the electors and
clansmen of Connaught to the hill of Carn-free,^ the place
where the O'Conors were inaugurated. He presented the
youBg prince with the straight white wand of chieftaincy,
put on his foot the royal shpper, and declared him ** The
O'Conor." After a time, to put an end to war, the
electors divided the government of Connaught between
the cousins. One of them was named Turlough Don^(the
son of Hugh, the son of Turlough, the brother of Felim) ;
the other, Turlough Roe (the son of Hugh, and grandson of
Felim), from the colour of their hair.» With this division
of power and territory, begetting endless internecine strife,
began the decline of the O'Conors. The principal castle
of the O'Conor Don was at Ballintubber, that of O'Conor
Roe at Tulsk. Dermod O'Conor Don, of BaUintubber, in
conjunction with O'Neil, sent an army of 7,000 men to
assist Lord Thomas Fitzgerald, then besieged by Sir
William Skeffington in his Castle of Maynooth. In 1584,
Lord Deputy Perrot* signed an indenture by which Hugh
0*Conor Don, the son of Dermod, compounded for ms
estates, then known as the Maghera, or Plain of Connaught,
1 So called from Fraech, the son of Fiodhach of the red hair (Cam-
Fraoigh-mhir.-Fiodhaigh-foltruaidh), the mound on which the O'Conor
waa inaugurated, and which is so frequently mentioned in the Irish
Annals. It is in the townland of Cams, parish of Ogulla, barony and
Coanty of Roscommon, south of Tulsk, and about three miles south-
east of Rathcroghan. In the same townland is the Dumha-Sealga, or
Moimd of the Chase, so celebrated in the Dinseanchus, and lives of
St. Patrick.
* Don = Dun, darkish brown. Roe = Ruadh, red.
'Charles O'Conor Roe, the last proprietor of the Castle of
Ballinafad, near Strokestown, sailed from Ireland after the capitulation
of limerick, and afterwards became Goyemor of Civita Vecchia, in the
Pope's dominions.^ a place of great trust. From this he sent tc
BeHoagare a marole monument to the memory of his family, with a
beautiful and classical inscription, which may still be read in the grave-
yard of lisanufFy, at Ballinafad, and which would be greatly improved
hj a cleaning process. He also sent his portrait, said to be a striking .
lueness, which is still at Belinpgare. According to Dr. Charles O'Conor,
be was the last of the O^Conors Roe. But according to popular tradition
ttie last O'Conor Roe died at Tumona, near Tulsk, in the middle of the
present century.
«The country of O'Conor Don was then formed into the barony of
BaUintobber, and that of O'CoAor Roe, into the barony of Roscommon.
VOL. V. S
238 Charles O' Conor of Belinagare.
extending from the hill of Sliabh Ban eastward, to the
County of Gal way westward, and from the barony of Boyle
to the barony of Athlone. This indenture is preserved in
the Rolls' Office, and a counterpart was kept among the
family records at Belinagare. This Sir nugh O'Conor
Don was the first knight of the shire returned for the
County of Roscommon in 1585. He died at his Castle of
Ballintubber in 1632.
He divided his estates among his four sons, Calvagh,
whose family became extinct, in his only son Hugh, who
died in 1762 without male issue, to whom be left the castle
and estate of BalUntubber ; Hugh, to whom he left Castlerea;
Charles, to whom he left the Castle of Belinagare, Bardeerin,
and Shananalag, and Brian, to whom he left the estates of
Behagh and Cloonikeamy. The second son Hugh-og, of
Castlerea, represented the County of Roscommon at the
Council of the Confederation of Kilkenny. His last male
representative, Alexander 0*Conor Don, the head of the
Goonalisbranch,diedin 1823, whenOwen O'Conor, descended
from Charles 0*Conor, the third son of Sir Hugh, grandson
of Charles O'Conor of Belinagare, and brother of Dr.
Charles O'Conor, became the 0 Conor Don. He was the
first Catholic Member of Parliament for the County of
Roscommon in the British ParUament since the Reformation.
The present O'Conor Don is his grandson. Thomas O'Conor
of New York, referred to by Dr. Kelly,^ was also a grandson
of Charles of Belinagare, " the Historian," and father of the
distinguished lawyer, the present Charles O'Conor, of New
York.
The Desiderata Curiosa Hibemica contains an interesting
account of a contested election for the County of
Roscommon between Charles of Belinagare, the third son
of Sir Hugh, in the Catholic, and Sir John King, of Boyle,
m the Protestant interest
In the confiscations of the .Stuarts and CromweU, the
O'Conors lost their estates. Owen O'Conor of Belinagare,
grandson of Sir Hugh O'Conor Don, followed Charles ft to
landers, and his estates were restored to him by the Act
of Settlement. He raised three troops of horse for
James II. at his own expense, and was governor of Athlone.
He was afterwards sent to England with the troops raised
in Ireland to oppose the landing of William rrince of
Orange. He was made prisoner, and was confined in the
> Ante, p. 2.
Charles O^ Conor of Belinagare, 239
Castle of Qiest^ where he died in 1690. He left no son,
mi his brother Charles succeeded to the property. But on
the final triumph of the Williamite ai'ras, the family foimd
themselves involved in the general proscription, and lost
the remnant of their estates.
Denis, the son of this Charles, known as Dona^ha Lia,
or Denis the grey-headed, was the father of the celebrated
Charles 0*Conor of Belinagarci. Deprived of the estates of
his ancestors, the lineal descendant of the Monarchs of
Erin, one foot of whose soil he could not now call his own, he
maiiaged to obtain a small farm at a place called Kilmac-
tranny, in the County SUgo, which he tilled with his own
hands. His wife was Mary O'Rorke, of the princelv race
of Brefifny. She was the daughter of Captain Tieman
O'Rorke, who sailed with Sarsfield after the capitulation of
Limerick, and fell fighting in the army oi France, at
the Battle of Luzzara, m 1702. O'Conor's nephew,
Francis MacDonnell, Major in the Imperial service, was
killed in the same battle, fighting on the opposite side.
This was the same MacDonnell, who, in the attack on
Cremona, captured Marshal Villeroy, and rejecting the
most tempting offers, delivered him up to Prince Eugene,
who earned him prisoner to Innsbruck. For his gallant
wnduct on this occasion Captain MacDonnell was pro-
moted to the rank of major. He is honorably mentioned
by Thomas Davis in his stirriAg ballad, " The Surprise of
Qremona" : —
*• News, news, in old Ireland ! — high rises her pride,
And high sounds her wail for her children who died ;
And deep 18 her prayer : ' God send I may see
Macdonnell and Mahony fighting for me !'"
1q their humble home at Kilmactranny, this long
descended pair, poor in the world's goods, but rich in an
inheritance of virtue beyond the reach of the world's chang-
ing fortune, brought up their children in honest industiy,
and in the love and practice of that Old Faith .for which
they had forfeited all earthlj possessions. The venerable
Charles O'Conor, when in his eightieth year, loved to tell
his grandson how this excellent father often took him up
in his arms when a child, and said to him with deep emotion,
240 Charles G* Conor of Belinagartk
We may here practically realize what we have often
read, how the most high spirited and gifted of the Irish
race were forced to emigrate to foreign lands, in whose
camps, and courts, and councils, as the history of Europe
bears witness, they rose to rank and renown. They left
behind them chiefly the old, the feeble, the widow, and
the orphan. In every generation since, this history has
been repeating itself. Over a century later, the Times in
its truculent way was fond of saying : " The Celt counts
with the lame, the bUnd, the sick, and the insane, as an
impotent class." " Ireland is a trouble, and a vexation,
and an expense to this country. For a whole generation
the prolific wretchedness of the unreclaimed Celt has made
Ireland a continual drain on the resources of this country."
Supposing by impossibihty, that these statements were
true,^ to whom were the poverty, wretchedness, and
impotence of the Celt to be attributed ?
In the example of Denis O'Conor, we see the noblest of
the Irish race, the ancient owners of the soil, become
ploughmen and labourers, sinking to the lowest steps in
the social scale. Archbishop King writes, in 1730: —
** Their sons or nephews brought up in poverty, and
matched with peasant girls, will become the tenants of
the EngUsh officers and soldiers ; and thence reduced to
labourers, will be found the turf-cutters and potato-diggers
of the next generation." Monison, in his Threnoida IlibernO'
Caiholica^ writing at an earUer period, says that in his
presence, Daniel Connery, a gentleman in the county of
Clare, was sentenced to banishment by Colonel Henry
Ingoldsby, for harbouring a priest. Mr. Connery had a
wife and twelve children. His wife fell sick, and died in
poverty. " Three of his daughters, beautiful girls, were
transported to the West Indies, to an island called the
Barbadoes; and there, if still alive, they are miserable
slaves.''^ Who will restore the gallant youths and gentle
maidens of the Celtic race, who spent their years as slaves
on those West Indian Islands, weeping out their eyes as
they remembered Erin ! Hence we may understand the
declaration of John Keogh, in 1792, that the desoendants
of the ancient possessors of the soil of Ireland " had simk
into the dregs of the people, and were labourers in the. fields,
' At this time England was drawing from Ireland a tax-tribute of
four millions annually, over and above Government expenditure in this
country.
^ ihrenoida HihernO'CathoUca ; Innsbruck, 1659.
Charles 0^ Conor of Belinagare. 241
or porters on the quays of Dublin, or beggars in the streets,
unable to read or write, or prove their legitimacy, or trace
a pedigree.'**
Denis O'Conor, however, proved more foi-timate. He
managed to recover a fragment of his family inheritanca
Counsellor Terence M'Donagh, who was M.P. for the town
of Shgo, in Bang James's rarhament, moved by his mis-
fortunes, undertook on his behalf a suit before the Court of
Claims, appointed in 1703, to inquire into the disposal of
Irish forfeited estates. He succeeded in obtaining for
Denis O'Conor, and his sisters Anne and Mary, three divi-
sions of their hereditarv property. "1 gladly consign to
oblivion," says Dr. Charles O'Conor, " the various artifices
practised to wrest their possessions from the old natives, by
which Belinagare and Cloonalis, two of the most ancient
properties perhaps in the kingdom, are the only remnants
of the immense estates of Roderick now vested in his own
posterity."
Having thus obtained the dearest wish of his heart,
possession of Belinagare, old Denis O'Conor opened the
mansion as a hospitable refuge for the homeless and the
dislreesed who had been less fortunate than himself. Here
the ruined adherents of a fallen cause always found
welcome. The hunted and disguised priest, who at peril
of life and limb, administered the sacraments, and kept the
fiiith alive among the people ; the bard who yet survived
to sing the deeds of the heroes of the race of Heremon ;
the seannachie who related the ancient stories and tradi-
tions of the Celt, or the valour of the Wild Geese on the
battle-fields of Europe, were all freely bade to stay.
Though even such pity for fallen greatness and generous
hospitality was forbidden, and by one of the refining
touches of the Penal Code it was enacted," " that all vagrants
pretending to be Irish gentlemen who coshered about from
house to house," should, on presentment by grand juries, be
ient onboard the fleet, or transported to the plantations. The
ftomwellian members of those grand juries, we may be sure,
did not much like meeting the rightful owners of the estates
^Wdi they had seized, hovering like reproaching spirits
iwind their ancient patrimonies. Accordingly, under the
ptoviaions of this barbarous Act, the Government Emigra-
242 Prostration in the Early Irish Church.
were transported to the North American Colonies, where
in due time they and their children became known to the
armies and rulers of England.
It may be added here that this true old Irish gentleman,
Denis O'Conor of Belinagare, before his death, which
occurred in the darkest and most dismal time of the " long
agony of the nation," directed his son Charles to write au
inscription for his monument. It may still be read on the
flag at the Rock of Drimmin, between BeUnagare and
Elphin, and runs thus : —
'* D. O. M. Pro majoribus Fidei et virtuti addictissimis, in
tueoda patria et religions constantissimis, ac tandem pro utriusqne
defensione redactis, despoliatis, dispersis — Ex Scotonim regibos
oriundis, pro se, Conjuge, et famiUa hie sepultis, hoc monum.
Statuit Dion O'Conor, 1738. Christianus Lector Cogitet, nihil
esse in hac vita ex omni parte beatum, Humanam mortalitatem
Consideret, et propriae memor Animam piis suffragiis Divinae
Misericordiae Commendet."
J. J. Kelly.
DR. ZIMMER ON PROSTRATION IN THE EARLY
IRISH CHURCH.
D£AR Sm, — ^Permit me, in return for your various, and to me
very instructive papers, to express my thcuiks hy transmitting a
brief Article, which, if you deem well, you are at liberty to publish
in the Irish Ecclesiastical Record.
With reference to the discussion respecting yi/Zittc^ and slechtcm,
I agree with your opinion. I consider your exposition and render-
ing of the quatrain in question not alone as grammatically possible
ttnd correct ; but, having regard to the sense, as the only ones which
are possible. In proof hereof I shall adduce two very ancient
authorities.
In the Codex Bemensis, No. S6d, which must have been
written before the year 840 (Gloss. Hib. p. xxii.), but which, there
is reason to believe, dates from the eighth century, is contained
(pp. 1-142), Servus the Grammarian's Commentary upon VirgiU
It was transcribed by Irishmen, and is interspersed with a few
Irish Glosses and numerous national names. The MS. was pro-
bably compiled in Ireland itself. At folio 104^, yenita ampLexus^
JEn. iii., 607, is explained by gemhus volutans. Opposite this, one
who was not ati Irishman wrote : deflexu genuum ut JScatti /aciunU\
Two conclusions follow from this marginal entry. Fu*st, that
the Jlexus genuutrij as practised by the Irish monks, differed from
I^'ostration in tJie Early Irish Church. 243
that which was carried out in the monasteries of the Continent ;
and consequently appeared remarkable. Secondly, that the Jiexus
genuum of the Irish monks was in reality not a mere fexus genuumy
but signified se prostemere in addition. Outside the Irifih monas-
teries, therefore, flexus genuum was a real filUud nan glunet bending
of the knees, or genuflection; within them, a slechtan^ genibus
whitcmSy or prostration.
The latter, therefore, always includes the former, and some-
thing additional. In support of this, we have another old Irish
authority in the Milan Codex; which, as is well known, was
brought from Bobbio, one of the foundations of St. Columbanus.
At folio 138% the passage, habitus quippe et rationahilis membrorum
motus sermo quidem est corporis^ is glossed as follows : cumgabal inna
lam hi cronsfigiU^ issi hriathar lam insin ; ocus issi bnathar sule dano
acumgabal suas dvchum nDa ; ocus issi briathar giuna ocus choss a
JUUudfri ilechtan ; ocus issi briathar choirp dona intan roichther do
Dia oc slechtan ocus chrosigill — ^raising of the hands cross-wise,
this is the speech of hands; and this is the speech of eyes,
indeed, to raise them up to God ; and this is the speech of the
knees and feet, to bend them unto prostration ; and the body's
speech is this, therefore, when it is directed to God in prostration
and in placing hands cross-wise.
Need I direct your attention to the fact that the slechtan and
chrosigill here given correspond with the fleacis in oratione genibus
recumbere quoted by you ? To anyone with the least philological
knowledge, it is clear from the foregoing that crosfigill and se
prostemere or genuum flexio have absolutely nothing in common.
Some new light id now thrown upon the quatrain under discus-
sion. When it is translated —
Cnm intramuB (adimos) ecclesiam,
Frostemamus nosmet usque ter. :
Non ea flectimus — genua tantum
In ecclesia Dei vivi.
we can, by analogy from ut Scotti faciunt of the Codex Ber-
nensis, supply ut Francij AUmanni, etc., faciunt as an implied
clause after genua tantum. In this way alone does the passage
possess a pregnant meaning.
Whence, it may be asked, arises the difference thus clearly
.^hown to have existed between the Irish monks and those of the
Continent in the eighth and ninth centuries ? To me it appears
beyond doubt that simple genuflection was the original posture,
since the name and thing correspond ; and when we find the Irish
method, or prostration, ceAled flexus genuum^ as in the Codex Ber-
nensis and elsewhere, this is a secondary meaning, and only shows
that the usual designation was retained in Latin, although it repre-
sented the Irish custom but incorrectly (pars pro toto).
I shall now proceed to solve the question proposed above,
Every one familiar, like yourself with Old and Middle Irish
244 Prostration in the Early Irish Church.
knows that almost all the words which have reference to Chris-
tianity, Church, Discipline, and Worship are loan-words from the
Latin. Precisely the same we find in Welsh, for example, and
Old High German. And the fact is readily conceivable, since all
such ideas were as perfectly foreign to your, as to our, heathen fore-
fathers. And even though they had had some things similar, the
missionaries would have had good reason for not selecting their
native names : since thereby too much of the pagan reality might
have been too easily retained by the new converts. The names
for God are the only ones which wo find generally adopted.
A study of the Old Irish loan-words in connection with Latin
illustrates the truth of the foregoing. Thus, the Irish case cor-
responds to the Christian- Latin pascha^ corcur to purpura^ clumio
pluma, cruimther to presbyter. But, on the other hand, the Latin
predico is represented by the Irish prtdchim, and prancUum by
proind. How comes this difference in the treatment of the Latin P/
The oldest missionaries of Ireland in the third and fourth cen-
turies were Britons, like your national apostle, St. Patrick himself.
At that period the Britannic and Old Irish cannot have diverged
so much as the derivative languages, modem Welsh and modem
Irish, have. The differences were principally dialectical ; and as
the Anglo-Saxon missionaries who came to Lower Germany in the
eighth century soon overcame similar divergencies, and were able
to preach, so did it happen with the British missioners in Ireland.
A leading difference between the Gaelic tongues (Irish,
Scottish-Gaelic, Manx) and the British (Welsh, Cornish, Breton)
consists in this, that in many words which are identical in etymol-
ogy, p occurs in British where c is found in Irish. Thus Irish
cethir (four) = Welsh /?e/^ar, pedwar; Ir. cruim (worm) = W. pryf;
It. crann (tree)= W.prenn; Ir. cenn (head) = W.penn; Ir. mac{8on) =
W. map; Ir. ech (horse) = W. ep ; Ir. each (each) = W. paup, pop ; Ir.
Jliuch (wet) = W. gulip, etc. This law was observed even by
Cormac : is mac inni ts mabb isln bretnais — mac is the same as maib
in the Britannic (Glossary sub voce Mogheime); and it was also
noted by the British missionaries.
Accordingly, to make themselves understood in Irish, for penn
they had but simply to say cenn; for mapj mac ; and so on. In this
way they changed all the Latin words which had been real loan-words
in Cymric: which had, namely ^ gained a firm foothold in the Urn-
guatje of ths people.' Thus, casc^ clum, etc., came into the Irish.
But, on the other hand, peccad, pian^ etc., were transferred directly
from th^ Latin to your national tongue. The foregoing can be
considered at the present day a well-established result of philolog-
ical research.
Another consonantal difference exists between the Gaelic and
Britannic languages. The Old Indo-European combination srhsB
become /r in British initial sound. Thus, the Welsh /ni/, modem
fnvd (stream) = Irish sruth, Sanskrit srutisysrutam; W.froen = Ir.
sron (nasus). See Gram. Celt.*, p. 80. Now, in the same way as,
Prostration in the Early Irish Church. 245
thioo^ the influence of the British missionaries, the Irish clum
arose from the Latin pluma, the Irish srian came from the British-
lAimfrentun, W./rwyn; Ir. senister iromfenestra, W.henestyr; Ir.
nogell from JlageUum^ W. frowyll, etc. Side by side with these,
however, we find felsub (philosophus), fellsube (philosophia), etc.,
taken directly frx)m the Latin.
To come back now to where we set out from. When the Church-
Latm expressions fiectio genuum and Jlectere genua came to the
Imh with Christianity and genuflection itself through British
missionaries, at the earliest period, how must they have been modi-
fied according to the analogy of fenestra = senister^ etc. ? From
fectio, Jlectionis came slechte, slechtan, like coibse^ coibsen from con^
fesgio, canfe9sionis ; and from Jlecto came slechtim^ just as pridchim
from predieo. Accordingly, the Irish sUchtan and slechtain are the
geaoine representatiyes of the JjoXin flection — BXkdiflecto,
The subject is now, to all appearance, more complicated than
before : in reality, however, we have now the key to the solution of
theqaery^-whence arose the difference in devotional posture between
the frish and Continental monks in the eighth and ninth centuries.
You are, of course, acquainted with the conception — ** Folk-
Etymology." Whenever loan-words, from whatever cause,
become forgotten in their origin, popular linguistic instinct at-
tempts to draw them from their isolation, and attaches them to
other words of the language. Under the influence of this trans-
formation even the forms of the vocables are not unfrequently
altered. For instance, the English crawfish^ crabfish = German
hrthst French ecrivisse; E. causeway = F. chavssee, L. calciata
(Even in Milton, P. L..10,415, we find causey) ; sparrowgrass = aspar'
agus; passover = passah. Runagate^ from the Romance renegade^
was attached to rnnaioay and gate. See many more examples from
Greek, Latin, English, French, Italian, and German in Andresen :
On German Folk-Etymology, pp. 1-64.
In the case of the verb slechtaim and the noun slechte or slech*
ton, the connection with the Latin words had been severed. They
▼ere consequently attached to the Irish word sligim, prostemo; and .
thereby became altered in meaning. Through this process it was
that prostration usurped \the place of genuflection as the meaning of
fkcktain and slechtan.
The Irish sligim is etymologically the same as the Gothic
*^en, German schlagen, A.S. slahhan, sleahany English to
^; and to the examples quoted by you can be added such
others as : huare roslechta trichumacht nDa — quia — Assyrii —
^ti, vel prostrati, sunt potentia Dei, Ml. 48'*, 28. When you
consider all the passages taken together, you will, I think, con-
chide with me that the meaning of slechtaim and slechtan could not
have arisen '' cthf with etymological accuracy from the root slak
246 Prostration in the Early Irish Churclu
When the old loan-words for flectio (genuum) BxAfledere (genua)
were thus altered in signification, the Irish language was wanting
in terms for the well-detined ecclesiastical conception flectere^JUetiOy
as practised outside Ireliuid. Acccordingly, the verb JilLim^ to
Jbend, inf. filliud^ was employed for that purpose.
In the St. Gail Priscian, 157^ ifitrinsecus fit declinatiois glossed is
immedun dogniiher inJiUiudy nifodeud—^si in medio fit flectio, non in
fine ; and at 158^ 6, infilliud is the equivalent of decUnatio. To tiie
first example corresponds the sentence in the Carlsnihe Priscian, 63 :
in magen in den tar infilliud — locus in quo fit flectio. Compare also
filter^ flecti(ur in the St. Gall MS. 203*», 9. 12; and inrufiU, the
gioss upon implicuit in the Ambrosian Codex, 33^, 11.
As you accurately observe, th.e word cross figill has no relation
whatsoever to genuflection or prostration. Crossflgill, from a purelj
linguistic point of view, can only mean watching before the cross
or crucijix; afterwards the method in which the exercise was performed
received the name crossflgill. In this sense it is employed in the
quotation given in the beginning of this letter from folio 188* oC
tiie Milan Columbanus.
Two more remarks, in conclusion, upon the quatrain. As the
metre shows, we must read ar-ro-isam in four syllables, like
Oolman's Hymn, 42 : sechroised roisam (seven syllables). In Old
Irish an (cum) is always followed by the relative (subjunctive) n .•
an-vho-n-derbid — cum probatis, Wb. 22**, andunerckain — com
prophetavit. Ml. 15**, andumhertis acoibsena — cum ferebant suae
confessiones, Taur. 2** (Gram. Celt. 709). Was the original, there-
fore, arronuiam inn eclais, and are we to refer the reading rohiss«im
of H. 2. 16. to this as a Middle-Irish alteration of the older form ?
Again, in the last line, H. 9, 16. has preserved the original lec-
tion ; we must, it is evident from the metre, read in domnach De bu
The strophe would, accordingly, be reconstructed as follows :—
ArroDisam inneclais slechtam co bo thri :
NisfiUem gluni namma indomnach De hi.
Tour's sincerely,
H. ZiMlIBR.
Greifswald, December 10, 1883.
POSTSCRIPT.
In taking leave of thiB discnsmon, — ^the other questionB
of Philology and Archaeology treated of in Dr. Zinuner's
Letter can be dealt with more Batisfactorily in a separate
paper — we beg to direct attention to some facts which
came to onr knowledge since the appearance of F. Malone'B
second article. They show prettj' clearly how far the
lection and version so " hurriedly ** volunteered were the
result of independent investigation.
J^'09tration in the Early Irish ChurciL 247
The Yellow Book of Lecan,^ the antedating of which
by 690 years has been neither retracted nor defended, was
cited so circnmstantially — Trin. Coll., classed H. 2, 16, col.
825 — as to lead ns to conclude that the text and reference
were not copied from Reeves' Culdees^, wh4re the whole
Rule is accurately said to be found in cols. 224, 225. An
inspection of the MS., however, has since shown us that
they were. "Col. 225" was merely a wrong guess. The
quatrain, we saw at a glance, is contained in column 224.
Again, the disquisition upon Sunday-standing, we were
aware, was taken without acknowledgment from the
source indicated in the note on the same page : " Possibly
there is reference here to the practice of standing, which was
anciently enjoined on the Lord's Day. See Bingham, Antiqq.,
Kb. xiii., cap. 8, sec. ^ (Works, vol. iv., p. 325, ed. 1840.*')
Still, as the edition known to us contained only
references J F. Malone's ^uotations^Yro imagined, were the
product of original research. Hence we expressed amaze-
ment how anyone, with Eusebitis before him^ could print
two clauses from the fifth Book, and gravely apply them
to St James, who had been already described as far back
as the second Book I The edition of 1840 has supplied
a ample but all-sufficient explanation. There' the two
extracts are given, one under the other, hut F, Malone
copied from the loronff one ! There,* too, whoever turns
over the pages will find at foot all the patrology which so
often puts F. Malone's margin in such charming contrast
with his text. And there,* finally,.will be found ample reason
to admire the discretion that made no vain attempt to escape
from the awkward dilemma in regard to Cassian. For the
senienceSi no less than the reference^ lay ready for transcription.
Risum Comicla movebit,
Furtivis nudata coloribus.
F. Malone's somewhat diffuse dissertation need not,
therefore, detain us long. What is the use of correcting mis-
statements like those — some at hap-hazard, others at second-
hand— about the second Instruction and the Cursus of
^ F. O'CsTToll (Gaelic Journal, No. 12, p. 377), employa Book of
Lscan and Yellow Book ofLecan as conyertible tirinB. But they are
different MSS. 1 The former is preserved in the Royal Irish Academy ;
the latter in Trinity. College. Quod abundat non viliat is F. O'CarroU^s
nile for Textual Recension. He prints (lb. p. 378, sq.^ at second-hand,
although two of the three MSS. are in Dublin, ** three different texts " of
aa anaent Iriah tale. The difference consists in this : the second textia a
conupt copy of the first ; the third, a still more corrupt copy of the second.
' IVans. R.I.A., vol. xzir., pt. ii., p. 201.
• VoL iv., p. 829. * P. 824, seq. » P. 326.
248 Prostration in the Early Irish Church.
St. Columbanus ; or of showing the irrelevancy of extracts
from such remote sources as the Winter and Spring parts
of the Roman Breviary ?
Moreover, as we anticipated, not a shred of proof has
been produced in support of the new construction on
which was founded the translation which Celtic scholars
were henceforward to adopt.
Nothing remains, then, but to subjoin a few specimens
from the misreadings and the mistranslations to be
found in ten of F. Malone's twenty-eight "paragraphs." As
they all, with two exceptions/ have reference to the
Leabhar Breac, they disclose a unique acquaintance with
that invaluable memorial of our Early Church.
(1, 2.) Hands joined at the hymn " IHcat** The Irish
word here rendered hands joined is lamchomair^y which
means beating hands in lamentation. The word is weB
adapted to test an elementary knowledge of Irish verbal
Composition.* It is a double compound : the factors are
lam^ handy and chomairt; the latter being itself made up of
the separable particle com (con)^ together and airt (ort)^
striking. The new hymn *'Dicat'' is manufactured from
the MS. himmnum dicat^^ the opening words of a well-
known old hymn, which is contained in the Franciscan'
and Trinity College* copies, and published in the second
fasciculus,*^ of the Liber Hymnorum :
Ymnum dicat turba fratrum, ymnum cantus personet ;
Christo regi concinentes, etc.
(3-7.) Here is an attempt at higher criticism. " There
is some confusion in a reference made by an Irish writer to
Moses and Josue ; but I have only to reconcile him with
himself. When Josue raised in front of Amra (Moses)."
And, lest we should lose sight of the reconciliation^ infrotU
of Moses is repeated, and the exposition concluded with the
dictimi, " Moses must have been considered by the Irish
writer as a sort of propitiatory, and Josue before him."
This makes matters worse. First, so far from even
implying the presence of Moses on that occasion, the
wnter had recorded his death two colunms back.* Next,
whenever Moses is introduced, the writer naturally calls
him Moses : once adding son of Amrai? another time, son of
» Those given under (9, 10). « L.B., p. 259a. 39.
» See Record, vol. iv., p. 429-30. * L. B., p. 259a. 39.
»Fol. 10ft. «Fol. 6(i 7p. 161, seq. » L.B., p. 128J.
9 P. 117a. 12.
Prostration iri the Early Irish Church 249
Ararat But, perhaps, F. Malone thinks Juda antra on
page 124," means Juda Moses ! Thirdly, the original,* in
toisech amraj is to be rendered, (not in front of Moses^ but)
the distinguished leader ; and that for three fairly conclusive
reasons. In signifies the; toisech^ leader; and amra, die-
tinguished. The very same phrase is applied to Josue in
the preceding page.* Our readers can now decide for
themselves whose "views" to quote F. Malone's words,
"have been characterized by confusion, contradiction and
manifold mistakes, in fact as well as opinion."
(8.) F. Malone had already placed Gregory the Great*
and Cassian upon his Catalogue of Irish Authors: he has
now added the name of the Christian Sallust. For " the
Irish writer," whose description of St. Martin " tallies with
the old Latin hves," is no other than Sulpicius iSeverus.
His old Latin life was copied into the Book of Armagh ;
and the miracle of raising the widow's son to life will be
found at foUo 210, second page, first column.*
(9, 10;) Bold eyes — hold body. Audacity {dana) is the very^
word of the gloss. Unfortunately for F. Malone, the whole
gloss — text and translation — is given in Dr.Zimmer's Letter;
and the word, whether read dana or dano, is a conjunction,
ergo, igituvy quoque, autem ! To Dr. Zimmer^ belongs the
1 P. 1286, 14. 8 A. 46. » P. 1246. 25 < P. 1236. 37.
« In the Dublin Review for April, 1881 (p. 346, note), F. Malone
sajs : — " Irish writers state that some were satisfied with beginning Lent
on Quadragesima Sunday. Et quibusdam sex dies dominici abstirientiae
fubstrahuntury But the MS. (LB. 47a. 62-8) has as plain as print : [dies].
Ezquibusdum . . . sublrahuntur ; and the Irish writers are Pope
Gregory I., from whose Homily fot the first Sunday in Lent the whole
passage is taken ! Greg. Mag. Op. Om., Paris. 1705 ; torn, i, col. 1494-5.
* lib. ii., cap. 33. The xnuii. stood on the left margin : but xxx.
disappeared, with several more important entries, when the edges were
cut away in binding the volume. Two misreadings in the Gaehc
Journal fNo. 7, p. 226), may be corrected here. The unmeaning form
ar ahoula, as any one could foresee, have been read as — the third singular,
relative, of the verb substantive (fol. 11a. 6, top margin) ; and
oedessiam^ not the comical acclessiam, is given quite legibly, the e being
curved over the following c, at f oHo 156. 6. Yet, F. Hogan says : I fancy
that I have made a very faithful transcript of what relates to St. Patrick.
' Gloss. Hib., p. liii. seq. F. McSwiney (Gaelic Journal, No. 10,
p. 321), writes — " N.B. — As C. Nigra shows, instead of dam, dan, dim,
dm, we should read dano, cUno'^ This is so inaccurate, that we
are bound to assume F. M*Swiney never saw Nigra's Glosses, p. xxvii. ;
or his Celtic Reliques, p. 30 — ^the two places where the subject is treated.
But, unless he quoted at second-hand^ he did see Zimmer's Glosses.
Now, in that work, p. liii., it is stated, with perfect accuracy: —
*^ Nigra . . . banc conjunctionem dan^ din, scribendam esse putavit.'*
It ^, therefore, not excite surprise when we mention that F. M'Swiney's
Notes m this, and his Translations in the preceding, No. of the Journal
contain thirty additional errors.
250 On National and Compulsory Education in Ireland,
credit of having first shown the true form of the vocable.
This he has established so conclusively, that even Windisch
was compelled to insert the correction in the authorised
English version of his so-called Grammar.
The substantive danatUj it is needless to remind Celtic
scholara, and not the adjective dana^ is the Irfsh equivalent
for audacity.
In regard to the death of St. Columbanus on Sundt^y
F. Malone says we are not accurate in our reference to
Greith, p. 375. "I have looked into it, and find not the
slightest allusion to his death at all." To a rigid logician
like F. Malone, this proof, no doubt, is conclusive. But
ordinary persons may be pardoned if they fail to see how
the existence of a thing is disproved because somebody hat
failed to find it
This leads to the question of the day and date on
which St. Columbanus died — a literary problem to the
solution of which we shall, with the Editor's permission,
devote our attention on a future occasion.
B. MacCarthy.
ON NATIONAL AND COMPULSORY EDUCATION
IN IRELAND.
•
PERHAPS the promised Bill of the Government on
elementary education in the National schools in Ireland
may be introduced into Parliament before the issue of the
April number of the RECORD. Feeling, therefore, the
urgency as well as the importance of the question, and
rejoicing that the priests of Ireland have a common organ,
free from tinge of provincialism, for the conveyance of
clerical intelligence and the formation of sound, accurate
judgment on matters involving great difficulty, I venture
to lay my views before the refers of the Record — views
which are entertained by many educationists whom I know
— on Compulsory Education in Ireland. On matters which
have been brought before the public, from time to time, in
different parts of the country, m reference to the improve-
ment of tne condition of the national teachers, there has
been expressed but one opinion as to salary, pension, and
On National and CompuUory Education in Ireland. 251
residence. Any improvement contemplated by the Bill
under any of these heads will be hailed with general
delight These are but details of the original Act of Parlia-
ment which should have been carried out long ago. But
any departure from the old lines upon which the education
(rfthe people has been based, any new principle introduced
into the system, which, to say the least, has worked well
for national instruction, must be considered with ecictreme
cantion. And considering the great number of persons
who clamour for compulsory education, the motivea
by which they are actuated, and the expressions they
use hostile to reli^on and the church, not only in foreign
countries, but within the United Kingdom, there is evident
danger at present in any innovation on this vital
question of education. I ao not believe there was any
period in the history of popular teaching in Ireland
when the minds of the people were mor^ at rest as to
the general working of the system. Then, why not let
well enough alone ? The French adage expresses it
better — Le mieux est Fennemi du bien. No doubt, all the
soundest advocates and best friends of the people admit
that the attendance at National schools falls below the due
proportioB of the pupils on the rolls. They all regret such
a state of things. But, with the admitted poverty of the
country, how could it be otherwise ? Should compulsion
be iqpplied to poor, half-famished and half-clad cliildren f
In the depth of winter they are seen to run for miles to the
nearest school. It is only when spring labour has to be
done or the harvest to be gathered, that children from nine
to fourteen years of age are kept at home. If they be not
permitted to work at such times, the landlord will not get his
lent, and then the Government will sanction their eviction.
And if those children be absent from school, the compulsory
law would reach the parent. Thus the poor tiller of the soil
Would be crushed oetween two diametricaUy opposing
forcea A .law which invites, encourages, and assists
emigration in the niral districts of Ireland, clashes wofully
with another law to promote the extension of the education
of its people. It would be sheer irony to depopulate the
country, and yet to propose to educate the country. Con-
flWering the present depressed state of the Irish tenantry, if
tte government contemplate the erection of school-houses in
n&al dist-' -^^ where they are now rather sparse, the people's
252 On National and Compulsory Education in Ireland,
somewhat inconsistent for the advocates of compulsory
education to bring a charge of degeneracy against
the descendants of the farmers of Munster and Connaught
who were wont to give hospitality and everything else that
was needed to many a clear-headed boy from the North,
and who discoursed in the language of Virgil and Homer
as eloquently as a paid professor does now in someof thestate
endowed colleges in Ireland ? A due veneration for the
memory of our persecuted forefathers, and an abiding love
of country, assort badly with a demand from Irishmen made
to an English Parliament for a measure of Compulsory
Education, as if the penal laws against it were forgotten, and
the heroic sacrifices, too, that were made in quest of that
golden treasure, in foreign climes, which was locked against
the Irish student at home. Is not this love, as well as aptitude
for learning, exhibited, of late years, in an augmented form,
in the successful competition of the Irish scholar for
diflFerent branches of the Civil Service, and for the honors
and rewards both of the Intermediate system and of the
University? And where did many of the youths qualify
for civil appointments but in the National schools of the
country? Let the National system be widened in its
operations; let emoluments, privileges, and prizes be
granted in money and books; so arrange tne whole
system of education, from the lowest to the highest
branches, that the National schools may be feeders of
the Intermediate schools, and they, in their turn, of
the University, and the necessity for compulsion ceases
at once. But if to compulsion during schoolboy days
you have nothing to add but coercion in manhood,
it is as if you compelled the youth to wander, for years,
through a weary desert without chance of ever arriving at
promised land. The words of the Latin poet are as truthful
now as when they were permed —
*^ Ut pueris olim dant crustula blandi
Doctores, elementa velint nt discere prima.**
If to the children of the schools, and not the teachers, the
surplus revenues of the Disestablishment had been allocated,
it would have been a more fitting interpretation of the
wishes of the founders, and more beneficial to the interests
of education in general. In the ages of faith, colleges in
coimexion with universities were founded with the sole
object of attracting to them the sons of the poor, and now
we are to have compulsion in primary schools, without any
J
On National and Compulsory Education in Ireland. 253
attractive influences whatever. This odious principle is
not found in any known code of laws, Jewish or Gentile,
Greek, Roman, or barbarian. And the forces which in
these latter days sustain it, are CsBsarism impelled by thirst
formilitary glory and dominion; a wild and enthusiastic
democracy, hostile to God and religion ; and a plutocracy
which never can be satisfied. In met, the enforcement of
this principle, in the countries which have adopted it, is but
the work, and, at the same time, the test of tne prevailing
indiflference, if not hostility, to all revealed religion. Will
Ireland, faithful Ireland, abet the scheme ? The Catholic
bishops have not approved of it, nor the general body of
the priests, nor any considerable number of the laity.
National t.eachers only, and but few of them, express their
approval of it in order to qualify for salary and the pay-
ment of results' feea And yet, strange to say, a large
number of them contend that the results system is not only
a failure but a false principle. -They may soon find, that
wider this principle of compulsion, they have lost their best
Sying pupils, who will resort to higher schools rather than
feit tneir freedom. The worst feature in the case is that
onder a law of this kind, an odious distinction, in a Christian
conn^, is introduced, by separating the poor from the
rich, and applying to them imequal laws. Society will be
a loser from the strong contrast between the humbler and
more privileged classes, and an obstruction will be raised
to the fusion of those heterogeneous elements which are
found in the different conditions of life.
We all know the opposition that was given to the step
taely taken by the English Government, to require, namely,
tttttendance of seventy pupils in order to obtain an assistant
B&adiooL Everyone in Ireland admits that a serious blow
**» thus dealt to education. The teachers were the first to
M and acknowledge it. The Commissioners of National
fifccation must have bewailed it as a departure from long
•■Wblished usage. The Catholic bishops remonstrated
' ^ it, both for the sake of the teachers and for the in-
I of popular instruction. They deputed some members
y ftcir venerable bod^ who declared the grievance in
clear and forcible. Yet, the grievance remains
254 On National and Comptijisory Education in Ireland.
And, pray, is the primary principle on which the National
system of education is founded — the principle of united
secular and separate religious instruction — is it so sacred
and so general in its acceptation as to demand the surrender
of the liberty of the youth of Ireland! It is ignored in
England and Scotland, and is not deemed worthy of
acceptance in any other part of the world. It has not its
OMgin in Catholicity, it does not come to us recommended
by the authority of a single pope, or general or particular
council ; it is merely the outcome of Protestant statesman-
ship, simply proposed and reluctantly received as a comvro-
mise. The mixed system is a misnomer^ for during a oalf
century in which it has been in operation, though nominally
non-sectarian, it has been really denominational.
The following is the return taken from " Thom's Official
Directory," 1883, page 651, of the working of the Mixed,
system. At the close of the year 1881, the figures stood
thus: —
Under Protestant Teachers.
Provinces.
Protestant Pupils.
R. C. Pnpils.
per cent.
percent.
Leinster
...
84-0
16-0
Munster
...
80-9
19-1
Ulster
.«•
840
16-0
Connaught
•••
704
29-6
Mixed Schools — Under Roman Catholic Teachers.
Provinces. Protestant Pnpils. R. C. Pupils.
Leinster ... 3-8 96-2
Munster ... 2-5 97-5
Ulster ... 11-8 88-2
Connaught ... 3*6 964
The total of Protestant pupils under Catholic teachers
is 5*9 against 94*1, and this is the system, forsooth, thai
should be perpetuated by a compulsory Act of ParHament.
It is maintained that the average daily attendance d
Eupils at National schools is so much lower than the num-
ers on the rolls, that it argues a general neglect and care^
lessness about education, so much so, that a compelli
force is required to make parents discharge their duty i
this respect. No doubt, an attendance of 50 out of 1 "
looks very bad on paper, but yet may be accounted for.
there be 100 children of school-going age in a ce
district of country, it ia much better to have aU tb
names entered on the register than to have only, say,
names inserted. Which is the more creditable to the distric
which shows the greater love for learning ? Evidently,
On Natinnal and CompaUory Education in Ireland. 235
fonner is the more deeirabte one. And, therefore, I con-
tend, that the more names there are on the Roll Bo oksof the
National schools in Ireland, the more evidently does it indi-
cate the inmate love for ^owledge in the breasts of the
Iriah. Yet we are told these are the very people who need
compulsioD. Oh ! no. The people are willmg, but they
are unable in this respect to satisfy the yearning of their
hearts. If the children did not put in the required nuiftber
of days for examination, if the attendance be so iiTegular,
why were they taken to school at all, unless the parent
wirfied to see the youth educated? Was it to mock the
teacher that the child's name was added to the rolls, or
was there a day when bribes were promised to the new-
comeist Nothing of the sort. It simply shows the parental
anxiety of the Irish for the school-traming of their offspring,
' and that, were it not for some cause over which they have
no control, they would never shrink from discharging this
duty. Why have not you that child at school, says a cold
u., j,__ i- i\. ii 'a little girl, eight years of age,
if two miles from the nearest
ou, a great shame for you, he
1 school. Oh, air, says the
it on her. The weather is wet
, and the last day she was at
ver, and little Nellie had no
cold, nor has she any covering
d weather is coming, and with
> school again. Oh I ray good
rted, would-be educator, the
do your duty. Do you hear
id tale, that may be heard in
-and tins is the consolatory
m of education for the worst-
st-clad children of any nation
icational figures from Thorn's
151, and place them vi»-a~\'in
r the year 1851, 1861, 1871,
[reUnd. Pnpili on the Bolls.
8 520,401
7 803,364
7 972,906
9 1,066,»9
256 On National and Comptdaory Education in Ireland.
the rolls of the National Board have increasedy for the same
period of time, by 545,858, or, in other words, at the rate
of 105 per cent. Such a phenomenon is the clearest proof
of the love for learning which any people could exhibit.
Or, compare the numbers on the register with the popula-
tion and you have more than one out of every five persons
proving their anxiety to be at school. Contrast thJs state
of tilings with that of £ngland and Wales.
The day schools, there, are classed under these several
heads.
Church of England, Wesleyan, Roman Catholic, British,
Undenominational, and School Board schools, and the total
attendance at all these schools, on the rolls, amounted to
3,372,900 in the year 1881. Now, the population in that
year is given as 25,y68,286, and therefore the school pro-
portion to Ireland should be upwards of 5,366,000 ; that is ,
— 1,993,100 names of school children are to be added to the
rolls in the schools of England and Wales imtil they be
equal with Ireland, or until the members of Parliament of
these two countries can fairly demand compulsory educa-
tion for Ireland.
Take again the case of Scotland. Its population in the
year 1831 was 3,734,370. If the fifth part of it, as in
Ireland, were enrolled as pupils, the numbers should
amount to 746,874; but all tne children at inspection
counted merely 475,021. Until the difference between
these figures, viz. — 271,853 be added to the Scotch educa-
tional rolls, the Scotch members of Parliament have no
right to call for compulsory education for this country.
Let us now taKe the average daily attendance of
children at school in the three kingdoms, and we arrive at
the respective per centage.
Popoli^oii. Average AttendAoce.
England ... 26,968,286 2,863,535 or 11 p. c.
Scotland ... 3,734,370 409,966 nearly 11 p. c.
Ireland ... 5,159,839 674,290 therefore 13 p. c.
Here is practical proof of love for education.
Ireland is ahead of every other portion of the United
Kingdom, notwithstanding its poverty and the famishing
condition of its youth and all other impediments in the race
for education. I am not aware of the method by which the
average daily attendance is taken in England and Scotland,
but I cannot approve of the Commissioners' method in
Ireland.
They insist upon the school being open for 200 days in
Ou National and Campuhoty Education in Ireland. 257
the year, and they also require the surplus days to be taken
into account for calculating the average. Were only half
the number, in monthly attendance, present in school, how
inclement soever the weather may be, it would be only
fair to allow all the lowest school days above 200 to be
kept out of reckoning.
Take, for example, the last quarter of the past year.
Th»e were 65 school days in it. One teacher, A. B., kept
his echool open for 50 days only, and had an avemge
aUendance of 30 pupils. C. D., another teacher, continued
his school for the entire 65 days. If he had closed his
school at the same time with A. B.* he, too, would have had
an average attendance of 30. But, being anxious to
advance a set of grown-up boys, who must soon leave the
school entirely, he continued to keep it open for the addi-
tional fifteen days, with an average daily, attendance of 15.
The former teacher instructs 30 boys for 50 days, and gets
his fall salary and credit for attendance at his school. The
latter does as much as the former, and besides gives instruc-
tion to 15 boys for 15 days. What is the return t He
mnst calculate all the attendances which amount to 1725
hy dividing it by the number 65, which expresses the dayst
in the quarter, and the quotient is 26. He is deprived,
fliereby, of his full salary, and the public are given to
vnderstand that the average attendance is much below the
number on the rolls. In tina way, I may say, the average
attendance throughout Ireland, which was 674,290 in the
year should be, in reality, returned at 10 per cent.
ler, or in round numbers, at 740,000. The method of
[culation hitherto adopted is misleading and paradoxical,
as the greater the attendance of pupils at National schools
ky Hie less it is made to appear ; and the more a teacher
labors, the less he is remunerated.
If 1,500 attendances during the quarter be accepted as
the role enabling teachers to earn tneir salaries, I do not
»ee why they may not be made up, between wet days and
Ay days, and half-days on Saturdays. If the constant
wiser be 60 and quotient not under 30, the hard-working
tnoher diould not be made to suffer, when his school
teete ike required calculation, whilst at the same time the
Ml state of education in this oountry would be plainly
258 On National and Compulsofy Education in Ireland.
schools, with an average of 8,958 ; 15,420 m workhouse
schools; 1,149 in reformatories; in Industrial schools no
less than 5,900. There are nearly 29,000 bovs at the
Christian schools throughout the country, from the returns
given by the directors, last year. Again, we have 500
schools under the Church Educational Society, which,
with an average of 80, would give 15,000, besides Ragged
schools and others ; so that in all Ireland we have edncation
imparted in elementary schools to 825,000 children. How
insane, then, is the cry for compulsory attendance in the
face of these facts and figures. Leave foreigners to cast
the stone at us, but let not the children who were nurtured
on Ireland's bosom defame the mothers who took such tender
care of their infancy. Rather let them say of their British
legislators —
'' Times Danaos et dona ferentes.'*
I have mentioned above the District Model Schools.
Thev are 29 in number throughout Ireland. The number
on me rolls is 16,819, and the average attendance is 8,953,
or barely above the half. All things considered, the
greatest anomaly in the educational history of the country
is this pampered institution. If such be the daily attend-
ance in towns in these Model schools, why should not a
large allowance be made for irregularity in rural districts,
where the pupils are obliged to travel a long distance in all
sorts of weather? But can a better attendance he enforetd
even in these favoured institutes of Government? I
answer, no, because those who once patronised those higblj'
lauded seats of learning have contrived to build scnool-
houses of their own, and they who formerly frequented them
now find it too far to travel. What, then, is to be done
with them ? Why, as they are dying of inanition, let them
die, and the unsavory haunts undergo a thorough purga-
tion. So early as the year 1851 the inspectors reported cH
these Model schools. " The greater portion of our time has
been occupied in the examination of teachers and in super-
intending the district Model schools." Cui bono, I ask, was
their superintendance. Read this narrative of an honest
Englishman in the *^ Gentleman's Magazine " for August;
and who in Ireland can say the picture is overdrawn?
" After leaving the village (in Cork County), the condition
of which, to English ideas, was more aegrading and
degraded than words can describe, I met, coming from the
school situate on the high road about a mile off, a troop of
Correyxmdence^ 259
little girls and boys dancing over the stones, or jumping
from rock to rock, by the only rough track that lea to their
homes — ^for no two-wheeled horse vehicle had ever entered
the village. Of course, again, the children were bare-
legged and bare-footed, and scantilv clothed. But they
were bright, healthy, ioyous, cheery-looking little beings —
a picture of neat-patching and tattered cleanliness. How
such comely and tidily-dressed children (and the country
school-houses are full of them) could possibly be sent fortn
of a morning from the very hovels of smoke, dirt, poverty,
and wretchedness which we have just visited, was a puzzle
that conld not be unravelled." And yet, I say, it would be
a greater puzzle to imagine how any Irishman could foster
the new-bom craze of compulsory education for those little
children "who" (continues the English writer) "are the
descendants of those who were far advanced in religious
civilization, science and arts, when our British ancestors
were akin to painted savages."
GpORGE Pye, V.F., P.P.
CORRESPONDENCE.
The Nationality of St. Boniface.
Rev. and Deail Sir, — With much reluctance I enter the lists to
maintain the English nationality of St. Boniface against so learned
an archaeologist as the Bishop of Ossory, especially as I feel sure
Dr. Healy can defend^ his own propositions much more forcibly
than I can. However, as a priest of the diocese of which he is the
patron, I ought not to refuse to do my best to prove our right to
his patronage.
I observe with satisfaction that Dr. Moran does not really call
in question the Saxon— or even the Devonian — birthplace of
St. Boniface ; but only maintains that he was of Irish parentage,
'^ Patre atque etiam matre Scottum," as Marianus expresses it. I
am also happy to see that his lordship bears out the opinion I ven-
tured to put forth, that St. Boniface showed no prejudice against
Irishmen as such.
I must confess it is somewhat startling to me to find Dr. Moran
speaking of ^ England's claim " to St. Boniface, as though it were
a new idea started *' by English writers of the present day." I
always thought it was admitted that England was in possession, and
that only a few Irish writers put forth Ireland's claim to be mother
of the apostle of Germany. At the time of the definition of the
260 Carrespondenee.
Immaculate Conception, when bishops of all nations assembled in
Rome, the German and English bishops petitioned the Holy See,
that the Mass and Office of St. Boniface might be conceded *' at
least to the whole of Grermanjr and to the whole of England, that
the latter may venerate St. Boniface as her son, the former i|s her
apostle, — Quod in S. Bonifacio suum haec filium, suum ilia vene-
retur apostolum.'' The decree granting the petition thus recited h
dated March 29th, 1855. Has any similar claim on the part of
Ireland to be the mother of St. Boniface ever been msule and
acknowledged ?
But this is no new claim on the part of England. In 755,
Cuthbert, Archbishop of Canterbury, wrote to LuUus, Archbishop
of Mentz. congratulating the Church on the glorious martyrdom of
St. BonifEice and his companions — ** €rens Anglomm advena ex
Brittania meruit palam omnibus ad spiritales agones emittere/'
and informs him that in a full Council the English Church decreed :
— ** Ejus diem natalicii illinsque cohortis cum eo martyrizantis
annua frequentatione soleniter celebrare, utpote quern specialiter
nobis cum beato Gregorio et Augustino et patronum quaerimus et
habere indubitanter credimus coram Christo Domino.'* (Stubbs,
Councils^ iii., 894). His feast is marked in all versions of the
Sarum Calendar given in Maskell's Monunienia Ritualia, Thus, by
a tradition of eleven hundred years the Catholics of England have
considered Boniface as of the English race. You will correct me if
I am wrong in saying that his name does not appear in the Irish
Calendar. I cannot even find it in the Martyrology of Tallaght.
The passage from St. Boniface's own letter which Dr. Healy
quoted, acknowledging that he was bom and died '^ in Transmarina
Saxonia," does not stand alone. The same idea of his English
extraction runs through all his correspondence with his Saxon
friends. Thus he tells Herefrith that his terrible letter of warning,
addressed to Ethelbald King of Mercia, was^lely dictated by the
pure friendship of charity," et quod de eadem gente Anglomm nati
et nutriti hie per praeceptum Apostolicae Sedis peregrinamur, bonis
et laudibus gentis nostrae laetamur et gaudemus : peccatis autem
ejus, et vituperationibus tribulamur et contristamur, opprobrium
namque generis nostri patimur sive a Christianis, sive paganis
dicentibus, quod gens Anglomm spreto more caeteramm gentium,
et despecto praecepto apostolico, etc.** (Epist. 71, Wnrdtwein.)
I do not know how he could express more strongly the feelings of a
true Christian patriot. Again, in his Epistle to all bishops, priests,
deacons, canons, clerics, abbots, abbesses, monks, nuns, *' immo
generaliter omnibus Catholicis Deum timentibus de stirpe et pro-
sapia Anglomm procreatis," he styles himself '* Ejusdem generis
vemaculus, Bonifacius, qui et Winfrethus." And he implores
them to beseech Qod for the conversion of the pagan Saxons,
*' Miseremini illomm, qui et ipsi solent dicere de uno sanguine, et
de uno osse sumus." (Epist. 86, Wurdtwein.) All throng his
Correspondence. 261
life, though he never returned to what Dr. Moraa admits to have
been his native land, jet he identified himself completely with Eng-
lish affairs, and gave the English prelates, monks and nuns, his
tenderest sympathy and best advice.
The Bishop of Ossory contends that many of his most intimate
disciples were Irish. I have no wish to call this in question. But
in some of the instances he cites, I believe his lordship to be mis-
taken. He gives the beautiful narrative of St. Boniface's loving
welcome to St. Burchard, whom he considers to have been an
Irishman. But when I turn to the life of St. Burchard given by
Caoisius (Tom. ii. 5), I read : '* Venerabilis Burchardus, Anglorum
genere nobilis . . . tandem relicta Britannia, peregrinationis
obtentu, in quandam Galliae partem, transacto salo, pervenit, etc.*'
Ganisins quotes Trithemius — to whose authority Dr. Moran assigns
** considerable weight," as holding " in his hand the traditions of
Mentz and Fulda" — ^to this effect : " Burchardus monachus cujus-
dam coenobii in Anglia, socius et comes peregrinationis S.Bonafacii
martyris, etc.'* (Trithem. L. iv. c. 184.) Basnage remarks that
some traditions say that Burchard and Swithun were not only
fellow-countrymen, but also fellow-kinsmen of St. Bomface. The
devotion of both St. Boniface and St. Burchard to the Irish martyr
St. EHian is very precious to me, as showing that St. Boniface had
no paltry prejudice against Irish missionaries. I do not know
Dr. Moran*s grounds for supposing Bishop Eoban to have been an
Irishman, but St. Witta had the same name with the grandfather
of Hengist and Horsa, according to Florence of Worcester.
It seems to be scarcely necessary to discuss writers of a later
date, when we have such abimdant« proof of Boniface's nationality
from his own correspondence, but Dr. Moran insists strongly upon
the traditions of Fulda. I may remark, in passing, that all the
various versions that we have of Willibald's life of the saint agree
in his education at '^ Adescancastre," though they spell the word
somewhat differently. The Bollandists have just published in their
Analecta BolUmdiana a version which they consider the earliest of
an, and this styles the place " Oratorium " instead of '* Monaste-
num." I cannot, however, pass over in silence the Life of
St. Bonifisce>by Othlo, a monk who wrote in the time of Pope Leo IX.;
and while Egbert, who died in 1078, was Abbot of Fulda. If not a
monk of Fulda, he wrote in the interests of that monastery, as his
prolc^ue shows. Othlo begins his biography thus : — *' Cum gens
Anglorum sacrae fidei jugo per S. Gregorii Papae Apostolatum
snbdita, ejus suffragantibus mentis, in sanctorum virorum pro*
creatione prae multis nationibus splendere coepisset, muhaque
lumina sanctae ecclesiae, quibus varia cordium obcaecationes illus-
trarentur, protulisset, inter hujus mundi lumina sanctum quoque
BonifEtcinm velut Lucif erum quondam, caeteris sideribus clariorum,
huic mundo edere meruit."
The Annals of Fulda by Enhard, extending from 630 to 838
262 Correspondence.
which Pertz (vol. i., 888) has separated off from their continnatioii
by other hands, makes the following entry :—
"717. His temporibus Wynfridus, qui et postea, cum episcopus
ordinaretur, Bonifaeii nomen accepit, Doctor Catholicus, natione
Anglus, primaru Romam, deinde cum auctoritate Gregorii Papae
in Franciam ad praedicandum verbum Dei venit."
The annalists of other monasteries are in perfect accordance
with those of Fulda, Thus, Regino of Treves, whose epitaph, with
the date of 916, was found in the 16th century, writes : —
" An. Dom. incamationis 650 . . . circa haec tempera
. • . Gregorius Papa constituitur ; hie Bonifacium ex Britan-
nia ortum episcopum ordinavit, et per enm in Grermaniam verbum
salutis praedicavit, etc/'
The Annals of Lauresham, closely connected with Fulda, say : —
" 746. Bonifatius, vir sanctus de genere Anglorum, etc"
The " Annales Xantenses," which give the traditions of Utrecht,
have: —
" 762. Passus est sanctus pater noster, Bonifacius, vir Aposto*
licus &t omni sapientia adomatus, qui de Anglorum gente nobilem
ducens originem, ibidem in sancto proposito religiosissime educa-
tus, etc."
All these extracts are taken from the two first volumes of Pertz,
who appends to the Life of St. Boniface, another set of fragments
by an unknown priest of Mentz, in the first chapter of which he
narrates the deposition of the unworthy Bishop Grewelib, and says :
— " Eodem tempore venerabilis Bonifacius, domino ducente, de
Britannia, Anglorum gente, Germaniam est ingressus, etc."
Thus, both in Fulda and in Mentz, Marianus Scotus found a
very considerable collection of documents attesting the English
nationality of St. Boniface. We are not able to examine the grounds
on which he formed his own very positive conclusion that St. Boni-
fece was of Irish extraction. Whether he evolved it out of his own
inner consciousness, or whether he had some Celtic documents which
asserted that Boniface^s father and mother were both Irish, we
cannot say. The way in which Marianus parades it has certainly
the air of a new and original discovery. It is difficult to imagine
that Pope Zachary should have inserted the word *' Scottum ** in
his own address of a letter to Boniface. The hct is that the
extracts Dr. Moran quotes as '^ Passages from Pontifical Letters
cited by Marianus," are not real quotations from pontifical letters
at all. They are only the titles given to the letters by Marianus
as the editor of the collection. I quote an example from Wurdt*
wein: —
" Epistola Ixxiv,
^^Zachariae Pontificis ad S, Bonifacium litterae de nonnullis ad
sacerdotum integritatem^ Ulicita conjugioj haereticorum guorun"
dam examen et poenam spectantibus,
''Reverendissimo et Sanctissimo Bonifacio Coepiscopo Zacharias
servus servorum Dei."
Correspondence: 263
Onlj the last nine words are the Pope's, the preceding words in
italics are due solely to the editor ; and Marianus was apparently
80 possessed with his discovery that, when he came across the name
"Bonifecium," he could not refrain from reminding his readers —
*An Irishman yoa know, ScottumJ* Othlo gives the Epistles
withoQt any titles at all. It is not difficult to understand how so
Iftborioos and accurate a chronicler, as Marianus is acknowledged
to be, should have led some of his contemporaries and successors
to have adopted his theory without examination. Still, William of
Mahneshury, whom I>r. Moran cites as testifying so warmly to the
merits of Marianus, does not adopt his theory about St. Boniface.
He says : — ** Boniface, Archbishop of Mentz, an Angle by nation,
who was subsequently crowned with martyrdom, etc." {Chron.
Lie. 4.)
Florence of Worcester, who died in 1118, avowedly adopted
the Chronicle of Marianus as the basis of his own. Two ancient
MSS. copies of the latter are preserved in the Library of Trinity
College, Dublin. One of these, E. 6, 4, on fol. 56, has, " Pippinus
decreto Zacharie Pape a Bonifacio, Moguntino, archiepiscopc,
^enere Anglo, unguitur in imperatorem . . . cui [i.e. Bonifacio]
BQCcessit Lull, et ipse genere Anglus'* The other MS., E. 5, 23,
records St. Boniface's ordination, 715, and speaks of him as
^^gtnere Angltis" Thus it appears that those who lived nearest to
the age of Marianus, and most highly esteemed his learning, did
not always follow him when his patriotic feelings carried him away
from historicfd facts.
I have given the testimony of one contemporary of Marianus,
Othlo, chosen by the Abbot of Fulda to write the Hfe of St. Boni-
bce, and supplied with documents by Pope Leo IX. himself. I
give that of another contemporary, Hermann, Count of Voringen,
sornained " Contractus," from a natural deformity, which did not
peveot his being regarded as one of the most learned men of his
«^e— philosopher, poet, astronomer, and the author of the Salve
Begim and the Alma Redemptorts, He was a monk at Reichenau
** Augiae Majoris '* — and compiled a chronicle, from the creation of
the world to a.d. 1064, when he died. He says : —
"717. Hoc tempore Winfridus, qui et postea Bonifacius,
S^ere Anglus Germaniae gentibus verbum salutis praedicat,
•octoritate Gregorii Papae II."
I sum up my argument thus : — ^The Catholics of England, from
th« time of Boniface's martyrdom to the present day, have always
daimed him as their own kith and kin, and this by solemn acts as
* Church. No such claim has ever been made by the Church of
Ii^and, though here and there individuals, like Marianus Scotus in
264 Correspondence.
respondents in their replies, mention, sometimes explicitly, bis
Saxon origin ; while all the early annals of Grerman monasteries,
that mention his nationality at sJl, declare that he was an English-
man. The same declaration is made by writers of mark, contem-
porary with Marianus, one of whom, Othlo, wrote the life of the
saint at the special request of the monks of Fulda. This weight
of authority is, I submit, sufficient to justify our setting aside as
inadequate the unsupported statements of Marianus, however
highly we may esteem his learning and general accuracy.
In April, 1864, Dr. Moran wrote :— ** St. Boniface, the
illustrious Martyr and Apostle of Germany, was a native of
Ireland : passing in his youth to England, he received in its
monasteries the name of Winfred." (Essays on the Early Irish
Church, p. 151.) His historical researches since have led His
Lordship to acknowledge that St. Boniface was born in England,
as he candidly admits in his letter to you. May I express the hope
that, upon hirther research, the same candour will lead him to
admit that Marianus was mistaken in claiming an Irish parentage
for the Apostle of Germany ? — I remain, yours faithfully,
W. R. Canon Brownlow.
St. Marychurch, near Torquay,
Feast of St. Gh-egory the Great^ 1884.
On giving Communion from a Ciborium before the
Communion of the Mass in which it was Consecrated.
Dear Rev. Sir — ^Will you kindly permit me to suggest some
reasons which, if valid, will afford ground for dissent from the
answers to your correspondent R. given in the month of February.
1. All the particles on the Altar are part of the l^iest's
Sacrifice : equally and together with the large Host they constitute
the materia adaequata in the Offertory and Consecration ; and are to
be regarded as numerically one species panis per modum unius^ oa
account of their moral conjunction on the same Altar and in one
and the same Sacrifice. So that in the case of small particles being
consecrated in Mass, and the disappearance or poisoning of the
large consecrated Host (the Rubrics^ on this point clearly do not
suppose the presence of any small consecrated particles), the Priest
would be obliged to continue the Mass, and communicate with one
of the small consecrated Hosts.
2. It is the opinion of many grave theologians, and amongst
them, of the holy Dootor Alphonsus Liguori, Uiat the Eucharistie
Sacrifice consists essentially in the Consecration and Communioii
together, and that it is not completed and consummated until the
Priest — normally of course the celebrant — haa himself partaken of
the Victim offered, sub utraque specie. Whilst the the(^gians who
1 De Defectibos, iii. 7, x. 7.
Corretpondenee. 265
dIsKDt from this oplnioi), hold that sncfa Communion pertains at
u; nl6 to the inl^ritj' of the Sacrifice. — (Cool S. Alpbons. Th.
Hor. L. vi. n. 191. Qu. 2. et n. 305j.
3. It would seem to be at least incongruous, and out of
iunnony with the mystical sense and order of the Holy Mysteries,
•9 prescribed by the Church, — and it ia difficult alwaya to determine
wliat herein is aimply of ecclesiastical, and what of divine institu-
tion,— to remove from the Altar any of the Sacred Species which all
ftr taodum tiniiu is the matter of the Sacrifice, anil therewith to
communicate the faithful, before the priest who offers has com*
pkted the Sacrifice, and himself duly partaken of the Feast.
4. If all the particlea on the Altar are to be regarded as
nmnerically one and the aaaie adaequata materia rub &pteie panig,
ptr modum uni'uj, they form equally with the large Host, the
afjtctvm adaeqvatma of all the prayers and rites after the Consecra-
tioiL as thev did in the Offertory and in the Consecration, even
«rnally and manually to the large
be words: — " De tuts dtmis ac
tanctam, Hosiiam immaculatam,
—Supra quae propitio ac sereno
pta habere. — Jube haec per/erri,
it'ne semper boita areas, saactiiiea»,
uded all the Sacred Species of
ifice. Consequently the prayers
ics, which are of greater than
e truncated, so far as any part of
he Altar and given in Communion
rued ; or, perhaps I should rather
1 rites would have derived their
such Sacred Species; — for in this
! nature and force of the mystical
acrifice after the Consecration
to all tlie Sacred Species on the
J : " £/( quotquot ex hac Altarig
tut Corpus et Sanguinem sump'
as comroentators explain it — a
the days when it was the normal
rticles should be consecrated for
e during Mass, and which would
if tlie Sacred Species consecrated
il had been already removed from
nuch reason, and so for as I have
Ktiption for all the sacred species
Lltar-stone), throughout the Mass
266 Correspondence.
•
from the Altar until the Sacrifice is consummated hj the Com-
munion of the Priest.
Nor have I seen that any anticipation or postponement of the
people's Communion is alluded to or recognised hj Authors, except
that befoie or after Mass for a causa rationahilis,
7. Communion given as referred to by R. must be either
Communio intra Mtssam, or extra Missani^ or neither of these,
but s%Lx generis.
If intra Missam, then evidently the rubrics are flagrantly
violated, as this is prescribed to be given by the celebrant after his
own Communion.
If extra Missam^ the rubrics are equally violated, as they
prescribe that the Priest is to give Communion from the Pyxis or
Ciborium in the Tabernacle, as well as the ceremonies to be
observed in its administration.
If neither, but sni generis, it is unrecognised by the Church in
her Liturgy, Ritual, Rubrics, Decrees and Authors, is merely of
private institution, and consequently is self-condemned.
If the practice referred to were lawful, and pnly objectionable
on account of the disturbance of the congregation ; then cleariy it
would be legitimate and preferable too, even when consecrated
particles were in the Tabernacle ; since less disturbance would arise
from simply taking a Ciborium off the Altar during Mass than by
opening the Tabernacle, and taking it thence.
6. The administration of Holy Communion, as in some cases
practised during Holy Mass, from a Ciborium in the Tabernacle,
appears to me very different, and to rest on entirely other grounds.
It happens sometimes that there is a General Communion, perhaps
of 2,000 persons, members of a Confraternity, when it would be
impossible for them to communicate otherwise than during Mass
without grave inconvenience, and disarranging the order of the
parochial Masses. In such a case Communion is given by one or
more Priests from the commencement of Mass ; or after the
Consecration, at the time of the celebrant^s Memento for the dead,
when the pause does not interfere with the ritual, a Priest takes
the Ciborium from the Tabernacle, and the prescribed rite for
Communion extra Missam is observed. An exceptional case like
this appears to me one which may be legitimately dealt with by the
local authorities.
The above considerations I submit respectfully for correction,
more particularly as just now I have no opportunity of consulting
Authors or Decrees. — Your obedient servant, C.
P.S. — Since writing this letter, a friend has f umbhed me with
the following passage from De Lugo, De Euch. disp. 20, sect. 2,
n. 68, who, after deciding that not only the large Host, but the
others also should be on the altar-stone, not only at the moment of
Consecration, but afterwards, draws this conclusion :
'^ Unde obiter infero, minus rite facere aliquos, quos vidi statim
Correspondence, 267
post consecrationem dare vas cum particnlis consecratis alteri
sacerdotit ut eas in alio altari populo distribuat. Hoc inqoam non rite
fit : nam sicut ex hostia sua Sacerdos non debet dare partem usque ad
finem sacnficii, et non minus offeruntur quam hostia major ; et ideo
onmes orationes, oblat^ones et benedictiones frequentes aeque
gpeetani ad illas : nee ante sumptionem a Sacerdote est victima
perfecte et integre sacrificata. Minus etiam congruit, ut alius
participet prius de sacrificio, quam ipse Sacerdos» qui est princi-
paliter offerens, et sacrificans respectu aliorum. Unde in omnibus
Litorgiis et Ritualibus ac Begulis antiquis semper primo loco
ponitur communio sacerdotis celebrantis, et postea communio
cleri et populi, nee videtur ille ordo facile pervertendus."
My attention has been also called to Gury, Cos, Consctent.
P. 11. 262, 265. But I must leave it to others to ^cover, in his own
Compendium n, 407, or in Ve Herdt — ^the only authorities he there
refers to— any trace of the doctrine, he says De Herdt asserts, viz.,
that when a priest is justified in interrupting the Sacrifice after
the Consecration in favour of a moribund, he may generally (as
Gury would seem to intimate) give him Communion ; and, in the
case he does so, communicate him either with a small Host, conse-
crated in that MaeSj or with a fragment of the large Host, hefort
hii otrni Communion. — Conf. De Herdt, De Defectihue Missce,
174-177. C.
We thank our revered correspondent for his learned
letter, in which he dissents from our opinion, viz. — that, if
there be a causa rationabilis to justify the departure from
the rubrical order, a priest may take the cibonum from the
altar after the consecration in a mass which another priest
is celebrating, and distribute from it the Holy Communion.
We shall return to this letter again, but for the present
we beg to point out to our correspondent that in the very
passage cited by him, De Lugo; though differing as to the
question of the ceremonies of the Mass, insinuates that he
holds the opinion expressed by us in the Record. De Lugo
says that he has seen this method of giving communion,
and the severest words of censure he has for those who
practised it, are minus rite facere^ minus congruit^ " nee
videtur ille ordo (in ritualibus praescriptus) facile perverten-
dusJ* Plainly, then, if, in the ease he witnessed, there was
a causa rationabilis for this departure from the usual order,
the procedure would be, in his opinion, quite justifiable.
This conclusion is clearly stated by Cavalieri {Tom. iv..
Dee, xi.- rtan. Ixiv- n. 6^ who Adnntfl fViA n-nininn nr\A avati
268 Liturgical Questions.
illos qui peracta consecratione recondunt pyxidem intra
tabemactuuin, vel earn extra aram super aiiud corporale
eollocant. Multo magis reprehendi veniunt, qui, nulla
urgente necessitate^ statim post consecrationem distnbaunt
populo particxilas consecratas quae, cum pertineant ad
idem sacrificium, non licet eas dispensare fidelibus, nisi
peracto eodem sacrificio. Quod si^ urgente aliqua necessitate^
statim post consecrationem pyxis adaliud altare^ vel ad infiitnos
deportari deheat, idpraestet sacerdos alter y etcelebransretrahat
se interim ad cornu Evangelii, &c. We then were not
incorrect when we wrote in the RECORD " that theologians
do not teach absolutelt/y that the particles may not be
removed from the altar before the communion of the
priest."
What would amount to a ** causa rationabilis " in a
particular case is a question chiefly for the local authojities.
R. B.
LITURGICAL QUESTIONS.
Recent Decisions.
I. Regarding the Ceremony of Ordination,
. II. Regarding the Ceremony of Benediction after Vespers.
Salpeen.
Rmus Dnus Edmundus Knight Episcopus Salopien. Sacrae
Rituum Congregationi insequentia dubia pro opportuna declaratione
hiimillime subjccit :
Dub. I. In Opere R. P. D. Martinucci, cui titulus Manuale
Sacrar. Caeremoniarum (lib. vii., cap. 2, n. 47) de inhibitione dis-
cedendi, quse legitur ab Arcbidiacono ante Ordinationes, dicitor
'* Si ordinatio peragetur ab Episcopo extraneo, ex mandato
Episcopi ordinarii, legetur semper praodictum mandatum nomine
Episcopi ordinarii.'* Quaeritur quomodo sit legenda haec inhibitao,
si ordinatio fiat ab Episcopo extraneo, servatis servandis, tempore
sedis vacantis ? An sit nominandus Episcopus extraneus, seu potios
Vicarius Capitularis ?
Et quatenus affirmative ad secundam partem, quibus verbid sit
nominandus ?
m
Dub. II. Ritus servandus in Expositione et Benedictione
Sanctissimi Sacramenti, auctoritate Concilii primi Provincialia
approbatus praecipit ut sacerdos, superpelliceo indutus utatur
amictu, et adjungit. Si expositio Sanctissimi Sacrament! imme*
Liturgical Questions. 269
diate seqnatnr aliud Officium Diyinam, et Sacerdos, pluviali colon
Officio carrenti respondentis indutns, non recedat ab Altari, tunc
paramentis non mutatis, velum humerale albi col6ris assumatur.
Quatenos vero recedat, et expositio habeatur tanquam functio
£stincta ab officio praecedenti, paramenta albi coloris adhibeantur.
Nee tamen improbaiidus usus aasumendi pluviale album pro exposi*
tione Sanctissimi Sacramenti, etiam si ipsa immediate sequatur
Officiom, cui competit color diversus. Quando Benedictio Sanctis*
simi Sacramenti immediate sequatur Yesperas solemniter cantatas^
et paramenta non sint mutanda, quaeritur an foret contra Deere tum
geoerale Sacrae ipsius Congregation! diei 7 Septembris 1816, si
^acerdos, antequam induat pluviale pro Vesperis, simul sumat
amictam et stolam propter Benedictionem, quae Yesperas statim
secutura est? £t quatenus hoc sit prohibitum, quaeritur an
Sacerdos pluviali indutus ^pud Altare, illud deponere et resumere
debeat, sumptis interim amictu et stola, et hoc etiamsi paramenta
noa sint albi coloris ?
Et Sacra eadem Congregatio ad relationem infrascripti Secre-
tarii exquisito voto alterius ex Apostolicarum Caeremoniarum
llagistris omnibus accurate perpensis, ita rescribendum censuit :
Ad I. Inhibitio legenda est nomine Yicarii Capitularis hisce
verbis: "RmusDnus N. N. hujus Dioecesis, Sede vacante, Vicarius
Capitularis deputatus, sub excommunicationis poena praecipit, &c."
Ad II. licet sumere amictum et stolam ante Yesperas, si ante
Vesperas fiat Expositio, et Benedictio immediate illas sequatur.
Atque ita rescripsit die 19 Septembris 1883.
Pro Emo et Kmo Dno Card, D. Bartolini, S.RC. Praefecto.
C. Card, di Pietro, Episc. Ostien et Velitem. '
We are indebted to the kindness of the Right Rev. Dr.
Knight, Bishop of Shrewsbury, for a copy of the foregoing
important decisions obtained in reply to questions sub-
mitted by him to the Congregation of Rites.
L The first decision will have a special interest for
bishops and for priests who may be engaged as the arch-
deacon in the ceremony of ordination. It declares that
when a bishop is invited to confer Orders in a vacant
fiocese, the mhibition to the Ordinandi read by the
archdeacon should be made in the name of the Vicar-
Capitular. The decision confirms by insinuation the
teaching of Martinucci referred to in the question, namely,
that when a bishop is invited to confer Orders in another
diocese, this inhibition to the Ordinandi should be made in
the name c* *^'^ bishop of the diocese and not of the con-
270 Liturgical Questional
beginning of Vespers, provided he has to expose the
Blessed Sacrament before V^espers and to give Benediction
immediately after them.
But there are other points of liturgy which receive
confirmation from this decision, taken in connection with
the questions to which it is given as an answer. First, we
infer that it is not permitted to wear the amict and stole
under the cope at vespers, when the Vespers are imme-
diately followed by Benediction, but are not preceded by
Exposition. For, when asked whether this is lawful, the
Congregation does not answer affirmative before it has
inserted an additional condition of its own — namely, the
Exposition before the Vespers. This is manifestly equiva-
lent to a negative answer to the bare question submitted
to it ; and this negative answer is in harmony with the
common teaching of the rubricists.
2. The Congregation, by not telling us directly what
vestments are to be worn by the priest at Benediction
when it follows Vespers immediately, leaves us to the
direction of the approved rubricists in this matter. Now,
what do they prescribe? I shall quote from a few of
them : —
Baudry* describes the vestments of the celebrant at
Benediction thus : — " Sacerdos cotta, aut alba cum stola
aut etiam pluviaU indutus ; "* and when explaining the
Benediction ceremony after Vespers, the only additiou
which he requires to be made to the Vespers (Lress of the
celebrant is a stole. Now an amict is not worn under the
cope at Vespers.
Likewise, Baldeschi, when describing the same cere-
mony of Benediction after Vespers, orders the use of the
stole, and makes no mention of the amict.
A.ccording to De Herdt, the vestments of the celebrant
at Benediction are — ^the surplice, stole, and, when it can be
bad, the cope.*
Neither does Martinucci mention the amict as one of
the Benediction vestments when the celebrant uses the
surplice. He describes the ceremony in at least three
parts of his work. In one he writes : " Celebrans siqier
vestem talarem induct sibi superpelliceum, stolam^ et
pluviale*; " in another : "Praeparabitur in sacrario pluviale
* De Festo Corp. Christi, Art. ix., n. 1. •i6W. Art. vl, n. 1.
* Tom. n., cap. yiL, Art. i., n. 5. (Italian edition.)
^ Sacrae Liturgiae Praxis. Tom. ii., n. 26.
* lib. I, cap. xiii, § ii.
Noticea of Booh. 271
cum stola albi colons, superpelliceum et biretum pro
celebrante."^
M. Jos. Aertnys also writes : " Sacerdos superpelliceo,
stola, et, si placeat, etiam pluviale indutos erit." Finally,
we have the authority of Mon.De Conny* and Le Yavasseur,*
neither of whom mentions the amict as a part ol the Bene-
diction dress when the surplice is worn.
To sum up. None of the many rubricists whom we
have consulted, recommends that the amict, as well as the
stole, should be put on by the celebrant after Vespers
when Benediction follows immediately.
Moreover, it will be seen that none of the highly-
approved authors whom we have cited states that the
amict is to be worn imder the surplice at Benediction when
celebrated as a separate ceremony. Seeing that the Con-
gregation of Bit^ in the decree pven above, uses the
word licet, and does not impose an obligation, we conclude
that we may still follow the direction of those approved
ritualists in this matter. j^ BROWNE.
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Earhj Christian Symbolism. Br J. Spencer Northcotf, D.D.,
Canon of Birmingham, and W. R. Brownlow, M.A., Canon
of Plymouth. London : Eeegan Paul & Co.
This is the first number of a very remarkable work, to be com-
pleted in eight monthly parts, and edited by two gentlemen whose
eminent services in the cause of Christian archaeology famish a
^cient guarantee that this work, like the others in which they
have been engaged, will be well done.
The coloured drawings from the Catacombs, originally executed
by Mr. W. Palmer, the " true and loyal friend of Cardinal Newman,"
jve here reproduced with wonderful accuracy of outline and beauty
of colouring. The letterpress, too, explains the symbolism of the
compositions, and, furthermore, gives a key for the interpretation of
^ilar monuments of art. It is really wonderful how much sacred
significance these coloured plates are shown to possess when exam-
ined under the luminous guidance of the accomplished editors.
"Hus work must entail considerable expense on the publishers, and
272 Notices of Books.
The Baptism of the King. By the Rev. H. J. Colebidge, S.J.
London : Burns & Oates.
It is quite superfluous for us to bestow any praises on Father
Coleridge's literary labours in the service of the Church. Every
one knows that in all his books he communicates solid instruction
in a chaste and noble style, which eminently befits the subject. We
would call special attention to the present work, because it emi-
nently suits the present time. It is a series of meditations on the
Passion of Christ : but these '^ Considerations aim at treating the
Sacred Passion in the light of general truths rather than by Uie
way of meditation on the details of the history, one after another."
Considerations of this general character will give the work a wider
sphere of utility, and we have no doubt that it will be very gene-
rally welcomed, not only by priests and nuns, but also by the body
of the faithful. They will find it a most suitable book for perusal,
especially during the Passion time now at hand. J. H.
" LandSales^ Ireland,'* by the Messrs. Fottrell— (Dublin. M. H.
Gill & Son) — appears to us to be an excellent work, not only for
lawyers, but also for all who contemplate purchasing their farms
under the late Acts of Parliament. The real security for Ireland's
peace and future prosperity lies in the creation of a peasant pro-
prietary, as men of all classes now admit. Priests, who are anxious
to aid their parishioners by their advice and tosistance in bring*
ing about this desirable object, will find this little work very usef uL
It will furnish them with all the information they can possibly
require, and in the smallest compass.
" The Culture of the Spiritual Sense"-<i>[ew York,Steiger &Co.)
— is an address delivered to the senior students of Bock Hill Ccl-
lege, in the United States. The author. Brother Azarias, develops
his conceptions regarding the supernatural in mem with much force
and beauty. His motto — Signatum est super nos lumen vultus
tui Domine — ogives the key-note to the entire address. It is Locke
Christianized and supematuralized, and may be read with pleasure
and profit.
We have also received to be noticed in our next : —
1. Transactions of the Ossory Archseologkal Society,
2. The Olories of Our Lady of Perpetual Sttccour, Translated from
the French. By the Rev. Thomas Livius, C.S.S.B.
3. Flowers from the Garden, Burns & Gates.
We have to apologise to our correspondents for holding, over seveml
interesting questions, which, owing to the pressure of other matter, we
cannot answer in the present issue. — Editor.
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
MAY, 1884
JURISDICTION AND RESERVED CASES-
THE following notes were put together, not because the
writer thinks he has any new light to throw on such an
old qnestios. All has been said long since that can be
said at all, perhaps more than ought to have been said.
There may be some who can spare neither time nor patience
to read through the controversy ; and surely one would
require a fair stock of both commodities for that purpose,
For it is not enough to read, even with attention; one should
examine each point separately and distinctly, and balance the
arguments for and against What adds to the difficulty is,
that the real question at issue is frequently forgotten, and the
controversy sinks into a petty dispute as to what Cajetan
or Navarre, or some other theologian taught, when it is
really of very little consequence what his opinion may
have been. This paper aims at a plain and substantial
statement of the case for such readers as wish to avoid, as
far as possible, intricacy of detaiL
1. Can a bishop prohibit his subjects, under pain of
invalidity, from confessing outside his diocese?
This question is the first here proposed, because it serves
to introduce the larg^er and more practical controversies
about reserved cases. In itself it is speculative and of very
little importatioe. *
Gury's answer varies with the various editions. In
those edited by Father Ballerini, he distinguishes between
the regulars and seculars ; and whilst admitting that bishops
cannot prevent their subjects from going to the former, he
holds that they have power to invalidate confessions made ^
to the latter — ^that is, to the secular clergy. In other
editions there is no such distinction ; it is laid down abso-
lutely that, aa the bishop does not supply jurisdiction in
VOL. V. X
274 Jurisdiction and Reserved Cases.
such cases, he has no power to refuse it, and thereby iDval-
idate the confessions.^
Let us confine our attention to the seculars. Can a
bishop prevent his subjects, under pain of invalidity, from
going to confession to the secular clergy outside the dio-
cese t
He can, if he and he alone supplies the necessary juris-
diction; otherwise he can not. This everyone admits.
The question thus depends on another — who supplies the
jurisdiction in such cases ? Here is the real controversy.
Let us see what is the histoiy of the question.
For two or three centuries, at least, it has been the
practice of confessors to absolve all who come to confes-
sion with the proper dispositions. No one ever thinks of
inquiring whether the penitent is from the diocese or not-
It was not always so.
In the middle ages, when anyone made up his mind to
go from home for a short time, the first thing he had to do
was to obtain leave to go. This permission he got from his
parish priest or bishop. As no long journey can be made
as it ought to be without occasional confession^ those who
get this permission to go from home had power to select a
confessor while away. It was the penitent's superior who
gave this confessor the necessary jurisdiction.
At the period in question no one ever thought of juris-
diction being supplied by the Pope. It was not necessary
that he should interfere. The local sup^or always gave
the necessary faculties, just ajs now they give what might
be called permission to get married ; and if they did not do
80, no secular priest would think of hearing the confession
of a stranger, except in danger of death. No priest coidd
absolve such a person, just as we cannot now marry people
without the paiish priest's permission.*
^ In the Ratisbon editions, or the editions published in Rome in
1862, and again in 1872-78.
* This is admitted by everyone : hence it is not necessary to quote
authorities. Let one or two suffice: — Concordant in hoc sciL quod
peregrini ... si non habent licentiam a suis curatis . . . vel
sine licentia eorum iter arripiunt, non possunt ab aliis absoln. . . .
8i autem de licentia eorum profecti sunt, eo ipso habent interpretatiyam
licentiam confitendi, cum sine confessione digne peregrinari non queant.''
St. Antoninus (P. 3, tit. 17. c. 4.) " Si peregrini acceperunt peram et
baculum a propiiis sacerdotibus, sive aliter de eorum licentia iter arri-
piunt, praesumendum est datam eis esse licentiam confitendi .
Si autem sine licentia proprii sacerdotis peregrinantur, non possunt
absolvi ab alio nisi in necessitate.'' Summa Fisana (v. confessio iii.).
Jurisdiction and Reserved Cases. 275
After some time travelling became more common, owing
to the increased facilities of communication. People left
home so frequently that it was found to be a serious incon-
venience to be obliged to obtain the necessary permission.
The result was that they went away without it. Ecclesias-
tical superiors had only one means of asserting their rights
—to refuse faculties for absolution. They did refuse for a
time; but the remedy was not without its danger. It was
found after a little that the days of ecclesiastical perrais-
siom* had gone by ; that, rightly or wrongly, the faithful
would no longer seek them. Was it well to prevent people
from going to confession at a time when they were most in
need of the sacrament, when they were away from home ?
The true remedy was, not the refusal of faculties, but the
abolition of the permissions ; and accordingly it came to be
recognised that, whether one had obtained permission or
not, one might go to confession.
It is not easy to specify the exact time at which the
new practice commenced. It was unknown in the days of
St i\jitoninus, who teaches expressly, that such travellers
must abstain f^om confession if they have not obtained the
necessary permission. St. Antoninus died in the year
1459, ten years before the birth of Cajetan, who was the
occasion, if not the cause, of a departure from the ancient
Qsage. Cajetan alleged an oral decision of Eugene IV.,
in which the Pontiff declared that, in Paschal time, pere-
^rini were to be treated as the ordinary inhabitants of the
place, and could go to confession. This caught the atten-
tion of Dominic Soto, who Uved shortly after Cajetan, and
was at the Council of Trent. Soto extended Pope Eugene's
declaration to the whole year round. The new doctrine
was approved by other theologians ; it was said by Suarez
to be sufficiently sanctioned by custom, and thus passed into
the universal practice of confessors. The change took
pbfcce about the time of the Council of Trent.
To come back to our question : for the absolution of
peregrini we may conceive four sources of jurisdiction : —
(1) the bishop of the confessor; (2) the bishop of the
penitent ; (3) an unanimous consent of all the bishops of
the Church, excluding the penitent's own bishop and the
Pope ; (4) the Pope.
276 Jurisdiction and Reserved Cases.
enjoyed, in the Middle Ages as well as now. If the Pope
wished, he could, of course, enlarge bishops' jurisdiction in
this matter, giving them authority over peregiini ; and
such supplementary authority would be ardinary^ and
might be delegated. But it is much more convenient to
regard any such supplementary power as coming fron> the
Pope, not as vested in the bishops.
Why is it said that the power of absolving peregrini
does not come from the conlesst^r's bishop? Because he
has no power to give, as is manifest from the history of the
question. According to the old discipline, no bishop could
absolve aperegriniiSj except the penitent had got permission
from his own superior to set out on his journey. Why !
Because a bishop had no jurisdiction over peregrini. And
if he himself was not able to absolve a penitent without the
consent of the penitent's superior, how could he delegate
power to another ?
The authors of the " Vindiciae " do not deny these
statements. Their contention is that the discipline of the
(church has changed, thereby admitting the former pre-
valence of the custom which has been mentioned.^ The
Sower of .the bishops is the same now as it was in the
[iddle Ages ; at that time they could not absolve peni-
tents from another diocese without delegation : neither can
they now.
Let it be carefully borne in mind that this is to be
understood of the power which the bishops always possessed^
If, as St. Alphonsus suggests, the Pope has made peregrini
sufficiently subject, for the purposes of the Sacrament of
Penance, to the bishops of the various places in which
they may wish to go to confession, of course such bishops
would, as has been said, have ordinary jurisdiction over
such penitents, and could delegate it to their priests. But
it is much simpler to regard jurisdiction in that ca«e as
coming, not from the bishop, but from the Pope. And this
is quite true. For it does not form a part of that power
which bishops possessed always^ and of which there is
question just at present.
(2.) It follows as equally certain that all the bishops of
the Church, exclusive of the Pope and the penitent's own
1 " Peregrini .... hodie non ampUus abBolrantur ex yoluntate
Buorum Episcoporum/' St. Alph. n. 588, of course approved by the
W. ; they approve a like expreBsion of Bonacina^s ^Q. Al.> a. 2> n. 6),
and, indeed, the &ame ia approved in many places.
Jurisdiction and Reserved Cases. 277
bishop, cannot, by any agreement, confer the power of
9bBo\ying peregrini.
The reason is manifest. No individual has the least
power over such a penitent ; how can the collection have
any? If all the bishops of the Church met in sj^'nod,
exclusive of the Pope and the bishop of any individual,
they would not be able to bind that person by any law or
precept. In like manner they could not absolve him from
nisBiDS.
It is sometimes said that one may be sufficiently subject
for the purposes of the Sacrament of Penance, though
independent of contentious jurisdiction. That is not so.
If it were, it would have been so in tho fifteenth century
as well as now ; but it was not so then, as has been shown.
The expression is used by St. Alponsus ;^ but he means
that the Pope has made pereqrini sufficiently subject ; so
that, when they go to confession, it is no longer their own
bishop but the bishop of the confessor who supplies
jurisdiction. If the Pope has made such a transfer, the
expression is intelligible and correct; but then, as has
been so frequently said, it is much simpler to regard the
jurisdiction in that case as coming from the Pope and not
from the bishop. It is only per accidens that the bishop
enjoys it.
(3.) The bishop of the penitent can give power to
priests all over the world to absolve his subjects.
This was the usual custom formerly, as every one
admita No one would think of saying that the power
ha^ been withdrawn from the bishops.
(4.) The Pope can give any priest jurisdiction over any
penitent.
He may do so in two ways ; either giving it immediately
to the priest, or, as St. Alphonsus suggests, mediately
through the priest's bishop, making the penitent subject to
that bishop for the purposes of the Sacrament of Penance.
Thus we find that there are only two sources from
which jurisdiction over peregrini may come, — from the
Pope or the bishop of the penitent Either may supply
it ; by which is it actually suppUed ?
Here we come to tne real question, — the question of
fact. One should take care not to lose sight of the point
278 Jurisdiction and Reserved Cases.
all that Father Ballerini has written in proof of this
doctrine is quite irrelevant. Neither does any one contend
that custom, per se and independently of a superior's con-
sent, can supply jurisdiction. The real question is :— how
many superiors capable of supplying jurisdiction has the
penitent ? and is it. supplied oy all, or only by some one
or more of them ?
The first part has been already answered. There are
two, and only two such superiors — the Pope and the
penitent's bishop. The second part requires to be investi-
gated more at length.
It is not necessary for the purposes of this paper to
examine the question in its entirety. We are content for
the present to inquire whether a bishop can prohibit his
subjects, under pain of invalidity, from confessing outside
his diocese. It has been answered he can, if it is only he
who supplies jurisdiction in the case. It only remains to
find out whether this is so ; and as no one else can give
faculties except the Pope, the question may be reduced to
this more convenient one : does the Pope supply jurisdiction
to absolve peregrini ?
St Alphonsus and his party teach that the Pope does
supply. They admit that it was not so always, but con-
tend that in latter times the practice of the Church has
changed, and that, whereas formerly the validity of the
confesmorxB of peregrini depended altogether on the consent
of their bishops, the Pope now steps in and takes the
matter completely out of the bishops* hands.
They defend this view by two kinds of reasons, some
from intrinsic evidence, others from authority. First, with
regard to the intrinsic evidence : the following is the line
of argument : —
(a) There can be no doubt that the world has very
much changed from what it was in the Middle Agea We
might as well turn Mrs. Partingtons at once, and keep
out the sea with a mop, as turn back that great tide of
travel nad communication between different places. No
one could reasonably expect, that, as often as people from
the provinces come up to stay a while in Dublin, or go to
the sea-side, or to a neighbouring town, they should get
permission from their bishop if they want to go to confes-
sion. We are quite satisfied if they go at all, even when
we have supplied every facility. All this being so, it is
hard to say that any individual, even though a bishop, has
It m his power to cause such an inconvenience iw it
Jurisdiction and Reserved Cases. 279
nndoubtedly would be if he refused to give the necessary
facnltie& The only way to obviate the difiSculty is to
have the Pope supply the jurisdiction in all cases.
(6) Besides, the Pope is the only one who possesses
universal jurisdiction. Matters which concern the welfare
of the whole Church are his care ; it is his duty to provide
for wants which are everywhere felt. This want is not
any longer what it was of old — the want of individuals.
It concerns the Church at large. Hence we may be
assured that the Pope supplies jurisdiction.
(e) Again, the custom of going to confession wherever
one finds one's self, is not now peculiar to any particular
place. It is universal ; it prevails in Rome under the eyes
of the Holy Father, and in every other part of the Christian
world It is universally approved, not merely in the sense
that each of the bishops gives it his individual sanction,
but that it is recognised by the Church at large, and by
the Pope as head of the Church. But recognising means
supplymg jurisdiction.
So far St. Alphonsus and those who adopt his view.
There is, however, something to be said in favour of the
other opinion.
And, in the first place, might not this line of reasoning
prove a little too much ? For the practice of going to
confession inside one's own diocese is not less universal. It
prevails in Rome under the Holy Father's eyes, and in
every othei* portion of the Church. It is universally
approved, not only by individuals, but by the Church at
large, and by the Pope a« head of the Church. Whatever
it requires is a universal want, and ought to be the Pope's
care. It is too much to suppose that it could be in the
power of any individual, to cause such inconvenience as
would be caused if people could not go to confession to the
priests of their own diocese. And yet the Pope does not
interfere. He is quite content to leave the matter in the
bands of the Bishops. If any of them should actually
cause inconvenience the Pope will see that he is called to
order ; but, until an abuse arises, the Holy Father is con-
tent to leave things aa they are. He is appointed to
govern the Church, but not to the exclusion of the bishops ;
and he should not set them aside for the mere possibility
of grave inconvenience, which might be soon remedied.
To come to a dirftf»t rftnlv ; no oua rl^niAja f hnf •/" •/
280 Jurisdiction and Reserved Cases.
but 18 there Buch a want ? There would be if the biidiops
were not able to meet the demand ; but they are ready;
they provided formerly for the wailts which aroee; why
should they be now set aside ?
It is said that there was a time when the Bishops met
this want without any necessity of recurring to the Pope.
For, when the old practice ceased, and the faithful began
to go from home without asking leave, it was uncertain
for some time whether they could be absolved while away.
After a time, it became usual to absolve them. Who
supplied the jurisdiction ? It was supplied by the tacit
consent of the penitents' bishops. There is no denying
this.* Why should the bishops be afterwards set aside t
Because of a universal want. That reason would show
that they do not give jurisdiction even to the confessors
in their own dioceses, for there is the same universal want,
and the same possibility of inconvenience.
The secona class of arguments comprises those which
are derived from authority.
(a) The authors of the " Vindiciae " appeal to the Bull
Cum sicut of Innocent XII. The Pontiff is dealing with that
old controversy about approbation, and decides that it must
be had from the bishop of the place where the confession
is heard. Otherwise the confession is invalid, no matter
how formally and expressly jurisdiction may have been
supplied. But to approve and to give jurisdiction mean the
same thing. Hence, it is the bishop of the place, and not
the bishop of the penitent who supplies jurii^iction.
It is very easy to see that this argument wiQ not stand*
When a bishop approves a confessor for his oum subjects^ he
gives jurisdiction at the same time, and the act as a whole
may be called approbation. That is only a question of the
use of a word, feut to say that, when a bishop approves a
^ That is the explanation giveii bj all the theologians of the period.
Thu8« for example, the Salmiinticences teach that peregrini can be ab-
solved, '^ spectata consuetudine et tacita suorum Pastoriuu consendone '*
{De Poen. c. xi., n. 63). And Lugo, '• qui peregrinantur . . . possunt
jam ex voluntate tacita suorum Pastorum conflteri,'* &c. (Z). 19, n. 7).
Laymann says the same {De Poen., o. 10, n, 9-10). See all the theo-
logians quoted by Ballerini under n. 555, quaer. 13^. It is tacitly
admitted by St. Alphonsus (n. 588), " Peregrini . , . hodie nan ampltut
absolvuntur ex voluntate suorum Episcoporum.*' And the W. say,
*• cessante consuetudine facultatem itinerandi a proprio Parocho petendi^
Episcopi tacite consensenmt ut dioecesani itinerantes in aliena diocesi con->
fiteri valeant, et tacite oonfessariia aUenia jurisdictionem ad hoc tribv*
erunt " {Q. »., a. 1, n. 1>
Jurisdictiofi and Reserved Cases. 281
confessor to hear peregrini, he gives jurisdiction by the same
act, is to assume the whole qaestion. How can he give
jurisdiction if he has not it to give t Approbation then may
retain its original, and strict signification.
(b) Another proof is drawn from the Constitution Supema
of Clement X. This Constitution settles many of the dis-
pntes which had arisen between the birfbps and the regular
clergy. The jurisdiction which regul# confessors claimed
immediately through their superiors from the Pope, had
always been a fruitful source of contention, and the bishops
complaiued of great irregularities with regard to the abso-
lution of reserved cases. Accordingly it was decided by
the Holy Father, that no friar could absolve peregrini from^
such cases, if they left their own dioceses in fraudem
re»ervationis. If, however, there was no sucn fraus
ruervatiomsj the regular confessor might absolve, that is, he
might absolve independently of the penitent's bishop, who
did his best to reserve the case to himself.
The authors of the " Vindiciae " urge that the Constitu-
tion Supema applies not only to regulars, but to seculara.
In proof they allege the authority of Benedict XIV., and
other theologians. The consequence is, that secular as well as
regular confessors, can hear the confessions of p^rejrrini, can
absolve them from all sins which are not reserved in the
diocese of the confessor ; can do this on the authority of
^e Pope, and in spite of the penitent's bishop.
On reading the constitution of Clement,^ it strikes a
person as strange that any one should think it applies to
seculars. For besides being entitled, Constitutio in qua
Regularium privilegia, quoad . , , S. Poenitentias administra^
tionem declarantur^ there is not a word about secular con-
fessors from beginning to end.
As for the theologians, they taught for a long time, it
is true, that secular confessors can absolve peregrinij and
eren from reserved cases, provided the sins have not been
reserved by the confeBsor's bishop ; but they reUed for
proof of this, not on the constitution of Clement, but either
on the tacit consent of the prelates, or on universal custom
tacitly approved by the Holy See. St. Alphonsus seems to
^ve been amongst the first to have recourse to the Con-
•Btation Supema. At least the authors of the ** Vindiciae *'
^ not quote any others ; and it may be presumed that they
voold nave done so, if there were any others to quote.
282 Jurisdiction and JResei'ved Cases.
Benedict XIV. deserves especial mention, because of
the great influence his authority would have on either fdde.
Any one who reads with an unprejudiced mind the passage
which is quoted in the " Vindiciae ^" will not think it either
asserted or implied by Benedict XIV., that the Constitution
Superna extends to seculars. The learned Pontiff speaks of
confessors in general. He says that they cannot absolve
those who come from another diocese in fraxidem reserva-
iionis. In support of his teaching, he quotes a decree,
which either exclusively, or almost exclusively, regards
regulars. He says this decree was confirmed by the Con-
stitution Superna ; and surely it would be, even though that
Constitution applied to regulars only.
The most tnat can be drawn from the learned Pontiff's
words is, that there is an argument by analogy from one
case to another. No one denies that there is such an
argument; but it only proves that, as the Pope prohibits
regulars from absoiving those who come to them in
fraudeni, so it is not to be expected that bishops will give
faculties to secular priests of other dioceses, to absolve such
penitents as may go to confession to these priests for the mere
purpose of avoiding their own superiors. There is no
evidence of Papal approbation.
(c) A third testimony is that decision of Eugene IV.,
mentioned by Cajetan. Cajetan's words are: — Memini
alias me legisse Eugenium guar turn concessisse vivae voris oraculo
viatoresy uhi se invenerint in Paschate, cense Jidos tanguam adepios
incolatum quoad Sacramenta Poenitentiae et Euchari^tiae;
et secundum hoc, non est opus in Paschate hujusmodi interpreta--
tiva licentia ; et possunt tunc ab illis confessoribus a quxbui
incola^ absolvuntur^ absolvi etiam a casibfis episcopalibfis^ proul
Episcopus loci disponit. On which Suarez comments:
if at Paschal time, a fortiori at other times. For we are
specially boimd to make our Paschal communion at home.
Hence, for the purposes of the Sacrament of Penance,
Eugene IV. transferred aMperegrini from the jurisdiction of
the bishop of the place of domicile to that of the bishop
of the place of present occupation.
Apart altogether from anv question of the authenticity
of the declaration, which, at best, is but an oral statement,
may have been but an opinion, and depends on Cajetan's
memory of what he had somewhere read, — it may be asked ;
is that a fair comment either of Cajetan's or of Suarez* ?
Eugene declared that they are to be treated as inhabitants
of the place ; immediately Cajetan concludes that they are
Jttrisdietion and Reserved Cases. 283
independent of their bishops for the time, and Suarez
extends the time of independence to the whole year round.
Now it has been already shown that, at Pope Eugene's time,
if a person went away from home without permission from
bis ecclesiastioal superior, he could not go to confession at
all while away. The theologians of the period generally
admitted an exception in case of necessity, but thought the
necessity of making Paschal communion sufficient. Perhaps
that is what Pope Eugene meant : — they can ^o to confes-
sion like the inhabitants of the place, by the tacit permission
of their bishops ; but can be aosolved from reserved cases
only by such confessors as the bishop ol the place of con-
fession may appoint. Why not by others ? because their
own bishop cannot be presumed to consent that such
peregrini should be placed m an altogether desirable position.
Even though it were held that Pope Eugene transferred
sach penitents to the jmisdiction of the bishop of the
f^lace for the Paschal confession, it would by no means
bllow that they were transferred altogether. In fact
this was distinctly denied by the theologians of the
period.
(d) There is a more recent and important decision — of
the S. Penitentiary of 1873. A confessor refused absolution
to a person who had confessed sins which were reserved in
the confes80i'*s diocese. It was asked : was the confessor
right ? and might he continue to do so ? The answer was :
Qj^rmative ad utrumque.
The confessor would not have been right if he had had
jurisdiction : therefore he had none. Why ? Not because
the penitent's bishop, in tacitly supplying, reserved these
oases; for they were reserved only in the diocese of the
confessor. Hence, jurisdiction over peregnni does not come
•from their own bishops at all, but either mediately or
immediately from the Sovereign PontiflF.
Father Ballerini urges, in reply, that the penitent in
qaestion may not have been from another diocese ; this
wiB scarcely commend itself to a candid and unprejudiced
leader of the qnestion proposed. Moreover, he argues, the
deoiJBion proves only that a confessor may safely follow
9L Alphonsus. It was asked whether the priest in question
iww right, and could continue to refuse absolution.
flu. A ^tL 111 ll»ii .».* »
284 Jurisdiction and Reserved Cases.
that this individual confessor was at liberty to follow one
of these opinions on the occasion in question ?
Apart from all this, the reply of the Penitentiary would
not prove that jurisdiction over peregrini is not suppUed by
the penitent's bishop* For, even though the confessor
had no jurisdiction, it would only follow that some one had
limited his faculties. Why not the bishop of the penitent ?
Because, it is said, he had not reserved tte cases in his
own diocese. But might he not reserve them elsewhere?
May we not reasonably suppose that, .when bishops tacitly
allow their subjects to go to confession outside the diocese,
they would require the penitents to conform to the local
regulations ?
(e) One other point. A strong argument in favour of
St. Alphonsus' view is derived from the teaching of modem
theologians. Even Ballerini admits that, from the time of
Suarez, theologians commonly told confessoi'S to look to
the terms of the faculties given by their own bishops, and
this even when dealing with vei'egriiii.
This teaching was usually defended by representing
such penitents as sufficiently subject to the local authorities
for the purposes of the Sacrament of Penance. You may
think these theologians inconsistent ; so perhaps they were,
but the fact remains: they taught that the Pope had trans-
ferred peregrini to the jurisdiction of the local superiors.
After St. Alphonsus had published his theological works,
and proved himself so gieat a master, his opinion came to
be almost universally received.
The Popes could so transfer peregrini. They may safely
be presumed to act in conformity with the universally
received opinion. Hence there is good reason to believe
that the trahsfer did actually take place.
Who can expect to decide I The most one can say is :
each opinion is probable. What then is a confessor to do !
It is but a speculative question ; but, if a particular bishop
did forbid a subject to go to confession outside the diocese,
and did withdraw faculties, secular confessors of other
places would have only probable jmisdiction. St Alphonsus
says such jurisdiction will suffice, given a reasonable
cause ; it is usually easy for any confessor in such circum-
stances to find one,
Walter McDonald.
[ 285 ]
A DISTINGUISHED CONVERT.
THE memoirs to which we wish to invite attention make
their appearance in two handsome octavo volumes,
and mider unusual and noteworthy auspices.^ For the
Prime Minister to find time amidst his multifarious avoca-
tions, not only to furnish materials for the life, but to
correct and annotate the proof sheets, says much for
Mr. Gladstone's personal interest in the work itself, and for
the estimate he has formed of its value. And when to this
high testimony we add that of Cardinal Newman, who has
done as much and even more, by not only supplying a
large number of letters, and correcting the work in its way
through the press, but even by taking upon himself the
labour which is implied in revising the original manuscript
ere it passed into the hands of the printer.
Evidently Mr. Hope-Scott is no ordinary personage,
when his memoirs are ushered into the world by two men
of such renown. When we add that the book itself is
worthy of such sponsors, we say much, but not more than
is his due, of the author. Professor Ornsby.
Mr. Hope was of noble lineage, being the grandson of
the Earl of Hopetown ; so on entering life he had not to
fight his way upwards into position, but took his place
quite as a matter of course, in good society, where he soon
showed powers of mind that enabled him not only to hold
his own there, but to live on equal terms With the
intellectual leaders of the period who, in various ways,
had gained renown both in Church and State.
His two marriages tended in different ways to spread
his influence and to connect him in still closer ties with the
Hterary world he loved, and with the aristocracy to which
he already belonged.
His first wife was Charlotte, the daughter of the cele-
brated reviewer, Lockhart, and grand-daughter of the
" Author of Waverley." Sir Walter Scott had toiled beyond
his strength to build up a fortune and heritage for his
family, and looked forward with honest pride to a male lino
which should perpetuate his name and entwine it with his
great renown at Abbotsford. But it was not so to be; and
very curious is the history of the brief succession, which
^MemoirB of J. R. Hope-Scott, of Abbotsford, D.C.L., Q.C., bj
Bobert Ornsbj, M.A. 2 toIs. London, 1884.
286 A Distinguished Convert.
with many narrow escapes has but preserved it in the
female line.
His own children all died, childless, with the exception
of one daughter Sophia, who maiTied John Lockhart. All
the issue of this marriage passed away childless, save one
daughter, Charlotte, who married Mr. Hope. When her
brother died and she succeeded to the heritage, Mr. Hope
became Mr. Hope-Scott of Abbotsford.
All the children of this third generation died young,
save one daughter, Monica, who as Mrs. Maxwell-Scott
carries on the name in this strange and tenacious way, and
Abbotsford possesses a second Scott, who is so only by
assumption.
Mr. Hope-Scott's second marriage was with the
daughter of the late Duke of Norfolk. His children seem
to have dropped the aflSx to the family name, and are
content, as well they may be, with that which their father
made so respected.
Mr. Hope at first intended to t^ke Orders in the
EstabUshed Church ; but circumstances which are not
mentioned, but only somewhat mysteriously hinted at by
Mr. Ornsby, induced him to choose that other profession
which seems somewhat quite naturally to present itself to
the mind of an English undergraduate as tne only alterna-
tive when he does not resolve upon " entering the Church."
But though the course of life was changed, much of the
spirit which suggested the Church rather than the Bar yet
remained, and showed itself in the interest he took in the
controversies with which the Establishment was troubled,
and the struggles which shook it to its base and destroyed
many of the fragments of Catholicitv it had managed to
preserve. It was of course in these latter, rather than in
the former, that he took an active part ; his well-balanced,
calm, and clear mind found therein its natural food ; and
happily it was just herein that his aid was most needed,
and where it would be most eflective. Thus his work in
Church matters was for many years amid the active
outcomes of the moment, the half- ecclesiastical and half-
{ political action of the State, the position and work of the
establishment both at home and abroad, rather than in the
theological controversies and the dogmatic teachings of
the various parties and sections into which the Church of
England was divided. Of course he felt deeply, spoke
earnestly, and made great sacrifices for what he then
beheved to be the truth; but after all it was as the
A Distinguished Convert 287
Christian lawyer, well read in ancient charters, deeply
versed in ecclesiastical history, and with a keen eye to
judge present action by past experiences, that he felt his
strength and used it ungrudgingly in the cause he had at
heart
This taste for historic and antiquarian research, with ever
a practical result in view, soon showed itself in the young
Fellow of Merton. He saw how the ancient spirit of his
college had passed away, and how laxity had crept in
through lapse of time, as he then thought, but rather by
change of religion, as we know, and as he afterwards
understood.
We need scarcely add that his suggestions were coldly
received, aud the reform he sought to bring about came to
nought. Soon we find him on most intimate terms with
Mr. Gladstone, who was then busy upon his celebrated
treatise on " The State in its relations with the Church."
Several letters are given which show how completely
ilr. Gladstone placed the manuscript in the hands of-
Mr. Hope ; not merely that he might read it carefully and
correct wherever he thought fit, but even to determine
whether it should be published at all. This correspondence,
as indeed all the many and long letters (some fiity in all),
which are herein published between these two intimate
friends, are full of interest, and throw much light upon the
characters of both. Of course the interesting correspondence
extended far beyond the work which the rising statesman
submitted so deferentially to the young lawyer. It
embraces many of the leading subjects of the period,
w'hich, outside party poKtics, exercised so much influence
upon the Established Church, and drove so many to the
True Fold.
There was the foundation of the Protestant Bishopric
of Jerusalem, which was the first shock to his confidence in
the Anglican Church, as it was indeed to many others.
The (late) King of Prussia had, with the help of M. Bunsen,
welded together the two great sections into which the
Protestantism of his kingdom was divided ; and while his
hand was in, he resolved to effect another fusion with the
help of England ; and the outcome was this famous
Bishopric of Jerusalem. The Catholics were united, and so
were the Greeks; why should not the Protestants be
similarly as one ? It coidd hardly be spiritually, seeing
how their formulae of faith differed, but why not outwardly
At least under one Oriental head ; and as Jerusalem was a
288 A Distinguished Convert.
common centre for all creeds, why not have a Proteatant
Bishop to rule over all who felt disposed to accept him and
his ministratioDS ? To make matters smooth the nomina-
tion was to be alternately by the English and Prussian
Crowns, and the Archbishop of Canterbury was to have
jurisdiction over the Bishop "until some other relation
might be judged expedient." German subjects might nse
their own Liturgy ; candidates for ordination were to sign
the thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England ; and
those destined for German congregations were to sign in
addition the Augsburg Confession. An Act of ParUament
got over the difficulty of an Anglican Bishop ordaining
persons who were not British subjects: and in due time
the unholy alliance was completed, and a gentleman whose
faith (even in Anglican eyes) was sufficiently unsound, wa«
eent out to add another element to the distractions under
which Jerusalem suffers, and to enjoy in the society of a
charming wife and family the consolations which his
mongrel mission — which did not affect to be a diocese-
could not aff'ord him.
Mr. Hope used his powers of argument against this
queer scheme. He saw the Archbishop of Canterbury, who
told him that he hoped in Jerusalem " the holders of all
kinds of Protestant opinions might exist amiably together
under the protection of the proposed Bishop." Upon which
I asked whether his Grace meant that if a Socinian
congregation were to desire to place itself under the
protection of the Bishop of Jerusalem, this might be
permitted? To which (as nearly as I can recollect) he
replied : ** Such a case is not likely to occur, but if it did
I should say yea*' No wonder Mr. Hope and his com-
panion exclaimed, almost simultaneously, that this was a
more fitting office for a Consul than for a Bishop. Never-
theless the scheme was can-ied out, and a heavy blow and
a great discouragement was happily given to those who
clung so tenaciously to the Establishment, and who needed
many such before they let go their hold upon what they
once loved if not wisely yet too well. These useful knocks
came rapidly enough to do their work. The appointment
of a heretic to the Bishopric of Hereford, the thrusting of
a denier of baptismal regeneration into a parish against the
protest of the Bishop of the diocese, tne suspension ot
Dr. Pusey, the deprivation of Mr. Ward of his University
Degree, the retirement of Mr. Newman from St^Mar/s, all
these showered down upon Mr. Hope^ and he flies from
r
A Distinguished Cofwert 289
them to foreign travel — but in vain. Then the end of the
struggle draws near. The leaders drop oflF one by one
and disappear from the well-known places ; a chill comes
over the anxious hearts which they had so long sustained.
The then lost ones re-appear ; but no longer desponding,
no longer in doubt, for they have found elsewhere wnat they
had in vain sought at home. Elsewhere! surely not,
** at .home," surely not; for that elsewhere is now the
home, and that home is now the elsewhere. They enjoy
in the Church what they once vainly sought for in schism;
and there they, one and all, find the true Home which is the
Church of God. Happy disappointments which have so
joyous an outcome, blessed trials whose end is peace.
Upon this inner life of Mr. Hope-Scott the author of
the Memoirs has principally dwelt ; wisely judging that
such is the true life rather than that outward, professional
one which the world sees and by which it so misjudges
men.
Mr. Hope-Scott was successful indeed in both, and not
only played an important part in the religious struggle for
truth, but was at the same time the leading lawyer of his
day in what is perhaps the highest, certainly the most
lucrative branch of the profession, the Parliamentary Bar.
He is said to have received on one occasion a fee of ten
thousand pounds. We may form some idea of his pro-
fessional income by the amount of his known charities, for
Mr. Omsby states " on the testimony of one who knew the
fact from his own personal knowledge,'that in twelve or
thirteen years (from 1859 or thereabouts) he gave away in
charity of some form or other, not less than forty thousand
pounds."
Mr. Hope-Scott's life is worthy of a careful study. It
shows the Christian gentleman in the various phases of life ;
the diligent student, the fascinating companion, the earnest
inquirer after the Truth, the diligent professional man, the
thoughtful and open-handed friend, the tender husband
and father, the considerate master. On all classes he made
hiB impression, everyone who came in contact with him
has a kind and respectful word to say. Mr. Gladstone fills
page after page with his recollections, and Cardinal
Jjewman contributes letter after letter to the collection
290 Tha JER^toriam of Chtory.
keeping with the Bubjeet, for eoiBDle, eameat aod wtoAf
^onld be all that is written about Mr. H<H>e-Scatt.
The history of the period this life embraces has beea
written over and over again; but while such ralaable
materials are still in store^ it is indeed w^ to bring them
together, especially when, as in the pn-esent case, they are
so admirably clustered around a worthy name, and illustrate
therein the working of those principles for which the great
struggjie was made.
THE HISTORIANS OF 08S(«Y.*
KILKETNNY has beea described by one of its own
illustrious sons as ^^ the fair city on the banks of the
crystal Nore, where, if anywhere, the muse of Irish Catholic
history h&s established a permanent shrine.'^ This remark
of Dr. Kelly, the late Professor of Ecclesiastical Histc^ry in
Maynooth College, is just and beautifuL We may add, too,
that the Clio of the crystal Nore is of diviner birth uian JoTe*s
jBabled daughter that haunted the Pierian Spring. Almost
every century since it became the second city of thtf Pale,
Kilkenny has produced or nurtured some distkigiiiBbed
ecclesiastical historian.
The list begins with John Cfyuj a Friar Minor of the
Franciscan Convent in Kilkenny, whose Annals have beenr
Sublished by ihe Royal Archeeological Society. He
ourished during the first half of the fourteenth centoxyy.
and wrote his Annals in Latin. The poor man seems to
have found much difficultv in Latinizing the uncouth
Celtic names of the neighbouring tribes amongst tiie
^ Iridi enemy," and hence it is not always easy to ascertain-
those to whom he refers. These Annals are especiaUy
full and valuable during his own lifetime, and he give» us
much interesting information regarding the Pales-m^i of
that periods He tells us, for instance, how in 1324, or,
according to Grace, in 1325, the good people of Kilkenny
% TheAmcUeeiaof DaM Roikey Bukn of (ktoiif^hf FntndL F.Mocaiv
fiittKTP of Ouarj. Dablio : M» Q. GiU & Son.
*Traruaetion$ cf At Oimj^ ArchmlogicQl Society. "£i]keany
Jouniftl ** Offioe.
The SiBtoruuu of Ossory. 291
had the satisfaction of seeing Dame Petronilla burnt for
heresy and witchcraft. She was tried by Ledred, the
Bishop, and Arnold Pow w, Seneschal of Kilkenny^ with the
MAcbon of the Justiciary of Ireland ; and having been con-
victed of making charms from the brains of young children
boiled in tiie skull of an executed thief, of offering sacri-
fice to the devil, and of similar nameless practices, she met
her terrible fate at the stake.
Dame Eyteler and William Outlaw narrowly escaped
at the same time. The former, according to the testimony
of her accomplice Petronilla, used to '* ride on an iron
coulter whithersoever she willed through the world, with-
out let or hindrance." (Grace.) The coulter must have
helped her in the end ; for had she not succeeded in esca-
fing to England, she would certainly have shared the fate
of Dame Petronilla. It was never heard of in time past
that anyone was burnt for heresy in Ireland, says the
chronicler ; and it ia a satisfaction to know that the actors
m this dreadful tragedy were all, without exception,
An^o-Normans, both judges and victims: some of the
latter were, it is said, connected with the highest families
ia the land.
Clyn gives us also a terribly graphic picture of a great
plague that visited Kilkenny, like the rest of Ireland, in
1349 : — M ^ jQQj beyond measure, wonderful, unusual, and
m many thinCT prodigious ;'' and '* a year in which the
penitent and me confessor were carried together to the
^ve." The poor man writes as if he were Uving, as
mdeed he was, amongst the dead ; for there was not a
bouae, he says, without more than one dead in it. ^ I
ieave parchment," he adds, '^ for continuing this work (the
Anoafe), if haply any man survive.'' He died, it seems, next
jmt, in 1350.
John Grace, who appears to have been a Canon of the
Aagttitinian Priory of St. John the Evangelist in Kilkenny,
19 Mid to have been the author of the Annals that bear lus
; they have been also published by the Archaeological
tf. He flourished just before Henry VIII. confiscated
llle priory and the other religious houses in Kilkenny. His
Mmmim^ also written in Latin, are mainly interesting as
Cpnsoloaical records of the ereat Anglo-Norman famiUes,
%Ofeft ol which he himself b€£)nged. For we must bear in
*t A j» ! A.A X ?,- TT'TL
292 The Historians of Ossory.
proud keep of William Earl Mareehal. The Parliaments
of the Pale were mostly held at Kilkemiy. All its Bishops
for three centmies, without exce{)tion, were Norman, the
burgesses were Norman, even the friars in the convents
were Norman. Clyn and Grace speak of the "meere
Irish" as if they were the Zulus of the period. The
Norman families, that intermarried with the natives and
used their language and dress, are the degenerate
EngUsh, whom they hold in contempt. This was for
three hundred years the tone of the pitiable colony in
the Pale. They were bold warriors, but men of narrow
hearts and scanty brains, who preferred to be task-
masters over herds of slaves rather than the great nobles
of a free people. And this wretched Bovcli of hatred
and disunion was steadily fostered by the English Govern-
ment. Lionel, Duke of Clarence, foimd Kilkenny a suitable
and sympathetic place to hold the Parliament that passed,
in 1367, the infamous Statute of Kilkenny which the
firelates and nobles of the Pale were not ashamed to sign,
t was written in the barbarous Norman French of the time ;
it speaks throughout of " the Irish enemy ;" it enacts the
severest penalties against the degenerate EngUsh who
would in any way associate with them. It was strictly
forbidden by this atrocious Statute to take an Irish name,
to speak the Irish language, to adopt anv Irish custom,
to wear the Irish dress, to entertain a travelling minstrel of
the Irish race. It was treason to foster or intermarry with
the Irish. The Brehon code was declared to be wicked
and danmable. No mere Irishman might be promoted to
any bishopric, canonry, abbacy, or parish ; it was even
forbidden to receive an Irishman into any of the religious
houses of the Pale. And all this was enacted "for the
good of religion, and the advancement of Holy Church,
with the assent of the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and
friars, as well as of the barons and commons of the said
land of Ireland." Henry VIII. did many wicked acts,
but it was not his worst act to turn gentlemen of this
stamp out of the cathedrals and cloisters which they -were
unworthy to fill.
The days were now at hand when the Pales-men of
Kilkenny were to be sorely tried by their English masters;
and to do them justice they bore that trial well. Most of
them remained loyal to the ancient faith. Community of
suflFering taught them sympathy for the Irish race which
they had never known in the days of their prosperitj.
The HUtorians of Ossory. 293
The KUkenny of the seventeenth century is as much above
the Kilkenny of the fourteenth as David Rothe is above
John Clyn. In 1641 the city of the Pale opened its hospitable
gates to admit the delegates of Catholic Ireland, and
the noble motto of the Confederation : — " Pro Deo, Rege, et
Patria, Hibemi unanimes," showed that the exclusive spirit
of the Pale was levelled as low as the earthen moat that
once defended the colonists from the fierce attacks of the
clansmen on the border.
In the next century, from 1759 to 1776, the See of
Ossory was filled by the illustrious author of the Hibemia
Daminicanoj the briUiant writer and the sterling patriot,
whose indignant narrative of his country's wrongs
frightened the timid prelates of the Province to try and
hold a meeting in his own city for the suppression, or at
least the expurgation, of the book. However, De Burgo's
determined attitude frightened them home again, and
although some of the prelates afterwards met in Cashel
and decreed the excision of a few iust and eloquent pages
about James II., still the Church of Ireland was spared the
shame of censuring the noblest work ever inspired by the
historical muse that loves the marble city by the * stubborn *
Nore.
Next door to the house where De Burgo dwelt was bom
Dr. Mathew Kelly, the translator and annotator of Lynch's
great work, Cambrensis Eversua. With his whole soul he
loved the historical muse of CathoHc Ireland. He did
much, and was doing more for Irish History, when an
early death, at the age of forty-four, snatched him from
his labour of love, and blighted the high hopes that were
centered in his labours. His first teacher was the Rev.
U. A. Brennan, the author of the best arranged and most
readable ecclesiastical History of Ireland that we have.
Dr. Kelly died in October, 1858, and just three years later,
in 1861, Dr. Moran, afterwards Bishop of Ossory, iust now
transferred to the Primatial See of Australia, pubhshed the
first of a long series of most valuable works which show
that the muse of Irish Catholic history stiU haunts the fair
city on the banks of the crystal Nore. We need not
i^^ecially refer to the many distinguished Irish historians
whose names will be found in the pages of the Ossory
291 The Btitorians cf Ossory.
tiie eccleriastical history of Irelaaid is the repnbHcation of
the Analecta of David Rothe and the valuable introdiictkm
which accompanies it. An excellent Memoir of David
Rothe has been published by Dr. Moran in the Terj AiH
and interesting account of the Bishops of Ossory, published
in the second volume of the Osaary ArchcBological Society,
of which Dr. Moran was the fDunder and ^ding spirit
This Memoir is especially valuable because it gives many
new facts, and corrects old errors regarding the history of
the famous Confederation of Kilkenny.
David Rothe, author of the Analecta^ was bom at
Kilkenny in the year 1568. His femily were bui^esses of
Anglo-Ncmnan origin, wealthy and respected. He studied
at Douai and Salamanca, and subsequently went to Rome
about 1602, where he became Secretary to Peter Lombard,
Archbishop of Armagh, the president of the famous
Congregation de AuaHHs. Rothe came to Ireland in 3610,
as Vicar Apostolic of Ossory and Vice-Primate of Ireland,
for Lombard, who resided at Rome, delegated both his
ordinary and primatial jurisdiction to his late secretary,
with whose eminent merits he was well acquainted. Dr.
Rothe was about to be appointed to the See of Ossory in
1613, but it was at the time deemed prudent to def^ the
actual appointment to a later date. It took place in 1618,
and Rothe was towards the close of the same year coa-
secrated in Paris. From his arrival in Ireland in 1610 to
his death in 1650, as BiBho|> of Ossory and Vice-Primate^
he was the central figure m Irish ecclesiastical histovy.
His learning was immense, and his Eeal was equal to has
learning. Coura^, too, was indispensable in those yieaza
of persecution; but courage witnout cautious prudence
would have left the diocese without its pastor. He was
greatly revered by the clergy of all ranks, and this
reverence for his character and abilities lent great weight
to his authority as judge and arbitrator in l^e many biiter
ecdesiasticid disputes that w^e composed mainly tiiToiic;h
his great learning, patience and chanty. Like St. Paul, he
had the care of all the churches, he was anxious for ali, «nd
he laboured for all. In many dioceees there were no
and the spiritual destitution was great ; but wherever iit
greatest, there, at the risk of his life, in the woocte and
valleys, was Rothe, preaching, confirming, and alwol^m^
the a^eted Catholics to whom he came ae an aoDigel frcMa
heaven. He was zealous, too, for the mainteaaaee ol
eodesiastical disoipline, and la spite of tbe {>erilB t)f the
*l%e Butofiofm of Oiaoty. 295
tii&eB, lie presided as Vice-Primate for the Ndthem
Provitice at a Synod held in 1618, in which many ealutaiy
decTeeB were enacted and enforced, so far as the circum-
Utances of the time wonld permit. His hospitable honse in
Kilkenny waft always opened for the prelates of Leinstet
and Mnnster, and we find him present or preedding at
Synods of Kilkenny in 1624 and 1629.
Besides his own Kterary labours, to which we shall
presenliy refer, he lent effective assistance to Messingham,
writing two Tracts for the Florilegium^ one on the Namei
of IrtlanS^ and the other a collection of Notez or Elucida"
tionsy as he called them, on the ** Life of St. Patrick,** He
promised Luke Wadding to give every help in his power
towards collecting those materials for our Irish hagiology,
afterwards so wen utQized by John Colgan. And nrother
Michael CClery tells us, that nowhere did he receive a
warmer welcome, when engaged m collecting these
materials, than from Dr. Rothe of Ossory. Even Usher, in
spite of his bigotry, was softened into complimentary lan-
guage towards a Catholic bishop by Kothe's urbane
scholarship, and he thanks ^ Dr. Rothe, a most diligent
investigator of his country's antiquities," for lending him
some MS. verees.
Dr.Rothe'sattitudeduringthestormyperiodoftheConfe-^
deration, was not uniformly consistent. It must be borne in
mind that he was an Anglo-Norman, and a staunch loyalist,
bound to obey the Pope's Nuncio as a bishop, but bound
also to yield obedience to the crafty Ormond, the repre-
sentative of King Charles. When these two were in direct
oppoation, it was not easy for Dr. Rothe to steer an even
keeL He tried to do, it, but, of course, he signally failed.
At first he published the interdict, thereby adhering to the
Nuncio; then it was said the Jesuits got round him, showed
him that the interdict and other censures were invalid, and
induced him to change his mind. It is, however, certain
that he withdrew the interdict from the Citv of Kilkenny,
gave favourable answers to the <Jueries of the Supreme
Council, and formally sanctioned the Second Peace with
Ormond, and the Truce with Inchiquin. "Resurgent
Ireland *' was again stricken down; the Concord of which
they boasted was broken ; Ireland, divided and paralysed
by the treason of her own eons, became once more a
victim to be lacerated by the Puritan wolves of CromwelL
Dr. Rothe, in his eightv-first year, weak in mind and body,
saw the horizon of his beloved country growing darker and
dadttf during the fatal year of 1649.
296 Tlie Historians of Ossory,
In January the king was beheaded at Whitehall. Oa
the 22nd of February, Kinuccini sailed from Gal way. On
the 6th August, the troops of Ormond, who were besieg-
ing Dublin, were chased from Rathfamham by Jones's
Puritan soldiers, and Ormond himself fled home, as fa«t as
his horse could carry him, to hide his shame or his treason.
On the 20th of same month of August, Cromwell landed
in DubHn with 12,000 veterans, and with him came a fear-
ful plague that swept away nearly a third of the population
in the cities. On the 5th of November, a wail of woe was
heard through all the North — Ireland^s latest hope was
fone, for Owen Roe 0*Neil, her sword and her buckler, lay
ead at Cloughouter, in Cavan. Cromwell was now free
to range throughout the land on his tour of slaughter.
He came to Kilkenny about the 22nd of March, 1650. The
city surrendered after a stubborn defence, and the poor
old bishop saw, before he died, his churches profaned, his
clergy massacred, his faithful flock outraged, insulted, or
slain. He was, it is said, himself dragged to prison, until
death mercifully came to end the miseries of the old man
sometime towards the close of 1650.
Dr. Rothe's greatest work is the Analecta. Dr. Moran
declares that it is by far the most important historical wbrk
which any member of the Irish Hierarchy had, up to the
time of its appearance, contributed to our literature. The
first part was pubh'shed in 16l(). A new and complete
edition, in two volumes, appeared at Cologne, 1617 and
1619. The first incomplete edition was dedicated to
Charles, Prince of Wales, in a Dedicatory Letter which,
in our^days, would be denounced by irreverent patriots as
fulsome flattery of the worthless Stuarta But Ealkenny
was a city of the Pale, eminently loyal even to persecuting
princes — perhaps a trifle too ready to lick the nands that
smote them. The full title of this first edition gives a
summary of the contents of the work. He called it: —
** Analecta Sacra Nova et Mira de Rebus CathoUcorum in
Hibemia pro fide et religione gestis, divisa in tres partes,
quarum.
Prima quae nunc datur continet Semestrem gravaminom
Relationem.
Secunda, Paraenimn ad martjn-es designatos.
Tertia, Processum Martynalem quorundum fidei
pugilum ;
Relatore et Collectore T. N." In the second edition it
was " T. N. Philadelpho." The author, of course, dare not
The Historiana of Ossory. 291
giTe his name without exposing himself to the vengeance
of the Irish Government.
Dr. Rothe tells ns that he called the first part, published
m 1616, a Semestris gravamimnn Relatio^ partly because it
wag written in six months, which shows tnat the writer had
a Tery ready pen, and partly because the fines and other
pains and penalties imposed on recusants were renewed
erery six months. This first part certainly contains a
moving tale of the infamous wrongs inflicted on Catholics,
not only during the later years of Elizabeth's reign, but up
to the very time that Dr. Rothe was writing. The second
part, as it« name implies, is a touching exhortation addressed,
about the year 1611, to the Bishop of Down and Connor,
Cornelius O'Devany, and to other confessors^ who were in
prison for the faith throughout Ireland. Some of them, as
Dr. Rothe elsewhere says, were packed into the poisonous
jaik, ** likfi herrings in a barrel.''
The third, and much the most valuable part of the
Analecta^ sets forth with great minuteness of detail the
terrible and prolonged sufferings of the three illustrious
martyrs, Richard Creagh, Archbishop of Armagh, Patrick
O'Healy, Bishop of Mayo, and Dermod O'Hurley, Arch-
bishop of Cashel, as well as of several other martyrs and
confessors who suffered during the reign of EKzabeth. This
I\'0€essu9 Martyrialis is a work of great authority, coming
firom a contemporary writer whose means of obtaining
accurate information were ample, and whose veracity can-
not be impugned. Some of the details given by Dr. Rothe
have been questioned or denied by later Protestant writers.
It wtis a fortunate circumstance, for it has elicited from
Dr. Moran, in the Introduction, a brilliant vindication ot
the facts narrated by his illustrious predecessor in the See
of Ossory, and upon evidence which cannot be gainsay ed —
the oflicial Records of the State Papers, drawn up by the
very men who perpetrated these legal murders. We regret
that we cannot now find space to give some specimens of
Dr. Moran's triumphant vindication of Rothe's historical
accuracy ; we must refer our readers to the book itself,
which will amply repay perusal.
Stwienta of Irish history owe a debt of gratitude to
Dr. Moran for the republication and vindication of this
valuable historical treatise : but it is only one of the great
298 The Historians of Ossory.
Irish ecclesiastical history,* besides writing many valuable
gapers on the same subject for the Irish Ecclesiastical
lECORD, of which he was for several years the editor and
chief contributor. His labours have entitled him to high
rank amongst the illustrious sons of Ireland, who for no
earthly reward spent many toilsome years in vindicating
the glories of our National Church. He is one of those who,
as David Rothe has well said, preferred to consult for the
honour of their country, the glory of their ancestors, and
the instruction of posterity, rather than for their own
security and ease. His name will go down to future ages
with the Rothes, the Waddings, the Coleans, the O'Clerys,
and the other sons of Ireland, who have shed so much lustre
on their native land. Now, in obedience to the call of the
Church's Ruler, he leaves the fair city which the Muse of
History loves, to govern the archiepiscopal see q£ Sydney,
to which is annexed the Primacy of the Australian Empire.
He goes out at the call of God into a strange land ; but he
goes in the spirit of the Irish peregrini of old, not without
regret, but with courage and confidence withal, to work
the work of God.
The Record bids him a hearty God speed on his
distant journey. May St. Cormac the Sailor, and his own
St. Brendan, who so often tried the perils of the stormjr
seas, send him prosperous breezes to waft him to his
> The following is a list of Dr. Moran's works on Irish EodesiiS-
tical History : —
(1.) Memoirs of the Most Rev, Dr. Oliver Plunkett, Archbishop <if
Armagh, who mfferedfor the Faith in 1681. Dublin : Duffy, 1861.
(2.) Essays on the Origin, Doctrines^ and Discipline of the Early Irigh
Church, Dublin : Duffy, 1864.
. (3.) History of the Catholic Archbishops of Dublin since the Before
mation. Duffy, 1864.
(4.) Historical Sketch of the Persecutions suffered by the Catholics of
Ireland under the rule of Cromwell and the Puritans, Duffy, 1866. Seteial
editions have been published.
(5.) The Episcopal Succession in Ireland under the Reign of EtuxMh*
Dublin : Kelly, 1866.
(6.) Life of the Most Rev, Dr, Plunkett. 1870.
(7.) Acta Sancti Brendani, KeUy, 1872.
(8.) Monasticon Hibemicon. With Notes. Kelly, 1875. Two
volumes only hare been published.
(9.) Spidlegitm Oasoriense, Browne & Nolacn. The third Ychaae
-IB being published.
(10.) Early Irish Saints in Great Britain,
(11.) Life of Father Mather, PJ^. of CarloW'^raigue, Togetiicr witk
Hie worKs at the head of ou^ Notice*
The Apehgy far Thotmitni e&niidered. 299
flonthem home ; a&d may all the Saints of £rin help him
hj their strong prayers to build up in Australia an Irish
diurch, that in the ooming time will rival in sanctity and
learning the unforgotten glories of the ancient church of
rrelaod.
John HEAiiX.
THE APOLOGY FOR THOMISM CONSIDERED.
L. J. fl. feels shocked that any one should seem to
question the **admissibihty*' of Thomism — an immunity
conceded Jjo it " over two centuries ago" — ^the questioning
of which, in those days of practical polemics, argues, he
thinks, a disordered theological conscience.
I presume that he derives this claim to ^^ admissibility"
from the Decrees of Popes Paul V., Urban VIIL, and
Innocent X, What these Pontiffs prohibited, however,
was, "ne conlrariae opiniones t^lla cemxera notentur."
L. J. H. will pardon me for reminding him that this
prohibition does not prevent us from asserting and
proving that Thomism, or any of the other systems, is
tmtenaDle.
The legislation of these Pontiffs does, however, most
strictly forbid us to brand any of the systems with censure ;
and I hope that your correspondent has not singed his
wings in his references to Molinism. It is perilously like
affixing to Mohnism the "proxima haeresi" note, to assert
that its " discovery would* have made the semi-Pelagian
controversy pointless ;" and that, because ** danger to free
will has not oeen charged against the system of Molina,"
ilierefore the upholders of his system would have no room
fflr need of controversy with those heretics. No doubt,
if Molinism be all that L. J. H. hints it is, there
would be between it and Pelagianism a thorough coin-
cidence; for each would assign to the purely unaided
iimnaa will a share in the doing of salutary acts.
iMatmzch, however, as it is notorious that Molinism does
QoftiDg of tiie kind, but quite the contrary, I prefer to
800 Tlie Apology for Thomism considered.
the opinion of Bellarmine — that Molinism is "omnino
aliena a sententia D. Angustini, et quantum ego existimo a
sententia Scripturarum Divinanim."
Bellarmine " refers to * sufficient grace' plus the consent
of the will, quo accedente it is efficacioua" But this
" phantom" — sprout sta,t — is not Molinism.
It is a bold and amusing move on the part of an
" apologist " for Thomism, to quote the opinion of
Bellarmine on the systems, and seemingly to abide by it.
For Bellarmine uses words regarding Thomism which no
one of any theological conscience at all, would think of
using now. He says : —
'' Est alia sententia aliorum qui decent gratiam efficacem esse
actionem Dei physicam quae determinat voluntatem ad volendum
et eligendum bonum quod illi fuerit per gratiam excitantem
inspiratum, Hac opinio videtur mihi aut esse omnino eadem cum
errore Calvini et Lutheranorum, aut panim ab eo distare."
Your correspondent seems to think that the system that
bears Molina's name was the " discovery" of Molina. On
the contrary, the " versatility" of grace was, at the time of
Calvin, one of those venerable and universally accepted
doctrines, in regard of which he undertook to " reform" the
Church. Calvin writes (Lib. 2, Inst. c. 3) : —
** Voluntatem movet gratia nan qualiter multts aaeculia traditttm
est et creditum^ ut nostrae postea sit electionis motion! aut obtem-
perare aut refragari, sed illam efficaciter efficiendo."
Instead of citing the words of Bellarmine, and giving
to them the negative approbation conveyed in silence,!
assert that Thomism diners toto coelo from Calvinism and
Lutheranism. Luther and Calvin persist in denving that
free will can coexist with efficacious grace. The Thomists
of course hold that free will can and does survive in the
fullest measure under the influence of efficacious grace.
By holding to this, in conformity with Catholic dogma,
they separate themselves from all contact with, and
suspicion of, dogmatic error. " Salvant fidem." But how
do they explain the possibility of this co-existence I How,
in the adoption of the Catholic definitions of efficaciouB
grace and of free will, do they show that this co-existence
would not involve that " contradictibn in terms, which is
the ultimate test of any controversy that touches the D^ty
and His action" ?
Chiefly by applying their ** famous distinctioa o£ sensus
The Apology for Thandsm considered, 301
wmpontus and eensue divisus" This solutioiiy however, is
abandoned, as indefensible, bj many of the leading
Thomistic writers.
Thus Cardinal Cajktan says : —
"Quae commoniter dicuntur de sensa composite et sensu diviso
. . . intellectum non quietant."
Aravius says : —
"Quod quidam dicunt. . . . mihi est parom probabile . . . .
shnpliciter et in omni sensu necessitare debet voluntatem ad ilium
actum."
BiLLUART adds : —
"Non satis explicatur modus quo haec concordia a nobis
infelligi possit. . . Hespondeo, mysterium esse."
And Bannez himself assures us that any attempt to
solve this mystery would involve " ignorantia, ne dicam,
temeritaa"
L. J. H.'s treatment of this sensue compoeittLS solution,
though not new in substance, is invested with very com-
menMble novelty in the boldness with which it discards
all dust-raising and ambiguity, and stands forth in the
open on its own merits. "Let us suppose the will deter-
nuning itself by its own native strengtn ... to the art of
loving: certainly * in sensu composito ' with that determina-
tion it cannot but love-nsupposing the determination to be
eflScacioua . . The wiU thus determined is still free, for
it is in its power * not to love in sensu diviso.* In the same
manner, there cannot be with efficacious grace, the con-
liary act * in sensu composito* : it can * in sensu diviso,*
which suffices for liberty.*'
All which means —
The determination of the will effected proprio rnotu does
not destroy Uberty. Therefore " in the same manner the
det^mination of the will effected alieno ineluctabili motu
does not destroy liberty —
Because in each case we find an equally restrictive
determination ad ununu
Let us test the strength of this argument by another
nwtance in which a similar senaua campositiAs may be
Mognised
A and B find themselves rushing at a rapid rate in a
302 The Apology for Thatniim eon$idere<L
face of the fact, that A is there in purstiit of pleasure,
while B is there under police escort.
We might, with just as logical a sequence, infer that
all the countless streams that have fed the ocean, sprang
firom fountains of the same sea-level, flowed through the
same sunny valleys or over the same blistering sands— ^
because their final " determination" is the same.
Thomism will seek in vain to establish a parallel
between two ** determinations,** one of which is free from
its birth, while the other is, in all its stages, unalterably
prearranged and forced.
II. I accept without criticism your correspondent's
description of " suflScient grace ;" that it ** confers on man
full, and taking the circumstances in which he is into con-
sideration, ready (expeditam) ppwer to perform good
actions; but this grace is made useless by the resistance of
the will." I accept it ; but I maintain that no Thomist
can, at the same time, defend it and his own systenu
Between them there is no concord : they mutually repel
each other. The Thomist must hold (1) that a grace that
is at am time merely sufficient is so, in the very merenesB of
its sufficiency, because it was so constructed. ^2) That
grace, whether sufficient or efficacious in its creation, is as
unalterable in its nature as the decree by which it was
created, and that is as unalterable as God. (3) That the
Divine Onmipotence is pledged to the attainment by
efficacious g^ce of the finis ad quern for which it was
created, despite of ail opposition from " human or diabolic"
power. (4) That the giving of merely sufficient rather
than the giving of efficacious grace rests with God alone ;
and (5) That God is not influenced in the selection He
makes by Us foreknowledge of man's merits or demerits.
When, therefore, they say that, in any partictuar
instance, it is ^^ man's resistance to grace'' that nullifies the
action of that " full and expedite power which the grace
conferred," the answer is very obvioua If that **fuir and
ready power^' was ab initio intended to take effect, no
created resistance could stay its efficiency. (2) When we
know (from the result) that, although it gave all this
plenitude and readiness of power, it proved to be,
nevertheless, a merely sufficient grace, we infer at once
that it never '* contained," and was not intended for the
production of a salutary act. With all the ftillnesB of power
which the Thonnsts ascribe to thdr ^sufficient grace," it
never oaa, defacto, be of use ta man. It lacks from itv
The Apology for Thondam considered. 303
creation one essential element, the presence of which
would infallibly secure the salutary act, the want of which
would just as infallibly presage and warrant its absence.
At the veiy best : the giving of sufficient grace, in the
Thomistic sense, is like the bestowing of a duly filled
cheqae, the payment of which has been inexorably stopped.
UI. As part and portion of the same subterfuge, the
Thomists say — I submit, with transparent inconsistency —
(1) that efficacious graces were refused to the people of
Corazain because of their crimes ; and (2) that ^cacious
graces would have been given in preference to those of
Tyre, because the latter were not quite so obdurate,
perverse, and ungrateful as the former.
This is not Thomistic doctrine.
For Thomism is founded on the theory of a distribution
of grace destined to secure a predestination decreed ante-
cedently to, and wholly independently of, all prevision of
man's actions. We must hold one of two thmgs : either
that the prevision of man's greater or less unworthinesa
guides God in the distribution of His graces, and thus
abandon Thomism : or we must hold that man's obduracy
and sinfulness exercise no influence on that distributiony
and thereby surrender to the objection drawn from the
text of St. Matthew.
But, besides this special difficulty which concerns the
Thomists alone — and is therefore purely " domestic" — ^the
theory of the solution seems irreconcilably at toriance witk
the course of Divine Mercy, as pourtrayed in Sacred
Scripture. Our Divine Lord's mission was chiefly amcmgst
sinners, and, surely not for the distribution amongst them
of merely sudflBcient graces. "Non veni vocare justos, sed
peccatores," The Divine Love from which those graces
came was not less intense for those who were^^ ungrateful"
^an for the others ; nor the favours He bestowed upon
them less '' useful." Quite the contrary : He gauged the
extent and value of His mercies by their greater needs.
St. Paul tells us that God has for sinners, without distinc-
tion, a very wealth of patience and long-suffering (both of
which suppose perversity and obduracy in man) ; that His
benignity ever leads to penance the wicked man, even the
man of hardness and hitherto impenitent heart. The reply
of the Thomists would lead us to expect that such men
night indeed receive sufficient graces, but presumably, and
304 Iht Apology for Thomism considered.
prayers of the Church and the writings of the Fathers,"
even though all of them should seem to bear "a most
rigorous Thomistic sense," would not be to establish
Thomistic doctrine. Every MoHnist or Congruist writer
supplies interpretations of these prayers and pajssages in
full harmony with his own view, and supplements such
interpretation with a catena of other extracts from the
same sources, that seem fatal to Thomism. They draw
in greatest abundance from the writings of St. Augustine
and St. Thomas. With regard to the ** prayers of the
Church," I invite your correspondent to give any legitimate
rendering that will not put Thomism completely ** out of
court," to that prayer which the priest daily recites in
discharge, of the most solemn fimction of his sacred oflfiee .
" Hanc igitur Oblation em servitutis nostrae
quaesumus Domine ut placatus accipias . . . atque nos
. . . in Electorum tuorum jubeas grege numerari."
V. It would be easy to multiply the doctrinal " incon-
veniences" that spring from a consistent adhesion to
the Thomistic system. One is suggested by your cor-
respondent's illustration of the stone that is kept by the
hand from falling, but that falls to the ground when the
hand is withdrawn. The stone may be taken to represent
the soul that has never lost, or has completely regained, the
fulness of justification. The withdrawal of that sustainment
would be the abancfonment of that soul (in time of danger)
to somethin^less than "intrinsically efficacious graces,"
without any previous record of" ingratitude and obduracy"
on the part of man — an event against the possibility of
which we have the pronouncement of the Council of Trent:
"Deus namque sua gratia semel justificatos non deserit
nisi ab iis prius deseratur^* (Sess. 6, c. 11). It is hard to
see how, in the theory of the Thomists, the dogma of the
" AdmissibiUty of Justification" could be maintained.
I have reserved to the closing paragraph all allusion
to the hard things L. J. fl. says regarding my
arguments and style of writing. He tells us that he is a
man of "taste,*' and I accept the assurance. When,
however, I remember the old saying that " in disputation,
heat of temper and strength of argument vary in the
inverse ratio,** I can understand how even a man of " taste*'
can stoop to saying un^acious worda Struggling against
unconquerable dimculties, generates irritation: irritation
finds relief in uncomely words ; and — it is a " crumb of
comfort*' — hard words break no bones. q^ j^ jy[
[ 305 ]
PLAIN FACTS : TRINITY COLLEGE.
Doctrina sed vim premovet insitam,
Bectique cultos pectora roborant ;
Uteunqne defecere mores,
Indeoorant bene nata culpae.
'^Biit teaching farthers inbred energy, and genuine modes of
culture strengthen the soul ; whenever morals chance to fail, foul
stams disfigure the noble endowments of nature."
¥0U and we, dear reader, can recollect the fate which
befel a certain homeward-bound East-Indian ship
some few years aga She had reached even so far as the
English Channel ; under a cloud of white swelling sails
Ae glides majestically over the blue i^arkling waters,
and, as she nears the shore, a crowd of sunburnt exiles
may be discerned thronging the decks, and gazing with
feeling of deep, overflowing joy on that dear native land,
in which iliey expect to find that rest so anxiously looked
forward to duiing long years of toil and danger under an
Indian sky. At length, in spite of every fifficulty and
danger, their dearest wishes are about to be gratified : the
fresh green hiUs along the shore, the clear SKy, the sunlit
waves, contiibute to the cheerful, animating Mpect of the
scene, and, while heightening the transports ot the return-
ing wanderers, appear to bid them a right hearty welcome
home. Truly it is a most gladsome spectacle.
But all on a sudden, a cloud sweeps across the face of
the sun, and swiftly, as speeds the lightening flash, a
viol^it squall fliee over the now darkling waters, and,
before a single sail can be furled, strikes the noble ship
with a terrifio, irresistible force. The spectators on shore
can scarcely credit their senses; a wild, frantic shriek,
from a thimsand voices, smites the ear ; the stout ship, as
ff a thing widowed with life^ struggles convulsively for a
few Beconds ; when all at once, with her white sails, and
<fal)r hull, and crowd of human freight, she plunges
faOMafli the waves, and leaves no trace on the face of the
306 Plain Facts: Trinity College.
appointment, of deep, irremediable loss, fills our soul ; and
when we hear of a young^Cathohc student entering Trinity,
or any other such mixed or godless College, a somewhat
similar feeling grows upon us ; for there can be very little
doubt that, either in piety or in faith, that young man,
whose Catholic home training, whose innocent and suc-
cessful school career, gave such cheering promise of a
noble and useful manhood, shall suffer a veritable ehip-
Vreck in fair but treacherous waters, and in spite of all
efforts to save him.
The Rev. Charles H. Wright, Incumbent of St. Mary's,
Belfast, in a pamphlet published quite recently, speaks
with great candour, and in terms that cannot be
explained away, of the infidehty which prevails in Trinity
College.
" It cannot," says the writer, " any longer be taken for
granted that the Fellows of Trinity College, Dublin, are
believers in Divine Revelation. If report be true, some of
them do not believe in the existence of a personal God.
There are Professors in the University who are reasonably
suspected of Agnosticism, if not of Atheism. It is impossible,
however, to demand the dismissal of a Fellow or Professor
on the ground of any erroneous opinions he may hold on
religious questions, and it would oe highly undesirable,
even if it were possible, to prosecute any University
teacher for sceptical views. But it is a lamentable fact
that many students ' unlearn* at Dublin, as well as at
Oxford, the religious principles in which they were
instructed at home. There exists in Trinity College what
is virtually a propaganda for sceptical views, and too little
effort is put forth on the other side in order to stem the
tide of infideUty among the students.'*
When we thus hear honest Protestants crying out
against the "propaganda for sceptical views," and "the
tide of iufideUty amongst the students," it is high time for
Catholics to rouse themselves from the guilty apathy into
which they seem to have fallen, and to tear from their
eyes those scales which have prevented them from seeing
I'rinity as it really is — a hot bed of irreligion. That this
lamentable viciousness of Trinity concerns Catholics, there
can be no doubt ; for at this moment there are amongst its
students many Cathohcs — many of those who figured on the
Intermediate Lists,and who have noiselessly and unobserved
passed into its unhallowed halls. Let our Catholic people
bestir themselves manfully, both collectively and indi-
Plain Facts : Irinity College. 307
▼iduafly, and avert the sacrifice of some of the most
promising of their young men at the altar of infidelity.
Iiiflhmen are distinguished for their strong faith : St. Peter,
too, was strong in faith, yet he denied his Lord. He was
over confident in himself, and entered into the occasion of
an, Irish CathoUcs are exposed to similar presumption
and it« consequences; they are much less m dread of
infideUty than they ought : it is ^own only to them by
name; it is only a person who has had the dreadful
misfortune to be exposed to the terrible influence of
infidelity that can even faintly realise with what hellish
force it eat6 and eats into the soul, slowly but ruthlessly
destroying the life of faith, as inevitably as cancer wears
away the life of the body.
In the Dublin Review of July, 1863, we find it stated
that—
" It is a known fact that, of the Catholics who have studied at
Trinity College, Dublin, few have escaped without more or less
injury, not only to piety, but to faith. . . . Hundreds, it is said,
eould easily be counted up, who have lost the faith, two of them a
dean and a bishop in the Irish Establishment A
Catholic bishop, who studied there, has been heard to say that his
preservation from perdition, amongst so many dangers, was as
great a miracle as the preservation of Daniel in the lions' den."
Many of our readers shall be able to add, from their
own experience, numerous instances in confirmation of the
truth of these deplorable facts set forth by the reviewer ;
and surely, a system that bears such bUghted fruit, must
be woftdly pernicious, and should be shunned by Catholics
as a deadly moral plague. The Catholic student of Trinity
will indeed ordinarily assert that he can discover no
danger there for religion ; and in proof of the correctness
of this view, he alleges that in his *' Alma Mater " one
bardly ever hears a word in disparagement of Catholicisim
'—the students are so gentlemanly and considerate, and
Ae professors are so Teamed and so liberal-minded:
flnthermore, he has ample opportunity of attending to his
idigioiis duties, and greater safeguards, he thinks, cannot
te reftsonably required.
How worthless are the arguments built upon these and
«uch deceptive foundations, and how essentially
"^ is the godless system, whether at Trinity or
308 Plain Facts : Trinity College.
of the Catholic Church have solemnly and repeatedly
condemned both mixed and godless UniversitieH, and
warned the faithful against them. That the condemnation
is just, and that the words of warning should be dutifully
received and acted upon, will, as a general proposition, be
denied by no CathoUc who deserves the name ; but when
individuals come to consider their own particular case,
they unfortunately succeed sometimes, by some flimsy
sophistry, in persuading themselves that, in their peculiar
circumstances, an exception may indeed be made. Now,
to show to such persons the true charactCT of the secular
University, and thus induce them to listen to the voice of
reason and religion, we shall quote the deliberate pro-
nouncements of some of the greatest thinkers of the day,
which will give a pretty clear insight into the wise
motives which impelled the pastors of the Church to warn
their flocks against one of the greatest evils of the age. In
his Lecture on a " Form of Infidelity of the Day," Cardinal
Newman lets in much light on the insidious policy of the
apostles of godless education. In speaking of them, he
says : —
"The very policy of religious men, they wiH argue, is to get
the world to fix its attention steadily upon the subject of Religion.
. . . . And their own game, they will consider, is, on the
contrary, to be elaborately silent about it."
And the result answers their expectation ; for this elaboraU
silence about Religion does liul young Catholics at the
University into a false and fatal security.
Again, Cardinal Newman farther on says :-—
•* Nor is this all ; they trust to the influence of the modem
sciences on what may be called the Imagination. When anything
which comes before us is very unlike what we commonly expe-
rience, we consider it on that account untrue ; not because it
really shocks our reason as improbable, but because it startles our
imagination as strange. Now, Revelation presents to us a per-
fectly different aspect of the universe from that presented by the
Sciences. . . . While, then. Reason and Revelation are con-
sistent in fact, they are often inconsistent in appearance ; and this
seeming discordance acts most keenly and alarmingly on the Imagi-
nation, and may suddenly expose a man to the temptation, and even
hurry him on to the commission of definite acts of unbelief, in wfaic^
Reason itself really does not come into exercise at all. I mean, let a
person devote himself to the studies of the day ; let him be taught
by the astronomer that our sun is but one of a million globes moving
Plain Facts : Trinity College. 309
inspactf ; let him learn from th^ geologist that on that globe of
oonenormons revolutions have been in progress through fcmu-
merable ages ; let him be told \>j the comparative anatomist of
the minutelj arranged system of organised nature : by the chemist
and physicist of the peremptory yet intricate laws to which nature,
organised and inorganic, is subjected ; by the ethnologist of the
on'^als, and ramifications, and varieties, and fortunes of nations ;
bj the antiquarian of old cities disinterred, and primitive countries
laid bare, with the specific forms of human society once existing ;
by the linguist of the slow formation and development of Ian images ;
by the physiologist and the economist of the subtle, complicated
structure of the breathing, energetic, restless world of men ; I say,
let him take in and master the vastness of the view thus afforded
him oi Nature, its infinite complexity, its awful comprehensiveness,
and its diversified yet harmonious colouring ; and then, when he
has for years drunk in and fed upon this vision, let him turn round
to peruse the inspired records, or listen to the authoritative teaching
of Revelation, the book of Genesis, or the warnings and prophecies
of the Gospels, or the Symbolism Qutcumque, or the Life of
St. Anthony or St. Hilarion, and he may certainly experience a
tnoH distressing revulsion of feeling — not that his reason really
deduces anything from his much loved studies contrary to the
faith, but his imagination is bewildered, and swims with the ineffable
dbtance of that faith from the view of things which is familiar to
him, with its strangeness, and then again its rude simplicity, as
he considers it, and its apparent poverty, contrasted with the
exuberant life and reality of his own world. All this the school
I am speaking of understands well ; it comprehends that, if it
ean but exclude the professors of Religion from the lecture-halls
of Science, it may safely allow them full play in their own ; for
it will be able to rear up infidels without speaking a word,
merely by the terrible influence of that faculty against which
both Bacon and Butler so solemnly warn us.''
This eloquent and apposite passage from Cardinal
Newman shows forcibly and clearly tnat the startling
facts spoken of by the Dublin Reviewer are the natural
outcome of the godless system of education. It is like
recording a truism Avhen we say that the vast learning,
clear, practical sense, very large-minded views, deep and
fiuv-reaching knowledge of the subtle influences and
tendencieSy of the immense dangers and capabilities of
Ufiiverfiity life, qualify his Eminence, better perhaps than
310 Plain Facts : Trinity College.
zeal, to take up exaggerated or alarmiet views of intellec-
tuat dangera.
How unquestionably, too, the genuine Catholic spirit of
the Irish nation is opposed to the odious mixed system of
education, is evinced by the simple fact, that in the space of
twenty-five years £250,000 has been subscribed for the
purpose of keeping alive a struggUng University in
Stephen*8-green, as a means of asserting their right to a
proper University system — to one that, in developing the
mind, would not deaden faith and taint the heart. This
was an immense sum from a heavily burdened people, and
bespeaks very generous sacrifices on their part to further
the cause of higher education, which directly affects but
few. And now, after long years of toil and patient expec-
tation, it is a sad and humiliating sight to see many of oar
CathoUc youths, ignoring the existence of the Royal Uni-
versity, and, smothering the voice of conscience, quietly
pass into Trinity College, and there drink in at poisoned
sources ruin for themselves, and it may be, for hundreds of
Others who will come within the range of their influence
in their after career. This reckless conduct is eminently
unwise and unpatriotic ; for every Catholic who becomes a
student of Trinity thereby proclaims to the Irish parlia-
mentary representatives and to the British Government
that he is satisfied with the education given there, and thus,
as far as in him Ues, weakens the hands of those who, in
supporting the Royal University, endeavour to force on the
attention of our rulers and of our representatives the im-
perative need there is of establishing that unsubstantial
fabric of a University on such a basis as may enable it
adequately to answer to the educational wants of the
country.
The number of students entering the universities has
greatly increased since the passing of the Intermediate
ducation Act ; and we are convinced that there have
been more Catholics drawn to Trinity than heretofore, and
of a certainty their numbers will increase still more unless
parents, priests, and head masters employ more than a
negative opposition to this senseless course. We trust, too,
that those intending to become students will, when the real
dangers and the shadowy advantages are brought before
them, honestly realise their own responsibility in the matter;
for, indeed, the example or remissness of others cannot
exempt them from the serious culpability of their own acts.
We confidently expect that our members of Parliament^
J
Plain Facts: Trimty College. 311
as soon as liiey shall have obtained redress of the more
freasing grievances, will take up the important question of
iniversity as well as of Intermediate Education, and that
they will not desist from their efforts until they will have
obtained such substantial modifications as may suit the
requirements of an intelligent, education loving, Catholic
people.
In the meantime, let our young men keep away from
Trinity and the other godless colleges: for it is onljr
natural to expect that the man whose first public act is
one of extreme and needless selfishness, and of quasi
rebellion a^inst the warning voice of the pastors of the
Church, will turn out the very reverse of what a good
Catholic should be. Even granting these poor deluded
Catholic students do not become professing infidels, they
shall at all events turn out very objectionable and
dangerous members of society.
The Eev. Edmund O'Reuly, S. J., in a number of The
McntJi of 1872, speaking of mixed education, says : —
"The great evil to be feared is not apostacj, but a kind of
uosouBdness, which may easily be found in professing Catholics.
A most undesirable class of them are an easy fruit of such training,
a class distinguished by doctrinal looseness, joined with a very
imperfect aUegiance to the Chiu'ch."
The Bev- Thomas Cahill, S. J., in his evidence before
the Victorian Education Commission (Australia), speaks in
terais of the strongest condemnation of both mixed and
purely secular systems of education, whether in primary
schools, colleges, or universities, and amongst other
authorities mentions an American author, the Rev. M.
Muller, who says : —
^I truly believe tfiat if Satan were presented with a blank
sheet of paper, and bade to write upon it the most fatal gift to
man, he would simply write, ' godless schools.* He might then
turn his attention from this planet : godless public schools would
do the rest"
He further cites the Boston Daily Herald : —
''Within a few months a gentleman (I'rofessor Agassiz^
'VhoBe scientific attainments have made his name a household word
bk afl lands, has personally investigated the subject, and the result
lias iSll.J V^ txV. j: 1 1 -.1-- J-_a1- -^ 1 J,^'--
312 PlaiH Faeti : Trinity College.
devil 18 in the public schools, raging and rampant there among the
pupils, as well as among the teachers^ no One can well doubt.**
And thus the watchword, " Away with godless
eduojBition/' is now echoed from the Antipodes and across
the Atlantic, and may its sound ever wax louder, and its
influence ever more and more efficacious.
Before concluding we find it incumbent on us to devote
some space to fastening attention on the most disastarous
calamity of the age— the modem unsound systems of
philosophy. Few even amongst enlightened Catholics can
justly estimate what the University does for its students:
it is quite a peculiar world, and very different from the
bustling, bargain-driving world of Commerce, and from the
exciting arena of political life. The young minds are keen,
yet impressionable, eager, yet pliant, and exert a mar-
vellously potent influence on one another ; the professors^
so generally regarded as oracles in their several depart-
ments, wield a kind of subtle, magical power ; the
intellectual atmosphere, the spirit of the place, is commn-
nicated from one to the other ; and this all-pervading, all-
powerful spirit is specially shaped and guided by the
philosophy of the University Lecture Halls.
The nrst thinkers of the day. Catholics as well as
Protestants, regard with feelings of positive dismay the
rapid strides which infidel philosophy is making in non-
Catholic centres of thou^t ; they jndge rightly that iiie
modem false philosophy is alarmingly fatal to all belief in
revealed dogma.
It has been said, " Give me the making of the songs of
a people and I will let who may make the laws ;" but
with a hundred-fold more justice might w# declare of a
University : " Give us the direction- of the philosophical
studies of the students, and it matters little who occupy
the preachers' pulpit*' The following extract from Tkm
Months of May, 1869, is much to our purpose : —
''Is it not time that we should ask ourselves how long
Catholics can submit to have anything to do with educational
bodies, to meet whose examinations our young men must, if they
would secure success, make themselves acquainted with, and study
the writings of the MiUs, the Bains, the Huxleys of the day ?
These men are the prophets of modem jNrogress. They have ik
name and a corresponding influence. They, at least some of them^
write in a style which fascinates the young, now by its BspgansA
cleamess, now by its charming variety, itA brilliant illustration, i
PUdn Facts : Trinity CoUege. 313
poede oatbnrsts. The joimg are eager to learn, but naturallj
abhorrent of the labour of thought. Such teachers are pretty sure
to be popular with them — it is so pleasant to float along the stream
of a lucid style without having to strain a muscle, or being even
ooee compelled to take to the oars ! And so, dreaming placidly
that they are becoming philosophical thinkers, and lulled into
lecarity by occasional vague panegyrics on the noble, the philan-
thropic, the useful, the inexperienced readers drift unsuspectingly
to the goal of atheism or scepticism Nor let it be
supposed that the absurdity of scepticism is sufficient to ensure the
nnwary reader from being caught in the snare. Good care is taken
to cover the pitfall with an exuberance of the most natural-looking
and attractive herbage. Rhetoric goes a long way towards con-
ceah'ng the danger. Lon^ trains of reasoning, or of clear and
e?en truthful analysis, lure the eager student on, till he is prepared
to accept almost any conclusion which is confidently advanced.
How can it be that a guide who has made so many hard problems
easy, and led the way happily, with much science and skill, through
90 fflany entanglements, and triumphed over so many obstacles,
should after all turn out to be a blind guide, ready in the end to
fall with his followers into the ditch ? Even those who unite
natural acuteness with honesty of heart and sound faith, find it
difficult to resist first impressions or to detect the fatal errors
which lurk under so much truth. When at last they are startled
by 8ome proposition evidently at variance with Catholic belief,
even if they have grace to withhold assent, they are not wholly
saved from the influence so long exercised over them. Less
patent faUacies have found acceptance with them : the imagination
18 filled with delusive images ; they are staggered by objections
which they fancy insoluble, because they know of no sufficient
answer themselves.''
Nor can the overwhelming tide of deception and
error be warded off from those devoted victims, who rush
in where angels fear to tread, by the pitchfork of occasional
or even frequent resource to a Catholic professor howsoever
competent.
" It will be said, perhaps, that these dangers may be obviated if
the student have a Catholic professor at his elbow to warn him
against accepting falsehoods, to expose fallacies, to answer objections
for him, to inculcate and expound truth. . . . That man knows
little of philosophy or of the difficulties of teaching, who imagines
that two opposite systems of philosophy can be taught with any
reasonable hope of our pupils entering fully into both
KaturalJy eager to obtain academic success, impatient of any
obstacle to its attainment, with or without conscientious misgivings
314 Plain Facts : Trinity College.
they will be expected at the University to know ; they will cram
themselves with the poison to the exclusion of the antidote; thej
will imbibe error, and neglect, if they do not reject, truth."
Our last extract will be a not unfamiliar one to Catholic
philosopherB, from the pen of a Protestant divine, the
Rev. Mark Pattison, who was elected Fellow of Lincoln
College, Oxford, in 1840, and became Rector of his College
in 1861.
Mr. Pattison says :
** For my part I think the fears of the Catholic party whether
within or without the National Establishment are substantially
well founded. It is especially the philosophical subjects which
alarm the Church party. This party must either conquer (by
expellinc^ philosophy from the course of teaching) or be content to
see all the minds that come un<}er the influence of that training*
that is all the minds of any promise that pass through Oxford,
hopelessly lost to them."
Briefly then the philosophical education at Oxford, is
fatal to the belief in the sacred truths of revelation ; and
on his words we need not comment; they speak for
themselves and clench our arguments strongly home ; for
if Oxford, which was wont to be so close to CathoUc
orthodoxy, has so lamentably fallen away, what must we
not think of those seats of learning where the traditions
have long been grimly sinister.
Thus we see that the purely secular and mixed systems
of education deaden and m many cases even destroy faith ;
that this result naturally springs from the elaborate silence
about religion, and the almost exclusive prosecution of
secular studies which saturate and captivate the mind and
carry it inevitably beyond the reach oi religious influences ;
that the experience of able thinkers in Australia and
America coincides with our experience at home ; that the
expedient of counteracting the fatal efiects of the false
philosophy by administering the antidote of Catholic
professional aid is mainly a mere conscience-silencing
delusion ; and these considerations singly (and still more
when taken conjointiy) insist upon the conclusion, that
Catholics at the peril of their souls' salvation are solemnly
bound to abhor and avoid Trinity College and other
similar institutions, be their students resident or non-
resident
Prostration in the Early Irish Church. 315
We may draw attention also to the fact, that Catholics
will find it their interest, even from a wordly point of view,
to keep clear of the non-Catholic, contaminating Universities,
for we beheve that priests, and Catholic laymen (when
duly enlightened on the subject) will find themselves
bound in conscience to consider the stamp of the godless
University on any candidate for a position at their disposal,
a positive disqualification ; and more especially so, when
there is question of appointing a medical officer. The
teaching of Protestant medical schools does not by any
means square with the laws of God. In this connection
we need only refer our readers to an article on medical
subjects, trepanning, &c., which appeared in this Magazine
sqme ten years ago. And the pitiful, silly snobbishness
which in not a few cases leads Catholics to these Universities,
is miserably shortsighted; they would fain run with the
hare and hunt with the hounds ; bi^t they are of a certainty
looked down upon even when condescendingly patronised,
by their Protestant fellow-students, and they justly incur
the contempt and distrust (not always openly manifested)
of their co-rehgionists.
Arthur H. Weybourne.
PROSTRATION IN THE EARLY IRISH CHURCH.
IN closing my correspondence on the above subject, I
think it right to state that though there appear no
grounds for asserting that perpetual prostration prevailed
in any Church in Ireland, yet there was occasional prostra-
tion in some religious houses, for instance, at the end or
beginning of an exercise, or once after entering a church.
But no proof of this is afforded by the quatrain on which
8ome have relied even for perpetual prostration.
The learned Professor Zimmer, m the April number of
the Reoori), while differing from Rev. Dr. McCarthy
as to the root and original meaning of slechtan^ asserts
that in the eighth century the word came to signify not
kneeling, as originally, but prostration, and that the word
fiUimj " to bend," was employed to express genuflection ;
316 Prostration in the Early Irish Church.
and that, secondly, the flexus genmim came to signify
prostration not unquaUfiedly, as Dr. McCarthy asserted, but
as understood in Irish convents. The fact of his saying
that words lost their usual and natural meaning inside a
convent shows how facts tell against him. He grounds
his argument on two Irish glosses : — 1^ As to the jlexus
geiiuum : he quotes a remark on a Bernese (Irish) gloss
on genibw volutans made by a non-Irishman — dfjUxu
genuum ut Scotti faciunt^ and infers from this that the dejkxu
genuum meant prostration. But I submit there is not a
shadow of reason for such an inference. All Dr. Zimmer
can tell us is that the phrase genua amplexusiQ explained by
genibus volutans in reference to the 607th line of Virgil,
iJook III. Now, when Achemenides embraced the knees of
^neas, he was either standing or did not sink below a
kneehng posture. If the writer had wished to expressprostrar
tion, as Dr. Zimmer contends, he could and should have
used not genibus, hut facie volutans. Thus, TertulHan speaks
of prostration by volutante hmni fade} It is remarkable
that this writer appUes the word volutans generally, as an
act of the body, to penitents or their reconciUatiou — in
sacco et cinere volutati ' — ilium lugere, ilium volutare.* Again,
speaking of husband and wife, he says : " Simul orant,
simul volutantur, et simul jejunia transigunt."* Finally,
the use of the word occurs in the book Depudicitia (xviii. D),
where he objects to the reconcihation oi sinners even after
they have by rolling brushed the garments of the brethren
— caligas fratrum volutando deterserint — and, what follows
shows that the fratres were not laics or equals, " after they
have shaken off their heads the ashes of all the fires in the
church." The learned Menard informs us that caligas were
leggings extending to the knees of a bishop, to whom
belonged the office of reconciling penitents.^ The Berne
gloss then very probably referred to either public or sacra-
mental confession. The ancient practice with some had
been to kneel leaning on the knees of the confesisor ; and
Baronius thinks (ad an. 56 n. 18) that the foolish and
abominable charge of idolatry made by pagans in the
Octavius of Minutius Felix arose from the posture of peni-
tents.® By the way. Dr. Zimmer may be interested in
^ Adversus Marcionem, p. 408, xix. A (Paris 1664, foL ed.)
• Apolog. p. 33. • De pudicitia, p. 562. * Ad Uxorem, ad finenu
• " Usque ad genua tendentia." De sacramentario , p. 2G0.
• Biblioth. P.F., vol. ii.
Prostration in (lie Early Irish ChurrJu 317
IwmiTTg that, as in the eighth century^ so at present, an
nmnaX expression for sacramental confession is dul folk lam^
" going under thy hand,*' thus verifying the relative posi-
tion of confessor and penitent, and explaining the mystery
of the Berne glosa But let us even suppose that the gloss
referred to tkfiexus gentium at Mass, there is no reason for
making it prostration. For without revolutionizing lan-
ne there were other words before and ever since m use
_ , Every day after Mass in an authorized prayer there
occurs the phrase genibus meprovolvo. No one imderstands
by it prostration. One of the Irish arreums or canons of
the eighth and eleventh centuries required « xii flectiones
in imaquaque hora et palmae sopinatae ad orationem.'*
Here the flectiones must mean kneeing, not prostration.
A^ain, the " corpus " Irish Missal enjoined prayers to be
said, genu fiecteniioj which it was impossible or absurd to
have done in a prostrate state. It were the wildest thing
then to change the meaning of language on the strength of
a translation, itself indefensible, of a Berne gloss.
2*. In support of his views on slechtan^ Dr. Zimroer refers
to a Milan ^oss : **• Cumgabal inna lam hi crossfigill, issi
briathar lam insin: ocns issi briathar sule dano.(dana)
aciungabal saas dochumnde ; ocus issi briathar glunse ocus
choBB a filliud fri slechtan ; ocus issi briathar choirp dono
(dana) intan roichter do Dia oc slechtan ocus crossigill" —
raiang of the hands crosswise, this is the e^eech of hands ;
and t^ is the speech of eyes, indeed^ to raise them up to
God; and this is the speech of the knees and feet, to bend
them nnto prostration ; and the body's speech is this there*
fon when it is directed to God in prostration and in placing
hands crosswise." Now, his version of the gloss is different
from others (Vid. Gadoilica, 21), and if he read it by the
Kght of the passage refeiTed to in my paper in February,
from T^nlhan, it will change his views. Giving dono in
one place and dano in the next, each intended for dana^
•"bold," betrays the corrupted version ; besides, the giving
ttie an illative meaning, diereforey and to the other that of
a aoleinn indeed^ is out of place. Besides his translation is
objectionable — ^firstly, as L. B. (p. 10) makes the crossfigill
eonast in ^^ raising uie hands up to heaven," as opposed to
^ bands crosswise as in prostration." Secondly, slechtan^
318 Prostration in tlie Early Irish Church.
the knees ; moreover, the knee is not bent more by pros-
tration than standing. Thirdly, if sUchtan and crossigiU
meant prostration with hands crosswise, how reconcile it
with crossJighiU slechtan in martyrology of Donegal (April 5)
in reference to St. Becan, who prayed and knelt with one
hand raised and the other building, and where slechtan is
explained by glun fillte, kneeling ? Fourthly, the service
of the body as a member consisted in being reached
(roichter = porrigitur, gloss) to God through the hands;
and surely that is done more naturally by the body follow-
ing the hands raised up and stretching to where the eves
were raised, than by being prostrate with hands pointmg
to the horizon. Fifthly, Dr. Zimmer*s translation would
not allow room for a congregation. During ^Triduum^ all
who could were bound to attend at it. Slechtan and crosdaiU
appear enjoined ; and allowing 5x6 feet to each lull
grown person, and taking each primitive church as scarcely
averaging 50 X 20 = 1,000 feet, we would have accommo-
dation omy for 30 persons, chancel-space calculated, not to
speak of wives or children. Sixthly, the gloss text — ^habitus
et rationahilis motus membrorum est sermo corporis — tells
us ther.e is question only of the members : now the last
division of Dr. Zimmer's translation includes not merely a
member, but the whole frame from head to the feet by
prostration. Finally, while the motion of the knees, eyes,
and hands, recommended itself to the mere rational man —
genibus volutans ad caelum tendens ardentia lumina — manus ad
sidera tendens — prostration and the cross which was folly to
the Gentile reason did not so recommend themselves.
I alluded to Tertullian, with whose writings Saint
Columbanus was conversant. In his treatise, De Oratiantj
he recommends the humility of the Publican as seen in his
•eyes and attitude at prayer:^ he would not have the eyes
too boldly raised (vultu in audaciam erecto),nor the hands
raised too high (subhmius), but the whole man showing
humility (humiliatus et dejectus). The raised eyes then,
however holily or fervently so, were called bold, danoj as
also the attitude of the body not prostrate or dejected.
The translation then of the gloss is : " raising of the hands to
heaven (as the priest's at the altar), this is the speech of the
hands then ; and this is the speech of the bold eyes to raise
them to God ; and this is the speech of the knees and feet to
bend them in adoration ; and this is the speech of the bold
1 L. B. p. 259a. « Ch. xin., p. 184.
Prostration in the Early Irish Church. 319
body when it is reached to God in kneeling or adoration
between uplifted hands." Slechtan is sometimes found in
connection with prostration — prostrait ocus slechtan —
prostration and adoration; and it sometimes means
adoration in a standing posture^, but generally implied
kneeling and adoration. Dr. Zimmer gives the Milan gloss
—the only proof of his theory — to show that slechtan came
to signify prostration. Wher'i was the necessity! The
Chraees prostraity and do rat agnuis frilar^ and ocus anaigthi
ad been in use.^ If filliudy to genuflect, was introduced
in the eighth century, how is it that we find it so early in the
Milan gloss beside slechtan, arid in the seventh century, in the
quatrain which gave rise to the discussion ? If slechtan
cnanged its meaning to prostration, how is it that all along
subsequently to the eignth century it continued to mean
not prostration but kneeling? The Irish writers tell us
that while one Evangelist says our Saviour was prostrate,
St Luke says he only knelt (slechtan)^ and that the Jews
in mockery knelt (slechtan) to Him.* These few instances
as representing unchanged inspiration and Liturgy, are
worth hundred of other proofs that I could adduce.
Hence down to the 15th and , 17th centuries it meant
kneeling, The word slechtana, of the Crossfigill, is equated
by genua Jlectenda.* Dr. Zimmer immediately after his
translation of the Milan gloss, adds : " Need I direct your
attention to the fact that the slechtan and crossigill here
correspond with the fiexis in oratione genibtMs recumbere
quoted by you'' (Dr. McCarthy) t
One side of his equation is as unknown (to him) as the
other. If he look into the Museum Italicum,^ he will see
Uiat the Pontiflf and Caesar only knelt on the prie dieu
(recmnbentes . . . genibus flexis) ; and if Dr. McCarthy
have the goodness to search he will find in a Rubric in
the Roman Ritual (de Comm. Infir.) a stronger phrase,
fummbus in genua procumbentibus, meaning kneeling not
prostration. Laying aside word-and-phrase-spUtting, the
matter may be put in a nutshell: The quatrain under
dJacnaBJon refers to the Culdees; but their Rule ordains
fliat the office should be chanted by them, sitting and
rtadiiig alternately, and therefore that translation, on its
Ofwn merits indefensible, must be rejected which represents
tiiein as perpetually prostrate.
320 Prostration in the Early Irish Church.
I take the liberty of drawing Dr. M*Carthy's attention
to his worthlessly loose method oireasomng. In p. 714, of the
Record, wishing to trace prostration to St. ratrick, he
Bays : — St. Finian may have been instructed by him, and
p. 715, St. Carthach may have called, and may have used a
certain missal. He says lameomairt is ** beating hands in
lamentation :** if so bascaire "daughter or noise of the pahns,*'
with other words need nof have been added to it,* and
even bascaire^ which means " clapping of hands," does not
include lamentation : thus gnid. gol ocus bascaire^ *' did
lamentation and clapping."* In correction of an imaginaiy
error, he says, p. 717, **lhe original passage is *nec genua
in oratione flectuntur' — nocodentur slechtana na CrossfigeU ic
irnaighthe : neither prostrations nor extension of the hands
crosswise are performed at prayer." Any one with an
elementary knowledge may see how faulty is the translation
of the Latin ; and that of the Irish is more outrageously
faulty still. Referring to page 708, a portion of which has
been already corrected, I find : — " Figill has in Irish the
various meanings it possesses in the Liturgical Latin from
which it is borrowed (1). Thus we find cenfigiU 'without
watching' (2) fiaUmy * let us watch' (8). These exercises and
the posture in which they were ordinarily practised are shown
in one of the (4) * Can ones Hibemenses' (11, 2), in which it will
be noted standing (5) is imposed as a penance. We give the
reading of the Paris as bemg fuller than that of the Saint
Germain MS. Arrium (6) is the Latinized euphonic form of
the Irish word aithirge (7), penance. It is correctly (8)
explained remissio paenae , . . by Du Cange. Arrium
anni trini dies. . . • et palmae supemae ad orationem.
Taking palmae, &c. (9) in connection with canat 30 psalmos
in cruce of the Bobio Missal (10) we have one of its
(Crossfigill) meaninffs (11). In the L. B. eumque levant
Moyses manus is rendered (12) in * conocbad Moysi a lamu Ai
crossJigiU (13) when Moses raised his hands placed cross-
wise" (14). (1) No ; it has not : there is no proof that
JigiU meant in Irish a vigil or a solar day before a feetivaL
(2) Cenfigil meant the absence of genufiections on Sunday
that used accompany prayers. (3) This is only an inflexion
of "watch" rather than a different .meaning. (4) The
accurate Dr. Moran gives under five heads the substance
of Synodus Samentium: the first heading is Canones
Hibemenses. The canon referred to by Dr. McCarthy is
L. B., p. 234, 27a. /&ti. p. 235, 866. ^iUdlp. dS&.
Prostration in the Early Irish Church. 321
Mt of that heading, but of the second heading, de arrets ;
and it would have been safer, though apparently not so
original, to copy Dr. Moran correctly than go to Saint
Germain for 11, 2), (2nd canon of the 2nd heading). For
it is the third not the second of the arreums ; and, secondly,
the Arabic number (2) is not found in an eleventh century
MS. The first use of Arabic numbers even in public documents
in England appears no earlier than 1282.^ (5) Dr. McCarthy
itdicizes ** standing," enjoined in the arreum, and says that
it was a penance. Having introduced the arreum to prove
prostration, he fancies he meets an objection by saying
standing was a penance. On the same principle we could
prove there was not prostration usuaUy. Flectio genuum
being prescribed as penance, and meaning prostration
according to Drs. McCarthy and Zimmer, the opposite to
prostration, according to the new logic, was the normal
stata (6) The word is arreum, (7) Even though we
allow it to be arriuniy it does not come from aithirge^
"penance." If Du Cange appealed to for its explanation
be any authority, he says it comes from the Saxon Arian^
" to forgive." (8) Du Cange is doubly wrong : penitentia^ not
poena, is always employed in the canons; and even though
it came from aithirge or arian^ as Du Cange says, that is no
reason why it should be the forgiveness of penance.
(9) Upturned palms were no part of the Crossfigill. (10) In
erace means prayers said at the cross.^ And though the
elements of Crossfigill were to be found in the passages
referred to in the difierent MSS., still there is as much reason
in appealing to them as there was in the Scripture reader
who would have a conclusion drawn from two tacked
passages of the Evangelist, ** Judas hanged himself," and
"go and do likewise." (11) Crossfigill has only one right
meaniDg. (12) Dr. McCarthy omits a part of the Irish,
firia dia, (13) His English is a translation neither of the
Iriah nor Latin. The Douay Bible says, "When Moses
thed his hands." (14) Crosswise : EngUsh scholars under-
stand by hands placed crosswise, a cross formed by the
liaiids tiiemselves, whereas Dr. McCarthy makes it in
nottier place extension of the hands crosswise (p. 717), a
fiSarent idea. Then — ^but I must close. I remember that
Iht^ltCarthy in shooting his last Parthian arrow feathered
322 Ad Ahnom Matrem.
it with a missive Dot only of truce but absolute cessatioa.
I am glad of it, for 1 have felt for some time past that too
much was made of a small thing. I respond willingly, by
buiying the hatchet of war €md by smoking my calumet
of peace ; and in token thereof I beg Co compliment him
on the ingenuity, the very considerable learnmg, and the
knightly courtesy which marked his defence of what I deem
a weak cause— exhibiting in his conduct those traits
recommended by the Fathers of the Church to the truly
Christian knight in intellectual tilting — in dtibiis libertatyin
omnibus autem charitas. g jj^q^qj^j
[This discussion is now finally closed* — Editor.]
AD ALMAM MATREM.
The Recobd has made a row not to dally with the Muses, but we
have obtained a dii^nsation in faronr of Alma Mater*^
Maynooth I God guard thy loved waUs well I
Thy chapels and thy halls of prayer.
Thy corridors and cloisters fair,
Where youth's bright memories always dwell :
Where wiUi the Saints we WBlked of old
In Grod's own House, and knelt and pn^red.
Whore Peace its home of beau^ made.
The Peace of God by tongue untold.
No wonder aged priests who bear
The burden of accomplished days,
With saddened eyes should backward gase
On those dear walls aod all declare^—
^' Maynooth I our happiest years are thine I
Thine are the springs of sacred truth,
The unforgotten friends of youth,
Eeut through the yean ^y turrets shine."
What marrel thy sweet grace should win
The heart of youth from boisterous h^qkU ?
Better one day in thy calm Courts
Hum thousands inttbe haunts of -ain.
[ 324 ]
CORRESPONDENCE,
On giving Com^iunion from a CmoRiUM before the
Communion of the Mass in which it was Consecrated.
Rev. Dear Sir — Through some error a few words necessary
to complete the sense slipped out of the quotation I gave from
De Lugo in my last letter. The full sentence is as follows (the
clause omitted in italics) : —
*' Hoc inquam non rite fit : nam sicut ex hostia sua sacerdos non
debet dare partem usque ad finem sacrificii, sic nee de illis pai'ticnlis
quae sunt etiam victima tllius sacrijicii, et non minus offeruntur
quam hostia major; et ideo," &c.
If I venture to offer a few remarks which will still run
counter to the answers of the Very Rev. Fr, Browne on the
particular question at issue, I would be understood as doing so with
all due respect, and deference to his much greater learning and
far larger acquaintance with theologians, than, as I am fully
conscious, I can claim to possess ; and as being quite ready at once
<o reform any opinion or statement I may advance when shown
according to approved Authors to be inexact. And here in limint
allow me gratefully to acknowledge my indebtedness to him for
being enabled through his brief remarks in the April number of
the Record to correct myself on a point I had expressed in my
letter. I was previously not aware that Authors recognised the
lawfulness of removing the consecrated particles from the altar
even in exceptional cases. (Of course in these I am not including
cases of absolute necessity, such as sudden fire, &c.)
I have no opportunity of consulting Cavalieri, but in the
extract given he evidently admits the lawfulness of such removal
** si urgente aliqua necessitate pyxis ad aliud altare, vel ad infirmos
deportari debeat." And Tamburini, as will appear later on, goes
still further, so as to meet precisely the practice in question.
I am however unable to see that either Cavalieri or De Lugo
can be said to endorse the opinion, that a '^ causa rationabilis **
sufiices to justify a practice which both the one and the other unite
in condemning.
De Lugo fails to record any reason that would justify an
exceptional departure from the prescribed order of the Sacred
Mysteries : whilst we cannot but presume the presence of wbat
would be generally deemed a " causa rationabilis " in the very case
he holds up for censure : scil. " aliquos, quos vidi," &c. For surely
these priests would have for the motive of their action censured by
De Lugo, the avoidance of an inconvenience, viz., some minutes*
delay ; and the desire to expedite the communion of the people.
With regard to the measure of De Lugo's censure ; hia ipvords:
CorrespondeHee. 325
^mlnns rite facere,^ maat of ^course be understood as he explains
tiiera himself immediately afterwards : *' Hoc inquam non rite fit."
The grare reasons on which De Lugo grounds his censure
voald serve to show that in his own mind that censure was
anything but unimportant. For it must be remarked that he
regards the practice not merely as a departure from the " ordo in
Ritualibus praescriptus," but ^m the '' ordo sacrificii ex institutione
ipsins ChristL^ This is plain from the whole passage, and from
what he says afterwards : '^ Facilius posset admitti, quod ante
swnptionem Calicisdaretur aliiscommunio; quia Christus non solum
ante sumptionem, sed etiam ante consecrationem Calicis videtur
dedisse ApostoUs Corpus, ut ex contextu Evangelii colligi potest."
De Lugo had in the paragraph preceding the citation in my
letter^ condemned the practice of placing the pyxis after Conse-
cration outside the altar-stone, basing this censure also on reasons
intrinsic to Uie Sacrifice. But as the prescriptions regarding the
altar are of exclusively ecclesiastical institution, and deviation
therefrom does not per se infringe upon what may be of divine
ifistitudon, it was doubtless for this reason that Cavalieri, after
approving this censure of De Lugo, adds : ^^ Multo magis repre-
ktndi veniuntj*' jv;., as such invert the order of the Holy Mysteries
set forth by Christ ELimself, and this he says only some urgent
necessity can excuse. What that urgent necessity might be which
Cavalieri had in mind for removing the consecrated pyxis to another
altar, or for therewith communicating the sick before the priest's
eommoAion, he does not explain But we must note well that he
does not speak of a '' causa rationabilis,'* but '^ urgente aliqua
aecessitatey'^ and these two are very different.
We should, moreover, bear in mind that theologians and rubri-
cists, when treating of the celebrant breaking off a portion of his
own Host, in the absence of any smaU consecrated particles, for
communicating a dying person, or for other exceptional cases,
•ever (so far at least as I can discover) contemplate his doing so
before his own communion, even though the sacred fragment is to
be conveyed to the moribund by another priest ; and that theolo-
gwofi, v,g^ De Lugo, Lacroix, St. Alphonsus, De Herdt, hold that
the case of all the particles consecrated in the sacrifice is parallel,
6r rather one and the same with that of the large Host, and that
tliey are therefcnre to be dealt with in the same way.
I w^ill now give a passage from Lacroix (Lib. vi. p. ii, 308),
both because it shows the opinion of that great theologian, and be-
csBse it entirely reflects the teaching of De Lugo on the two ques-
tiaoBf first, of removing the consecrated particles from the altar,
neoondly, of giving them in communion to the people before
3B6 Correspondence,
^ Nod snfficit antem hostias esse in arei oonsecrata, dmn oonse*
crantur, vemm etiam debent (tarn parvae quam magnae) in eadeni
relinqui tempore sacrificii, et non aJibi (licet supra alind eorporale)
deponi, v. g., propter loci angustias, quia omnes sunt unica vietiins
et per modum unins o£Pemntur. Quapropter rubricae miasalis eas
super corponde ante yel post caiicem poni rcdunt. Hine etiam
minus recte faciunt, qui consecratione facta mox hostias minores a
se consecratas dant alteri saeerdoti distribuendas populo, quia sicnt
sacerdos non debet de sua hostia dare, priusquam ipse sumpserit,
sic nee de aliis, cum sint una yictima et hostia, omnesque orattones,
oblationes, et benedictiones sequentes non minus speetent «d panras
hostias, quam ad magnam, neque ante sumptionem saca^dotis per-
fecte et int^re sacrificata sit victima.*' Lugo, d. 20 p. 69.
** Eum tamen qui contrarium fecerit a pecoato saltem mortali,
imo si neeessitas fiiit expediendi communionem popnlo ab omni
excusat." Tamb. L. v. exp. Sac. c. 5.
It is to be noted that Tamburini says " neeessitas expedimdi,
ftc.** What such necessity may be for expediting the Commu-
nion by a few minutes, or how £eu* it may be identical witli a
^ rationabilis causa," I must leave others to judge.
In condunon, whilst I am unable to allow that a *^ causa
rationabilis,*' taken in its ordinary acceptation, would justify de^
parture from the Order of the Holy Mysteries, "ex institutiona
Christi,'* and as prescribed " in omnibus liturgiis, et Ritualibua ae
Begulis antiquis.'* Neither could I admit that the justifying'
reason for rach departure is a question to be decided by the local
anthorities. I know of more than one learned priest who in con-
science could not suffer his sacrifice to be interfered with in a easa
of the kind. Clearly it is not' within the competence of vaj local
authorities tD lay down new rules of their own, or to prescribe onr
questions of Bnbrics and the Order of Mass, or dcTiatioB tlMre-
from. This bel(Higs to the organs of Pontifical authority akme. In
a particular ease it must be left to the celebrant, who is responsibla
for his sacrifice^ to decide whether there be such argent necessity
as will b^ore God and the Church justify his departure froai tha
ordinary prescriptions which per st bind him snb gravi ; aad ha
must make his deoimon hie et mtnc according to his dictamef^ cw»-
seientiaey improved and guided, as best may be, by the recegaisedl
rules and principles of sound theology thought to bear on tha
•ircumstances of the ease. — Your obedient s«rvant^ G.
Extreme Unction.
TO THS EDrrOR OF THK IRtSfa ECCLBSIASTICA£ RBCOKD.
Dear Rev. Editor, — ^Please allow a Subscriber to submit the
IdUowing for solution in your esteemed Magaane : — It is your
servant's practice — and also the practice of many prie^a — vldla
Correspondence. 827
Msastermg the SAcmment of Extreme Unction to interpose before
every aoointing a short and suitable act of contrition. V.G. Before
inoioting the ejes^ to say, ^^ O Lord, I am sorry for my sins of
fight : I^urdon me and forgive me," and so on before the anointing
d the ears, mutatis mutandis. Many priests hold that these acts
are substantial interraptions. Among them, some hold that they
ioTtdidate the Sacrament, while others content themselves with
iBjing they make a serious upset to the ritus administrandi.
Eveiyone, of couree, admits how useful such a practice is to
slimolate the fervour both of the sick person, those present, and
even the priest himself. While trusting you will find it convenient
to solve this doubt, and begging you in case it has been already
answered to request your publishers to forward me the number,
fijr which I shall pay them, — ^Believe me, your servant in Christ,
S.
We qnite agree with oiir Reverend Correspondent that
it is an excellent and most desirable thing to stimulate in
every way the faith and piety of those who are going to
receive the Sacrament of Extreme Unction. But let
everything have its own proper place and time. We find
no authority in the Roman Ritual for the insertion, on the
part of the priest, of such acts as our correspondent refers
to. Let him instruct the penitent to make use of these
acts ; let him, if not satisfied, afterwards aid the penitent
in making these acts. But we cannot justify any inter-
ference with the due attention which the priest is bound to
give to proper application of the matter and form by his
interposing such acts during the administration of the
Sacrament ; neither can we justify the interruption which
wch acts would involve in the due application of the
matter and form. Our answer then is : Servetur JUtuale
R<nnanum — ^it makes no mention of these acts — ^therefbre
they are excluded. We do not think, however, that such an
mterruption would make the Sacrament invaUd. — J. fl.
Quasi- Domicile.
TO THK EDITOR OF THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
Rev. Sir, — I would feel ohliged if you would kindly answer
the following questions in the next number of the Record : —
I. 0*Kane, on Matrimony, n. 1028, s&ys : '^ An intention of
"^iit^^ining six months would certainly suffice " to constitute a
<lut8i4omicile. Can we still follow that opinion in practice or has
828 Correspondence*
domicile, would the certificate of being free to marry, given by the
parish priest of the sponsi, enable me to assist validity at the mar-
riage ? The certificate is in the ordinary form ; it is addressed to
me personally, and contains these words : " Patricius e nostris liber
est ad matrimonium contrahendum cum Maria e vestris."
The parish priest gives this certificate in the usual way, with-
out being aware that the sponsa has no domicile, or quasi-domicile,
in my parish. — I am, yours sincerely, Sacerdos.
1. It is now certain that the intention of remaining
for six months complete — ^per majorem anni partem — com-
bined with actual residence, is necessary, and suffices for
obtaining a quasi-domicile for the purpose of marriage.
Such is the tenor of the Instruction of the S. Congregation,
dated 7th July, 1867 : "Ad constituendumjquasi-domicilium
duo simul requiruntur; habitatio nempe in eo loco ubi
matrimonium contrahitur, atque animus ibidem permanendi
per maiorem anni partem. Quapropter si legitime constat
vel ambos vel alterutrum ex sponsis animum habere per-
manendi per majorem anni partem ex eo primum die quo
haec duo simul concurrunt nimirum et hujusmodi animus et
actualis habitatio, judicandum est quasi-domicilium acqui-
situm fuisse, et matrimonium quod perinde contrahatur
esse validum."
2. It is not usual, at least in this country, for the sponsa
to seek or get a certificate. She should be married by
the parish priest of her domicile, or quasi-domicile, or at
least with his licence, and hence she wants no certificate,
or testimonium of her " status liberi." The certificate, as
such, is not a " licentia " to assist at the marriage, whether
there be question of the sponsus or sponsa ; and hence it
will not make valid a marriage aliunde invalid. See the
Synod of Maynooth, No. 108, de Matrimonio, where this
is expressly stated. J. H.
Milk at Collation.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
Vert Rev. Sir, — ^Would some reader of the Record have
the kindness to answer in its next issue the following questions 2—
Now that it seems to be assumed that the use of butter, at thd
collation, has been permitted, by the Rescript of last year, may
(1) those not fasting use it at breakfast during Lent ? (2) does the
permission extend to extra-quadragesimal fasts ? and (3) may milk be
taken in place of tea when butter is permitted, on the ground —
minus in majori continetur ? Enquirrr.
1. If persons bound to fast may use butter for their
Correspondence* 329
coDation^ a fortiori^ persons not bound to fast may uffe it at
breakfast during Lent — ^the indult, such as it is, extends to all.
2. We think so ; no exception is made, so fttr as we
could ascertain, except on the more solemn fast days —
that is the black fast days of Lent.
3. We think not. In that case there is no consuetudo
to be tolerated, and we should require an express
permission. The milk seems to enter more into the
sabstance of the meal than a little butter does. J. H.
Is Mean Solar Time obligatory in Ecclesiastical
Functions ?
TO THE EOrrOR OF THE IRISH RCCLFSIASTICAX KRCORD.
Mk. Editor — ^Information on the following point will be very
welcome to the undersigned.
Lately, in the United States, a standard time has been intro-
duced by which the same hour is recorded within certain degrees
of longitude. The country is I believe divided into three belts.
Eastern, Western^ and Middle, and in all points within each of
these districts the same time is kept, so that though clocks and
watches reckon the same hour, the difference in time is in many
places great. Where the writer happens to live, the new or stand-
ard time is sixteen minutes slower than the meridian time. Is he,
as regards the ecclesiastical fast and office, free to observe the new
time or the c^d time, (x can he observe whichever he pleases and as
he pleases ? A Subscriber.
We have to apologise to our reverend correspondent for
not answering his questions sooner. The reason was, that
being a question of positive law, we sought for information ;
but we cannot say that we succeeded in obtaining it.
Heuce we must with all caution reply according to general
principles. The other points contained in 1ms question wa
reserve for another occasion.
We take it ionc granted that the common Hme of each
tone will lawfully suffice for the due performance of aU
ecclesiaatical functions within that zone — else there is no
meaaine in fixing a ssone at all — we mean a longitudinal
one. The question then is, will the mean solar time, say at
tiie western extremity of the zone, suffice for the lawful
fmtonDa3io& of ecclesiastical purposes, even though it be
**^ Ml minutes later than the mean or common time of
330 Correspondence.
nntil the proper authorities clearly decide otherwiisre — ^which,
however, for uniformity sake, is within their competence.
Afi to the recitation of the Divine Office, we beg to
remind our correspondent of the decision given by the
S. Penitentiary, 29th November, 1882, and quoted in the
Record for July, 1888, page 469. — *' Utrum ubi horologia
adhibentur, tempori me(£o accomraodata, ipsis sit standum
turn pro onere divini officii solvendo, tum pro jejunio
natural! servando ; vel debeat quis, aut saltem possit uti
tempore vero:"
Sacra Penitentiaria huic dubio respondit :
JFtdeles in jejunio natnrali servando^ et in divino officio
recitando, sequi tempus medium posse sed non teneru
From which it seems to follow that the law imposing
the mean time as obligatory ought to be clear. J. H.
Misprint in thb Ritual.
TO THB EinXOR OF THE IBI8H ECCLE8IA8T1CAI. RECORD.
Sir, — In the Irish Ritual published by Coyne, there is a glaring
misprint in the first prayer of the blessing of water {ad fadendam
aquam benedictam), Anj person who pays attention to what he
reads, must have been shocked at finding *' car eat omni mundttia'*
in place of " careat omni immtmditicu*' The correction should he
made by those who use the said Ritual at once, so that part of s
boly prayer should not be ehaaged into an absurd profanity.
Yours, &c. M. J. O'BKUEar.
Books Wanted and Offered.
TO THE EDITOR OP THB IRISH ECCLB8IASTXCAI. REOORD.
Deui Sir, — The Publishers of some of the Catholic
bave adopted the usage of giving on cover a list of Books Wanted,
and of Books Offered, It appears to me that it would be of
advantage were this done in the case of the L E. Record. Some
might in tids way be able to procure books which they need, and
others to dispose of duplicate copies. I don't know on what temift
this is carried out, but a p^ centage of one shilling in the pousd,
chargeable to the seller, would probably repay for advertiseinenta.
If it be desired to start it, I could supply a couple of itemt.
Tours sincerely, W. C.
We think oar correroondenf b nuggeBtioa a very useftit
one. Any coramunications addressed to the Publumem on
this matter will reeeire due attention. In our next issue
we propose to make a beginnings and issue a short list of
works which mar be heui through the Publidiers at the
prices fixed in the Catalogue of the RsoOBD. We shall
insMt also a list of books waited — Editob.
f 831 ]
LITUEGICAL QUESTIONS.
I
The Gloria ui Excehia in the New Votive Masses.
Rby. Sib — ^Heretofore the Gloria in Exeelsis^ was not said In
VotiTe MaMes (Exoept of £. Y. M. on Saturdays and of the
Angels.) In the new Votive Masses it is ordered. Does this
apply to all Yotives (e. g, de Trinitate,) or only to the six there
specified ? I suppose the Ite missa eat follows the Gloria.
The new rubric prefixed to the new Votive Masses
prescribes the Gloria^ and this rubric applies only to the
six Votive Masses there specified. The Gloria is not,
consequently, to be said in the Votive Mass de Trinitate or
in others which did not previously admit of it
The Ite missa est^ follows the Gloria.
This new rubric regarding the saying of the Gloria is
m keeping with former le^slation respecting a Votive
Mass when preceded by its own Votive Office. Take, for
instance, the case of the Votive Office and Mass of the
Blessed Sacrament which, by special Indult, we in the
Irish Church were long since privileged to substitute for
the Ferial Office and Mass of Thursday. In this Votive
Mass when accompanied by its Votive Office, the Gloria
should be said« though the Gloria is not to be said in the
nsual private Votive Mass of the Blessed Sacrament, when
not conformable to the Office of the day.
Accordingly, we believe that the explanation of the
apparent conta:udiction between the new and old rubrics is
this : — the general rubric which prohibits the Gloria in a
private Votive Mass^ (except in that of the Angels and of
the B. Virgin on Saturdays) applies to a Votive Mass which
is not preceded by a Votive Office (" Non conformis officio");
and the special rubric regards Votive Masses following
on their own Votive Offices. Hence, whenever a Votive
Mass is not in connection with its Votive Office, the general
rubric of the Missal {Tit. viii. n. 4.) should, we think, be
followed.
n.
The Last Gospel in the New Votive Masses.
Rev. Deab Ste- — ^Would you be good enough to say whether
any new regulation has been made regarding the last Gospel in a
Votive Mass celebrated on a Feria ?
In De Herdt we read (vol. I., pars. 1 no. 49. Edit. Lovan, 1870)
** Vunquam legitnr in fine missae votivae dliud evangelium nisi S.
Jomnis^ qnamvis celebretur in /eria, aut vigilia proprium evangeltum
332 Liturgical Quesiioiu^
habente,''^ and yet the Ordo directs us (if we take the Votive Office
and Mass) to read " Evg. fer. in fin J" An answer in next number
will oblige — A Subscribrr.
Yes. A new regulation has been made, affecting not
Votive Masses in general, but only those six Votive Masses
which with their Offices have been lately allowed as a
substitute for the Office and Mass of Simples and Feriae
(with certain exceptions.) This new rubric is prefixed* to
the new Votive Masses. It prescribes that the last gospel
is to be deferia^ whenever this would be said as the last
gospel on an ordinary seraidouble feast. Hence, whenever
one of these Votive Offices with its Mass is said in Lent,
the last gospel will be de feria.
In the passage you quote, De Herdt is writing of the
ordinary Votive Mass which is not conformable tp the
Office of the day, and of which the general rubrics of the
missal {Tit. xiii., 2) say: — "in Missis Votivis nunquam
legitur in fine aliud Evangelium, nisi S. Joannis."
It should, perhaps, be remarked that heretofore,
when by special Indult a Votive Office and Mass were
granted to a particular church, e. g, the Votive Office and
Mass of the B. Sacrament for a ferial Thursday, the
Indult always excepted the time of Advent and Lent,
and other days when the gospel of the day would take the
place of St. John's gospel. But the six new Votive Offices
and Masses may be said in Advent and Lent, (except from
the 17th to the 24th of December, and during Passioatide),
and it is for those times that the new rubno. legislates in
the matter to which you refer.
IIL
Extent of the new Indult.
The new Indult regarding Votive Offices does not interfere, I
take it, with our former privilege as to Votive Masses. For
instance, I could say any of the Votive Masses on March Slst.,
April l8t and 3rd, Dec. 17th, &c.
You are right. The new Indult does not interfere "with
former legislature or privileges.
IV.
Votive Mass on a Semidouble " ad Libitum^
Could a Votive Office be said on a Semidouble ad libitum:-
19 Jan., feast of S. Canute ?
Yea An Office ad libitum is so called, not because it
can be recited or omitted in all circumstances^ but only
Documents. 333
when it occurs with a Votive Office, or with a transferred
office which would be placed on that day but for the
Officium ad libitum, De Herdt (Tom. II. n. 284), quoting
the decree of the Congregation of Rites, answers the
qnestion clearly. He says : —
*' Pro fetjto ad libitum dies impedita non est ilia in qua alias
aliquod officium translatum poneretur, aut aliquod officium votivum
per hebdomadam aut per mensem concessum recitaretur ; in casu
enim liberum est officium ad libitum recitare ; et officium translatum
nlterius transferre vel iUud votivum omittere. Si tamen liberum
nt officium ad libitum in casu recitare ; sequectur etiam liberum
esse, illud omittere, et officium translatum aut votivum recitare,
prout S.RC. respondit^ pro officio votivo festum semiduplex ad
fibitom 'Mmpedimentum esse ad libitum; impedire enim, si amat
oflBcinm festi ad libitum recitare ; non impedire, si ab eo absti-
nendam censet."
Testum autem translatum numquam mutari seu fixe reponi
potest in diem festi ad libitum, nisi id ex speciali indulto permit-
tatur."
R. Browne.
DOCUMENTS.
St. Vincent constituted Patron of all Charitable
Institutions in Ireland.
Beatissime Pater.
Nos infrascripti Archiepi. et £pi. Hiberniae, pleni venerationo
ei^ Blm. S. Vincentium a Paulo, raerito Apostolum charitatis
appellatuni et cupientes gratum nostrum animura exhibere, tum erga
filios ejus, presbyteros congregationis Missionis, quorum labores ex
tempore Yen. decessoris tui Innocenti X., quo auspicante prime in
Hibemiam ab ipso Vincentio missi sunt, fructus uberrimos usque
oonc tulerunt, tum erga filias ejus, sorores charitatis, laicorum
issociationes, quo sub ejusdem S. V. nomine et patrociuio pro
aolamine fidelium corporaU et spirituali tam feliciter cum clero
eooperantnr ; et praeterea magno moti desiderio protegendi et pro-
tterendi hisce temporibus non solum inter nos sed in omnibus terrae
legionibos opera charitatis^ quae religionem Catholicam imprimis
ornant et commendant — ^preces nostras cum votis jam sanctitati
Testrae prolatas Eporum Galliae, humillime deferimus, ut Sancti-
834 Notices of Books.
Ad pedes S. V. provoluti Apostolicam benedictioaein pro nobis ei
pro dero et pc^ulo nobis commisso humillime imploramns.
Beatissime Pater, SanctitaUs Yestrae, Send hnmillimi et addic-
tissimi. 0
Dublin, die dO Oct., 1888.
HiBEBNIAB.
Quum superiore anno Sanctissimus Dominus Noster Leo
Papa m. ad enixas preces Sacromm Antistitum Dioeoesinm Gal-
liarum Sanctum Vincentium a Paulo seu peculiarem apud Deum
constituent Patronum Societatum omnium charitatis in illa-ie-
gione existentium, quae ab eodem praeclaro institutore suam
quomodocumque cognoscunt originem: pari religionis studio per-
moti Rmi. Diocesium Hibemiae Praesules, Sanctissimum eumdem
Dominum Nostrum sup{^icibus votis rogaverunt, ut Sanctum ipsom
etiam pro similibus Institutionibus et operibus in Hibemia sedem
habentibus uti Patronum declarare et concedere dignaretur. Quas
preces ab inf rascripto Sacrorum Bituum Oongregationis Secretario
relatis Sanctitas Sua perlibenti animo excipiens, Sanctum Vincen-
tium a Paulo uti peculiarem praefatarum Societatum in Hibemia
existentium apud Deum Patronum constituere dignata est. Dia
14th Februarii, 1884.
D. Cardinalis Bartolinius, S.B.C., PraefectuSi
Laurentius Salvati, S.E.C.9 Secretarius.
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Supplemental Appendix to the Essay an the Belations existing
between Convent Schools and the Systems of Intermediate and
Primary National Education, By the Most Rev. T. Nultt.
Dublin : Browne & Nolan.
A writer in the February number of the Record publiahed the
following brief notice of a pamphlet written by the Most BeT.
Dr. Nulty, " On the Relations existing between Convent Sdiools
and the Systems of Intermediate and Primary National £dn-
cation :^—
** The Moat Bey. Dr. Nulty has just pnhliahed a yary wklt and elo^Mt
pamphlet, which all true friends of education should read, on the lalationa
between the Convent Schools and the Primary and Intermediate ayatema in
Ireland. The author opens with a graceful dedication to Cardinal Manning,
and then adminiatera a just and f^bup rebuke to the aaonymoea aaribbloa
who, writixig in the interests of the Alexandra OeUeiia, ao Ubikj sBimr***^
that the Con?ent Schools withdrew from the Intermediate Kyaminatiflgf
becauae they were worsted in the contest. In this matter of Intermediste
Education the Bishop holds that Convent, aa well aa other schoola, eao
derive great beneAt ijrom a healthy national -riyalxy, wUdi Tesdnda them of
NoHe€$ of Booki. 83fi
thdr defiwts, sod stinnilates them to exertion. Bat be poantfl oat that the
Programme of the Intennediate Board admits aothors like Horace, the
ttody ef whieh moit eolly the lastre of female parity, and that, moreorer,
tke oBefol arts are nei^ted, and too maeh prominenoe is given to the study
of fpecolatire scieaces, which tendsto produce those horrid *' strong-minded"
womeD, of the present day, who are a terror to their male and female friends.
In the matter of Primary educatioxi. some will think his Lordship is unduly
letere en the National System of Female education, to whidi he seems to
Ittdhote the decadence of our national industries. It is not easy to see how
• girl is apt to become a less useful seirant, or a less iodustrioas housewife,
bMsuse she has gone to school and learned to read, write, and cipher. We
luppen to know, too, that in those part8 of Ireland where there have been
Ibv, if any, sehoMs, the females are not on that account more religious,
isliistrious, or intelligent in the performance of their heosehold duties.
The prelates, also, who testify to the generosity and piety of vnedaeated
ier?aQt girls in America, admit that many of them lost their laith mainly
beeause they were uneducated in religious as in secular knowledge. And if
edocation eould do anything to raise Irish emigrant giris from their present
desdny of becoming ignorant drudges in Uie households of the great
American cities, we should deem it a great temporal and spiritual blessing*
We Uiink, so far as it goes, the National system has done good work in eda-
catisg the females of Ireland, and that it is not responsible for the deoadenoe
of oar domestic or other industries ; but his Lordship is quite right in in-
nstiog that it should be supplemented by industrial and technical training,
snd with pvdonable pride he points to the Navan CouTent and Industrial
Sdiools as the most successful institutions of their kind in Ireland. TVe
kope the" Commissioners " of every kind will take the trouble, or rather
the pleasure, of reading this excellent Inoehurt,"
Dr. Nulty has lately ismied a ** Sapplemental Appendix," to
tiiai pamphlet, in which he says so many hard things of this brief
notice, that we think the moat respectful, and, at the same time,
the most effectiye way we can reply, is to publish the notice itself,
tad then let the readers of the pamphlet judge for themselyes
whether or not the following epithets are just and appropriate. It
IB described ^ as an inaccurate and ill-considered critique — the
writer of which appears never to have read the essay which he
erMciKs so recklessly — and, at the same time, with snch an affected
of discernment and impartiality— unjustly distorting
inisrepresenting the author's views/* The writer is also
of ^ inetcusable misrepresentation springing from negli«
w«rse thing to beih^ wilful." Moreover, Dr. 3^ul^
of the critic's '^ questionable zeal" in making these
harmless observatiops; he accuses him of ^'wantonly
offensively insulting tho Irish emigrant gii^ (in America)^
teterking their business or occupations as 'ignorant
;'*' fie declares^ too, that the writer of tile critique
^Ibe tinderstandings of his hearers i^hen he further
"llHiimates tfant' the Iridh emigrant girls needed the aid of
~ -system to save them from apostatising from tho
^lyeh thiey mad^ such splendid mcrifiees." Last oi all.
S36 Notices of Booh,
sort, no matter by whom it is penned. But let it pass : hard words
break no bones. For our own part, we are in the habit of attend-
ing to arguments, not to superfluous adjectives and adverbs. It is,
however, for our readers' sake worth while to see whether or not
we were justified in our brief critique.
Dr. Nulty finds in that notice much more than its writer ever
dreamt of ; but the charges against it may conveniently be reduced
to four.
1. The bishop says, ** we accused him of attributing the decline
of our national industries to the influence of the national system
of primary education." What we really did say was, that "he
seeffis to attribute to it the decadence of our national industries.^*
Our reason for saying so is contained in th§ following passages
from the pamphlet, which we regret we cannot cite in fidl : —
" The rise, the progress, and the final development of this system of
National education into its present huge proportions synchronize very
curiously with the decline, the rapid decay, and apparently the final dis-
solution of all our national domestic industries .... The average Irish
girl of that period (before the introduction or general acceptation of the
National System) was busily and incessantly occupied — singularly laborious,
and self-denying — th«re was no industry in which she was not well versed.
.... But an average Irish girl who has just completed her course of
education at a National School, and is nearly full-grown, cannot cut out, or
make up her own clothing, she cannot knit or sew, or spin, she canuot
milk cows, or make butter, she is totally unskilled and inexperienced in the
art of cookery. In fact^ through h3r utter ignorance of the useful iudnstries
she can render n6 service which anyone wants or cares for; she can produce
DO commodity for which there is any demand."
And the bishop adds, ^^ the National System is responsible for the
deplorable results just enumerated." (Page 54 & 35.)
If, before the system was introduced, the average Irish girl
was weU versed in every industry; if imder its influence she
becomes utterly ignorant of all these useful industries; if the
National System of female education is responsible for this deplor-
able result ; if, moreover, the rise, progress, and final development
of this system of National Education so *' curiously synchronizes," step
by step, with the decline, rapid decay, and apparently final disso-
lution of all our national domestic industries — are we not justified
in saying that, in asserting all this, the bishop seems to attribute to
the National System of Education the decadence of our national
industries. Can '^ this curious synchronism," in these special
circumstances, imply anything else ? We think not ; and we are
happy to find, if we are mistaken, that we err in very good com-
pany, for, according to the bishop himself, another writer " of the
highest integrity and honour,*' moreover, " an intelligent and highly
experienced educationist," deduced the very same conclusion from
the language of the pamphlet. Two heads are proverbially better
than one, except it is a very extraordinary one.
2. The second charge against us is that we said, ^* it is not
easy to see how a girl is apt to become a less useful servant, or a
Notices of Books. 337
leas industrions housewife, because she has gone to school and
karaed to read, write, and cipher." The bishop says he asked us
to M« no such thing, and that f he *' reckless charge " could only be
made by one who never read the Essay. We beg to assure his
Lordship that we carefully read and marked the Essay before we
wrote a single line. And we now assert formally and deliberately^
that, in our opinion, the statement is an inevitable conclusion from
more than one passage in the pamphlet. However, we can cite
only one. The previous sentence in the notice clearly shows that
we spoke of National Schools, and the bishop himself seems to
admit it was of these schools we spoke. Now here are his own
words in regard to these schools : —
**Lt (the National System) inatmcts Irish girls in those arts vhich are
merelj the aecidents of life, and leaves them in utter ignorance of those
which constitute life*s essential elements. That it to tay, it teaches them
reading, writing, arithmetic, <feo., &c., or the arts which adorn or embellish
fife, and make it eiyoyable. while it neglects those arts on which life itself
•■entiaUy depends, and which alone can support and maintain it. . . .
The direct and practical result of this teaching, as daily experience but too
dearly proves, is to educate Irish girls into a feeling of contempt, and positive
aUiorrence, of hard manual work, and to make them recoil from those neces-
taiy and honourable employments by which Providence has appointed that
they should earn a respectable and independent livelihood."
Now m this passage the Bishop clearly asserts that the system
which teaches Irish girls the mere accidents of life — treading,
writing, arithmetic, &c., &c., or the arts which adorn or embellish
hfe, whilst it leaves them in ignorance of its essential elements,
produces several disastrous effects — the direct and practical result
of its teaching — (a) it educates Irish girls into a feeling of con-
tempt for manual work, (b) nay, a positive abhorrence for such
wori^, and (c) furthermore, it makes them recoil from necessary
and honourable domestic or other employments. If learning to
read, write, and cipher, &c., &c., in a National School produces, a»
^ bishop asserts it does, these deplorable results on Irish girls»
does it not inevitably tend to make them *^ less useful servants and
less industrious housewives ?" And were not we, with this passage
before our eyes, justified in implying that such was Dr. Nulty's view ?
We can only repeat now what we said before, that learning the
time It's, even in a National School, does not, in our opinion, pro-
Aloe these effects, and that consequently we cannot admit what his
bidship implies in the above passage, that *' a girl is apt to become
•1m industrious servant, or a less useful housewife because she has
Cto school and learned to read, write and cipher.*' It might be a
r plan, as the bishop says, to make industrial training precede
Stonirv education, althoufirh we cannot a^ee with him : or tn
338 Notices of Books.
less useful servants or less industrious housewives. The bishop
thinks it does — all we can say is, we think exactly the reverse.
3. It is not to be wondered at that, with his views on this
question, Dr. Nulty refuses to accept our statement that '^ so far as
it goes the National System has done good work in educating the
females of Ireland." It is not the secular character of the system
that the bishop here objects to. He has himself declared in the
first pamphlet, that he did not touch that aspect of the question,
yet he will not admit that as an educational agency for females the
system has doue any good at all. His reply to our statement —
that ^0 far as it goes it has done good work — ^is the emphatic
assertion that " it has done nothing of the kind.*' Nay, more, if
we are to believe the bishop, it has wrought much evil, for he adds,
and it is a very extraordinary assertion, " by doing too much on
one hand, and nothing at all on the other, it has become a prolific
source, not of good, but of great practical evil to the female youth
of the working classes, by making it morally impossible for th^m to
earn a livelihood either by physical or intellectual labour !'* The
bishop will pardon us & we venture to think differently ; in our
opinion, such education as Irish girls have received in the National
Schools has, generally speaking, been productive of great good.
4. As to the high crime and misdemeanour we committed by
expressing a hope ^' that education at home might do something to
raise our Irish emigrant girls from their present unhappy destinyi
of becoming ignorant drudges in the households of* the great
American cities," we have only to observe, that as to their being
ignorant^ it is too true of most of them ; and in so far as they are
not, it is undeniably due, at least in great part, to that very system
which the bishop says has done no good for the education of Irish
females. And as to their being drudges his Lordship himself tells
us that he was informed by American prelates that the churches
and cathedrals of the United States were mainly built by Irish
servant girls. Surely servant girls are drudges, and every one
knows, that in nine cases out of ten, such is the destiny of our
poor Irish emigrant girls in America.
His Lordship seems to infer from our statement that many of
these poor servant girls " lost the faith mainly because they were
uneducated in religious as in secular knowledge^" that we attribute
some saving virtue to seoplar knowledge ; weU, we do, in combina-
tion with religious knowledge, but that cannot be inferred from the
above statement, as any one can see for himself.
Dr. Nulty discusses several other very interesting questions in
this ** Supplementary Appendix." We honestly confess that w* are
not courageous enough to hazard a candid opinion — and anything
else would be worthless— concerning these new views. We might
not be able to assent; and we dare not dissent. In such cir-
cumstances, speech may be silvern, but silence is golden.
Thb Writiw of thr Notick
I
Notices of Books^ 339
I%e BubUn Review. Third Series. April, 1884. London :
Burns & Oates.
In the current number of the Dublin Review there is an
interesting article by the Rev. Sylvester Malone, in reply to a
previous paper which followed the editor of the Aanalecta Juris
Pontificii, in rejecting the authenticity of the famous Bull of
i' Adrian IV, The writer in the Analecta pretended to have dis-
<»vered Adrian's genuine letter, in which, so far from sanctioning
Heniy the Second's project for the invasion of Ireland, he did
exactly the reverse — refusing to countenance it any way I
Ireland was not mentioned by name, but designated as H ,
which the writer in the Analecta interprets as Hibernian but which
all previous writers referred to as Htspania, No person acquainted
with the internal history of Ireland, could, for a moment, be misled
into referring this document to Ireland. We were bad enough in
the twelfth century, as Father M alone clearly establishes, but our
worst enemies did not charge us with being at that time pagans
and apostates — epithets which could only apply to the Spanish
Moors. Dr. Moran has lent no countenance to this document,
although anxious enough to disprove the Bull of Adrian, because
he knows very well it could not possibly apply to Ireland. Father
Halone has done good service by proving this to evidence. There
are, as usual, several other readable articles in the present issue of
the Dublin Review.
Footprints Old and New. By L. Y. B, Bubns & Oates, London.
If this very readable volume were entitled '* From Australia to
Rome," it would not be an inapt description of the book. It is
apparently written by a nun from the antipodes, in a lively and
interesting style, interspersed here and there with original poems
of considerable merit. The author gives very graphic pictures of
cdonial life both in Australia and New Zealand ; and we venture
to think, her account of the voyage homeward will be read with
much interest. For people in these Islands the chapters on Roman
Beenes and incidents, will not be equally novel ; but no doubt for
Australians they will form the main interest of the book. It is a
wjr interesting and instructive little work to while away a leisure
Tk4 Olories of Our Lady of Perpetual Succour, A Manual for the
Month of Mary. Translated from the French of Rev. II.
SAniTBAiN, by the Rev. Thomas Livius, C.S.S.R. Dublin :
X. H« Gnx & Son.
VhSs 18, indeed, an excellent book of devotion, and, as its very
3 10 Notices of Books.
he experienced the miraculous aid of Our Lady of Perpetual Succour.
Tlie plan of the work, too, is excellent. It furnishes a series of
instructions, meditations, prayers, and examples for every day in
the month. Not the least interesting portion of these instructions
is taken from the history of the miraculous picture itself, which is
told with the beautiful simplicity so well adapted for edification.
We venture to recommend this little work to our Irish Priests,
for their May devotions. It will suit equally well to be read in the
Church, or to furnish matter for a brief and practical instruction.
The Complete Story of the Passion and .Death of Christ, By the
Rev. Arthur Ryan, St. Patrick's College, Thurles. Dublin :
Browne & Nolan.
This little work has received so many commendations from
various soiurces, that it is quite superfluous for us to add our own
recommendation. It is certainly the clearest, the most succinct,
and at the same time, the most complete gospel narrative of the
Passion, which we have in the English language. The learned
\iTiter did well to follow Dr. Walsh's Harmony of Passion, for he
could have no better guide in narrating the somewhat intricate
events of the Sacred Story. It is a useful book for every priest.
A Short Memoir of Esterina Antinori, Translated from the Italian.
By Lady Herbert. Dublin : Gill and Son.
Lady Herbert is so well and widely known as an authoress,
that her name is of itself a sufficient guarantee for the moral
excellence and literary finish of any book for which she is respon-
sible, either as author or translator. She is both in the present
case, for this memoir, to some extent, consists of original matter.
It tells the story of a life, eminently holy and happy, led by the
daughter of a nobleman — the Marquis Spinello Antinori — in the
Convent of the Trinitd, de'Monti, at Rome. That b'fe was indeed
short in years, but it,was a very beautiful life, fragrant with the
aroma of all virtues. This little book is dedicated to the Children
of the Sacred Heart, and would be a most suitable prize for girls
in Catechism classes and Convent schools.
" The Maxims and Councils of St. Vincent de Paul " — (Gux
AND Son) — by the late Most Rbv. Dr. Walsh, Archbishop of
Halifax, is a very small little book ; but it is golden within and
golden without. We have seldom seen so neat a specimen o€
Dublin book-binding, and we need scarcely say that maxims for
every day in the year taken from the writings of St. Vincent de
Paul are sure to contain many gems of ** purest ray serene.**
Here is one: — "Ihe practice of prayer is as necessary for the
ministers of the altar as arms are to a soldier." It is a pity the
names of the various months are not put at tha head of the page.
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
JUNE, 1884.
AN AMERICAN PLEA FOR PHYSICAL PREMOTION.
ONE of the most notable results as yet brought about by
the publication of the " iEterni Patris " is the revival
of the old controversy concerning the nature of the Divine
co-operation with the free- will of man. During the few
years that have elapsed since that remarkable document
was issued, numerous works have appeared on the
subject, varying in size from the respectable volume of
Fr. Schneeman to the condensed articles in the Irish
Ecclesiastical Record.
The greater part of these writings have been directed
against the advocates of Physical Premotion. Two charges
have been laid at their door. One is that they have
usiuped the title by which they have hitherto been known
to tne Theological world ; the other that they are guilty
of defending a system, which, to say the veiy least, is most
uuphilosopldcal. We do not care to occupy ourselves at
present with the first of these accusations. It is so para-
doxical that we cannot but doubt whether even its authors
sincerely believe it to be well founded. However that may
be, we ourselves are convinced that the adherents of
Physical Premotion are the genuine Thomists. We are of
their number ; and we accept the appellation of * fiannesian '
as applied to us, only in the sense in which we would accept
that of Billuartian or Gondinian.
It is for the purpose of dealing with the second charge
that we solicit the favour of a few pages in the Record.
We wish to place before its Readers some of the arguments
'which have induced ourselves and so many others to em-
brace Thomism while fully conscious of the existence of
VOL. V. 3 0
342 An American Plea for Physical Pr emotion*
the apparently formidable objections urged against it
We ask of them a patient hearing while we endeavour to
show that, (1) unless Physical Premotion be admitted,
God's fore-knowledge of future events depending on the
free-will of man cannot be explained ; (2) without Physical
Premotion man's will would remain for ever inactive, (3)
Physical Premotion cannot be proved incompatible with
liberty. From the issue of our attempts to establish these
three propositions we would have them judge whether or
not the accusation in question is merited.
Perhaps it is well to observe here that we do not treat
of physical predetermination as it pertains exclusively either
to the natural or to the supernatural order. All that is said of
the unassisted will under its influence may be understood
also of the will elevated by grace. Another prefatory
remark we would make is, that throughout this article we
shall avoid everything that would savour of rhetorical
display, and shall not hesitate to employ scholastic terms
in cases where we deem the use of them conducive to
clearness.
It is de fide that God knows all future things with a
certain and infallible knowledge. Even unaided reason
has no difficulty in admitting this truth in so far as it
concerns those future events which depend for their fulfil-
ment solely on the Divine will, or upon it in conjunctioD
with necessary second causes. It is only when it is ex-
tended to embrace effects produced by created causes of
their very nature indifferent that the poor human intellect
begins to stagger. It can easily understand that, God
himself being unchangeable. His own eternal resolves must
necessarily be executed, and His eternal knowledge of that
execution thus verified. With equal facility does it com-
Erehend that there is no possibility of the Divine prescience
eing falsified by an agent whicjh operates according to a
certain fixed law imposed by the Creator Himself. But
when there is question of including in the circle of object**
eternally fore-known the acts of an agent that is essentially
free, and whose liberty must be respected, then man's
reason finds itself confronted with what would seem to be
an inscrutable mystery. The question it naturally asks
itself is this : If during the eternal years that preceded the
performance of a given act by such a creature, there existed
no ratio sujfficieiis which would infalUbly determine it to that
act rather than to another ; if when on the very point of
producing that act it possessed the most unlimited freedom
An American Flea for Physical Pr emotion. 343
to act or not to act., how could God have had any more
than a mere conjectural knowledge of the course it would
follow ?
Vanquished by this difficulty, some ancient philosopherH,
notably Cicero (Lib. ii. de Divin.\ denied that God possessed
an infallible knowledge of the future acts of man's will.
Others, as the Stoics, went to the opposite extreme, and
rejected the doctrine of human liberty. We may be allowed
to remark en passant that these methods of disposing of the
question were highly illogical These philosophers seem
to have admitted the principle that the mere incapacity of
man's reason to reconcile two apparent truths is a sufficient
warrant for the denial of one or the other of them ; a prin-
ciple which is utterly false, but which, as we shall see
further on, our adversaries would have us Thomists adopt.
Fortunately for the cause of truth, neither of the proposed
solutions — if such they may be termed — is permitted
to CathoUc philosophers. Divine revelation assures them
that both God's prescience and man's freedom are unde-
niable facis, and they must endeavour to show that the co-
existence of the two truths is not an impossibility. He
alone can be said to attain this object, whose explanation
of the one does not in any way involve a denial of the
other.
That the Thomistic system, if true, would adequately
account for the Divine foreknowledge is too evident to
require demonstration. According to it, the sufficient
reason of that knowledge is furnished by the very nature
of second causes. In order that a created agent may
operate, it is necessary that it receive a physical influx of
the fiipt cause, which shall actuate its own native power,
and incUne it infaUibly to the production of a determinate
effect. All creatures are as instruments in the hands of
the Creator. " Cum Deus sit primum," says the Angelic
Doctor, " omnia quae sunt post ipsum sunt quasi quaedam
iostrumenta ipsius." (Contra Gentes, i. 3, c. 100). The free
will of man does not form an exception to the general rule :
**Sub Deo qui est primus intellectus et volens, ordinantnr
omnee intellectus et voluntates sicut instrumenta sub prin-
dpali agente." (Ibid. c. 147). But the essence of an
ii^trninental cause consists in this, that its own innate
* virtuB " is, as it were, a medium through which the action
344 An American Plea for Physical Pranotion,
modo operationis principmm in buo ordine, id est, nt agat
ut instrumentum superioris virtutis. Unde exclusa supe-
riore virtute, virtus inferior operationem non babet."
(St. Tbomas, qq. Disp. de Potent, ix. 3, Art. 4). Since
then tbe Divine impulse is a condition essentially pre-
requisite to each individual act of free as well as of neces-
sary causes (" secundum modum proprium luiiuscuj usque,"
as St. Thomas puts it), it follows that God, in order to
know what His creatures would and what they would not
do in time, had only to consult His own most efficacious
will.
It appears to some, however, that the system of the
Angelic Doctor and his school thus perfectly solves the
question of God's prescience only at the expense of man's
freedom. They maintain that liberty cannot stand together
with the physical predetermination described above ; hence
they reject it and the entire system of which it is the
foundation. Physical Promotion, say they, is not at all
necessary in order that the will may act ; and the Divine
foreknowledge can be satisfactorily explained without it
No one can deny that an important point would be
gained against Thomism if this latter assertion could be
naade good. It is true that the perfect solution it furnishes
to the question of God's foreknowledge is not, so to say,
the primary reason by which Physical Premotion is sup-
ported. But it must be conceded that the fundamenUil
arguments in its favour, drawn from the nature of secondary
causes, would be materially strengthened if no other
equally satisfactory solution were to be had. Let us now
examine that oflFered by our adversaries, and see whether
or not it justifies its pretensions. It may be summed up in
the following propositions : —
1. God, prior to any decree whatever concerning the
acts of A, for instance, sees what He would do if He were
situated in such or such a combinauon of circumstances,
and had placed at his disposal certain axixilia (natural or
supernatural as the case may be) of their natiire indifferent.
2. If he see that A, placed in circumstances of X and Y,
and furnished with auxUia^ W and Z would consent^ and if it
be His benevolent will that it should be so, God decrees to
place A in such circumstances, and give him such help&
3. A's consent, hitherto conditional, now passes into the
realm of absolute futmities, and God beholds him actually
consenting in time.
It is evident that the whole of this system must stand or
An American Plea for Fhysical Premotion, 345
fall Trith the first proposition. And now we ask : Does
God previously to all decrees possess any such knowledge
as id tnerein attributed to Him ? If so, how does he know
that A, under certain conditions, will consent rather than
not consent t The answer to the first of these questions
must depend upon that given to the second. If there can
be no medium assigned through which the Divine eye may
behold the objects of this pecuUar scientia^ it is only an
arbitrary assumption to say that such a scientia exists. In
order to agree with us in this, it is only necessary that our
readers have a clear idea of what is meant by " medium
cognitionis."
Philosophy and common sense tell us that the knowable-
ness of a thing is proportionate to its mode of existence,
tf it actually exist, it can be known in itself. If it be only
a passible entity, that is, if it exist solely in a cause capable
of giving it real existence, it cannot be known in itself, but
only in the cause which contains it. This distinction might
be carried further, but to do so is not necessary for our
present purpose. We only wish to call attention to the fact
that when a thing does not actually exist, it can be known
only through something else which may bring it into being.
It is this ** something else" that we understand by ** medium
cognitionis." A's consent in the example we are employing
does not exist in itself ; for, according to hypothesis, God
has not yet placed him in any particular cu-cumstances.
Consequently, if known at all, it must be known in some-
thing which contains it.
The defenders of the system under examination are not
agreed as to the nature of this medium. Molina and a few
others taught that God knows what will be the action of
A, in virtue of a most penetrating knowledge which He
possesses of A*s will and his surroundings ; a knowledge by
which He understands so thoroughly the created faculty,
that seeing it He discerns what it would do in any given
circumstances.
This opinion appears to be now universally rejected.
And justly so ; for a mere glance suffices to show that it
explains nothing. If A is really free, no matter in what
circumstances he may be situated, he must have the abso-
lute power to act and not to act, to do this or to do that.
True, certain surroundings may incline him strongly to one
side ; but, as the patrons of this opinion admit, he may at
346 An American Plea for Physical Premotion.
understanding of His will could furnish the Divine intelli-
gence with only a sort of moral certitude of his future free
acts.
Nearly all the more modem adherents of scientia media
maintain that God knows conditional future events in se
ipsis or veritate ipsorum objectiva, " Hanc (sententiam;
Suarez proposuit," says De Kleutgen, " et sequuntur pleri-
que recentiores, qui scientiam mediam defendunt." A'e
future consent under certain conditions was always an
objective truth, and consequently always present to the
Divine mind like every other tnith.
If there could be two ways of understanding this opin-
ion, the fact that it is put forth by such learned men as
Suarez, Franzelin, Liberatore, and Mazzella, would make us
beUeve that we understand it in the wrong way. If our
idea of it is correct, it is a most manifest petitio principii
No Thomist ever dreamed of asserting the necessity of a
medium for knowing a thing actually existing and present
to the Divine intellect. If it could be shown that prior to
all decrees conditional futures were objective truths, the
demand for the assignment of a medium through which God
might know them would be an absurdity. The Thomist
denies that they are such j and when he calls for a medium
he is only asking for a reason why they are objective
truths. And here he is answered : " because they are objec-
tive truths /*'
To assert that of the two contradictory propositions :
A will consent ; A will not consent; one was true from
eternity, is only to repeat the same sophism in another
form. No one will deny that the disjunctive proposition :
Either A will consent or he will not consent, needed no
decree to make it true. It is a necessary truth, and in
order that God should know it, no other medium was re-
quisite than that by which he knows that *' a thing cannot
be and not be at the same time." Both of these truths were
eternally present in the Divine Essence.
It is clear that what is said of the disjunctive proposi-
tion cannot be said of either of the two simple ones ol
which it is made up. " A will consent " is not a necessary
truth — else he could not but consent — ^for then he could
not consent if he willed to do so. Since, therefore, neither
is objectively true or false of itself, it follows that one is
true and the other false because of some extrinsic reason.
The Thomists say this reason is God's will. When oppo-
nents reject this one, and when called upon to assign
An American Plea for Physical Premotion. 347
another, reply : It is true because it is true ! We find in
Cardinal Franzelin, quoted by Mazzella (De Gratia, Disp. iii.
Art. 7), a truly singiilar bit of reasoning in support of the
opinion with which we are dealing. We giVeits substance
here, believing that its refutation will put in very clear
light the utterly unsatisfactory nature of our adversaries'
explanation of the Divine foreknowledge.
When A's will, say these authors, freely elicits a given
act in certain circumstances, the eliciting of this act by A's
will in those circumstances is a determinate truth, and was
so from eternity. Wherefore the conditional proposition :
If A should be placed in sv^h circumstances he would so acty
was also determinately true from the beginning.
We admit every word of this argument as it here stands ;
but we deny that it even touches the point in proof of which
it is adduced. It proves that the conditional proposition
was always true, but not that it was true without a reason
for its being so. It is true now, because A freely deter-
mines himself to this act. Without such a determination
it would not be true now. Before God had decreed to
place A in those circumstances, that determination to this
particular act did not exist. Consequently, it was for some
other reason that the said proposition was true. What that
reason was the above argument does not say.
If the falseness of that argument is not rendered suffi-
ciently cleai- by the direct reasoning against it, it will be
made abundantly so by a reductio ad absurdum, A logical
application of it leads to the conclusion that everything
that exists owes its being to a blind fatality. If the mere
fact of a man's performing a given action under certain
conditions proves that it was true, prior to God's decree,
that he would ehcit that act, so the fact that he is now
placed in those circumstances proves that it was true pre-
vious to all decree that he would be placed in such
surroundings. Wherefore God was obligea so to place him
under penalty of denying an objective truth and falsifying
His own knowledge. Again, the sole fact that we exist
now by virtue o£ God's having created us, proves that
before He had decreed to create us it was determinately
true that He should do so. Consequently we have no
reason for thanking Him for bringing us into existence.
These are some of the considerations — in an article like
this we cannot give all — which have convinced us that
348 ' An American Plea for Physical PremoHon.
defective, we do not see how anyone can fail to come io
the same conclusion. If it contain some flaw, we shall not
hesitate to acknowledge it on its being pointed ont to us ;
for we are seeking only the truth, and are willing to con-
cede to our opponents every point which they can justly
claim in their favour.
We now proceed to establish our second proposition,
viz. : Without physical promotion the human will would
for ever remain inactive.
It is the common teaching of philosophers and theolo-
gians that, for a secondary cause to produce an act, it does
not suffice that God confer upon it, and preserve in es^e ^ho
virttis agendi or faculty of operating. Over and above this,
in every operation of created agents, there is requisite a
new and special intervention of the first cause. The reason
of this is thus ably stated by Fr. Liberatore : " Res creatae,
dum agunt, ipso activitatis exercitio augescunt quodam-
modo, ac ratione aliqua saltern physice perficiuntur. Plus
enim profecto est actu agere, quam nondum agere, sed sola
agendi potestate gaudere. At vero nulla res sine locu-
pletioris causae adminiculo largiri sibi potest id, quod
aequo aut etiam nobiliori modo ante non continet : Ergo
efficientia quae vis creata ut agant, ab altiori quadam causa
juvari egent. Haec autem, ut perspicuum est, nonnisi Deus
esse potest*' (Inst. PhiL Kd. Lovan., vol. 2, page 272).
We have already exposed the idea of St. Thomas and
his school concerning the nature of this Divine co-operation.
Those to whom that idea appears inadmissible on the
ground that it is not compatible with a true conception of
human Uberty, substitute for it the doctrine which fol-
lows:—
{a) The action of God does not precede that of the
creature, neither tempore nor naiurdy but is simultaneous
with it.
(b) The Divine influx is not received in the created
faculty, but in its action.
(c) This concursus is indifferent:. i.€., has of itself no
determination to any particular act ; that it is used for the
producing of one efiect rather than ot another comes from
the creature.
Viewed superficially, this theory is a most attractive
one. It seems to assign to both the Creator and the creature
their proper share in the production of an act without
bringing them into confiict. But a close and serious
examination shows that it respects the rights of neither;
An American Plea far Physical Pr emotion, 349
that it restrictfl in an undue measure the Divine causality,
and places the creature in the absolute impossibility of
acting.
In laying down at the beginning the points which we
purposed to treat, we knowingly renounced the right to
mtioduce the argument for physical premotion taken from
the universal nature of God's action. To develop it
thoroughly a separate treatise would be requisite. Not-
withstanding this fact, since it has been casually mentioned,
we beg leave to present it here in outline, and leave it for
f development to the thoughts of our readers.
; From the exposition we have given of Molinism, it is
clear that according to it there is a certain act which pro-
' ceeds solely from the unaided human will. Molinists are
doubtless loath to admit this, but we do not see how they
1 are to avoid it. When it is said that the Divine concursus
is mdifferent, the sense cannot be that in actually operating
it does not tend to the production of a deternunate eflFect.
Such an action cannot be conceived any more than can a
, PJ^^J^ l>© conceived as walking in no particular direction.
The meaning is then simply this : God oflfers to the creature
an aid which the latter may accept or refuse at pleasure,
and which, if accepted, may be, so to say, applied to this
or that purpose, according to the creature's Uking. From
this it follows that the acceptance of the concursus for a
definite purpose is prior to all action of the concursus itself.
God does not begin to "concur'* until the will has deter-
mined itself, and marked out the direction in which the
Divine action must tend.
Now, by what right do the Molinists exempt this
operation of the will from the influence of God's causality I
Surely the powerful reason given above from Fr. Liberatore
holds good in this case as in all others. In performing this
act also the will *' augescit quodammodo et ratione aliqua
perficitur." If then for all subsequent acts a Divine con-
<mrBU8 is required, why not for this one as well ? And if
not for this one, why for the others ?
To us this seems a fatal defect in the system of our
q[qponents. They appear to limit the extent of the Divine
oaoaality, the unlimited nature of which they profess to
Mimowledge ; and in doing so, they are grossly incon-
350 An American Plea for Physical Premotion.
of which he would otherwise be deprived. Their conduct
would certaioly be to some extent excusable it' they
succeeded in effecting this benevolent purpose. But we
are now going to show that this design is as impossible of
execution as would be that of giving understanding to a
stone.
The Angelic Doctor lays down as a principle that —
" nihil quod est in potentia reducitur in actum nisi per
aliquod quod est in actu." It cannot be conceived that
anyone of sane mind should call the truth of this proposi-
tion into question. To deny it would be to assert that a
being can communicate a perfection which it does not
possess. It is equally true that the will, when not acting,
is in potentia with respect to actual operation. It may be
said that it is always in act "circa bonum universale."
That we may grant, but it does not affect the question, for
according to all, under the motion to universal good, it
remains indifferent to every bonum particulare. Since
then the will just before acting has not the perfection acfn
a(jerey it follows that if it ever obtains that perfection, it
must come to it from some extrinsic source. Molinism
refuses to Wiq will any such extrinsic assistance, and in
consequence deprives it of the capacity of acting.
Those who do not take the trouble to consider pro-
foundly this oft-repeated argument of the Thomists, think
that they elude its force by the following reply : — It is true,
say they, that previously to acting the will is indifferent —
in potentia. But its indifference is an indifferentia
activay by reason of which it has the power to determine
itself.
We have never been able to see in this reply anything
more than the unmerited insinuation that Thomists regard
the will as an inanimate instrument, and a re-assertion of
what has been proved false in the preceding arg:ument.
Thomists, too, admit an " active indifference." But by that
term they do not understand the power to give what one
has not. Such is the sense attributed to it in the above reply.
That reply comes to this: Though the will in the indivisible
instant which precedes its action is undetermined, it is
determined in the immediately succeeding instant without
having received anything from without. To Thomists,
who consider "actu agere" as something more than
" nondum agere, sed sola agendi potestate gaudere ;" who
know that the will in one instant has not "actu agere"
which it has in the next instant ; who are convinced that
An American Plea for Physical Pr emotion, 351
"nulla res. . . largiri sibi potest id quod non continet,"
such an indifferentia activa is a monstrous absurdity. And
such, we think, it should appear to every candid and
unprejudiced mind that fully comprehends its meaning. It
may be'that we are labouring under a delusion ; but the
metaphysical and physical impossibility of the unaided
will's determining itself to act, seems to us quite as evident
?♦« does the falseness of the assertion — two and two make
j five.
I Though what has hitherto been said seems to demon-
j strate the necessity of Physical Premotion, both as a means
j of the Divine foreknowledge, and as an indispensable
' condition of aU acts of creatures, it would, nevertheless,
have to be abandoned could it be proved incompatible
j with liberty. For the •existence of the latter we have the
I warrant of revelation whose claim upon our assent and
submisgion is infinitely greater than that of reason, and
^ which in case of conflict, must always prevail.
ITie argument by which Molinists think they prove this
point against us, is thus formulated : *' Liberum arbitfium,"
they say, " is a facultas quae, positis omnibus praerequisitis
ad agendum, potest agere vel non agere. But according to
you Thomists, Physical Premotion is one ofthe praerequisites
(id agendum^ and under its influence the will must infallibly
act—cannot not act. Therefore the will is not free when
premoved to act."
In order to see that this objection does not effect the
purpose for which it is advanced, it is necessary to advert
to the very important distinction between posse agercy and
agere actu. A thing potest agere^ i.e., has the power of
acting when it contains what we will call a principium
iufficiens of operating. A stone cannot be said to nave
the power of imderstanding for the reason that it contains
no such principle. Likewise the will, without grace, has
not the power of eliciting a supernatural act, for there is
no proportion between its own native '* virtus " and such
an act. Grace, then — we mean habitual grace, or at least
**per modum habitus '* — is requisite to give the will posse
jagere in the supernatural order. But something more is
necessary to confer upon it actu agere ; otherwise, just as
halntaial grace gives it posse agere supematurally in a per-
aBaent form, so would it give it OAitii agere in the same way,
■ad Ae will would never cease to act while the jrrace
352 An American Plea for Phydcal Premolion.
nothing else were requisite for actual operation, it would
always be acting in that order.
Now we ask : What are the praerequisita referred to in
the above definition of free will ? Are they those things
which go to make up the power of adding in the senses
explained ? If so, that definition evidently contains no
difficulty for the Thomist The will unassisted is a "suffi-
cient principle " of the act of loving or hating ; endowed
with habitual grace, it can (potest) command an act of
faith or refuse to do so.
Are we to understand by those praerequisita the neces-
sary conditions for actual operation t If so, since among
those conditions is contained the free determination of the
will to act, either with Premotion, according to the
Thomists, or without it, according to Molinists, it is clear
that when they are at hand, the will is actu operans jast as
it is really potena operari when the conditions necessary for
posse agere are present. But the will cannot act, and not
act at the same time. Hence both Thomists and Molinists
must*have recourse to the very reasonable distinction of
sensus compositus and sensus divisusy in order to explain the
" potest agere et non agere."
We do not wish to be understood as asserting in this
answer, to the much vaunted objection of our opponents,
that there is no difficulty whatever in reconciling Physical
Premotion with human Uberty. That would be to belie
our own convictions. There is a real difficulty. But we
hold — and the above answer conclusively shows — ^that it
is not found in this objection, which we have sometimes
heard called a "formal demonstration" that Premotion
and Liberty cannot co-exist. The true " nodus " lies
here : Can the will, at the same time that it is premoved to
act, and under the influence of Premotion, determine
itself, just as, according to Molinists, it determines itself
without being^premoved t It is indeed difficult to under-
stand how this can be. In order to fully comprehend this
point, it would be necessary to understand the nature of
God's action. The only idea we have of this action here
below is that furnished by comparing it with that of
creatures. We know that between the two there is some
faint analogy, but no more. The intellect of the Angelic
Doctor, to whom it was given to penetrate far more deeply
into the Divine secrets than ordinary mortals, seems to
havp experienced no difficulty in reconciling an infallible
premotion with perfect freedom : ** Deus mo vet immata-
An American Plea for Physical Premotion, 353
biliter voluntatem propter efficaciam virtutis moventis,
quae deficere non potest ; sed propter natiiram voluntatis
malae quae indifferenter se habet ad diversa, non inducitiir
necessitas, sed manet libertas." (De Malo, Q. 6, Art. unic.
ad 3".) We confess our own inability to explain perfectly
what appears to have been clear to the Augel of the
Schoola But of one thing we are certain ; our adver-
saries can never prove that there is here more than an
obscurity. We defy them to prove a contradiction ; but
that they must prove before they will have effected any-
thing against Thomisra. We are well aware that when
the Thomists tell them this, they grow sarcastic, and ask
if Physical Premotion is a revealed doctrine : ** Num reve-
lata est praedeterminatio physical" (Mazzella.) To this
answer : By no means. ^ Nor is it necessary that it should
be of faith in order that we may be justified in accepting
it, notwithstanding the difficulty of seeing how it is har-
monized with another truth. Reason, Uke faith, is a light
which man is bound to follow. And just as such an
obscurity would not excuse from heresy him who would
deny a revealed truth, so neither does it excuse from being
illogical him who rejects a conclusion of reason. More-
over, our opponents themselves do not consistently main-
tain the principle which they here ask us to accept. In
their philosophical works they prove that the universe is
created, while acknowledging that they cannot explain
how creation is effected. They demonstrate the " sub-
stantial unity" of the human soul and body, while
admitting with St. Augustine that "iste modus quo
corporibus adhaerent spiritus, et animalia fiunt omnino
minis est, nee comprehendi ab homine potest.'* These
truths,, and many others of a like character, they would
doubtless admit even if revelation did not exist. And yet
because we Thomists cannot explain how God *'premoves
freely," they would have us set at naught the irrefragable
reasons exposed in this article, and say that He does not
premove at all I On which side is logic and consistency t
L. F. K.
[ 354 ]
JURISDICTION AND RESERVED CASES.— II.
I PURPOSE in this paper to draw some practical con-
elusions from what has been already laid down. With
regard to the confessions oi peregrini^ it has been said that
the necessary jurisdiction comes probably from the peni-
tent's bishop, and probably from the Pope, either
immediately or through the bishop of the confessor.
Gury^ puts this question: can a subject of another
diocese be absolved from a sin which is reserved in the
place of confession only ?
The answer is diflFerent in the various editions. In
those edited by Fr. Ballerini we are told that, whilst the
more common opinion among recent writers would not
allow a confessor to absolve in the case proposed, yet
among older theologians the contrary opinion was com-
munissima. Fr. Ballerini adds, in his note, that Henriquez
was the first to propound the new opinion ; his great
pupil, Suarez, took it up, and thus it passed into the more
common teaching.
In the other editions, Gury instructs confessors to look
to the terms in which the bishop granted them faculties,
to act in every case in conformity with these terms, and
not to trouble themselves about what may or may not
be reserved in the penitent's diocese.
The query, of course, immediately suggests itself : can
one acton Fr. Ballerini's opinion? The matter was con-
sidered at the Synod of Maynooth, and the prelates
inserted into the Decrees a paragraph which has a special
bearing on the question. But as the Maynooth decree
can have reference only to a penitent who goes from one
diocese in Ireland to another, it will be convenient, in the
first place, to consider the general doctrine, and then to
particularise the case of Ireland.
1. Can a confessor absolve a penitent from a sin which
is reserved in the confessor's but not in the penitent's
diocese t
The answer depends on who supplies the jurisdiction.
If it comes only through the bish5p of the confessor, the
penitent cannot be absolved ; for the bishop has limited
t le faculties with regard to this sin. But if it comes from
the penitent's bishop — whether from him alone, or from
1 Ed. Ball. n. 573, quaer. 4".
Jurisdiction and Reserved Cases. 355
the confessor's bishop as well, — the confessor could and
should give absolution ; for the penitent's bishop has made
no limitation.
We have already seen that it is now impossible to
decide from whom the jurisdiction does come. Each
opinion is probable — perhaps not equally so, but still
probable. Hence the cenfessor has probable jurisdiction,
and can act accordingly, always remembering that, nearly
in every case, there will be question, not of the existence,
but of the extent, of his jurisdiction.
It is but just to the defenders of St. Alphonsus' view
to state one or two arguments in favour of his opinion,
which were omitted in the last paper, because they can
be more conveniently considered in this.
(a) And, in the first place, it might be argued that, in
the case proposed, the confessor's approbation is limited by
his own bishop. But approbation is a necessary condition
for jurisdiction, not merely in the sense that no one gets
jurisdiction who has not been approved, but also that
jurisdiction and approbation are coextensive. Witness
the case of the Regulars. They get jurisdiction from the
Pope, but only to the extent of the Episcopal approbatior,
60 that a Regular priest, if not approved by the bishop for
certain cases, cannot absolve from them. A pari.
Father Ballerini puts the objection, and answers it by
denying the necessary coextension of approbation and
jurisdiction. They are coextensive in the case of Regulars,^
because they have been made so by express Papal decrees.
If the Pope wished, he could make the same regulation for
Seculars to-morrow. But he has not made it up to the
present. If he had, surely such an important decree would
not have escaped the notice of all the learned men who
have written on this question, and of whom many have
been so anxious to find a good sohd argument in favour
of St. Alphonsus' opinion. Yet, read their books ; you will
search them in vain for this objection or even any
allusion to it.
Father Ballerini goes on to give cases to prove that
approbation and jurisdiction are not necessarily coexten-
«ve. He does not, however, prove his point decisively,
and he seems to quote St. Alphonsus for an opinion which
the saint never advocated. Yet the cases instanced by
35 6 JurUdiction and Reserved • Cases.
Father Ballerim, if they do not strictly prove his point,
make his contention at least very probable ; and the argu-
ment will be almost decisive when supplemented from
another paragraph in St. Alphonsus' book.
Be it remembered that, to refute the argument from
approbation, all Father Ballerini has to prove is this:
approbation need not be so extensive as jurisdiction. He
might argue, in the first place, what right has any one to
say it must be so ? True, the two are usually given at the
same time and' by the same act; hence the limits of each
will usually be the same. But is that any reason why,
when approbation is given by one bishop and jurisdiction
by another, the two must be coextensive? Perhaps it may
be that, once a confessor has been approved, the extent of
his jurisdiction depends only on the terms in which it is
granted. At least we are entitled to think it may be so,
until some pi oof is given of the contrary.
But, it is urged, there is the proof already given from
the case of the Regulars? That is a special case. To
find the extent of their jurisdiction over penitents of the
diocese where they hear confessions, Regulars must look
to the terms of their approbation. But why? Because
the Pope expressly says so, and it is from him the jurisdic-
tion comes. These are the terms in which it is granted ;
and hence it is limited by these terms, and not by the
Episcopal approbation.
So far it has been shown merely that there is no proof
for the assertion that approbation and jurisdiction are
necessarily coextensive. Is there proof of the contrary?
There is the negative argument from the silence of theolo-
gians. There are the cases mentioned by Father Ballerini,
which produce, at least, a large amount of probabihty, if
not certainty. There is this argument too : —
St. Alphonsus^ puts the question :. whether nuns, who
are exempt from the jurisdiction of the bishop, are subject
to his reserved cases? He answers: probably no. luat
is, though the bishop must approve a confessor for such
religious, yet, no matter how he may limit the approbation,
the limitation will be invalid, — will not atfect the extent of
the jurisdiction. The two will not then be coextensive,
and the jurisdiction has to be determined by the terms in
which it is granted by the Religious Superior.
With regard to this special question, whether ^appro-
» N. 602, quaer. 6.
Jurisdietion and Reserved Cases. 357
bation and jurisdiction must be coextensive, Fr. Ballerini's
opinion has not been quite conclusively proved, but it
appears to be much more probable than the opposite.
(6). Let us come back to the general question. A
second argument in favour of St. Alphonsus' view may be
drawn from the presumed will of the penitent's bishop. It
may be said, even supposing the jurisdiction to come from
the penitent's bishop, might not he limit the confessor's
?ower8f You reply: he has not limited thom at home,
es ; but it does not follow that he will not do so abroad,
for the sake of convenience. For few will deny that it
would be a convenience if confessors had to look only to
the terms of their own faculties.
There is a fair answer. The bishop might limit the
faculties; but does he? A posse ad actum non valet con-
secutio. It would be convenient surely; but how many
things would be, which are not yet done I How many
controversies could the Congregations at Rome decide, and
^thout much difficulty either, and, though the decision
would in many cases be a great convenience, yet we must
wait for it This is a question of hard fact, not of proba-
bilities or conveniences.
(c). There is a third argument If Fr. Ballerini's opinion
be correct, a confessor who would undertake to hear the
confessions of peregrini — and every priest undertakes to
he^ every one who comes to the confessional — should be
made up on all the reserved cases throughout the entire
Christian world. For a penitent may at any time come
from any diocese whatsoever. But surely that is too much.
Again, there is a fair reply. Granted : what follows ?
Either that the transfer which St Alphonsus mentions
diould take place, or that the bishops, in granting jurisdic-
tion over their subjects outside, should grant it for every
J case which is not reserved in the place of confession. But,
then, you will urge, such bishops would be granting powers
to extems which they refuse to their own priests t Granted
again : such is the force of conveniences.
There is just one remark before leaving this portion of
tiie question. It is usually taken for granted that, in the
case of peregrini, jurisdiction must come either from the
bishop of the confessor or the bishop of the penitent Why
I not from both ? If the transfer has taken place, which Saint
358 Jurisdiction and Reserved Cases.
in any part of the world, or delegate others to absolve
them.
Consider this view. It has been already shown that, up
to the time of ^uoxez^ peregrird were absolved by the tacit
consent of their own bishops. Let us suppose that a
transfer did take place some time afterwards, and that all
peregrini were made for the future sufficiently subject, for
the piuposes of the Sacrament of Penance, to the bishop of
the place where they go to confession. Would siicn a
transfer necessarily suppose that their own bishops should
not any longer supply jurisdiction ? Each bishop can do
so — ^perhaps does ; and if he does, you have the foundation
laid for Fr. Ballerini's opinion.
From all that has been said, we may regard that opinion
as fairly probable. Let us now come to the special cajseof
Ireland.
2. Amongst the Statutes of the Synod of Maynooth
we find this: — ^^ Casus reservatus in diocesi confessarii non
subtrahitur reservationi ea de causa quod non reservatur in
dioecesi poenitentisJ'^ This decree does not in any way
aflFect the truth or falsehood of Fr. Ballerini's opinion. For
no one can be more ready than he to admit the right of a
bishop to limit the jurisdiction which he gives. The Irish
prelates do not touch at all the question of the source of
jurisdiction. They say in eflFect : ** it makes no matter
whence the power comes ; but, if Fr. Ballerini's view be
correct, and the jurisdiction come from the penitent's bishop,
we all, the bishops ol Ireland, hereby limit it according to
the extent of the faculties which each confessor gets firora
his own bishop. Accordingly, even Fr. Ballerini would not
deny that, in Ireland, confessors must look in all euch cases
to tne terms in which they have been approved.
So far for Seculars. Whether Regulars are affected by
this decree depends on a different question : is the juris-
diction which they get from the Pope limited by the terms
of the approbation t We have already argued that it is
not necessarily so — ^usually. But, taking the Maynooth
decree into account, the case is somewhat different. For
even Fr. Ballerini admits* that Regulars cannot absolve
if the case be reserved in both dioceses. It is true the effect
of the Maynooth decree is not to reserve the case at home ;
but for extern confessors, whether Secular or Regular,, the
effect would appear to be the same. For if, out of deference
» n. 86. • Vol. il, p. 518.
Jurisdiction and Reserved Cases* 359
to a bishop's home reservation, Regulars cannot absolve
when the case is in the strict sense reserved in the two
dioceses, why not respect the episcopal reservation, which,
though it does not affect his own confessors, yet is intended
to produce its effect outside his diocese ? The point is not
decisive, but still it deserves grave consideration.
Even for Secular priests a case may arise to which the
decree of the Irish prelates will not apply — when the peni-
tent comes from England, or any otherplace not subject to
the bishops assembled at the Synod. The confessor would
then be at liberty to act in accordance with the conclusions
to which we came when treating of the general question —
that is, he would have probable jurisdiction.
With regard to that Maynooth decree a difficulty has
been raised by some — that it might be regarded not so
much as a decree limiting the confessor's faculties, but
rather as a theological opinion. Such an opinion would of
course be entitled to the highest respect, but yet would not
be decisive.
There does not appear to be much to sustain this view.
No doubt it is a portion of the duty of bishops, whether in
Synod or out of it, not only to rule but to teach ; and
independently of the nature of the question and of circum-
stances, a sentence, even when found amongst synodical
decrees, does not necessarily mean more than an authorita-
tive doctrinal opinion. But both the object of this decree
and the circumstances in which it was issued are very
peculiar.
It is admitted by all that the whole thing depends on
the will of the bishop. If there is a fair expression of that
will, it should be decisive. Now, it is commonly believed
that this decree was expressly devised to meet Fr. Ballerini's
<^inion. The bishops intended, without doubt, to teach
conf^sors that they are not at liberty to follow the opinion
in practice. But their lordships were quite aware how
everything depended on their own will. They wished to
put a stop to the absolutions which Fr. Ballerini advocated :
they had a ready means at hand, by limiting the jurisdic-
tion. Will anyone say that, knowing all this, they were
content merely to give expression to what would be a prac-
tically ineffectual expression of theological opinion ?
[ 360 ]
THE TRUE GREGORIAN MUSIC OF THE CHURCH:
« RATISBON " OR ROMAN ?
IN a paper under this title^ in the Record for last July,
the opinion was expressed that the important Decree
of the Sacred Congregation of Rites, then published, in
formal approbation of the Ratisbon edition of the Roman
liturgical chant, had put an end to a controversy which,
while it lasted, had been by no means edifying. This
favourable anticipation, however, and fbe words, " causa
Jinita est,'' with wnich the paper closed, were, as it now
appears, somewhat premature. A further pretext in justi-
fication of the policy of disregard of the significant action
of the Holy See has since been found. Thus, a few
months ago, the question entered upon a new phase.
Nor were the opponents of the authorised version of the
Uturgical music now satisfied with a merely defensive
policy. They became boldly aggressive. Dexterously
suggesting that the Decree which, for a time, had thrown
their ranks into confusion, was, after all, but a Decree of
the Congregation of Rites, they now claimed for their
cause the sanction of the Supreme PontiflF himself.
The pretext for this daring move was foimd in the
followmg letter, addressed by the Pope, on the 8th of last
March, to the erudite and zealous Benedictine, Dom
Pothier, in praise of his magnificent edition of the Roman
Gradual, recently issued : —
"LEO PP. xm.
'*DiLEOTE FiLi, Religiose Vik, Salutem et Apostoucah
Benedictioneh.
" Redditum fuit Nobis a Ven. Fratre Nostro Johanne Baptista,
Cardinali Episcopo Tusculano, opus musicae a vobis in lucem
editum, vestrumque munus, turn propter ejus meritum, turn propter
ilia quae spectatissimus Vir Nobis significavit, libenti gratoque
animo accepimus.
" Agnovimus enim, Dilecte Fill, vos solertem operam dedisse
explicandis et illustrandis veteribus musicae sacrae monumentis,
omnemque diligentiam adhibuisse, ut illorum accuratam rationem
et formam, ex antiquis lucubrationibus a majoribus vestris magna
ciu*a servatis, artis musicae cultoribus exhiberetis. Hac in re,
Dilecte Fili, non solum laudandam ducimns industriam vestram,
quae in opere difRcultatis et laboris pleno plurium annorum curaA
iDSumpsit, sed etiam egregiam voluntatem vestram erga Romanam
Ecclesiam, quae genus illud sacroruili concentuum, qui S. Gregorii
» See I. E. Record (Third Series) Vol. iv.,n. 7 (July, 1883) p. 437
The True Gregorian Mumc of the Clmrclu 361
M. nomine commendantur, magno semper in honore habendum
judicayit.
** Quapropter Nos impense cupimus ut hae Nostrae litterae
Tobis flint testes commendationis, quae praeclara studia vestra
historiam, disciplinam, decus, musicae sacrae spectnntia tan to magis
prosequimur, quo magis adversorum temporum asperitatem eluc-
tantes, honori religionis et Ecclesiae strenue famulari contenditis.
" Adprecantes autem clementissimum Deum ut virtutera vestram
sua potenti gratia roboret, quo in dies magis lux eius luceat coram
hominibns, Apostolicam Benedictionem in auspicium coelestium
manenim et in pigrfns pateroae Nostrae dilectionis, Tibi Dilecte
Fili, cunctisque reiigiosis sodalibus tuis, peramanter in Domino
impertimus.
'* Datum Romae apud S. Petrum, die 8 Martii, 1884. Ponti-
ficatos Nostri Anno Septimo.
"Leo pp. XIII;*
As a matter of course, the publication of this letter
was the signal for a general uprising of the partisans of
all those various local editions which had to so large an
extent been discredited by the Decree of the Sacred Con-
gregation in the preceding year. The authorised version
of the Chant, the true nature of which it is their policy to
misrepresent by their persistent designation of it as the
"Ratisbon" version, was once more violently assailed.
Especially in certain French journals, the Pope's letter to
Dom Pothier was paraded as a Papal approval of another
edition, admittedly and substantially at variance with that
of Ratisbon, which they consequently represented as thus
deposed, by the personal action of the Holy Father
himself, from the exalted position in which it had been
placed by the Decree of last year.
But before we proceed further with our examination of
what has since occuri'ed, it may be well to bring to mind
the emphatic terms in which the Ratisbon edition of the
various works of the liturgical chant were approved in
that Decree. They are as follows : —
" Earn tanium uti authenticam Gregoriani cantus formam at que
UgiUmam hodie habendam esse, quae juxta Tridentinas sanctiones
4lWo V.,Pio IX., sac. mem., et SS. D. N. Leone XIII., atque a
Smhi Bitnum Congregatione, juxta editionem Ratisbonae editam,
*ia habita est et confirmata, utpote quae unicb eam cantus
iBttioiittn contineat, qua Romana utitur £cclesia.
362 The True Gregorian Mtisic of the Church :
It would be difficult to conceive an allegation more
palpably absurd than that by which it was sought to
create the belief that this formal, detailed, and exclvr
five approbation of the works of the Ratisbon edition was
now summarily set aside by the letter of the Holy Father.
But the manifest absurdity of their plea in no way affected
the tactics of those interested in the maintenance of those
other versions of the chant, which had been thus author-
itatively branded as neither ** authentic," "legitimate," nor
" Roman." The mode of action which they were thus
forced to ascribe to the Sovereign Pontiff was indeed
peculiar. They did not care to deny it. Desperate cases
were not to be dealt with except by extraordmary means.
And had they not all along foretold that in some way
or other, ordinary or extraordinary, natural or supernatural,
the Church was to be saved from the deadly peril to
which it had been exposed by the Decree of last year?
Had not one of them even expressed his assurance
that " the * gates ' of charlatanism,'* as personified in the
enterprising Ratisbon publisher, " pas plus que celles de
I'enfer, ne pre vaudront jamais centre Teglise?" And so,
they chose to represent, the personal authority of the
Sovereign Pontiff had, in this letter to Dom Pottuer, been
exercised for the rescue of the Church from th& snares so
skilfully set by the crafty Germans for the destruction of
her venerable chant. Not indeed that they cared, many of
them, one jot for Dom Pothier and his edition. JBut they
wished, on some ground or other, to get rid of the
practical slur which had been cast upon them all by the
•' authentication " of one edition to the exclusion of all
othera For this purpose, Dom Pothier's edition, if now
approved in opposition to the Decree of last year, would,
for the time, serve them as well as any other.
Now, can it be necessary to point out that between
the two expressions of the mind of the Holy See — ^last
year's Decree of the Sacred Congregation, so formaUy
approved by the Pope, and this year's letter of the Pope
to Dom Pothier — there is not a shadow of contradiction ?
In fact, there is not the faintest trace even of divergence. *
Divergence, at all events, there might have been, if the
subject had not been so fully dealt with in the Decree of
last year. But the absolutely exhaustive character of that
Decree, dealing, as it did, with every conceivable aspect
of the case, left no room even for (UTergence, except, of
course, for such as would be involved in a fojnual and
absolute reversal of the decision then given.
Uhon" or
Sacred C
pflr alreac
vu totally
the muBi<
urgieal, d
tical leg]
ig for it«
it manusc
IS to the e
of ecclee
cism or c
of ecclesii
.tioQS, if c(
:t8 dealt V
the bless
of its pro
Lctual leg
cast her
re fully iu
the earl
does not
energy.
I, for very
1 the rule.
nore expl
;ree : —
i cantiu cu
I'litumm sit,
la eccleaiat
lodum de
fiartibiit e\
. inquirere «
the appro'
m of the
oiigh the '
)le, in acci
xtent the
oughont 1
) the Dec
pticitnees
rd Series), ^
364 The True Greffcrian Music of the ChurrJu
archadological and liturgical questions in tUs- matter of
Plain Chant music : —
" Plures ecclesiasticae musicae cnltores subtilla» inquireTe
co^perunt quaenam esset primogenia Gregoriani cantus ratio,
quaeque fuerint per subsequentes aetates variae ejusdem pBases.
Verumtamen plus aequo hujus tnwstigaiionis itmites prcutergrtssij ac
nimio ccntiquitatis amore fortasse abreptij iiegligere visi svint recenteg
Sedis Apostolzcae ordwationes, ejusdemque desideria plures mani-
festata, pro introducenda uniformitate Gregorian i cantus, juxta
inodum prudent isskno Bomasae Ecelesiae usu ceroprobalumJ*^
Let us now look back trpon the Pope's letter to Dom
Pothier. What is it that the Holy Father commends?
"^Vos solertem operam dedisse expticandis et Ulufirandix
vrteribus musicae sacrae monimientisy omnemque diligentiam
adhibuisse ut illomm accuratam rationem et formam, ex
antiquis Kicubrationibus a majoribns vestris magna cura
BWvatis, artis musicae cultorihus exhiberetis." Is there in
this anything even bordering upon an approach to diver-
gence from the Decree of last year ?
But the Holy See has not rested satisfied with merely
trasting to the effect of the plain import of the words thus
employed. The ill-advised zeal of the champions of the
various " non-authentic '* versions of the Gregorian Chant
made it practically imperative upon the Soverqign Pontiff
to take decisive steps for the protection of his Letter
against the danger of perversion by the plausible inter-
pretations of those disingenuous critics. No sooner, then,
nad their newspaper campaign against the '^ Ratisbon '*
Chant been re-opened, than it was brought to an inglorious
close by the appearance of the following letter of the Holy
Father, written for the express purpose of putting them <o
silence.
The text of this most significant letter is as follows: —
" D11.ECT0 FiLio Reltgioso Viro Josspho Pothier O.S.B.
'* SoLESMES IN Gallia^ I*E0 PP. XIH.
^I^LECTB Fiij, Religiose Vir, Salutem bt Apostoucam
£ enedictioneh.
^ Quamquam Nos ad tuam epistolam rescribentes qnam die
24 Decembris anno superiori dedisti, in tua tuorumque iiidustria
commendaoda, quam explicandis et illustrandis veteribus mnsicae
sacrae monumentis attulistis, opus Gradualism a vobis editi unice
tpectayerimus tamquam opus adhistoriam et disciplinam seu sdsnXxam
musicae sacrae pertmens et eruditioms gratia institutum, uti er
NostrU Utteris patety tamen ne litterae illae occaaioneia falsis
^ Ibid, pages 445» 467.
James Clarence Mangan, 365
interpretationibus praebeant, Tibi, Dilecte Fili, signiiicandum in
praesens censuimus, Nos in iisdem litteris ad Te datis non earn
mentem habuissfs ut vel minimum a Decreto per Congregationem
Nostram Sacris Ritibus praepositam die 10 Aprilis anno sup' /lore
auctoritale Nostra yulgato, cuius initium ' Romanorum Pont' licuin
sollicitudo recederemus, nee consilium Nostrum fuisae opus
Gradualis Nobis oblati ad Liturgiae Sacrae u$um approhare : quam in
rem opus ipsum accurato examini memoratae Congregationis, ut
moris est Apostolicae Sedis in hujusmodi negotiis, necessario
fuisset subjiciendum.
Hoc mente Nostra Tibi signijicatfjj qua memorati Decreti vim
fimiam ratamque esse dererrmnuSf Apostolicam Benedictionem in
pignus patemae dilectionis, et in auspicium caelestis praesidii Tibi,
taisque, Dilecte Fili, peramanter in Domino impertimus.
^' Datum Romae apud 8. Petrum, 3 M^'i an. 1884. Pont. Nostri
Anno Vn.
" Leo P.P. Xni."
Once more, then, Roma locuta est. But whether the
persistent champions of private enterprise, as against
ecclesiastical authority, in the matter of liturgical music
will even now submit, it would be by no means easy to
foretell.
W. J. Walsh.
JAMES CLARENCE MANGAN.
IT cannot be but gratifying to the numerous admirers of
Clarence Mangan to see that so much attention is being
now directed to this hitherto neglected and almost forgotten
Irishman. The beautiful edition of the " Poets and Poetry
of Munster," just published, gives ground for hope that the
name of the gifted poet will, for the time to come, be more
widely known.
That Clarence Mangan should be unknown, or rather
ignored, across the Channel, is a thing which will scarcely
cause much surprise ; but that he should be comparatively
unknown even to Irish readers, this it is which any one
acquainted with^ihe life and character of Mangan will find
hard to understand. Mangan is indeed an ornament to the
land which gave him birth. Though his writings up to
the present have been so little read, yet he has done real
work in enriching English literature ; though his spirit is
366 James Clarence Mangan.
so seldom invoked to arouse patriotic feelings in the brea«t,
yet Mangan was a devoted lover and servant of his-country ;
though his name is generally so little known, yet he must be
ranked among those really great sons of Ireland, that have
risen up from time to time, and shone, like so many stars in
the dark firmament of her history.
There is something, moreover, in Mangan, which we
look for in vain in those other great men of whom we are
so justly proud. Inhere is something strange and raysteriouB
about the man, which lends more than ordinary interest to
his life. Writers of romance ha^ endeavoured to give us
pictures of human nature in all its aspects — of all that is
picturesque and beautiful, as well as of all that is repulsive
and deformed in human character. By depicting at cue
time eminent virtue, at another debasing vice, they excite
alternately our admiration and our horror. Oftentimes, by
blending quahties apparently opposed, they prodube those
evolutions of the fancy which used to be the wonder and
enigma of our youth. Yet it may be doubted whether any
of these beings of the imagination ever presented such a
combination of apparently opposite qualities as we discover
in the real, living, Clarence Mangan. He led a reckless
dissipated life ; yet, we know he was an admirer of moral
beauty. For a long time he neglected the duties of a
religion which he believed to be Divine; yet» notwith-
standing his neglect, if we can believe his own words,
God was the ruling idea of his mind. His frequent walks
of pleasure were to the low taverns of the city, through
dirty lanes and back streets, yet he loved the green
fields, and was charmed with the little singing birds,
which, in his ears, re-echoed the cheerful thoughts with
which the sight of the country filled him. But it was
the intellectual portion of the man which was the arena
of the greatest struggle within him. While he was
yet young, a deep melancholy settled down upon his mind,
and continued to oppress him during all the days of his
existence. He indulged in strong drink as a remedy, and
often his reason, from being enervated, became almost com-
pletely obscured. Yet he possessed a mind which would
wilUngly free itself from the trammels which held it down.
He possessed a mind which was full of very manv noble
qualities ; it was a garden in which grew some of the most
beautiful and rarest flowers. Nature was in fact in his
regard another Zeuxis. All that was fair in the intellectual
world seemed to have served as a model for the formation
James Clarence Mangan. 367
of this one great mind. Though accident may have over-
clouded its brightness, yet undoubtedly it combined all the
tints and shades which would have made it a masterpiece
among the productions of its kind.
James Mangan was bom in Fishamble-street, Dublin,
on the Ist of May, 1803. His father was a native of
Shanagolden, Co. Limerick, and came to reside in Dublin
in 1801 ; his mother's name was Catherine Smith ; she
belonged to a place called Kiltale, in Co. MeatL He had
two brothers, John and William, and a sister whose eariy
death was a source of great affliction to the poet.
James Mangan's father began life in Dublin as a grocer ;
afterwards he gave up the grocery business for the occu-
pation of a vintner. He engaged in certain building
apeculations which turned out unsuccessful ; and the con-
sequence was, that he entailed on himself and family
misery and ruin. He is described by his son as extrav-
agant, of an irascible temper, and careless about the interests
of his children. Nothwithstanding his apathy, however,
his son James was sent to school at a pretty early age.
There is some difference of opinion with regard to the
particular school, or schools, at which Mangan received
m education. It would seem that he was sent, at the age
of seven, to a school in Saul's-court, estabhshed about
1760, by a Jesuit, Father Austin. Mangan was placed
nnder the supi^rvision of Father Graham, who had been
educated at Palermo and Salamanca, and from whom
undoubtedly Mangan received his first lessons in Spanish,
Italian, French, and Latin. When he was about eleven
years of age, he appears to have entered himself at a school
m Derby-square, oi which the Mr. Courtney, mentioned in
the autobiography, was cither principal or proprietor. After-
wards, when Mangan's family removed to Chancery-lane,
he placed himself under the direction of a certain WiUiam
Browne, who kept an academy there. It was this Browne
that must have initiated Mangan in the mysteries of tht^se
tboiiginal periodicals, in which he put forth his first efforts.
He began to write for " Grant's Almanac," and for the
*Kew Ladies' Almanac,'* in 1818, and dated his first con-
lobiitions from Chancery-lane. He continued to write for
fc»e "periodicals" until 1826, when they ceased to be
ftUished. His contributions at this time do not seem to
Mmas any singular merit. The " Elegy of the death of
MiBBy KoDobinow " is ingenious indeed ; but that is the
iMk be said of almost all these juvenile performances.
368 James Clarence Mangan,
In 1821, Mangan ceased to write from Chancery-lane,
and hence it is inferred that it was in the preceding year
he was apprenticed to the scrivener. Mangan's father
having, by extravagance and mismanagement, reduced his
family to indigence, it devolved on their son James to
procure for them the necessaries of Kfe. The work in the
scrivener's office was laborious, and to Mangan hateful;
yet he toiled at it for six or seven years. After the expira-
tion of this period, he was engaged for two or three years
as clerk in an attorney's office. He was completely
disgusted with the companions whom this new employ-
ment threw in his way. Mangan was among them only in
body, it is true ; and besides he had the consolation of his
books when the day's work was done. Nevertheless, he
was in the depths of misery. Condemned
To herd with demons from heU beneath,
and deprived of all healthy exercise, he sank daily deeper
and deeper into that morbid melancholy, which the fever
and the fatigues of the scrivener's office had already
brought upon him. Probably it was about this time he
began to use strong drink as a remedy for his despondent
state of mind. At any rate he did make use of such a
remedy, and it was this that tended so much to debase a
spirit otherwise brave and noble.
Mangan, as soon as an opportunity oflFered, quitted his
place in the attornev's office, and betook himself to a
sphere, which must have been more congenial, that of
hterature. However he was destined first to receive
another and more severe blow from his relentless, and, as
he likely thought, natural enemy, Dame Fortune. He had
given his affections to some young lady, whose name is not
recorded. He addresses her somewhere as Frances.
Perhaps she was the same young maiden for whom, when
both were young and innocent, he had gone out amid the
rain and storm to procure the Uttle song that pleased her.
At any rate, whoever she was, she deceived the too-con-
fiding poet, and the dim taper of the poor unfortunate
man's happiness was extinguished for ever.
He was never tired of telling how this blow oppressed
and tortured him during the remainder of his life, and
how—
. . . With genius wasted,
Betrayed in friendship, befooled in love,
With spirit shipwrecked and young hopes blasted,
He still, still strove.
JameB Clarence Mangan. 369*
Mangan did strive indeed: notwithstanding all his own
misery, he could think more of the misery of others, and
strive to alleviate it. About the year 1830 his real literary
labour began. He was admittea this year as a member of
the "Comet Club," which now consisted of twelve
members, the projectors, among other things, of the Comet
newspaper. This club included such men as Samuel
Lover, Maurice O'Connell, son of the Liberator, Dominick
Ronayne, M.P. The society of such men must surely
have had some influence in inciting Mangan to the literary
effort he now began to make. By contributions to the
IrUh Penny Journal^ the Dublin Penny Journal, and the
Dublin University Magazine^ he managed to procure a little
bread for the members of his family still depending on him
lor support. It is remarkable that Mangan never published
any of his pieces in an English periodical or newspaper.
Mangan without doubt had a hatred of England, and
everything English. But, if he had, it arose, in his case,
as in that of all the greatest and best of Irishmen, not from
any narrow-minded prejudice, but from a sense of the
wrongs which the " step-sister " island had, most certainly,
inflicted on his country. Mangan was indeed a sincere
lover of his native land, and, living at such a time, it is no
wonder that his patriotism should take an active and
practical form. But a few years before his birth there had
taken place one of the most remarkable uprisings against
English rule in Ireland. The soldiers of England came
and put down the insurrection, but they could not stamp
out the germs of future conflagrations which the smoulder-
ing embers contained. William Pitt, no doubt, imagined
that for him was reserved the work of making a peaceful
Ireland. But William Pitt was mistaken in his calculations.
Legislative independence indeed departed from Ireland ;
but Irish discontent remained. The year in which
Clarence Mangan saw the light witnessed another Irish
rebellion. The year which lent the beauty and freshness
of the spring-time to grace the coming of the future
patriot and poet was destined to mourn in its declining
days the loss of the gentle youth who had sacrificed
his life for Ireland. In 1808 Robert Emmett died upon
the scafiold. But the principles of which he was the
exponent lived after him. The cloak fell from him only
to be taken up by men like Mitchell, Meagher and
Smith O'Brien, politicians who considered Catholic Eman-
cipation the first little instalment of justice, and nothing
370 James Clarence Mangan,
more. These men were the soul of the movement which
sprang up; but they were assisted by men of equal
abilities and perhaps equal patriotism with themselves.
In 1842 the Nation was established under the specifiJ
guidance of Davis and Dufiy : it was to introduce a new
feature into Irish politics : it was to be the organ of the
Young Ireland party, the leaders of the advanced
National opinion of the time.
There was one thing naturally very desirable in such a
publication; it was some soul-stirring National poetry.
There was one man then alive who of all others was most
capable of contributing it — that man was James Clarence
Mangan. It is not surprising, then, that instead of
honouring an English periodical, he should contribute to
the Nation^ and afterwards even to such an advanced paper
as the United Irishman. Indeed, as Mangan told Mitchell
some time after, he was ready to embark in any scheme,
which might bring about the regeneration of Ireland.
That was an object, he considered, to be attained by the
energy of Irishmen alone —
Within itself must grow, must glow,
Withio the depths of its own bosom
Must flower in living might, must broadly blossom,
The hopes that shall be bom, ere freedom ^s tree can blow.
It is not, kowever, on his political achievements that the
fame of Mangan is likely ever to depend. His relations
with the Young Ireland party may be quoted to show the
ardour of his patriotism ; his patriotism may be point«d
out as the source from which some of his most beautiful
poems derived their inspiration ; but it is his poetry alone
that will secure for him the high place he is destined to
hold in the estimation of posterity.
Mangan's principal works are, the " German Anthology,"
first published in 1845 ; the " Irish Anthology," parts of
which are found in his " Poets and Poetry of Munster,"
first nublished in 1849; miscellaneous pieces, which are
not, like the preceding translations, but his own composi-
tiona He also wrote pieces himself, which he pretended
were translations from certain Eastern languages of which
he knew nothing whatever. The most complete edition
of his works is that edited by John Mitchell ; and yet it
contains not more than two-thirds of all Mangan's po^ns-
No one can peruse these works of the poet without
feeling that secret pleasure which is to be obtained from
James Clarence Mangan. 371
the productions of genius alone. No one can peruse them
without being struck with the truth of Gavan Duffy's
words, that Mangan " was aa truly born to sing deathless
songs as Keats or Shelley."
And yet it is not so much from what he has written as
from what he evidently could have written that we are to
form an estimate of Mangan's poetical powers. Some
writers have written so much that it is evident they could
not have written more. Lord Byron began to write early,
and continued to write almost up to the .day on which he
closed his eyes in Greece. He wrote some of his best
poems while sojourning along the shores of the Mediterra-
nean, and it was the wild romantic scenery around Geneva
that inspired some of thq finest passages in Childe Harold.
Schiller, the great German poet, was accustomed during a
long period of his hfe to protract his studies far into the
night So it was with most of those poets with whom we
are all familiar, with Shakspeare and Dryden, Shelley and
Moore, with men like Goethe who wrote only for fame, and
with men like Scott who wrote for money as well. But
the case was very difierent with Clarence Mangan. Neither
fame nor money had any attractions for him. Probably
he thought that posterity could not do better than forget
that he bad ever lived. As for money, he did not require
much. His scanty meal was a daily sermon to. the epicures
around him ; and his short coat, wide pantaloons, and
inevitable umbrella stood their ground undisturbed amid
many a fluctuation of the Paris fashions. Indeed Mangan
could seldom allow himself the time, even if he had the
inclination, to study or devote himseli* to literary labour.
The taverns of the city generally had more attractions for
him than his own quiet room and the society of his books.
In such circmnstancesit is surprising how Mangan wrote
even so much. But it is still more surprising that his
viitings possess such singular merit. His poems are not
inferior to many on which great minds have bestowed far
■lore time and attention. In many respects his poetry
i^sembles Moore's, but it possesses far more manly vigour.
Perhaps Mangan is too fond of ventilating his own misery ;
^^ unlike Cowper, he does not lay it to the charge of all
t&sn except himself, and we look in vain for any trace of
tke^fcbig and bitterness of Pope. The ** Nameless One " is
JwfcaHy a record of the poet's misfortunes ; if so, it shows
372 James Clarence Mangan,
might complain that pleasure was fleeting, but Mangan
knew not what it was.
•
Kemer's tears are wept for withered flowers,
M ine for withered hopes, my scroll of woe
Dates, alas ! from youth's deserted bowers
Twenty golden years ago.
" The Karamanian Exile," '' The Irish National Anthem,"
" The Time of the Barmecides," are all very beautiful
pieces, and are the composition of Mangan himself. Per-
haps it would have been better if he had confined himself
more to original composition ; but at any rate he has
written enough to show that he could write true genuine
poetry. His translations from the German contain also a
deal of real excellence. They would have added a great
deal to the fame of Dryden or Pope. It is doubtful whether
either of these would have translated the German poets
better than Mangan ; but it can be safely said that they
would not have embellished them with happier ideas of
their own than those for which Mangan gave the German
poets credit At any rate some one has ventured the opin-
ion that these bards would most certainly have felt
flattered at seeing themselves in the garb provided them
by Mangan. It is difficult to single out any particular
piece for eulogium, they are all so very good. Everyone
of them bears the impress of the translator's great poetical
endowments. Mangan generally selects subjects which
used to occupy his own thoughts ; they are sometimes
religious, sometimes patriotic, and not imfrequently on
human misery. However, they are not always of a plaintive
strain, as we might be disposed to imagine. The opening
verse of the piece entitled "Cheerfulness" is a curious com-
mentary on his own Ufe : —
See how the sun beameth brightly before us !
Blue is the firmament — green is the earth —
Grief hath no voice in the Universe-chorus —
Nature is ringing with music and mirth.
Lift up the looks that are sinking in sadness-^
Gaze ! and if Beauty can capture thy soul,
Virtue herself will allure thee to gladness —
Gladness, philosophy's guerdon and goal.
In his translations from the Irish, Mangan adheres more
closely to the original He knew no Irish himself, but used
to get literal ppose translations from John O'Donovan, of
the Royal Irish Academy, from £ugene Cuny, or some
other kmd friend* Naturally his versions of the Lrish are on
James Clarence Mangfin, 373
patriotic subjects, with a few exceptions. " Dark Rosaleen "
18 one of the many pieces in which the snfFerings of
Ireland are depicted. "The Lament for the Princes of
Tyrone and Tyrconnell ;'* " Lament o*er the ruins of Teach
Molaga; "The Dawning of the Day;" and "Patrick
Condon's Vision/'are all well worthy of James Mangan's pen.
Mangan must be admitted to have done great service
to the language of his country. Though he did not
understand it lumself, still he strove, as far as in him lay,
to open up to his countrymen some of the rich treasures
it contained. If his life had been prolonged, he would
undoubtedly have done still more to excite an interest in
the old Irish bards.
But Mangan's life was not destined to be a long one.
Oppressed by misfortunes, and worn out by disease, he
began to feel at a comparatively early age, that death had
already begun to steal slowly, but certainly, upon him.
John Mitchell, when he saw him in the humble office in
Trinity College Library, which the favour of Dr. Todd
had procured for him, must have felt that the pale creature
before him could not long encumber a world from which
even now he seemed so far removed. Nor was there much
in life which could have any attraction for him. He had
indeed experienced the friendship of Dr. Anster, Mr. Petrie,
D. F. McCarthy, Duffy and M'Gee. But towards the end
of his days nearly all the companions of other times were
gone ; and were it not for a few kind friends that still
remained, he would have gone down deserted to his grave.
In 184U cholera broke out in Dublin, and James Mangan,
smitten with the disease, was brought to the Meath Hospital
He felt that his end was drawiug near; that he was soon
to leave a world that had always been unkind to him. As
be lay upon his bed of death, and thought of the past and
of what was soon to come, poor Mangan must have felt that
this was indeed the happiest period of his life. The taper
which was burning dimly near him, with light enough to
reveal the loneliness around, must have shed a far more
certain glow on the spirit still lingering within. On the
20th of June, the day on which he died, he sent for
Fr. Meehan, who had always been his best friend. He
received the last rites of the Church : and the g^entle voice,.
which had comforted and encouraged him during life, was
now heard whispering words of hope and consolation,
until his pure spirit passed into the presence of its God.
J. M. C.
YOL. V. 2 E
[ 374 ]
THE MISSION TO THE ABORIGINES OF WESTERN
AUSTRALIA.
IT is perhaps a very safe assertion of fact to state that the
largest in point of size of all the Australian Colonies is
the least known and least heard of. The scantiness of
its population, the relative insignificance of its products,
and, not improbably, the extremely placid, if not sluggish,
stream of its current events from the date of foundation —
all contribute to render the vast territory of Western
Australia a terra incognita to many down to the present
day. Yet the Colony cannot claim for itself that feUcity
which, according to the ancient dictum, attaches to a
people altogether without annals. There are, indeed, events
worthy of record, as there must always be, even in a meagre
narrative of the first steps in social progress and first
strivings towards a more advanced and stable social order.
It is, however, from the religious point of view that
Western Australia will be chiefly interesting to many
persons, inasmuch as Western Australia has been the field
of a great and, better still, a successful missionary under-
taking for the benefit of the lowly savages who once were
the sole and imdisputed lords of the soil.
It may not be superfluous to premise that Western
Australia occupies the whole of the great island-continent
westward of the 120th parallel of east longitude. Its
length from N. to S. is 1,280 miles, and breadth, E. to W.,
about 800. In 1792 the adventurous French navigator,
D'Entrecasteaux, explored its shores with a view to annexa-
tion, but as those were troublous times for the French
Government, the formaUty of annexation was not pro-
ceeded with, and the English Government taking advan-
tage of the omission, sent out an expedition under Captain
(afterwards Sir James) Sterling, who, on the 1st of June,
1829, landed at Freemantle, ran up the British flag, and
proclaimed a new Colony under the name of the *' Swan
River " settlement. More than the usual share of opening
diflSculties and privations awaited the new comers, but
they need not be adverted to here at any length. SuflBce
it to say that the Roman Catholic portion of the little com-
munity remained for fourteen years totally bereft of relig-
ious ministration. At length a petition was drawn up,
and forwarded to the head of the Church in Sydney,
praying that a priest should be sent to the Catholics of
The Mission to the Aborigines of Western Aitstralia. 375
Perth, Dr. Folding, appointed to the See of Sidney in
1835, replied to the petition by sending two of his pnests
and a catechist to reside permanently and attend to the
spiritual requirements of the Catholic colonists. The chief
of these priests, the Rev. John Brady, was sent as the
bishop's vicar-general ; his assistant, the Rev. John
JoGsteens, a Dutch clergyman, had been for years chaplain
in the armies of the Emperor Napoleon I., and the catechist
was an Irish youth named Patrick O'Reilly. These three
pioneers of the faith, the first Catholic clergymen that had
ever set foot in Western Australia, landed at Fremantle, at
the mouth of Swan River, on the 4th November, 1843.
There were great reioicings on the part of the Catholic
residents, who had hved so many years without either
priest or chapeL The administration of the sacraments
was forthwith commenced. Marriages were blessed, infants
baptized, and Mass regularly celebrated in the most appro-
; pnate place available, pending the erection of a regular
place of worship in Perth. Dr. Brady spent nearly three
months in visiting and consoling the scattered members of
the Catholic body. By that time he had acquired a just idea
of its many requirements, and felt convinced that his own
endeavours, however strenuous, aided by the efforts of a
solitary clergyman, were totally inadequate. He resolved
to set oul for Europe, and lay before Propaganda the state
of the Church confided to his care. At Rome it was re-
solved that Swan River should be constituted a new diocese,
and Dr. UUathome was nominated bishop of the new See.
This distinguished ecclesiastic, who had spent several
years of missionary toil in Sydney, and was destined
afterwards to grace the episcopal chair of Birmingham, de-
clining the proffered honour for sufficient reasons. Dr. Brady
was selected in his place, and on the 18th May, 1845, con-
secrated Bishop of Perth. The new prelate was fortunate
in being able largely to recruit his st^ of fellow-labourers
in the vineyard of the Lord. On his return to Swan River
he took with him seven priests, one sub-deacon, two Bene-
dictine novices, eight Irish catechists, two lay brothers of
the Congregation of the S. Heart of Mary, six Sisters of
Mercy, and a novice of the same Order, all of whom
disembarked at the port of Freemantle, together with the
376 Ihe Mission to the Aborigines of Western AmtraUa.
A favorable circximstance, or rather, a providential arrange-
ment, made it possible for him to efiFectuate this cherished
project. Among the missionaries introduced, as before
stated, by Dr. Brady, in 1846 were the two Spanish monkB,
Don Joseph Serra and Don Rosendo Salvado. These two
zealous fathers of the Benedictine order, driven away from
the peaceful cloisters of their native land by poUtic«J
intrigues, had found a home in the monastery of La (Java,
not far from Naples. There they had long and prayerfully
discussed the resolve of devoting their lives to missionary
work among savage races. Their generous and fervent
impulses had been duly submitted to the proper ecclesiastical
authorities, and at the suggestion of Propaganda, Don
Serra and Don Salvado quitted La Cava, and joined
Dr. Brady's missionary party, with the object of labouring
in the new diocese for the welfare of the native blacks.
For the conversion of the aborigines. Bishop Brady
formed three missionary parties, and sent them t.o diflferent
parts of the Colony, to open, as it were, central stations in
each locality. The Northern Mission was given in charge
to the Rev. Angelo Confaloniere with two Catechist astdst-
ants, James Fagan and Nicholas Hogan. They set out
for Port Essington, but were shipwrecked in Torres Strait.
The two young Irishmen were drowned — only the priest
and captain were saved of all on board. Fr. ConfaJoniere
labomred for two years at his post in the lonely bush, and
died there on the 9th June, 1848, after patiently bearing
untold privations. Two priests of the Order of Mary were
sent to the Mission of the South at Albany, King George's
Sound. This mission also ended disastrously. The Rev.
P. Tebeaux, Superior, and the Rev. P. Tierse, with two lay
brothers of the Order, laboured heroically for a while in
their appointed district. Famine at length prevailed
against them — they had more than once been saved from
perishing of hunger by the gift of food from the kind
heai-ted sailors that touched at the Port. They all left for
the Mauritius where, if they had to yield th^ir Uves, it
would not be from utter destitution. The Central Mission
had its crop of trials in the beginning also, but these have
so long passed away, that they are now remembered
by only a few of the oldest missionaries and settlers. The
principal Foundation stood the test of many a nide shock in
its earliest days, but it has weathered all, and remains to the
present time the chief missionary centre for the conversion
of natives — well known to Australians as the Benedictine
The Mission to the Aborigines of Western Australia. 377
Mission of New Norcia. Don Joseph. Serra was appointed
the Superiory having for assistant priest bis inseparable
companion Don Bosendo Salvado. They left Perth on the
16th February, 1846, and after a few days journeying in
^e bush, fixed the site of the mission on the banks of the
Moore River, about eighty-four miles from the capitaL
A sub-deacon and two catechists were of the party. A
beginning was at once made. With their own hands the
mifisioners commenced the task of building a little place of
habitation, clearing the ^ound of timber, and finally
planting seeds of various kinds. Natives ^thered round,
and advantage was taken of their visits to impart religious
instruction. Not much could be done, but, at least, a
beginning of the good work was undertaken. Soon, how-
erer, poverty oppressed the little community. Want of
f the commonest necessities of life stopped the work. The
k natives paid little heed to the Gospel teachings when
\ their stomachs were empty, but marched off incontinently
r to the forest to hunt for fresh supplies of food. Nor coidd
the missionaries hope to long continue the hard work of
felling trees and clearing away dense scrub if they had no
better food than what the Fathers Serra and Salvado once
lived on for a fortnight — namely, a bag of rice and such
insects and roots as they picked up in the bush. Don
Salvado came towards Perth to appeal to the Bishop for
relief. So sad a plight of raggedness was the good missioner
reduced to that ne had to halt at Bamden's Hill, a mile or
so from the city. Word was sent to a Catholic lady in
Perth, who in a few hours sewed together a new cassock for
Father Salvado, and so enabled him to present himself in
decent garb before the bishop. Nemo dat quod non Iiabet,
The bishop was the poorest of aU his missioners. At the
time, and for a long while subsequently, his residence was
flw "belfry," a wooden enclosure put up to protect from the
"Weather a good bell that had been presented to the mission.
At the suggestion of Protestant sympathisers a concert
IWw^ given. Don Salvado was a most accomplished
anuician. The bishop gave consent tnat in this way the
uKrf which was so urgently needed should be sought. A
fair was the chief patron of the entertainment; the
Ttotestant minister of Perth offered the use of his piano,
«Dd on a memorable evening Fr. Salvado for three nours
378 The Mission to the Aborigines of Western Australia,
bullocks, which the missioner himself drove back through
the bush, well laden with provisions for the starving New
Norcians. In sordid troubles such as these the early eflorts
of the founders of the Central Mission were too much
engaged. The Superior soon came to the conclusion that
a poor mission to the Austrahan natives could not be much
other than an ineflScient one. He resolved to take steps on
an improved plan, as suggested by the experience already
gained. The desired object was to found a monastery as
well as a missionary station. The rule of St. Benedict
enjoins the duty of manual labour, and no better school
could be had for the natives than the fields in which they
should assist the brethren in all kinds of agricultural occu-
pations. With the approval of Dr. Brady, Don Serra set
out on a visit to Europe to seek alms and search for fellow-
labourers. CathoUc Spain answered nobly to his appeal
He collected large sums of money, and received many
presents of valuable objects. Besides, a number of Spanisn
youths volunteered to accompany him back to Austraha,
and join the Order. Being appomted Coadjutor Bishop of
Pertn, Dr. Serra returned to the colony with ample funds
in hand, and with a zealous band of missionanes, com-
prising seven priests and thirty-two youths, aspirants to
the Benedictine habit. Dr. Salvado subsequently visited
Italy and Spain. Kaised to the episcopal dignity by the
title of Bishop of Port Victoria, he elected to remain always
with his first beloved mission, and, as a proof of his un-
changing interest in it, soon after his consecration sent
thirty-nine youths from Cadiz, in charge of some priests,
to join the Order at New Norcia,
The impulse given by the abundant alms of Spain at a
critical moment, and the steady labour of so many lay
brothers, during five-and-thirty years, have placed the
monastery and mission of New Norcia on a very secure
basis financially. It is well known that monastic bodies,
however poor at their first institution, have almost always
grown great in worldly possessions. Their regularity of
well-directed and constant industry invariably bring about
that result. At present New Norcia is rich in the possession
of wide tracts of land, both leasehold and in iee-simple,
and in numerous flocks of sheep, cattle and horses. The
religious community also constitute a strong staff of
missionaries. There are about 50 professed brothers, with
5 priests and the Bishop-Abbot, Dr. Salvado, all of whom
keep strictly every point of the Rule of St. Benedict,
' The Mission to thi Aborigines of Western Australia. 379
while they do their duty to the blacks as missionaries.
The monastery is surrounded by cottages built for married
natives, of whom there are about 20 resident. These
cottages, with the schools for boys and girls, the granary,
stables, storehouses and workshops, make up a good sized
Tillage, in the midst of which stands the chapel, a building
of considerable size, and not wanting in architectural
merit. There is also a Post and Telegraph OflSce, the post-
mistress and Telegraph operator being a native girl, pupil
of the institution. The Mission lies 84 miles N.W. of
Perth, and a pleasant morning's ride from a neighbouring
township called Bindoon. It is an agreeable surprise for
the early traveller to come upon the view of the bright
settlement in the midst of dreary bueh ; the gleaming white
of many hme-washed buildings shows well in the morning
light. His attention is fixed, perhaps, by the tolling of a
fine bell calling to early mass. A crowd of some 70
or 80 black boys and girls are bustling towards the chapel,
while the more staid steps of their native parents, friends
or relatives, take the same direction. At Mass all attend
with edifying devotion. On Sundays a portion may be
seen to go to commimion, and on Festivals as many as
30 or 40 may be observed approaching the Holy Table.
After Mass the visitor is invited to partake of the well-
known hospitality of the Benedictinei? at a substantial
breakfast, and he is conducted afterwards to see the whole
house at work. There is an extensive garden and orchard
close at hand. As far as the eye can reach there are
fields which are the scene of ceaseless labours. The
monks and their sable proteges are everywhere busy.
The boys' school and the girls' are not far off. They are
easily recognisable by the noise and clatter which children
dehght in, but the din of an adjacent building is ear ^
splitting. A great steam engine is in full blast at its
uproarious work, driving machinery, which thrashes, cuts
cnaff, stacks hay, grinds corn, or gives motive power to a
variety of other mechanical devices. Or perhaps the
traveller to avoid a blazing sun, will have journeyed by
the light of the bright Australian moon and reached New
Norcia in the small hours of the new day. His ears will
! be saluted by the recital, in grave and solemn voice, of the
I. divine office, or his whole soul enthralled by the chanting
■ of the hymn of 8t. Benedict, with which the deep voiced
680 The Mission to the Aborigines of Western Australia.
Champion Bay and to the north of the Colony, and every
visitor departs deeply impressed by the fervent piety and
prudent zeal of the Spanish brotherhood. The plan (rf
following the natives m their wanderings, and dwelling
with them in their huts, was tried for a*short time by the
missionaries but quickly abandoned. It was found neces-
sary to induce the blacks to adopt a fixed place of habita-
tion, and acquire some few habits of industry before they
could be Christianised. On account of the fewness of the
tribes and the great diversity of dialects, the labour to con-
vert them is great and the result scanty. In every fifty miles
or so of district there is a difierent tongue, and population is
kept down by incessant assassinations. The theory of the
natives is that no one dies a natural death. The magic of
another tribe has wrought the mischief and a life must be
taken in reprisal. They take a low place in the scale of
inteUigence, remaining children to the last in their simpli-
city and in their feebleness of will. Constitutionally also, the
aborigines are very delicate. Death has been making so
muph ravages among them as to threaten, at no distant dat^
to exterminate them altogether. All the first dwellers in the
vicinity of New Norcia have quite passed away long since.
Dissipation and vice throughout the colony has also told
disastrously upon their weak physique. The wretched
hangers-on about the towns are shockingly dnmben and
immoral. The main hope of the Missioners is centred in the
children, who are traiued to piety and industry at the insti-
tution. The mortality at the Mission, as elsewhere, has been
great, although every care is taken of the health of the
native inmates. The young people die fortified by all the
sacraments of the church, and the old natives are preparedfor
eternity as far as their intelUgence and perception of divine
things permits. That the Aboriginal Australians, when early
and suflSciently instructed, are capable of truly receiving
leligious impression, has been so abimdantly proven as
to be quite beyond further question as regards those who
have had experience among them. Instances might easily
be given of even singular graces of which they were the
recipients. The writer of this paper once knew a native
known by the name of Alick among the English settlers.
Alick had been for some time at New Norcia, out growing
flick was permitted to make a tour in the bush — a course
often taken when the natives are unwell. He called on me
at York, a town and district of which 1 was the resident
priest. He asked me- to go baptise an orphan child of who m
Extract from Cardinal Franzelin. 381
he was the nearest surviving relative, and consequently
over whom he had the greatest right of control 1 did so,
but was not permitted even to see the child by the bnsh
natives. Alict waited his opportunity, and carried the
dying child in his arms to the chapel for baptism. He had
aDother contest with the wild natives about the burial,
but at length succeeded in having the little one buried in
consecrated ground with Christian ceremonial. I heard no
more of Alicfc for a couple of months after this, until, late
one winter's evening, I was told a native was very ill and
wanted to see me. It was Alick, who had come to make
his confession And receive the last sacraments. He had
journeyed far away into the bush, getting worse and
worse daily. When he at length felt convinced that
death was approaching, he turned round to make his way
towards me. For many days he was carried by the
natives in their fashion of riding on the shoulders. The
last 50 miles of the journey was done in a spring cart lent
by a Protestant settler, who was moved to compassion by
poor Alick's intense desire to reach me before he died. Thi
udthful creature received all the rites of holy church, and
wag placed by the side of his little relative in a Catholic
cemetery. Mere theorists may declaim that the Australian
aborigines are incapable of improvement — not even of
social amelioration, much less of religious culture. Not so,
however. Dr. Salvado and all others who, like him, have
had intimate acquaintance with the blacks, and who, in
their regard have been witnesses to the validity of the
Scriptural prophecy, or perhaps threat, that what has
been hidden from the wise and prudent is often revealed
^ "^^ ^^^ A, BOURKE.
EXTRACT FROM CARDINAL FRANZELIN ON THE
EXTENT OF THE INSPIRATION OF SCRIPTURE.
{As we have reason to know that some of our readers
would be 8un>rised if they saw no reference in our
pages to the Inspiration Controversy, we beg to say that
ye have resolved to continue it no furlher. We had,
Hideed, written and printed a further vindication of our
own views; but, guided by the coimsel of our best and
nwst revered friends, we have resolved, at least for the
382 Extract from Cardinal Franzelin on the
present, to suppress it. It might perhaps aid doctrine, but
it might also wound charity. Our views are on record ;
we have nothing to change, nothing to reform. We hope
that future disputants in our pages will be prepared to
follow our example, and allow us the right of suspending
a controversy whenever there is any danger of its deflect-
ing from the rule of charity.
We earnestly recommend priests to study the sound
Erinciples laid down by Cardinal Franzelin, the first of
ving dogmatic theologians, regarding the extent of
inspiration. For this purpose we here publish the first
part of his .valuable dissertation on toe subject; but
we do not wish to impute to anyone the views which he
censures. — Editor.]
AD TRACTATUM DE DIVINIS SCRIPTURIS
2YMB0AH
ANnTADVEUSIONUM IN DISSEKTATIONEM INSCRIPTAM "dE BiBLIOBUM
INSPIRATIONE EJU8QUE ITALORE AC VI PRO LIBERA SCIENTIA."
Novam quandam de extensione inspirationis librorum sacronim
opinionem in opusculo lingua. Germanica scripto explicatam ac
propagnatam viri boni mihi indicarunt, ut quae sentirem, edicerem.
Earn sloe dubio falsam et cum gravioribus periculis coniunctam
vidi, quam ab auribus et animis Catholicorum omnino arceri oporteat.
Cum vero ipse dissertationis auctor ab ilia tanti discriminis sen-
tentia iam discessisse dicatur, gratulanduro, noo crimen inferendom
est. Et certe nisi scirem eandem doctrinam alicubi latius serpere
coepisse, abstinuissem a raovenda hac quaestione ; at falsae opinio-
nis propagatio mihi persuasit, operam necessariam et auctore non
invito me impensurum, si ad ea, quae ipse iam improbat, ego
quoque nonnullas Cbnferrem animadversiones. Nee sane a theologi
erudiiti et catholici laude quidquam detractum velim, dum non
hominem accuso, sed dissertationis in lucem publicam editae
argumenta oppugno.
I. ^NOVA ET FALSA DOCTRINA DISSERTATIONIS.
1. Disceptatio in opusculo cl. Doctoris non est ilia critica, quae
subinde haberi solet, utrum partes omnes librorum sacrorum ut
nunc nobis prostant, genuinas censeri oporteat et ab ipsis primis
librorum conscriptoribus profectas : sed quaestio nunc inducitur
alia, inter Catholicos fere nova eaque prorsus theologica^ an libri
canonici secundum omnes suas partes genuinas crfedi debeant con-
scripti Deo inspirante ? Insuper quaestio non est, utrum nomine
partium librorum necessario intelligi debeant singula vel mioutis-
sima incisa, cuinsmodi sunt e. g. salutationes ab Apostolis adnaxae
epistolis, vel quae habet Paulus de paenula relicta Troade, vel (ut
auctor ait) de vino modico, quod Apostolus commendat discipolo.
Inspiration of Scripture. 383
Non ignore, unum vel alterum theologum (loquor de paulo vetus-
tioribus) repertum fuisse, qui ad huiusmodi minuiissima inspira-
tionem extendi, cmsusfuertt negate} Verum nunc nostra disser-
tatio longe ulterius progreditur, doctrinamque proponit, cui equidem
censeo auctoritatem repugnare ineluctabilem, ex qua insuper
pericula intelligo consequi gravissima et ab auctore certe numquam
iDtenta, quam denique nuUo argumento sed meris conjecturis fulciri
yideo.
2. Examinemos summa capita huius novae commentationis.
In sacris libris, ibi dicitur, distinguenda est doctrina fidei et morum,
quae etiam ab auctore verbis Magistri (non rite intelleotis) appel-
lator " scientia animae " (die Wissenschaf t der Seele)^, turn vero
discernendae sunt (ut ait) " res profanae" in iisdem Scripturis com-
prehensae. In rebus fidei et morum scribendis auctor humanus a
Deo supematiu^i ope praeservabatur ab omni errore, utrum ho-
mines in iis scribendis non modo per assistentiam divinam ab errore
praemuniti, sed etiam per inspirationem fuerint illuminati in intel-
lectu et moti in voluntate ad ea omnia et sola scribenda, quae Deus .
voluit per Scripturam hominibus proponere tamquam verbum suum
scriptum, cl. disputator nullibi satis declarat. Hypothetice dum-
taxat proponit notionem aliquam '* inspirationis strictiori sensu,"
p. 102, quae vero notio vel admodum obscura est vel, si sumitur in
obvio verborum sensu, minime sincera, et quae maxime post defini-
tionem Yaticanam non amplius possit sustineri.
3. Certissimum quidem est, in inspiratione ad scribendum gra-
dus fuisse diversos ; sed aeque certum haberi debet, neque veritatis
revelationem per se esse inspirationem ad scribendum, neque ad
buius essentiam sufficere praemunitionem ab errore per divinam
assistentiam, cuiusmodi requiritur etiam in infallibilibus definiti-
onibus Conciliorum vel Romanorum Pontificum, quin propterea
definitiones istae constituantur Scrtptura impirata. Omnium vero
minime admitti potest, quod auctor p. 100, 101, docet de discrimine
^ De hac opinione legi posaunt Canus dc Locis 1, II. c. 16, sqq. et
BeUiunninus de Verbo Dei 1. I. c. 6, n. 16, sqq., qui eam Bimpliciter
appellat haeresim Cf. Benedictum XII. loco quern citavi in tractatu de
Scripturis, p. 351, nota.
* In ilia phrasi toties a nostro Prof essore repetita " scientia animae,"
apQd Magistnun 2 diet. 23 anima non accipitur pro obiecto, ut disser-
tator interpretatur ; sed pro subiecto scientiae. Agit enim ibi Lombardus
de quaestione, " qualis fuerit primus homo (in statu originalis institiae)
secundum arUmam}^ Fuit autem in illo statu multiplex scientia animae,
scientia naturalis ad usum vitae, scientia praeternaturalis, et supema*
tuialis. lam ait sdentiam naturalem ad usum vitae, ^^ ut sciret animali-
bus ac propriae cami providere necessaria," per peccatum non periisse
generi humano ; sed perdidimus scientiam supematuralem. ** llano
Bcientiam (naturalem) homo non perdidit ; et idcirco in Scriptura homo
de hoiuBmodi non eruditur, sed de scientia (bupematurali) animae quam
peccando amisit.^' Etiamsi enim in Scriptura doceantur aliqua ratione
obiecti naturalia, haec tamen non ibi docentur propter se, sed in ordine
ad snpematuralia et modo supematurali.
384 Extract from Cardinal Franzelin on the
inter *' infallibilitatem Ecclesiae et inspirationem Scriptorae,*'
quasi istud tanttmmodo in diversitate ohiecti consisteret, quatenus
per inspirationem novae Teritates revelentur, per infallibilitatem
Ecclesiae non novae sediam pridem reyelatae veritates proponantor.
Nee revelatio stricto sensu, manifestatio nempe rei occultae, nee
nova revelatio sensu latiori, prima videlicet veritatis propoaitio
divinitus facta, pertinet ad essentialem notionem inspiraiionis,
Multa inspirabantur ad scribendum, quae hominibus inspiratis per
humana subsidia et per humanam industriam comperta eraot:
" qui hagiographa conscripserunt, ait S. Thomas (2.2. q. 174 a, 2.
ad 3), eorum plured frequentius loquebantur de his, quae humana
ratione cognosci possunt, non quasi ex persona Dei sed ex persona
propria, cum adiutorio tamen divim luminisJ* Hoc lumen expHcat
^' lumen intellectuale divinitus infasum non ad cognoscendum aliqna
supernaturalia (ut m superiori prophetiae vel inspirationis gradu),
sed ad iudicandum secundum certitudinem veritatis divinae eo, quae
humana ratione cognosci possunt" Pariter doctrina evangelka
pridem erat revelata, in Ecclesia praedicata et quotidie in praxim
deducta, antequam eadem inspiraretur Evangelistae s. Matthaeo
ad scribendum ; imo plurima quae iam etiam in Scriptura erant
proposita, denuo sub charismate inspirationis consignabantur ab
aliis sacris scriptoribus, quod, ne de reliquis dicam, ex comparatione
quatuor Evangeliorum omnibus compertum est. Discrimen itaqne
inter propriam rationem infallibilitatis Ecclesiae et inter essentiam
inspirationis nequaquam eo modo, quo auctor asserit, positum est
in obiecto, sed omnino in diversitate ipsius charismatis in subiecto,
quoniam ad infallibilitatem sufficit assistentia divinoj qua error in
definitione excludatur, ad inspirationem scriptionis praeter muni-
tionem ab errore essentialiter requiritur positiva supematuralis
operatio Dei in intellectum et voluntatem scriptoris, qua fiat, ut
Deus ipse per hominem inspiratum proprio sensu sit auctor libri^ ao
proinde liber non quomodocumque contineat verbum Dei sine
errore, sed quatenus est liber scriptus, sit efficienter a Deo auctore,
et verbum Dei scriptum. Hanc inspirationis notionem ex Scriptnris
ipsis, ex Conciliis et ex consentiente doctrina PP. satis demonstra*
vimus in tract, de Scripturis sect. I.
4. Verum nunc non tam de notione et essentia inspirationis
quam de eius amplitudine, non de intenmone sed de extensione inspi-
rationis disceptatio est. Facta enim distinctione, quam commemo-
ravi, inter doctrinam "religiosam" et inter "res prof anas in
Scripturis sacris, dissertatio affirmat, in his " rebus profianis"
scribendis homines fuisse omnino sibi relictos adeo, ut in his etiam
errare potuerint, ac proinde ad harum renim scriptionem nee ins|ii-
ratio (quaecumque eius notio statuatur) nee assistentia divina {Htsa-
cavens errores extenderetur. Secundum omnes ergo has partes^ quae
non continent " doctrinam Jidei vel morum^^ si novae theoriae fiden-
dum esset, Scriptura haberetur mere humana, viribus nimiram
dumtaxat humanis exarata, quae propterea in hisce partibus dm
Inspiration of Scripture, 385
iospirata eredi, posset, nee a priori haberi immunis aberroribus ;
coosequenter in hisce omnibus partibus, sive actu insint sive non
insint eiTores, neque Scriptura canamca censenda foret. In hac
doctrina porro quaerentibus nobis certam normam, qna partes has
humanas distinguamus ab illis, quae vel inspiratae sunt vel saltern
infallibiliter continent verbum Dei, banc regulam auctor proponit
p. 98, 99. ^'Si narratio aliqua historica (inquit) necessarium
fandamentum constituit veritatum religiosarum, ita ut ipsae hae
Tcritates pendeant a veritate historiae, quemadmodum e. g. com-
morado populi Israel ad montem Sinai veritatem legislationis sus*
tinet ac communit ; turn debuit Deus in gratiam veritatis religio-
sae scriptorem immunem servare ab errore. Si autom huiusmodi
connexio facti narrati cum veritate religiosa non obtinet ; turn ab
hiimana critica pendet, utrum Veritas huiusmodi historiae agnos*
cenda an repudianda sit." ^
Haec normam praebent satis claram, quam vero nemini Catho-
lico fas fuerit adoptare. Libri sacri nub charismate infallibilitatis
(an etiam inspirationis, non dicitur) scripti sunt in iis partibus
damtaxat, quae continent '' veritates religiosas*^' vel iacta historica
at '^fimdamentum necessarium," sine quo ipsa Veritas religiosa
concideret ;" reliqua igitur omnia in iisdem libris scripta sunt mere
bamanitus ; ac proinde de his omnibus sicut de aliis libris humanis
ad criticam pertinet iudicare, non iam utrum divinitus an humani-
tos sint scripta (constat enim secundum normam propositam, opera
esse omnino humana) sed utrum vera sint an falsa. Si examine
critico vera fnerint reperta, sine dubio credenda sunt fide humana
li. e. propter demonstratam scientiam et veracitatem hominis
narrantis, sed numquam possunt credi Jide divina tamquam verbum
Dei propter auctontatem Dei, quoniam in iis omnibus non Dei, sed
tantummodo hominis verbum est et auctoritas. Hinc apparet,
quid valeant, quae ibi infert cl. auctor : ^' Si animo sincero examen
iostituatur, rarissime eveniet, ut narrationem biblicam, etiam cum
religione non connexam, cogamur repudiare."^ Nempe sicut in
Tlxucidide vel Tacito, ita in hisce libris rarissime reiiciemus'hujus-
modi narrationem ut falsam, sed tamen semper negabimus inspi-
ratam vel ex divina saltem assistentia infallibilem, et admittemus
docmnentum dignum fide humana, quantum scientia et veraeitas
testis humani fuerit demonstrata.
^ **£ntweder bildet eine liistoriBche Darstellimg das nothwendige
Fundament religioeser Wabrheiten, mit dcm diese stehen imd fallen,
wei der Aufenthalt am Sinai die dortige Gosetzgebung stutzt und
traegt, und dann muss Gott den Schriftsteller im Interesse der reli*
gioesen Wahrheit vor Irrtlium achutzen ; oder solches ist nicht der Fall,
und dann kaengt die Verwer/ung oder Anerketmung der fraglichen Dars^
tellung von der menschUchen Kritik a6."
• " Indem wir gewissenhaf t zu Werke gehen, gelangen wir nur in
den seltensten Faellen dazu, eine auch nicht religioesc Mittheilung der
Bible fallen xu lassen.^'
386 Extract from Cardinal Franzelin on the
5. At hac ratione magna pars libroram et libri integri praesertim
Veteris Testamenti censebuntur libri mere humani, quantumlibet
fide humana veraces demonstrari queant. Quaeso enim e. g. in
libris Ruth, Esther, in epistola ad Philemonem aliisqae, quaenam
proponuntur in sensu nostri auctoris " veritates religiosae" quae
facta '' sine quibus Veritas religiosa consistere non posset?''
luxta novam igitur doctrinam isti libri cum magna parte
aliorum non possent haberi canonici in sensu ecclesiastico
huius appellationis. Atqui de fide est in Conciliis Florentino,
Tridentino, Vaticano definitum, ne de aliis dicam, libros ibi
enumeratos Veteris et Novi Testamenti " integros cum omnibus suis
partibus " esse sacros et canonicoSy ipseque sensus huius appellationis
est a Concilio Vaticano diserte declaratus: "eos (integros cum
omnibus suis partibus) Ecclesia pro sacris et canonicis habet . •
propterea quod Spiritu Sancto inspirante conscripti Deum kabent
audorem^ atque ut tales Ecclesiae traditi sunt."
6. Error in ipsa re et doctrina viri eruditi, nisi ego fallor,
originem habet ex errore methodico. Voluit nimirum ex rerum
intestina necessitate et a priori decernere de amplitud^ne inspira-
tionis, cum tamen de ea non nisi a posteriori ex testimonio divino
constare queat, Notio enim inspirationis tota theologica est, ac
proinde inquirenda in divina revelatione, ut haec in Ecclesia Dei
traditur et declaratur, ex eademque revelatione ab Ecclesia propo-
sita discamus oportet inspirationis extensionem. Omissa quaes-
tione de genuino conceptu inspirationis, quoad ejus extenfsionem
omnino certum est, a) nomine excellentia ScripturOy Scriptura sacra,
et formulis scriptum est, Scriptura dicit bisque geminis non modo
totam coUectionem vel integros libros, sed singulas eorum partes et
singulos etiam textus fuisse ab ipso Christo, ab Apostolis, ab uni-
versa Ecclesia designatos, h) hoc nomen Sci^ipturae fuisse semper
intellectum pro Scriptura tnspirata iracra ypa<t>rj 0€oirv€x>iTTos, et
illas formulas fuisse aequipollenter ac promiscue adhibitas cum
aliis : " Deus dicit, Spiritus Sanctus dicit, homo in Spiritu Sancto
dicit; c) banc excellentiam Scripturae, ut omnis Scriptura torn
nempe in integris libris turn in singulis partibus declararetur et
crederetur inspirata et verbum Dei scriptum, non fubse repetitam
ab excellentia materiae sed formaliter a modo, quo scripta est, nt
nomen ipsum inspirationis satis manifestum reddit. Haec in
tractatu de Scripturis divinis satis demons trata nunc assumo.
" Jam vero ex hac universali doctrina consequitur, illas partes
historicas de quibus loquitur cl. auctor, tam certo et indubitanter
ab Ecclesia fuisse habitas et haberi ut scriptas sub ckarismate
inspirationis quam certo accensebantur et accensentur Scripturae
sacrae. Atqui numquam in Ecclesia catholica dubitatnm est;
sed semper in homiliis, in commentariis, in citationibus Patrum et
Doctorum, in synopsibus et indiculis librorum sacrorum est ex-
pressum et praedicatum, e. g. caput I. Gen. 2-25, de quo auctor
dissertationis nominatim agit, omnino pertinere ad Scripturwn
sacramj ut profecto caecus sit oporteat, qui hac de re dabiom non
Inspiration of Scripture, 387
dico praevalaisse, sed permissum ant toleratum aut aliquando
aaditom fuisse dicat. Ergo partes istae, ac singillatim Gen. I,
2-25, ab Ecclesia Catholica creditae sunt et creduntur scriptae sub
ckarismate inspirationis^ in quo a fortiori charisma infallibilitatis
inclnditur.
7. Lcgantur, quaeso, horailiae Basilii et his gemini libri
Ambrosii ac iterum homiliae hexaemeron Chrysostomi, libri deinde
Augtistini in Genesin ad litteram aliorumque Patrum frequentis-
»imae lucubrationes in historiam creationis, in quibus interpretatio
Terboram ac sententiarum diversa quidem et multiplex, at per-
suafio non iam privata sed publica Ecclesiae de inspiratione Moysis
in his scribendis expressa prostat velut per se certa ac indubitata
omnibus Christianis. Ch^sostomus exordiens enarrationem, " has
Jitteras, inquit, quasi longe absentibus Deus misit, attulit autem
Moyses . . . Quasi ad omnes nos clam at ; qui haec cum non
essent, fecit ut essent, is et linguam meam ad horum enarrationem
impolit. Igitur ita auscultemus, ut quae non a Moyse sed per
linguam Moysis ab omnium Deo audiamus*' horn. I. in Gen.
Aeqaipollentia invenies apud Basilium et Ambrosium.
8. Sed quoniam adversarius nescio quomodo ad Hieronymum
et Augustinuni provocavit ; de utroque hoc doctore singillatim
dicendum est. Hieronymus in Scripturis agnoscit " normam veri-
tatis " pro ipsa scientia " de naturis rerum," quatenus nempe de
Ms in Scripturis aliquid contineatur. " Urges, ait contra Rufinum
(Apol 1. UI. ed. Martian, p. 465), ut respondeam de natura rerum.
Si esset locus, possem tibi vel Lucretii opiniones juxta Epicurum,
vel Aristotelis ... vel Platonis atque Zenonis . . .
dicere. Et ut ad Ecclesiam transeam, ubi norma est veritatis, multa
et Genesis et prophetarum libri et Ecclesiastes nobis de huiusmodi
quaestionibus suggerunt." Eodem sensu dissent in epistola ad
Panlam (T. II. p. 708). "Dixi, quomodo philosophi solent dispu-
tationes suas in physicam, ethicam, logicamque partiri, ita et eloquia
divina aut de natura disptitare, ut in Genesi et in Ecclesiaste, aut
de moribus, ut in Proverbiis et in omnibus sparsim libris, aut de
logica pro qua nostri (scriptores sacri) theologicen sibi vindicant,
nt in Cantico Canticorum et in Evangeliis." Aeque igitur
tloquia divina credit Hieronymus in disputationibus de natura
ac in illis de moribus et de theologia. Generatim Hiero-
nymus explicat, quomodo etiam quae minutiora videantur
in sacris libris, sint habenda vere ut Scriptura divina
atque hoc ipso, ut quae Christus loquatur in homine, et quae homo
loquatur per Spiritum Sanctum. Refellens enim homines sine
dubio haereticos, qui ob eandem rationem quam nunc noster ad-
versarius inducit repudiabant epistolam ad Philemonem, et similia
** humanae imbecillitatis exempla" in aliis libris Veteris et Novi
Testamenti negabant esse dicta per Spiritum Sanctum, doctor
maximus responsum profert, quod prorsus argumento praecipuo
recentis dissertationis occurrere videtur. " Quod si non putant
L
888 Extract from Cardinal. franzeUn on tlie
eonim esse parva , quorum et magna sunt ; alteram mihi condito-
rem, juxta Yalentinum, Marcionem et Apellen, formicae, vermium,
culicum, locustarum, alteram coeli, terrae, maris et Angelonun
debent introducere. An potius eiusdem potentiae est (divioae),
ingenium quod in maioribus (in ''rebus fidei et morum*' iaxta
nostrum auctorem) exercueris, etiam in minoribus non negare V
(Prolog, ad ep. Philem. T. IV. p. 442).
Cur vero pro nova vindicanda doctrina ad Hieronjmum in
ler. XXVnr. provocare, imo s. doctoris verba ex contextu avulsa
praefigere placuerit velut totius dissertationis compendium, nemo
facile intellexerit. Nee Hieronymus nee uUus umquam ss. Patram
sensit aut dixit, scriptores sacros quandoque sibi relictos opiniones
falsas sui temporis combibisse, hosque errores ut suam sententiam
in libris canonicis perscripsisse. Inter doctrinas enim, quae in
universa Ecclesia a nemine in controversiam vocatae constanti et
unanimi praedicatione traderentur, omnes cum Qrigene (Praefat
in II. de princip.) etiam banc babebant: ^'Scripturam sacram (sine
distinctione) esse a Spiritu Sancto inspiratam.*' Hieronymus in
loco citato et in Matth. XIV. 9. non aliud dicit, nisi quod ali-
quando in Scripturis res exprimuntur verbis ac nominibus, quibos
non ab auctore Scriptiu*aram et secundum rei veritatem, sed ab
aliis secundum apparentiam censentur. Idque locum babet non
modo in '' rebus profanis" sed aequo in dogmaticis, ut exempla a.s.
doctore inducta satis demonstrant. Ananias pseudopropheta ibi
appellatur propheta, quod nomen LXX omisisse Hieronymo non
probatur. '' Propbetam (Septuaginta) non dixere Ananiam,
ne scilicet propbetam viderentur dicere, qui propbeta non erat;
quasi non multa in Scripturis Sanctis dicantur iuxta opinionem
illius temporis, quo gesta referuntur, et non iuxta quod rei Veritas
continebat. Denique et loseph in Evangelio j^a/er Domini vocatur,
et ipsa Maria quae sciebat se a Spiritu Sancto concepisse . . .
loquitur ad filium : ego et pater tuua dolentes quaerebamus te."
" Multo magis miror, viro docto opportunam visam fuisse appel-
lationem ad 8. Augustinum. In loco quem citat (de actis cum Felice
Manicb. 1. I. c. 10), nullum est vestigium sententiae, de qua none
quaeritur. Non enim de textibus agit Augustinus qui sint in Scrip-
tiu*a, sed de doctrinis quae nee in Scriptura uUo modo reperiuntor,
nee in praedicatione ecclesiastica traduntur. Porro non dicit, nihil
omnino in doctrina Christiana doceri de sole et luna ; sed ea quae
Felix affirmaverat per paracletum Manicbaeum esse revelata **de
initio, medio et fine, de fabrica mundi, quare facta est et unde facta
est et qui fecerint, quare dies et quare nox, de cursu solis et lunae
*' baec inquam dogmata Manichaei negat A.ugustinus continent in
Evangelio, non autem dicit aut somniavit, ea ibi legi quidemet
nihilominus posse censeri falsa.
Quid doctor Hipponensis senserit de inspiratione et infallibili
divina veritate omnium textuum in libris canonicis, ipse declarant
locis pluribus, in quibus repetit illud notissimum : ego solis eis
Scripturaram libris qui jam canonici appellantur, didici hunc
Inspiration of Scripture. 389
timoreni honoremque deferre, tit nullum eorum auctorem scrihendo
aliqutd errasse Jirmissime credam, Ac ei aliquid in eie offendero
litteris, qucMl videatur contrarium veritati, nihil aliud quam vel
codicem mendosum esse, vel interpretem non assecutum, quod
dictum est, vel me non intellexisse, non ambigam . . . De
prophetarum et Apostolornm scriptis, quod omni errore careanty
dubitart nefarium est " Aug. ad EGeronym. ep. 82 n. 8 ; Civ. Dei
XI 3 ; contr. Fauat. XL 5. 6.
I^)eciatim autem in re, de qua nunc disputamus, in iis inquam
testimoniis, quae de historia creationis aliquid continent, Augus-
tinus testatur ; " Scripturam veractn esse nemo duhitat nisi
infidelis out impius' in Gen. ad litt. I. VII. c. 28. Prae ceteris
vcro lectu dignissima sunt, quae disputat 1. I. quatuor ultimis
capitibns c. 18-21, in quibus haec potissimum advertantur a s.
doctore inculcata a) Aliud est quaerere de interpretatione, aliud
de sensu libri ; ilia saepe est incerta vel erronea : hie semper est
infallibiliter verus. h) Interpretatio in locis Scripturae quae agunt
de rebus naturalibus, multum juvari potest per scientias natu-
rales.(^) c) At si constat, in scientiis naturalibus aliquam senten-
tiam proferri contrariam genuino et indubio sensui Scripturae, ilia
certissime pro errore haberi debet; adeoque studendum est, ut
etiam ex propriis principiis scientiae naturalis refeUatur, quod si
Dondum fieri potest, ex principio fidei '* nuUa dubitatione credamus
ease £alsissimam." Nam d) " quidquid his nostris litteris profertur
contrarium " (agitur de rebus naturalibus), id ^' contrarium est
catholicae fidei." e) Eo majori cautione opus est, ne nostram
interpretationem temere venditemus ut certam cum ea fortasse
flensum nostrum falsum non sensum Scripturae verum contineat,
quae qnidem temeritas et fidelibus molestiam tristitiamque ingerit,
et infidelium salutem impedit ; ^* si namque hos libros putaverint
fiUiaciter esse eonscriptos de his rebus, quas ipsi infideles indubitafis
fomeris percipere potuerunt, quo paeto iisdem libris eredituri sunt
de resurreetione mortuorum, de spe vitae ctetemae regnoque coelorum ?*'
Plurium ss. Doctorum testimoniis non opus esse existimo,
niflnifeste enim hi quos obiter citavi, modo ipso loquendi demon-
Btnmt, doctrinam quam proponunt, esse universalem et communem
onmibus Christianis, quae nefarie et non nisi ab impiis et in fideli-
bus negetur. Goncludam ergo ex omnibus praestitutis, novam
doctrinam quae proponitur, nee cum integritate canonis Scriptu-
rtrum consistere, nee cum manifesta praedicatione ecclesiastica
posse.
1 flinc ait : " esse lucem corporalem coelestem, aut etiam supra
floelum vel ante coelum, cui nox succedere potuerit tamdiu non est contra
Mem^ donee veritate certtssima refellatur. Quod si factum fu^rft^ non
hoA iiab^t divina Scriptura, sed hoc senserat humana ignorantia (inter-
ittibV* Qui igitur sentit in hisce rebus, aliquam sententiam esse veri-
faBlMiliiiimnii contrariam, et nihilominus errorem hunc putat inesse
%i8nj^tanie, is ab Augustino iudicatur sen tire *' contra ndem.'* Quia
: Bon videt, in nova doctrina quam impugnamus. omnino iUud
stetai, quod Augustinus damnat r
fOUV. 2p
L
[ 890 ]
CORRESPONDENCE.
Canon Law in Ireland.
«
[In publishing this interesting letter of our reverend
correspondent, we would direct his attention to the precise
terms of a portion of the important passage which he
quotes from Benedict XIV.
The Pope, no doubt, as is clearly indicated in this pas-
sage, " concedes to the Bishops throughout the Church a
certain extent of licence as to the pubUcation and enforce-
ment of laws issued by him." But, as Benedict XIV.,
expressly declares, a Bishop who considers, in the case of
any special law, that sufficient reasons exist for acting on
the Ucence thus conceded, is bound to set forth those
reasons to the Holy See — " rationes repraesentare omnino
teneturJ' Then, the Pontiff adds, it is for the Holy See to
consider what weight is to be attached to the reasons thus
set forth, and if the reasons are considered valid, to exempt
the dioceses in question from the obhgation of the law. —
Ed. I. E. R.]
Abyssits abyssum invocat (Pa. xli. 8.)
Vert Rrv. and Dkar Sir, — You must not imagine, that because
I quote a text of Scripture to head this paper, I am, therefore going
to preach a sermon. I desire only to observe how the question of
" Testimonials" has opened to us a kind of abyss into the subject
of "Apostolical Constitutions," and how this latter subject now
opens to us a yet wider and deeper abyss into the question of
Canon Law in Ireland.
The subject appears to me a grave one, presenting, as it does,
questions of great practical importance, respecting which we should,
if possible, have clear, distinct, and well defined notions. I have
much hesitation and diffidence in approaching it, and, if I have
made up my mind to take it in hands, it is with the view of " casting
my bread on the running waters that 1 may find it again,** rather
than with the pretention of being *' a master in Israel^ on a subject
that requires more thought, and time, and study, than I can devote
to it.
That there is Canon Law in Ireland, that it binds, and that its
obligation is recognised, can admit of no doubt ; but the questions
that practically concern us are, to what extent does it exist, to what
extint does it bind, and to what extent, consequently, are we to
recognise its obligation amongst us ?
Correspondence. ' 391
The Church has been legislating from the commencement, and,
hj this hour of day, her enactments with the voluminous com-
meotaries of all sorts, that have been written upon them, would,
in themselves, make a very considerable library.
This immense compilation exhibits the Church in the midiiit of
a flnctuating world accommodating herself to its unceasing
vicissitudes, and the countless varying forms social and political
of different nations and peoples in continuing the Mission of her
Divine Founder anoongst mankind. The legislation of the Church
must consequently have largely partaken of the world's mutability,
and when we raise the question about Canon Law in Ireland, it
cannot be meant to ask, if this enormous mass of legislation, com-
posed as it could not but be, of heterogeneous elements of all sorts,
apply in its entirety to this country, no more than a similar
question could be asked with respect to any other country, or, indeed^
with respect to the Church at large.
Our scope, therefore, becomes narrowed, and we are now to ask,
if Canon Law, as at present upheld by the Supreme Authority of
the Church, is in force in its full entirety in Ireland, and, if not, how
far are we exempt, and on what grounds, from its operation ?
This question may be asked with respect to other countries as
well as Ireland, and it conducts us, at once, into the wide subject
of the general jurisprudence of the Church in adapting her laws,
whether general or particular, to the exigencies she may have to
deal with, acconling to occurring events throughout the world at
large, or the special circumstances of the various nations, of which
the world is composed.
In considering this very grave subject we must take account of
the different Authorities possessing and exercising legislative powers
in the Church, and how these Authorities harmonize their action
respectively jind conjointly, so that according to the beautiful
figure of the Apostle, whilst she consists *^ of many memhers^'\'ihe is
^*yet but one body** (1 Cor. xii. 20), ^^ being compacted and fitly
joined together, by what every joint snppliethy according to the
operation in the measure of every part, and maketh increase of the
body unto the edifying of itself in charity,*^ (Ephes. iv. 16).
Well then, from the day the Apostles met in Council
in Jerusalem, the General Councils of the Church have authority
from her Divine Founder to enact laws for the universal faithful.
In like manner the Supreme Pastor has authority equally extensive,
having to feed the sheep and lambs of the entire Fold.
Under him the Bishops throughout the Church have combined
legislative powers in their National and Provincial Synods to legis-
late for the country, or province, within their jurisdiction, as each
of them separately can do, also, for his own diocese in particular.
In the legislative action of these various Authorities there must
be no collision, '*f?o schism in the body^* {Cor, xii. 25), but ** all the
members of the body^ whereas they are many, yet are one body
892 Correspondence.
(Ibid. 12). This combination and harmony are the blessed result of
condescension on the part of the higher to the lower Powers, within
a certain measure, as also of correlative subordination of the latter
to the former ; and it is supremely interesting and admirable to see
how this condescension and subordination work together, as the
Apostle would say, "/o/* the perfecting of the saints, for the work
of the ministry y foi the edifying of the body of Christ^ (Kphes, iv, 12).
By all means we are to be understood as not speaking now of
faith or morals, as the objects of the Church's legislation. These
come from on high, and are as immutable, " (w the Father of ligfUs
Himself with whom there is no change^ nor shadow of alteration*^
(James i. 17).
No doubt, faith and morals do come within the scope of the
Church's legislation for application and enforcement; but onr
concern at present is with discipline, and the enactment of
the disciplinary laws of the Church, and we are to see how from
above and below the Divine Spirit, in ruling the Church, maintains
harmony and co-operation between the various enacting powers.
There is condescension, in the first place, from above. A General
Council, or the Pope, makes all due allowances for the state of
particular churches. They have their birth, their infancy, their
maturity, and, sometimes, even their decline, as history tells us. In
these different states much is left to the local Episcopate, who,
according to their zeal and discretion, have to act on liie Divine
Maxim ; " neither do tliey put new wine into old bottles ; otherwise
the bottles breaks and the wine runneth out, and the bottles perish.
But new wine they put into new vessels, and both are preserved'*
(Matt. ix. 17). For this discernment they have grace from above,
and St. Paul would therefore exhort them, as he did the local
Bishops of Asia, saying : '* Take heed to yourselves, and to the whole
flock, wherein the Holy Ghost hath placed you Bishops to ruU the
Church of God, which He hath purchased with His own blood^*
(ActH XX. 28).
We may^ therefore, consider the Supreme Legislator and
Ruler, the Pope, as dealing with particular churches, either in
applying to them the " jus commune " or the body qf Canon Law,
as at present upheld in the Church by his authority, or issuing
new enactments in the form of* general Apostolic Constitutions "
emanating from his own immediate legislative authority. He
would, in either case, concede much to the wisdom and zeal of the
Bishops in their respective dioceses, and still more to a provincial
or national body of Bishops acting in concert. He would
naturally take account of all the local circumstances to be dealt
with, and seeing that the Bishops on the spot were fully cognizant
of these local circumstances, he would aUow them great latitude
of discretion to apply, or not to apply, or modify to a certain
extent, the general provisions of Canon Law, or his own enact-
ments, such as would be meant and intended for general applica-
Correspondence. 898
tion. With respect to the "jus commune," or general Canon
Law, he would recommend them, by all moans, to have it in view,
and to apply it, as far as local circumstances would permit, and
keep it before their eyes, as the " norma rect6 statuendi, recte
decemendi, recte judicandi, et recte agendi ; ** but they should, at
the same time, take account of local impossibilities, local difficul-
ties, and local exigencies of all sorts, bearing in mind that the
laws of the Church do not caU for overstrained efforts in their
application.
Just at this point are we face to face with the grave canonical
questions : I*', what promulgation is pecessary for Papal Constitu-
tions of a general tenor to give them the force of law ; 2°, how far
they need the acceptation of the Bishops in different countries ;
and 3°, how far the Bishops are bound to publish and enforce them
within their respective jurisdictions? We know the varying
views of canonists and theologians on these points, but we also
know that mere shades and shadows are enough to put them in
speculation on opposite sides, whereas, viewing their teaching prac-
tically we find them, in so manj instances, to agree. It is in the
hope of finding this "concordia discors'^that I venture to examine
then* differences on the questions just referred to.
In the first place, some say, or rather it is the more general
teaching, that it is sufficient to have these enactments promulgated
in Rome by a certain posting of them, according to an established
nsage for the purpose, and they maintain themselves on the prin-
ciple that every government is competent to fix its own mode of
promulgation, provided only that it affords means for its enact-
ments becioming known to those whom they may concern.
On the other hand, advantage is taken of this proviso, and it
is objected that promulgation at Rome is not sufficient for the
CImrch at large, and that, tlierefore, the enactment cannot have
the force of law in any country till it be also promulgated by the
Bishops of that country.
But these two views, when practically considered, are easily
brought into harmony. By all means, the law is a law, when pro-
mulgated in the appointed manner in Rome, and has, from that
moment a binding force, or, in other words, binds potentialiy
throughofut the Church. But that it actuality binds everywhere —
this cannot be, till it be made known through some authentic
medium, and this medium can be no other than the Bishops.
Consequently both views, however speculatively discordant, have
practically ^e same operation and effect, and therefore become
reconciled.
In the second place, it is asserted, that these Papal Constitutions
894 Correspondence.
admitted, on the other side, as regards the Constitutions themselres,
but it is asked, do the Popes in issuing these enactments, mean and
intend, that the Bishops on receiving them, will, at once, give them*
publicity, and, without using any discretion on their own part,
enforce their observance ? Here we have before us two questions,
one a question of law, and the other a question of fact. Some
canonists confine their attention to the question of law, whilst
others, taking a wider view of the matter, inquire also what, in
point of fact, the Pope wishes and intends the Bishops should do.
Both parties, 1 think, can be brought to agree by listening to what
the Popes themselves say, as they vie with each other in their
respect, reverence, and loyalty towards the Supreme Head of the
Church in his legislative capacity.
We have already, in another paper, produced the words of the
great Oracle, Benedict XIV., on the subject, and to save the trouble
of reference, it may be well to quote them again for the purpose of
the present argument. They are : —
"Nonnunquam experientia demonstrat aliquod ex hujusmodi
generalibus statutis, licet plerisquj Provinciis, ac Dioecesibus utile
atque proficuum, alicui tamen Provinciae aut Dioecesi opportunum
non esse ; id quod Legislatori compertum non erat, cum ipse
peculiares omnes locorum res, atque rationes perspectas habere
nequeat. In his itaque rerum circumstantiis Episcopus intelligens
Apostolicae Sedis legem in Dioecesi sua noxium effectum producere
posse, non modo suas Romano Pontifici rationes repraesentare non
prohibetur^ quin potius ad id omnino tenetur. Neque Romani
Pontifices unquam renuerunt inferiorum rationibus aures praebere ;
et quoties has satis validas esse agnoverunt, minime recusanmt
aliquas Provincias aut Dioeceses generalium Constitutionum suarum
lege eximere." — {De Syn, Dioeces, Lib. ix. cap. 8.)
Here let us observe, that the illustrious Pontiff fully admits,
that in framing and issuing their general Constitutions, the Popes
cannot be cognizant of how things are everywhere, and, as a con-
sequence, it may happen that certain of the provisions in these
enactments may be inexpedient, and even injurious, in Provinces
and Dioceses here and there throughout the Church. On this
account it plainly becomes the duty of the Bkhops not to publish
them, or take any steps for th%ir enforcement, until they have
examined them ; and in this examination they are admitted to be
competent judges, as to whether tKey are to be put into operation,
and if they come to an adverse conclusion, they are to suspend all
further action, tiD they communicate with the Pope, and receive
his instructions.
It is, moreover, to be noticed that Benedict XIV. points out,
that this mode of acting was a constant rule of conduct observed
uniformly by the Supreme Pontiff. (" Nunquam renuerunL^)
Of this we have evidence so far back as the thirteenth century, in
a celebrated Constitution of Boniface VUL, which holds a pro-
Correspondence. 895
minent place in Canon Law, and states as follows : — " Quia
Bomanns Pontifex loconim specialium consuetudines et statuta,
cum sint facti, et in facto consistunt, potest probabiliter ignorare ;
ipsis, dum tamen sint rationabilia, per Constitutionem a se noviter
editam nisi expresse caveatiur in ipsa, non intelligetur in aliquo
derogare." — {In cap. Licet, de Constit, in 6 ibL)
Here it is plainly put forward, that the Popes, probably not
being acquainted with local usages and statutes, do not mean to
interfere with thero, even though the letter of the Constitutions
they issue should appear to intend their abrogation.
These declarations show us in the clearest light the spirit of
condescension and concession that actuates the Supreme Rulers of
the Church in their Constitutions, and we are warranted in
interpreting their concessions in a large and generous sense, in
favour of the discretion allowed the Bishops within the sphere of
their respective jurisdictions.
Our third question is, how far are the Bishops bound to publish
and enforce general Pontifical Constitutions ? This question sup-
poses, from what we have said, that a Bishop has examined a
Constitution, and finds nothing in it to object to, on local grounds.
This being so, he becomes, without reserve, the humble servant of
the Servts Servorum Dei, and with all dutifulness he sees to the
publication and observance of the enactment in his diocese.
Hius do we see the perfect harmony that prevails above and
below, by the confidence the Supreme Pontiff extends to the Bishops
o?er the entire world, and the corresponding fidelity and Royalty
with which they sustain and carry out his supreme dominion, so as
to unitate the action of Divine Providence, " ruling f ram end to end
mightily f and ordering all things sweetly. ^^
So far I have been dealing with views and considerations of
general import, and I have been brought much farther than I had
anticipated. However, it was necessary to clear the ground for our
subject respecting Canon Law in Ireland, and having done so, I
feel I should trespass unduly on your space, were I to go farther, at
present, more especially as I apprehend the subject must branch
oat into a variety of details, which will furnish ample matter for a
distinct paper.
I shall, therefore, come to^Etn end by summing up in the
following conclusions what I have attempted to say so far : —
1°. It is most desirable to have clear ideas upon the state of
Canon Law in Ireland.
2°. Canon Law in its entirety cannot be observed in this
country no more than in any other country, on account of the
mutability of human affairs, and the Church having to adapt her-
self, moreover, to local exigencies, as she has had to deal with them
from time to time throughout the world.
3*. The subject, however, becoming narrowed in its scope, the
qu^ion respecting Ireland is, how far Canon Law, a^ at present
896 Correyxmdenee.
upheld by the Supreme Authority of the universal Church, is ef
obligation in our National Church ?
4°. This question brings under consideration the various
legislative Authorities of the Church, General Councils, the Supreme
Pontiff, &c., &c.
5°. These various Authorities act in perfect harmony by the
relations subsisting between them, in virtue of which the Roman
Pontiff concedes to the Bishops throughout the Church a certain
extent of licence as to the publication and enforcement of the laws
issued by him.
6°. Seeing that a particular Pontifical Constitution is in no wise
inexpedient, having regard to the circumstances of his diocese, the
Bishop publishes, and enforces the enactments, and it has its fmrce.
not as from his authority, but as emanating from the Supreme
Head of the Church.
I deemed it necessary to clear up these points, in order to
approach the question of our local Canon Law, or Canon Law as
binding in Ireland. I desire, however, before finishing, to say,
that I by no means assume to myself any authority in discussing
this important subject. My object is rather to subject it to
discussion at the hands of all who are concerned in any way in
conducting the government of our National Church, and who desire,
as we should all desire, *^ to keep the unhy of the spirit in the bond of
peace'^ (Ephes, iv. 3).
I have the honour to remain. Very Rev. and dear Sir, very
respectfully yours, X. Z.
Our National Catechism.
TO THE EDITOR OP THE IRISH EC0LB8TA8T1CAL RECORD.
Rev. Dear Sir, — In his essay 'on Religious Instruction in
Intermediate Schools, lately published in the Record, Dr. Hutch
makes reference to the good fortune of the Catholics of Ireland
who *' possess a Catechism which, for fulness, accuracy and
precision, leaves little to be desired." Every Priest in the land,
I have no doubt, will agree with Dr. Hutch in his commendation
of our National Catechism. It is an admirable compendium of
Christian Doctrine, containing^within a small compass a large
share of theological learning. For the higher classes in our
colleges and schools, for Catholic men and women who wish to
improve or revive their knowledge of the teaching of the Church,
and for persons outside the true fold of Christ who may desire to
learn what we believe and what we are bound to practise,
Dr. Butler's Catechism, — for with all the changes and revisions it
has undergone it is still substantially the work of that great
prelate, — is an excellent exposition of Catholic faith and morality.
Shorter and less controversial in its tone than Hay's '* Sincere
Christian" or Challoner's ^Catholic Christian Instructed," it
Correspondence. 397
sores the same purpose for which these books have been
composed.
Bat there are many priests and other catechists of large
experience who consider onr National Catechism not as fitting
aa would be desirable for those for whose use and benefit it is
mainly intended, that is to say, for school children under twelve
years, and for youths of a more advanced age who are illiterate,
and are, therefore, obliged to learn the Christian Doctrine by ear
akme. For such as these, who ordinarily constitute the classes
preparing for Holy Communion and Confirmation, the Catechism
is 4oagnt to be unsuitable, partly by reason of its " fulness," to
use Dr. Hutch's word, and also because, though it may deserve
praise for the " accuracy and precision " of its terminology, it is
not written in that simple language which should, with little or no
explanation, convey clear ideas to the minds of readers and
hearers. It is believed that the little book could be reduced to a
; still smaller size, and that its language could be simplified, to the
> decided advantage of teachers and pupils. It is only when our
p school-days are over, when our mental faculties have been
p considerably developed and when our acquaintance with men and
books has been extended, that we appreciate as we ought this
condensed manual of Christian Doctrine. Now, stories written to
interest children differ in subject and style from those works of
fiction composed for the amusement of older heads ; and so, I
[ respectfofly but earnestly contend, should our elementary catechism
differ in matter and manner from a doctrinal work which we
cannot understand to our satisfaction, until we have " passed the
Bishop " by many a year.
Our National Catechism is deemed unfitting for the classes I
jiave indicated on account of its *' fulness." Could not some of
it be omitted altogether, and much of it be given in a more
abridged form ? Take, for instance, the chapters on the Com-
Baandraents and compare them with the corresponding chapters of
the catechism used in England, and it will be found that the latter
are much more concise than ours, and yet are adapted to afford
diUdren of tender years and illiterate adults a sufficiently correct
notion of what is commanded or forbidden by each precept of the
t^«calogue. Or, take our form of reciting the Acts of Faith,
Hope and Charity and contrast it with the forms used in other
coantries, and especially with one that is often heard at Mass in
Rcndi Churches, and it will be seen that those important prayers
conid be drawn up in simpler words for the use of the young and
Ae tmeducated.
little need be said regarding the unsuitableness of the
hnigiiige of our National Catechism. It is acknowledged on all
398 Correspondence.
Surely they deserve our pity rather than our censure when they
show some unwillingness to apply their minds to a lesson set
before them in a most unattractive form. Dr. Hutch tells us how
experienced catechists insist on making their pupils learn the
ipsissima verba of the book. I remember when I had to learn the
ipsissima verba in my childhood ; and I have a lively recollection
of my strong aversion to that ponderously-worded sixth chapter
in Butler's Catechism, with its heavy account of the corruption of
our whole nature, the darkness of our understanding, the weakness
of our will and our inclination (it was propensity in some versions,)
to evil. Dark, indeed, was my understanding of thaf chapter
then, although I had the ipsissima verba as accurately and precisely
as possible, and was able to give a meaning for all the ** hard words/'
At the same period of my life, being then " in the Third Book,'
I had no more idea of what the Council of Trent was than I have
now of the interior of the moon, — no more than those ** in the
Third Book ** to-day have on the same subject — yet my catechism
informed me, as it still informs youngsters of eight or ten years,
that it is a decree of this same Council which " condemns and
annuls'* clandestine marriages, wherever that decree happens to
be published. The learned Priest who prepared us for our first
communion did not tell us what all this meant, though he insisted
vigorously on our learning the ipsissima verba^ for he knew well
that it would be simply a waste of time to be describing the
Council of Trent to a number of very small boys, many of whom
could not spell the word, clandestinity^ and not one of whom conld
point out Trent upon the map. It is all very well to make little
children and poor illiterate servants learn the words of the book,
but common sense requires that the words should be such as they
can understand, and that their heads should not be encumbered
with phrases fit only for the lecture hall of a theological seminary.
It was expected that the language, at least, of the Catechism
would have been altered for the better and made more suitable
for young minds during the late revision. A little was done in
this way ; but that small improvement has only helped to show
what need there is for further changes in the text. The sixth
chapter has been slightly amended ; but it might very well be re-
touched, abridged, and simplified. And what is said of the sixth
may be said of many another chapter. The first of the alterations
lately made occurs in the answer to the third question in the first
chapter. Here is the question — " Where is God ?" The answer
in the old editions ran as follows : — " God is everywhere, but is
said principally to be in Heaven where He manifests himself to
the Blessed.*' In the newly published edition the question remains
as Archbishop Butler wrote it, but the answer is given thus :«—
*'God is everywhere; but He manifests His glory in Heaven,
where He is enjoyed by the Blessed." This answer may be more
explicit than the old one, but, surely, it 13 not simpler ; and, I
correspondence. 399
r^)eat, simplicity in language no less than accuracy in doctrine is
a primary requisite in a Catechism intended for the young and the
unlearned. Very few children understand the meaning of the
word manifest It is not a common word by any means : it is
not often heard in conversation even amongst the well educated.
Why then use it in the very beginning of a child's catechism ?
The question and answer, I take leave to suggest, might be set
down in this manner : — ** Where is God'? God is everywhere;
but it is in Heaven He shows Himself in glory to the angels and
fiaints." This form of speech will be readily understood by every
child who has come to the use of reason and who speaks the
English tongue, from Donegal to Cork. Most of the answers in
our National Catechism could be reduced to a simpler and a more
intelh'gible form in a similar manner.
If that were done once for all, — if we had a short, simple,
yet instructive Catechism, — then catechists need not be, as they
often are at present, spending time in asking and explaining the
meaning of " big words," as if they were hearing a lesson in 'the
spelling-book, whilst endeavouring to teach children the rudiments
of their creed and the duties of their calling. When Archbishop
Bntler wrote his Catechism, the greater number of young people,
in rural places at all events, were learning these things in the
Irish language from teachers who had text-books in that language
suited to the wants and capacities of their pupils. But times are
changed. As the latest edition of our National Catechism
professes to be " approved of by the Cardinal, the Archbishops
aiwi Bishops of Ireland, for general use throughout the Irish
Church,'' it may seem presumptuous, and little short of irreverent,
for me, an unknown individual, to find any fault with it, and still
more to ask you to publish my remarks on it. Two things have
encouraged me in my boldness. I heard, lately, one of our
Tenerat^ Bishops pronounce it "too difficult for children." If
other members of the hierarchy think as he does, they will not
blame me. And I have a confidence, too, that no Ecclesiastics in
the land will treat my suggestions with more leniency than the
Bishops, should any of them deign to read what, with the best
intentions, I have ventured to write. H.
The Integrity of Confession.
TO THE EDITOR OP THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL KECORD.
Bet. Deak Sir, — Everybody is praising Frassinetti's Priest's
M<mual, and Dr. Hutch's translation of it, lately published by
Boms & Gates, and by the Catholic Publication Society of New
York.
Has your attention been drawn to pages 309-310 of the trans-
lation ? Surely it is wrong to assert that " the obligation ....
400 Correspondence.
the integrity of confession belongs to the penitent, and not to
e confessor.** St. Alphonsus says a different thing, and I hare
of
the ^ ^
carefully compared De Lugo, who gives no countenance whatever
to the assertion in Frassinetti's text. The point seems to me to
be serious, as I know that confessors are quoting these passages
as authority in putting no questions whatever to bona fide pen-
itents. I may add, that I have compared the original with the
translation, and that the latter is quite accurate in its rendering of
the passage. — I remain, with best wishes, your devoted servant,
W.H.
In reply to 'our venerated correspondent, we beg to
say that our attention had not previously been called to
the passage in question, which certainly is not unlikely
to be misunderstood. Here it is in full : " Whenever we
hear confessions, we must keep before us that golden
principle laid down by De Lugo, and recognised as true by
St. Alphonsus and all sound theologians, namely, that the
obligation of the examination of conscience, and conse-
quently of the integrity of confession, belongs to the
penitent and not to the confessor ; so that when the pen-
itent, according to his capacity, has done all that is in his
!)ower, the confessor is not obUged to interrogate him
iirther, even though he might foresee that the examinatioD
was of consequence, and consequently the accusation might
be more exact from a theological point of view. As regards
the integrity of confession, the confessor is obliged to
supply by his questions only what may have been culpably
omitted by the penitent (See De Lugo, Dis. 16, de Poenit
9, 14, n. 589.)"
Frassinetti is here speaking of sick persons where
further interrogatories cannot be put without injury or
danger to the penitent's health ; and in that case the
confessor is manifestly not bound to put them. But the
doctrine here laid down by Frassinetti cannot be accepted
as a general principle, and we agree with our corres-
pondent that it is not the doctnne, in that sense, of
De Lugo or St. Liguori. What De Lugo says is perfectly
clear and accurate : — >
''Itaque advertendum est per se loquendo non esse in hoc
puncto majorem obligationem confessarii ad int<^rroganduin, qnam
sit ipsius paenitentis ad examinandam suam conscientiam, et
recogitanda sua peccata. I mo paenitens obligatnr prima loc^
et in ejus defectum obligator confessarios ad eum javandom.
Juxta ipsius ci4)acitatem atque ideo mmus obligatur quam ipse
paenitens.^
Correspondence, 401
Now penitents, and especially ignorant penitents, may
fail in fulfilling this obligation, and yet be sometimes bona
Me. The confessor, too, may perceive this defect ; then
per $e loquendo, but not always and in all circumstances,
the confessor is bound to supply the penitent's deficiency
with reasonable diligence.
Hence we think Frassinetti should have, like De Lugo,
ingerted the words "primarily/' &c., &c. It would then
read thus : " The obUgation of examination of conscience,
and consequently of the integrity of confession, belongs
primarily to the penitent, and only when he fails to the
confessor," &c. For the same reason the last sentence
Bhould be quaUfied in a somewhat similar way. De Lugo
himself, in No. 589, lays down this doctrine even more
distinctly, and asserts that the confessor is bound to
interrogate the rudiores, and " si facile possit sua mdustna
extorquere numerum ma^s distincte," but that ordinary
dihgence vriU suffice in this matter, »/^^^ i.^-
Protection for Irish Immigrants in New York.
We earnestly recommend the following circular to the
Attention of the Irish Qergy. Emigration is an evil, but if
inevitable it is well to minimize its mischievous effects :
TO THE BOrrOR OF THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
Dear Sir. — Perhaps it may be a benefit to some of your readers,
who propose to leave Ireland for Araerica, to know that at the
solicitation of the Irish Catholic Colonization Society, His Eminence
CtedmalMcCloskey, Archbishop of New York, has erected the new
Kssion of Our Lady of the Rosary, at Castle Garden, Battery Park,
Sew York, and has placed it under the charge of the undersigned.
The object of the Mission is to secure for Catholic immigrants
Inding at this port, the benefits which the advice of a priest can
tfbrd to people who are wholly ignorant of the perils which at every
i»tstep in a great port and city such as this, threaten the poor
auMnnocent, if unprotected and unguided.
I need not, I am sure, inform you that neither have the bishops
iVli tayinen who form the Colonization Society and who have sub-
loJbed for the expenses of this Mission, nor has His Eminence
Ordinal McCloskey, the slightest wish to increase the flow of im-
iricnttioo from Ireland to this country. Happily, it seems now to
NB abated, and those who are coming here are, seemingly, better
I to protect themselves than were too many of their predecessors.
But the Society and the Cardinal recognise the fact that, much
402 St/nopsis MfditanSi.
as we all may deplore their abandoDmeDt of their native land, the
unprotected and UDilirected Iriab will continue to pour through
tliese galea.
To offer them the temporary protection of advice and supervision
at an exceedingly critical, and, bo to apeak, focal point, where all
the manifest dangers of emigration aie in a roomeAl concentrated,
this Mission has been established, not merely by the authority and
with the good wilt of the Cardinal, but also with his most heartfelt
blessing, and with the help of his own sukstttntial subecripiion.
It will greatly facilitate my work, and enable me to distinguish
the deserving fi^m the black sheep, who, to the discredit of the
Irish name abroad, have been shipped hereby poor law unions and
landlords, if immigrants caliing on me bring a letter of character
from any of their priests at home.
I Deed not point out that, while at best the temporal aid which
it is passible for the Mission to render to the numbers passins
through hero, must ordinarily bo limited to guidance, it will be of
importance to Catholics, especially to girls of good character, to
know that they can lind here a priest whose advice at its threshuld.
may help them through some of the dan;rers of a new country.
May I then ask you to give publicity to the cslablishmeet of
this Mission, so that my brethren of the Irish priesthood may learn
e and character.
Your servant in Christ,
J. J. RlORDAN.
SYNOPSIS MEDITANDI.
THE clever aud pious young prieet who wrote the
following marvelloualy iugemoua lines, and composed
the " Synopsis Meditaudi," etc., has been called to bis
reward. IVlay he rest in peace. — Ed. : —
MNEMOSYNON PRIMAE MISSAE
IN TbNITE ObSF.KVANTIAE AC DiLECTIONIS PiGNCS Cf^'
[samis sens Condiscipulis i^t in Almo SEMiNAnm Socii^
iCAViT ATQL'E Obiulit Joannes Pktbus GoEML£^
tequiescat in Pace).
Inter cuncta micans Igniti sidera coell,
Expellit tenebras E toto Phoebus ut orhE;
Sic coccas removet lESVS coliginis umbraS ,
Vivilicansquc simul Vero praecordia motV ,
SoLEU jDsiiTiAB ^ese probat esse beatiS .
Synopsis Meditandi.
403
Synopsis AIeditandi'Rationis ad Mentem S. Ignatii.
Latine rx Anglico sehmonb versa.
PreparcUto remota consistit :
1. In superbia, hjpocrisi, dissi-
patione. ca^terisque peccatis
amovendis.
2. In praxi virtutum opposi-
tarum, liumilitate, mortifi-
catlone.
Preparatio proxima consistit :
1. In meditatione a pridie
S5
<
a
T.
legenda.
2. In eo;>itando super jam in-
stante meditatione statim
ac expergitus.
3. In affectibus elicicndis me-
ditation is materiae con-
form ibus.
4. In meditatione animo sereno
ac tranquillo ineunda.
1. Stans recto, in mentem levoca Divinam praesentiam.
*2. Deum flexis genibus adora.
3. Recita orationem praeparatoriam.
1. Matcriam meditationis breviter in mentem
revoca.
, ^ , ,. J2. Imaginatione locum mysterii repraesenta.
r« J? ac praeiuuia* <ot x x* t* 'i
'^ ]o, Impetra gratiam aliquam specinlem ;
lumen pro intellectu ; pias inclinationes
pro voluntate.
Memoria materiam revocat meditatiinis.
/^l. Quid considerandum veoiat quoad rem pro-
positam ?
2. Quaenam practica conclnsio sit derivanda ?
3. Quaenam motiva ejus adoptionem urgeant ?
Utrum sit conveniens^ utilis, jucunda,
facilisy necessaria ?
4. Quonam pacto hucusque fuerit observata?
6. Quid in posterum faciendum ?
6. Quodnam impedimentum amovendum ?
^7. Quaenam media eligenda ?
1. Pio8 affectus elicit tota durante meditatione,
corde potiusquam labiis.
^I. EflFormata post refl«^xionem
practicam.
2. Practica.
3. Particularia,
4. Praesentia statui aptata.
^ 5. Solidis innixa motivis.
6. Humilia.
7. Ferventibus ac enixis sup-
plication ibus pro Divino
\^ aiixilio coiijuncta.
2. Intellectus
recogitat
3 Voluntas.
2. Bonaefformat
proposita,
quae esse
debent —
\
404
lAturgy,
CO
p
O
o /I. RecapitulattOy sen anacephalaeosisy qua bona proposita adop-
tata confirmantur.
2. Jaculatoria oratio, 8eu tessera^ quae interdiu inserviat ad
^ integram meditationem breviter in mentem revocandaxn.
^ ^3. Colloquium J. C., B. M. V., vel Sancto directum.
^1. Examen circa modum, quo peracta est meditetio.
1. Integrae meditationis.
2. Practicarum reflexionura, motivorum,
piorum afPectuum, resolutionum pfirti-
cularium, illustrationum atque favorum
spiritualium.
A M. D. G.
4< Fridericcs,
Archiepiscopus Bonaeransis.
b 1 2. Recapitulatio
I
Imprimatur,
Noviembre 20, 1880.
LITURGY.
Under this heading we wish to make special reference to an
excellent work,* which comes from the learned author of the
** Programmes of Sermons and Instructions." The authorship of
that valuable work is no secret; and the '* Prefatory Address ** to
the present volume, shows that we owe this treatise also to the
indefatigable zeal and learning of the Rector of the Irish College,
Paris.
Every priest of any missionary experience must have felt the
want of some such book as the present. Assuredly there is no lack
in the Church of learned works on every phase of liturgical learn-
ing ; but for hard worked priests on the mission they are too
cumbrous and elaborate, and have the additional inconvenience of
being written in Latin, French, or Italian. There is red gold
indeed in the mine, but not every one is able to delve for it. Yet
some knowledge on the subject is essential for the instruction and
edification of the people. The Council of Trenv imperatively re-
quires all her pastors to explain to their flock not only the virtue
and use of the sacraments, but also the significance of the cere-
monies employed in their administration. (Sess. xxiv.) These
last are employed by the Church not only to inspire devotion and
reverence for the sacraments, but also to make their nature and
* Allocutiaivt on Liturgical Observances and Ritual Functions, By the
Author of *^ Programmes of Sermons and Instructions.*' Browne &
Nolan, Nassau-street, Dublin.
i
Notices of Books. 405
efficacy, as it were visible to the people. Hence the Roman Ritual
requires that the priest should diligently explain ^^ the meaning of
the ceremonies according to the teaching of the Holy Fathers and
the Catechism of the Council of Trent." These are the fountains
of sound doctrine, but those who cannot spare time to search the
Fathers for their doctrine can find all they need for practical pur-
poses in this neat volume.
Again, we need hardly remind our readers how important it
is to explain to the people the purpose and significance of the
great annual cycle of Feasts and Fasts in the Church. There is
nothing they listen to with greater attention when suitably explained ;
nothing is better adapted to quicken their devotion and deepen in
their souls the fountains of spiritual life. Here, too, the priest
will find this manual of great value. The whole series of the
Churches Feasts is explained — their origin, their purpose, their
otility — and explained, too,, briefly and practically. If the priest
has not time to prepare a longer sermon for his people, he may give
them with great advantage the substance of one of these '^allocu-
tions." He will find them always useful, and always to the pur-
pose.
The work is strongly commended by his Eminence the Cardinal
Archbishop of Dublin, whose " imprimatur " it bears. We recom-
mend it cordially to the clergy, because we are satisfied that it will
give them much help in the cQscharge of their onerous duties.
J. H.
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
The Religious State. A Digest of the Doctrine of Suarez. By
Wn-LiAM HuMPHRET, S.J. Londou : Burns & Dates.
Everyone has read of the great work of Suarez, " De Statu
Befigionis." It is a mine of dogmatic and ascetic theology written
[Ihr a man whose sanctity was equal to his learning. It is by far
\mb meet complete and exhaustive work on the subject ; and even
our time has not ceased to be regarded as the great book of
on questions connected with the Religious State. Few
however, in our times have courage to face the folios of
scholastics ; and hence we regard it as a happy thought
9r, Hinnphrey to give us the pith of the doctrine of Suarez in
tinree highly instructive and very readable volumes. So for as
judfi^efirom a hasty perusal, fV. Humphrevhas executed his
406 Notices of Boohs.
combined with admirable simplicity of language and exposition.
We would strongly recommend this excellent work to the clergy,
both secular and regular. They will find it equally valuable for
their own guidance and for the instruction of others. The two
first volumes deal with the religious state in general, but the third
is mainly given up to the special constitutions of the Jesuit Order.
In this the author follows Suarez, but he will find in all the books
the same fulness of doctrine and the same maturity of thought
Even the educated laity, and, as the author hopes, non-Cathohcs
also, who are desirous to obtain accurate information on almost all
the great questions connected with the religious orders of the
Church, will find this book an authoritative and invaluable guide.
We hope it will be widely circulated amongst the clergy and laity.
An Easter Book, In honour of the Sacred Humanity of oor
Blessed Lord and of His Holy Mother. Dublin : Dollabd,
1884.
This is a little work full of admirable reflections on the Sacred
Humanity present on our Altars. The imprimatur of His Eminence
Cardinal M'Cabe guarantees its perfect orthodoxy — a matter of
great importance in dealing with such a subject. The author tells
us, too, that the sheets in passing through the press were revised
by one of the ablest members of the venerable Hierarchy of Ireland.
There is no doubt that every page breathes a spirit of the most
fervent piety. The book though small in size is large in the
learning that enlightens and edifies. We think it would be
especially useful for nuns and students whose fervour would be
intensified by the glowing odour of its pages.
Notes on Catholic Missions, By A. H. Atteridge, S.J. (Re-
printed from The Messenger oj the Sacred Heart.) London :
St. Joseph's Library, Grosvenor-square.
This little work is eminently worthy of perusal, and the
Catholic public — at least the charitable Catholic public who are
interested in missionary work — will be thankful to the accomplish
author for collecting and re-publishing these papers. Euntes
omnes gentes was the great commission of the Church. Our Lo
jsent His Apostles primarily to those who sat in darkness and
shadow of death. These pages tells us how many millions still si
m the night of paganism ; and they tell, too, of the heroic charit;
of those who strive at the peril of their lives to announce the g:
tidings to the benighted millions of China and Hindostan, wh
most of the world's infidels are found. We are quite confident
the circulation of this little work would contribute to stimulate
charitable at home to support the College of the Propaganda
the Society for the Propagation of the Faith in this cUvinest ol
works — ^preaching the Grospel to the poor and to the
Our own countrymen are foremost in this blessed work, as
Notices of Books.
407
following carefully compiled statistics furnished to us by the
Most Rev. Dr. Leonard, of the Cape of Good Hope, abundantly
prove. They show, also, how liberally the Propagation of the
Faith contributes to the support of the various Irish missions
throughout the world, and how well worthy it is of the practical
sympathy and assistance of Catholic Ireland. Irishmen give much
for the propagation of the Faith in foreign lands, but not so much
as is spent by this great Society for the spiritual benefit of their own
countrymen.
1878
1879
1880
1881
1882
G nntJi made to Bishops,\
natives of Ireland or
um9 of Irish parenta, '
whose flocks consift
principallj of Irish '
O rants made to Bishops '
notnatirc tof Ireland,
but many of whose '
Priests and pcnple are
9,248 0 0
20,270 0 0
£ s. d.
10,986 0 0
18,588 0 0
•
i, d.
9,068 0 0
18,825 0 0
10,945 0 0
17,860 9 0
£ s. iS.
8,008 0 0
16,891 0 0
A
Toial Grants
Total Irish Receipts for ^
jear ending Jan. 1
99,518 0 0
4,069 6 7
29,474 0 0
4,118 18 5
27,888 0 0
2,785 19 6
28,805 0 0
8,186 12 11
24,899 0 0
5,507 6 Si
Total excess of Grants)
above Irish Receipts )
25,448 18 5
25,855 1 7
24,602 0 6
25468 7 1
18,891 13 8^
I^eaves from my Note Book ; or a Year's Ramble in the United
States and Canada. By The Rev. W. Meagher, P.P.,
Dublin : Dufft & Sons.
Some twelve years ago Father Meagher spent a year travelling
in Canada and the States. He kept a journal of his " rambles,"
noting down with graphic fidelity the most striking scenes and
incidents which he observed. The present little volume is a series
of extracts from this journal, and a most readable one it is. There
is a vivid freshness about the observations on American persons,
places and institutions which could only be the outcome of an
observant and well-stored mind. That the proceeds of the book's
sale are intended to forward a charitable work, in which the writer
18 engaged, will, no doubt, be an additional motive for many
persons to purchase the book and circulate it amongst their friends.
St. Joseph. His Life, His Virtues, His Privileges, His Power.
By the Vert Rev. Archdeacon Kinane, P.P., Fethard, Co.
Tipperary. Dublin : M. H. Gill & Son.
Archdeacon Kinane has done so much for the devotional
literature of Ireland, and his works are so widely known, that his
name alone is a gnarantee that any subject he treats, will be handled
with literary skill, and in a truly reverential spirit. This work
408 Notices of Booh.
has, moreover, quite a catalogue of episcopal approbations written
in language of warmest eulogy. The subject is treated with great
fulness, so that even the most learned reader will find, in the
simplest language, all the information he could possibly desire
about St. Joseph, his life, virtues, privileges, and power. This is
not only a great boon for the ordinary faithful, but also for the
clergy, who, nowhere else, will find so much useful and reliable
matter for their lectures on the great Patron of the Universal
Church, It will, no doubt, have, as it deserves to have, a very
wide circulation.
The Rev. II. O'Connor, S.J., of the German Province, but now
officiating in Lancashire, has published a second edition of his
Pamphlet, " The only Reliable Evidence concerning Martin Luther."
So far as it goes, this evidence is undoubtedly reliable, for it is
taken entirely from the acknowledged writings of Luther himself;
seeing, however, that it does not extend beyond 62 pages, we have
some difficulty in perceiving how it can claim to be the onl}^ reliable
evidence forthcoming regarding the heresiarch. It is certainly a
most interesting brochure ; and it is not too much to say that
nowhere else can one produce so much reliable information in the
same space.
" Luther and His Century,^ is the title of a pamphlet by the
Rev. Herman Etkerlikg — (London: Burns & Oatrs) — ^which
for sixpence gives a great deal of valuable information regarding
the Lutheran epoch. It contains no less than seven learned lectures
founded on Dr. Janssen, and eminently profitable for every student
of that most interesting period of church history.
"-4 Few Flowers from the Garden*^ — (Burns & Oates)—
shows that the collector had both taste and skill in making his
selection. It is a choice collection of short prayers in English and
Latin, small in compass and very handy for daily use. The series
of prayers for the Via Crucis is particularly good. Although all
these prayers seem to be taken from approved sources, it would be
well to have a formal episcopal approbation of the book itsell
The law on this point is very clear and very stringent. J. H.
We have also received —
The Smuggler's Revenge, By Lady Lentaigne.
The Month of May, By the Rev. Fr. Beckx, S.J.
From the Crib to the Cross. By the Very Rev. F. PcrbR[CK, S.J.
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
JULY, 1884.
f DOUBTFUL IMPEDIMENTS OF MATRIMONY.
DOUBTFUL impediments are of various kinds. Some-
times they precede marriage and are accordingly
called antecedent^ sometimes they follow its celebration and
are aptly temied supervenient In either case the doubt
, may be a dnbium juris or a dubium facti. Thus a four-fold
j division at once suggests itself. It seems convenient to
follow this airangeraent of subject, but in doing so it will
be necessary to introduce an occasional subdivision and add
towards the end a few observations on doubts which lie
somewhat outside the divided area.
Antecedent Doubts of Divine Law,
L Where before marriage a dubium juris occurs, some
of the early probablist writers, quoted approvingly and
followed by the Melanges Theologiques,^ permit celebra-
tion, without making any distinction between laws human
and Divine. Liberty was held to be equally in possession
in both cases. And when the well-known proposition,
which Innocent XI. condemned for its undue advocacy of
probable opinions in conferring the Sacraments, was
objected as involving in its condemnation this very thesis
80 far as Divine law was concerned, those who were not
convinced replied by enumerating the many respects in
which Matrimony differs from the other Sacraments, and
pointing out how they themselves could agree to condemn
^ Ser. vi., p. 355, &c.
TOL. V. 2 H
410 Doubtful Impediments of Matrimony,
doctrine so general and little safe-guarded.* Besides
Urban VIII.'s reply in reference to the re-marriage of
converts in Paraguay was urged as deciding the whole
controversy in their favor.
Still as the Church cannot supply for a defect, should
it exist by the Divine law ; a dnbium juris Divini accord-
ing to S. Alphonsus and almost all modern authors suflBcea
to prevent the licit celebration of marriage. Yet even
these recognise an exception as possible when, without
solving a particular doubt, a Papal declaration is given
interpreting the moral law in favor of liberty. This is
their inference from Urban VIII.*s reply. But against any
such restriction it may be said that the Pope's declaration
does not prove its own necessity, or, on the other hand,
one holding a less liberal view than S. Alphonsus might
contend that all uncertainty had already ceased inasmuch
as the cases explained were, according to the tenor of
previous answers Casu^ Apostoli.
No doubt, Ballerine, with great show of reason, main-
tains that what Paul III., S. Pius V., Gregory XIII., and
Urban VIII., did in similar circumstances, was to dispense
in matrimonio rato non consummato post conversionem utri-
usque, and in that opinion, which seems much the more
Erobable in some of the cases, there would be an argument
ere in favor at least of S. Liguori's view, unless indeed
dispensations be supposed as already granted. But the
inference is not so clear, if with Feije these decisions are to
be taken as interpreting what constitutes discessio in the
Divine law of which ' quod si discedit, discedat, non enim servituti
subjectus est frater^ aut soror in hujusm^di ' is the general
expression. Still Feije himself, perhaps on the ground that
Urban VIII. here abstained from interpreting discessio ^ adopts
S. Liguori's conclusion, and accordingly is at one with most
modern authorities in treating tliis Pontiflfs reply as a
permission to celebrate marriages of doubtful vaUdity.
Since the matter, though speculative, has an important
moral aspect, it may be well to give in substance the
correspondence between Urban Vlll. and John De Lugo,
#
1 " Non est illicitum in sacramentis conferendis sequi opinioncm
probabilem de valore sacramenti relicta tutiore ; nisi id vetat lex con-
ventio aut periculum gravis damni incurrendi. Hinc Bententia probabili
tantum utendutn non est in coUatione Baptismi, Ordinis sacerdotalis,
aut episcopalis."
« N. 636,
J
Dovbtful Impedimenta of Matrimony, 411
afterwards Cardinal. The inference to be drawn is evidently
not weakened by some of the doubts being dubiafactL
"Sanctissime Pater, in Provincia et regno Paraguariae, in
India Occidentali maxima difficultas suboritor in conversione
infidelium ad fidem nostram, quando aliqui ex ministris volunt lUos
cogere ad recipiendam at retinendam primam conjugem, quam in
intidelitate habuerunt: gens quippe ex innata barbarie passim
coDJuges si veri conjuges dicendi sunt dimittunt, non alitor quam
nostri famulas vel famulos: et hoc solum quia conjux infir-
mator, nee coquere cibos potest, aut vestes consuere, vel domus
coram habere, vol quia jam senescit. Imo frequenter non unam
solam uxorem accipiunt, sod simul cum ea omnes ejus filias vel
fV)rores, si quas habet : Ex quibus postea donat amicis aliquam,
vel famulo in gratiam obsequii, quam postea rcpetit si famulus
discedat. Aliis sola loci mutatio causa est deserendi conjugem, ne
earn secum ferat. Itaque plerique putant non esse saltem com-
muniter apud illos verum matrimonium, sod concubinatum ;
atque ideo permittunt, quod conjugem baptizatam recipiant,
quando ad fidem convertuntur. Alii tamen scrupulum habent, et
cogunt eos ad repetendum primum conjugem, ex quo magna
incommoda sequuntur.
Prime . . . Baptismum avorsantur . . . secundo . .
mentiuntur . . . Tertio, fingunt so repetere primam . . .
Quarto, . . . difficillimum est primam agnoscere .
in tanta multitudine. His accedit, quod non utantur signo aliquo
extemo special!, diverse ab eo quo concubinam . . . accipiunt.
Undo . . . multi pii et docti viri purtant communitor non
fieri apud ipsos verum contractum Matrimonii. Caeterum ad
toUendos scrupulos et dubia . . ; . . petit ur ut quando-
quidem juxta doctorum virorum doctrinam sedes Apostolica ex
gravi causa potest aliquando Matrimonium infidelium dissolvere,
prout Sanctitas Vestra declaravit in Brevi sue expedite die
vigesima Octobris anno, 1626, et rursus in alio simile die decima
septima Septembris anno 1627, his verbis, *Nos attendentes
hujusmodi infidelium Matrimonia non ita censeri, quin necessitate
suadento dissolvi possint, &c.' .... dignetur Sanctitas
Vestra concedere provincial! manento dubio de
valore prius Matrimonii in infidelitate facti, vel magna difficultate
inveniendi veritatera vel , . . repetendi primam conjugem
... possint .... dispensare cum ejusmodi convorsis,
ut possint post Baptismum contrahere verum Matrimonium in facie
Ecclesiae !" And Nicol, del Techo in his History of Paraguay
continues : — " Urbanus Octavus indicto sapientum virorum super
ea re consulto, pronunciavit, non videri sibi speciali sua dispensa-
tione opus esse, ubi doctorum sententiae utrimque probabiles
intercederent : sequerentur opiniones pro conditionc locorum ac
hominum Barbaris favorabiliores, salva interim utriusque partis
authoritate, sinerent doctis hominibus sentiendi libertatem.*'
412 Doubtful Impediments of Matrimony.
Antecedent and Supervenient Doubts of
Ecclesiastical Law.
II. A much more practical portion of the division
remains. If a dnbium antecedens be juris ecclesiastici, it does
not interfere with the validity of marriage. To enpply
for any defect is in this case within the range of ecclesias-
tical authority, and that the power is exercised for the
Church's advantage seems certain. Notwithstanding
Carriere*8 hesitation, theologians generally teach such inter-
vention here as either certain or probable, and when they do,
as S. Alphonsus explains, the Church suppUes whatever may
be necessary for vahdity. In other words, whether a
certain case came originally under the terms of an ecclesi-
astical law or not, the Church ceases to include it when
the interpreters of law raise serious doubts about its
inclusion or exclusion.
Still, it must be borne in mind, judgment in regard to
doubtful impediments is a judicial act appertaining to
episcopal rignts, and hence, when time permits, the Bishop
should always bo consulted. It the doubt be one for the
solution of which querists are referred by the Holy See to
Frobati Auctores^ ho will give his * licet procedere,* or
dispense, the latter course, should he deem it preferable
in deference to Carriere, being certainly within his com-
petence juj*e quasi ordinario. So, too, in all such cases of
doubt coupled with urgency. But where time does not
press, and the doubt is one about which the Holy See has
not been consulted, the Bishop usually applies for a decision
before gianting his licet procedere.^ And then, for the
public good, it sometimes happens that a law, whose
obligation doubt had thrown mto abeyance, is again
enforced by a decision in its favor.
III. Where a dubium juris arises after the celebration
of marriage and it happens to bo of ecclesiastical law,
nothing need be done, unless a positive decision making
the law prospectively certain be deemed desirable. Many
such doubts are found under '* Cognatio Spiritualis," in
' Dr. Murray's and other treatises.
Supervenient Doubts of Divine Law,
IV. A supervening doubt of Divine or Natural law
creates much more difficulty. Sometimes, as in the case
of metus subjective gravis objective levis^ it is within the
» Cf. Feije, p. 655.
Doubtful Impediments of Matrimony. 413
power of the contracting parties themselves to remedy
any defect which may exist, and then it will be for the
prudence of a director to select a proper course. Generally,
he will deem it best to allow the marriage life to continue
without alluding to the question of original validity or
even asking the metumpatiens to give any formal renewal of
ceDsent. The latter, however, may manifest grave anxiety
about the Sacrament, and then conditional renewal is
advisable, unless likely to result in multiplying scruples or
sought for as an eflPect of them. Should any uncertainty
exist, as to how an intimation would affect the other party,
remedial measures, if any, are to be confined to the
^meium patiens.* Rarely, if ever, is it desirable to go
further. In the unhappy event of separation, obviously,
re-marriage cannot be allowed.
Again, it may not be possible for the contracting parties
to remove the source of doubt, as when brother and sister,
married before baptism, embrace Catholicity and desire
to conform their lives to it« teaching. Here a dubium juris
naturalis vel divini arises in regard to vaHdity, and plainly
if willing to live apart in celibacy, for many reasons,
thev are to be recommended to do so. But what is
to De said in this rare case when their desire is to con«-
tinue as before ? Feije^ would insist on separation until
the Pope had given judgment. Ballerini^ seems to hold
they cannot be separated even to avoid public scandal
unless an ordinance of the civil power exist declaring these
unions invalid and such legislation be deemed not ultra
vires. In this conflict of opinion one is justified in not
going beyond advice, pending instructions from the Holy
See,
Antecedent Doubts about facts involving bipediments
OF Divine institution,
V. Doubts oifact are still more troublesome than doubts
of laic. But too frequently they remain despite the
matm-est examination and call for treatment ready and
skilful. If before contracting marriage a fact be doubtful,
the existence of which would involve an impediment of
Divine or Natural Law, the Melanges cite Sanchez,^
Kugler,* De Coninck^ and Castropalao,^ as requiring only
> p. 243. « p. 781. » Lib. viii., Dis. vi., n. 18.
« Tom. i. n. 1050 sq., 1533 sq., and Tom. ii., quaest. xxvil, p. 631 sq.
» Tom. ii, Disp. xxxiv., n. 104.
• Tract xxyiii, Diap. iii., Punct. iv., n. 4.
414 Doubtful Impediments of Matrimony/.
full investigation previous to permitting the ceremony.
But on referring to these authorities it is not by any means
certain they all hold this view, even subject to the restric-
tion which is made when a presumption exists in favor of
the impediment, as it does, ft)r instance, if a doubt regard
the death of former husband or wife. Or perhaps the
opinion thus qualified may be harmonized with the common
teaching by adding that the legal presumption is almoet
universal for impediments of Divine institution. 8ee with
what care the Church guards against the matrimonial
union of those who may be in the first degree of consan-
guinity. Indeed in the absence of favourable interpreta-
tion from the Pope only in one instance, and for obvious
reasons, does it appear lawful to presume liberty — '* in casu
dubiae impotentiae^ ne in perpetuum interdicatur matri-
monium '* — and then evils are to be minimised by contract-
ing conditionally and warning the other party.
Antecedent Doubts about facts involving impediments
of ecclesiasticai^ institution.
VI. Antecedent doubts respecting impediments of
ecclesiastical institution come next in order. In this
itoportant class of cases Cardenas, Lacroix, the theologians
named in the last paragraph, with several others, say the
parties, after careful examination, may use their liberty
should a doubt remain, unless a legal presumption happen
to exist in favor of the law. These writers freely admit
such presumptions, but in their absence deem dispensations
unnecessary, although by no means as one with each other
as to whether the Church interferes to make the marriages
valid by removing an impediment when it stands in 2ie
way. * Impedimentum diihium impedimentum nullitm ' and
* libertas in possessione ' are their favourite arguments in this
context. And we might possibly expect S. Liguori,* from
what he says of Cognatio Spiritualia in connection with
conditional baptism, would use these maxims for a somewhat
similar purpose. But on the general question he distinctly
holds it necessary to apply for a dispensation. And plainly
there is not the same reason for the Church interposing in
dubia facta as in dubia juris, . Foi^ it is one thing not to
press a law in a particular class of cases which according
to many never came within its compass, and would be
something far different to remove an impediment already
^ De BaptiBmo, n. 151.
Doubtful Impediments of Matrimony. 415
contracted simply because post factum in a particular case
it cannot be found whether the fact to which an impedi-
ment is attached occurred or not. Again, doing the latter
might tend to promote remissness in the previous investi-
gation.
But obviously a priori reasoning cannot be decisive
here. Let us see wnat the Church's practice has been.
According to some, as above, every deficiency is remedied
just as where a doubt directly regards ecclesiastical law.
St. Alphonsus, however, speaking of this opinion, says it
cannot be safely followed in practice, because, although it
were probable that the Church intervenes, the opinion that
she does so is not commonly or certainly admitted as probable,
which it ought in order to create a reliable presumption.
Now, since his time it cannot be said that theologians have
been more indulgent in opinion on this point than their
predecessors. On the contrary, whilst most modem
writers ratify his judgment, scarcely any is as strong as
Cardenas^ on the other side. For the present then, and
until theological opinion is more pronounced in holding
Church intervention, it cannot be practically certain that an
existing impediment disappears in deference to such opinion.
How, it may be asked, does the Sacred Congregation
treat doubts of fact in reference to impediments in which
dispensations are usually granted ? There is considerable
variety according to the varying circumstances. At one
time it dispenses absolutely^ at another ad cautelam^ and
again declares the marriages may be celebrated. But just
as answers of the first and second class are not proof con-
vincing that any impediment existed, so the last class of
replies does not necessarily mean that owing to the doubt
no impediment remained for removal. What then is the
guiding principle I It seems as if the Church allowed her
laws to have the usual efiect in cases of doubtful fact not
brought before her courts, and decided particular diffi-
culties sent to Rome by the ordinary rules of judicature,
granting an absolute dispensation in doubtful circumstances
where the legal presumption favours the impediment, an
ad cautdam where it is neither way, and declaring merely
licet procedere vf\iQx& \i is against the impediment. That
a dispensation is implied in this third case, if required for
validity, is, of course, highly probable. The important
point, however, to note is, that the Roman decisions do not
settle the question at issue, and therefore leave it still
» Crisis Theologica. Dissert. 11., n. 625-527.
416 Doubtful Impediments of Matrimony. ^
unsafe to treat dubia facti like duhia juris, if there be an
obligation to make sure the sacrament.
A^d plainly there can be no justification for exposing
it to risk in these circumstances, as it is so easy to set
matters thoroughly straight, by applying to the bishop for
a dispensation, which his quasi-ordinary authority enables
him to give in doubtful cases beyond the reach of his
purely delegated faculties. That bishops enjoy this power
needs no special proof. It is generally admitted, because
reservations are odious and to be strictly interpreted, as well
as because suoh matters often occur for dispensation in the
many needs of a bishop's flock.
It is well, however, to remember that when the fact
quoad substantiam is certain, and doubt falls only on some
circumstance necessary to induce the impediment and
usually present with the fact, a presumption of law exists
in favour of the impediment, which will place it mforo
ed'temo on exactly the same footing as if certain in eveiy
respect. Such presumptions are common in connection
with crimen and ajffinity. Besides a question is raised by
Feije as to whether the quasi-ordinary power of dispensing
in doubtful impediments extends to public cases at all.
He himself much prefers a declaration. When this power
comes from urgency, no doubt it does not include them
and is available only for the forum convenientiae. Still the
responses declaring pubUc cases outside the range of
episcopal quasi-ordinary power may be fairly construed as
referring to certain impediments alone, since up to the
present, doubtful ones, without distinction, have been
generally held to come within its compass. Now although
a dispensation as being a vulnus legis should receive strict
interpretation, not so the power of dispensing, which,
being/ar(waJt7w, is to be widely construed until restrictions
are put on by competent authority. The following reply,
given in 1852 by the S. C. C in reference to the jurisdiction
of bishops over cases of doubtful fact, does not make the
distinction : — " Consulat probates auctores et in casibus
gravioris dubii recurrat ad S, sedem saltern ad cautelam."
Supervenient Doubts about facts involving impeddients
whether of jjlvine or of ecclesiastical institutios.
VII. Let us next suppose a doubt of fact to arise after
marriage. If, when full examination has been made, a
» S. Dguori, n. 902.
Doubtful Impediments of Matrimony. 417
doubt continues in reference to a fact which, where exist-
ing, gives rise to an impediment of Divine institution,
matrimony is in possession, and nothing need be done
unless it be within the power of the person concerned to
remove all uncertainty ; as, for instance, in case of doubt-
ful consent, by renewing it conditionally, ^^^lat was said
already, in regard to caution on a somewhat similar issue,
raust oe understood as applying here. Plainly renewal
by words is not required.
VIII. But where the doubt bears on a fact which, if
present, would give rise to an impediment of ecclesiastical
institution, per se a dispensation should be sought,
because otherwise it does not appear how or when the
impediment, if present, is to be removed, and where fairly
feasible, there seems to be an obligation of securing its
absence. Per accidensj however, if not asked by an intelli-
gent penitent to interfere, the confessor will deem it more
prudent in the majority of cases to let matters stand,
rather than run what might be a considerable risk
of unsettling consciences. As a rule he will not mind
his own doubts, but only those of his penitent, which are
to be hushed or refeiTed to the bishop, according to his
best judgment of spiritual advantage either way.
But against applying at all for a dispensation in such
cases, well-known decisions in reference to doubtful
baptism appear to create a difficulty. Let us see. When
both are Catholics, the person whose baptism is doubtful
is to be rebaptised conditionally sine praejudicio matrimoniu
Where one is a Protestant, a doubt in regard to the baptism
of the non-Catholic must not prevent that sacrament from
being considered valid in ordine ad validitatem matrimonii. It
maybe well to state how the latter decision came to be given.
In 1830, the Bishop of Annecy, in Savoy, called atten-
tion to the serious difficulty which mixed marriages pre-
sented in his district owing to the uncertain nature of
baptism, as administered by Protestants, and sought an
answer to the following question : —
** An Calvinistae et Lutherani in illis partibus degentes, quorum
Baptisma dubium et suspectum est, infideles habendi sunt, ita ut
inter hos et Catholicos Disparitatis Cultus impedimentum dirimens
•^esse censeatur ?"
The reply was; —
** 1** Quoad haereticos, quorum sectae ritualia praescribunt
collationem baptismi absque necessario usu materiae et formae
^ssentialis, debet examinari casus particularis.
418 Doubtful Impediments of Matrimony.
*< 2^ Quoad alios qui juxta eomm ritualia baptizant yalide,
validum ceusendum est baptisma. Quodsi dubium persistat, etiam
in V casu, censendum est validum baptisma in ordine ad validi-
tatem matrimonii.
" 3" Si autem certe cognoscMtur nullum baptisma ex consaetu-
dine actuali illius sectae, est nullum matrimonium."
•
Again, in 1837, it was added : —
" In tertio casu praefati decreti, respiciente nullitatcm
certum baptismi in parte haeretica, recurratur in casibus particu-
laribus."
How are these replies to be understood ? Merely as
rules for practical guidance, or over and above as intima-
ting that an impediment, if it exist, is removed to make
marriage valid ? Again, are they applicable to contrcJienday
as well as to contracta, to marriages celebrated without a
dispensation in the prohibent impediment, to purely non-
Catholic marriages ? When a married Catholic is condi-
tionally re-baptized, any obstacle to the validity of marriage
in the case of baptism is removed, and it is certain enough
the union is thereafter, at least, real matrimony. But we
fear it is very different if the doubt of baptism regards a
non-Catholic. In this case baptism is not conditionally
re-administered, and though Ballerini inclines to hold that
the Church dispenses, her whole dealing in the matter
seems to point to the contrary conclusion, unle-ss when
kno^ving the difficulty in a particular case about baptism,
the S. Congregation grants a dispensation in the prohibent
impediment Certainly, if two years after a serious doubt
had arisen as to the baptism of a Protestant, long since
married to a Catholic without a dispensation, the baptism
were discovered to have been invalid, scarcely anyone
would hold that the marriage was now for two years
valid owing to the doubt which began with that period.
Nor, on the other hand, can it be seriously contended,
that at the time of contracting marriage, the Church acted
differently, according as the invalidity of baptism wa«
destined in future time to become certain or only doubtful.
Therefore, since matrimony is null whenever baptism is
found to have been invalid, a dispensation is given neither
at the time of contracting nor of doubting, at least outside
the exception already made.
Doubts about baptism are explained when writing
to Rome for a dispensation in a mixed marriage. Should,
however, the omission occur, it need not cause farther
Doubtful Impediments of Matrimony. 41 %
delay, as the above replies make no distinction between
cGntrahenda and contracta. Purely non-Catholic marriages
are subject to the same rules, a fact which throws additional
light on the Church's action. The following decision will
be interesting in this connection : —
" Vir quidam Anglicanae ecclesiae vult amplecti Catholicam
religioDem. In Anglia matrimoniiiin fecit cum muliere, quae ad
sectam ADabaptistarum pertinebat, et quae prouti ipse afiirmat,
nunqnam baptizata fuit. Quum vir ipse baptismum a ministro
Protestante Anglicano receperit, de valid itate ejus proprii baptis-
matis ratio quoque gravis dubitandi est. Propter jurgia continua
malierem Anabaptistam vir praefatus deseruit, venitque N. ubi
matriiQOoium iterum fecit, sed cum muliere Lutherana. Quaenam
ex istis mulieribus tanquam ejus uxor vera haberi debet ?
" Feria IV., die 20 Julii, 1840."
** Sanctissimus Dominus Noster Gregorius Divina providentia
Papa XVL, in solita audientia R. P. Assessori S. Officii impertita,
audita relatione suprascripti dubii una cum Emin. et Rev D.D.
Cardinalium Generalium Inquisitorum suffragiis,rescribi mandavit,
qaod, dummodo constet de non collatione baptismi mulieris Ana-
baptistae, primum matrimonium fuisse nullum ; secundum vero,
dmnmodo nullum aliud obstet impedimentum, fuisse validum. Ad
dnbium autem valid! tatis baptismi viri, standum esse decreto
feriaeiv., 17 Novembris, 1830."
Returning to the immediate subject, to explain which
this digression has been made, whatever opinion is held of
the Church's dealing with supervening doubtful impedi-
ments of disparitis cultus^ it cannot be concluded that,
because they are not to be remedied by asking for a dis-
pensation ad cautelamj other dubia facti are always to be
treated in like manner.
A ruling given for one class of probable cases cannot
extend to others, where a parity of reason does not exist,
in the absence of a declaration to that effect. And the
reasons here were very special. Such doubts occur
frequently, are of their own nature difficult to solve, and most
of all it would be utterly against ecclesiastical usage to
openly give dispensations to non-Catholics in such profusion.
The difficulty of ever discoveringjthe truth about doubtful
baptism may have had something to do with what
theologians more commonly teach in reference to cognatio
spirituaUs arising therefrom. According to S. Liguori, and
_xl •!• _x 1 1^1. J*^ •. jl f f .
420 Irish Theologians.
opinion be followed in practice t Yes, provided the
grounds alluded to are really strong, because the case has
acquired the advantages of a dubium juris by so many
excepting it from the law independently of how the facts
may stand.
Other Doubts.
IX. Connected with what has been explained, a few
other points of probability yet remain. Should an impedi-
ment be certain, and for any reason a serious doubt arise
as to whether a dispensation had been procured, the
impediment is in possession and must be removed in the
ordinary way before contracting maiiiage. But, on the
other hand, a dispensation of doubtful validity is presumed
valid, although, if possible, recourae should be had to the
bishop before applying it.
X. Again, bishops^ can grant dispensations where
sufficiency of cause is uncertain, while tne contrary holds
good when a doubt falls on their power itself — " Quodsi
constet ab episcopi potestate, sed dubitetur an causa ad
dispensandum sufficiat, dispensare episcopus potest ; sed
dispensare nequit quando ipsa ejus potestas duoia est, ex.
gr., utrum is cum quo est dispensandum sit ei subjectus."*
Lastly, it will be observed, no allusion has been made
to prohibent impediments as such in treating the subject
of this paper. There is nothing peculiar to draw doubts
in their regard out of the ordinary cases of probable
prohibition discussed in treatises on " conscience." It is
otherwise with serious issues bearing on validity, and these
alone have we considered. Patrick O'DonnelLi
IRISH THEOLOGIANS. -NO. VIU.
Marianus Scotus, the Chronicler.
S the name of Marianus Scotus, the Chronicler, was
brought prominently into notice on the occasion
ot the recent interesting discussion regarding the birth-
place of St. Boniface, we think our readers will be
anxious to have a fuller account of the life and writings of
that distinguished chronologist, and also of his namesake
And contemporary, Marianus Scotus the " Poet and Theo-
» CaiUaud, p. 196. « Feije, p. 555.
A
Marianus Scotus, the Chronicler. 421
logian." These two writers have been often confounded ;
and that is not unnatural, seeing that they had both the
same name, both were Irishmen, and contemporaries, and
both recluses in German monasteries. It is, however,
essential to keep them distinct, for they were undoubtedly
diflFerent persons; men, too, of great learning and great
holiness, whose writings prove that in the eleventh centuiy,
in spite of foreign spoilers and domestic dissension, the
schools of Ireland produced scholars of European fame.
It is fortunate that so far as Marianus the Chronicler is
concerned, we have the principal facts of his life recorded
by himself or at least taten down from his own lips by his
amanuensis. In his Chronicle under date of 1028, he says,
** I, Marianus, the wretched, was this year bom in sin."^
Unfortunately he does not tell us where, nor indicate the
name or locality of his family. A marginal entry, how-
ever, in the original MS., of the Chronicle (now preserved
in the Vatican) written in hnah^ leaves no doubt on the
point " It is pleasant for us to-day, 0 Maelbrigte, recluse
in the enclosure in Mentz, on the Thursday before the
Feast of St. Peter, in the first year of the yoke (religious
profession) that is in the year in which Diarmait, King of
the Leinstermen, was slain. And this is the first year I
came from Alba on my pilgrimage :"^ and then he adds in
Latin, " and I have written this book out of love for you^
and for all the Scots, that is, the Irish, because I myself
am an Irishman — et scripsi hunc librum prae caritate tibi
et Scottis omnibus, id est Hibemensibus, quia sum ipse
Hibemensis.** " To-day, " to which the scribe so touchingly
refers, was Thursday before the Feast of St. Peter in 1072,
and serves to fix the time in which the Chronicle was
being written, for that entry is within one page of the end.
It is worth mentioning as a proof of the accuracy of
our native Annals that the Four Masters under date ot"
1072, record the death of King Diannait " on Tuesday the
seventh (VII.) before the Ides of February," while this
scribe, -writing the following Summer in the German
cloister, the very year he came from Ireland, records
Diarmait*s death anno, 1072, in the following brief
entry: — " Diarmait rex Lag. 8 Idus Febr. feria secunda
* Ego mieer Marianus, in peccatis fui in hoc anno natus.
^For the Irish words of this extract quoted by Dr. Moran, now
Archbishop of Sydney, see the Record for March, 1884, page 185,
when they have been for the first time correctly translated— for they
puzzled Waitz and the Germans — by the Rev. Dr, McCarthy, Macroom.
^22 Irish Theologians :
occisTis " — Diarmait was slain on Monday the eighth before
the Ides of February. Did the battle begin on Monday
and end on Tuesday ; or was the king wounded or made a
prisoner on Monday and *' slain and beheaded," as the
FoTir Masters tell us, on Tuesday ? This minor discrepancy
is only a new proof of the extraordinary accuracy of our
ancient Annals.^
It is evident from the marginal entry of the scribe that
Marianus was called in his native Irish tongue Maelbrighe,
the servant of Bridget, a favourite name with our Irish
saints and scholars. We can only conjecture, with some
probability, where Marianus was educated in Ireland, from
an incidental reference which he makes to his own spiritual
director or teacher. Under date of 1043 he makes the
folio wiug interesting statement regarding an incident which
happened before he had left Ireland : — " On the third day
before the calends of February, Anmchaidh (Animchadus),
an Irish monk and recluse, died in the monastery of Fulda.
Over his tomb hghts were seen and psalms were heard.
Over him, too, I. Marianus Scotus, a recluse (in Fulda) for
ten years, sang a daily Mass standing over his feet." The
holy recluse had, it would seem, been buried at or under
the altar of the hermitage chapel, so that Marianus in
offering the Holy Sacrifice stood over bis feet on the spot
where he was buried. He then adds : " The monk William,
a priest who had entered religion, and, moreover, a wise
man, the most rigid and devout of all the monks of Fulda,
as I witnessed with my own eyes, once brought the deceased
Anmchaidh to bless him. On that veiy night, as WiUiam
himself assured me over his body, he dreamt that he saw
Anmchaidh standing up in his grave radiant with brilliant
light, and stretching out his hand Anmchaidh blessed him.
And when my own grave (of Marianus), not yet finished,
lay open by his side for one night, during that entire night
I was sensible of a most delicious fragrance." From which
it appears that Marianus had caused his own grave to be
dug beside the body of his countryman, and probably
watching by the holy tomb during the night that the work
remained imfinished, perceived this deUghtful fragrance to
which he refers. Ana then he adds, " When Anmchaidh
was in the Island of Keltra, (now Iniscalthra in Lougli
Derg,) he, at their earnest request, gave food and drink ti>
1 The Four Masters, however, were right, for a contemporary W***
poet and chronologist, Gilla Caemghan, gives the VII., before the Ides
of February, that is Tuesday the seventh of that month, as the true date.
Marianus Scotus^ the Chronicler. 423
some of the brethren without asking permission from
Carcra the senior or Prior ; although he sent the drink to
the senior to be blessed as usual. The senior making
inquiries and ascertaining what had been done, expelled
him not only from Inascaltra but from all Ireland — a
sentence which Anmichaidh humbly accepted. So Tigher^
Hack Borchech once told me when 1 was blamable for some
slight fault." The Latin sentence — Ita Tighemach Bor-
chech mihi culpabili in aUqua levi culpa pronuntiavit —
is somewhat ambiguous, and might perhaps mean that
Tighemach pronounced a similar sentence against Marianus
himself, but the Cottonian MS. renders it as we have done.
Moume was anciently called Boirche and Tighemach
Boirchech, or Tighemach of Moume, was Abbot of Moville
in the Co. Down, for bjs death is recorded by the Four
Masters in* 1061, so we may fairly conclude that
Marianus was a pupil of the school of Moville before his
departure for the continent.
That event i^ mentioned by the Chronicler himself as
occurring in 1056, when he was only twenty-eight years
old. " I, Marianus, having become a pilgrim for the
heavenly kingdom, left my native country and was made a
monk at Cologne, on Thursday, the first of August," in
that year. But he found friends before liim there, for the
Monastery of St Martin, at Cologne, was founded for Irish
monks so early as 975, as Marianus himself tells us, by the
Archbishop Ebergerus, who chose an Irishman named
Alinnbarinus to be its first abbot. He died in 986, and was
succeeded by another Irishman named Kihan, who, when
he was called to his reward in 1003, was succeeded in the
Abbacy of St. Martins by Ilelias, also an Irishman. He
governed that Irish community for nearly forty years.
Helias of course was his Latin name, the equivalent Irish
form being Aitell, as we learn from the entry of his death,
which is recorded, not only by Marianus himself in 1042,
but also by the Four Masters and by the Annals of Ulster
at the same date. " Aitell of Mucnamh (Mucknoe in the
Co. Monaghan), head of the monks of the Gaidhel, died
at Cologne. He had been chosen to rule another monas-
tery in that city along with St. Martins ; and the following
entry in 1036, shows that Helias and his Irish monks were
looked upon with some jealousy in the German city,
especially by the clergy and monks who had no love for
their rigorous discipline, seeing that it was, no doubt, a
standing reproach on their own relaxed hves. " On account
424 Irish Theologians:
of the strictness of their religions observance, and the
severity of their discipline, and also on account of some
Irishmen whom the Irish Abbot Helias kept with him, in
the Monasteries of St. Pantaleon and of St. Martin, for he
was at that time ruler of both, Piligrinus, the Bishop of
Cologne, instigated by some envious men, told Helias that
neither he nor any other Irishman should remain in the
Monastery of St. Pantaleon after his, the Bishop's, return
from the royal palace. Thereupon Helias and the other
Irishmen to whom the Bishop had spoken, said amongst
themselves (condixerunt). — '*lf Christ is in truth with ug,
pilgrims, the Bishop Piligrinus will never return alive from
the royal court." And so God brought it about. Piligrinus
died on the eighth day before the kalends of September in
the next year, and Helias continued to govern the two
monasteries of St. Pantaleon and St. Martin until his death
in 1064, when Majobus, another Irishman succeeded him.
This Helias, or Ailell, of Mucknoe is described by Marianus
as a prudent and religious man ; and the fact that he was
chosen to rule the two monasteries shows that he was held
in the highest estimation. But that he was an exceedingly
strict disciplinarian is clear from an incident recorded by
Marianus himself:
A Frankish monk under his obedience had written a
" beautiful " Missal with great care and great labour, but
without getting the permission of his abbot. When Helias
found it out he summoned the two communities together,
told them what had been done, and taking the beautiful
Missal in his hand, the fruit of so much time and labour, he
flung it into the fire, where it was burnt to ashes in presence
of all the monks I Ho did so, says the Chronicler, to deter
them from writing or doing anything else in future with-
out due permission. It was certainly a severe lesson of
monastic obedience, and helps to explain why the com-
munity of St. Pantaleon, which was not exclusively Irish,
like that of St. Martin, were anxious to get rid of that
terrible abbot.
It 'vvas doubtless in St. Martin's that Marianus made his
reh'gious profession, imder the rule of the abbot Majobus —
a virgin as he calls him, patient and wise. He remained
at Cologne about two years, and then, it seems, he was
induced to go to Fulda by the abbot Ecbert, who wished
to have near himself a man so holy and learned as Marianus.
On this jonmey they paid a visit to Paderborn, and he
recounts with great satisfaction that he had there the
J
Marianus Scotus^ the Chronicler, 425
privilege of praying on the mat on which a holy recluse
from Ireland, called Patemus, had a few days before
suffered a voluntary martyrdom. When once enclosed it
was not lawful for the recluse, on any account, to leave his
cell without the permission of the bishop or abbot who had
" enclosed " him. On Friday in Passion Week of 1068, the
monastery at Paderborn took fire, but the Irish monk
Paternus, who had been for many years enclosed in his
little cell, now refused to leave it as the flames approached,
being anxious for a martyr's crown ; and so, through the
flames of his little cell he passed to his eternal reward. Many
wonders are told of his tomb, says Marianus, " and I myself,
on the Monday after Low Sunday, a fortnight after his
death, prayed on the mat in his cell upon which he was
burned to death and gained the crown/'
Ecbert the abbot died in that year, but next year
Sigfridus succeeded, and so Marianus going to Wurtzburg
** was ordained priest with Sigfried abbot of Fulda, nigh to
the body of his countryman, the holy martyr Killian, at
Wurtzberg ;" and shortly after his ordination, in May of the
same year, he was once more " enclosed " aqd continued to
live as a strict recluse for the next ten years in Fulda.
These were years of prayer, penance, and study, which he
spent in his little cell, saying his daily Mass over the body
of the blessed Anmchaidh, from Iniscaltra, with his grave
dug beside him, that he might be reminded eveiy moment of
death and judgment. Truly the Danes had not extin-
guished the spirit of religion in Ireland when it could
produce such men as these.
It is evident enough that the holy recluse was much
beloved by Sigfried, at that time abbot of Fulda ; but who
was not long after made Archbishop of Mentz by Pope
Alexander. So that prelate induced him to leave his cell
at Fulda and come to Mentz, where he was again "enclosed"
in a cell of the Monastery of St. Martin in that city.
"A.D. 1069," he says: "I, the wretched Marianus, by order
of the archbishop of Mentz, and of the abbot of Fulda, after
ray enclosure of ten years, was led from my cell in Fulda
to Mentz." It is evident that it was with great reluctance,
and only in obedience to his ecclesiastical superiors, that
lie was induced to leave that beloved cell where he had spent
so many penitential years, and where he had hoped to
rest in peace beside the body of the holy Anmchaidn. But
his friends were not unmindful of him. He tells us that
the chapel of the hermitage of St. Martin's monastery of
VOL. V. 2 I
426 Irish Tlieologians :
*
Mentz was solemnly dedicated, on the 10th July, and that
he himself, the " wretched Marianus " was, for his sins, a
second time enclosed therein on the same day.
Here he spent thirteen years more in strict enclosure,
and composed the great work which has made his name
famous, and of which we now propose to give a short
account.
We owe to Professor G. Waitz, of the University of
Kiel, the first correct edition of even a portion of the
Chronicon of Marianus. Herold, it is true, so eaily as 1559,
purported to publish the *' Chronicles of Marianus Scotus ;"
it was, however, not the genuine text of Marianus,
but rather a summaiy collected from Marianus, as well afi
from several other writers, especially from Methodius and
the Wiui;zburg Annals. Professor Waitz, however, Ut upon
the autograph manuscript of Marianus in the Vatican — the
Codex Palatini) Vaticanus No. 830 — and ascertaining that
it was indeed the genuine work of Marianus, and that the
other Codices, including the famous Cottonian Codex,
which Usher had promised to publish, were only imperfect
copies, he resolvea so far as he went to follow the Vatican
autograph. He observes that there were evidently two
hands engaged in writing the MSS., that what he calls
the " first hand " wrote by far the greater part of the MS.,
from foho 25 to folio 149. The first 25 foUos and the last. 20,
from 149 — 170, are written in a different hand, wliich he
calls the " second." Most of the marginal entries, too,
seem to have been written in this " second hand." We have
been informed, however, by Dr. M*Carthy of Macroom, who
consulted the original MS., in the Vatican, that what Waitz
calls the " second" and imperfect hand is really the hand-
writing of Marianus himself, and that the body of the work
written in what Waitz calls the "first hand," is really thework
of an amanuensis from Ireland, whose handwriting is very
beautiful, and who, about the year 1071, happened to come
to Mentz, where he was employed to write in his own neat
caUgraphy from the dictation of Marianua This would
explain why the earUer folios, up to 26, before he arrived,
are in a different hand, and it also shows from the marginal
entry, anno 1072, in the ** first hand," in which the scribe
addresses Marianus, that Waitz' "first hand" was in reality
the work of the scribe, and that his " second hand " was
the work of Marianus himself. Neither writer, however, is
free from blemishes both in grammar and orthography, so
much so that Waitz thinks Marianus himself wrote none of
Marianus ScotuSj the Clironicler, 427
the Chronicle, but that two successive pcribes may have
written it in his name. Blemishes of this kind, however,
are not unusual in our Irish manuscripts, especially if we
judge them by a standard diflFerent from that in use amongst
Irishmen themselves ; but before we censure them it would
be necessary to fix some standard of absolute perfection in
orthography, which it is by no means easy to accomplish.
Waitz published his edition of Marianus in the fifth
relume of r ertz's Monumenta Germanica Historiae; and this
edition has been republished in Migne's Latin Patrology,
voL 147, page 602 ; where Irish scholars will more readily
be able to consult it. Unfortunately, however, the German
Professor to whom we owe many thanks has only published
the Third Book of the Chronicon, and the First and Second
Books still remain unpubhshed. The entire work was a
kind of universal Chronicle, from the creation to the age
of the writer; but he dealt, at least in the first two books,
much more with the problems of Chronology than with the
facts of history. It is well that Professor Waitz has pub-
lished at least the contents of these books, from which we
can obtain an idea of the subject matter. Book the First
contains 22 chapters, and deals with all the great questions
of scriptural history and chronology from the creation to
the birth of Christ. It is unnecessary to remind our readers
how many abstruse questions regarding the days of creation,
the lives of the patriarchs, the deluge, the sojourn in
Egypt, the seventy weeks of years foretold by Daniel, &c.,
are contained in this long period. The Second Book,
in 83 chapters, discusses all the chronological questions
connected with the evangelical history, from the birth of
Johw the Baptist to the ordination of the Seven Deacons.
It contains, moreover, an interesting summary of the
Gospel narratives, arranged as far as possible in the chro-
nological order according to the author's notions. The
Third Book, the only one yet published, is more properly
speaking a chronicle, and gives a brief summary of the
most noteworthy events from the birth of Christ down to
the death of the author. But in the writer's estimation
history is always secondary to chronology, and his main
purpose in this hook is to show that Dionysius Exiguus has
fixed the natal year of our Lord some twenty-two years
too late, and that we are as it were to that extent behind
our true time. Hence he gives all his own dates twenty-
two years in advance of tixe common or Dionysian era —
a fact that miist be borne in mind when conBulting the
Chronicle.
428 Irish Theologians:
Although Marianus has not succeeded in persuading
posterity that Dionysius en-ed to that extent, it is wonder-
ful how well he succeeded in persuading the most learned
of his contemporaries and immediate successors. *' Marianus
Scotus," says Sigebeii;, " wrote a Chronicle from the birth
of Christ to the year of Christ 1082, in which he shows
with extraordinary ingenuity the mistake made by previous
chronographists in fixing such a date for the birth of Christ,
that the year of his Passion according to their computation
{quantum ad rationem computi) could not be made to
harmonize with the Gospel truth. But he, by adding
twenty-two years to the date at which the others fix the
birth of Christ, and by giving on the margin of the page,
on the one side the years of the Gospel truth, and on the
other the years of the false computation, makes the truth
of the one and the falseness of the other not only intelligible
but visible.'*^ This iSigebert of Gembloux was a most
learned man, a chronicler himself contemporary with
Marianus, for he was born only three years after him,
although he outUved him nearly thirty years, for he died
in 1112. A somewhat similar testimony is borne by
WilHam of Malmesbuiy, and by Odericus Vitalis. The latter
"writer, however, although highly lauding Marianus as a
chronologist, does not, like the former, specifically refer
with approbation to his correction of Dionysius. These
testimonies show the high estimation in which Marianus
was held by the most learned men of his own time ; and
although we cannot agi*ee with him in attributing to
Dionysius an error of twenty-two years, yet we thinJK he
deserves great credit for his ingenuity in showing, as he
was one of the first to show, that Dionysius did not
accurately fix the natal year of our Lord — a fact now
admitted by eveiy scholar.
The learning of Marianus was undoubtedly very great.
A glance at the list of the authorities whom he consulted,
is of itself sufficient to prove this. Waitz gives a catalogue
of nearly thirty authors — Latin Fathers, or Latin transla-
tions from the Greek Fathers — whom he quotes in the
course of his work. Amongst them were Josephus,
Eusebius, nearly all the writings of St. Jerome, St.
Augustine, Cassiodorus, Prosper, St. Gregory, Isidore, and
Bede — ^not to mention the annalists immediately preceding
his own time. One important entry refers to the mission
* De Script, Eccles., c. 149, Chron. Anno. 1061-1082.
Marianus ScotuSj the Clironicler. 429
of St. Patrick, of British origin (genere Bnttm\ who was
sent by St. Oelestine to preach the Gospel in Ireland, where
he spent sixty years in missionary labour. He thus con-
firms the opinion which assigns St. Patrick's death to the
year 492, and his authority, whilst the traditions of the
Irish Church were so vivid is entitled to veiy great weight.
Many of the most interesting records in the Chronicle
regard Irish aflFairs, especially about the author s own time.
He gives in one place a long hst of our native princes of
the line of Conn, the Hundred Fighter, and from time to
time records the death of the most celebrated amongst
them. He takes particular care to refer to his distinguished
fellow countrymen in the religious houses of the Continent ;
and he tells with evident pride of the sanctity of their
hves, and of the high places which they filled. Neither
was he insensible to the kindness shown to himself and his
fellow countrymen, exiles for Christ in a foreign land. For
instance, under date of the year 1039, he records the death
of Richard, Abbot of Fulda, of blessed memory, and adds
the interesting information that, "he admitted into the
brotherhood many holy men of the Irish nation, that he
five them rooms and dormitories, for their own use, apart
om the others, and that in everything he acted like a
father and treated them as brethren.'* It is interesting
to find so many holy men from Ireland in this eleventh
century, thronging the monastic cloisters of Fulda, Cologne,
and Mentz ; and what is more, giving glory to God and
to Ireland by the extent of their learning as well as by the
holiness of their lives.
The last entry in the original manuscript is dated 1181,
and notices the murders and robberies committed in Italy
in that year by the partisans of Henry IV., in their persecu-
tion of Pope Gregory VII. There is indeed a continuation of
the Chronicle, in a new hand, down to the year 1133 ; but
Avith this neither Marianus nor his scribe had anything to
do. The last entry made by the scribe was to note under
the year 1182, and in the margin, at least out of its proper
place, the death of his beloved master ; and then he, too,
seems to have given up the work. He had lost that dear
associate of his labours whose society made that poor cell
so "pleasant ** for these two exiled children of Ireland. He
had no one now to speak to him in the sweet-toned Gaelic
tongue which he loved. He had been working, he says,
" for love of you, Maelbrighte, and of all the Irish, because
I myself am an Irishman " — and now he was left alone, and
430 A Scriptural Sketch.
he could not so lovingly labour for the stranger. May ye
rest in peace, dear sons of Ireland, whether or not ye sleep
together in the hermitage chapel of Mentz, where ye
laboured so long and so lovingly ; and may we who enjoy
the fruit of your labours, never forget the bright example
of your virtues.
"In Marianus," says his philosophical German editor,
" you have a man altogether weaned from the things of the
world, one who, enclosed in his narrow cell and assiduous
in the contemplation of heavenly things, strove to secure
the tranquillity of his mind and the salvation of his eoul;
whence we may justly assiune that he was altogether
devoted to exercises of piety and practices of penance.
Yet he raised his mind beyond these things; for in the
soUtude in which he Uved he gave himself up to sacred
study, and thereby won no mean praise for himself both
with his contemporaries and with posterity."
The " Blessed " Marianus Scotus is venerated on the
9th of February, and we have a Ufe of the Saint, who is
called a Chronographer, given by the Bolandists of that
date. But it is now almost certain that Marianus Scotus,
the " Blessed," was not Marianus, the Chronicler, of whom
we have been speaking, but another Marianus, the " Poet
and Theologian of Ratisbon," the story of whose life and
writings we must reserve for another issue of the Record.
John Heaxy.
A SCRIPTURAL SKETCH.— lU.
THE south-western part of the Arabian peninsula is not
so barren and is much more thickly popidated than the
rest of the immense country that hes south of Syria. It
was called Arabia Felix on account of its rich products.
In olden times it had mines of gold and silver. Pliny saj^s
that it abounded in precious stones, Horace, in one of his
Odes, alludes to its proverbial wealth : —
^* Icci, beatis nunc Arabum invidis
Gazis, et acrem militiam paras
Kon ante devictis Sabaeae
Regibus."
Lib. L Od. 29.
A Scriptural Sketch. 431
It was the home of the phoenix — the holy burd that was
gifted with the power of resurrection, and
" That sung to the last his own death lay,
And in iusic and perfumes died away>
Moore, Lalla Rookk.
Ancient •historians say that it was also renowned for
incense, balm, and myrrh, and modem travellers tell us
that even at this day the air is full of those sweet odours,
and that they are carried by the breeze far out over the
sea, so that the sailor breathes Arabia long before he lands
npon its coast.
Amongst all the ancient tribes of Arabia Felix, the tribe
of Sabaeans was celebrated. Greek and Roman writers
spoke highly of the riches of their territory.
'* Gallus oppida diruit et retulit Sabaeos ditissimos sylvarum
fertilitate odonfera, auri metallis, agrorum rivis, mellis ceraeque
Proventu.'' Pliny i.^ 6^ c. 28.
The capital of this tribe was Saba, which is said to have
been founded soon after the deluge. It owed its name to
one of the grandchildren of the patriarch Heber. The
modern town of Zebid occupies, we oelieve, the site of the
ancient city.
The tribe was primitively governed by women, a fact
which is mentioned by the poet Claudian : —
" Medis, levibusque Sabaeis,
Imperat hie sexus regina, unique sub armis
Barbariae pars magna jacet."
Claud, in Eutrop., Lib. XI.
At the time when Solomon ruled over Judaea the
Sabaeans were subject to a princess whom Josephus, in his
"Anti(juitie8 of the Jews," seems to confound with the
Nitocns of Herodotus, but whom Arabian traditions call
Balkis. She is only known in history by the title of
" Queen of Sheba or Saba," and her journey to Jerusalem
to visit Solomon.* She was inquisitive into philosophy,
and having heard of the virtue and prudence of the
' There is a singular controversy as to whether the Queen of Saba
came from Arabia Felix or from Ethiopia. There are great authorities
on both sides. In favour of Ethiopia we find Origen, St. Jerome, St.
Angustine, Josephu8,Eabban More, and Cornelius a Lapide. In favour
of Arabia Felix, Cajetan, Baronius, Pineda, and Suarez. Weston says
there is little occasion for doubting in the matter, as it is now generally
agreed that she came from Arabia Felix.
432 A Scriptural Sketch.
Israelite monarch, she had a great wish to see him, and to
make a trial of his wisdom.
Several interpreters of Scripture believe that the Queen
of Saba was moved by an interior warning, and came to
Jerusalem to seek a better treasure than the precious stonefl
and perfumes of Arabia — ^namely, the knowledge and wor-
ship of the time God. For even at the period when the
law had been laid down only on the heights of Sinai, and
was known to none except the Jews, it would be wrong to
think that the other peoples scattered over the face of the
earth were condemned to error. It was always possible
for sincere minds and for pure hearts to find the road that
leads to religious truth. There is no reason, then, to be
astonished if a call of supernatural wisdom had more to do
in inducing the " Queen of the South " to visit Solomon
than the philosophic or superstitious curiosity that was then
so common outside of Palestine.
In any case Solomon had a right to the admiration
of his contemporaries. His reign was for the Jews an
incomparable epoch of glory and prosperity. Agriculture
was developed and systematized to an extent hitherto
unknown ; moderate taxes were raised on the lands of the
citizens ; imposts were levied on foreign merchandize ;
a system of protection prevailed that would drive modem
free-traders mto frenzy; public works were carried out by
slaves, or by workmen hired at paltry wages ; a stream of
wealth flowed into the coffers of the treasury.
We may judge of the advanced state of the arts by the
construction of the temple, which was built in seven years,
and by the pomp and richness of the ceremonies of worship.
It was like the happy reign of Alfred the Great in England,
or that of the good St. Louis in France. Every man from
Dan to Beersheba could sit without fear under his vine or
fig-tree. His property and his person were safe under the
just rule of the " wisest man that ever lived."
And not only was his kingdom flourishing within, but
all the princes from the Euphrates to the Mediterranean,
and from the northern frontiers of Syria to Idumaea and
Egypt, were on friendly terms with him. They sent him
presents, and asked his advice in matters of importance
to their country. The most able workmen of Tyre were
at his service. His vessels went to foreign lands in
search of gold, ivory, rare animals, and sweet-smelling
woods. Pharaoh, that ruled from Memphis, gave him his
daughter in wedlock. He built, or at least restored
A Scriptural Sketch. 433
Palmyra ; for it would be difficult to maintain that he was its
founder. Those who see the ruins of Tadmor lying in the
wilderness, Uke the bones of a gigantic city, doubt that
Solomon could have had time, or that his contemporaries
could have had strength to execute works which modern
science, with all its perfection of mechanics, could not
undertake to recommence ; so that antiquarians now-a-
days are incUned to agree with the fable that attributes
them to a race of gods or giants whose physical propor-
tions have never since been attained, and the secrets of
whose workmanship are lost in the gloom of antiquity.
In addition to all those attributes of wealth and power,
Solomon had the reputation of being very learned in the
sciences that were, in his age, the test of intellectual culture.
We know that many of his works have been lost ; that he
wrote much about trees, about the animals of the earth,
about birds, reptiles, and fishes. It is also, according to
many learned commentators before this period, that he had
written the " Book of Proverbs,'* the " Book of Ecclesiastes,"
and the " Canticle of Canticles." It is indeed a matter of
controversy openly discussed, and never likely to be de-
cided on this side of eternity, whether the " Book of Eccle-
siastes " was written before or after the fall of Solomon.
All we can say with certainty on the matter is, that those
who maintain that it was " before," join their adversaries
in the hope that (for Solomon's sake) they may be in error.
The queen entered Jerusalem in state, followed by a
gUttering train of attendants, bringing camels laden with
gold, spices, aromatics, and precious stones. When pre-
sented to the king, " she told him all she had in her heart."
Solomon instructed her on every subject she brought under
his notice. He left no question without an answer, and
solved all her doubts. When she was convinced of his
wisdom, and of the grandeur of his soul, she visited the
palaces and the temple. He had just constructed a road
across the valley of Mello, joining the lower part of the
city with the Moimt of Sion ; on the latter hill he had built
two royal houses, one for himself and one for the queen.
The architecture of these structures was rich and elegant.
Grreat cedars of Lebanon carved in columns ornamented
the interior galleries ; the panels and wainscoting were of
cedar "wood; leaves of gold ran artistically through the
moolifings and turnings; officers in magnificent costmnes
camnrded through the halls ; the luxiuy and splendour of
tiie table^rvices and furniture was unrivalled. Then in
434 A Scriptural Sketch.
grandeur still more imposing came the Temple. A htmdred
thousand men had worked at it for seven years. The wood
with which it was decorated was all of the most costly
cedar ; the stone was wrought to a high degree, and the
floor was covered with leaves of gold. Latin historians
have written of the wonderful richness of the temple that
was burned by Titus, but the Jews that saw it built
on their return from captivity shed tears of regret
when they remembered the magnificence ot the ancient
temple that was profaned and plundered by the tyrant of
Babylon.
No wonder those superb monuments excited the admi-
ration of the queen, in her own kingdom she had no
workmen capable of executing such works, although the
country was well furnished -with materials. Writers well
acquainted with the history of Arabia state that nothing
precise is known about the state of the arte in that country
m those remote ages, but they presume from the pastoral
life and nomadic habits of ite inhabitante, that they had
then at least no claim to the reputation they afterwards
acquired by the rich and graceful architecture of the
Alhambra, or the cathedral of Cordova. Their opinion is
borne out by the fact that Arabia presents none of the
great ruins such as are to be seen in Syria and on the
banks of the Nile, and which date back, like those of
Memphis, Baalbec, and Palmyra, perhaps to centuries
before the time of Solomon.
The want of anything of the kind in her southern home
made the buildings of. Jerusalem appear doubly grand in
the eyes of Queen Ballds, if we may be allowed to call her
by that name^ and giving utterance to her admiration she
said : —
" The word is true which I heard in my country of thy virtues
and wisdom."
'^ Happy are thy men, and happy are thy servants, who stand
always before thee."
'' And blessed be the Lord thy God, who hath been pleased to
set thee on His throne ; because God loveth the people of Israd,
and will preserve them for ever, and therefore hath He made thee
king over them, to do judgment and justice.''
XL Paralip., eh. IX.
It is believed that the queen remained some months at
Jerusalem. When about to depart, she offered Solomon
an immense quantity of gold, spices and precious stones ;
A Scriptural Sketch. 435
and he, in rettqn, bestowed on her gifts of the costliest
ttiDgs his fleets had brought from Ophir and other foreign
landE; wishing even to make presents superior to those he
had received, he offered her whatever she desired.
In those relations of mutual good will that existed
between the two rulers the Jews recognised the link of
parentage that bound them to the Arabs. For almost all
the Arabians are descendants of Abraham by Hagar and
Cethura, as the Jews are children of Abraham and Sarah ;
and it is interesting to mark how those two peoples have
developed and lived through so many centuries, always
maintaming the distinctive character tjiat belonged to
them over four thousand years ago. The Jews, though
dispersed over the surface of the globe, and the Arabians^
still fixed imder their cloudless sky, remain faithful to the
manners, to the laws, and to the spirit of their ancestors.
The Jew, the child of the believing Abraham, still awaits
the Messiah. The precepts of Sinai are still his code. He
reads the Bible on the banks of every river in the world,,
as he read it long ago on the banks of the Jordan or tho
Euphratea But the Arab, the descendant of the patriarch
and pastor, now as then, makes his rough coat of ill-spun
Woof, and covers his tent with the hair of goats. He hves
on dates and water-melons and the milk of camels. His
Kfe reminds the civilized European of the infancy of the
world and of the rudeness oi primitive manners. His
religion is borrowed from the Bible, but disfigured by a
mixture of Ishmaelite idolatry.
It was after the visit of this illHstriotis stranger that
Solomon fell, and became a worshipper of idols. His wives
turned away his heart after other gods ; for he went alter
Ashteroth, the goddess of the Zidonians, and after Moloch,,
tile abomination of the Ammonites. He began by tolerat-
ing idolatry ; by degrees he became what men now call
liberal. Finally, he believed all reli^ons equally true — the
real meaning of which is that all religions are equally false.
'* All things come alike to all ; there is one event to the up-
right and to the wicked ; to the good and to the clean and to the
QQclean ; to him who sacrificeth, and to him who sacrificeth not.'*
These are the first thoughts of a man from whom faith
is slipping away. Soon God is no longer felt to be the
Eternal Ruler of the world. A blind chance, a dark destiny,,
henceforth direct all earthly things. The way is lost,for God
hides Himself from those who try to do without Him.
L
436 A &mptural Sketch,
TJie last Bentiments of the unhappy king are to this
<ia7 a problem unsolved. Some believe that he was
saved, others, that he never repented ; but the saying con-
cerning three great lights of the "world is, we believe,
generally accepted, viz. : —
De Origene speratur,
De Salamone dubitatur,
De Tertiilliano desperatur."
Profane history says nothing as to what became of the
t^ueen of Saba after her visit to Jerusalem. In early
Christian times it was beKeved that she had followed the
lessons of wisdom she had received more faithfully than
her royal teacher. She was regarded by several Fathers
of the Church as a holy woman, and one of the elect of
God, and what is more than all human praise, her name
Was pronounced with honor by the Incarnate Word himself,
who deigned to propose her as an example of what could
and ought to be done when there is question of finding
out the truth.
*' The Queen of the South shall rise up in judgment against
the men of thid nation, and shall condemn them ; for she came
from the extreme ends of the earth to hear the wisdom of
Solomon."
Several of the most able masters have painted the
beautiful subject of the Queen of Saba coming in all her
^andeur to visit Solomon. In the Italian School, Raphael
and Dominichino; !n the French School, Eustache
Lesneur; in the German School, Holbein, and in the
Flemish School, Gerard de Lairesse, have all contributed
to her immortality. She has been more fortunate in paint-
ing than in poetry. With the exception of some passing
allusions in the works of the great authors, she has been
almost completely neglected by the " capricious muse.^
J. F. HOGAN>
[ 437 ]
INDUSTRIAL SCHOOLS IN IRELAND.
THERE is scarcely a priest in Ireland who does not fre-
quently feel embarrassed by finding, in the region of
his ministration, helpless and destitute children. To provide
for such is always a work of great charity, and to do so
satisfactorily is frequently a task of great difficulty, if not,
an unpossibility. The relieving officer, in most cases, will
give tnem temporary relief, and the Poor Law guardians
will ofier them the shelter of the workhouse. But the
workhouse is, admittedly, a bad place to bring up children.
Idleness, meanness, and a spirit of dependence, together
with a tendency to crime, are frequently the habits acquired
in our Poor-law institutions. Nor is the system of sending
out children to *' nurse " — " baby-farming," as it is some-
times called — a satisfactory one. As a rule, such children
are not well clothed, nor well housed, nor well fed ; while
their education, both secular and reUgious, is frequently
neglected. Besides, the example and associations in which
they move are not always such as children should have.
Hence, the Poor-law system for relieving destitute children
is not a good one, though if properly looked after, in some
instances it may be turned to good account.
There is a better way to provide for such children than
by sending them to the poorhouse, or by " farming " them
out, and that is by having them committed to Industrial
schools.
These institutions, if not called into existence in
Ireland, were first legally recognised and subsidised by the
Industrial School Act passed iu 1868. This Act was slightly
amended in 1880; and it is by virtue of these two pieces
of legislation the schools in question do so much good to
the poorer classes and to the coimtry at large. As Catho-
lics enjoy them, they maybe described as institutions under
religious management and supported by public funds, where
destitute innocent children, or juveniles who have mani-
fested only slight tendencies to crime, are legally detained
till they attain their sixteenth year, for the pui'pose of being
fio educated and trained that they may afterwards become
useful and respectable members of society.
Industrial schools differ from Reformatories, as these
suppose the juveniles to be convicted of some legal crime.
The Industrial schools are open to juvenile criminals too>
but only when the "criminals" are under the age of
438 Industrial Schools in Ireland
twelve. Juveniles convicted of crime under that age may
be committed to either class of school, but the Govern-
mental Inspector of Reformatories, in his report published
in 1883, strongly urges on magistrates to send them, ia
preference, to Industrial schools, unless their criminal ten-
dencies be very much developed.
Industrial schools are strictly sectarian. They are, as
we have them, either exclusively for Catholics or for Pro-
testants : and those for Catholics are all under the manage-
ment and control of reUgious, and subject to Government
inspection. There are Industrial schools for boys, and
Industrial schools for girls — all separate institutions ; and, in
both classes of schools, the juveniles who would otherwise be
the arabs of our streets, or the inmates of our workhouses,
or prisons, are healthily housed, comfortably clad, abund-
antly fed, trained in secular knowledge and in handicraft
for their success in after life, and carefully brought up in
the knowledge and practice of their holjr faith. A visit to
one of our Industrial schools will convince even a person
prejudiced against reUgious institutions of the superior care
taken of the inmates in these places. The rooms are cheerftd
and healthy, the food is good and abundant, the clothing
neat and warm, and the children are clean, mannerly,
healthy, and happy. Under the care of reUgious — generally
of holy nuns — ^who feel a Christian love for them, and who
minister in a Christian spirit to all their corporal, mental, and
religious requirements, what an advantage chUdren in
Industrial schools have over those brought up in workhouses
somewhat in the OUver Twist fashion I
As proof of their efficiency we subjoin two extracts
from the Government Inspector's report pubUshed in 1883,
one showing the interior working of the Industrial school
at Strabane, selected at hap-hazard from the report, and
the other showing the high name our Industrial schools in
general have acquired : —
**St. Catherine's Industrial School for Roman Catholic
Girls, Strabane. — Certified 30th November, 1869.
"Inspected *20th September, 1882.
Average number of imnates paid for by Treasury . . 100
Voluntary inmates ....... 7
Extems who attend the school^-on rolls, 420 ; average
attendance 297*9
" Siatt of premses, — A sum amounting to £1,065 2«. 6<i. was
expended on the buildings of this school in 1882. It is now
becoming perfect in all its details, and meets the warm approval of
Industrial Schools in Ireland. 439
€Teryone in the district. The new dressing-room and lavatory
baTe been completed. Two new dormitories have also been
provided.
^'Health and general condition. — One girl died from consumption
and another from disease of the bowels, in 1882. The health of
the other children was excellent, and I never saw a finer set of
girls than I have met amongst the pupils of this school.
** Conduct and discipline, — Very satisfactory. The manager
reports that no serious fault was committed by any of the children
during the year. They are very cheery and happy.
** Educational state, — This school is managed in connexion with
the Board of National Education, and is examined by the District
Inspector, as if for results. He writes : —
" ' I have not had time to examine this large school since the
results examination last August, but no school in my district needs
a second examination in the year less. There were about 350
children examined (including externs) for results last year, of whom
a more than average proportion stood in the higher classes. Their
answering in the ordinary subjects was excellent, especially in
arithmetic, writing, and dictation, while a large number were pre-
sented in French, music, drawing, cookery, and other extra subjects
with success. In fact this school was specially exempted from the
operation of the rule limiting the number of extra subjects,
owing to the very favourable reports made on the ability,
method, and industry with which all subjects are taught, the
i elementary subjects not having been sacrificed as is in other
\ schools sometimes the case, to the extra subjects.
*« ' Signed,
***W. NiCHOLLS,
" * District Inspector, National Schools. ' "
** French, drawing, vocal and instrumental music are well
taught. Some of the Industrial school pupils are paid monitresses
under the National Board, and passed most creditable examinations
for the appointment.
" Industrial training, — The public laundry continues to give the
greatest satisfaction. The work of the girls cannot be surpassed.
, The whiteness of the linen washed in the school is, I am informed,
due to the water for the laundry being filtered before being used,
and also to the bleaching on the hill.
*' Needlework in its different branches is well taught. The
girls make all the clothes they wear, and work for the shops. They
upholster mattresses and palliasses. They work fine embroideiw in
gold and silk.
*'Ten cows are on the farm, and a number of calves and poultry
arc reared. The frfrls milk cows, and make butter. Thev bake all
440 Industrial Schools in Ireland.
each is instructed accordiog to her capacity in the work> by which
she can earn a livelihood when she leaves the school.
^^ Staff. — Mrs. Atkinson and J 2 Sisters of Mercy, with a
laundress and school teacher, form the staff of this establishment.
"Total cost of the school in 188-2, £3,r)91 U$, Ad., of which
^1,065 25. Crf. /was for building. Cost per head, £18 18«. 9d.
Industrial profits, £226 158. 7d.
'' Results, 1879-80-81.— Fifty-five discharged ; 51 doing well,
2 since dead, and 2 re-admitted to school. Many of the girls
trained in this school are now in good situations.
" Those who reside near the school visit it often, and a regular
correspondence is kept up with others living in England, Scotland,
and various parts of America. Several ap{)lications were received
during the year for servants from ladies who reside in England, and
know the girls from this school who are living in their neighbour-
hoods. One girl sends money from America to educate her brother
before bringing him to that country. And another (also living in
America) pays to further her sister in industrial training in this
school.
So much for the eflSciencyof one of our Industrial Schools.
What follows is the character the Inspector gives of our
Industrial Schools in general.
*' The Industrial schools of Ireland need no comment from me-
They arc considered by the most distinguished publicists of Europe
who have visited them to be models on which a general system of
technical instruction might well be founded. Their future progress
depends on the reports of the two Royal Commissions now sitting.
The members of both Commissions have, I am happy to say,
expressed to me their approval of the management of the Irish
Industrial Schools, and, I have no doubt, the system will develop,
and tend towards the spread of technical education throughout the
count ly."
What an advantage to have such homes for the poor
destitute children in our midst I What blessings they
bestow ! What happiness and prosperity they create !
From the same report on Industrial schools we learn
there were in 1882 forty of these institutions for Catholic
girls and 12 for Catholic boys, 62 being the entire number
in Ireland. The number of children in the institutions on
the 31st December, 1882, was— boys, 2,418; girls, 3,660
= 6,078. Adding 377, who were then absent on leave, we
have a total of 6,455 destitute children, most of whom are
Catholics, who were being usefully, comfortablv, and reli-
giously brought up, saved from the criminal habits that
poverty so frequently teaches, and protected from the
snares of proselytizing societies.
Industrial Schools in Ireland. 441
It 18 pleasant in a country overtaxed with demands for
charitable objects as Ireland is supposed to be, to find that
the charitable work of Industrial schools is carried on by
aid from the public funda The Industrial Schools Acts
allow this, but it is to be regretted they do not enforce it.
They allow no grants for the erection of Industrial schools,
nor for their enlargement, nor their improvement, though
Acts authorize such expenditure for Keformatories ; but
they allow interest on the money expended on the buildings
to be charged in the accounts, and they allow grand juries
in the several counties to contribute for each child sent to
an Industrial school from their county, and they authorize
the Treasury to supplement the grand jury allowance to a
sufScient amount. Accommodation being provided, and
the house and premises approved of by the inspector, a
certificate describing the building as an Industrial school,
and able to accommodate a certain number, is given to the
manager; and thereupon he is authorized, though not*
obliged, to admit suitable persons after a certain legal
process has been gone through. On their admission, the
grand juries of the counties, or of the counties of the towns,
or of the cities, from which the children are sent, are at
liberty to contribute out of the funds at their disposal for
their proper maintenance. The Treasury supplements such
■ contnbutions, so that considerable, if not adequate,
remuneration is given to the managers.
On looking over the report of 1883, it is seen that 36
grand juries are " contributories," and that only three in
Ireland — those of Carlo w and of the two Ridings of Tipperary
—are not It is not to be concluded that all the grand juries
that contribute act up to the spirit of the Act: for, some of
them give only a very limited patronage to it by paying
towards the support of a very hmited number of destitute
children; while others contribute in a very miserly way even
for a very limited number. The contributions of the grand
juries vary from half a crown to a shilling each week per
j child. The system is evidently very faulty, but nevertheless
I the amount given the Industrial schools annually is consid-
\ erable. In 1882 grand juries gave £26,702; the Treasury,
£74,997 ; and the incomes from all sources were £120,177,
against £143,843, expenditure.
The report so often alluded to in this paper is very
satisfactory where it shows the efficacy of Industrial schools
in the after Ufe of those trained in them. Every one knows
how badly workhouse children turn out in after life, and it
VOL. V. 2 K
*
1
442 Industrial Schools in Ireland.
is therefore all the more to be rejoiced at when, as an
almost universal rule, children of the same class brought up
in these schools go on well in their subsequent career.
In recent yeai"s, upwards of a thousand on an average
leave them annually. Most have suitable employment
provided for them before they leave. Some join Her
Majesty's forces, and some seek prosperity in foreign lands.
A Knowledge is kept up of almost all of them, and the
influence their education and training exercise upon them,
is clearly shown by what is reported of those who left in
the years 1879, '80, and *81 :—
" Total number who left the schools in the three years 1879,
'80-'81 was 3,029, viz., boys. 1,308 ; girls, 1,721.
*' Of these, 15 boys and 8 girls were committed to Reforma-
tories, 104 boys and 114 girls died in the schools, 18 boys and 3^
girls for whose detention orders were deemed insufficient were dis-
charged by the Chief Secretary, and 119 boys and 44 girls were
transferred to other Industrial schools.
** The total to be reported on up to 31st December, 18S2, was
therefore, 9,575, viz., 1,059 boys, 1,523 girls.
'* Of the boys, 24 died after discharge, leaving 1,028 to be re-
ported on, of whom —
930, or 90 '5 per cent., were reported as doing well.
22, or 2*1 „ „ doubtful.
6, or 0*5 „ „ convicted.
67, or 6*5 „ „ unknown.
3 re-committed to school.
''Of the 1,523 girls, 46 have since died, leaving 1,477 to be
reported on, of whom —
1,405, or 91*5 per cent., were reported doing welL
23, or 1*5 „ „ doubtful.
43, or 2*9 „ „ unknown.
6, or 0*4 „ werere-committed to an Industrial school.
** The preceding table gives a proportion of 90*5 per cent., of
males and 91*5 per cent., of females discharged from Industrial
schools during the three years (1879-'80-'81) who are reported to
have been doidg well since they left the schools, and in no instance
can I trace," says the Inspector, '^ that, of the 1,523 girls discharged
from Industrial schools during that period, any one of them was
convicted of crime during 1882.*'
There is abundant proof in the above quotations of the
advantage Industrial schools are to this country, and of
how satisfactorily the system fits in with the conscientious
requirements of its people. Though they are now pretty
large and numerous, and though they welter thousands^
yet they are not large enough for all they contain, nor are
Industrial Schools in Ireland. 443
they adequate to the wants of the poor. They were over-
crowded in '82, the Inspector tells us ; they are so still.
The writer of this paper had recently to make application
in a score of schools before finding vacancies for three des-
titute orphans, and he finally succeeded in getting admis-
sion for them only after waiting a considerable time for
vacancies to occur. There is no more meritorious charity
than to reUeve and train, as Industrial schools do, the help-
less and destitute young ; and it is to be hoped that such
abodes for them will increase and multiply till juvenile
beggars disappear from our streets, and our workhouses
have none but the old and infirm. There are destitute
children in every county for at least one male and one female
Lidustrial school ; and even if money had to be borrowed
for its erection, its interest would be admitted as a proper
charge in the accounts submitted to the Government In-
spector. Seeing the vast strides made in sixteen years in
the erection of upwards of fifty such institutions, it may
reasonably be hoped that the charity of the faithful, the
sacrifices of religious, and the zeal and tact of the bishops
and priests of Ireland, will soon supply all that is needed.
It may be useful to specify the classes of children that
are fit subjects for admission to Industrial schools, and how
an order for their detention is to be obtained. The Act of
1868 states that any two justices at petty sessions, or a
divisional magistrate in the city of Dublin, can make the
required order on the appUcation of anyone in a suitable
case. Thereupon, the poUce take charge|of the child, and
are responsible for its safe delivery, free of all cost, to the
Industrial school for which the order is made. Previous
to the appUcation, it is well to have the consent of the
manager to admit the child in case the magistrates commit
it, but if that be not done, the police are to take it to the
workhouse tiU a vacancy is found, which is to be done
within eight days. The Industrial school named in the
order must be one " under the exclusive management of
persons of the same reUgious persuasion as that professed
by the parents, or, should that be unknown, by the guard-
ians of such child. In all cases in which the religion of
the parents and guardians of such child is unknown, the
said child shall be considered as belonging to that religious
persuasion in which he shall appear to have been baptized,
or, that not appearing, to which he shall profess to belong."
(31 Vic, cap. 25, sec. 14).
The foUowmg is a summary of the grounds upon which
444 Indttstrial Schools in Ireland.
a lawful order for admission to Industrial schools can be
made :-^
« Under the Industrial Schools Act (Ireland), 1868 (31 Vic,
c. 25, 8. 11), the child must be apparently under fourteen years of
age, and must also be —
1, A child found begging or receiving alms, whether doing so
actually or under pretext of selling anything or offering
anything for sale ; or
2. A child being in any street or public place for the purpose
of begging or receiving alms, whether actually doing so
or under pretext of selling anything or offering anything
for sale ; or
8. A child found wandering, and not having any home ; or
4. A child found wandering, and not having any settled place
of abode ; or
5. A child found wandering, and not having proper guardian-
ship ; or
6. A child found wandering, and not having visible means of
subsistence ; or
7. A child found destitute, and being an orphan without any
parent ; or
8. A child found destitute, and having a surviving parent who
is undergoing penal servitude or imprisonment ; or
9. A child who frequents the company of reputed thieves.
** The 13th section of the Industrial Schools Act (Ireland), 1868
(31 Vic, c. 25), speciGes also a class additional to the classes above
enumerated, and requires that the child shall be apparently under
twelve years of age, and charged before two or more magistrates in
petty sessions, or before a divisional magistrate in a Dublin police
court, with an offence punishable by imprisonment, or a less
punishment, but who has been convicted of felony, and who, in the
opinion of such magistrates or divisional magistrate, ought (regard
being had to the age of the child and the circumstances of the
case) to be dealt with under the Act.
'* In any of the foregoing cases the detention order may bo
made by two magistrates in petty sessions, or a divisional magis-
trate in a Dublin police court,
In addition to the classes above specified the Prevention of
Crimes Act, 1871 (34 & 35 Vic, c. 113, s. 14), enacts that, when
a woman is convicted of crime, as defined by the 20th section of
that Act, and a previous conviction is proved against her, her
child or children, fulfilling all of the following conditions, namely;
(a) Under fourteen years of age,
(6) And under her care and control when she is convicted of
the last of such crimes,
(c) And who have no visible means of subsistence ; or
Are without proper guardianship-*-
may be sentenced to detention under the Industrial Schools Act
On the Pronunciation of Latin. 445
(Ireland), 1868, either by the court before which such woman is
convicted, or by two magistrates in petty sessions, or by a divi-
sional magistrate in a Dublin police court/'
By the Act of 1880 (43 and 44 Vic, c. 15) a child under
fourteen years of age is a fit subject for committal to Indus-
trial schools
Who *' is lodging, living, or residing with common or
reputed prostitutes, or in a house resided in or frequented
by prostitutes for the purpose of prostitution," or
Who "frequents the company of prostitutes."
From this summary, which is taken from authentic
sources, it is evident that the Industrial Schools Acts could
be very extensively availed of in this country — even much
more so than they are — to the incalculable advantage of
the poor. An amendment of them, however, is much
needed, giving means for the erection of suitable buildings,
making it compulsory for magistrates to commit in the
cases specified, and requiring grand juries to contribute
unifomaly and adequately. Were the laws improved in
these particulars, schools of Industrial education that a
Catholic country could accept, would soon be sufliciently
numerous for our destitute poor. Industrial learning would
spread, and tend veiy considerably to revive the prosperity
of Ireland. jOHjj CUBRY, Adm.
ON THE PRONUNCIATION OF LATIN.
WE have no way of exactly finding out how the ancients
pronounced Latin. Of late years, however, a good
deal of attention has been directed to this subject, and
owing to the same conclusions having been arrived at in
so many different quarters, we may well pause in astonish-
ment and ask ourselves whether really the new style of
Eronouncing Latin, according to modera scholars, may not
ave been the very same in wnich Cicero uttered his periods
in the Forum, or Caesar harangued his soldiers before battle.
In our young days we learned Prosody, because, as we
were told. Prosody taught us to pronounce Latin correctly.
That "correct" pronunciation however helped us very
Kttle indeed, in K>rming an estimate of what must have
been the old way of reading and speaking Latin. Neither
446 On the Pronunciation of Latin,
were those rules of Prosody oJF any assistance to us in
understanding any of the Continental proniinciationB, or
of making ourselves better understood among foreigners^
The study of ancient Prosody in place of clearing up
mysteries merely multipUed them. What insight does
Prosody give us into the manner of reading ancient poetry?
We know very well,for instance, what is meant by a bexam-
eter, but let us take the hexameters of Virgil, and see
how they are to be read. The ancients in reading classical
poetry observed an ictus or rhythmic beat in each foot, in
other words, what may be loosely termed, a kind of accent
By placing this accent on the first syllable of each hexam-
eter foot, we certainly obtain a pleasing rhythm. This
rhythm has been introduced into German and English
poetry — ^the writers making in their hexameters the accented
syllable of a word receive the arsis or stress of voice. Thus
in Longfellow the natural accent of each word corresponds
with the ictus of the ancients, and the ear certainly cau
grasp the rhythm of the following from Evangeline : —
** Strongly built were their houses with frames of oak and
of che^nut.
** Such as the peasants of Normandy built in the reign of
• the Henries."
And we find the same thing in German, as for instance,
in the following hexameter rendering by Voss of the
famous line in Homer: — B^ 8* cikcwv vapa 6tva,etc.
Schweigend ging er zum Strand des weitrauschenden Meercs.
Now in imitations of hexameter in modern languages
the ictus or verse-accent is the same as the natural accent
of the word. But can we say this of Latin t No, and here
the difficulty begins. It is well known that leaving aside
altogether the so-called verse-accent of poetry, words have
in Latin their ordinary acute and circumflex accents, and
certain rules are laid down as to the placing of these accents
which every schoolboy knows. 1. — ^No dissyllable word is
accented on the last syllable but on the first. 2. — ^In
polysyllabic words, if the penult be long, it is accented ;
if short, the antepenult is accented. These rules are
observed in our Uturgical works. Dissyllables will be found
unmarked in the Missal and Breviary, as according to the
rule there is only the one place to put the accent This
accent is not always a guide to the quantity of a syllable.
We must know that the antepenult of " Dominus " is shorty
t
On the Pronimciatum ofJLatiru 447
thongh it bears the accent. Now we shall find in scanning
that this word-accent is in many cases quite diflFerent from
the verse-accent or ictttSy whicn, according to prosodians,
falls upon certain syllables in verse. To make this plain,
1 have only to give the opening lines of Virgil's iEneid.
In the first example I mani: the accent according to the
ancient rules of accentation : —
" Arma virumque cano Tr6jae qui pHmus ab oris,
Italiam fate profdgus Layfnaqae v^nit
Litora r
Now let us take the second line above and mark the
ietusj and it appears as follows : —
" Italiam fat 6 profiigus Lavfnaqne v^nit."
How in the name of wonder were the Romans able to
observe in reading the two seemingly conflicting accents?
In order to discuss this question properly, it will be
necessary in the first place to inquire more closely into the
nature of the Latin accents. The accentus or Trpoo-ySta of
the ancients meant something more than the stress of voice
with which we pronounce one syllable of a word more
distinctly than another. Both the above words are derived
from verbs which mean " to sing," and from this we may
fairly conclude that accent among the ancients meant what
we would call " pitch " or " tone." That is to say, the part
of the word over which the accent-mark was, or should be
placed, was sounded in a diflFerent tone from the rest of the
word. The grammarian Aristophanes, of Byzantium, is said
to have invented accent-marks, B.C. 264. Over the syl-
lable which was sounded in a higher key he placed a mark
slanting to the right, which was called 17 o^€ta Trpoa-tpBia
" sharp " or " acute accent." But it was found that in cases
of long vowels or diphthongs, not only did the voice take a
higher pitch in sounding them, but that before it passed on
to the next syllable, it deflected to the normal tone in
which the rest of the word was pronounced. Aristophanes
represented this tone by a roof-shaped sign — symbolic of
ti»e rising and sinking of the voice — which was called
13 v€punrtofi€vrj ir/xxrySia the "tumedround" or "circumflex
accent*' This mark, it may be observed, is sometimes found
in Greek books, shaped like an «. What is called the grave
accent in Greek only marks the absence of the above two
secantfL
448 On the Pronunciation of Latin*
This tone-accent may be heard from the first organ-grinder
or vendor of images you meet. He pronounces the accented
syllables in a kind of half-singing tone, which makes one
imderstand why '* accent" is derived from canonising."
We have seen that by taking no notice of the accent, but
by merely laying a stress of the voice on the syllable where
the ictiu metricus falls, Latin hexameter is still pleasing to
the ear. Could this possibly be if the accent was ako
observed in reading poetry ? A way of getting out of the
difficulty is by suggesting that the ancients had an artificial
way of reading or chanting poetry, which we know nothing
about. And we have reason to suppose that in olden
times all poetry in metre was written to be simg or spoken
in recitative. The ictus may have been a long low note,
and the accent a high note, short or long according to its
quantity. But supposing the poetry was only read, may
we not, from the fact already made palpable, of hexameter
being still pleasing to the ear, though the verse-accent or
ictus is only noticed — may we not, 1 say, boldly accept the
theory that the accent, when it was found to clasn with
the syllable in arsis was displaced, and the word-accent
and verse accent became one. This theory need startle
no one, for we find many instances of it in English poetry,
especially in the ballad style. I may quote the following
from the weird legend by Walter Scott : —
" There is a Nun in Dryburgh bower,
Ne'er looks upon the sun.
There is a Monk in Melrose tower,
He speaketh word to none.
That Nun who ne'er beholds the day.
That Monk who speaks to none —
That Nun was Smaylho'me's Lady gay,
That Monk the bold Baron."
How many in reading the above do not instinctively
find themselves putting the accent on the last syllable of
"Baron," t.^,, transferring the accent to where the ictus
or beat of the iambic would be expected. And in the
following from Longfellow : —
" It was the schooner Hesperus,
That sailed the wintry sea ;
And the skipper had taken his little daughter
To bear him company."
•
how few can refrain from saying " companee?" Why then
shordd we be slow to accept the theory that the Romans
On (Ae Pronunciation of Latin, 449
did not always pronounce their words the same in poetry
aa in proee when we cannot avoid doing it in EngliehT
J cannot pauae here to discuss the queetion of potition,
interesting tnough it may be, but before I bring my few
remarks on Prosody to a close, I muat write something ■
about the hymns of the Church. They are of different
kinds, but they may be divided into two classes — those that
are composed in the claaeical style, and those that are com-
poeed in the modem style of accent and rhyme. The
Sapphics "late Confessor" and "Nocte surgentea" belongto
the former class, and the " Lauda Sioa " and " Stabat
Mater" to the latter. But the most common style of hymn
IB the Dimeter Iambic Acatalectic, which appears to me to
possess the characteristics of classical poetry. Iambics are
found in the even places (the second and fourth), and
Spondees are admitted into the odd places. The syllables in
ariit are long by nature or by position. The metrical
beats in the following verse from the "Veni Creator,"
toiTesponds with those of the English version subjoined : —
" Ho8t«ni repellas longius,
Pacemque donea protinus ;
Ductore sic te praevio
Vitemna omne noxium."
" Far from us drive the foe we dread,
And grant us Thy true peace instead ;
So shall we not with Thee for guide.
Turn from the path of life aaide,"
When we settle ourselves to grapple with the question,
bow the ancients did really pronounce Latin the study of
proBody is as we have seen of very little assistance. It
is well known that the different nations of Europe attach
different values to the Latin vowels and consonants — in
fact each country pronounces Latin according to the
genius of its o^vn language. Hence one who knows
several modem languages has the key to the pronunciation ■
of Latin in the countries where these languages are spoken.
Bnt to the Latin scholar who knows no modem language
bnt bis own, nothing seems so grotesque as the variations
of the pronunciation of Latin in the different countries.
A'ii admirari is the sage's advice, and those of us who may
Snd aomettung ridiculous in a foreigner's way of pro-
nouncing Latin, should ask ourselves whether the foreigner
may not find something equally ridiculous in our own.
450 On the Pr&nunciation of Latin,
Swiss guttural, the Polish has sounds like sneezing, the
English is nondescript, and the Irish the " abomination of
desolation." Strange as is the English pronunciation, a
knowledge of the English language would prepare a
.foreigner for all its peculiarities, but no knowledge of
EngUsh or Irish can give a foreigner a clue to some of the
vagaries of our own. When I speak of the English pro-
nunciation, 1 do not mean the new style of reading Latin,
which has been lately argued out and adopted by the most
learned men in England, out the old English pronunciation,
which the new style is superseding. The EngUsh style
was to pronounce Latin words like so many English words.
Whether such words as " ratio,** '* species," " medium,"
" fiat," ♦' major,*' were regarded as Latin or English, there
was no difference made in the pronounciation. "mare*
was pronounced •* Mary,'' " salus," " sailus." This pronun-
ciation never obtained a solid footing in Ireland, and even
by our Protestant countrymen was treated with contempt.
Among priests in Ireland a kind of quasi-continental
pronunciation is general. It still retains many of the
defects of the English pronunciation, and we have added a
host of monstrosities of our own. Where in the name of
wonder has "yewt" or "yoot" (ut) come from? Itifl
neither the French nor the Italian pronunciation of " ut,"
nor can it be accounted for by the genius of the Englii^
or of the Irish language. Why should u be pronounced
long when we know by prosody it should be snort? And
wo pronounced it short in " sicut I " I have heard " huic"
very often pronounced " hike." Where has this pronun-
ciation come from ? I know the Dutch pronounce mi like
(w, for instance **huis" is spoken *' hoice," but have we
gone to Holland for the pronunciation of " huic t" And
then we have our " chews " and " chewams " and " chewos."
These latter peculiarities may be accounted for. There is
a class of people still in Ireland who pronounce "dues"
and " fortitude," " Jews " and " forty chewed." Our Irish
pronunciation presents many other grotesque features; but
most of them will occur to me when I treat of the letters
of the alphabet in detail. Before I proceed to do so, I
must call attention to the great movement for reform in
the pronimciation of Latin, which was set on foot some
years ago in England. The incongruities of the English
pronunciation had however been known long before that
time. 1 find in the Gentleman's Magazine of February 1758
the " humble petition " of the letters C O and J to the
A Nineteenth Century 'Philosopher, 451
literati and schoolmasters of Great Britain seeking for
redress in the shape of a proper pronunciation. The
"petition " advocates the hard sound of c and g always^
and sound o{j like y in *• year." However it was reserved
for the learned of our own times — about a dozen years
ago — ^to strike out vigorously for reform. Controversies
with regard to the pronunciations of certain letters were
started in the great seats of education in England, schemes
were proposed and ardently discussed. At last the
professors of Cambridge and Oxford came to an agreement
and issued a " Syllabus of Latin Pronunciation *' the
purport of which I beg space to explain in the next number
of the Record.
M. J. O'Brien.
A NINETEENTH CENT DRY PHILOSOPHER,
THE paper by Mr. Herbert Spenser entitled " Religion ;
A Retrospect and Prospect,*' and accorded the first
place in the January number of The Nineteenth Century^
merits some remarks, if not exactly by way of criticism, at
least in order to correct the misstatements and to expose
the false inferences in which it abotinds. It is a fair
specimen of the ** evolution '* of the hiunan mind regarding
religion, when faith in Divine Revelation has been cast
aside, and it marks the penultimate stage reached by the
English philosopher of the nineteenth century after the
licence of thought begun in the sixteenth. Penultimate
has been said, for the modem German philosopher, more
logical indeed than his English brother, has invoked a
deeper abyss and acknowledges no ** Great Enigma" or
" Ultimate ReaUtjr *' or " Infinite and Eternal Energy," in
other words, admits nothing but matter, if he concede even
that much. Probably it would be vulgar for the refined
EngUsh thinker, rejoicing in the company otliterati^ an
author, a contributor to high-class magazines, to be classed
amon^ the common herd of atheists. Yet it is to be feared
that the appellation. Agnostic, will not save him from that
imputation, if one follows the principle given by Tertullian
in the second century : " To deny in God what is essential
to Him, is to deny Him in effect.*' Moreover, such writinga
452 A Nineteenlh Century Philosopher.
as the one in question help to swell the number of infidels,
hy seducing from their allegiance to the Christian Fgdth,
firstly, the semi-educated who have learned a smattering
of philosophy, or dipped a Uttle into some pojjular manual of
science, and secondly, the artizan or working class, who
seeing their betters to be unbelievers, become so likewise.
It is needless to observe that a wide door is thus opened to
«very sort of crime, and that the only sanction laws have
is that which the fear of the police inspires.
Mr. Spenser's article is so airy, so fanciful, so worthy of
a work emanating from the realms of dream-land, that the
satirical verses of a French poet may be well applied to it:
*' Je vis sous Tombre d'un rocher
L'ombre d'un cocher
Qui frottait Tombre d'un carrosse
Avec Tombre d'une brosse."
Assuming however, that there is some reality in the
sketch and that it is a learned one, as far as big words
clever sophisms, and miscellaneous, but imdigested know-
ledge can contribute to that effect, the "Retrospect" is
historibally untrue, and the " Prospect" must be regarded
in the light of a false prophecy. The article in fact is,
in the first part, an attempt to clothe in philosophical guise
the hideous monster of pagan mythology and aU the oth^
ideas about God, by representing them as the natural
evolution of human thought, and m the second part it is
chiefly a rehearsal of the old objections about God and
His nature, which have been answered over and over
again from the days of TertulUan in the second century
down to the present.
A nineteenth century philosopher poses before the
world as a student of nature alone, whereas everyone
knows that whatever system of reUgion he tries to establish,
whether rational, deistic, or agnostic, is derived from the
«heer perversion of the truths taught in the Christian
Revelation. In other words, take awav the fundamental
truths which he has learned in youth, supposing him
to be brought up in a Christian family, or, failing this,
which he has read in Christian books, and he would be as
far removed in knowledge from Plato and the other ewrly
philosophers, whom he despises, as the heavens are from
the earth. He is very ungrateful, too, after reaching the
lofty eminence, whence he presumes to examine the nature
and attributes of God, and cast a horoscope about the
A Nineteenth Century Philosopher. 452
future reli^ons ideas of the human race, to kick down the
ladder that helped his ascent.
In these days when the sciences, higher and lower, are
80 glorified, it will be allowable to examine what philology
can teach about God and religion.
The Hebrew name for God, Jehovah (f.e.. Who is) is
derived from hcdali^ to be^ and the abbreviation of it is iaA,
to. But the word ia has great analogy with the Latin
particle ;o, juy jov^ whence jo-pater, jov-patery ju-pater. The
Greeks to signify Ju-pater used the words zeus pater ^ or
zeu9 only, and this also comes from joy ju. For since the
Greek is wanting in the letters y and g soft, the letter z
was employed, which is a double one, composed of ds or <«^
whence came a double form of the name by which God
was designated, one having the letter i>, as Zeus among
the Greeks, Deus among the Latins, Deva among the
Indians, the other having T, as Tkeos among the Greeks^
Tot among the Egyptians, Tia among the Chinese,
Teutates among the Germans. The name with us God^^
and Gotty Gut in the Saxon and Danish, has the same
origin. For if in pronouncing j or g it is changed from
soft to aspirate, as actually occurs m Spanish, io easily
becomes go or got. Similar Bog in Slavonic has clearly an
affinity with 6ot, Again, the Latin Deus (God) is found
with little or no change in twenty-two other European
languages, living or dead, in three living African languages
the word is omy sKghtly different, viz,, JWt?, Deanskata^
Deson, in twelve living languages of Oceanica it is Deva^
or the word slightly altered, as also in nineteen living or
dead Asiatic. The dialects in India give us Dewj Deva^
Devita, Vevuto^ the Japanese Daf, the Chinese Tao, 7\
Thieny Thiariy Tchu, Chang-Tiy ifoang-thieuy Ckang-tien^
Tching-tchuy Tay-g. In Zend, the ancient language of
Persia, the word is Daeva^ in Sanscrit Deva^ Devata^ Dairate^
Divaikasy Divichaty and at last we reach the root Dtv. The
great chains of this ascending series are, 1, the word Deus
of the Latins, 2, the word Theos of the Greeks, 3, the three
Chinese forms, Tai, Ti and Thien, 4, the Daeva of Zend,
5, the Sanscrit form Deva. The Latin and Greek languages
are posterior to the Chinese, Zend, and Sanscrit, and denve
many words, especially from the last : thus Dei^ and
Theos come from one of the words, Thien, Tao,"! "liT'
Deca, or from a mother language anterior to Zend^ iJi,
and Sanscrit. '^^
Now what is the meaning of the primitive vocabl %
454 A Nineteenth Century Philosopher.
what idea did it convey to the mind of him that uttered it?
Did it mean that God was a " visible," "tangible," "audible"
Being ? Did it ascribe to Him " physical properties,'* and
materialize Him? Was He in the conception of the
utterer Hable to " himian passions," and " possessing an
intelligence scarcely, if at all, greater than that of the
living man?" Was he a gboul or a ghost t
Not one of all these. The words Deva and Daeva imply
the idea of splendour^ and their termination indicates the
possession of it, so that etymologically speaking they mean
the being that possesses splendour. The Chinese words Too,
Tij Thien, have a common foundation which implies the
idea of heaven mixed with that of unity^ grandeur, reason
and spirit. Thien written consists of two signs, one
signifying the greatest extension {Le.y immensity}, and the
other that of unity ; for the former the sign is r^ and gives
the idea of the four points of the compass, and for the
latter it is : — . The two united give -^ and this is the
graphic sign for the word Thien, God. The word Tt,
usurped by the Emperor, signifies originally the spirit of
heaven, the master of heaven, and the word Too in the mo^
ancient books means the eternal reason, whilst To, Da, and
Tha connote the idea oifatJier. Deva in its Indian modifi-
cations means the heavenly one^ him who dwells tn heavefh
the kina of heaven. Thien even to this day is the Chinese
word lOT heaven ; their Ti is master or sovereign, and their
Tao always means the eternal reason, the way by exceUenee.
The conclusion from these philological examinations is
obvious, viz., if we go back to the primitive epoch when
these words came from a common root, the idea of the
Divinity was that of a Being who possesses splendour within
Himself, who is the Lord of Heaven, the great Unity, the
Eternal Reason, who exists of Himself. Now this collection
of attributes implies monotheism, and cannot be explained
if polytheism, or the religiousideas mentioned by Mr. Spenser
was the beUef of the age contemporary with the formation
of their common root. So far, therefore, from " our final
consciousness of the Unknowable" being reached by
successive modifications, quite the contrary is the fact
And by a strange contradiction this is admitted by the
write-*^mself when he says that " at the outset a germ of
phiioso^jyg contained in the primitive conception." It was
the ea^ng after, in the second age, that the vocable for the
lotty e^y y^Q^ profaned, sometimes by kings in their pride,
and a^^ \yj being applied to the sun, to the stars, and to
A Nineteenth Century Philoaoplier. 455
the material heavens, and again by the mythological con-
ception of many distinct genii, each representing an attri-
bute of the Supreme God, and by the adoration of innu-
merable symbols, as animals, plants, mountains, seas, rivers,
even of statues and fetches under the name of God.
St Paul characterizes these aberrations as follows : " And
they changed the image of the incorruptible God into the
likeness of the image of a corruptible man, and of birds,
and of four-footed beasts, and of creeping things " {Rom.
i 23), and it was on this head one of their own poets
ridiculed them saying : " 0 sacred nations, whose gods
grow in the gardens." Thus the word for God which was
€88entially singular in its origin came in process of time to
be used in a plural signification. Hence the renowned
Oriental scholar Jahn writes : " They who contend that
the first religion was feticism, or the worship of creatures,
and idolatry, form history a priori^ and gratuitously
assume that men in their cognitions always ascend and
never deseendy a thing that all history, particularly that
of rehgion, refutes, for example, the frequent relapses of
the Jews into idolatry." Some attempts were made by
Lao-Tsew Zoroaster and Plato to restore the word God to
its primitive ilieaning, but they failed in this, as in their
eflorts to reform the morals of the people. It was Jesus
Christ who in the third age taught the world by his
religion the true meaning of Deusj Deva^ Theos^ Thien^ Tao^
and restored it to its first signification.
Mr. Spenser says: "If we contrast the Hebrew God
described in primitive traditions, man-like in appearance,
appetites, and emotions with the Hebrew God as charac-
terized by the Prophets, there is shown a widening range
o[ power along with a nature increasingly remote from
that of man." It would be interesting to know where
these primitive traditions are found, and it would have
been only fair to the pubUc to have cited them in a
document professing to give a retrospect of all religion.
Facts, however, are stubborn things, and one fact never
can be contradicted, viz., that the Mosaic history is the
most ancient of all ; for a pre-Adamite man has yet to be
proved, and granted that he ever existed, a pre-Adamite
** Hebrew God " would be an anachronism. The God of
the first chapter of Genesis, whose " spuit moved over the
waters," who said to Moses in Exodus (iii., 4), ** I Am, WHO
Am, whom King Pharaoh a Gentile acknowledged to be
his scourger {Gen, xii.), to whom Melchisedech, King of
456 A Nineteenth Century PhilosopJier.
Salem (Gen. xiv.) sacrificed, is the same. One, Simi
Eternal, Spiritual, Infinite Being who says in Jeren
(xxiii. 24), "Do I not fill heaven and earth?" and wb
Spirit, in Wisdom (i. 7), " hath filled the whole wor
Improperiv, and in a metaphorical sense, human emoti*
are sometimes ascribed to God, as when addressing m.» ^
and accommodating Himself to their weak understandiiij ;
He uses a form of words which would express lmrr\: '
members, or corporal properties and affections, so that iA)
might understand that He did those things by an act of
His own will, which they as corporal beings could do only
by an ^exercise of their human powers. The Scripture
gives us spiritual and divine things under the likeness of
corporal things; thus is said in Job (xi. 8, 9) of God:
" He is higher than Heaven, and what wilt thou do ? He
is deeper than hell, and what wilt thou know ? The
measure of Him is longer than the earth, and broader than
the sea." By this threefold dimension ascribed to God is
meant, under the likeness of corporal quantity, God's
virtual or potential quantity, viz., oy depth His power
of knowing secret things; by height, the excellenec
of His power over all things; by length. His eternal
duration, &c. Similarly God is said to be sitting, because
of his immovabiHty and authority; standing, because of
His strength to overcome all opposition ; approaching and
receding^hj spiritual affection aud visible action.
Mr. Spenser says that " in the primitive human mind
there exists neither reUgious idea, nor reUgious sentiment'*
This is another gratuitous statement, and I must refer
again to the most ancient of all histories, that of Moses,
who tells us of Adam having very correct ideas of God
and of the worship due to Him till he fell into sin. If
Mr. Spenser says he does not mean Adam, but a human
being before Adam's day, then where is the proof that
there ever existed such a man ? For geological researches
have failed to discover any traces of him. Nay more the
fifteen creative acts narrated by Moses, whether the days
of creation were ordinary ones, or indefinite periods of
time, for the Hebrew word can mean either, perfectly
correspond in their chronological order, with geological
discoveries, so that now-a-days no one learned in that
department disputes the scientific accuracy of the Bible,
except those who are carried away by the hallucinations
of their own disordered brams.
Behef in the existence of a Being supremely perfect.
A Nineteenth Century Philosopher, 457
ate in the heart of man — it is engraven there, or
it is bom with him. At the eight of his own
?tion and weakness, he feels within him the need
J attached to One placed above him. This was
nion even of pagan philosophers, as of Gcero
^^o<j TuscuL 1): "ITiere is no nation, however wild
« 5* 2- ^'barons, though it may not know what god to
©S^l^nYet it knows it should honour one;" and of
l-ittiifcl^^i^who said : " Go over the world, and it would
be easier to find cities without walls, without sciences,
without money, without a king, than to find a city that
had not its gods and its temples." The same truth was
confirmed on the discovery of America. Though a
crowd of races was found there, overwhelmed in all the
sensuality of animal life, yet they preserved among
them, to a greater or less extent, a trace of belief in a
Supreme Being, whom they called the Great Spirit.
Hence Divine revelation taught man many things which
he had already within him, but which he failed to see
himself, as the treasures of a beautiful and richly fur-
nished room are not seen in the dark, but are visible
when a light is brought; yet they did not enter with
the light, for they were there already.
The ''Prospect" is professedly a sequel flowing from
the "Retrospect?' If, therefore, the latter is shown to
be void of any reality in fact, the former must take
its place in that ever recurring circle of illusions, by
which men allow themselves to be deceived, when with
unbridled thought they form religion for themselves,
or try with finite minds to grasp the infinite. The
" Prospect " is, however, something more than it appears
at first eight. It is a well planned attack on the whole
Christian faith, whose tenets have been held as sacred by the
wisest and holiest in every age — that faith which has been,
and yet is, the bond that keeps together civilized society.
One of the London dailies recognised this, when it
selected, as the cream of the whole paper, that part
which was intended to be most damaging to Christianity,
where the writer professes to give a summaiy of its
dogmas, commenting on them with more than the sneer
of Voltaire, and throwing them overboard with con-
temptuous sangfroid. Here it is right to dwell a Httle.
Almighty uod is accused of ** cruelty." To Mr. Spenser
He appears ** cruel," but not to believers in Christianity,
who ought to be the first to complain. The fear of
VOL.V. 2l
458 A Nineteenth Century Philosopher,
** eternal torments," is doubtless a wholesome deterrent
from sin; but it is the lowest of all the motives that
animate a soul in the service of God, and enters least of
all into the thoughts. We serve, love, and worship God,
because He created us out of His goodness, because He is
Goodness itself, because we are His children and address
Him by the affectionate name of Father, because He loves us
and gives so many and such powerful aids to reach the
place He has prepared for us in heaven. It is wrong to say
that any motive of self interest influenced Him in creating
man, as for instance that " He was seized with a craving for
praise," and that " we might be perpetually telling him how
great He is ;" for nothing is wanting to the plenitude of His
Being and His happiness, and the Psalmist says (xv. 2) :
** Thou art my God, for Thou hast no need of my goods."
Yet should we love Him and praise Him, and " perpe-
tually," too, and in doing so we benefit ourselves, not Him.
In the "eternal torments," so unpalatable to "the
better natured," the believer sees only the justice of God,
and the natural consequence of sin. Sin, namely, a viola-
tion of the law of conscience (which itself testifies to the
existence of a supreme law-giver) is to its punishment, in
the relation of cause and effect. The man who destroys
his own eve-sight, though he lived for ever, would be for
ever blind, a very great punishment, no doubt, yet a neces-
sary consequence of the act he freely committed ; and the
man who, oy a serious violation of the law of conscience,
makes himself the enemy of God, and deprives himself of
the aummum bonum, eternal life, freely suDJects himself to
eternal pimishment and its consequences, namely, the
eternal loss of the happiness for wluch he was destined,
the eternal regret for having lost it through his own fault,
and those other necessary pains by which reason says he,
as a guilty person, should be pimished eternally. The
philosopher Leibnitz (Sr/sterna TJieo, p. 338) says : "When
the soul leaves the body in the state of mortal sin, and
thus badly disposed towards God, like a weight broken
off, it rushes to the abyss of destruction, and sentences
itself to eternal damnation." No theologians in the
Catholic Church, therefore, " quietly drop out of their
teachings belief in hell and damnation."
Mr. Spenser does not know the teaching of the Catholic
Church concerning original sin and its consequences, else
he would not have framed, on this head, a second charge
of cruelly against God. Passing by traces of tradition
A Nineteenth Century Philosopher. 459
on the fall of the first man, found among the most
ancient peoples, and summed up by Voltaire himself, no
friend of Christianity, in these words : " The fall of man ift
the foundation of the theology of almost all the most
ancient peoples," the sin of Adam was something more
than ** a small transgression." It was disobedience(fiff. Paul
to Rom. V.) to the highest and most venerable authority,
disbelief in Him who is truth itself — for Adam believed the
word of the tempter — contempt of God and ingratitude to
Him, a sin the malice of which was increased from the
very ease with which the command could have been kept,
and because the punishment was clearly announced before-
hand. The guilt of this sin and part of its punishment have
indeed passed to Adam's descendants ; but in us the sin is
pasrivey in Adam it was actualy and the " penalties " we
inherit are the deprivation of all those privileges which
were supperadded to Adam's nature. Does it **call
forth expressions of abhorrence " that the descendants of
all those English noblemen, who were guilty of high
treason in the past, and whose estates were confiscated,
should be in poverty to day 1 Would the Queen of Eng-
land bo considered "cruel," if, after ennobling a poor
man and giving him estates, she deprived him and his
descendants of all these privileges for the crime of high
treason committed by him ?
Mr. Spenser sees another '* cruelty" in " damning all men
who do not avail themselves of an alleged mode of obtain-
ing forgiveness, which most men have never heard of."
Here again his ignorance of CathoUc teaching appear&
No man is damned except he act against his conscience,
St Paul saying : " Whosoever have sinned without the law,
shall perish without the law ; and whosoever have sinned
in the law, shall be judged by the law. For when
the Gentiles, who have not the law, do by nature those
things that are of the law, these having not the law,
are a law to themselves. Who show the work of the law
written in their hearts, their conscience bearing witness to
theniy and their thoughts between themselves accusing, or
also defending one another." And this is as true to-day
of the heathen Chinee, or of the Kaffir, or of any other
iadhridual pagan on whom the Ught of the Gospel has not yet
ibone, as it was of the Gentiles of whom St. Paul speaks.
460 A Nineteenth Centurn/ Fliilosoplier.
assumed necessity for a propitiatory victim." The redemp*
tion of the human race was not necessary^ God being as free
not to redeem as not to create. Neither was the satisfac-
tion of Christ or the Incarnation of the Word iiecesmry^ for
God is not bound to maintain the extreme rigour of His
justice ; He can yield His right, or dispense m His law
against sinners, by exacting even imperfect satisfaction.
But God did not refuse the equivalent satisfaction given
by His Son, when He in His goodness and mercy took on
Himself human nature, and freely offered Himself' a victim
for sin: " Sacrifice and oblation thou wouldest not; but a
body thou hast fitted to me ; holocausts for sin did not pleage
thee.^ Then said 1, * Behold I come.'" (St. Paul to Heh. x.)
So much for the chapter of horrors, so ingeniously con-
ceived and 80 graphically described, but so utterly void of
foundation in fact.
Mr. Spenser says " the growing intelligence," meaning
perhaps his own, which he probably regards as the highest
development the human mind has yet reached on reUgious
matters, "detects logical incongruities more and more
conspicuous " — '* the familiar diflSculties that sundry of the
implied divine tracts are in contradiction with the divine
attributes otherwise ascribed;*' that the attributes them-
selves are "irreconcilable" with one another, and that
examined separately they do not stand the test, and become
only " meaningless" words.
The "familiar difficulties" have been familiarly answered
over and over again, and it does not require any great
** intelligence " to see that when God is said to be angiy,
repent, forget, or recollect, these emotions are ascribed to
Him in a metaphorical and improper sense, and that He
does in time, but according to a free act of His will from
eternity, those various things which men influenced by
anger, repentance, forgetfuluess, or recollection, are wont
to do. But these emotions are never ascribed to God in
the same sense as they are to man, and argue no imperfec-
tion or chan^eableness in Him, as is very clear from
Scripture. Therefore God is said to be angry, when He
threatens or punishes ; to repent of something He has done,
when in altered circumstances He destroys His world ; to
forget men, when He allows them to be in trouble; to
remember them, when He consoles and bestows favours on
them. Thus God loves the just man whom before when a
sinner He hated, but there is no change in Him who from
all eternity, by the most simple act, abhors sin and loves
A Nineteenth Ceniury Philosopher, 461
good; the whole change is in the man, who, from being
a sinner and hateful in the sight of God, becomes just ana
pleasing to Him. The sun illumines with his rays the man
who exposes himself to them, but if he withdraw from
them he is no longer illumined, y^t the sun is unchanged ;
so God, without any ctauge on his part, loves the man
placed in the sun of justice, whom He did not love before,
nay, hated when he fell from justice.
Similarly with the other attributes of God — ^they are
reconcilable one with the other, and argue no change or
succession in Him ; and if He wiDs or understands, the act
of volition or the act of intelligence, is not "a meaningless
word," but represents to* our minds God under the one
aspect or under the other.
Therefore it is lawful to conclude from the preceding
remarks that there never was, as alleged, a gradual
"dropping of anthropomorphic characters, given to the
First Cause," there is not at present, and there never will be;
nor is the conception of God a bit different to-day from
what it was in the beginning, nor a bit larger, for the
reason that His nature is incomprehensible to our finite
minds ** yesterday, to-day," and as long as man is in this
mortal life. What more visible than the sun, more brilliant I
yet nothing so diflScult to look at, precisely on account of
its splendour and clearness, and of the weakness of our
vision. So there is nothing more intelligible to our reason
than God, and at the same time nothing more difficult to
comprehend in this life. The astronomer may continue to
use the most improved instruments of his science, the
physicist discover hidden properties in nature, their wonder
will increase, but they are as far from comprehending God
as the lowest savage, or the simplest child. And no
accumulation of future "evolved intelligences" will be
able to apprehend God, for the reason that no number of
finites can equal the infinite. Does Mr. Spenser himself, an
" evolved intelligence," apprehend more of God, whom he
calls "Infinite and Eternal Energy," than St. Paul, who
said of God : " He is not far from everyone of us, for in
Him we live, and move, and be ;" or than Moses, to whom
God said : " 1 am who am." Whoever wants to know more
than reason and nature testify of God, can find it in Divine
Revelation : " A Deo discendum est, quid de Deo intelli-
gendum sit, quia non nisi se auctore cognoscitur." (Bellarm,
de Trin. L.V. 21).
Daniel Ferris.
[ 462 ]
CORRESPONDENCE.
Matrimony,
Titius, a Catholic whose home is in Dublin, travels through
England and Scotland for two or three months each year, soliciting
orders for the firm with which he is connected in Dublin. On
these occasions he never remains more than a week or two in the
same town. Having, as usual, arrived on February 28rd in
Liverpool for this purpose, he availed himself of the opportunity of
attending two days later, a ball in that city. Here he made the
acquaintance of Titia, a young Catholic lady, who also lived in
Ireland, but who had come to England that day to spend three or
four weeks with some friends. The chance acquaintance thos
made ripened in a few days into love, and they agreed to marry.
But as Titius waa to start on his business circuit through
Scotland in a week or two, and as he wished to give Titia an
opportunity of enjoying the beautiful scenery in Scotland through
which he was to pass, seeing the impropriety there would be if they
travelled together without being married, he persuaded her to be
married by special licence at the office of the Registrar, before
setting out on their Highland tour. Having given her consent,
they were married at the said office, and travelled through Scotland
together, combining the " utile" and " dulce," the duties of business
with the enjoyment of the honeymoon. The business over, they
retimed together to their mutusd home in Dublin.
Quaeritur — ^An validum sit matrimonium inter eos contractum ?
Sacerdos in Angua.
The case of those who, having their residences in a
place where the Decree "Tametsi** is in force, contract
clandestine marriage in a parish in which it is not published^
without, on the one hand, acquiring a new domicile, or on
the other, going out of their own parish itxfraudem legU^coxAi
not easily receive better illustration. In the September
number of the RECORD, 1882, the arguments on both sides of
this important question are set forth at length in a paper
which, while not incHning to pronounce such marriages up
to that time invaUd, recommended that a c^se occumng in
practice should be referred to the S.C.C. for authoritative
decision. Since then, through Dr. O'Connell's kindness, the
document, with which his name is in this matter connected,
was ascertained to be fully reliable ; also in the TabUt of
February 16, 1884, a decision is given bearing date the 16Ui
September, 1883, which states, " constare ex deductis de
Corre^ondence. 463
nollitate matrimonii," in the case of a French lady and
gentleman who went through the ceremony of marriage
before a Catholic priest and the Registrar in England,
whither they had come for rbarriage bonafide^ intending no
evasion except that of the civil rite in France. .There is of
course some diflference between this case and the one before
us, as Titins and Titia in no sense left Ireland to contract
marriage. Still the cases are very like, and manifestly the
S. Congregation, which can at any time make an txteimve
interpretation binding, has been gradually fixing on the
wider construction. Before Urban VlIL's Decree it is
highly probable those who went out in fraudem legis con-
tracted validly. Not so afterwards, and in modem times
also the tendency seems to have been in the direction of
gradually establishing an extended interpretation, so as to
include all cases in which a domicile or quasi-domicile is
not acquired in the exempt territory. This probably
will be 'made clear by the next decision, a fact which
would leave the union of Titius and Titia invalid, at least
in foro exiemo. Meantime as the case is so like that
reported in the Tablet^ and as the parties are Catholics, they
should renew their consent in Tridentine form and
conditionally. P. O'D.
Is Mean Solar Time obligatory in Ecclesiastical
Functions.
TO the BDITOB of THB 1BI6H ECCLESTASTIGAL RECORD.
Rkv. Dear Sir. — I have to return thanks for the answer given
in the May issue of the Record to my inquiry regarding the new
or standard time and its application to ecclesiastical functions.
But I fear I did not state my case plainly, and so I put it now
as clearly as I can.
A standard time has been lately introduced — mind not by any
ecclesiastical authority. As said before, the country is divided into
three belts or zones, eastern, western, and middle, and within the
limits of each of these belts the same time is kept. Here where I
live this standard time is sixteen minutes slower than the meridian
or solar time, and in some other districts it is much slower than
that. And so when the clock sounds twelve o'clock it is in reality
later.
1. Now the question precisely is this : when the clock (new
time) points to five minutes to twelve at night may refreshments
be taken ?
3. May the office be begun at a quarter before two (new time) ?
That is, may I perform my ecclesiastical functions according to
464 Correspondence.
the new time which is the slower ? This decree quoted seems to
allow us observe the new time or the old as we wish.
3. But as in some cases the solar time is the slower, can those
living in such districts observe it in preference to the other?
In this matter the bishops have said nothing, nor is it likelj
that they ever will.
Apologizing for trouble, I have the honour to be. Very Rev.
Sir, your obedient Servant — A Subscriber.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
In the May number of the Record a "Subscriber" seeks
information about the change of schedule time lately adopted in the
United States. He states the case fairly ; but he should kuow
that Unde Sam*s laws do not bind in Ireland. Even in the
States the new standard was made for commercial and not for
ecclesiastical purposes. The Canonical time for all ecclesiastical
duties is the same as heretofore. Time between New York and
San Francisco varies by several hours. This being a country of
magnificent distances, the business interests of commercial people
demanded a new and fixed standard of railroad time.
Thomas Quiglkt.
1. In reply to our esteemed correspondents we beg to
repeat now, what we said before, that this is pre-eminently
a question for the local ecclesiastical authorities to decide.
2. If what the Pastor of St. Joseph's says in his letter be
accurate, that the ** Schedule '' time has been introduced
only for the convenience of commercial intercourse, then
we quite agree with him in his inference that it is not
lawful to adopt it as the rule for ecclesiastical functions.
3. In any case we think a priest may follow the solar
time, and is not bound to adopt the schedule time, but
then he ought to follow it in oZZ cases where the beginning
or ending of the obligation is determined by the time.
4. We cannot undertake to say that a priest, is justified
in making the " Schedule" time the rule for determining
the limits of his obligations except custom in any particular
district should have made its adoption lawful. It is easy
to conceive, at least in those places where the difference
between the '* Schedule *' time and the solar time is small,
how ecclesiastics might find it convenient to follow the
" Schedule *' time ratber than the solar time. In that
case we cjuld not venture to condemn as unlawful the
general adoption of the "Schedule" time for all ecclesiastical
lunctions. J. IL
[ 465 ]
LITURGY.
I.
Ihe Prayers ordered to be said after every Low Mass by the
Pope.
Bev. Sir — ^Will you kindly give us, Missionary Priests, your
valuable opinion in a matter affecting the correctness and
uniformity of our public service. I refer to the prayers lately
ordered by the Holy Father to be said after every Low Mass.
P. In some places those prayers are said before the De
ProfundU, but the more general usage is to say them after it.
Which practice is right ?
2*^. Some priests stand when saying the prayer, " O God , our
refuge and our strength," but the greater number say it kneeling.
Which is the correct way ?
3*. In some churches the people are encouraged to join in
saying the Holy Mary in response to the Hail Mary said by the
priest ; but generally the Mass-server only answers, and the congre-
gation is not invited to join. Which course should be adopted?
4^ Finally, what of the ** Hail, Holy Queen;" is this to be said
by the priest only, or is the congregation to join in this prayer
also?
In the cause of correctness and uniformity, I ask for your
decision. A Vicar.
1. — It ie our opinion that the prayers to which you
refer, and which were ordered by a decree of the Sacred
Congregation of Rites (Jan. 26th, 1884), at the express
desire of the Holy Father, should be said before the De
Profundis, Our reason for saying so is because they are
liturgical prayers. They are as strictly liturgical as a Collect
ordered by the Pope or S. Congregation — the difference
being that the Collect is a part of the liturgy to be said in
the Mass, but those prayers form the part of the liturgy to
be said after Mass (" peracto Missae sacrificio.'*^ As such,
they take precedence of all other prayers after Mass, which
have not this liturgical character ; and the De Profundis^
though made obligatory by custom in this country, and
sanctioned by the Synod of Maynooth, is not a liturgical
prayer.
It has come to our knowledge that so strictly Uturgical
are those prayers after Mass, that the Roman authorities
will not allow them to be said in French, oi English, or
any language but Latin, without the gravest cause and the
permission of the S. Congregation.
466 Liturgical Questions.
II. — Seeing that the prayers are strictly liturgical, the
Oratio ^^Deus, refugium et wV^iw," should be said by; the
priest standing, just as he says the prayer at Benediction
and similar functions standing. This is the practice of
Rome where those prayers have been in use since an early
date in the reign of Pius IX.
Ill' — The congregation, and not the mere Mass servers,
should answer the '' Holy Mary." The object of the Pope
is to get the priest and people to join in public prayer for
the necessities of the Church : " Ut quod Christianae
reipublicae in commune expedit, id communi prece populos
Chnstianus a Doo contendat, auctoque supplicantiura
numero, divinae beneficia misericordiae facilius assequatur."^
It is certainly the duty of the priest to instruct the
people how to answer those prayers and to encourage them
to join in answering the Holy Mary.
IV. — It is the unvarying practice of Rome for the
people as well as the priest, to say the Salve Regina; and
the practice of Rome, where those prayers have been in
common use for so many years, is our best and safest model
to follow.
We should remark here that one of the obvious results
of the liturgical character of those prayers is that we
should strictly adhere to the form of prayer prescribed,
neither adding to it nor taking from it. Hence we should
not say the Gloria Patri after the Hail Marys, nor the
Divinum auxilium at the end.
It is obviously most desirable and indeed necessary, as
you remark, that in saying those prayers which are now
made a permanent part of our public service, uniformity of
practice should be observed not only through all the
dioceses of Ireland, but with all parts of the imiversJ
Church. Of course our Bishops will in due tim^ conaider
the matter and rive us a practical decision for our guidance
regarding all the points you refer to in your letter. And
we may not have to wait for this direction longer than
next week, when their Lordships hold their summer
meeting at Maynooth.
II.
The Votive Office and Missa Defanctorum.
Very Rev. Sir — The new Indult regarding Votive Masses
Slits on a ^^De ea"* either the office of the dav, or the Votive
penmts
Office.
1 Decretum, S.R.C., 6th Jan., 1884.
Liturgical Questions. 467
I would feel obliged if you would kindly answer the following
question : —
Could a priest celebrate the Missa Quotidiana Defunctorum on,
for example, Thursday, the 4th of September (a De ea)^ and the
Officiom Yotivum SSmi. Sacramenti.
Yours sincerely, John Quinn.
There appears to be no reason why tliis may not be
done. The Votive OflSces may be substituted ad libitum
sacerdotis for Ferials and Simples, and it is nowhere stated,
as far as we know, that this privilege is granted only on
the condition of celebrating a Votive Mass after the Votive
OflSce. Consequently we infer that the recitation of the
Votive OflSce does not deprive a priest of the liberty
allowed by the Rubrics of saying a Missa Defimctorum on
on a Fena, or a Simple.
III.
BepetUion of the Kyrie Eleison, Christe Eleison in the
Litany.
R£v. Sir — In singing*or saying the Litany of the Blessed Virgin
—and it applies also to other Litanies — ought the Kyrie Eleison,
Chritte Eleison, Kyrie EleisoUy at its commencement, be doubled or
not?
Formerly, so far as my experience goes, it was the uniform
custom to say each of these once only, but of late years in many
diurches in these countries, they are each said twice. I have heard
it asserted, (I know not on what grounds) that this latter is the
correct mode, and I have also seen it stated lately that this mode is
incorrect.
I have heard also the invocations which immediately follow
Chriite, audi nos ; CJiriste txaudi nos^ doubled, but this I conceive
must be, without doubt, wrong.
Yours, &c, C.S.S.R.
According to the text of the Litany of the B. Virgin, as
fixed and approved by the Church,* these invocations,
Kyrie eleison^ Christe eleison^ Kyrie eleison^ should be said
only once. The practice of doubling them was intro-
duced for the convenience of the chant, the congregation
*See RaccoUa, Ed. 1878. Maryland, p. 174 Rituale Romanum.
Fnstet'B Ed. 1881. p. 23.»
It is strange that in the English version of the 13th edition of the
468 Liturgical Questions.
repeating what the chanters have just sung. M. BouAon
tells us that it is followed in well-ordered churches in
Rome and elsewhere,^ Whatever may be thought of the
practice (and certainly it is not the form of tne Litany
approved and indulgenced by the Church) it is an improve-
ment upon a decidedly wrong custom which prevailed in
Bome churches of omitting the third invocation {Ki/rie
eleison) on the ground that it would be inconvement
for the chanters to sing this and the following ChrisUj
audi nos.
[t is then our opinion that in singing the Litany these
invocations should not be repeated, provided the chant can
be conveniently and suitably ordered otherwise ; but there
is no reason or excuse why they should be repeated when
the Litany is not sung, but only said. The Christe, andi
nos ; Christe, exaudi nos^ should be said only once.
We may here suggest a doubt of our own as to whether
the indulgence is gained when, in accordance with
another very common practice, the Ora pro nobis is sung
only after every third invocation. Is this sufficient to
gain the indulgence? We doubt it stronrfy; for the
Litany to which the indulgence is attached nas the Ora
pro nobis after every invocation.*
IV.
The Rosary as a substitute for the Office, said in Choro.
A. has received a dispensation to substitute the fifteen decades
of the Rosary for the Divine Office, whenever ho feels disposed
to tivail himself of this privilege, from want of time or other
causes. 6. has a similar privilege. It is late in the day of tolK
and for neither of them is it convenient to recite the Office. In
college days they recited the Office in ckoro, and now they say the
Rosary together, A, giving out the Hail Mary, and B. responding
with the Holy Mary. Please inform me do both comply with their
obligation of reciting the Rosary instead of the Office by following
this method.
The sufficiency of the cause for exercising the privilege
being admitted, we have no hesitation in saying that the
mode of reciting the Rosary is satisfactory. It seems
obvious that all that is required as to the mode of saying
it is that it should be recited as a prayer in such a manner
^Introduction aux Ceremonies Romaines^ p. 411.
■ See Rit, Rom.y ibid, ; Raccolta, ibid.
Liturgical Questions. 46^
as would meet with tliQ approval of the Church. Now, to
the Rosary said as you describe it, the Church does not
deny her indulgences.
The Crescent Lunette.
What is the proper provision for preserving the Sacred Host in
» crescent lunette from Mass till Benediction, and from Benediction
till the lunette can be purified at Mass within the ensuing week ?
Would it do to place the lunette furnished with the Sacred Host on
the corporal within the tabernacle, or could the Sacred Host be put
in the ciborium immediately after Benediction, and the lunette be
purified at once ? A Puzzled P.P.
In connection with the crescent lunette, a gilt or
ffllvered box should be supplied for holding the lunette
when in the tabernacle. In this box or case there is a
groove in which the lunette is fixed, and so held that the
Sacred Host itself does not touch any part of the box^
This is the proper provision for preserving the Sacred
Host in a crescent lunette.
While waiting for such a case, which can be got in
Dublin, you must provide, as best you can, for the reverent
protection of the Blessed Sacrament. In the circumstances,
you may, 1 think, follow either of the two methods you
suggest, but 1 should prefer the second, care being taken
to treat properly the purifications of the lunette.
VI.
Mitsa Solemnis pro Defunctis during the Octave of Corpus
Christ},
Dear Sir — Kindly say in the next number of the E. Eecord
if solemn Mass **Pro Defunctis " could be offered on last Saturday
June 14th, the festival of St. Basil, and within the Octave of
Corpus Christi " absente sed insepulto cadavere."
I find it stated at page ix. in the Synopsis of the " Exequiae
&c. ** " Si cadaver sit insepultum licet non presens " cantare licet
Missam solemnem de Requiem " una cum, &c., in diebus etiara
festivis et duplicibus secundae classis" S.R.C. 23 Mail, 1G03 —
11 Maii 1754-25 April 1781—7 Sept. 1816.
On the same point, p. 209, n. 57, Vavasieur says — *'Avant
rinhumation, on pent celebrer cette Messe, meme im jour de
dimanche ou de fete de precepte, et du rit double de seconde classe."
Gavantus. Pars. I. Tit. v. p. 79, writes— "In dominicis et
festis potest celebrari Missa de Requie pro Defunctis insepulto
cadavere'* S.R.C. 23 Maii, 1603.
De Herdt pp. 59-60, Resp. II., states— " Corpore nondum
sq)ulto, sed non praesente ob morbum contagiosum aut aliam
470 Notices of Booh.
rationahiUm causam^ missa exequialis .... prohibetor ia omnibnA
duplicibus 1 cl. . . . Permittitur autem in Pominias (2) in dapli-
cibus 2 cl. et diebus inferioris ritus, etiam festivis de praecepto
(3) et in hebdomada sancta excepto triduo BSLcro^juxta dec. Sept
1887 (4) quo permittitur corpore pridie sepulto. Ergo eo magis
etiam corpore quidem absente sed nondum se|)ulto, quia decreta
eo casu plura privilegia concedunt^ etc J'
These are the only authorities I have consulted on the subject
at present, and until the case actually turned up I did not think
there was any doubt or second opinion on the matter. It may be
well to say by way of explanation that the burial could not take
place untU Sunday, the day after the office ; and hence the corpse
could not be conveniently brought to the church. This I presume
would be in the mind of De Herdt an '^ alia rationabilis causa " to
allow the Mass. — ^Yours, &c.
A Subscriber.
The cause for the absence of the corpse from the church
being supposed to be sufficient, it is the common opinion
of Rubricists that the Solemnis Missa Exequialis may be
celebrated on the day you mention. The Congregation
has decided^ that in those circimistances the Missa Exequialis
may be said in Holy Week, excepto Triduo, and from this
Rubricists commonly infer that it is also allowed within the
privileged Octaves, as those days are not more specially
exempted than the first days of Holy Week.^ We have
akeady touched on this topic in the R£CORD (3rd Series
Vol. I., pp. 239-40, May, 1880). R. Browne.
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Occasional Sermons^ Addresses^ and Essays^ by the Rioht Rkv.
Gkorob Conrot, D.D., late Bishop of Ardagh. Dublin: M.
H. Gill & Son, 1884.
'J The clergy of Ireland will be thankful to the Editor— we suspect
it is Canon Hoare — ^who has coUected and published the literary
remains of the late distinguished Bishop of Ardagh. The
present volume is not very large, but it is very valuable,
for it contains the choice thoughts of a man who was a
profound scholar, as well as an accomplished literary artist
He was indeed, as our readers well know, cut off in the prime of
his manhood, at the early age of 45, while yet the highest hcmoars
of the Church were in store for her distinguished son ; but even
many years previous to his early death, he was well known to the
^23 Sept. 1837 (4822).
• De Herdt S, Litur. Praxis Tom. L, n. 66, 6** Reap. \L
NoHces of Books. 471
Irish clergy as an eloquent speaker and most accomplished writer.
In a very neatly-written introduction, the Editor gives an interest-
ing sketch of Dr. Conroy's ecclesiastical career, which will be read
with great interest. Then the first part of the work gives
us some twelve or fifteen sermons, preached on various important
occasions. We always thought the opening sermon ^of this series,
preached at the Dedication of the Chinrch of St. Kyran of Clon-
macnoise, a very perfect model of this kind of pulpit eloquence. It was
published at the time in the Ecclesiastical Record, and charmed
all who read it. The lectures are for the most part connected
with the great question of Irish Education, although a few of them
were delivered during the period of Dr. Conroy's delegation in
America. There are also some twenty essays, for the most part
reprinted from the Irish EcCLBsrASTiCAL Record, of which
Dr. Conroy was the first Editor, or perhaps we should rather say
co-Editor in conjunction with the present distinguished Archbishop
of Sydney. The first of these is the introduction to the Ecclesi-
astical Record, in which the writer, with simple and manly
eloquence, explains the aims and motives of its original founders,
and the spirit that guides it still. '^ It is ecclesiastical by reason
of its subject-matter, of the class which it addresses, and of the
sanction under which it appears. Next it is Irish, because to the
best of its humble ability it is intended to serve the Catholic Church
of our native country," and moreover, it was designed, says Dr.
Conroy, " to be a bond of union between the clergy of Ireland and
their foreign brethren." It was on these lines the Record was
conducted from the beginning, and on the same lines it is meant to
conduct it to the end, growing, however, we hope, with the growth
and strengthening with the strength of the Irish Church through-
out the world.
This volume has been very well brought out ; it is well bound
and printed, and will form a valuable addition to the library of
every priest. J. H.
Our Birthday Bouquet^ culled from the Shrines of the Saints
and the Gardens of the Poets, by Eleanor C. Donnelly.
Benzigbr Brothers, 1B84.
This little volume fully sustains the high name of its gifted
authoress in the domain of spiritual literature. The design of the
book is peculiarly happy. For every day in the year a saint's life
is told in its facts, its poetry, and its moraL The poetical selections
are made with much taste, from a long and varied list of sweet
songsters. To use something like the language of the preface, this
beautiful bouquet blows from January to December, gracing each
succeeding birthday with the rich tints and fragrance of its many
seasonable flowers. P. O'D.
We are compelled to hold over for the present several other Notices
oi Books.— £j>.
[ 472 ].
APPENDIX.
THE QUEEN'S COLLEGES COMMISSION— EVIDENCE
OF THE VERY REV. DR. WALSH, PRESIDENT OF
IVIAYNOOTH COLLEGE.
AT the opening of the Commission in Dublin, on Saturday, the
21st June, the first witness examined was the Very Rer.
Dr. Walsh, President of Maynooth CoUege. The following is a
summary of his evidence, condensed from the full report of it,
given in the FreemarCa Journal^ of Monday, 23rd of June : —
Dr. Walsh was examined by the Chairman of the Commission.
He explained, in the first instance, the opportunities he has had of
becoming acquainted with the details of the work of education in
Ireland — as President of Maynooth, as a member (until qnit«
recently) of the Senate of the Royal University and of its Standing
Committee, and as Chairman of the Committee of Headmasters of
Catholic Schools and Colleges working in connexion with the
Intermediate Education Board.
Beginning, then, with the Matriculation Examination Pro-
grammes of the Queen's Colleges, and selecting, in the first instance,
that of the Cork College, Dr. Walsh pointed out in detail how
notably lower is the standard of education which it represent than
that proposed by the Intermediate Board even for the school hoys
of the Junior Grade from 9 or 10 up to 16 years of age. He
relied especially on the absence from the Queen's College Programme
of the two tests that he regarded as of essential importance, namely
translation from English into Latin, and the exercise known as
'*' unprepared " work, or translation into English of some easy
passage from a classical author not prescribed in the Programme.
Both of these exercises, Dr. Walsh explained, are found, both
for Greek and Latin, in the Intermediate Programme even of the
Junior Gradcy the importance attached to them being shown by
the fact that 440 marks are assigned to them, in the case of each
language, out of a totalof 1200.
Again, in the Cork College Programme, the amount of matter
prescribed from the Greek and Latin authors is not only small in
extent but it is insufficient in another respect ; for neither in Greek
nor in Latin is any work of a poet prescribed; in the Junior
Grade Intermediate, as in other School and College Examina-
tions, the practice being to require that one half of the prescribed
matter shall be in poetry.
As the eminent authority of Cardinal Newman had been relied
upon by the President of the Cork College in favour of a shwt
Programme for a Matriculation Examination, Dr. Walsh pointed
out that in the same essay Dr. Newman had insbted most strongly
Appendix. 473
<m the importance of Ascertaining how &r the student can succeed
in translating from English into the language in question } it was
a most unfair representation of the Cardinal's view, then» to quote
him as favouring a Programme such as that of Cork, in which
no such exercise is required.
The witness here went into a detailed statement showing that
the Gralway Programme has in some respects advantages over that
of Cork ; and that the Belfast Programme has a decided superiority
over both the others, inasmuch as it is the only one of the three in
which translation into Latin is required.
Bat as regards the three College Programmes Dr. Walsh
explained that his comparisons had reference to the School Pro*
grammes of the Intermediate Board, and not of the Senior, nor even
of the Middle, but of the Junior Grade ! In reply to the Chairman
he stated the requirements of the Programme for entrance into
Maynooth College, pointing out that, of course, the Maynooth
Programme could in no way be compared with that of the Junior
Grade of the School Course ; and iiaX while the Middle Grade
Programme of that Course is, in a certain sense, accepted as
sufficient for admission to the lowest class in Maynooth, yet the
great majority of the students who present themselves for
examination in Maynooth in the matter of the intermediate
Programmes, are admitted only to the lowest class in the College
on examination in the Programme of the Senior Grade.
But the portion of Dr. Walsh's evidence which will be of most
general interest, is that in which he refuted the reckless
statements made by more than one of the officials of the Cork
Qaeen's College, that the College was obliged to rest satisfied
with its present Programme for Matriculation, and, even on that»
to admit students '^ unprepared in every branch of school work,'^
sa education in Ireland^ and more especially in Munster, was in a
deplorably low condition, and that, instead of improving, it was, in
fact, going backwards. It would seemj indeed, that important as
was the evidence given by Dr. Walsh on the other aspects of the
case before the Commiarion, the main object which he had in
view throughout, and to which his evidence from beginning
to end was more or less distinctly directed, was the vindication
of the schools and colleges of Ireland from the slanders that
had been so recklessly uttered against them. It is impossible
to condense this portion of the evidence^ which was most minutely
detailed, but we may select a few of the more salient points.
The Report of the Intermediate Board on their Examinations
of the year 1882 was the first source of information to which
Dr. Walsh referred the Commissioners. As a proof that it waa
not from want of fairly educated students that the Cork College
was obliged \as E^sident Sullivan described its practice) to admit
students '* unprepared in every branch of school work," and
** unable to follow a University course except in a Limping and
VOL. V. 2 M
474 Appendix.
unsatisfactory manner," the Intermediate Education Report shows
that last year the following numhers of students passed the exami-
nations either of the Junior, or of the Middle and Senior Grades :—
Senior. Middle. Junior. Total
In Greek ... 122 226 313 661
„ Latin ... 143 876 613 1,132
,. English ... 214 434 2,064 2,712
„ Euclid ... 265 694 2,195 3,054
The numbers who not merely ^^ passed " the examination, bat
passed ^* with merit," for which distinction the Gommissionen
require a scoring of 45 per cent, on the questions proposed, were as
follows : —
In Greek ... ... 291
„ LaUn ... .•• 516
„ English ... ... 772
,. Euclid ... ... 1,867
Thus, then, it is not from any lack of fairly educated bo^s in
the Irish schools that the authorities of the Cork College have
been obliged so notably to lower their standard of admission as to
bring into their halls those ** uninstructed ^' students, whose
** limping ** progress through the University course has been so
graphically described by their President.
Over against this confession of failure, and Dr. Sullivan's weak
apology for it. Dr. Walsh set forth in contrast the brilliant
career in the Royal University of two Ma3n;iooth students,
both of whom had received their classical education in Munster
schools. And from his wide experience in educational matters he
was able to tell the Commissioners of the marvellous success Of the
Catholic schools in every province of Ireland.
Another most instructive section of his evidence was that
in which he tested the educational standing of even the holders of
the Queen's College '^ Scholarships," by tracing in the Returns of
the Intermediate Examinations the record of three Students — one
of whom competed with the schoolboys of the Junior Grade, another
with those of the Middle Grade, and the third with those of the
Senior Grade, in the same year in which they won their
" Scholarships " of £24 each in the Cork College.
In the first of these cases, the Student who obtained a Science
Scholarship in Cork was examined in the same year in the Jufiior
Grade of the Intermediate Examinations I The result of his com-
petition with the lowest grade of schoolboys was, that there came
before him, in order of merit, no fewer than 320, many of them,
of course, in the earliest stages of their education in the
schools ! The Intermediate Examination included Arithmetic,
Euclid, and Algebra —three out of the four subjects of the Exasii-
nation on which this Student obtained the Science Scholarship in
Cork. And in Algebra, there were 85 junior schoolboys b^ore
faim; in Euclid, 46; and in Arithmetic, 388!
I
Appendix, 475
The second case was that of a Student who entered the Cork
College in 1879 : at entrance he obtained a Science Scholarship of
i:24 : after spending a year in the enjoyment of the supposed
educational advantages of that well-endowed institution, he came
up for competition with the schoolboys of the Middle Grade I The
result was instructive. No fewer than 319 of the schoolboys came
before him in order of merit ! On the Arithmetic list his name
does not appear at all ; the number before him in Algebra was
173; andinEucUd, 263.
In Euclid his marks were only 295, and in Algebra 260, out of
a possible 600 in each case.
With these marks Dr.. Walsh contrasted those scored on the
same occasion by boys from. Catholic Schools: these were, for
example, iu one instance. 530 and 400 ; in another, 475 and 510 ;
in auother, 460 and 520 ; in another, 535 and 430 — all obtained
by boys who are now Students of Maynooth. Numerous other
instances were also cited.
The third case is of a Student who entered the Cork College in
1877. At entrance, and in each successive year throughout his
College course, he won a College Scholarship of J^24 : in 1879, he
won the first place in the Inter-Collegiate Competition of the three
Queen's Colleges and thus obtained the 1st '*Peel Exhibition" of
the year : in 1880, he obtained the highest collegiate prize, a
Senior Scholai-ship of i»40. Now in this same year he appeare as a
schoolboy competing in the Senior Grade of the Intermediate EX"
aininutiotiSy where he obtained only 46th place I
Then passing to an analysis of the Honour Lists of the Royal
University, Dr. Walsh handed in a tabulated statement showing
numerous instances in which the College Scholarships not only of
Cork but of Gal way, and even of Belfast, were awarded to
Students who, when tested in the open competition of the Royal
Universitjy barely ^* passed '* the examination, without obtaining
Honours of any kind.
Next he showed the lamentable falling off that has even
already taken place in the number of graduates produced each
year by the three Queen's Colleges, since the substitution of the
comparatively satisfactory examination system of the Royal
University for the close domestic monopoly of the Queen's. Thus
for instance, he pointed out, as regards Cork, that, last year, the
"First University" Examination, the passing of which is an
indispensable condition for obtaining a Royal University Degree
iyt any JFhculty was passed by only 6 Students I
The various Honour Lists of the Royal University were then
referred to as showing that the distribution among the three
Colleges of even the small numbers of Honours obtained by their
Students is almost invariably in accordance with the order in
which the Colleges stand as regards the higher or lower r^uire-
mcnts of their Entrance Examination Programmes. Thus in one
476 AppendtJt.
case the nnmbers are, Belfast 81 ; Gal way 15 ; Cork 10 : in another,
Belfast 36 ; Galway 13 ; Cork 4 : in a third, Belfast 18; GalwajG;
Cork 1 ; and so on, in numerous other instances.
Dr. Walsh also gave the Commissioners his views upon a num-
ber of topics arising out of the present arrangements for University
Education in Ireland, as, for instance, upon the disadvantage under
which several of the most successful of the Catholic Colleges labour,
from the Royal University Examinations being conducted to so
large an extent by the Professors of the Queen's and of one of two
other Colleges.
A sort of crote«examination attempted by Dr. Johnstone
Stoney as representative of the Quecfn*s Colleges, gave the witness
•n opportunity of showing up more than one of the fallacies
by which it has been attempted during the course of the present
inquiry to weaken the force of the case against them. One
example must here suffice.
"Would it improve your opinion of the efficiency of the
Colleges," asked Dr. Stoney, '* if it were shown to you that although
the students enter them so badly educated, they come out highly
educated ? "
" If it could be shown," was the answer, " that the particular
elass of students who get in without sufficient preparation are
afterwards sent out educated men, I should regard that as a feet of
some fanportance. But if you try to argue from the faet that
some students go in without sufficient education, and that some
atadents are turned out highly educated, I think we have' an
example ci a form of syUogism with which logicians are pretty
familuu*."
Dr. Walsh also took occasion to express to the Commissioners
that in one way, and in one way only, could the needed ra sing of
the standard of education in the Colleges be effected. " It cannot
possibly," he said, ** be raised except by chanj?ang the system of
the Colleges so as to make them, what they are not at present,
available for the youth of the country at large,"
This point, however, the Chairman was obliged by the tenn»
of his Commission to declare to be *' outside the scope of
the inquiry I " It is to be hoped that this official announcement
will be kept well in view in the House of Commons, if any
attempt should be made to represent to the House that the inquiry
DOW in progress is one that can be regarded as in any way satis-
factory, as regards the main point at issue.
IE IRISH
TICAL RECORD.
UGUSZ 1884.
PHILOSOPHY OF THEISM."^
es we find a handy collection of
itten by Dr. Ward whilst Editor of
In recommending them to the
give warning— though, indeed, the
dd be warning sufficient — that the
nd Ught reading for half-hours of
) who are not content to examine
things, who would dig down to find
all knowledge as of all error and
►f mind makes it impossible for them
assent to truths however evident,
he wherefore and the why, — ^to those
ill sincerity recommend Dr. Ward's
eir careful study.
[its on the motives of certitude, the
mes convinced that there is no via
either adopt the doctrine of the
a complete sceptic.
Lud wnither does he lead ? He sets
t we could not trust our cognitive
rst knew that there is a God who
and cannot deceive. Does not the
suggest itself: how do we know
? Not from creatures other than
even guess at the existence of any
hy of Theism^ by the late William George
ed from the " Dublin Review." Edited with
Ward. In two volumea. London : Keegan
2n
478 Br. Ward's " Philosophy of Theism:'
euoh without trusting your faculties, whose trustworthiness
you want to prove. Not from consciousness : cogito^ ergo
sum is a capital argument, if you may trust your faculties ;
but how do you know that you do think, or that your rea-
soning powers may not be leading you astray? If other
cognitive faculties might lead into error, unless backed by
God's tnith, why not consciousness and reason ? You reply :
in case of consciousness there is no resisting. True, but if
one has brought one's self to beUeve that membry may be
false and the uniform testimony of the senses a lie, what
right has one to stop at consciousness t Why not, even
with regard to consciousness, admit that, as Air. Huxley
says,^ " some powerful and malicious being may find hi
pleasure in deluding us, and in making us believe the
thing which is not every moment of our HvesI" For,
remember, you admit that consciousness may be trusted
independently of God.
The only refuge left for a Cartesian is the innate idea ;
but who believes in an innate idea of Godf If that is all
the evidence you have of His existence, you may go forth
and preach your doctrine to the world, but you will surely
stretch forth your hands to an unbelieving people. And
thus the logical result of Descartes' new light is the
Pantheism and sceptical Idealism of the Germans.
The English school pretend to greater caution. They
build on the only sohd foundation, as they think, of
experience ; they have not imagination for the ideal ; the
best corrective of sceptical tendencies is to stick to the
sure basis of fact.
Yet even this road, so safe in appearance, leads to
scepticism. It is safe only so far as ite admissions go ; ixs
denials are its danger. He who would build a philosophical
structure on the basis of experience alone, pulls down with
the left hand what he sets up with the right.
If the followers of Locke had been content to assert
that experience is an excellent guide on the road to
knowleage, they would not have been at variance with
the schoolmen in the least. But they deny the existence
of any other guide whatsoever. The direct result is the
denial of necessary truth. Experience teUs of what hcis
been, it says nothing of what must be. Now, it is on
' necessary truths — on musts — that all science is founded ;
hence the philosophers of the English school, though priding
1 " lay Sermons," p. 856.
T>r. Ward: 8 « Philosophy of Theism:' 479
themselves on their devotion to science, set out on
principles which, if consistently followed, would reduce us
to the level of long-memoried brutes.
This charge is of so grave a character, that it ought
not to be made except on strong evidence of its truth.
Without entering for the present into a discussion of the
principles we speak of, we think that sufBcient evidence
will be found in MilPs Logic.
"I am convinced," he says, "that any one accustomed
to abstraction and analysis . . . will find no difficulty
in conceiving that in some one, for instance, of the many
finnaments into which sidereal astronomy now divides the
universe, events may succeed one another at random
without any fixed law/'^ Perhaps the most fixed of all
laws which regulate phenomena are the laws of causation
and the uniformity of nature. Hence Mr. Mill has no diffi-
culty in conceiving that, in one of the stars of Orion, there
may be effects without any cause, there may be no law of
gravity ; that the very same fire may burn wood to-day,
and, though applied in the very same circumstances, may
on to-morrow cease to burn.
Let us, however, be just. Mr. Mill makes at least this
admission : *' That a straight line is the shortest distance
between two points we do not doubt to be true even in
the region of the fixed stars."* But then comes a qualifi-
cation : ** The truths of geometry are valid whenever the
constitution of space agrees with what is within oiur means
of observation." So that, as Dr. Ward puts it," Mr. Mill's
doctrine is, wherever space has the same constitution with
which we are acquainted, straight lines are the shortest
distance between points; all trilaterals are triangular;
no square can be round : but, if space were not what it is
with us, these truths might be reversed.
Have we any guarantee that space in Aldebaran is like
ours? Mr. Mill says in his text:* "we have ample reason
to beUeve that it is so ; ** but in his note he is not so siu'e.
**That space cannot anywhere be differently constituted,
or that Almighty power could not make a different
constitution of it we know not." After all, then, space in
Aldebaran may not be such as ours is; and hence in the
region of the stars it may be that the shortest cut from
one point to another is by a curve, that there are some
Mill, Logic, vol. ii. p. 98. = Logic, voL i. p. S50.
• Vol. i. p. 178. * 1a
480 Br. Ward^s « Philosophy of Tlieism.'"
trUaterals with four or five angles, and that the ordinary
puzzle of schoolbojre, if there should be such unfortunates,
IS to draw coroUanesfrom the constitution of square^circles.
Dr. Ward wisely begins his work by an Essay'on the
Bule and Motive of Certitude ; for it is useless to argue
about the existence of God or of anything else, unless the
disputants first agree as to what evidence will be satis-
factory. "The inquiry, then, to be instituted is this;
Firstly, what characteristica must be possessed by those
truths, which the thinker may legitimately accept m
primary ! and secondly, on what ground does he know that
the propositions are true which j9055^5« those characteristics?
Or, to express the same thing in F. Kleutgen's words
(n. 263), firstly, what is the rule of certitude! and, secondly,
what is its motive ? *' ^
Amidst great diversity of opinion, all are agreed on
this, — that we do not get all our knowledge immediately
and by intuition, but rather, for the most part, by deduction
from elementary trutha If, therefore, we would not raak.-
an infinite series of deductions, some truths must be known
without deduction, — ^these we call primm^ truths. The?^
is no unanimity as to what they are, or as to the test bj
which they may be found ; but that there are such t
admitted by all. Mr. Mill says : " iJnless we know soni*-
thing immediately, we could not know anything mediately,
and consequently could not know anything at alir*
And again : ' " Our belief in the veracity of meraorr i^
evidently ultimate." Dr. Bain agrees in this with Mr. Mil ;
and even Mr. Huxley cannot go behind consciousness, h-^
thinks himself safe in assenting to its testimony for it^ o^:.
sake.*
The question, therefore, is: Whg,t are these prima?
truths ? and why do we assent to them ?
Dr. Ward very plainly states the old teaching of tie
Schoolmen :
"Primary truths are those which the human intellect i*
necessitated by its constitution to accept with certitude, not J>i
inferences from other truths, but on their own evidence : this L^ '^ '
rule of certitude. These truths are known to be tniths ; becaite a
created gift called the light of reason is possessed by the sc'pJ*
whereby every man, while exercising liis cognitive faculti^
according to their intrinsic laws, is rendered infallibly certain th:t
their avouchments correspond with objective truth ; this is tb-:
motive of certitude.**'
1 '• Philosophy of Theism/' p. 6. « On Hamilton, p. lo"-.
* Ibid. p. 203, note. * Lay Sermons, p. 359. * Vol. i., p- *■
Dr. WarcCa «* Fhilosopliy of Theism:* 481
With regard to the existence of such truths, we have said
all are agreed ;^ difference of opinion exists only when W0
comedo particularise them, ana to assign the motive why
we assent to them*
Thus Mr. Mill says : '* According to all philosophers, the
evidence of consciousness, if only we can obtain it pure, is
conclusive." But ask him or any of his school why is it
conclusive, and they will invariably shirk the real question.
The Schoolmen taught that, as God gave the sunlight,
which is reflected from the external object to the eye and
enables one to see, so that, given a sound eye open and
plenty of light, the eye cannot help seeing; so He has
j^ven a light of reason reflected bv objective truth, and a
faculty to see this light ; so that, eiven a present sensation
and a mind awake to it, one cannot nelp feeling the sensation
DO more than one can help seeing the page or other object
before one.
Ask the phenomenist^ why he trusts his consciousness
or his senses; he will reply that they are hisprimary
experience, on which he cannot help relying. Urge the
question : why can he not help relying? There will be no
reply, except that the testimony of consciousness is ultimate,
and must be tnisted if we are to know anything at all.
You see how muchii these philosophers take for granted,
whilst they are constantly crying out against us for building
on a foundation for which we have no solid proof. Not
that we think there can be any proof for primary truths,
but you should not condemn others for not producing a
demonstration of any proposition which you admit without
any demonstration yom*self.
Consciousness attests the present ; memory, the past :
induction, the future. We shall see that, with regard to
memory and induction, the phenomenists are more and
more astray.
With regard to memory they do not by any means
^ They are admitted in Kant^s philosophy as well as in ours or in
Mr. Mill's. However, Kant's terminology differs from ours. The
propositions which he calls analyiicalwe might call tautologouSj such as A
IS A. What we call analytical he designates synthetical a priori, English
^Titers commonly understand the terms in Kant*s sense.
* " English philosophers, for our present purpose, may be divided
into two sharply contrasted classes, whom we may call objectivists and
phenomenists respectively. The latter think that man has no knowledge
J^hatever, except of phenomena, physical or psychical, . . . whereas
toe former stoutly maintain that man has cognisance of objective
truth."-Dr. Ward, vol. i., p. 1.
482 Dr, WarcCa « PUlosophxj of Theism:*
agree. Some, like Mr. Huxley, would accredit memory
with a certain amount of trustworthiness sufficient to
produce probabiUfify or a lower kind of certainty. " The
general trustworthmess of memory is one of those hypothet-
ical assumptions which cannot be proved or known with that
highest degree of certainty which is ^ven by immediate
consciousness; but which, nevertheless, are of the highest
practical value, inasmuch as the conclusions logically drawn
from them are always verified by expprience."i Dr. Ward
truly remarks:^ ''This seems the most unreasonable opinion
on the subject which can possibly be held.'' " You trust
your present act of memory because in innumerable nast
instances the avouchments of memory have been true. How
do you know, how can you even guess, that there has been
one such instance ? Because you trust your present act of
memory ; no other answer can possibly be given. Nerer
was there such an audacious instance of arguing in a circle."^
Mr. Mills takes another line. According to him " our
belief in the veracity of memory is evidently ultimate ; no
reason can be given for it, which does not presuppose
the belief, and ajssume it to be well-founded."* Dr. Bain
follows suit. On this admission Dr. Ward^ challenged Mr.
MiU:—
''He holds that there is just one intuitions-one, and only
one — ^which carries with it immediate evidence of trnth. There
was an imperative claim on him then — ^to explain clearly ai»i
pointedly where the distinction lies \>eiween acts of memory and
other alleged intuitions."
To this challenge Mr. Mill replied : —
"The distinction is, that as all the explanations of mental
phenomena presuppose memory, memory itself cannot admit of
being explained. Whenever this is shown to be true of any other
part of our knowledge, I shall admit that part to be intuitive/'
To which Dr. Ward very justly rejoins : — ^
** The question which he 'answers is, whether my knowledge of
past facts {assuming that I have such knowledge) is on the one hand
an immediate and primary, or on the other hand a mediate and
secondary part of my knowledge. But the question we aaked
was totcdly different from this. We asked, on what ground mj
belief of the facts testified by memory can be accounted part of «^
knowledge at all i^
1 Lay Sermons, p. 859. « Vol. I, p. 11. • Ibid, p. 132.
* Oa HamUton, p. 203, note. « Vol. i., p. 65. • Ibid, p. V2S.
Dr. Ward's '' Philosophy of Theism^ 483
Mr. Huxley is really more consistent than Mr. Mill, as
the former does not desert the philosophy of experience so
soon, only neither of them is truly consistent, for their
principles if followed out, would destroy not only memory
but consciousness itself. Let us, however, take care to be
just to Mr. Mill. Though his inconsistency is greater
than that of others, it is not, as we should expect, so
glaring. Mr. Huxley admits consciousness to be in all
cases a safe guide, but not memory, though he assigns no
valid reason for the difference between the two. Mr. Mill
accepts, as ultimate, both memory and consciousness, and
would accept any other motive in the same way which
could be proved to be ultimate hke them. But he won't
admit the proof. In this his inconsistency lies, that,
whereas the very same reasons force on us the conviction
that pure reason is truthful and its truth ultimate, yet he
rejects pure reason as ultimate and accepts memory. Trurn
his guns against himself and he will have to fly from his
own position. This, of course, supposes that the reasons
in both cases are the same, — a truth which Dr. Ward in
many cases conclusively proves.
So far for our knowledge of the present and the past;
let us test the phenomenist theory as to how we may look
into the future. Nothing is more marvellous in the pro-
gress of science than the certainty with which certain
events, such as eclipses, returns of comets, &c., may be
predicted. This wonderful power depends altogether on
Induction. Given a sufficient number of individuals and
in sufficient variety, we may acquire by examination such
a knowledge of their nature as to pronounce that they act
according to such and such fixed laws, and must so act in
the future unless a higher power intervene.
No one could lay down more clearly than Mr. Mill the
the various processes by which the examination should be
conducted. His exposition of the four " Methods " is lucid
and masterly ; and yet, he completely misunderstood the
reason why there should be an Induction at all.
It may not be out of place to briefly explain the
Scholastic doctrine, — for the Schoolmen knew something
of Induction, whatever may be the prejudice of English-
men to the contrary.* Let us take an example.
We have known many particular fires to bum, in an
immense variety of circumstances ; therefore, all fires biun
^ A prejudice which Macaulay's Essay ou Bacon has not dispelled.
484 Bt. Ward's " Philosophy of Theism:'
and shall bum in the future, as long as fire continues what
it is, and its action is not impeded by a superior cause.
There is, evidently, some proposition of the antecedent
suppressed ; the full argument would be stated in some
sucn form as the following : —
(1.) We have known vast numbers of instances in
which burning was consequent on the application of fire.
(2.) The numbers are so great, and the circumstances
so various, that nothing but the fire can have caused the
burning.
(3.) Therefore fire caused it.
(4.) But in the same circumstances the same natural
cause must always produce a Uke effect. .
(5.) Therefore, in the same circumstances, as long as
fire remains what it is, it must always bum.
Propositions (1) and (2) we know by observation ; it is
about propositions (3) and (4) a difficulty will arise.
Proposition (3) says: '* therefore fire caused if But
what ii it had no cause? The Schoolmen replied by
quoting the principle of causation : whatever begins to
exist must have a cause. How would you prove this
principle f By analysis. Examine the term : *' oeginning
to exist '* ; examine the predicate : " a thing which must
have a cause." By simply considering the idea of the sub-
ject and predicate, and independently of all experience,
one comes to see that there exists between them the relation
which the proposition expresses. This is what is meant
by saying that the principle of causation is analytical ; its
proof in this sense may be found in any of the Catholic
writers.
Let us consider proposition (4) ; " in the same circum-
stances the same natural cause must always produce a like
effect." This is the principle of the uniformity of nature ; it
also is analytical, though it is to be desired that writers
would explain more fully and clearly the process of analysis.
Here is how it strikes us : —
Examine what is meant by a natural cause :^ — a being
which, without any choice of its own, puts forth an ener^
to produce something. As the agent has no choice, this
energy does not come by accident, but from the essence
or nature ; and hence, since essences cannot change, as
1 We use the term *' natural caose^' in a sense in which it is commonly
applied to denote an agent void of free will, not as opposed to anj-
thing supernatural
Dr. WartTs « Philosophy of Theismr 485
long as the agent remains what it is, it must always energise
in the same manner. This is the unitbrmity of nature
which accordingly we know by analysis, and not from
experience.
Observe all this does not interfere with the possibility
of miracles. For in the action of such a natural agent we
may distinguish two things, the ener^ and the result of the
energy. Thus in fire we may distinguish the combustive
energy f without which there would be no fire, but only as it
were a painted fire, and the actual combustion. It is the
combustive energy that springs from the essence, and is
unchangeable. Not that Almighty Power could not
destroy the combustive energy ; it could as well as the fire ;
but it could not leave the fire and destroy the energy,
because that energy is of the essence of the fire.
Fire, accordingly, always means combustive energy^ but
not necessarily combustion. We know, by considering what
combustive energy is that it will produce combustion except
a Superior Cause interfere ; for that is the very idea we
have of the nature of force. By the light of reason alone
we might never have suspected such interference ; but
when our attention has been called to the matter by an
actual miracle, we may know that the interference is not
impossible. We find then, what we might never have
suspected else, that analysis of the term " natural agent"
will not justify us in asserting that it must always in like
circumstances produce like results ; but only that it must
always have the energy ^ and that this energy must produce
the result unless a Superior Cause intervene.
It was not necessary for Dr. Ward's position against
Mr. Mill to examine whether and how we mav be certain
that there will b^ no such intervention, mi. Mill had
denied all necessary and analytic judgments ; Dr. Ward
proved one, — that nature is uniform unless a Superior Cause
intervene. This one was sufficient.
But if some one should ask whether and how we may
be certain there will be no intervention with the agency
of naturalcauses ; it will be necessary to distinguish between
two classes. For (a) one may come to the inquiry firmly
convinced of the perfection of the Lord of nature; or
(Jj) one may either be not so convinced, or, like Dr. Ward,
put one's self for argument sake into the position of a man
who wants to gain conviction by the arguments derived
from necessary truths.
(a) For the former class there wiU in ordinary cases
486 Dr. WarcTs " Philosophy of TJieUnK*"
be certainty, not experimental but analytic — derived
from the notion which they already have of God as the
wise and provident Ruler of natural causes. This very
character and attribute of the Deity requires that He
should not intervene except in special cases, and for
grave reasons of a special kind; m all other ordinary
cases He must let things take their natural course.
(b) But for sceptics, whether real or suppositional, it is
not so clear that there may be certainty of that kind.
For while such inquirers would admit the possibility of
God's interference, they might doubt about those attributes
by which His interference is as it were regulated. He
maybe to them like the powerful and mah'cious being of Mr.
Huxley's — a being who would find it a pleasure to delude
us. Inquirers of this class may think it very highly
probable that, as there was not much interference in the
past, so there will not be much in the future ; but they
never can be certain of this. Let them fir^ convince
themselves of the perfection of the Divine nature, and
then they may be sure of the validity of their Inductiona
They may so convince themselves without Induction, even
on Dr. Ward's argument ; for he argues not on Induction
itself but on a necessary principle which underlies it, and
the necessity of this principle no has established against
Mr. Mill.
The Schoolmen do not exclude experience from the
process of Induction ; quite the reverse. Without large
and careful experience you will never know which of the
various antecedents is the real cause ; but experience can
tell nothing of the principle of causation or of the necessary
uniformity of nature ; and it is on these two principles all
induction ultimately rests.
So much for the scholastic view ; let us consider the
position of those whom Dr. Ward designates phenomenists.
Mr. Mill, like ourselves, may know from experience
(1) that in a great number of instances burning foUowed the
application of fire ; and, (2) that owing to the immense
variety of the circumstances the combustion can be
ascribed to nothing but the fire. Even with regard to pro-
Eosition (3) : " therefore the fire is the cause of the burning"
e is in an apparently better position than ourselves; lor
he understands cause in thie sense of immediate antecedent,
and experience tells him that fire has been the invariable
immediate antecedent of burning, whilst we have to depend
on analysis and intuition for our principle of causality
Bt. WarcCs ''Philosophy of Theism,:' 487
This is apparently a better position than ours, yet not
really so ; for Mr. Mill's notion of invariable antecedent
would never supply any ground of proof for the next and
most important proposition of the five, whilst in our system
the proof is easy.
Here is the fourth proposition: (4) "thesamenatural cause
will in similar circumstances always produce like results : "
how would you prove this from experience ? You may
easily show that up to the present it has been so ; but
what does experience tell of the future? Nothing.
Mr. Mill grounds his reply on what he calls the
Association Psychology. He admits this law of the
imiformity of nature as well as most of the truths which
we call necessary, and he further admits that they are
necessary in a certain sense. But in this sense alone —
when a phenomenon is so circumstanced that not only my
experience of it is constant and uniform, but the juxta-
position of facts in experience is immediate, and close and
so free from even the persistent semblance of an exception,
that no counter-association can possibly arise — an im-
pression will inevitably be made on my mind that this
phenomenon is a self-evidently necessary truth.
This diflSculty of the uniformity of nature is a regular
puzzler for the phenomenists, so much so that many of
them, notably Dr. Bain, throw up the case and admit that
it is a truth which paust be known analytically. '* We can
give no reason or evidence for this uniformity; and,
therefore, the course seems to be to adopt this as the
finishing postulate." "Without it (the assumption of
nature's uniformity) we can do nothing ; with it we can do
anything. Our only error is in proposing to give any
reason or justification for it."i This is pretty strong from
a philosopher who professes to found all science on
experience, and denounces all a priori reasoning. " For
this amazing assumption," writes Dr. Ward, Dr. Bain
** gives no reason whatever, and says that no reason can
be given, except that physical science could not go on
without it. let what woul4 he himself say to an
objectivist, who should assume the intuitive cognizableness
(rf morality, while giving no other reason for tnat assump-
tion, except that Christianity could not get on without it ?
488 Dr. Ward's « Philosophy of Theism.''
to be so narrow-minded, * so much the worse for physical
science/ We really know not one of the a /?ru>ri!fallaciee
which Mr. Mill in his *Lo^c* so ably denounces, more
extravagantly wild than Dr. Bain's.
Mr. Mill rushes in with a proof where Dr. Bain fears to
tread, — a proof from the exhaustless store-house of expe-
rience. His reasoning is thus summarised by Dr. Ward,*
who, as Mr. Mill himself admitted, is not accustomed to
understate the arguments and whole case of an opponent
" If in any part of the world there existed a breach in
the uniformity of nature, that breach must by this time
have been discovered by one or other of the eminent men
who have given themselves to physical experiment. But
most certainly . . none such has ever been discovered,
or mankind would be sure to have heard of it; consequently
none such exista"
Those who need arguments to persuade themselves of .
the sophistry of this reasoning should go to Dr. Ward's
book ; we can spare space for only one reply.
"Let us suppose for argument sake that Mr. Mill had
fully proved the past and present uniformity of nature.
Still the main dMiculty would continue: viz., how he
proposes to show that such uniformity will last one moment
beyond the present. It is quite an elementary remark
that, whenever a propositionis groimdedon mere experience,
nothing whatever can be known or even guessed concern-
ing its truth, except within the reach of possible observation.
For this very reason Mr. Mill professes himself imable to
know, or even to assign any kind of probabiUty to the
supposition, that nature proceeds on uniform laws in
distant stellar regions. But plainly there are conditions of
time as well as of space^ which preclude the possibiHty of
observation ; and it is aa simply .impossible for man to
know Irom mere experience what will take place on earth
to-morrow, as to know from mere experience what will
take place in the planet Jupiter to-day.'**
Mr. Mill can form no idea of whether, in some distant
star at this moment, it is the tendency of fire to bum wood,
of stones to sink in water, supposing all these thiogs to
exist there ; but nevertheless he is quite sure that as long
as earth remains what it is, be it in thousands of years to
come, its fires must bum, and its stones must sink. You
may be sure of what is removed from you by time and
»Vol. i.,p.71. « Vol I, p. 73.
IriBh Theologians. 489
concealed within the dark womb of futurity ; but let space
remove a thing, and jou have no chance of even guessing
what it may be.
Here we conclude for the present. In these yolumes of
Dr. Ward's there are other most interesting essays on which
we have been unable even to touch, — on morality, free will,
causation, the relations between prayer and natural causes,
Ac. We hope Mr. Wilfred Ward will see his way to collect
more of his father's scattered productions, and to prefix
to each collection as able an essay as the introduction to
the volumes befor.e us. We sincerely recommend the
** Philosophy of Theism " to all readers who have a turn for
the study of fundamental truths.
W. M*DONALD.
IRISH THEOLOGIANS. -No. IX.
Marianus Scotus— Commentator on S. Scripture.
IT is fortunate that we have an authentic life of the Blessed
Marianus Scotus, S6ribe and Commentator of Sacred
Scripture, written by a coimtryman of his own, an inmate,
it seems, of the religious house which he founded, and less
than one hundred years after the death of Marianus himself.
The writer, moreover, tells us that in what he wrote he.
followed the testimony of the Father Isaac, then living, who
had reached the great age of 120 years, and had been a
companion of Marianus m his youth, living under his
direction and obedience. With many tears the old man
told the young brother of the sayings and doings of the
Slessed Marianus, so that we have not a shadow of reason
for doubting that this life is a faithful and authentic
narration of facts. The manuscript was found in the
Carthusian monastery of Gaming, in Lower Austria, and
was transcribed by Father John Gamansius, S.J.,for Fathei*
John Bollandus, who has published it in the Acta Sanctorum
at the 9th of February.
This life is valuable for another reason. It gives us an
authentic accoimt of the foundation of several of the Irish
490 IrUh Theologians:
their heavenly country, had left home and friends in naked-
ness to follow the naked Christ. Lest, however, men
should think them like the vulture and the heron that have
no home, whose origin and destiny are known to God alone,
he would tell them how they came from the sweet soil of
Ireland, who was their guide, and who their leaders when
they came to dwell in the suburbs of Ratisbon, a city of
old renown, and a pious mother to strangers, but especially
to the children of Ireland.^
Then, after briefly sketching the history of St. Patrick,
St. Columbanus and St. Gall, the writer comes to give an
account of the Blessed Marianus himself. He was, he says,
a native of the north of Ireland, and from his boyhood his
Earents had handed him over to religious men, in order to
e trained for the clerical state in all sacred learning and
pious discipline. The writer does not mention the family
name of Marianus, nor the locality where he was bom ; but
Marianus himself supplies this omission. In the last folio
of lus commentary on St. Paul's Epistle we find these words
written in his own neat hand — ^In nonore Individuae Trini-
tatis, Marianus Scotus scripeit hunc Ubrmn suis fratribus
peregrinis : anima ejus requiescat in pace. Propter Deum
devote dicite amen — xvi. KaL, Junii feria vL anno Domini,
I07y. Just over the words Marianus Scotus he wrote with
his own hand his Celtic name — Muu'edach MacRobartaig—
and in two other places of the same manuscript he marks
the date, and beseeches God to have mercy on "poor
Muiredach."
These entries leave no doubt about the name or family
of Marianus. In the parish of Dnunhome, Barony of
Tirhugh, Co. Donegal, there is a townland still called Bally-
magrorty, remarkable as containing Rathcimga, where St
Patrick built a church, and where seven bishops are buried,
amongst whom are St. Bitheus and St. Asicus, Bishop of
Elphin. This townland took its name from the family of
MacRobartaig (Magrorty), to whom it was given at a very
early date, because they were entrusted with the custoify
of the Cathach of St. Columcille, and had these lands for
their maintenance, as well as the Island of Tory, off the
coast of Donegal We may then fairly assume that
Mariai^s was bom at ornear Ballymagrorty,and in his youth
was given up by his parents to the monks of Drumhome,
down near the seashore, where he spent his boyhood, like the
* See life, caput L, sec. 1. « See Tripart, page 144.
i
Marianus Scotua — Commentator on S. Scripture. 491
great Adamnan, Abbot of Hy, in the sight and hearing of
the wild Atlantic waves that break upon these shores. This
would be, in all probability, between the years 1030 and
1040. Later on he might be sent to Kells, which was
founded by St. Columcille, and it seems that several
members of the family of Magrorty presided over that
famous abbey. Domhnall MacRobartaig was abbot of
Kells when the beautiful casket, now known as the
Cathach, was made in that abbey to cover Columcille *s
Psalter. His death is recorded in I098i And this Mac-
Robartaig was also Airchinech of Louth and died
in 1081. It seems, therefore, that members of this family,
or its branches, were, during the eleventh century, in-
fluential ecclesiastics at DiTimhome, Tory, Kells, and Louth.
It is certain, from the statement of Marianus himself,
that he left Ireland in 1067, and, therefore, eleven years
after the Chronicler, who assigns his own departure to the
year 1056. At this time the writer of his life, on the
authority of old Father Isaac, who remembered him well,
describes Marianus as a handsome, fair-haired youth, strong
limbed and tall, moreover a man of godly mien and gracious
eloquence, well trained in all human and divine knowledge.^
He had with him two companions — John and Candidus,
and their purpose was to go on a pilgrimage to Rome, the
holy city of the Apostles. On their way they called to see
Otno Bishop of Bamberg, a famous and holy man, who was
greatly pleased with the Irish strangers, and induced them
to remain with him for a whole year. But the pious
strangers longed to give themselves up to exercises of
prayer and penance, and accordingly received the religious
habit in the Monastery of Michelsberg, near the city. They
were ignorant, however, of German, and therefore unsuited
for community life, so the good prelate, at their own earnest
request, gave them a cell at the foot of the mountain, and
suppUed them abundantly with everything needful for their
scanty wants. Otho dying, the three Irishmen were left
without a protector, and so resolved to prosecute the
pilgrimage to Rome. Accordingly, having first obtained the
permission and blessing of the Abbot of St. Michel's, they
ioumeyed as jFar as Ratisbon, and there sought and obtained
lospitality from the Venerable Emma, the Abbess of the
^ DecoTO vultu, crine nitenti ; ultra communem yalentiam hominum,
forma erat speciosus, diyinis ac humanis litteris et eloquentia erat
praeditua, ita ut 8. Sanctus per inhabitautem gratiam in eo esse nemo
videns com dubitaret.
492 Irish Tlieologians :
Upper Monastery (Obemiunster), and^the hostess-mother of
strangers. During their sojourn at the Upper Monastery,
as well as afterwards in the Lower Monastery, where the
travellers were induced to stay at the earnest entreaty of
the Venerable Emma and her nuns, Marianus devoted
himself with great zeal and success to the transcription and
composition of religious books for their kind patroness, and
the clergy, and even the monks of the entire nei^bour-
hood. His pen was swift, his handwriting clear and
beautiful, and his labour incessant. He worked so diUgently
that his two^ companions found enough to do in preparing
the parchments, which, as soon as they were reaay, the
diligent scribe filled up with the words of salvation. He
worked without fee or reward — he and his companions
giving their books gratuitously, and all the time content
tnemselves with the poorest raiment, and the plainest and
scantiest fare. To tell the truth, without a fog of words,
says the writer of the life, amongst all the things which
Divine Providence wrought by the hands of tho said
Marianus, nothing, in my opinion, is so wonderful and
praiseworthy as the zeal with which the holy man not once
or twice, but frequently transcribed with his own hand the
entire Old and New Testament, with commentaries and
explanations; while at the same time he wrote, many
smaller books, and psalters for poor widows, and for the
needy clerics in the same city, and that, too, merely for his
souVs sake without any hope of earthly gain« Moreover,
many monastic congregations, in faim and charity,
imitators of same Blessed Marianus, havinjj come from
that same Ireland (Hibemia), and now dwelling throughout
Bavaria and Franconia, are, for the most part, sustained by
the writings of that same holy man.
This is a noble testimony to the learning and zeal of this
true hearted Irishman in the land of the stranger, and
explains how it came to pass that he and his fellow-country-
men were so gladly received, and so generously treated in
the cities of Medieval Germany.
** Marianus was,*' says the writer of this life, " like Mos
the meekest of men, and God bestowed upon him in
wonderful way the gift of heaUng many diseases, bui
especially fevers, not only during life, as I have hear
from trust-worthy witnesses, but at his tomb after death,
1 Iiave seen with my own eyes'*
Now, there was Uving in a cell, near the Upper Monas
tery, a holy recluse from Ireland, Muircertacn by nam
i
Marianus Scotus — Commentator on 5. Scripture. 493
and he was established there many years before Marianus
came to Ratisbon. The latter was troubled in mind in
consequence of his pilgrimage to Rome having been in-
terrupted by the literary labours in which he was engaged.
In this perplexity, he sought the counsel of the holy recluse,
his countryman, who, groaning in spirit, said to him, " Let
us fast to-day, my brother, and beseech the Holy Spirit to
make known to you whether God wills you to remain hero
or continue your journey to Rome." Next night, MarianiL«?
dreamt that the Holy Spirit counselled him to take with
him his two companions, and set out on his jouruey ; " but
the spot where you shall first see the rising sun, that
shall be the place of your resurrection." Before the dawn,
Marianus, with his two companions, bade farewell to the
old hermit, and set out on the journey ; however, according
to his wont, he stepped aside to pray in the Church of
St. Peter, without the walls, and they besought the Saint,
with earnest prayers, to direct them in their pilgrimage to
his shrine at Rome. They rose up strong m spirit, and,
lo I just as Marianus and his companions crossed the thres-
hold of the Church, the sun rose up in glory before their
eyes from behind the summit of the Bayrischer wald.
Then, recognising the divine sign given in his dream,
on bended knees, he thanked God and St. Peter, who had
given him a place of rest until the day of judgment ; and
there he remained.
The clergy and the people, and the holy abbess Emma,
with all her nuns, were full of joy when they heard that
Marianus haa changed his purpose, and resolved to stay
near St. Peter's Church. . With the approbation of the
Emperor Henry IV., the abbess Emma gave to Marianus
and his Irish followers, for ever, the Church of St. Peter
— called the Weich-Sanct-Peter. The citizens, too, and
especially Bethselmus, of pious memory, built for them
at large outlay, a cloister, and all other suitable build-
ings, not large, indeed, but amply sufficient for a few poor
pilgrims. And so the monastery of St. Peter of Ratisbon
was founded for Irish pilgrims about the year 1076, when
Henry IV. was Emperor, and the illustrious Hildebrand was
Pope under the name of Gregory VII.
Now it came to pass that the fame of these things was
blazed abroad, as is wont, and word was even brought by
pilgrims to those far oflf northern parts of Ireland, where
the Blessed Marianus himself was bom. Thereupon many
of his neighbours— multi ex concivibus suis — who were
VOL. V. 2 0
494 Irish Tlieologians :
aware how the boyhood and youth of Marianus had been
given to the service of God, abandoning all things for
God's sake, and crossing many seas and mountains, came to
Marianus to live under his guidance, as a holy man in
Ireland had long ago foretold would happen. The men
of Donegal have been always clannish in things spiritual
as in things temporal. Just as a constant stream of clans-
men kept going from Ireland to lona, several centuries
before, to the great school of their own Coliunba, so now
quite a crowd of holy men from Donegal went to their
countrvman at Ratisbon, and we are told that no less than
seven of them — all, except the last, from the north of
Ireland — succeeded Marianus in the abbey of St. Peter s.
Domnus, the last of the seven, was a native of the south of
Ireland — a man famous through all Bavaria for the holineps
of his life. But they did not all remain at Ratisbon until
their death. Clemens, the third of the number, went on
a pilgrimage to the Holy Land for his souVs salvation, and
there ended his life in peace at Jerusalem. John, like^vise,
leaving liis dear associates at Ratisbon, went to the monas-
tery of Gottweich, in Lower Austria, where he spent several
years in fastings and prayers and tears. The fame of his
holy life was such, that it reached even to the city of
Rome, and Pope Urban IL conferred upon the holy man
the power of binding and loosing throughout all Bavaria
and Austria. This was about the close of the eleventh
c<mtury.
Meanwhile, the brethren greatly multipUed in the old
cloister of St. Peter's, so that it became too small for them,
neither could they find room for any more cells in the
eastern suburb, either within or without the enclosiu'e, so
with the sanction of our Lord, Pope Calixtus, and of the
Emperor Henry V., and of Count Frederick de Franeinhp,
they bought for thirty talents of the money of Ratisbon, a
piece of ground outside the city walls on the west, and
there laid the foundations of a noble monastery in the
name of the Holy Trinity, and in honour of St. James the
Apostle, and St. Gertrude Virgin. The good citizens of
Ratisbon helped the undertaking in every way, supplying
victuals to the brothers, and wages to the masons, and
so, by God's help, the work was soon completed, and
that Domnus, from the south of Ireland, of whom we havo
just spoken, became the first abbot.
Thus was founded by these zealous Irishmen that
famous monastery of St. James of Ratisbon, which, in later
Ma7*ianu3 Scotus — Commentator on S. Scripture. 495
days, was claimed and obtained by the Scots, of North
Britain, as if they, and not the men of Donegal, had been
the original founders.
The abbot Domnus, an eloquent and noble hearted man,
dying soon after, his place was filled by Christian, who
being unwilling to transfer the community from the old
foimdation of 8t, Peter's without due authority, consulted
Pope Innocent 11. , and with the sanction of the Bishop of
Ratisbon, placed the new monastery under the Pope's
special patronage, and was solemnly consecrated abbot of
iSt. James's monastery by the Pope in person. This abbot
Christian, so highly honoured by the Pope, having thus
firmly estabUshed his new monastery, " resolved to pay a
visit to his native Ireland, and was received with great
honour by all the kings and princes of that country, who
gave him no less than 200 marks of silver, with which he
returned joyfully to Ratisbon, and Uke a wise and prudent
father, with that money, through the agency of Henry
Burgrave of Ratisbon, he bought lands and other posses-
sions for the benefit of the brothers, present and future.
Moreover, God inspired the wealthy citizens of Ratisbon
to grant many endowments of lands and vineyards for the
benefit of these poor brothers so far away from their own
country; they selected their place of burial, too, saj^'s the
Chronicler, in our church, and loved the strangers much.
And then our author gives a long list of the rich citizens
and noble ladies, who gave these large grants for their
souls' sake to God, and to the poor Irish monks of St.
James of Ratisbon.
So the fame of this religious house, founded by the
brothers of the B. Marianus, spread far and wide through-
out Bavaria, and came to the ears of the Bishop Henry of
Wurzburg, the city where, to this day, repose the holy
relics of the Irish martyr St. Kilian, its first Bishop and
Apostle. Now, Bishop Henry wished to found a house at
Wurzburg for a colony of these holy men from Ratisbon, and,
accordingly, to the great joy of all the people, the holy
Macariue was sent by the Abbot Christian from the monas-
tery of St. James with a few of the brothers to found the
new house at Wurzburg. " This Macarius,*' says the
writer, " was a man full of the spirit of God, and celebrated
throughout all Ireland (Hibemia) for his knowledge of the
Divine law, and his long studies in all the Uberal arts."^
^ In lege divina doctissimum atque divinis liberalium artium studiis
per totam Hiberniam celeberrimum. C. V., 8, 21.
496 Irish Theologians:
There had been long before this an Irish monastery at
Wurzburg, for under date of 1085, the Four Masters record
the death of " Gilla na Naemh Laighen, a noble Bishop of
Glendaloch, and afterwards head of the monks at Wurz-
burg." Gilla na Naemh might very well be rendered in
Latin by llacarius, but the Macarius, of whom there is
question here, could not have flourished for some fifty
years later, seeing that Innocent TI. reigned from 1130-
1143. It may be that after the death of Gilla na Naemh,
of Leinster, the Irish house began to decline, and that
Bishop Henry wished to have it peopled by a more fervent
colony from the younger house at Ratisbon, It is certain
that Macarius was a man of most holy and mortified life.
On one occasion, in presence of the Bishop himself, when
the latter commanded him to take a Uttle wine against his
will, the monk obeyed, but it was found that the wine had
been miraculously changed to water in the hands of the
saint, who thus became very celebrated through all the
country round. Two other brothers from Ratisbon were
chosen in succession to the abbacy, the last of whom,
Cams, became chaplain to the Empress Gertrude, who
gave him the Church of St Aegidius at Nuremburg, where
there was another house of Irish monks, an offshoot from
the mother house at Ratisbon.
The great Abbot Christian returned to Ireland in his old
age, for he greatly loved the Saints of Ireland, and wished
that his ashes should mingle with theirs. Thereupon, the
community at Ratisbon elected Gregory as abbot, a wise
and prudent man, who repaired the monastic building?,
too hurriedly put up in tne beginning. It was at this
time that Henry, Duke of Austria, son of the Emperor
Henry V., built and endowed at Vienna, at his own expense,
a magnificent monastery for the Irishmen of Ratisbon;
and mither the Abbot Gregory sent twenty-four of the
brethren, with the holy man Sanctinus to rule over them.
Shortly after, another rich and holy man, the provost of
the Church of Eichstadt, foimded and endowed a house
in that city for the brethren of Ratisbon, to which the
same Abbot Gregory sent a colony of his Irish monks. Thus
it came to pass, by the blessing of God, that the houses of
the Irish monks, the spiritual children of the Blessed Mari-
anus, were greatly multiplied, and were honoured before
God and man throughout all Bavaria and Austria.
And tow it is time to say a few words about the
writings of Marianua
Marianus Scotus — Commentator on SL Scripture. 4 J 7
Aventinus in his "Annals of Bavaria," published in the
beginning of the sixteenth century, thus speaks of Marianus
Scotus. "At that time flourished the blessed Marianus
Scotus,adistingui8hedpoetand theologian — poetaet theologus
insigrm — second to no man of his time. With his fellow
scholars John, Candidus, Clement, Donatus, Muircertach,
Magnaldus, and Isaac, who lived beyond a hundred years,
he came to Germany . . . and by teaching, writing, and
interpreting Sacred Scripture they obtained a living, and
won for themselves great fame. Unfortunately none of the
poetry of the B. Marianus has been preserved, or at least
has not yet been discovered in the hiding places of the
German libraries."
The same Aventinus speaks of a manuscript copy of
the Psalms with a commentary, as being extant in his own
time in the Lower Monastery of Ratisbon. He has trans-
cribed too the beginning of the Preface, which gives the
date of its composition as 1074, '* in the seventh year of
my pilgrimage,'* says the writer, which fixes the date of
his departure from Ireland as 1067. The commentary
on the Psalms, Marianus tells us, was taken from the works
of Jerome, Augustine, Cassiodorus, Arnobius, and St.
Gregory, names which show that our Irish saint was familiar
with writings of the principal Latin Fathers, and must
have had copies of their works in his monastery at Ratisbon.
He forbids the book to be lent to anyone outside the
convent who has not deposited sufficient security for its
safe return — a precaution to which in all probabihty we
owe its preservation down to the time of Aventinus. The
work was begun on St, George's Day, and finished at
the festival of St, Mathew, a fact which shows the rapidity
with which Marianus executed his task. There is another
work of Marianus in the Cotton collection, entitled " Liber
Mariani genere Scoti exceptus de Evangelistarum voluminibus
aire Doctorihm, This is evidently another commentary of
the same character, on the Gospels, mainly composed of
extracts from the Fathers.
The chief works, however, by which Marianus is now
known to the literary world is the famous MS. containing
the p]pistles of St. Paul with both a marginal and inter-
linear commentary. This precious treasure is now in the
Imperial Library at Vienna,^ and is especially interesting
because it contains several entries in the old^nd pure
* No. 1247 (Theol. 287.)
498 Irish Theologians :
Celtic of the eleventh century. Zeuse refers to these
entries in Celtic Grammar; they have been published
also by Dr. Zimmer in his Irish Glosses, and an interesting
account both of them and the manuscript which contains
them, from the pen of Dr. Reeves, will be found in the
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Vol. VII.
page 295.
The manuscript is a quarto volume of 160 folios of
vellum; the letters of the text are remarkably well formed,
and of a moderate size. The author's gloss, both marginal
and interlinear, is written in very small, neat, and dehcate
characters, and by the same hand throughout. The Codix
contains all the Epistles of St. Paul, including the
Apocrypal one to the Laodiceans; but Marianus was
evidently aware that it was not of equal authority with
the othera ; for he observes that this " Epistle to the
Laodiceans is believed to have been written by some one
else under the name of St. Paul.*'^ It is remarkable that
this Epistle is also inserted in the Book of Armagh, with an
observation that St. Jerome denied its authenticity. It
seems, however, that in the Irish Church at this time thepe
was some doubt about the question. It is quite astonishing
what a number of writers are quoted by Marianus in
the marginal gloss. Besides those already named we
find passages from Origen (Latin translation), Leo
the Great, Alcuin, Cassian, Peter the Deacon, Pelagins,
and the Ambrosiastic books with which Mananus must
have been acquainted in the schools of his native
country.
There are several very interesting entries in Irish at the
foot of some of the folios to which we cannot refer in
detail. At the foot of folio 10 he marks the date of revising
in Irish as the Sabbath or Saturday of the Pasch, on the
night of the 10th of the Kalends of April, 1079- At the
foot of foho 17 he gives the date of writmg as Ascension in
June, 1074, which shows the year in which he began this
beautiful manuscript. Then he adds to the foot-note the
wail of penance — Mariani miserere Domine, miserere. And
again, in a foot-note at folio 87, iu his native tongue, he
marks the date, the 10th of June, on Friday, the festival of
Comgall (of Bangor), and adds " an entreaty to God for
forgiveness to Muiredach the wretched." As we observed
before, h^ marks the work as completed on Friday, the
^ Laodicensium epistola ab alio sub nomine Patdiputatur editou
Mariamis Scotus — Commentator on fif. Scripture. 499
16th, before the Kalends of June, 1079, when he gives
both his Irish and Latin name, and asks the readers to say
Amen to the prayer for his soul's salvation. " Amen, God
rest him," (Amen Got dem Erleich\ wrote a pious old
German of the fifteenth century on the face of the page, in
response to this pious request. Amen, say we, may God
give him eternal rest — that God whom he served so well
during all the years of his pilgrimage in the German land.
" And now, my brothers,*' says the eloquent old Irish monk
who wrote the life of Marianus, thinking, no doubt, of his
own home in Ireland, "and now, my brothers, if you
should ask what will be the reward of Marianus, and pilgrims
like him, who left the sweet soil of their native land, which
is free from every noxious beast and worm, with its
mountains and hills, and valleys and groves so well suited
for the chase, and the picturesque expanses of its rivers,
and its green fields, and its streams flowing down from
purest fountains ; and, like the children of Abraham the
ratriarch, came without hesitation into the land which God
had pointed out to them, this is my answer — They shall
dwell in the house of the Lord with the Angels and
Archangels their God for ever ; they shall go from virtue
to virtue ; they shall behold in Sion the God of gods, to
whom be honour and glory for ever and ever."
The year of the death of Marianus is not marked with
exactness, but it seems to have taken place in 1088, just
fflx years atter the death of his namesake at Mentz. We
deem it unnecessary to state at length the reasons that go
to show that the "poet and theologian" is a different
person from the Chronicler. They came to Germany at
different times ; they had different Celtic names ; they lived
in different cities ; their life-work was altogether different
in its character, and they died at different dates. In a
word, it is impossible for any one who bas read for himself
the Chronicle of Marianus of Mentz, and the life of Marianus
of Ratisbon, written on the authority of one of his own
disciples, not to see that the two men are as distinct as any
other two characters mentioned in history.
John Healy.
[ 500 ]
TRREE LITERARY MASQUERADERS.
1MUST confess that 1 have been somewhat puzzled to
give a name to this paper. I have selected the word
Masqueraders as less ofltensive than that which naturally
suggests itself — forgers — and as implying more accurately
the view I take of their literary doings, and the very mild
condemnation I would pass upon them, if indeed, as may
be questioned, they deserve any censure at all.
The three writers I have to bring before you are
James M*Pherson, Thomas Chatterton, and WilUam Ireland,
and their forging, or masquerading, consists in publishing
works of their own uuder other names, in claiming to be
translators or editors when they were in truth authors, and
thus palming oflf upon their friends and the pubUc as the
works of men of other days what they themselves had
written.
Here you see, we have just the opposite to what we
might naturally expect when men assume other characters.
These are not, as the fable says, daws decking themselyes
in peacock's feathers; but peacocks hiding their gaudy
plumage under the sober colours of daws. So they seem to
be men annihilating themselves, in a literary sense, Uiat
they may appear to be much less than they really are;
authors presenting themselves as mere editors, directing
attention to themselves only in this inferior capacity, and
attributing to real or imaginary pei*sons writings that would
bring them much more honour did they claim as their own
what was indeed such.
So strange a course may be attributed to peculiar
circumstances under which the authors wrote ; and not a
little perhaps to that morbid frame of mind whiph induces
some people to choose a roundabout way of doing every
thing they take in hand ; or again, to that love of mystery
which is a large element in the same. Perhaps this will
come out more clearly as we consider the three individuals
whom I have selected from this class to illustrate the
widely difterent minds which still have been impelled into
the same course of literary imposture, forging or masque-
rading, whichever term we may prefer by which to charac-
terize them, or, which perhaps it will be more accurate io
say, whichever we may select as appropriate to each
individual.
And first let me present to your notice James M*Pher8on
Three Literary Masqueraders. 501
translator, as he styles himself, but author or inventor, as
we call him, of Ossian.
He wag born in the Highlands of Scotland in 1738, and
was intended for the Kirk, that is, to be a Presbyterian
minister ; but fate— shall we say, his evil destiny 1 — and the
Muses turned him from the study of the grim theology of
Calvin to the more cheerful pages of the poets ; the early
outcome of which was an heroic poem in six cantos, " The
Highlander," which he published when he was barely
twenty years old. A critic fell foul of tbe youthful work,
and pronounced it to be "a miserable production which
proved at once his ambition and his incapacity." But the
young bard was not to be easily extinguished, or it may be,
BBj in Byron*s case, the early pmning but made the tree
grow the stronger.
For a time^ however, he subsided into the humble
position of a village schoolmaster; thence he rose to be
private tutor to that wonderful Lord Lynedoch, who Uved
almost to the present day. Then he met Home, tbe
reverend author oF a once popular play, " Douglas," which
injieed lives still, at least in one famous speech, ** My name
is Nerval," so dear to schoolboys. To Home he showed
some translations (as he called them) of ancient Gaelic
poetry, and he, together with others of his friends, Blair,
Carlyle and Ferguson, men of mark in their day, believed
in him and encouraged him to proceed in working this
ancient literary gold mine. Nothing loath, he next year
published a small volume of 60 pages, which he called
'* Fragments of ancient poetry, translated from the Gaelic
or Erse language." This attracted so much attention that
a subscription was raised to enable M'Pherson to travel in
the Highlands for the pm*pose of collecting similar tradi-
tional poems. After two years (1762) appeared f* Fingal,
an ancient Epic poem in six books," and in the following
year another, **Fenora, in eight books." The sale was
immense. The explanation given of this find was thia
** In the tliird and fourth centuries in the remote Highlands
were a people of high and chivalrous feelings, of refined
valour, generosity, magnaminity and virtue. Their poems
were handed down by tradition through centuries among
rude, savage and barbarous tribes." Ossian was the Homer
of this new Odyssey, and Fingal was the Hero, and
M'Pherson realized twelve hundred pounds ; so there was
at any rate something sterling in the matter.
And now uprose a fierce controversy about the authen-
502 Three Literary Masqueraders.
ticity of these lengthy poems ; high words and not over
courteous; were used on both sides, and MTherson— in
order, we may suppose, to prove himself a good translator,
• which you know was all he claimed to be — tried his hand
at a version of Homer's lUad ; but this proved just the
contrary to what it was intended td do : for it was such a
miserable failure that it covered him with ridicule, and
drove him quite out of the flowery meads of song into the
briary ways of politics and parliamentary agency, from
which, after sixteen years of not unprofitable toil — for he
always had a careful eye to the main chance — ^he retired
to the land and parish of his birth, where he built himself
a fine house at Raitts (which h© euphonized into Belleville) ;
and dying in 1796, was buried at his own request, and at
his own expense, in Westminster Abbey — which seems not
to have been so select in those days — and left three hundred
pounds for a monument to himself!
It is but fair to the memory of M'Pherson, in the literary
monument we are here erecting, to say that Dr. Blair
thought well of his work.
Regarding him as a translator of Ossian, he says his
translation is ** elegant and masterly:" and Sir W. Scott
says, looking altogether from another point of view, and
from quite the other side of the controversy, "M'PherBon
in his way was certainly a man of high talents, and his
poetic powers were as honourable to his country as the use
which he made of them, and 1 fear his personal character
in other respects were a discredit to it."
But what of the controverted question ? Looking at
it from this distance of time, when 120 years have passed, it
seems probable enough that M'Pherson picked up numerons
fragments of ancient poetry — such as exist among all
people — that he acquired thus much of the spirit of the
ancient times, that he was not content to string altogether
these disjecta membra, but set himself to weave them into
long epics ; supplying names and localities, and spinning
out what matter he had by those long and wearisome
repetitions with which the poems abound. Had M'Pherson
been content to give such an account as this of his work,
he would have gained credit for what be had done, and done
so well. But he was not content. He was sent to travd
in search of original manuscripts which he asserted existed,
and which he now said he had found, translated and t^
possessed, and thus he laid himself open to the attack
which Dr. Johnson made upon him, and which utterly
routed him in the opinion of every impartial critic.
Three Literary Masquer aders, 503
With this final episode I shall conclude what I have to
say of the author of Ossian's poems. Everybody I suppose
knows something of Dr. Samuel Johnson, the author of our
best English Dictionaiy, and the greatest and surely the
most ponderous critic of the last centuiy. His life, by
Boswell, is certainly the best biography in the English
language, for it puts the man before us in the clearest
li^t, revealing his littleness as well as his greatness, so
that when we lay aside the book, we know Dr. Johnson as
few men are known by what others tell us of them. I will
give you two letters of his upon M*Pherson, which are
highly characteristic of the great critic, characteristic alike
of nis critical acumen, of his honest straightforwardness, of
bis undaunted courage, and not a little, also, of his
dogmatic style.
Mr. James Boswell, the biographer of Dr. Johnson, was
a Scotch gentleman, and as the great lexicographer hated
and despised all Scotchmen, we may imagine what Boswell
suflfered at his hands for the sins, both real and imaginary,
of his nation. But being resolved upon writing the life, he
endiu'ed a kind of martyrdom in accumulating his materials
from the loud mouth and strong pen of his idol. The
opening of the first letter I am about to quote will illus-
trate this, and the gentle way in which Boswell submits.
It is in answer to some inquiries which the latter made of
Johnson respecting rumours which had reached him upon
this famous controversy and his opinion thereon, and it
opens thus pleasantly for Boswell.
*' I am surprised that, knowing as you do the disposi-
tion of your coimtrymen to tell lies in favour of each other,"
— to which Boswell is content to append this mild and
modest note (" My friend has relied upon my testimony
with a confidence, the ground of whicn has escaped my
recollection") — " you can be at all affected by any reports
that circulate among them. M*Pherson never in his life
offered me a sight of any original or of any evidence of any
kind. The state of the question is this. He and Dr. Blair,
whom I consider as deceived, say that hecopied the poems
from old manuscripts. His copies^ if he had them, and
1 believe him to have none, are nothing. Where are the
manuscripts? They can be shown if they exist; but they
were never shown. No man has a claim to credit upon
his own word, where better evidence, if he had it, may be
easily produced. But, as far as we can find, the Erse
language was never written till very lately, for the purposes
504 Three Literary ilasqueraders*
of religion, ,A nation that cannot write, or a language
that was never written, has no manuscripts."
Once more : it seems that M'Pherson wrote a rude letter
to Dr. Johnson, which Boswell never saw. But the answer
appeared in the papers of the day, a copy of which is now
in the Library of the British Museum, authenticated by
Johnson himself thus : " this 1 think is a true copy." And
here is the letter —
" Mr. James M'Pherson — I received your foolish and impudent
letter. Any violence offered me I shall do my best to repel ; and
what I cannot do for myself, the law shall do for me, I hope
I shall not be deterred from detecting what I think a cheat by the
menaces of a ruffian. What woidd you have me retract ? I thought
your book an imposture ; I think it an imposture still. For this
opinion I have given my reasons to the public, which I here dare
you to refute. Your rage I defy. Your abilities, since your
Homer, are not so formidable, and what I hear of your morals
inclines me to pay regard not to what you shall say, but to what
you shall prove.
" You may print this if you will. " Sam. Johnson."
So I think we may dismiss James M'Pherson with this
parting kick from the great lexicographer.
The next of our three masqueraderg is a very diflFerent
person from M'Pherson. As unlike him in his mind a« in
his career; the one died young, brokenhearted, and in
abject poverty, while the other feathered his nest for a
comfortable middle life ; Chatterton found a pauper's grave,
while M*Pherson had at his own expense a monument in
Westminster Abbey. They had indeed but one thing in
common which brings them together in our paper, and
that is the masquerading freak of publishing as the works
of others the productions of their own brains, otherwise no
two men could well be more unlike.
Of Thomas Chatterton Dr. Gregory said, "He must rank
as an universal genius, above Dryden and perhaps only
second to Shakespeare." Malone calls him " the greatest
genius England has produced since the days of Shakes-
peare." Vicesimus Knox says, " Chatterton's was a genius
like that of Homer and Shakespeare, which appears not
about once in many centuries."
This concurrent testimony is very striking ; all three
critic8,perfectly independent of one another, find Chattertoa'a
parallel only in Shakespeare, that is to say, in the greatest
mind England ever produced. Our old friend Dr. Johnson
Three Literary Afasqueraders, 505
ttims up once more, and being evidently puzzled with
young Chatterton, says, in his own peculiar, rough, though
not unkind manner, " this is the most extraordinary young
man that has encountered my knowledge. It is wonderful
how this whelp haa written such things."
Wonderful indeed, as you yourselves may judge, when
I quote a couple of stanzas he wrote when only eleven
years old.
" A humble form the Godhead wore,
The pedns of poverty He bore,
To gaudy pomp unknown ;
Though in a human walk He trod,
Still was the man, Almighty God,
In glory all His own.
Despised, oppress'd, the Godhead bears
The torments of this vale, of tears,
Nor bids His vengeance rise ;
He saw the creatures He had made
Revile His power. His peace invade
He saw with mercy's eyes."
That is what he wrote at eleven , and then he died in
despair and starvation before he was eighteen. Such was
the brief career of the boy who had shown himself to be
superior to Dryden, and to take rank with Homer and
Shakespeare I
Let us see what was the literary life that was crowded
into this little span of barely seven years.
Thomas Chatterton was born at Bristol in 1752 ; his
father wa« dead, and so he was sent to a charity school.
Books were not so common in those davs as now, and the
child learned his ftst lessons out of a black-letter Bible ;
whose quaint old-English letters, which are puzzling enough
to grown up men, doubtless had their influence upon his
imagination, and gave him a taste for antique forms, for
obviously his mind and fancy were morbidly precocious,
and made him a thoughtful and imaginative poet from his
earliest years.
Another account says that he was sent by his mother
when he was only five years old to the person who suc-
ceeded his father in the charge of a school, and was soon
sent back again, as being *^ a dull boy and incapable of
farther instruction." So his mother kept him at home,
where, at six, he learned his letters from the illuminated
capitals of an old French manuscript, with which, as she
said, he ** fell in love," and then his progress was as rapid
as it was previously slow.
506 Three Literary Masqueraders.
The child's mind was opened, I may say, with this
antique key, and his imagination brought to light from its
hidden recesses. Then he went to Colston's school, the
chief and most renowned in Bristol.
At fourteen he was apprenticed to an attorney, which
was not so uncongenial a soil for Chatterton to be planted
in as we might first suppose. Ancient documents came in
his way, and, seemingly, he had plenty of leisure for his
favorite pursuits, antiquities, heraldry, and of course poetiy.
His ruling passion is ambition, " unconquerable pride,"
he calls it. And now at once his great work is begun:
what is it I A whole series of literary impostures— if so
we are to call them — which he veils under the pretended
discovery of old manuscripts.
We are amazed at the extent and variety of the«e
productions. He has them ready for all occasions, or we
should rather say, the occasions suggest them and they
are quickly produced. When he is scarcely sixteen years
old, the new bridge is finished at Bristol; whereupon
Chatterton sends to the newspapers a pretended account of
the opening of the old bridge, with a letter saying: "the
descnption of the Friars first passing over the old bridge
was taken from an ancient MS." Again, he has a friend
who prides himself upon the antiquity of his family ; to him
Chatterton sends a pedigree from the time of William the
Conqueror. For another person he produces a poem ** the
Romaunt of the Cnyghte," professedly written by an
ancestor 450 years before. To a citizen who has a love for
sermons he transmits " a fragment of a sermon, on the
Divinity of the Holy Spirit, as written by Thomas Rowley,
a monk of the 15th century." While to another citizen he
sends a still more clever production, which is nothing less
than an account of all the Churches in Bristol, as they
appeared three hundred years before; illustrated with
drawings, and a description of the Castle, all from the
writings of this pretended Friar Rowley.
Then he flies at higher game, and addresses Horace
Walpole, the great letter writer and art critic of the day.
and sends him an account of eminent (imaginary) "Carvel-
lers and Peyneters " who once flourished at Bristol, as a
contribution to the celebrated History of British Painters
upon which Horace is then busily employed ; but this doea
not impose upon the noble author, who at least neglects to
use it in his History,
What wonderful fertility is there in this young active
Three Literary Masqueraders, 507
mind; what a variety of subjects he grawps; and how
completely is he at home in the early literature he imitates.
His mind is indeed the antique chest which he ransacks for
all kinds of ancient lore. We naturally ask, what kind of
life does he lead, that thus he accumulates such miscel-
laneous materials. We might naturally enough imagine
him to be what we call a hard student, poring over ancient
documents, and with great patience and wearisome perse-
verance burning the midnight oil in his lone chamber.
Perhaps there is something of this, as there must needs be,
to put into shape what is to puzzle and surprize the world.
But the source of his inspiration is elsewhere. The mind
was fed not so much by what he read in others as by what
he elaborated out of his own imagination and fancy. His
midnight lamp was the flame of genius that burned within,
and on that he pondered in silent reverie ; and of course
people pronounced him to be eccentric, as indeed he was ;
for the circle in which he moved had a centre which men
could not see ; and he was, by the very nature of his mental
and perhaps also of his physical constitution — for these two
play upon and into one another much more than we are
apt to think — ** a soul apart " from others, and a mystery
to them and as surely to himself. So we must not be
surprized when we hear that he wrote by moonlight, as
believing in its influence upon him.
Supremely absurd would this be with ordinary men and
small poets ; but Chatterton's was no ordinary mind, and
subject, we may well imagine, to what the poet calls
"skyey influences.'* He sketched Churches on Sunday
instead of praying in them. No very commendable action
in itself, it is true ; but when we remember that the poor
boy's heart was in the Ages of Faith, that the ancient
religion was in mystical shadow upon his soul, and that he
contemplated it as we do heavenly things, " as through a
glass, darkly," we can scarcely wonder at his finding no
spiritual attraction, because no heavenly nurture, in the
services to which the old Catholic Churches were now
dedicated. He did not turn away from them, but he prayed
in diflerent fashion ; for we are told he would " lie down in
the meadows, in view of that grand old church, St. Mary's
Kedchfi*, fix his eyes upon it, and seem as if he were in a
kind of trance." What saw he in that inner vision ? What
rose before his mind's eye as he gazed with bodily sight
upon that venerable temple of God ?
Surely he re-peopled with men of old those ancient
508 Three Literary Masqiteraders.
cloisters, and watched the noble processions and glorious
rites which in their grandeur and sublimity were in fullest
harmony with the architectural glories which once en-
shrined them. But what, alas I were they to him but
beautiful visions ; and in his unhappy condition, almost
unreal mockeries, which told him of what had once been,
but which were now for him, in that period of spiritual
desolation in England, as things past and gone, lost to him
for ever. Need we wonder that they filled his imagination
only, and eat away his young life and heart in vain yearn-
ings after what seemed to be the impossible? For we
must bear in mind that he was no mere dreamer, who
made day dreams an excuse for idleness and the neglect
of moral laws. " He was earnest and orderly in his life,"
we are told, but already, thus early — before 16 — " hie faith
had gone.*' Poor child! he had not the true church to
sustain him, and what was offered to him in its place could
not satisfy his souL He had grown out of that, fallen from
it, if you will ; and so it was into the gulf of despair that he
sank ; for the church was not at hand to save him. He
became a sceptic, and thought suicide a noble refuge for
disappointment.
The world was full of such paganism in those days :
so Chatterton only followed where many men of intellec-
tual renown were leading. But thus far he was only
theorizing; feeding his mind, it is true, with poieonous
thoughts, but his mental vigour was as yet powerful against
the bane. Ambition and indomitable resolution kept him
up, and in these he had great, far too great, confidence.
His beUef was real enough in thi% that " man is equal to
anything ; and that anything might be achieved by dili-
gence and abstinence."
Of course this is an exaggeration, due to overweening
self-confidence; but a great truth underlies it. Obviously,
hero are the elements out of which great men and holy
men are made ; bnt other ingredients are wanting, and
these by themselves are worse than useless, they are soul
destroying. But they are interesting at least in this, that
they show us what the poor boy had in him, and out of
which so much that was wonderful and beautiful came.
We may not commend, but at least we need not judge
harshly, one who was in so widely a different position from
ourselves in reUgion. But enough of these speculations ;
it is time to say something about the manuscripts.
How came they into his possession t This is his stoiy.
Three Literary Masqueraders. 509
He fotiiid tiiem, he said, in his mothert house. ^* In the
muniment room of St. Mary's, Redcliffe, several chests had
been anciently deposited, among which was one called the
* Coffire ' of Mr. Canynge, an ancient merchant of Bristol, who
had rebuilt the church in the reign of Edward IV. About
the year 1727 the chests were broken open, some ancient
deeds were taken out, and the rest of the manuscripts left
exposed as useless." His father, nephew to the sexton,
carried oflF a number of parchments to cover the books used
m his schooL Chatterton pretended that he found his
mannscripts among what remained, and these included
writings oy Canynge and his friend Friar Rowley. The
interesting character of these papers naturally attracted
attention, and Chatterton was pressed to show the original
manuscripts, and, unlike M'rherson, he answered the
challenge and produced what he called the originals.
We may easily imagine the int^est they created, for
they had all the appearance of great antiquity. Then the
question arose and was warmly disputed, were they real
or spurious ? had he found them as he said, or had he
forged them t It is now allowed that the writings, and all
their mari^ of time and age, were the work of his own
r hwids. The parchments covered with antique writing, had
1 been ^ rubbed with ochre, stamped on, blackened in the
P chimney and by the flames of a candle," so says one of his
I biogn^hera These, then, were the productions to which
j he owed his first renown, and these bring him among our
I masqueraders. But these, clever as they undoubtedly
; Were, were not the real employment of his life, even at this
\ early period of that brief but crowded existence. Besides
his office-duties and these strange recreations, his studies
embraced a wide range of subjecte. Heraldry, English anti-*
^ties, metaphysics, mathematics, astronomy, music and
physic, by turns occupied his attention, though the two
niBt were his favourite studies. " The Town and Country
l[aga2dne'' of that date contained most of his essays in
pose and verse. He grew discontented with Bristol ;
wmbtless his overworked mind and body preyed upon one
ttiother and reduced his physical man until he became, as
*^ firiend said, " Uke a spirit." His master heard of his
dal theories, and was doubtless glad to get rid of so extra-
inary an apprentice, and he resolved to go to London
' try his fortune there, like many an aspiring boy before
510 Three Literary Masgueroders.
sellers, for his reputation had preceded him ; but he had
what doubtless he considered a more matured plan, with,
as we should say, " more than one string to his bow."
Here is what he says, and very characteristic you will see
it to be, not only of his energy, but of his strange views or
notions. " My first attempt shall be in the hterary way,
the promises 1 have received are suflScient to dispel doubt;
but should 1, contrary to my expectation, find myself
deceived, I will in that case turn Methodist preacher.
CreduUty is as potent a Deity as ever, and a new sect may
easily be devised. But if that too should fail me, my la^
and final resource is a pistol."
All promised well. His first letters to his mother
and sister are full of hope. "I am settled, and in
such a settlement as 1 can desire. What a glorious pr(»-
pect." His satirical spirit found genial occupation in party-
writing ; and indeed he wrote on both sides of the public
questions of the day. Any kind of writing seemed to suit
him, from sermons down to dramatic sketches, and under
the momentary excitement he boasted that "he would
settle the nation before he had done," feeling himself equal
to anything, and of course bearing in mind his old axiom,
" anything might be done by diligence and abstinence,'*
only he forgot the latter qualification, at least in practice.
He was the lion of the season, and as such courted bv
fashion, and like such animals, went out with the season to
give place to some other novelty. He turned to the
magazines for his daily bread, and soon they failed him ;
he tried for the poor place of surgeon's mate in a vessel
bound for Africa, and failed again.
Would that he had borne in mind his own beautiful
lines on Resignation, and especially these :
"O teach me in. the trying hour
When anguish swells the dewy tear,
To still my sorrow, own Thy power,
Thy goodness love, Thy justice fear."
But the disappointment was overwhelming. It was too
much for the poor, heart-wearied boy, whose over-worked
intellect had failed him even as a literary drudge. All was
given up : hope, ambition, the promptings of a mighty
intellect, love — ^no, there I wrong him.
Love remained and showed itself in the remittances h©
sent to his mother and sister while anything remained to be
sent ; and then ^he fled to that terrible refage of orer-
Three Literary Masqueraders', 511
wrought minds and desponding hearts ; he had no practical
religion to sustain him — ^he took to drink, with the usual
alternation of remorse and intemperance — and then came
absolute want — starvation ; too proud to accept the food
his kind-hearted landlady offered him, he tore up his
papers — he had no more to do with life — and poisoned
himself ere he was eighteen.
They buried him as a pauper in the workhouse ground,
and then, when all was over, of course they erected a
monument to his memory at Bristol, which he had so
glorified.
" No English poet," says Campbell, himself no mean
poet and critic, " no English poet ever equalled him at the
same age," and surely you will agree with me when I add
no poet was ever so hardly and cruelly dealt with.
Another and more recent poet has wrought into an
exquisite sonnet his picture of Chatterton with which I will
close my notice of him. Dante Gabriel Rosetti, who could
paint with pen as well as with pencil, and win renown in
both, thus writes with thoughtful eloquence in lines which
need and deserve to be pondered over, that their full
significance may be grasped.
" With Shakespeare's manhood at a boy's wild heart —
Through Hamlet's doubt to Shakespeare near allied,
And kin to Milton through his Satan's pride —
At Death's sole door he stooped, and craved a dart ;
And to the dear new bower of England's art —
Even to that shrine Time else had dei6ed,
The unuttered heart that soared against his side —
Drove the fell point, and smote life's seals apart.
Thy nested home-loves, noble Chatterton :
The angel-trodden stair thy soul could trace
Up Redcliffe's spire ; and in the world's arm'd space
Thy gallant sword-play ; these to many a one
Are sweet for ever ; as thy grave unknown
And love-dream of thy unrecorded face.''
But it is time for me to come to our third masquerader,
Samuel William Henry Ireland, who in a literary point of
view ranks low indeed, and deserves hardly to be mentioned
with M'Pherson, and of course is nowhere in comparison
with Chatterton. But what he wanted in eenius he made
up for in audacity ; for while the one aimed only at giving
form and substance to a poetic myth, and the other was
content to father his productions upon an unknown
mediaeval monk, Ireland attempted to write a play for
512 Three Literary Masqueradere,
Shakespeare, and to pass oflF his miserable production as
a work of the sweet Swan of Avon.
I cannot bring myself to say that there was anything
in common between Ireland and Chatterton ; I woula
rather say the career of the former was a kind of burlesque
of that of the latter. It may be that he had it in mind,
for he played his strange part some five and twenty years
after poor Chatterton's death, and while his history was
yet in the public mind.
Like Chatterton he was a limb of the law, and like him
{)roduced some of his manuscripts, but for most of his
orgeries he had no more to show than M'Pherson.
Ireland received a good education, partly at home and
partly in France. His father was a man of some mark in
his day, and has left works behind him which have their
value as records of things now lost and gone, if not ^
works of art. He was originally a mechanic in Spitalfields,
then became a dealer in curiosities and antiquities : could
draw fairly, and teaching himself to engrave, published his
travels both at home and abroad, and illustrated them with
his own aquatint engravings. His wanderings, with this
end in view, brought him to Stratford-upon-Avon, and
there his son, our third masquerader, who accompanied
him, in order, as he afterwards said, to delight his fatl)ier
who had an ardent devotion to Shakespeare, invented a
lease^ bearing the signature of the great dramatist, and
presented it to his father as a rare document and a most
interesting relic. Bare indeed and almost priceless would
such a signature be now considered, and no wonder the
elder Ireland urged his son to search among the old
papers which he said he had Ughted upon, for other docu-
ments in that mighty hand.
A century has well nigh passed since that time, and the
search for real Shakespeare documents has but grown the
keener : though it has met with no proportional reward.
It is a puzzle to scholars, and, with the single exception
of Moliere, perhaps unparalleled, that beyond four signa-
tures, two of which are on his will, and the other two on
legal documents, not a single line is known to be in
existence of all that Shakespeare wrote ; not a fragment
of a play, not a letter to a friend, not a single worn has
ever been found of all that his prolific pen produced. All
is lost, and is as though it had never been — and this afi^
a search of unexampled diligence and perseverance. Men
have devoted their lives and fortunes — ^witness my old
Three Literari/ Masqueradere* 513
college friend, Halliwell PhiUipps, who has personally
ransacked every aceesedble known collection of legal and
family papers which seemed likely to be of use, and who
has read and published long and wearisome documents
which bear however remotely upon Shakespeare, and who
has paid fabulous prices for them — ^yet the outcome is next
to nothing. Where are the Shakespeare MSS. t Where
are his family papers and letters? and echo answers^
Where?
For myself I have a kind of belief, not merely a vague
hope, that they are still in existence and possibly concealed
behind the wainscot of a certain mansion in Northampton-*
shire. Would that the noble owner of Abingdon would
make or permit the search. There Shakespeare's only
granddaughter and last lineal descendant lived with her
second husband, and there, as we have on record, she
left what she inherited to her husband, Sir John Bernard,
and among the rest ^^all the books in the study'' in 1670*
That study is still there, untouched, as she left it ; and
behind its quaint wainscotting I see in my mind's eye in
some well hidden recess, those long sought manuscripts,
whose loss the whole literary world deplores, — but 1 am
wandering from my subject which is not Shakespeare but
I];^nd, strange and absurd as it may seem to oring the
two names together, I must crave pardon for this di-
gression, but the truth is that Shakespeare's name is a
magnet that is very apt to draw me out of my coursa
The younger Ireland having pleased his father with this
lease bearing apparently the signature of the great poet,
failed not to produce from his stc»:e other still more
interesting documents. Indeed the forgeries were soon so
numerous that the father brought them out in a volume
which he called *' Miscellaneous papers and legal instruments
under the hand and seal of William Shakespeare, including
the Tragedy of King Lear, and a small fragment of Hamlet,
from the original MSS. in the possession of Samuel Ireland,
of Norfolk-street, London, 1796."
In the preface he says : "He received these papers from
his son, S. W . BL Ireland, a young man then under nineteen
years of age, by whom the discovery was made at the
I noose of a gentleman of considerable property," who gave
514 7 hree Literary Masqueraders.
The " King Lear " in this volume differs but little from
the ordinary edition, as does the fragment of ** Hamlet ; ^
but some of the pretended papers are bold and impudent
forgeries. There is what professes to be a letter from
Queen Elizabeth to " her good master William," another
from thepoet " to dearest Anna '* (Hatherway his future
wife). There are several deeds and letters, all and each
bearing Shakespeare's signature: but perhaps the most
audacious trial of his father's credulity is a curiouB
deed of gift to one William Henry Ireland, in which it duly
set forth how he saved Shakespeare's life, when a boat
containing themselves and others was upset in the Thames—
the gift being, besides ten pounds for a memorial ring,
" Ist, my written play of ' Henry IV.,* * Henry V.,' * King
John,' and ' King Lear,' as also my written play never yet
printed of ' Henry III. of England.' " There can be no
doubt, I think, that Samuel Ireland published the strange
collection in good faith. He may have had misgivings, as
his course of action shows, but if he did all he claimed to
have done, no stain rests upon his memory.
See what he says in the preface.
" Mr. Ireland has incessantly laboured, by all means in
his power, to inform himself with respect to the validity of
these interesting papers. Throughout this period there l^as
not been an ingenuous character, a disinterested individual
in the circle of literature, to whose critical eye he has not
been earnest that the whole should be subjected. He has
courted, he has even challenged the critical judgment of
those who are best skilled in the poetry and phraseology
of the times in which Shakespeare Uved, as well as those
whose profession and course of study has made them con-
versant with ancient deeds, writings, seals and autographs;"
with more to the same effect, and tbe outcome is that " as
far as he has been able to collect the sentiments of the
several classes of persons above referi'ed to, they have
unanimously testified in favour of their authenticity ; and
that these papers can be no other than the production of
Shakespeare himself."
Ana yet in the end the son pubUcly acknowledges tiiat
they were all forgeries, the work of his own brains and
hands I
But besides the plays and papers published in this
volume, there were greater works behind. A play,
^ Vortigem," was then in rehearsal at Drury-lane Theatre.
Sheridan was at that time meager and had purchased it,
Three Literary Maaqueraders* 515
not without considerable misgivingB, it is said; and
John Kemble was to play the hero " Vortigern." As it was
not to be pubhshed before its production on the stage, we
may imagine the excitement among the crowded audience.
A new play, by Shakespeare, to be played for the first
time. Every one then present felt himself in the judgment
seat, and how was he swayed in advance ? Doubtless he
went prepared to applaud, yet with misgivings as to the
authenticity of the piece. If it was really Shakespeare's,
how absurd would each unfavourable critic appear. He
might be pardoned for admiring Ireland, but who would
fail to laugh to scorn the hisser at Shakespeare?
Surely it was a very favom*able audience, and one
naturally given to accept the play for the motives, among
others, that I have suggested. But it would not do : it was
soon seen to be by a very different hand from that which
penned ** Hamlet" and "Macbeth," and though it was
allowed to proceed far on its way to the end, it fell at
last under a single line, which John Eemble emphasized
with perhaps sinister intention —
** And now this solemn mockery is o'er** —
the long smothered discontent broke forth, and amid loud
and prolonged signs of disapproval the curtain fell and
** Vortigem** disappeared for ever. It was never published,
and of course we hear no more of that other " and more
interesting historical play in the handwriting of Shakes-
peare'* to which the preface alludes, and which it promises
** will in due time be laid before the public.'* This failure,
and the attacks of Malone, the editor of Shakespeare's
{)lay8, and others questioning the authenticity of the pub-
ished papers, shook the faith of the father, who on pressing
fais son for fuller explanation as to the source whence he
had derived his MS S., had at last the truth revealed, that
the whole was a fabrication. The son made what amends
he could in vindication of his father's ignorance of the truth,
and published his confession. He abandoned his profession
and took to Uterature, publishing sundry novels, each in
four volumes, which attracted but little attention ; indeed
he survived rather in no very reputable connection
with the name of Shakespeare to my own time ; for I have
a distinct recollection of visiting him in my boyhood, and
having a kind of vague respect for one who had played so
bold a game, and who had for a time at least been the
Lion of his day.
£16 On ike PronuneUxtton of Latuu
1 hope you do not expect me to draw any moral firom
this queer chapter of Uterary history, or to make any
reflections more or less profound on the characters of m^
three literary masqueraders. If 1 fciy that imposture is
never successful, and illustrate it by Qiatterton and Ireland,
you may retort with M'Pherson and his monument in
Westminster Abbey. If I maintain that writers who resort
to such contrivances to bring themselves before the public,
are intellectually weak and incapable of working succesB-
fully in their own names, you can retort Chatterton to my
instances of M'Pherson and Ireland.
So you see there is much to be said on both sides, which
suggests that it will be as well to follow the example of
most readers of edifying and disedifying stories — get what
amusement you can out of the book and leave the moral to
take care of itself.
Heney Bedford.
ON THE PRONUNCIATION OF LATIN.— No. IL
THE professors of Cambridge and Oxford issued their
" Syllabus," with the following introduction : —
" The head-masters of schools, at their conference, held in 1871,
declared the system of Latin pronunciation prevalent in England to
be unsatisfactory, and agreed to ask the Latin professors of Oxfoid
and Cambridge ' to draw up and issue a joint paper to secure
uniformity in any change contemplated.' This request they
repeated at their meeting of 1872. As we are ourselves agreed in
all essential points, and find that there is a considerable body of
opinion in the universities and elsewhere in harmony with oar
views, we beg to offer the following brief suggestions : —
" If it were thought advisable to adopt any existing pronuncia-
tion, we should be inclined for many reasons to recommend the
Italian with perhaps a few modifications. But not to speak of
other difficulties, the tyranny of accent over quantity is at least as
marked in the Italian as in the English reading of Latin ; and we
hold with the most experienced teachers that to distinguidi between
long and short syllables is an essential part of a reform in prt>-
nnnciation. At the same time Italian appears to qs to <^Per wuif
valuable aids which should not be neglected; as English in its
On the Pronuneiaiion of Lalin. 51T
tones and vocaHsation seems so different from old Latin, that
often it is not easy to find in it even single sounds to give an
adequate representation of an old Latin sound. • . We propose
then that the letters of Latin should be sounded as follows, &c."
For cleamees' sake, what is here to be quoted from the
** Syllabus'* is printed in Italics, and the remarks 1 have
deemed necessary to add by way of explanation or fmther
ioformation will, I hope, be not thought out of place. By
hng or short vowels is meant, I take it, long or short by
nature.
^a* €U the uncLCcented Italian * a ;' ue. as the middh ^a* of
^Qonatay or as the ^ a' of 'father,' It is idle speaking of the
«ound of * a ' in ' father,' to a certain class of people in
Ireland with some pretensions to education, who at the
same time think that the familiar word should be pro-
nounced * fawther.' A distinction should be made between
(what used to be called) the German ' a ' in ' ball,* * talk,'
* swarm,' and the Italian *a' in * father,' * farthing,'
'pardon.' I have reason to believe that there are persons
in Ireland, having charge of the education of youth, and
professing to teach them how to speak correctly, who are
themselves in blissful ignorance of the difference between
these two sounds. Here I may be allowed to remark that it
is not by ' putting on ' an * accent ' or ' tone ' that a correct
pronunciation of English can be acquired, but by learning to
make a thorough analysis of the vowels and consonants of the
English language, and pronounce them accordingly, a task
which very often those who are most anxious to have a
* beautifol accent ' are the least fitted for. Such affected
monstrosities as * pawter,' * pawtris,' for * pater,' * patris,'
should never be heard. As nearly everybody has heard of
Ae notes of music, the least mistakable way of describing
I the Italian • a ' is by saying it is the * a ' of the notes * fa '
j tod Ma."
^a^ as the unaecented Italian / o;' i.e, as the first and last
* a * tn * amat€u It is not easy to represent tins sound in
English ; we know nothing better than the first * a ' in * awap,
* apartf* ^ aJuu* Short a should be always distinguishable
from short e or u The obscure way in which we sound
diort or unaccented vowels, makes it very b^d for
fereigners to understand us.
*e'a« the Italian close ' e' ; * arena;' nearly as ^ai* in
JBnjjUsh 'pain' The professors say ' nearly,' for in England
*'H.[h sounded with what is called the 'vanirfi,* a pecu-
fittdtjr which is pretty generally unknown in Ireland,
L
518 On the Pronunciation of Latin.
* a€ ' OS in the Italian open * c • ; * secolo ;' nearly as the
first ^e* in English ^ there,* or French ^pere**
* ^,* the same shortened ; nearly as in English * men.*
' iy as accented Italian * i ;' i.e. as the first * t ' of*" timidi^
or the ^ i* of * machine ;' * i * as unaccented Italian H:* as the
two last ' Vs ' of ' timidi * or tAe ' t * of pity.*
^ o* as. Italian close * Oy nearly as in German * ohnty
English * more.*
^6* as Italian open * o ' shortened ; nearly as in Oerman
^ goldy less nearly as in English ' com.* The English pro-
nounce * o ' in a peculiar way. My readers must surely
have noticed the difference between the English and our
homely Irish way of saying * No.* " We have scarcely in
English or in English-Latin," says Professor Munro;"a
genuine ' o * except perhaps before ' r ' : ' roar^ * mores.'^
^a* as accentu^ated Italian ^ u^ as the first * u' of *" tumvhf
the second of ' tumulto, or (xs ^ u* in ' rule,* * lure.*
* a* as unaccented Italian ' u,* as the second ^u* oj^ tumtdo,*
the first ofHumulto,* the^u* of ^fruition.* This change in
the pronunciation of ' u * is a thorough one, and a decided
movement towards Rome ? The professors want us to say
* oonus ' and * oonitas * (' unus * and * unitas *) with the
Italians, in place of ' yunus * and ' yunitas,* The Belgians
pronounce ' u ' sometimes like ' v,' as ' quis ' * kvis.* The
Spaniards leave out * u ' sometimes after * q.* Thus yon
may hear a Spanish priest sing at Benediction * relikisti ' in
place of ' reliquisti.' The peculiarity of the French ' u 'is
pretty generally known. In a Frenchman's Latin ite
sound is modified by nasals just as in French, but the
termination ' um * is pronounced somewhat in our Irifih
style, v,g. * meum,* ' meom.*
* Au,* as Italian * au,* nearly as ^ ow^ in English ^ power.
Yes, but the sound of * a ' is more distinctly heard in
Ita.lian. I have heard home-educated priests pronounce
* autem,* ' owtem.' This is one of several instances which
could be given, where Continental peculiarities are en-
grafted on the native pronunciation —
Purpureus, late qui splendeat, unus et alter
Adsuitur pannus.
eu * as Italian * eu,* or Latin * e * quickly followed ijf
Latin ^u.' In other words 'e' and <u' should be both
heard as in * meum/
^ A few remarks ou the Pronunciation of Latin By H. A J*
Munro. Cambridge, 1874.
On tlie Pronunciation of Latin. 519
' oe ' . . . like the German * o,' as an alternative we propose
the open Italian * e ' for * oe * as before for * ae.*
*ei* . . . we would give it the Latin * e ' sound quickly
followed by the Latin * i ' sound. The * ei ' should be heard
in *Dei,' 'mei' as in 'teipsum/ and not like *y/ as for
instance * Die ' and * my * which are heard pretty often
among Irish priests.
'c * always as * A:.* Here the professors make their first
great break with Rome, and in fact with the other civihzed
nations. This certainly is a bold innovation, and it must
be supported by strong arguments, otherwise we cannot
nnderstand how it could have been made. Though I
give the following arguments in favour of the hard sound
of * c,* and should even beheve them conclusive, 1 hope no
person will deem me presumptive enough to advocate a
change in this direction as far at least as we priests are
concerned. (1) * c ' is in form Uke the Hebrew Kaph
turned round, which had always a hard sound. (2) c was
invariably represented in Greek by kappa ; while, if it had
been soimded soft, the Greeks could have easily indicated
the soft sound by one of their sibilants. * Centurio * was
written in Greek K^vrvpLiov * Lucius Cfiecilius, Acwtos Kat/ctXios,
' Cicero,* Kt/cepwi'. (3) We can find internal evidence in
favour of the hard soujid. ' Pulcher * and ' pulcer,*
* audaciter ' and ' audacter ' are two words spelled diflFer-
ently, which can easily and only be accounted for by
supposing the hard sound of ' c ' in ' pulcer * and * audaciter.'
We can easily imagine how ' dice ' and ' face ' with hard
'cV could be shortened into * die ' and ' fac,' but if the * c*8*
were soft the natural shortening should be ' diss * and ' fass.'
The connexion between ' cano ' and * cecini,' * cado ' and
} * cecidi,' * canus ' and * accentus,* &c., is better understood
; by supposing uniformly hard * c' (4) Though it is not
disputed that at a pretty early period — sometime or
other about the break-up of the Roman Empire—
*c* had acquired a soft sound before certain vowels,
still we find traces in modern languages even yet
of its former hard sound before these vowels. It is
I true that in Itahan * c ' before * e ' and ' i * is sounded
like * ch.' How has the hard * c * become * ch ?* Very
easily. * Kirk ' has become * church,' the German < kerl '
£20 On the Pronunciation of Latin.
have been at one time the hard sound of * c ' before * e'
and * i.* * Magro ' — the German * mager ' — from *macer,'
fiuggeets itself to ua at once. So does * deca ' firom
* decenu' The German * kerker,* * kaiser,' * kicher.'
represent the Latin forms * career,* * Caesar/ ^cicer.' In
English we find * canker* (cancer), * sickle* (sicilis),
* cow * ("ceva), * waggle ' (vacillare), * elk * (alces), * eager'
(acer), * meagre ' (macer), the slang word 'fake*
(facere). Still the instances which can be produced in
most of the European languages are mere exceptions. The
*c' had acquired its sibilant sound before the mass of the
Latin words were introduced into these languages. But in
the Celtic tongues, with which the Latin element largelj
commingled at an early date, we find invariably the hard
80imd of ' c' The hard sound is retained in the following
Irish words: — *sagart' (sacerdos), *ceangail' (cingulum)
* ceil ' (celo), * ceir * (cera), * cill ' (cella), ' ceud * (o^itum),
* caoch* (caeous), *cios' (census), 'cisde' (cista) — German,
* kiste ' — ' deich * (deoem), * deisciobal ' (discipulus). The
list is not exhausted, and a similar list could be made out
in the Welsh language. Objections have been offered to
the hard * c ' theory, the strongest being the frequent con-
fusion of such endings as ' tins* and * cius.' The advocates
for the hard * c,' say, in reply, that this confusion in spell-
ing occurs only at a period when * c ' had already acquired
its sibilant sound, also, that when this confusion occurs in
the specimens of old inscriptions which have been handed
down to us, the copyists are to blame, and that wh&SL the
copyists have done their work scrupulously, this confusion
does not occur. • The Celtic languages hoax out the con-
chisions which the learned have arrived at with regard to
always asserted that the name of our national saint »
mer^j }^ word made into a proper name. That
St. Patrick wrote his name * Patricii^' and pronounced it,
like our lri€4i ancestors, * Patrikius,' is what the traditional
forms, * Patraic,' < Padrtdg,' and * Patrick,' would lead one
to suppose.
Hard * c ' is pronounced by the Swiss with a staronij
gutturfiJ sound, and < o ' before * e ' and ' i,* is sounded ^
by the Spaaiaxds like hard * th ;' thus, < in printiiipio ' {i^ •
11
'j
1 Latin Grammar § 110, 4.
On the Pronuneiation of Latin. ji2t
principio). 'o' before 'e' and 'i' is somided by the
Germaos like ' ts;' thos, ' decern,' 'deteem.'
'ff' alwapa as'g'in 'get.' In moat of the nations of
Europe, it etUl retains in al] cases its hard eound. fn oar
word ' conger ' the old hard eound still remaina The
argmnentfl for the nniformlj- hard sound of g are stronger
than for e, and need not be gone into. The Italians pro-
nounce ' g' before ' e ' and ' i ' soft, as in Knglieb.
' »,' at the begittning ajul end of words, and at ike begin-
Mng of tyVables, and before contonants, is alway$ tharp {as
ihe' $'o/' sin ') in Itaiian, and tkould be so in Latin.
'$,' between two vowels, has in Italian a soft z-sound, at
in our ' nose.' The Germans pronounce '8 ' like ' z ' in the
beginning of words ; thus, ' sed,' ' zed.'
'(' is alwayt a pure dental; in 'ratio,* as in 'ratis.'^
This certainly is a radical change, as ' t' ha« sometimea a
nbilant sound- in most European languages. ' Oratio,'
according to the new pronunciation, would be ' ora-tee-^),'
tbe Old English pronunciation is 'orashio,' the French
(usaal amongst us) ' ora-aee-o,' the Italian and German
'orat-see-o.'
Isidoms tells us that ' tia ' was sounded in the begin-
mng of the 7th century like ' zia.'* Among those who
Bpe& Irish, and on the Continent, the pure dental is
heard, >.e, ' t ' formed by a slap of the tongue against
the teeth, and not against the gums, or roof of the
mouth, as in the English ' t,'
' 63,' ' bt^ should be sounded {and generally vsriHen) as '^«,'
'/)(,' ' tapstu,' ' aps.'
'j,' or consonant 'i' as'y' in' yard.' With few exceptions
it is sounded so, in every country from Russia to Ireland.
In fact Latin is often printed without j's — 'jam,' for
mstaiice being written <iam.' 'i' was both Tocal and
coaeonantal ; and ' j ' was invented by the Dutch scholars
*f the 16th century, to mark the consonantal sound of 'i,'
■which is heard in ' onion." ' The y sound shows better the
connexion betwen yoke and jugum, young and juvenis.
As to the consonant 'u" or 'w, we believe that its
*amd was as near as possible to that of the vowel '«,' i.«.,
ate the ' on' of the French 'oi«,' not diftriny mneh there-
^W from Engliih ' to.' Sowever on accoont of the con-
tooversT which this letter has given rise to. the nrofessors
522 On the Pronunciation of Latin,
leave it an open question whether it shall be sounded
as above or like * v.' The suggested ir-sound reminds
me of a funny story 1 read not long since, about a
class of young ladies who were being examined in
Latin before a prelate of the Establishment, and shocked
the old-fashioned gentleman by blurting out * We-kiss-him
(vicissim) — ^in turn.* Both * u ' and * v * are usually repre-
sented by ovin Greek: — Servius, Scpowos, Venusia, Omvowla}
*5r,' *pA,' *fA,' we propose should be sounded as at present;
* ch ' should never be pronounced a>s in our * charter.' It is
supposed that * ch,' ' ph,* and ' th,' were at one time real
aspirates ; i.e., the sounds of the tenussy c, jo, <, were heard,
and the aspirate accompanied them, as * ch,' * ph,' and ' th,*
in the following words: '* publichouse,' * uphill,' and
* anthill.' This style of pronouncing the tenues with a
breathing is not unusual in Ireland, and when Paddy is made
to say * bhoy ' and ' dhrunk, nothing more is conveyed than
that he pronouuces * b * and * d ' with a strong volume of
breath. P&ddy cannot say ' come ' with his mouth close
to a lighted candle without putting it out, an Englishman
can pronounce the same word just as distinctly without
causing a flicker in the flame. The Irishman's * c ' is the
real aspirate * c,' ' the Enghshman's, the tenuis. The only
reason 1 can see for retaining the peculiarly English sound
of Hh ' is that it does service for the Greek ^, which at the
present day has the same sound. In Ireland, especially
in the South, this sound is often incorrectly uttered. In the
North, however, the digraph is correctly pronounced even
by the uneducated. * < ' in the Irish language is the real
dental ' <,* formed by slapping the tongue against the teeth,
and immediately withdrawing it, and this dental *t' is
very often substituted by the Munster people, for the
pecuhar hard and soft sounds of Hh ' in English words.
These latter sounds, it need scarcely be observed, are ]jro-
duced by making a hissing sound with the tongue agamst
the upper teeth or gums. Continental nations sound the
digraph as their * t,' which is generally dental as in Irish.
How far final *7n* was mute or nasal it is not easy to
detemdne. The old Romans slurred it over, as we can see
from Prosody. So we have treated it in Irish in words of
undoubted Latin origin. And the Portuguese treat it in a
*
' A Grammar of the Latin Language ; By Henry John Roby, M~A.
London : Macmillan & Co.
* The aspirate 'o' must not be confounded with the guttunl^C
and'ch.'
ciation of Latin. 523
i their own language and in
' Syllabus ' about * r.' Among
it may be said to have two
i between vowels it is a con-
ing/ But final or preceding
I kind of vowel sound hard to
5 any difference among refined
bion of the musical note *fa'
d would think it a strange
given to John Bull, that the
f the alphabet ^ R: And still
way oi conveying to him, that
^1 name amongst us. The ' r '
, vocal murmur, or the dying off
5 word differs in sound from the
bell I The * r ' is trilled by the
itch, just as in Kerry, but in
nany it is now produced by a
sely described it may be called
t must have been an affected
what is affected in one genera-
ext. It is called ' r ^rasseye ' by
ming fashionable in Belgium
hen heard in this country from
t may be thought that their
3ut this cannot be said now,
>und would imply the contrary,
ng * r ' obtains in the North of
he ' Northumberland burr.* It
ound of * oo ' is modified by an
biced more in England than in
*s pronunciation of * Moore'
ike *More.' The EngUshman
ce ' r,' which neceBsariiy causes
ttion is spreading very rapidly,
the great Protestant seats of
es. Even the * girl graduate '
the church glibly in the new
^ in connexion with this pro-
ovement towards Rome 1 The
been adopted. **It combines,"
uty, firmness and precision, in
ly other system of which I have
524 On the Pronunciation of Latin,
any knowledge, The little ragged boys in the streets of
Rome and Florence enunciate their vowels in a style of
which prinees might be proud."* Satis supergue ! In the
pronunciation of the consonants, however, the new method
does not altogether tally with the Italian. It is a pity
that there is not a unifonn pronunciation of Latin through-
out the world. It is also a matter of regret (at least I
think so) that Latin is not more a spoken language.
" On the Continent — and that not only in Italy, France or
Spain, but even among Teutonic nations — Latin at least
is spoken to a degree that is unknown in England, and a
familiarity with the language is gained that we do not
usually acquire. In Continental schools, writes Canon
Farrar, * I have not only heard boys converse in Latin
with perfect fluency — an accomplishment in which even
our best scholars are needlessly deficient — but even turn
into good classical Latin long German sentences, which
would have surpassed the powers of English boys fer
older than themselves.' "^ The writers evidently do not
know to what an extent the speaking of Latin is practised
even at home in our Catholic theological coUegea But it
should be spoken far more than it is, and when Irish priests
meet foreign priests, there should be no difficulty in
their speaking with and understanding each other in the
language of the Church. As far as understanding each
other is concerned, uniformity of pronunciation would be
a great desideratum, to obtain which a universal adoption
of the Italian pronunciation would be the simplest way.
It is the best known. Cardinal Manning and Bishop
Vaughan have exerted themselves very much in introdo-
cing it into England. It is being extensively adopted in
the United States. I believe it is also general in the East.
Music-masters, leaders of choirs, and the more respectable
class of singers know all about it. In fact in our large
churches in Ireltmd it is more likely to be heard from the
choir than from the altar! Oscar Wilde used to telln*
that lite wearing of trousers helped to bring discredit on
modem art Our sense of the beautiful, he urged, is mdelj
shocked by the presence of the clumsy garment which
hides the graceful curve-lines of the calves. In like
mamier one's sense of the melodious is shocked, and a
proper vocalization is rendered impossible, by such a faiiUj
^ A few remarkB on the Pronunciation of Lfttin, p. 5S3.
* Latin and Greek att in Rome and Athens. By the Bev. FraocB M«
Wyndham, M.A, page 16,
M' like
like'ts* *
On the Pronunciation of Latin. 525
pronunciation as ours. The pecuKarities of the Italian way
of reading Latin have been par^ stated already. I need
not again refer to the vowels. The open and close sounds
of ' e ' and * o ' must be correctly learned from a native.
The peculiarities of the oonsonants may however be stated
here— '0 ' before * e ' * i ' and * y * * ae ' and / oe * is sounded
like soft * ch '. If you place * s ' before * c ' in these cases
you have the sound of * sh ' — thus * cena ', * scena,' like
* chaina ' * shayna.' * g * as we sound it, * gallus * * gero,*
like * y\ T in cases where wo sibilate it is soimded
gratia ' * notio ' ' laetitia ' as * grats-ia ' *nots-io,*
'laetis-ia.' * Sch * and ' ch * have in every case the sounds
of * sk ' and ' k * respectively — * gn ' has the sound of * ny '
— * dignus/ * cognosce,* * din-yns,' * con-yosko.' < H *
has the soimd of * K ' in a few words — * mihi,' * nihil,* nihil-
ominus,' *annihilare' — * miki,' &c. It is silent in *traho,*
*veho,' &c. — *z,' like *ts,' thus ^zona* is pronounced
as though we said rapidly in English '*/t'« zona.'' I
heard Italians pronoimce * dixi,' * dissi.' How far this
sound of *x* prevails, I do not venture to decide. P
is sounded in 'psalmus' I believe all over the Con-
tinent. We make the p-sound heard in the Greek ori-
ginal ^AfM>9, why not give ^psalmus' the same initial
sound? The Italians accent learned terms of Greek
origin strongly on the penult : — * theologia ' (geea) philo-
sophia (pheea). The * i ' in these words is short, but Dears
the accent in Greek. The accented syllables are sounded
by the ItaKans with a beautiful elevation of tone, which
has been often written about. Not from the educated alone
may it be heard, but from the poor wandering organ-
grinder, and the pictiu'esquely-clad pifferari, who sometimes
make their appearance in our streets. From the wretched
vagrant, with a httle tact and trouble, may be learned that
very vowel system, which English scholars have gone into
such raptures about. And stui this *.tone accent ' is not
altogetner imknown in our own land. Thackeray was
Btruck by the way in which the urchin pronounced *posy ' on
th^ banks of the Lee.^ In speaking Latin the Italians pro-
noaace the consonantal endings with a kind of echo or
rebaood of the voice, which makes one fancy that every
word ends with a voweL In solemn enunciation this style
of pronotmoing is most impressive.
\
526 On the Pronunciaiion of Latiru
pronouncing Latin we should avoid anything Uke an
aflFected mincing EngUsh pronunciation We should pro-
nounce Latin ore rotando, or with full chest sounds. 2.
Attention should be paid to the accent as we find it marked
in our Uturgical works. The accent is often, though not
always, a guide to the quantity of the vowels. 3. Through
a mistaken notion of showing one's knowledge of Prosody,*
there is often no distinction made in the sounds of the
vowels. * Literis ' and ' litoris * should not, for instance, be
pronounced alike, 4. The sounds of * d ' and * t ' should
not be changed into * g ' or * ch * in such words as * induo,'
* tuo,' which should be pronounced * indoo-o ' and ' too-c*
5. In * Dei/ * mei,' * ei,' * ei ' should be heard as in ' meip-
sum.' 6. In the diphthong * ui ' in * cui,' ' huic,* the sound of
both letters should be heard as in * erui,' and such monstros-
ities as * ky ' and ' hyke ' should never more be heard of.
7. * A ' should never be sounded as in ' ball * or * man ' (of
course I do not mean the incorrect sound of * a ' in ' man,*
general in the North of Ireland). 8. * Ut ' should be sounded
as in * put ' — B.D.T. — corrtpa semper J^ 9. * S ' should not
be changed into *sh' in *usu' 'possui.' 10. In reading
Latin, short * u ' should be the short * u * in * bull * or * put,'
and not the short ' u ' of * but' I have given these hints
a centre coeur, far preferring to openly advocate the adop-
tion of the Italian pronunciation pure and simple, if I
dared do so. Strange that I should have scruples on this
score, but stranger when a Protestant clergyman can write
as follows : —
^^ Certainly to hear Latin spoken by an Italian of culture and
refinement is a pleasure which few persons could fail to enjoj.
What has been, as with us, a language of Books falls upon the ear
in melodious tones expressive of every shade and variety of mean-
ing. It seems as though one who by his writings had become
familiar, as an old and valued friend, was present before us, and was
delighting us with the sounds of his living voice. If then we would
give a freshness and a life to Latin, and stimulate an interest in it
that will relieve the dryness of the severer mental discipline, we
shall do well to assimilate our speech to that of Rome of to-day.'*'
M. J. O'Brien.
^ Alvarez was a Portuguese. The only foreigner I ever heard quote
his rules, or speak about him, or the prosody he wrote, was a Sp&nat^
* Latin and Greek as in Rome and Athens. By Rev. Francis M*
Wyndham, pp. 22, 23.
A very useful and interesting work, the Magister ChoraUs translated
from the German by the Rev. N. (now Bishop) Donnelly, may also be
consulted on the excellence of the Italian pronunciation of lAtin, vid
other matters I have touched upon.
i
[ 527 ]
CORRESPONDENCE.
Canon Law in Ireland.
Vert Rkv. Deab Sir, — ^In resuming the subject of " Cikon
Law in Iseland/' I desire to thank you for your kind and
cautious admonition, with which you so thoughtfully headed what
I had written on this subject, directing my attention to the precise
terms of the important passage, as you justly consider it, quoted
by me from Benedict XIV., in which the great. Pope lays down
the rule, obliging a Bishop, when he considers a law emanating
from the Holy See to be unsuitable to the circumstances of his
diocese, to notify .his reasons to the Supreme Pontiff, leaving it to
His Holiness to decide if they be sufficient for exempting the
diocese in question from the obligations of the law.
Believe me, I had this rule very distinctly before my mind, but
I had also in view how it would work itself into practical effect,
and I allowed myself to think, that at least here in Ireland, which
alone we are at presentconcemed about, a Bishop, in the case supposed,
would consider the objections occurring to him, to be probably
applicable as well to some, if not to all, the other dioceses
of the country, and would, therefore, deem it prudent to wait for
one of those meetings, which occur at such short intervals, to con-
fer with his Venerable Colleagues in order that joint action might
be taken in the case, if such a course would appear advantageous
virith a view to give more weight to the representations that would
be sent forward. On this account I was content with saying, that' if
the Bishops come to an adverse conclusion as to the expediency of
putting into operation a law of the nature contemplated, they
would suspend all further action till they could communicate with
the Pope, and receive his ulterior instructions ; and I observed,
moreover, that the observance of rule is placed in absolute security
by the special loyalty, respect, and veneration of our Bishops for the
Supreme Head of the Church in his legislative capacity as in all
other regards.
I am additionally grateful to you, as your thoughtful admonition
gives me to hope I am to be favoured with your valuable assistance in
getting out of the fog. in which, I fear, many of us are enveloped
on a subject so important to our Ministry here in Ireland.
Let us now proceed to our subject, and I will commence by
bringing to mind the conclusions at which I arrived from the
stetements I ventured to put forward in the paper you were good
enough to make room for in the June number of the Hecokd.
They are : —
1. That it is most desirable to have clear ideas on the slate of
Canon Law in Ireland.
528 Correspondence.
2. The Common Law in its entirety cannot be observed in this
country, no more than in any other country, owing to the mutabilities
of human affairs, the Church having to adapt her legislation to local
exigencies, as she had to deal with them from time to time,
throughout the world.
3. The subject, however, becoming narrowed in its scope, the
question respecting Ireland is, how far Canon Law, as at present
upheld by the Supreme authority of the Universal Church, is of
obligation here in our National Church.
4. This question brings under consideration the various legis-
lative authorities of the Church, General Councils, the Supreme
Pontiff, &c., &c.
5. These various authorities are in perfect harmony by the
relations subsisting between them, in virtue of which the Roman
Pontiff concedes to the Bishops throughout the Church a certain
extent of licence as to the publication and enforcement of the laws
issued by him.
6. Seeing that a particular Pontifical Constitution is in no wise
inexpedient, having regard to the circumstances of his diocese, the
Bishop, as a matter of course, publishes and enforces it, and it has
its force, not as from his authority, but as emanating from the
Supreme Head of the Church.
I deem it well to recall these conclusions, as I mean they should
serve as a basis for the now immediate treatment of our subject,
and recollecting that our inquiry is confined to discipline, I think
we may say in a general view of the subject, that the disciplinarj
law of our National Church is the *^ jas commune " or the common
law of the Church at large, as we find it on all disciplinary matters
in the various collections constituting the general Body of Canon
Law, in so far as it is upheld, and maintcdned in use, by the
authority of the Supreme Pontiff, due allowance^ nevertheless^ being
made for our local legislation, traditions, customs, and exemptions, (u
sanctioned^ assented to, or tolerated by the same authority, I em-
phasize these latter words as bringing us home to ourselves, and
placing us face to face with our actual Canonical situation. How-
ever, to obviate all misunderstanding, certain important points most
be kept steadily in view.
First of all, we must bear in mind that all the disciplinaiy
enactments of the general legislation of the Church emanate fitun
the Supreme governing authority of the Church, and carry with
them, therefore, a binding force over the entire extent of the Uni-
versal Church, and we consequently are included with all other
local or national Churches within their scope.
Secondly, it must be recollected, that ecclesiastical law, mor»
especially in matters of discipline, is liable to change, and even to
abrogation, from the various causes producing such effects in all
human legislation of whatsoever kind.
Thirdly, such changes or abrogations are always subject to the
Correspondence. 529
fiupreme junsdiction of the Holy See, the Homan Pontiff being for
ever, according to the decree of the Council of Florence, " the true
Vicar of Christ, the successor of the Blessed Peter, the Head of
the entire Church, the Doctor and Pastor of all Christians, to whom
in the Blessed Peter, fall power has been given by Christ of
feeding, ruling, and governing the Universal Church."
Fourthly, it cannot, however, be expected, that the Supreme
Pontiff will always notify to the faithful the changes, as they
occur, from time to time, in disciplinary matters under his govern-
ment of the Church, these changes not being the result of actual
or specific enactments in most instances, but brought about by the
various agencies, which are ever at work in human society, not
allowing it no more than the individual, according to the words of
Holy Job, '* to continue in the same state,^* The inost ordinary of
these agencies is disuse, which begins silently, progresses almost
without observation, but. in the end, succeeds in completely super-
seding the law. Nevertheless, it cannot be said that the change
escapes the vigilance of the Supreme *' Watchman to the House of
Israely* and he has under him besides his subordinate Watchman
upon the walls of Jerusalem, all the day^ and all the night, who never
Jiold their peace, and who, moreover, in their periodic visits *' ad
limina," as also in their official reports, afford the Supreme Pontiff
a constant view of the entire Church spread though it is over the
whole universe, so that nothing of any moment can take place from
end to end without his knowledge. In addition to all this, the
constant communications of all sorts passing between the various
congregations, by whom he is aided in the government of the
Church, and the Bishops, as also the inferior Clergy, and even
the Laity themselves, in several instances, afford what we may caU
a panoptic view to the Holy Father, whereby he has his spiritual
children unceasingly under his eyes to the uttermost ends of the
earth. These congregations, moreover, whilst sharing with the
Supreme Pontiff his ^* solicitude for all the Churches,'^ are an in-
valuable resource to aU the faithful for consultation and guidance ;
and should we be disposed to undervalue their importance,
Benedict XTV. would admonish us veiy gravely in the following
words : — Scriptores de quffistionibus verba faciunt, congregatio
dissolvit • . . impudentissimus esset, qui contenderet majoris
ponderis habendum esse privatum hominem quam sententia prae-
clarissimi coetus, quem amplissimi cardinales ecclesiasticae dis-
ciplinae, et sacrorum canonum peritissimi constituunt." — (Inst, 107,
No, 6. Inst. Can,)
I have deemed it right to lay down these statements, in order
to guard against a possible misunderstanding, as if our ecclesiastical
government here in Ireland were carried on, as it were, in some
obscure comer of the world, and we would have to fear lest our
insular position would isolate us in any degree from the vigilance and
concern of the Supreme Pastor. What we have just said warrants
530 Correspondence.
us, on the contrary, in insisting, that under his eyes we OMne
within the general administration of the Church at large, and, as
we have stated, our disciplinary Canon Law is the *' jus commune "
or common law of the Church, such as we find it in the tsjioiis
collections constituting the Body of Canon Law, in so far as it is
upheld, and applied by the authority of the Supreme Pontiff.
Nevertheless, as we have also ventured to assert, we are to
claim due allowance for our local legislation, traditions, customs,
and exemptions, like every other national or local Church, as
sanctioned, assented to, or tolerated by the same august authoritj.
In taking account of these special derogations we must bear in
mind, that all legislation must keep in view the circumstances of
those to be governed, so as to be adapted and accommodated to the
position in which they are placed, and must also vary according as
their position changes. Hence, to form a just and correct judg-
ment of our Canonical situation, it becomes necessary to take a
glance back on the ordeal of suffering L*eland had to undergo for
her faith. We must look back on those days of sorrow, when oar
Churches were ruthlessly demolished, and the stones of the SaD^
tuary scattered, and the " abomination of desolation " everywhere
prevailed. Nevertheless, the retrospect affords us the consolation
of seeing the Pastor yet at his post ready to lay down his life for
his sheep, and the fiock clinging to their Pastor prepared to sbed
their blood in a common martyrdom with him. What Canon Law
could there have been then in Ireland ? Without Church, wherein
to celebrate the Divine Mysteries with his flock, and not having
himself, in many instances, ** whereon to lay hts heady ^ the poor
Parish Priest had to look back for example to the Pastor of Pastors,
as " He went about doing good!* passing from village to village, and
from house to house, preaching the Kingdom of God, as he had also
to recollect how this Divine Master sent His Apostles without scrip
or staff, or bread or money, ordering them to abide in whatercr
house they would enter, bringing into it their blessing of peace, and
" eating such things as were set before them ; " and thus bearing in
mind how the Kingdom of God began upon earth, the Irish Pari^
Priest made the administration of Religion a domestic fonctioot
80 that looking back on these evil days we are to thank God, tbat
under His all ruling Providence our holy religion was preserred,
both in faith and practice, and so handed down to us as our most
precious inheritance.
But Sunday came, and where was the Priest to assemble his
devoted flock for the Holy Sacrifice ? The word had passed from
mouth to mouth the evening before, and as Sunday dawned, the
scattered members of the fold were to be seen repairing, as it might
be, to the dreary cavern, the lonely valley, or ^e silent grove,
where around God*8 Minister, and the humble table serving as an
Altar, they poured out their souls, adoring in fidth and piety the
Adorable Victim of Salvation.
Correspondence, 531
As an illustration of these calamitons days, I remember well
the account I frequently heard from a venerable old Priest not fifty
years dead of what he saw and experienced in his youth. He was
a native of Belfast, and there was, through God's mercy, a Priest
in that northern city for ** the domestics of the faith," who, *' few and
far between," were scattered amongst the population. As Sunday
morning arrived, they were on the look-out, according to the word
that had been sent out the evening before, and in the direction
indicated a man was to be seen carrying a table, whilst another
bore the Vestment box, and a third had with him a spade to ^x and
steady the table, which was to serve for the Altar. As they went
along they looked around, and finding a sheltered spot beneath a
thick and spreading hedge-row, they made their preparations. The
Priest arrived in due time, dressed like another to avoid detection,
and as he vested, and the Altar having been laid, and the candles
lighted, two or three men stood at either side with their great coats
extended for protection against the blowing breeze, whilst the faithful
worshippers knelt on the moist earth during the Adorable Sacrifice.
This good Priest used also relate that he had seen in his early
years what was to him a wonder at the time, the spectacle of three
Prists together, and such a hold did the sight take of his feelings,
that the recollection of it remained fresh and fragrant in his
memory even amidst the gorgeous displays of religious ceremonial
he afterwards witnessed on the Continent during the several
years he resided in one of its chief cities. A century has not since
passed, and how can we sufiiciently bless God on beholding the
contrast between Belfast as it was then, and the Belfast of the
present day ?
Again, let us ask the question, what was Canon Law in Ireland,
or what could it have been, in these dismal times ? The Priest
had, of course, his Breviary, and recited in due order the Divine
Office ; he had his Missal, and celebrated the Holy Sacrifice
according to the Rubrics ; he had his Ritual, and administered the
Sacraments according to its essential prescriptions ; he maintained
amongst his poor people a knowledge of the principal mysteries, of
the seven capital sins, of the ten commandments of God, of the six
precepts of the Church, and of the seven Sacraments, teaching
them on this elementary basis how '' to decline from evil^ and do
good,^^ and so conducted them through " the narrow gate" and along
" the straight way that leadeth to lifeJ^ He studied on the Continent,
there being no ecclesiastical education here at home, and he came
back a Priest prepared to live a confessor's life, or die a martyr's
death, his mission being that of the Apostles : '^ Oo: Behold I send
you as lambs amongst wolves" (Luke x. 81; and his all-inspiring
and all-absorbing sentiment was, '' The good shepherd giveth his life
for his sheep " (John x. 11).
Once again, let us ask, what was Canon Law, cr what could
have been Canon Law in Ireland during this darksome period of
532 Correspondence.
oar history ? It could be observed only in essential points in the
functions of the Sacred Ministry, as far as the Priest could perform
them, and in the application of positive theology. In every other
regard necessity— dure necessity ruled the situation.
Time passed on, and oppression mitigated its rigour by degrees,
yet effects ensued determining in many important particulars the
canonical position of the Irish Church, so that the entire structure
of our ecclesiastical ministry was moulded, and took shape from
the consequences that supervened.
Our Benefices having been spoliated, it beciune necessary, in the
first place, to invent a little unsown to Canon Law for promoting
our ecclesiastics to holy orders ; and when ordained the curate had
his appointment immediately from his Bishop, and was removable
only by his authority, an arrangement which, no doubt, has its
advantage in placing the curate in a position claiming for him
more respect from his Parish Priest, whilst by the law of mutuality
the latter in turn respects all the more the higher position of the
former.
Our Parish Priests have their appointment without ^^con-
cursus/' which leaves the Bishops more free to take account of their
qualifications in the aggregate, whilst he has sufficient opportuni-
ties in the conferences of the diocese to know their relative merits
en the score of theological science, and when put in possession of
his parish, the adage, ^^ Beneficium propter officium '' has no appli-
cation to the Irish Parish Priest. His is a more apostolic position,
depending, in one direction, on the principle, ** freely Aow yon
received, freely give,* and in the other, on the natural maxim, ^'Ou
labourer is worthy of his hire;'* and these relations of Apostolic zeal
on the part of the clergy, and of spontaneous generosity on the
part of the faithful, constitute that happy union of Priest and
people which held them inseparably together during the centimes
of suffering through which they had to pass. Other Churches
may have whatever systems they prefer, but for us the voluntary
system possesses a charm endearing in the recollection of the
past, as it is endearing alike in the enjoyment of the present, and
cheeringly hopeful in the prospects of the future.
Our Bishops themselves are appointed in pursuance of a special
constitution devised for the Irish Church, which we should be
grateful in considering, whilst it reserves to the Supreme Pontiff
bis inalienable right, allows our clergy a larger amount of influence
than is conceded elsewhere in the nomination of the Chief, who is
to rule over them.
In several of our dioceses we have Cathedral Chapters, with the
usual Canonical functionaries to aid the Bishop in his administra-
tion, and although, for the present, their titles want much of their
official significance, in practice they are, nevertheless, of impor-
tance as recognizing superior merit in the ranks of the clergy, and
holding them up in the face of the diocese as models for imitation.
Correspondence. 533
They may be regarded also as pointing to a future more or less
near, when more favourable circumstances will admit of the
authority contemplated by Canon Law as attached to these yarious
positions.
In the meantime, if the Bishop has less support in the govern-
ment of his diocese, he is more free to exercise his personal zeal
and ability ; and in a state of progress, such as we have in Ireland, it
must be idlowed that opportunities constantly arise for initiation
and enterprise requiring prompt and decisive action ; and, in point
of fact, so far from having reason to complain, we are bound on
the contrary to thank the Almighty, as we look back and behold
how, in so short a time, under a system necessarily abnormal, our
Churches, our Monasteries, our Convents, our Colleges, in fine our
institutions of every sort, have sprung up anew, and cover the face
of the land, reminding us on aU sides of the words of the Prophet,
" Oreat shall he the glory of this last house more than ofthefinV* (Agg.
ii. 10.)
And whilst the Almighty has so marvellously blessed our
efforts here at home, we are, under His Divine Providence, fulfilling
an Apostolic destiny abroad even to the ends of the earth by the
spread of Catholicity, resulting from the emigration of our poor
people, and their mingling with nations ^* seated in darkness and the
shadow of death.^* Yes, whithersoever they go, and in whatever
climes the Irish race find new homes, they take with them the
faith of this old green land, and promote its propagation, so that
their poverty in a material sense is made by the agency of
Providence the means of imparting the treasures of religion to
other populatiSns, reminding us forcibly of the mission of Him,
^' who became poor for your takes, thcU through His poverty you might he
rwh." (2 Cor. viii. 9.)
Nor are our poor people allowed to go alone. Our Missioners,
inheriting the zeal of the primitive ages of our national Church,
follow their fellow-countrymen in their dispersion, whilst it is
reserved for our day to witness a new kind of apostolate, which the
world admires in the spouses of Chrj^, who, forgetful of the weak-
ness of their sex,fiy, as it were, on the wings of charity to the enda
of the earth to advance the empire of Him to whose love and
service they have consecrated their entire existence. Thus is it that
we may boast of Ireland, and say in the words of the Apostle that
her *^ sound hath gone forth into all the earthy and her words to the
endoftheearth.'^ (Bom. x. 18,)
We have now before us the structural form of the Irish
National Church, and we see the results it has achieved, with
God's blessing, under very adverse circumstances. Altbough
duly recognised and legalised by the Holy See, it is, indeed,
abnormal to a large extent, but are we to find fault with
it on that account? To do so would be, in my mind, to
arraign Providence itself. What branch of God's Church
534 Liturgical Questions*
on earth has so abonnded in fruit within the memorj of a
generation not yet entirely gone by ? Looking back no farther
than the last fifty years on the work of the Catholic Chnrch in
Ireland, are we not bound to say in all gratitude, *' ft^ the Lord thit
has been done, and tt is wonderful in our eyesJ* (Ps. cxvii. 22.)
But I feel I must break off, not to occupy unduly your pages
80 precious for other subjects. Besides, I find I have yet a
considerable way to go, and I imagine I must make still a
large demand, with tdi due deference, on your space in some
subsequent number, for what I shall have to add on a department
of ecclesiastical science, over which hangs a cloud, which it is most
desirable to clear away.
Let me, however, deprecate the idea, that I pretend to be ^ a
teacher in IsraeV* in what I say. My desire is rather to ventiUrte
the subject, and I shall be only too glad, if I succeed in drawing
out the mind of others more competent, and more particularly of
the gifted and erudite " Editor of the Ecclesiastical Record,"
who will, let me request, allow me to remain, very sincerely, his
obedient servant,
X.Z.
LITURGY.
Regulations of tlie Irish Bishops regarding the Prayers to he
said after every Low Mass.
In the last number of the Record we gave it as our
opinion that the prayers ordered by the Pope to be recited
after every Low mass should be said (a) in Latin, (6) before
the De profundisy (c) in conjunction with the congregation,
and (d) with the ceremonies observed at Rome, ie., A®
priest kneeling, except at the Prayer. *
Since then our bishops have had the matter under con-
sideration at their general meeting held at Maynooth, and
we are now in a position to state definitely how they wflh
those prayers to be said throughout all Ireland.
1**. The prayers are to be said in English.
2^ The prayers are to be said after me Deprofmdii.
S*». The priest is to remain kneeling even at the Praytf .
4**. The congregation is to join in the responses.
I. The praj^ers are to be said in English. Seeing that
it is expresdy mtended by the Pope that the people hearing
lAturgical Questions. 535
Mass should join with the priest in saying those prayers,
our bishops felt that it would be exceemngly diflScult,
indeed at the present time practically impossible, to carry
out this important object if the congregation had to answer
in Latin. Accordingly his Eminence, Cardinal MacCabe,
appUed to the Holy Father, in the name of all the bishops of
Ireland for an Indult to justify their departure in thisinstance
from the use of th^ liturgical language, and to allow us in
Ireland to say the prayers in Enghsh. The Indult was
granted on the 22nd of June, and reached this country in
time to be laid before their Lordships at their late meeting.
Through the kindness of his Eminence, who has sent the
document to the Record, we are able to place before our
readers a copy of the Indult : —
Beatissihe Pater,
Ednardus Cardinalis MacCabe, Archiepiscopus Dubliniensis, ad
pedes Beatitudinis tuae humillime provolutus, nomine omnium
£piscoporum Hiberniae speciale petit Indultum quo liceat Sacer-
dotibus et Fidelibus lingua vemacula recitare preces quae ex
nuperrima praescriptione Beatitudinis Tuae post Missam dicendae
sunt, ita ut Fideles qui linguam latinam ignorant has preces una
cum Sacerdote recitare valeant. Quare etc.
Ex Audientia SSmi diei 22 Junii 1884.
SSmus Dominus Noster Leo Divina Providentia P. P. XIU.
referente me infrascripto S. Congiiis de Propaganda Fide Secre-
tario, benigne annuere dignatus est pro gratia juxta petita.
Datum Bomae ex Aed. dictae S. Con^is die et anno praedictis.
^ D. Archusp., Syren. Coniis.
Gratis quacumqne titulo.
As the reason which was relied on by the Cardinal when
asking for the Indult, and deemed satisfactory at Rome,
was tne great difficulty of getting the people to join in
making the responses in the Latin language which they
do *iot understand ; and as this reason does not apply to
colleges and communities where the congregation is in the
habit of answering prayers in Latin^ it is the wish of our
bishops that in all such institutions those prayers should
fitill be said in Latin. Manifestly this is as it ought to be,
for by this arrangement those institutions, whicn cannot
claim an exemption on the ground alleged, will find them-
selves in conformity with the Roman practice and the
practice of the church generally.
11. The prayers are to be said after the De profundis.
Up to this, it was a matter of opinion on which persons
qualified to judge differed^ as to whether those prayers
536 Liturgical Qaestions*
should be said before or after the De profundis. But now
that we are privileged to say them in English, it is
obvious that it would be very inconvenient and strange
to insert prayers in English between the Latin of the
Mass and the Latin of the De profundis. Accordingly, tha
bishops, having considered the matter in all its bearings,
have made the ruling as stated iabove.
nL They have also decided thal^ the priest is to
remain on his knees when saying the Prayer, " 0 God, our
refuge and our strength, &c." This they consider to be
another deviation warranted by the departure from the
liturgical language.
IV. Lastly, the people are to be encouraged to join in
the responses, as it is expressly mentioned in the decree of
the Sacred Congregation when ordering those prayers
that they are to be the united suflfrages of the priest and
people : — '* Gravibus adhuc insidiantibus, nee satis remota
suspicione graviorum, cum ecclesia catholica singulari Dei
praesidio tantopere indigeat, D. N. Leo Papa XIlL oppor-
tunum judicavit certas preces toto orb© persolvi, ut quod
christianae reipublicae m communi expedit, id commuui
prece populus christianus a Deo contendat, auctoque
supplicantium numero, divinae beneficia miserecordiae
facuius assequatur." S.R.C. lam inde, 6 Jan. 1884.
IL
The Credo and the Octave of St. John ilie Baptut.
Why is it that the Feast of St. John the Baptist, whidh is a
double of the first class with an Octave, has not the Credo ii? the
Mass— nist in propria Ecclesia f
The feast of St. John the Baptist is not one to which
the Credo is assigned in the JRubrics, and the fact of its
being a double of the first class, or of its having an Octave,
does not bring with it as a consequence the Credo in the
Mass.
Let us point to other exainples of this kind. The Feast
of the Holy Innocents has an Octave, and the Credo is not
said on the Octave day. It is said indeed on the days tn/>«
Octavam, but only because they fall within the Octaves of
Feasts that have the Credo, such as Christmas Day and
St. John the Evangelist's. For a similar reason the Credo
is said on St Stephen's day, and not because it has an Octave^
St. Laurence, Martyr, has an Octave, but the Credo is not
said on the Feast. ]n a word, the rubric so common in the
Directory, Credo per Oct., applies only to Feasts which have
both an Octave and the Credo,
Liturgical Questions. 537
The Credo is of course said on St. John the Baptist's
feast in propria ecclesia, because there he is the titular of
the Church.
lU.
The Indulgence of lAtany of Loretto when sung.
In the July number of the Record we raised the ques-
tion whether the indulgence is gained by those who, when
singing or saying the Litany of the Blessed Virrin, repeat
the Ora pro nobis only after every second or third invoca-
tion. Since then we nave received a communication from
a distinguished ecclesiastic in England, which goes far to
decide the question in the af&rmative. The document,
which through his kindness we are able to print, does not,
however, take the question quite out of the region of doubt
and controversy, because it is not a formal decision of the
Congregation of Indulgences.
Our respected correspondent tells us how the answer
was procured. Last year one of the questions at a diocesan
conference in England was : — ^^ Quomodo recitari vel can-
tari debent Litaniae Lauretanae ad indulgentias lucran-
das t" The Master of Conference, who revised the various
answers, not being able to find any satisfactory authority
on the point, drew up a " Dubiiun *' for the Congregation
of Indulgences, winch was forwarded to Rome. For some
reason the "Dubium" never came formally before the
Congregation, but an informal answer was given by " ima
persona competente," as the ecclesiastic who had charge
of sending forward the question writes when returning the
reply. It is understood that this competent person was
the Substitute of the Congregation of Indulgences. Accord-
ing to his decision the indulgence is gained when the Ora
-pro nobis is repeated only after every second or third invo-
cation (this was the case put forward), because even then
the prayer is not substantially altered.
The document is as follows : —
Quest' oso di'recitare le litanie Laoretane, che daMgr. Yescovo
di — si dice essere invalso nella sua diocesi e quasi ia tutta I'lnghil-
terra, h comune a molti altri luoghi anche in Italia, et in Roma
ancora y'^ Fuse di recitarle in sunil guisa, almenoquando si cantano
in musica ; eppure niuno ha mosso mai 11 dubbio se i fedeli lucrino
e no le indulgenze, ed h chiaro che il dubbio non potesse aver
luogo, stante che la preghiera rimane sostanzialmente la mede-
sima, rimanendo sempre salvd le invocazioni, che son la parte prin-
cipale di questa preghiera. Dunque non sembra doversi muover
dubbio anche per il case proposto da Mgr. di
538 Liturgical Questions.
IV.
The Consecration Crosses in a church ; can they be removedl
My church was consecrated, and the consecration crosses are
painted on the walls on parts of three stones, and not on a single
stone, as is usual. As I want to hang up stations of the cross, I
now find that these consecration crosses are in the way. Please
tell me can I paint them elsewhere in the church, for instance, be-
tween the stations ?
MissiONABT Rector.
The maimer in which the crosses are painted fulfils the
prescription of the Pontifical, which only requires that the
crosses should be painted on the walls. It is not infrequent,
as a token of respect and reverence, to insert in the wall
marble slabs or special stones to receive those crosses
which are either painted or cut, but this is not necessary.
The Sacred Congregation has decided that the conse-
cration crosses are not to be destroyed or obliterated ; that
they are to remain in witness of the consecration of the
church: ^'An duodecim cruces quae in consecratfone
ecclesiae solemni pinguntur in parietibus et ab episcopo
consecrante sacro chi'ismate liniuntur, expleta consecratione
possint evelli si sint factae ex marmore, aut deleri si sint
depictae? An vero remanere debeant perpetuis futuris
temporibus, in testimoniimi consecrationis ejusdem
ecclesiae V*
" S. R. C. resp. : — Omnino perpetuis futuris temporibus
remanere debero. Die 18 Feb. 1696 in Januen."
The Congregation has however also decided (19 S^t,
1859) that a «hurch does not need re-consecration in which
two of those crosses have been removed to anotiier part of
the walls for the sake of convenience and symmetry.
From these and other decisions we are of opinion that,
while those crosses must be retained in the church as me-
morials of the consecration, they may be removed from their
first position to another for reasonable cause.
In a matter, however, of such practical importance, the
Bishop of the diocese is the person who should be con-
sulted, and he will seek guidance from the authorities at
Rome, if it be deemed necessary,
R. Browne.
[ 539 ]
DOCUMENTS.
The following is the reply of His Holiness to the Address
of the Irish Prelates lately presented to the Holy Father in
reference to the proposed conversion of the property of the
Propaganda, and the establishment in Dublin of a centre
for the reception and preservation of its property in future.
Roma, 23 Aprilit^ 1884.
Eme. AC Bmb. Domine,
Litteras ab Eminentia Tua nomine omnium Hiberniae Episco-
porum Sanctissuno Domino Nostro datas sub initio huius raensis
accepi, easque Sanctitati Suae per infrascriptum Secretarium
tradendas curavi. Sanctitas vero Sua libentissime easdem accepit,
novumque pignus Devotionis Episcopatus Hiberniae erga S. Sedem
in lis recognovit.
Pergrata pariter mihi fuerant quae Eminentia Tua in litteris
mihi datis significabat, turn de indignatione justissima omnium
Hiberniae Episcoporum ob iniquam sententiam contra banc
S. Congregationem, ut notum est, perlatam, necnon de proposito
vestro agendi quoad fieri posset in favorem ejusdem S. Consilii,
turn etiam de peculiari sollicitudine Eminentiae Tuae relate ad
procurationem istic erectam, qua de re dubitari profecto minime
potuisset.
Interim manus Eminentiae tuae humillime deosculor.
Eminentiae Vestrae
HumiUimus Addictissimus famulus.
Joannes Cardin. Simeoni, Praefectus.
S D. Archiep. Tyren. Secret,
Ex Sacra Congreoatione Indttlgentiarum.
Obdinis S. Crucis.
Die 15 Martti 1884.
De Indulgentia qdingentortjm dierum adkexa calculis
BOSABII PER CrUCIGEROS BBNEDICTI.
Ordinis Sanctae Crucis. Quum innumerae propemodum
quaestiones et dubia Sacrae Congregationi indulgentiis Sacrisque
Beliquiis praepositae exbibita fuerint, nomine etiam Archiepis«
coporum et Episcoporum de authenticitate Indulgentiae dierum
quingentorum a Leone Papa X. Litteris in forma Brevis datis die
20 Augusti 1516 concessae et quodammodo confirmatae a Summis
Pontificibus Gregorio XVI., et Pio IX. rescriptus Sacrne Congre-
gationis de Propaganda Fide dierum 13 Julii 1845 et 9 Januarii
1848, quam lucrari dicuntur Cbristifideles, quoties in JRosariia
Beatae Mariae nuncupatis et benedictis a Magistro Generali
Ordinis Sanctae Crucis vel a Sodalibus eiusdem Ordinis, a ]Magistro
Generali ad id specialiter deputatis, orationem dominicam vel
540 Documents.
salatationem angelicam devote recitaverint. Sacra eadem Congre-
gatio, ut C.hristifidelium tranquillitati prospiceret, rem mature
perpendere et absolvere constituit. Qaa oblata opportanitate
quaesitum etiam est de necessitate recitandi tertiam saltern partem
Bosarii B: Y. Mariae, ut Indnlgentia ilia acquiri possit, quemad*
modum fortasse innuere videbantur verba quibus Romani Ponti*
fices praef atas Indulgentias adamussim adnexas Rosariis a Magistro
Grenerali dicti Ordinis benedictis concesserunt. Insaper quom
plures sacerdotes turn a Sanctissimo Domino Nostro Papa, turn a
sacra ipsa Congregatione privilegium expostulaverint Bosaria
benedicendi cam applicatione Indulgentiae qoam ipsis Sodales
Crucigeri adnectunt, quaesitum quoque est de huiusmodi precibos
exaudiendis, vel respuendis.
Quae omnia sequentibus dubiis propositis complexa sunt :
I. Utrum Indulgentia quingerUorum dterum qttoties in Eosariis
per Crucigeros benedictis oratio dominica^ vel saltUatio cmgeUoa
devote dicatur, revocanda sit,
(a) Vel uti apocrypha^ seu ratione dubiae authenticitatis.
(b) Vel uti indiscreta, seu ratione indiscretae concessionis,
(c) Vel ob alias extrinsecas rationes.
Et quatenus neoativb ad omnbs I dubii partes.
II. Utrum eadem Indulgentia rata habenda sit et confirmanda
velpotius dicenda sit ratihahitione et eonfirmatione non indigere.
III. Utrum pro acquirenda eadem Indulgentia necesse sit
integrum Rosarium devote recitare,
IV. Utrum expediat aliis etiam Sacerdotibus eoncedi privilegium
benedicendi Rosaria cum applicatione Indulgentiae, quo gaudent
Sodales Crucigeri f
Et Patres Eminentissimi in Congregatione Generali habita die
11 Martii 1884 in Aedibus Apostolicis Yaticanis rescripseruot :
Ad L Negative in omnibus.
Ad II, Non indigere.
Ad III, et IV, Negative,
Die vero 15 eiusdem mensis et anni facta ab infrascripto
Sacrae Congregationis Secretario relatione. Sanctissimus Dominas
Noster Leo Papa XIII., Patrum Cardinalium responsiones benigne
approbavit.
Datum Eomae ex Secretaria Sacrae Congregationis Indulgeotiis
Sacrisque Beliquiis praepositae die 15 Martii 1884.
Al. Card. Oreglia.
a S. Stephano Praefectus.
Franciscus Delia Volpe Sccretarius.
[ 541 ]
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Allocutions to the Clergy and Pastorals of the Late Right Rev. Dr,
Moriarty^ Bishop of Kerry. Dublm : Browne and Nolan.
1884.
The clerical public of these coimtries owe a debt of gratitude
to the learned editors — the Very Rev. Fathers GriflSn and Coffey —
of this beautiful volume. The late Dr. Moriarty was well
known to be a prelate of great eloquence, as well as of solid and
Taried learning. He was familiar with all the branches of
ecclesiastical science. He had, moreover, a massive and well-
balanced mind, warmed with a holy zeal that was tempered by a
cautious and benignant prudence. The addresses of such a prelate
to his clergy, learned, thoughtful, and carefully worded as they are,
cannot fail to be of great value for ecclesiastics, both high and
low. For the most part they consist of Allocutions delivered to
his clergy at the annual Synods from 1854 to 1874, and deal in
great fulness with the primary obligations of the pastoral ministry.
Nowhere else have we read more solid instruction, given in
language so weighty and vigorous. We have also several Pastoral
Letters addressed by the Bishop to his clergy on various important
occasions ; for instance, on the Disendowment of the Protestant
Church in 1867; on the Diocesan Seminary; and on Papal
Infallibility. These Pastorals are, as might be expected,
characterized by the same wide learning and vigorous eloquence
as the other addresses.
We think it a loss that the editors did not publish also some of
the sermons delivered by Dr. Moriarty on various occasions.
Who, for example, that heard it, would not like to read the noble
discourse which he pronounced on the occasion of laying the
foundation-stone of the new Church of Maynooth College ? We
are thankful, however, for what we have received, and we earnestly
hope that the sale of this work will be such as to induce the
learned editors to publish any sermons of Dr. Moriarty which
hi^pen to be still in manuscript.
In a few neat and appropriate sentences the editors dedicate
this volume to his Eminence Cardinal Newman, who, as he tells us
lumself, always felt "the truest love and gratitude" for Dr,
Moriarty, for, as he emphatically puts it, *' he was a rare friend,
one of ten thousand." The publishers, too, have done their work
weB — the book is clearly printed, and very tastefully bound, and
^^ we dare say, find a place on the book-shelves of many
hundreds of English-speaking priests.
J. H.
VOL. V. 2 R
542 Notices of Books.
Theologia Moralis^ Vol. II. Auctobe Augustino Lehxeuhl,
S.J. Freiburg : Hebdbr, 1884.
In the Eecord for last February, we gave a very favourable
notice of the first volume of Father Lehmkuhl's Moral Theology.
The learned author has lately sent us the second volume of the
work, which in our opinion deserves the same strong commenda-
tion as its predecessor. We have had occasion to examine this
work on several important questions, and we think we are fully
justified in recommending it as a most excellent treatise on Moral
Theology, both for priests and students. It can scarcely be sur-
passed by any work of the same compass for the fulness, clearness,
and general accuracy of its treatment of moral questions. £Ten
those who are well acquainted with theology in all its branches,
and have mastered the writings of the greatest masters of the
schools, will find it useful to consult a work which contains so
many of the most recent and useful decisions on moral questions.
The whole of this second volume, which completes the work, deals
with the theology of the Sacraments, and of course discusses all Uiose
questions that are most useful and interesting for missionary priests.
They will find the treatises on Penance, Matrimony, and Censures to
be especially useful — full of sound doctrine and well reasoned conclu-
sions. Of course we do not mean to commit ourselves to accepting
all the conclusions enunciated by the learned author. This, how-
ever, is not the place to discuss the minor points from which we
might venture to dissent, but we have no hesitation in saying thai
in our opinion the teaching of Father Lehmkuhl is always sound,
and his conclusions are based on solid grounds. He is not, we
thinly, fond of novelties, and steers with even keel between the
perilous rocks of rigorism and laxity. We believe and hope that
this excellent book will have a large sale amongst the studious
clergy.
J. H*
JEarly Christian Symbolism^ by William PALifER, M.A. Edited
by J. Spekcer Northcotb, D.D., and W. R. Brownlow,
M.A London : Keegam Paul, Trench <& Co.
We have already called the attention of our readers to this
beautiful work of art, of which we have just received the third
part. Christian SymhoUsm when complete, will form a magnificent
volume, and can be had by the subscribers for one guinea and a*
half. Several of the compositions in the present part are iUastradre
of the greatest of all the Christian Mysteries — the Holy Eucharist
The chromo-lithographs are exceedingly beautiful, and executed
in the highest style of art. The descriptive letterpress too is finely
printed, and well worthy of careful perusaL This beaudfol wofk
would be a most becoming ornament on a priest's table.
Notices of Booh. 543
Spiritual Devotion for the use of Eeligious Communities (New-
York, Benziger Brothers), is a neat and useful little book, trans-
lated from the French by Miss Ella McMahon. It has been
strongly commended by several French prelates, and certainly gives
many valuable hints for the guidance of the spiritual directors of
religious communities. Those priests who have charge of such
communities will find it a very useful little book.
The Year of the Sacred Heart (New York, Benziger Brothers),
is a Deat little volume, translated ^om the French by Miss Anna
T. Sadlier. As its name implies, it gives a collection of thoughts
on the Sacred Heart for every day in the year, taken from the
writings or sayings of those saints who were most devoteft to the
Sacred Heart. This little work will help to propagate and
s^engthen this excellent devotion.
The Month of Mary, by Father Beckx, General of the Society of
Jesus. Translated from the German by Miis. Edward
Hazbland. London : Burks & Oates.
The name of Father Beckx, the celebrated General of the
Jesuits, is of itself a guarantee that the Month of Mary is far above
the average standard of such books of devotion. If any further
proof were wanting, it might be found in the fact that this little
book in honour of Mary has been translated into several European
languages, and has had a wide circulation in each. We are thankful
to Mrs. Hazeland for giving us this English version, which we dare
say will command a ready and extensive sale in these kingdoms.
The book is neatly bound and printed, which is a further recom-
meodation.
The Messenger of the Immaculate Heart (May and June), edited
by Father Nolan, O.D.C., Jand published by Duffy & Sons, is a
small but interesting record of the beautiful devotion to the
Immaculate Heart of our Queenly Mother. ** The Confraternity
of the Holy and Immaculate Heart of Mary for the conversion of
sinners " is not long established, but it has already done excellent
work, and we are glad to learn that its sphere of utility is ever
widening. This little periodical is designed to make known the
aims and needs of the confraternity, as well as to furnish a record
of its labours. We hope the promoters will succeed in their holy
purpose, for it is the loftiest aim that can engage the thoughts and
labours of a good priest.
From the Crib to the Cross, London : Burns & Gates.
This is an excellent series of simple meditations, translated from
544 Notices of Books.
Father Purbrick, S.J., in a neatly-written preface, very justly
observes that meditation is a bard word, and that meditations pro-
perly so called, are beyond the reach of most children. There is,
however, an easier and no less effective way of bringing children
to Christ, and that is to set before their eyes a brief and vivid nar-
rative of the leading events in the life of our Blessed Lord. This
is the purpose of the present little work, and w^ think the book is
very well calculated to attain that object. It is written in a dear,
simple, and attractive style, such as suits the capacity of children,
and cannot fail to make on their tender minds a deep and lasting
impression for good.
J. H.
Devotions to the Sacred Heart, by a Sister of Mercy, and published
by the same enterprising firm, is a work of the sanie size, and of
similar import to the preceding. These little books would be
very well adapted as catechism prizes for younger boys and girls.
The Smuggler's Revenge, by Lady Lentaigne, is a very interesting
little tale, and conveys a high moral lesson. Of such books we
cannot have too many, for young people love variety as well as
adventure. Priests, now at least, can have no reason to complain
of a lack of books, suitable for parochial libraries, which will hdp
to wean young people from a love of dangerous literature, and
implant lessons of high principle in their tender minds.
Ill' Won Peerages, or An Unhallowed Union, By M. L. CBeikni,
Author of Leixlip Castle, &c. Dublin : M. H. Gill & Son.
We noticed Leixlip Castle at the time of its appearance, aid
some persons thought not over favourably. It is true we qualified
our praise, but in so far as our critique was laudatory it is all the
more valuable because it was manifestly the candid expression of
our opinion. The authoress, who now gives us her real name, has
we think, at least to some extent, corrected in this volume the
faults to which we called attention in the preceding one. We
think her sentences are still a trifle too long, and sometimes too
much involved. But the plot is well constructed, the scenes are
full of interest, and the outlines of historical truth are filled in with
considerable vigour and vividness. The scene is laid during the
wild and troublesome period of ninety-eight— a period so full of
tK^c interest for all Irishmen. The writer is evidwitly fiilled with
the undying spirit of Irish nationality, and as she sorrows for the
evil decKls of the past, so she glories in the growing prospects of
a brighter future for her native land. The book will be read with
much interest, at least by all those who share her national
aspurations. «.
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
SEPTEMBER, 1884.
ORIGIN, NATURE, AND USE OF THE PALLIUM.
NATURE OF THE Pallium. — The Pallium is, materially
considered, a white woollen band of circular shape,
about three fingers broad, worn over the breast and
shoulders, the single band falling down in front, adorned
with four black crosses, and fastened with three golden pins.
Anciently these crosses were of a red or purple colour ; but
Bmee the time of Innocent III. the crosses have been black,
although the reason for changing the colom: has not been
ascertained.* In the formal or legal sense of the word,
the Pallium is defined to be " the characteristic ornament
of Archbishops and other superior prelates, taken from the
body of St. reter, granted by the rope alone, and symbol-
ising and conferring the plenitude of the pastoral power.*'
It is said to be taken from the body of St. Peter, because
in ancient times it was customary to preserve the Palliums
in the confession of St. Peter, and under the altar beneath
which the bodies of the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul
repose — *' Per Canonicos Basilicae ponuntur super corpora
Petri et Pauli Apostolorum sub altari majori, ubi factis de
more vigiliis, ilia per noctem dimittunt, deinde restituunt
subdiaconis, qui in loco honesto ea conservant.**' As we
dudl see further on, the same custom is still observed
before the Palliums are solemnly blessed by the Pope, or the
Cardinal who officiates in his stead.
' On the origin of the Pallium. — There are three differ-
ent opinions regarding the origin of the Palliimi. According
* ' De Angelis, vol. WV' 163.
' Benedictus XIV., Constit. voL iL, page 494.
yOL. V. 2 S
546 Origin, Nature^ and Use of tlie Pallium.
to De Marca, and writers of his school, it was originally an
imperial ornament worn by the Roman emperors, which
Constantine, after the peace of the Church, permitted Pope
Sylvester to wear as the symbol of supreme authority, and
which he authorised him also, in certain cases, to grant as
a special privileffe to others. Hence, they say, as it was
treasonable by the Roman law to wear the imperial orna-
ments without special licence, we find that Virgilius asked
the permission of Justinian, as St. Gregory the Great did
of the Emperor Maurice, to grant the Pallium to certain
prelates. There is no foundation, however, for this
opinion, except the alleged donation of certain privileges
to St. Sylvester by Constantine, amongst others to wear—
Phrygium et super humerale videHcet lorum,quod imperiale
circumdare assolet collum« This band, thrown over the
shoulders and round the neck of the emperor, was, accord-
ing to Antonius de Dominis, the original Pallium which the
emperor permitted the Popes to use. This document is in
Gratian's Decree ; but every scholar now recognises it as
one of the forgeries of the Pseudo-Isidore, and conse-
quently of no weight whatever. As to St. Gregory and
Virgilius asking the imperial permission to grant the
Pallium, they did so because they feared that otherwise
the grant of the PaUium to foreign prelates might be
regarded by emperors, or their minions, as an attempt to
secure the protection of foreign princes at the expense of
their own allegiance to the empire.
Others think that the Pallium, though of purely eccle-
siastical origin, was worn by the Popes in imitation of the
rational and superhumeral worn by the High Priests of
the Old Law.i Baronius seems to adopt this as the more
probable opinion, and it is adopted by several eminent
canonists.
A third opinion, however, traces the origin of the
Pallium to St. Linus, the immediate successor of St Peter,
who, as such, wore the PaUium of the Prince of the
Apostles, and ordained that it should be worn by his snc-
cessors to signify that the lawful successors of St. Peter
inherited from him the fulness of the Apostolic power.
We have, in favour of this opinion, the high authority of
St. Maximus, Bishop, who, in his sermon, **De Veste
SacerdotaU," says — "In lege gratiae antiquum est illud
nostrum Ephod (id est PaUiimi) quod nostri Patriarchae
1 See Exod. xxyiii., 4.
Origin^ Nature^ and Use of the Pallium, 547
arbitrantur a Lino post Petrum secundo Romano Pontifice
institutnm, et in siDguIaris potestatis privilegium nostris
primis praesulibus datum."
One thing at least is certain, that the use of the
PalUum is very ancient in the Church, both Eastern and
Western. For Gregory the Great* refers to it expressly
in his letter to the Bishops of Illyrium; and Pope
Symmachus' (498-514), when granting it to Theodore,
declares that he does so more majorum^ that is, in accordance
■with ancient practice.
The preparation, benediction, and granting op the
Pallium. — The wool from which the Pallium is made, is
prepared in a special and significant maimer. On the Festival
of St. Agnes, the nuns of her monastery, in the Nomentane
Way, make an offering of two white lambs at the altar,
{'ust at the moment when the Agnus Dei of the Mass is
)eing sung. The lambs are then taken charge of by two
canons of St. John Lateran, who have them cared and fed
until the proper time for diearing. The pm-e white wool
of these two lambs is then mixed with more white wool of
similar texture, and from the mixture the Palliums are
spun and woven.
We have a special constitution of Benedict XIV., in
which that learned Pontiff prescribes the maimer of blessing
and granting the Pallium. After referring to the ancient
rites of blessing the Pallium, the Pontiff ordains the rule
to be followed in future. A suflBcient number of Palliums
shall be prepared, and on the Vigil of St. Peter and Paul's
Day, shall be carried by the Canon Sacristan of the
Basilica, attended by the customary retinue, to the Con-
fession of the blessed Peter. They are to be carried on a
golden dish, and placed on the table of the altar, which
was covered with a cloth richly adorned, between two
candelabra with lighted candles. After Vespers to be
celebrated in the BasiUca by the Pontiff himself, or by a
Cardinal, the celebrant shall go down to the Confession of
St. Peter attended by certain ministers and guards, and
solemnly bless the Palliums, which should be placed before
him by one of the Auditors of the Apostolic ralace. The
blessing over, the Palliums are to be placed in a box of silver,
gilt with gold — arcula argentea auro obducta — ^which box
should always be kept in the Confession of the blessed
Apostle, and near his sacred Body. The box itself, of ex-
1 Lib. ii., Epist. 22. > Epist. 11., Apnd Labbeiun. T. v. ; col. 440*
548 . Origin^ Naturey and Use of the Pallium.
quisitely embossed workmanship, was made by the special
order of the Pope for that purpose, and was by him offered to
the blessed Peter in remission of his sins. It was to remain
under the custody of the Canon Sacristan of the Basilica;
but the key was to be kept by the First Master of Cere-
monies.
The prelate who is entitled to use the PaUium, should
make application for it within three months after his conse-
cration, or if he should have been already consecrated,
within three months after the confirmation of his appoint-
ment to the new See. That application is made in
Consistory through one of the consistorial advocates, who
is specially constituted procurator for the purpose, and
who, in the name of the new prelate, demands the Pallium
from the Pope ifistanter^ instantius^ et instantissime. The
procurator then retires, the Pope consults the Cardinals,
and, of course, grants the request. The senior of the
Cardinal-deacons is authorised to confer the Pallium, and
names a day and place for the purpose. Sometimes the
Cardinal grants the Pallium in the private oratory of his
own house ; but not unfrequently, especially when received
by great prelates in person, it is conferred by the Cardinal-
deacon at the great altar of St. Peter's. Then the
prelate, kneeling on the altar step, begs the PalUum firom
the Cardinal-deacon, who stands at the right comer of the
altar, in the following words : — "Ego N. electus ecclesiaeN.
instanter, instantius, et instantissime peto mihi tradi et
assignari Pallium de corpore B. Petri sumptum, in quo est
f)lenitudo Pontificalis oflScii." But if the Pallium is con-
erred not on the prelate personally, but through his pro-
curator, then the latter asks it in the name of the prelate as
above, but he is required to swear solemnly — " et promitto
illud reverenter portare eidem Rev. Patri D. et nee per-
noctabo in aliquo loco nisi una nocte tantum, nisi prepe-
ditus fuero legitim'e, et tunc in cathedrali ipsins (ant
coUegiata, aut parochiali ecclesia) remittam et honoriiSce
reponam, sic me Deus adjuvet et hac Sancta Dei evangelia."
Not unfrequently it happens that a bishop is constituted
frocurator for his archbishop, to receive and bear him the
'allium. The clause in which the procurator promise« not
to remain more than one night in any place, though given in
the older form of the oath (vide Ferraris vol. I., page 77^
Mice's edition), is omitted from the Benedictine consti-
tution.
Origin^ Nature, cmfCt Use of the Palliurf^ 54ft
The use op the Pallium. — The law regarding the use of
the PalUum is contained in the First Book of the Decretals —
"Titulus Octavns, de Auctoritate et Usu Pallii," and
has remained practically unchanged since the time of
Gregory IX. It is summed up in seven brief and clear
capitula.
I. The Archbishop may use his Pallium within any
church of his province ; but when going in procession
outside the church, even though clothed in his sacred vest-
ments, he may not use the Pallium. Ferraris, however,
thinks that if the multitude of people rendered it necessary to
celebrate praeforibua eecleaiaej he might in that case use his
Pallium; it is morally as it were within the church. It
seems too (from the chapter — Quod eicut 28 de Electione)
that it is not lawful for the Archbishop to hold a Provincial
Synod without his Pallium-^non licet Archiepiscopo sine
PnUio convocare eoncUitim — and it is stated by Petra that
Benedict XIII., when Archbishop of Benevento and St.
Charles, at Milan, alwavs wore the Palhum in their
Provincial Synods, which of course were held in the
church.^
II. The Archbishop may not lend his Pallium, because it
is his personal ornament and should be buried with him.
If it is burned or lost, he should make application for a
new one.
If transferred to another See he should get another
PaUium, and no longer use the first one, but he should
carry it with him to be placed under his head after his
death, the last Pallium being placed, as in life, over his
vestments around his neck. If the Prelate has resigned
his See he can no longer wear his PalUum ; and if the
Pallium has been granted, but the Prelate is unable to wear
it, then it should be burned and the ashes thrown into the
Sacrarium,' according to a decree of the S. Congr. of Rites
(Uth May, 1606).
IIL The Pallium confers the plenitude of the Apostolic
OfEce, and title of Archbishop ; nor, says Innocent III.,
should any one call himself an Archbishop before he has
received the Pallium from us — non tamen deberet se Archi-
Siscopum appellare priusquam a nobis Pallium suseepisseU
ence the new Prelate, except prevented by lawful impedi-
ment, is bound under penalty of forfeiting his dignity to
apply for the Pallium within three months from the date of
^ Penaris, No. 22, 29. « Craisson, No. 858.
550 Origin J Nature^ and Use of the Pallium.
his consecration, or if consecrated, of his confirmation ; bat
it may be done personally or by procurator. Strictly
speaking then, the Prelate has no right to his title of
Archbishop until he gets his Pallium, and he may not during
the interval exercise any of those episcopal functions which
usually require the Pallium when exercised by an Arch-
bishop. He may, however, perform all other episcopal
functions, and depute another rrelate to perform the special
functions forbidden to him without the Pallium.
IV. The Roman Pontiff alone has the right during the
celebration of Mass to wear the Pallium everywhere and
always ; for he alone possesses the fulness of that Apostolic
authority which is symbolized by the Pallium. Others may
not use it except in their own churches and on certain days,
because their jurisdiction is limited both as to place and
persons — they are called, in partem soUicitudinis non in
plenitudinem potestatis. The Pallium is accordingly granted
only to Patriarchs, Primates, and Archbishops who have
their own flocks ; but not to Bishops or titular Archbishops,
even if they should be Cardinals. Some Bishops, however,
have the use of the Pallium by special privilege granted to
their Sees, or to themselves : such are tne Bishops of Ostia,
Pa via, Lucca, Bamberg ; and in France, of Autun, Le Puy,
and Marseilles. But it is then a mere prerogative of
honour, and neither entitles the wearer to take precedence
of his seniors by consecration, nor exempts him from the
jurisdiction of his Archbishop— (jDe Angelis.) The days on
which the Pallium may be worn at Mass are the principal
festivals of our Lord, the Blessed Virgin, and the Apostles,
the Nativity of St John the Baptist, and All Saints' Day,
as also at the dedication of churches, the ordination of
Clerics, the consecration of Bishops, on the anniversary of
the Prelate's consecration, and the principal feasts of his
church.
The v., VL, and VII. chapters of this same title are
merely explanatory of the others, and contain nothing new.
Chapter Vt, emphatically asserts that the Archbishop cannot
use the Pallium outside his own province in anv circum-
stances, that any custom to the contrary is an abuse and
corruptela, although the Pontiff, by special grace and in
very special circumstances, allowed the Archbishop of
Compostella to use the Pallium outside his own province,
but only with the consent of the Prelate in whose church
he was allowed to officiate.
The VI. chapter restricts the use of the Pallium to the
Origin^ Nature^ and Use of the Pallium, 551
cases where the prelate is miasarum celebrationibus constitutits
within his own province and within the Church; and in
the VII., Honorius III. permits the prelate to celebrate
without the Pallium either within or without his diocese^
because, he adds, it is only on those days expressed in his
priyilege that he ought to celebrate with the Pallium.
Hence it is not allowed to use the Pallium in Masses for the
dead, for they may not be celebrated on these privileged
days.
In the schismatical Greek Church all the bishops use a
Palliiun, which is called by tiiem omophorion, because
worn over the shoulders ; but it is of a dinerent form from
the Latin Pallium, and is laid aside by the prelate during
Mass from the Gospel to the Communion, when it is re-
sumed. It is said that this privilege of wearing the Pallium
was first extorted from John XL, m favour of the Patriarch
of Constantinople, and was by him and his successors
granted to aU their suffragans without the permission of
the Roman Pontiff. Li the Council of Lateran, however,
the great Patriarchs in communion with the Pope were
allowed, after having themselves received the Pallium from
the Pope, to grant it to their suflfragans entitled to use it,
on condition, however, of taking the oath of fidelity and
obedience.^ But at the present day even the four great
titular Patriarchs, though in conmiunion, with Home are
not allowed the use of the Pallium, because they have no
clergy and flock of their own.'
We know little or nothing of the use of the Pallium in
the Irish Church before the time of Cardinal Papiro, who
came to this country shortly after Michaelmas in 1151. He
remained during the winter, and in Laetare Sunday in the
spring of 1152 he convened a great synod at Kells, in which
he conferred four Palliums on the four Archbishops who were
present at the synod — Gelasius of Armagh (the Primate),
bomnald O'Lonergan, " Archbishop of Munster," Gregory,
" Bishop of Dublin," and Maelisa O'Connachtain, *' Bishop
of Eastern Connaught" So these prelates are reroectively
described in an extract from the Annals of Clonenagh
(apud Colgan T. Th. p. 306) which is manifestly a perfectly
accurate and authentic account of this Council, given
apparently by one of those present at the synod, who gives
the exact date of opening and closing the synod, the pre-
lates present, their names, their number, their sees, tneir
^ F^raris. sub Pallivm, ' De Ang. Hoc. tit. no. 6.
552 The Holy Places of Ireland :
titles, and the principal acts of the synod. From this we
may fairly infer that Armagh and Cashel were then recog-
nised as Archbishoprics, but that Dublin and Tuam had not
previously been so recognised.
Gerald Barry indeed states that before the advent of
Cardinal Papiro there were no Archbishops in Ireland, and
he has been severely taken to task by Usher, Colgan, and
Lynch, for that audacious statement. Yet in the joridical
sense at least Gerald Barry was perfectly right, for as
Innocent III. emphatically proclaimed at the very time that
Gerald Barry was writing, no man is entitled to the name
or jurisdiction of an Archbishop who has not received the
Pallium from the Pope, and there is not a particle of trust-
worthy evidence to show that the Pallium had been pre-
viously used in Ireland. Indeed St. Bernard, in his Life of
St. Malachy, states expressly that if never was used even in
Armagh from the beginning. Colgan tries to explain away
the force of this observation, but we think its meaning iB
evident to every impartial reader. *' Metropoliticae sedi,
deerat adhuc, et defuerat ab initio usue Pallii.** Yet it is at
the same time eviaent from the language of St. Bernard,
that Armagh was commonly recognised long before the
advent of Papiro as the Metropolitan See, not only of the
northern province, but of all Ireland. We cannot, however,
for the present enter further into the discussion of this most
interesting question.
John Healt.
THE HOLY PLACES OF IRELAND.
I. — ^Cashel of the Kings.
^^ "pROM the midst of a fertile plain," says Jewett, "rises
JL abruptly the immense mass of limestone known as
the Rock of Cashel, and which, crowned as it is by lofty
and venerable ruins, forms a conspicuous landmark to the
surrounding country for many miles. On a nearer approadi
it increases in grandeur and interest. The town lies at
its foot, and the small whitewashed cottages which are
nestled xmder it serve to give interest and contrast to the
scene. The rock is inaccessible on all sides except the
south, where it is defended by a gateway. On entering
Cashel of the King$. 553
anthill this enclosare, whilst standing on the green sward
at the west end of the building, it is impossible to describe
the feelings which crowd upon the imagination — the grey,
hoar, solemn, and melancholy ruins seem in their mute
eloquence like spirits of the past standing in the present,
silent yet speaking — ^the ruined cathedral, the shattered
castle, and the weather-beaten cross — all raise thoughts
which it is not possible to express ; and when all these are
seen by the lignt of the setting sun shining from behind
clouds over the distant Galtees, the effect is beyond any
thing that can be conceived." There are few who visit the
ancient city of Cashel to whom thoughts akin to those so
elegantly expressed by the English traveller do not occur.
To many, too, other thoughts and memories will rise up
unbidden when they ascend the steep rock and mount to
the summit of the old castle and gaze in wonder and love
on the vast plain below, emerald green, fair, and beautiful,
and rich as any part of God's creation ; and they will be
tempted to exclaim, as Cromwell and William did, looking
down on that same glorious plain, the Golden Vale :
"Surely that is a country worth fighting for"; and they
will wish that over that fair plain more of the human kind
were spread, and less of flocks and herds, and they will
find it nard to forgive the men that heartlessly drove forth
those who in days gone by dwelt here in peace and purity,
"a bold pe€wantry, their country's pride."
The ancient name of the Rock was Sidh*dhruim, Le»
Fairy Hill. The present name, O'Donovan says, comes
from a circular stone fort or caiseal that formerly stood on
its summit, ^Cormac's Glossary derives it from Cis ail, the
rock of the Tribute, the stone on which was laid down the
tribute given to it by the men of Eire. The Book of Rights,
which very probably dates from the fifth century, tells us
that in the time of Core, the son of Lughaidb, who lived
about 400 years after the birth of Christ, two swineherds
tised to frequent the hill for the space of a quarter of a
year to feed their swine on acorns, for it was a woody
Ml, the swineherds of the Kings of Eli and of Ormoni
There appeared to them a figure brighter than the sun, with
a voice sweeter than the angular harp, blessing the hill
and place. The figure which appeared was Victor, the
554 The Holy Places of Ireland:
of vaxiouB grades to serve Christ the benign,** Core seems
to have been the first who fixed his royal residence at
Cashel. For centuries after, ahnost up to the time of the
English invasion, the kings of Munster dwelt there ; indeed
they were called Kings of Cashel, just as the Ardrigh was
called King of Tara because he resided there. Now these
kings must have had a good time of it on the whole, if
eating and drinking and making merry, with an occasional
sluaigheachd or hosting against their neighbours, could con-
stitute earthly bliss. The rights and prerogatives of the
King of Cashel when he was Ardrigh or King of Erin
were the following. The King of Cruaghan should enter-
tain him for half a year, and accompany him into Tir-ChonailL
He had a month's refection from the Cineal Conaill, and an
escort to Tir-Eoghain. A month's refection from the King
of Aileach, and an escort to Tulach Og. Twelve days'
refection from the lord of Tulach Og, and an escort to
the Oirghialla. At Emhain entertainment for a montii,
and an escort to the Ulstermen. The Ulstermen gave
him a month's refection and an escort to Tara. Tnere
he received a month's refection, and the four tribes escorted
him to Athcliath (Dublin). The King of Athcliath gave
him a month's refection, and accompanied him to the
Leinstermen. He gave to the tributary kin^ in return
drinking horns, swords, coats of mail, steeds, chess-boards^
ships, and cows. His rights as King of Cashel were the
government of the half of Erin from Kenmare in the west
to Athcliath, together with the followinff tributes. From
Ormond, 300 cows, 300 hogs and 100 clo«is ; from Owner,
100 milch cows, 300 hogs, and 300 mantles ; from the men
of Ara, 30 beeves, 30 hogs, and 30 cloaks, ak received a
like tribute from Orrery, O'DriscoU's country. West Keny,
West Clare, Corcomroe, Burren, and the Decies. " It was
not because of inferiority of race that they paid these
tributes, but for their territories, and for the superior right
of Cashel, and for its having been blessed by Patrick." To
the kings of his territories he gave as stipends ships, swords,
shields, coats of mail, rings, drinking horns, steeds, bonds-
men, and bondswomen.
After journeying through the eastern parts of Ireland, and
founding churches, consecrating bishops, and ordaining
priests in the various places, St. Patrick turned his steps
towards Munster. At this time, about 445 after Christ,
^n^hus, the son of Nadfraich, ruled over the soutL At
Patnck's approach the idols, set up in the temples by the
Cashel of the Kings* 555
people then pagan, fell to the ground, as Dagan did of
old before the Ark of the Lord. Hearing of the holy
man's coming, King .^kighus went out to meet him, and
inyited him to enter his palace. The saint spoke to him of
the one God and of Christ crucified. The king and his
attendants listened with attention to Patrick's preaching
and believed. The saint laid his hand on the king's head,
and gave him a special blessing, promising him that he
should be in his descendants a wide-spreadiag tree : —
The sons of Nadfraich, of sounding fame,
Of them shall be kings and chieftains,
^nghus from the laonds of Feimhin,
And Ailell his brother.
During the ceremony of the baptism the point of the
crozier on which Patrick was leanmg entered the king's
foot. Afterwards the saint asked him why he did not make
the circumstance known. " Because," said the noble hearted
king, '*I thought it was a rule of the faith." " You shall
have its rewards," replied Patrick, ^* for your successors
from this day forth shall not die of wounds." We are told
that twentv-ejght kings, ** ordained with the crozier," that
is, at once kings and bishops, of the race of ^nghus reigned
in Cashel up to the time of Caengegan, who was slain in
897. It would seem that a synod was held by Patrick at
Cashel, Ailbe and Declan, who some think had preached
the Gospel in Munster before Patrick's coming, assembled
there, and it was determined that Ailbe should rank as a
second Patrick, that there should be two chief bishops of
Ireland — one of Leath Chuin or Con's half, the northern part
of Ireland; the other of Leath Mhogha or Mogha's naif,
tile southern part. In 901 Cormac MacCuUenan, the last
of the race of iEnghus, was king-bishop. He was the
author of Cormac's Glossary, which is still m existence, and,
as is conunonly supposed, of the Psalter of Cashel, at least
in its latest form, of which only a few fragments remain.
He is said to have offered protection and shelter to the
monks ci the monastery of Rosglas, now called Monaster-
evan, when they were driven from their home by the King
of Leinster. For this his territory was invaded. The armies
met at Bealach Mughna, two and a half miles north of the
town of Carlow. After a long and fierce battle Cormac was
■bin, with many of his chiefs. Some say his body was
k*«»..j.x x^ r^^ji^^i J 1 :^j xT ^xi X J xu^x
556 The. Holy Places of Ireland :
Brian Boroimhe lived here. In 990 he fortified the
Rock. In 1101 Murtagh O'Brien, kin^ of Munster, called
an aj9sembly of the bishops, clergy, (mief^ and people of
Leath Mhogha at Cashel, an.d there, with the consent of all,
dedicated Cashel, his cluef residence, to God, St. Patrick,
and St. Ailbe for ever. Soon after he resided his sovereignty
to his brother Dermot, and retiring to Lismore, passed there
the rest of his days in great piety and austerity. In 1216
Cashel was constituted a borough by Donat O'Lonergan,
who occupied the seefirom 1216 to 1223. He handed over
the town to a provost and twelve burgesses, reserving to
his see only a small pension. Eight years later Henry III,
remised and quit-claimed to Maelmuire O'Brien and his
successors the new town of Cashel, to be held by him and
his heirs, in free, pure, and perpetual alms, discharged of
all exactions and secular services. About 1240 it was sur-
rounded with a wall
We will now pass on to an examination of the ruins on
the Rock itself. These have been declared by competent
authority ** for picturesque beauty and antiquarian interest
unparalleled in Ireland," They consist of around tower,
Cormac*s chapel, the cathedral, the archbishop's palace,
a fortified building, various smaller buildings in which the
clergy that served the church dwelt, and a portion of the
ancient walls surrounding the summit of the hill. The
round tower is one of the most perfect in Ireland. A
thousand years have passed over it, and yet it is as solid
and fresh to-day as when the crowning stone was set on
its summit. The material is the sandstone of the n^gh-
bourhood, with the exception of two bands of limestone.
It is 80 feet high ; the circumference, of the base is 54 feet;
the walls are four feet thick.
But the chief attraction of Cashel is Cormac's chapeL
The building of this^ in many respects unique, structure
was for a long time attributed to Cormac MacCulleuan,
king-bishop of Cashel, of whom mention has been made
already. But Petrie has proved beyond the possibility of
a doubt that it was built by Cormac MacCartny two cen-
turies later. He too was a king-bishop. In the Annals
of Innisfallen, under the date 1127, we read that"Tnr-
logh O'Conor and Donogh MacCarthy caused Cormac^
60^ of Muiredhach, son of Carthach, to be dethroned, so
that he was obUged to go on a pilgrimage to Lismore^
and take a staff there ; and Donogh, son of Muiredhach,
son of Carthach, was inaugurated in his presence. Twq
Cashel of the Kings. 557
churches (were erected) at Lismore and a church at Cashel
by Cormac." Turlogh O'Brien and Dermot MacOarthy,
in whose favour Turlogh O'Conor had driven out Ck)nnac,
were in their turn very soon dispossessed by Conor O'Brien,
The same Annals tell us that " Conor went to Lismore, and
gave his hand to Cormac MacCarthy, and brought him
again into the world, and made him King of Desmond."
And under the date 1134, '* the consecration of the church
of Cormac MacCarthy at Cashel took place by the arch-
bishop and bishops and magnates of Ireland both lay and
ecclesiastical." The Annals of Ulster also, under the same
date, speak of " the consecration of the church built at
Cashel by a synod of the clergy assembled together." The
Annals of Innisfallen say that Cormac*s death took place
four years after. **In 1138, Cormac, son of Muiredhach, son
of Carthach, a man who had continual contention for the
sovereignty of the entire province of Munster, the most
pious and most brave, most liberal of victuals and clothing,
after having built the Teampul Cormaic in Cashel and two
churches in Lismore, was treacherously murdered by Dermot
Sugach O'Oonor Kerry, at the instigation of Turlogh
O'Brien, who was his own son-in-law, gossip, and foster-
child." Inside the doorway is a stone coflin. The cover,
no longer m existence, was decorated with a cross, and
bore an Irish inscription containing the name of Cormac,
king and bishop of Munster. When thetomb was opened,
a crozier of exquisite workmanship and rare beauty of
design was found within. The material is brass, overlaid in
part with gold, and richly adorned with precious stones of
different kmds. Only the crook remains ; the staff, which
was of wood, has been lost. ** As a work of art," says
Petrie, ** it may challenge comparison with any Christian
monument of the same class and age now remaining in
Europe." It is preserved in the museum of the Royal Irish
Academy, Dubhn.
Cormac's chapel is undoubtedly the masterpiece of
ancient Irish architecture. Its style is what has been of
late years aptly called Hibemo-Romanesque, the general
ouihne being of a distinctly foreign character, while very
many of the ornamental details are of that exclusively Irisn
type which is seen on our ancient crosses and in our oldest
manuscripts, though, on the whole, it approaches nearer
than most other churches of this class, such as Monahincha,
Eillaloe, and Rahan, to the Norman style. It is not improb-
able that this adoption of the more foreign elements arose
558 Tlie Holy Places of Ireland:
from Cormac*s intercourse with St. Malachy, who had spent
much of his Ufe in Prance and afterwards founded many
churches in Ireland, which he strove to make Uke those he
had seen in other countries, " adorning them," as his accxiBers
said, " with proud and imnecessary art," Its length is 53 feet
The nave is 30 feet in length by 18 feet in breadth ; the
chancel is 13 feet 8 inches long by 11 feet 6 inches wide.
The shape is cruciform, the cross being formed by the
addition of a square tower at each side where the nave and
chancel meet. There are two peculiarities well worthy of
remark in the orientation of the bi^lding and in the
relative positions of the nave and chancel. Contrary to the
usual custom, the major axis of the church does not lie due
east and west; it is 16 degrees towards the north. This
may be explained by the fact, that while in medieval
architecture especially it was the rule to have the altar end
of the church at the east, for in this way the worshippers
would be reminded of Him who is styled the Sun of Justice,
the Orient from on high, yet it was not unusual to make
the church point exactly to where the sun rose either on
the day on which the foimdation was laid or on that of its
dedication, flence if the day fell in Jime, the direction
would be somewhat north of east ; if in winter, south of 'that
point. The second peculiarity, which in Lord JDunraven's
work on Irish architecture is said to be inexplicable, is that
the chancel and chancel arch are not in the centre of the
end wall of the nave, but towards the south east He
remarks that a similar irregularity is observed in the
Chapelie des Allinges, in the oiocese of Geneva. But this
is a point of symboUsm not so rare. It is typical of the
inclined position of our Lord's head as he lay on the cross.
*' Nothing," says Petrie, "can exceed the grace and
beauty of the decoration absolutely lavished on the exterior
and interior of Cormac's chapel. The arched mouldings,
rich in sculptures serious and grotesque, the vaulted roof,
the noble doorway, the elaborately carved pillars, the
graceful towers : all vie with each other in beauty of 'design
and wondrous finish of execution. Scarce a stone but is
enriched with tracery delicate as lace-work, purely Irish in
character." We cannot do better than borrow from this
learned writer the technical part of our description of the
details.
There are three doorways, two of them contemporaneons
with the church ; the third is evidently of later data The
main entrance is not, as is usual, at the west end, but in
Cashel of the Kings. 559
the north walL This doorway is of singular beauty. It
has rounded arches of five orders springing from detached
shafts. It is protected by a high projoctine canopy,
divided into panels by perpendicular banos, enriched with
zigzag mouldings, rosettes, and carved heads. It measures
22 feet in height from the top of the canopy, and 12 feet
5 inches from pier to pier. The external arch projects
4 feet 2 inches from the face of the wall, and is 7 feet
10 inches deep. The capitals of the shafts are variously
decorated with heads of animals and trumpet pattern spiral
designs. On the face of the tympanum, in bas-relief, a
hehnetted centaur — half man and half horse — with a bow
and arrow, is represented shooting at a lion which is tearing
a smaller animal lying dead at its feet. The label termina-
tions here and throughout the building are human heads.
The door-w^ay in the south wall of the nave measures 2 feet
5 inches in width and 6 feet 8 inches in height. The jamb,
of only one order, was ornamented with the lozenge
pattern. This is much decayed, as is also the dripstone.
A grotesque figure of an animal is sculptured on the lintel,
its tail terminating in a trefoil leaf. JSesides these door-
ways, there are two others in the nave, both richly
ornamented, which lead to the towers. The southern tower
is 45 feet high. It is ornamented externally with eight
projecting bands, the lowest 3 feet from the ground. The
parapet is probably of a much later date than the original
building. The northern tower is 50 feet high. It has six
projecting belts, and is covered with a pyramidal roof.
Externally the walls are decorated with blank arcades of
semicircular arches, arranged into two stories, the lower
being carried round the southern tower.
The nave was Ughted by three large round-headed
windows in the west, all three above the level of the door-
way ; the chancel, by a round-headed window in the north,
and another in the south wall. These were very small,
^rith splayed sides, measuring 2 feet in height by 8 inches
in width at the bottom and 7 inches at the top. No fittings
for glass are perceptible in any of these apertures. It is
spanned by a barrel vault, having plain rectangular ribs
springing from the capitals of an upper tier of colimms.
The lower tier, consisting of rectangular piers connected by
round arches, foims an arcade. The capitals from which
4-k^ .^1 — ^rxu^ ^^:i:«.— ^,^^^— : r i* l^ i n
560 The Holy Places of Ireland.
columns with moulded bases. The piers of the arcades in
the lower story are decorated on their faces and sides with
various incised patterns of very deUcately executed diapers,
stars, hollow squares, and billets, all arranged with a
certain disregardof symmetry which seems to belong to early
art The chancel arch is of four orders, with roll mouldings
outside them and a hollowed space running round the arch,
and down each side studded with faces in nigh relief, each
one of which, to judge from their varying character, would
seem to have been meant for a portrait, some of them being
long and narrow, others .round and full, some tonsured,
others crowned ; many of them are now destroyed, but all
seem to have been human heads. The next order was
ornamented with a rich surface chevron moulding,
and sprang from spiral shafts, only one of which is
remaining. The form of the arch is somewhat of the
horseshoe shape, probably brought about by an old settle-
ment arising from pressure. Ihe bases of the piers are
shallow, and the capitals small ; these are decorated with
interlaced and spiral designs showing a variety of the
trumpet pattern.
The apse at the east end of the chancel is square. The
floor is higher than that of the chancel by one step. In the
comers are the bases of the columns on which the altar
stood. The eastern wall is decorated with an arcade of
three round arches springing from columns; the two
centre ones are ornamented, one with spiral, the other with
zigzag mouldings. The panels here as well as in the
arcades of the nave and of the chancel and the whole of
the roof were painted in fresco, but the colouring is almost
entirely effaced.
The roof consists of two layers of stone, the outer of
sandstone, the inner of calc tufa, probably formed by deposit
in the springs of the Umestone. The mode of construction
was admirably calculated to lessen the superincumbent
weight, and to keep out damp without impairing the stability
of the building. It is groined with semicircular ribs
springing diagonally, and moulded, while a group of four
heads is seen at their point of intersection. \Vithin the
southern tower there is a spiral staircase leading up the
tower to two crofts or lofta These were either sleeping
apartments, libraries, or safe-rooms for preserving the sacred
vessels, vestments, books, and othei; treasures of the church.
That over the nave is 27 feet long, 10 feet 6 inches broad,
and*21 feet high to the soffit of the pointed arch which
The New Edition of the "^ ExuaqvMur 561
forms the roof. It was lighted by two small windows on
tiie east side and two more in the south wall, the latter of
modem conBtmction. There is a large space at the end
for a fire place, but no chimney. At each side the openings
of two horizontal flues may be seen, which run round the
chamber at the foot of the wall till they meet at the junction
of the south tower and the comer of the wall. Here they
are met by another flue, apparently from the chancel below,
aU uniting in a shaft into the south tower, which was never
roofed, and through which the smoke found vent. The
smaller crofb over the chancel is entered by a door in the
east wall of this chamber. It is lighted by two small
circular windows of diflTerent sizes. The floor is 6 feet
6 inches lower than that of the croft over the nave.
Denis Murphy, S.J.
(7o he continued,)
THE NEW EDITION OF THE « EXSEQUIAE."
OMcium Defunctorum et Ordo Exsequiarum pro adultia et
fartmis una cum Missa et Absolutione Defimctorum, Ex
Bitualij Missalij Gradualiy Breviario, et Pontificali Romano :
cwn cantu a Sacr. Bit. Congreg. adprobato ; — in ueum veneru'
hUis Cleri saecularis Hibemiei; — cura Gulielmi J. Walsh^
S,T.D.^Eccl.Metrop. Dublini Canonici^ Collegii Maymitiani S,
P(UriciiPraesidisjlJepromptaetIHspo9ita,Ihtbliniy 1884. Apud
if, H, Gill et Filium ; J. Duffy et fUioB ; Browne et Nolan.
SUCH is the full title of this latest edition of a most use-
ful little book, for which we are indebted to the untiring
energy and ability of the learned President of Maynooth.
The name of Dr. Walsh on the title page is, or ought to be,
a snfiScient guarantee, that nothing has been leu undone
to m{^e this almost necessary vade mecum of the Irish Priest,
clear, accurate, and practical ; and a mere cursory glance
through the book itself will prove that what might be con-
fidently expected firom such a compiler has been thoroucrhlv
562 Tlie New Edition of the « Exsequiae."
this little excerpt from the various ponderous volumes
that contain the several portions of what we may call the
Catholic Burial Service. The pious custom which so ex*
tensively prevails of solemnly celebrating a Requiem Office
and Mass on the Death, at me Month's Mind, and on the
Anniversaries of all deceased Bishops and Priests, and of
many amongst the laity, render this function of frequent
occurrence, and make it necessary that every Priest should
be provided with a compact, portable, book containing the
entire Liturgy for these solenm occasions. This necessity
has been hitherto fairly met by the books actually in use,
and transmitted to us from some time about the close
of the last century, and, as subsequently revised by one of
Dr. Walsh's venerated predecessors, the late Dr. Renehan,
reproduced in several successive editions down to the
present day. That work has done valuable service, both
oy keeping alive amongst the Clergy some practical
knowledge of Gregorian Chant which is seldom heard
in any of our Churches except on the occasion of
a Requiem ; and the very compact and convenient
form in which it was brought out enhanced its valu&
But the version of the Chant contained in this book
can no longer be considered authentic, and in many other
respects the book is not free from serious blemishes.
The crowding together of the musical type, the
frequent and urmecessary use of ledger lines, are
errors in typography which can never be conceived dear-
able ; whilst tne doubtful character of some of the melodic
phrases and above all the constant use of long notes,
and even of complicated groups of notes, over unaccented
syllables, are abuses that could not be permitted to remain
long uncorrected. Fortunately the correction came in
good time, and in most authoritative form, for the Sacred
Congregation of Rites issued a new edition of tiie Choral
Books but a few years ago, which at once set up a standard
from which there can be no appeal. Many in ffood faith
were of a different opinion for a time, and coinbated the
idea that this edition carried any more authority with it
than what a commendatory letter to the typographer may
be supposed to impart.
It IS needless for us to refer to this sometimes angij
controversy that has been going on for several years
past. Such speculations are all put an end to now by the
final Decree of the Sacred Congregation issued in Apn1
of last year, wherein we read: "That form only of '
The N€W Edition of the « Exsequiaer 563
Gregorian Chant is to be held authentic and legitimate,
which, according to the Decrees of the Council of Trent,
was sanctioned and confirmed by Paul V,, by Pius IX. (of
Bacred memory), by our Most Holy Lord, Leo XIII., and
by the Sacred Congregation of Rites, according to the
edition prepared at Ratisbon — as the only edition which
contains that form of the Chant which is used b^ the
Roman Church, Wherefore, the authenticity and legitmiacy
(of this edition) can no longer be a subject for investigation
or doubt among those who render unqualified obedience
to the authority of the Holy See."
The force of this authoritative declaration dare not any
longer be questioned, as those who still dared to question
it found out quite recently,^ and it is the plain duty of all
loving children of the Church to fall into line with the
rest of Christendom, not only in the Uturgy,but in adopting
that form of the chant prescribed by the Liturgy, and
80 closely bound up with it. The Synod of Maynooth,
taking cognisance of the first fervent appeal made by
our late revered Supreme Pontifi*, adopted it as the official
edition of the Church in Ireland,' and the Dublin Diocesan
Synod of 1879, in pursuance of the legislation in Maynooth,
decreed as follows : — ^*^ Libri chorales et liturgici nuper
RatUbofuze a Pustet editi adhibeantur a sacerdotibus in omnibue
qmdem divinis officiia sed praesertim in Defunctorvm offlciia
cantandis.'*
In a spirit of prompt obedience to this Diocesan Decree,
the Seminary of Holy Cross, Clonliffe, and a considerable
section of the Dublin Clergy, provided themselves with
copies of the " Ordo Exsequiarum" issued by Pustet, which
was the only edition extant that contained this authentic
form of the chant. Unfortunately, however, Pustet's book
was compiled for other customs than those that obtain with
na With us the custom is to sing only a small portion of the
office, such as the Invitatorium and iBenedictus, and to re-
cite the rest ; whereas, Pustet's edition was published for
Ihose places where the entire office is sung throughout.
Hence he provided the chants for the Antiphons, Psalms
and Responsories, and what made his book most complete in
everv particular, rendered it embarrassing and confusing
to those who, for those portions of the Office, required
only the letter-press. Thus, though many commenced
» See L E. Record (Third Series) voL iv., n. 7 (July, 1883), p. 437»
■id ToL v^ n. 6 (June, 1884), p. 360.
* C9f. xm. De Euchariatia, n. 73.
564 The New Edition of the '' Exseqmae:* .
to use this book with excellent intentions, they did nofc
persevere long, and they soon took refage in the older
acquaintance with which they had been so long
familiar. Now, the edition of Dr. Walsh disposes ^
this difficulty once and for ever, for it tctkes the ola book as
the model in size and general arrangement, but substitutes
for the faulty version oi the chant there given, the authentic
and legitimate version sanctioned and recommended by the
Holy t ather : '* the authenticity of which can no longer be
a subject of doubt among those who render unqiuLlified
obedience to the authority of the Holy See." This, we
take it, removes all excuse from the clergy for not providing
themselves at once Mrith this complete and correct version
specially compiled to meet their requirements — ^^in usum
venerabUis Cleri saecularie Hibemici,*'
Some may urge, of course, that this introduction of
yet another edition will create confusion, and that it will
not be so easy to adopt it generally, because the chant in
many places differs so much from what we have been
accustomed to. Our answer to this two-fold difficulty
is easy: 1st. This is not ^yet another edition,' bat
only Pustet's edition in a new and more practical form :
2ndly. The variations in the Chant are neither so numer-
ous nor 60 perplexing as most people imagine. The main
features of the several melocuc phrases are unchanged,
and what trifling alterations do occur are vast improve-
ments on the version in use, which so frequently compels ns
to make false quantities in Latin, breaks up the sense and
• meaning of the text, and perpetrates other minor atrocities in
the deUvery of the chant which rob it of some of its most
potent charms. A little time and a little patience is all
that is necessary, and if one of the Diocesan Cionferences,
or even a portion of one of them, were set aside for a
united practice of the clergy in the new book under some
member of the conference acting as conductor, its prompt
adoption would in an incredibly short space of time become
universal We should then be working into a system of
imiformity with the rest of the Catholic Church, and be
giving the stamp of Roman to our chant as well as to onr
Liturgy.^
^ Within the past few days we came across a copy of an edition of
Guidetti's Directarium Chori, published at Munich in 1618. The fint
Edition was brought out in Rome in 1582, under the joint saperfmsmoi
Palestrina and Guidetti, only thirty-six years earlier. Now in this Munich
edition we find the Migga Defunctorum given, note for note as it is to be
found in the book we are now reviewing, in other words, Dr. Walflh^
book contains the chant " quo semper Romana utihar JSccktkw*
The New Edition of the «* Exsequiae:* 66S
It now remains for us to speak of the specific merits
of this book. The old book, as we have ahready
stated, is taken as the model in size and general arrange-*
ment. The long introduction on Rubrics, so seldom con-
sulted, is. omitted from that particular place, but will be
found scattered up and down through the book, in the
form of most useful and abundant foot-notes, just
at the places where we would be naturally inclined
to look for them. The order in the new book is better,
and follows the natural order of the functions them-
selves; commencing with the removal of the remains
from the house, which is given in frill; then their
reception in the church, and the absolution in the
end, and the s^ulture. Here, as elsewhere throughout
the work, the Miserere^ etc^ axe printed in full, so as to
avoid all necessity for referring from one part of the book
to another. The Office commences with Vespers, and
is arranged precisely as in the old book, t.«., the Antiphons
are given m frill, without musical notation, before
and after each Psalm. The Mass comes immediately
after the Office. Then come the absolutions over Bishops,
with the rubrical directions for the complicated ac-
companying ceremonial given in full from the text of
Pontifical ; and, lastly, the Ordo sepeliendi ParmdoB. To this
Pr. Walsh adds an appendix, containing the Benedictus and
Magnificat^fyjiXij pointed for chanting, and displayed in a kind
of tabulated form, by which every Etyllable is placed under
the note to which it should be simg. This is invaluable
for practice purposes, in order to ensure a good ensemble
of the voices. In the body of the work, where these
Canticles occur, the places to breathe are marked by
perpendicular hair-strotes, and the syllables in each verse
v^hich correspond to the several notes of the inflections
at the medianon and at the ending, are printed in thicker
type, so as to catch the eye.
The Appendix also contains an abbreviated form of
chant for the Gradual, Tract, and Offertory, which will
meet the exigencies of weak choirs : the harmonised version
of the Dies Irae^ with some few errors in the counterpoint
corrected; and lastly, three different /auar bourdons for the
Benedictus^ which, if well rendered by a few trained voices,
will add much to the grandeur ana impressiveness of the
deremoniaL
There is one special claim to merit in this edition which
has barely been touched oi^ t.^., the rubrical directions.
566 Sanitary Sermons.
They abound without confounding one, and they are
marked with that marvellous j^enspicuil^ and cleameas of
arrangement that is characteristic of the compiler, eveiy
possible direction that can be required being supplied in a
footnote, and on the page where it is certain to be called for.
The latest decisions of the Sacred Congregation are supplied,
and points hitherto doubtful are quickly set at rest, question
and answer being given in full, so as to supply unimpeachable
authority.
The type of the letter-press is clear' and beautiful, whilsfc
the musical type employed is unquestionably the best we
have yet seen. As a specimen of the typographic art the
book may defy criticism, whilst from the pomts of practical
utility it solves a difficulty and supplies a want that has
been sadly felt for some time past. There are few reH-
gious fimctions in which the faithful take a deeper interest
or attend in greater numbers than a Requiem. The ties
of friendship or neighbourhood, coupled with the solemn
celebration and the soul-stirring tones of the sacred chant,
form a combined attraction that leaves lasting effects
behind, flow careful therefore should we not be to carry out
this solemn ceremonial in the spirit and according to the
decrees of the Church, and to strive to invest the inspired
chant with all that devotional tenderness which is inherent
to it and which needs but a little careful studv and a little
earnestness to produce effects on the minds of the hearers
that will be at once Both sublime and edifying. We have
not the slightest doubt but that this new edition of the
Exsequiae will materially serve this most desirable purpose,,
and we cordially and confidently recommend it to the
attention of the clergy. jj^ Donnelly.
SANITARY SERMONS-
CHOLERA.
I FEEL that I owe some explanation to the readers of
the Record, for the temporary discontinuance of Ae
series of papers which I undertook to write ; and about
which I nave received words of encouragement and
approval from many. My silence has been due to the
death of a dear friend, who was suddenly struck down in
Scmitary Sermons. 5i>7
his strong manhood by that fell Infection, whereof I wrote
in mj last paper. In my affliction, as in a palimpsest,
I read througn the words of the sanitarian the heart*
wrong ciy of the Psalmist — Sanitas Sanitatum became
changed for me into Vanitas Vanitatum ; and I could not
write. *' After life's fitful fever he sleeps well : " he died, at
his post, a martyr to duty, and I should neglect mine if
I allowed private grief to prevent me from doing what little
good I mayT3e capable of performing. It has occurred to
me that, at the present time, when Europe is again attacked
by an enemy, more dreaded and more deadly than any bar-
barian horde, I might do some little service by telling, so
feir as I know, something of the origin, mode of extension,
prevention, and treatment of Asiatic cholera. It is now more
than fifty years since cholera first made its appearance in
Europe. It had long, perhaps from time immemorial, been
endemic in India; but then bursting beyond its former
confines like a mighty torrent, it swept onward with irre-
sistible force, and earned destruction far and wide. The
mortality was appalling. Through Russia it first entered
Europe, appearmg in Moscow in September, 1830, but
its ravages were principally confined to hospital attendants,
30 or 40 per cent, of whom were attacked, whilst it
affected not more than 8 per cent, of the general
population. It is most remarkable, and altogether
contrary to the popular opinion entertained on the
subject, even at the present time, thai the epidemic raged
witn undiminished violence through all tne ri^or of a
Bussian winter. By the spring of the following year
(1831) it had spread as far south as Bulgaria, and was
carried into Poland in the invasion of that country which
commenced on the 5th of February. Then was that ill-
fated country doubly-cursed by its remorseless enemy.
The Russian army lost heavily by the disease, amongst its
victims being Marshal Diebitch, whose death, occurring
after a few hours* illness, gave rise to the suspicion of
Eoisoning. The details of his illness were published
y Dr. Koch of the Prussian service — a name which
has become so famous in our own time. In July,
1831, cholera appeared in St, Petersburg, where it was
regarded by the populace as having been introduced,
as a species of dynamite, by friends of Poland, and gave
to serious disturbances, during which the cholera hos-
568 Sanitary Sertnatu^
burg, and later on in Paris and in HtmgaiT. In 1820, when
the disease broke out in the Phillipme Islandfi, the nativoB
rose en masaej believing that thej were being poisoned hj
Europeans and Chinese, and the insurrection was not quelled
until 15,000 liyes had been sacrificed. During May, 1831,
the disease spread through Austria, and in July through
Hungary, where by the April of next year it had carried
off 240,000 victims. In the same month (July) it reached
Constantinople,and appeared in Berlin on the 30th of August
It is remarkable that Saxony, Bavaria, the Tjtol,
Mecklenburg, Brunswick, and some other German States,
escaped altogether. £gypt was attacked in August, and
lost 150,000. Greece escaped this epidemic as well as
that of 1849. On the 27tli January, 1832, Edinburgh
was visited by the pestilence, wluch had first been
conveyed to Sunderland presumably firom Hamburg-
London was attacked on the lOth February, Dublin
on the 22nd of March, and Paris on the 24th. Throughout
Great Britain and Ireland the mortality did not exceed
30,000. France suffered much more in proportion. In
Ireland, Dublin and Sligo suffered most heavily. From
Europe it spread to America, first anpearing at Quebec on
June 8th, 1832, and on the 13th at Montreal. It reached
New York on June 24th, and spread rapidly through*
out the United States — South America escaped, as did
also Australia. By 1838 the disease had died out of
Europe. During 1847*8 it a^ain appeared in Bnssii)
travelling by the same route as in 1831, having been intwv
duced by the army fighting against the GircasBians. Too
often, indeed, has pestilence followed in the wake of war,
slaying those whom the sword had spared. Thus also was it
in Egypt after the burning of Alexandria and the battle of
Tel-el-Kebir ! By 1849 the epidemic, ushered in through
the Caucasus, had spread through Europe.
Writing of this epidemic Dr. Milroy says, ** Its dMEuaive
energy was considerably greater than tiiat of its predeceasor,
invaduQg a larger area of the world's surface, and ^rith
more deadly consequences than in 1831-32."
In 1854 and 1865 the disease again made its appeaninee;!
on the latter occasion entering Europe via Alexandria and
Marseilles, as in the present epidemic. Graves, writing of
the first out-break of^cholera, says: — " Had Egypt likewise
been then attacked by cholera, it is doubtftu whether
Europe would have been so lone spared." Once again,
from 1869 to 1873, cholera pervaded Europe and America,
Sanitary Sermons, 569
carrying off a million victims, but liiese islands almost
entirely escaped. The present epidemic, as is well known,
began in Egypt, whence in all probability it reached
Tonlon and Marseillea BiEt the point has not been satisfac-
torily settled,' some attributing its origin to an old French
hulk, die Montebello, which, having been infected by
cholera patients during the Crnnean war, had lain disused
in the rort of Toulon. The two first victims of the
disease were amongst the sailors having charge of old
shakoes and cartridge pouches which had been brought
back from Sebastopol, and which had remained there
ever since.
It is not then without reason that his Eminence Cardinal
McCabe writes in his recent pastoral : — ^^ Is God once more
about to assert His divine authority by striking unfaithful
Europe with the scourge of affliction ? The mere mention
of the word * cholera ' startles the strongest man, and
blanches with terror the faces of many who are strangers
to fear. And no wond^ that it should be so. Such of us
as are old enough to remember the former and early
visitations of this scourge of God cannot blot from our
memories the appalling scenes which met us almost every
moment. A wail something like that which swept over
Egypt when the destroying angel passed from house to
house was heard through the land. The strongest men
fell before its ravages as the tender grass falls before the
mower's arm. Nothing more common than to see at early
dawn the hurried funeral of him who late last night
revelled in pleasure, with the hope that his vigorous con-
stitution was a guarantee for many years of Ufe and
health.
" Many a family circle, made up of loving and happy
hearts, was broken into fragments in two or three short
hours; the father or the mother — and often both — being
suddenly swept away, leaving their little ones face to face
'^th li^long sorrow and destitution. These calamities
God permitted in His justice and fatherly providence. Are
they to be repeated!"
HappDy up to the present no case of Asiatic cholera,
Iwa occurred either in Great Britain or Ireland — but its
extension in the south of France and its appeaitince in
Italy and elsewhere, bid us trumpet-tongued to be prepared
^d to set our houses in order. For it is in truth at our
Very doors. Infected vessels have arrived in the Mersey ;
^d Tre know firom 50 years' exp^ence that it is in the
510 Sanitary Sermons»
paths of comiserce cholera invariablj travels — so fast and
speedy as the flying sails of the merchantman or the pant-
ing steam of the engine it comes^ and no faster. North,
south, east and west it travels ; along rivers and highways,
across seas and oceans, over mountains and through fore^
Once it was thought, and some yet beUeve, that its course
is invariably from east to west : but this is not so — except
in so far as it comes from the east to ua In Asia its course
has been westward.
Now what is cholera ? Whence does it come ? te what
is it due? how may it be prevented? and how is it to
be treated ? These are questions of the most vital import-
ance. Cholera — ^known as Epidemic, Asiatic, Algide,
Spasmodic, Serous, and Mali^ant Cholera — may be defined
as, an acute, specific, contagious^ gastro-intestinal catarrh.
It is non-infectious in the sense that Small-pox, Scarlet
Fever, Measles and Typhus, are infectious. Some eyen
deny that it is contagious. It may be remembered that in
my last paper I drew a distinction between Contagion
and Infection. Infection I described as winged contagion :
that is, the material which gives rise to infectious diseases
such as these I have just mentioned, being volatile,
permeates and impregnates the atmosphere, and is
disseminated, as an invisible pollen, by every breath,
and is liable to be inhaled b^ persons in the vicinity of the
disease ; whereas the matenaiwhicjh gives rise to contagious
diseases, such as typhoid fever and cholera, being as
it were less volatile, does not usually rise into the atmos-
phere, but is conveyed in food and drink — principally
through the medium of water. Hence, under ordmaiy
circumstances, the air is unpolluted by these latter diseases
and may be breathed with impunity; but it may, from
overcrowding in houses, or from stagnation induced by want
of proper ventilation, become saturated with the poison ;
and then infection may occur. The contagion is also
sometimes carried by air-currents. Cholera luco Typhoid
is filth-begotten, filth-engendered ; or as Murchison called
typhoid, rythogenic. Filth is iiie prolific seed-bed in
which both are sown. Typhoid is indigenous, and
dwells amongst us. Cholera is an exotic, but unhap-
pily a hardy one. But filth of itself cannot bring forth
these diseases — ^the seed must be sown, the germ must be
planted. Ex nihiloy nihil fU. What a baleful sowing—
what a fearful harvest I I treated in my last paper of the
germ-theory of disease, now almost univereally held, and
Sanitary Sermons. 571
referred to the labours of Koch, who had been sent by the
German government to Egypt and India to investigate the
origin of Cholera. To him is due the credit of having
discovered the cholera-germ; which he has described
as a small organism or microbe^ a bacillus or little rod,
in shape like a comma. This commanshaped baciUus
or microbe Eoch has found in the intestines and
dejecta of those who have died of cholera, and he
also found it in enormous quantities in the tanks or
trenches tiiat surround the dwellings of infected villages
in India. It has also been discovered in the water-supply
at Aix Aries and Marseilles. Eoch has succeedea in
cultivating the microbe artificiallv, but not in getting it
to produce spores. He has hitherto failed to induce
the disease in any of the lower animals. This, however,
is not surprising and does not lessen the value of his dis-
covery, inasmuch as none of the lower animals naturally
suffers from the diseafi(e. These organisms, whether they
belong to the animal or the vegetable world is not deter-
mined, must be swallowed in order to obtain a hold on
man. Water is the usual mediimi through which they
effect an entrance. They may also be introduced directly
if one's hands become soiled, in any way, by the discharges
from the intestines of Cholera patients. Entering oy
the mouth they take up their abode in the intestines,
and rapidly multiply there, causing violent inflammation
of the coats of the intestmes, with consequent griping
Sains, serous and mucous discharges, and usually profuse
iarrhoea. Developing and acting like a ferment — ^they
give rise to a poison, which being absorbed into the
blood, excites the lethal symptoms observed in cholera.
The bacillus has not been found in the blood. In
Bengal the natural habitat of the cholera-germ is found
—in the delta of the Ganges, well described by Sheridan
a hundred years a^o as *Hhe polluted Ganges." Here,
and indeed througnout India, even in ordinary years,
the mortality from cholera is enormous. Thus, in 1875,
there were (excluding Calcutta) 884,000 victims; in
1876, 487,000, whilst in 1877 the mortality reached
685,000. Nor is this surprising when one reads of
tiie awful condition in which the vast majority of the
people of India Uve — a condition almost incredible
572 Sanitary Sermons*
raised on mounds to protect them against inmida-
tion, the excavations thns formed making the so-called
*< tanks." Around one of those tanks Koch found 80 or 40
huts inhabited by some 200 or 300 people — of whom 17 had
died of cholera ; the number of those affected not having
been ascertained. The tank received all the refuse from
the dwellings ; in it household utensils and clothing, soiled
with choleraic discharges, were wadied, but assuredly not
cleaned ; in it the people performed their ablutions, and
from it they drant. Little wonder that the cholera-
microbe, like that of chicken-cholera, thus cultivated and
transmitted, should acquire the deadly virulence which it
possesses. And the state of things tiius described is it
appears by no means exceptional, but may be taken as a
type of what prevails over a large part of India. The
following graphic description conveys an appalling idea (£
the wretdhed state of the unfortunate mhabitants: —
*^ A bustee or native village generally consists of a mass oC
huts constructed without any plan or arrangement, withont
roads, without drains, ill-ventilated, and never cleaned*
Most of the villages and towns are the abodes of miseiy,
vice, and filth, and the nurseries of sickness and disease.
In these bustees abound green and slimy stagnant ponda^
fall of putrid ve^table and animal matter m a state of
decomposition, whose bubbling surface exhales, under &
tropical sun, noxious gases, poisoning the atmoephere and
spreading around disease and death. These ponds supply
the natives with water for domestic purposes, and are also
the receptacles of their filth. The arteries which feed
these tanks are the drains which ramify over the villages
and carry the sewage of the huts into them« Their posi-
tion is marked by a development of rank vegetation*
The huts are huddled together in masses and pushed to
the very edges of the ponds, then projecting over, very
often meeting together, whOst the intervening spaces^
impervious to the ravs of the sun, are converted into
necessJBiries, and used oy both sexes in common. In these
huts often Uve entire fiskmilies, the members of a hut aft
occupying the single apartment of which it is not unfi^e-
quendy composed, and in which they cook, eat, and deeg
together ; the wet and spongy floor, with a mat qpread oa
it, servinff as a bed for the whole." From auch plague-
spots Cholera is spread over India principally by means of
pilgrimages — when hundreds of thousands and sometimes,
over a miUion of people congregate oa the banks of somft
Samtary Sermons. 573
sacred nver each as the Ganges — ^in which they bathe and
deep and from which they drink. It is no wonder that
Cholera is worshipped as a goddess in India — for every
hovel is her temple and her hecatombs are mighty. Thus,
in April, 1783, at Hurdwar on the Ganges, where between
one and two millions of people were assembled on a
pilgrimage, 20,000 were struck down within eight
aays.
But I have written enough as to the history and the
causation of the disease: now as to the ^lisease itself.
It usually comes on very suddenly. The period of incuba-
tion, that is the time from which the poison has been
absorbed until the symptoms begin to appear, varies from
a few hours to a few days. The actual attack frequently
takes place towards morning. It usually commences
with intestinal or abdominal pain and diarrhoea. "Prior
to the more distinct and alarmmg attack,'' writes Twining
in his clinical illustrations of the more important diseases
of Bengal, " there are sometimes for a few hours, and in
fiome cases for two or three days, symptoms of indisposi-
tion, evident not only to, the patient himself, but to his
£iend& When cholera is ragmg severely the disease is
often ushered in by diarrhoea ; at other times it begins
with catarrh, nausea, and oppression at the scrobioulus
cordis, which are not in an early stage to be distinguished
from the slight indisposition which often precedes fever.
The approach of cholera in this manner makes the patient
feverish or bilious ; and if recourtse be had to some of the
medicines commonly used in slight ailments of that sort,
the disease is said to be caused by the dose of medicine
taken, when in fact it had been insidiously making
progress for some hours." Hence an attack of cnolera has
frequently been ascribed to a dose of rhubarb or castor oil
Another careful observer, quoted by Annesley, writes:
** As the patient is approached an appearance of over-
powering lassitude is at once perceived, with a pallid,
anxious, and sorrowful cast of countenance." Dr. raine,
who observed the disease in New York, says, " Diarrhoea
and vomiting do not always distinguish the premonitory
stage; but it is sometimes denoted only by head-ache,
loss of appetite, oppression at the chest, &c. ; and again,
tpams are known to have been the earliest symptom, and
574 Sanitary Sermons.
cases diarrhoea is entirely absent and the patients rapidly
sink, as if a fatal dose of Prussic Acid had been taken, or
as if, in the words of a Naval Surgeon, quoted in Sir
William Burnet's Report on Cholera in the Black Sea
Fleet in 1864, " they had drunk the concentrated poiBon
of the Upas-tree." Within the last few days a case has
been reported from the village of Clermont, near Tou-
louse, where the parish priest is described as having been
literally struck down dead whilst officiating at the altar.
Some causes, however, recover almost as rapidly, in the
words of Twining, quoted by Dr. George Johnson,
*^as patients who are resuscitated after supension of
animation from submersion in water." **I have seen,"
says Grainger, quoted by the same authority, **a man stand
at his door on Wednesday, who on Monday was in perfect
collapse." Rapidly fatal cases of cholera, occurring with-
out premonitory symptoms, are usually met with at the
commencement of an epidemic ; and resemble maUgnant
forms of scarlatina, small-pox, or typhus, where the system
is saturated with the disease, ^ and the patient (Ues of
blood-poisoning before the characteristic rash has had time
to appear. During an epidemic of cholera, cases of
choleraic diarrhoea are of frequent occurrence, and it is
sometimes almost impossible, if not absolutely so, to
distinguish them from cases of Asiatic cholera. A fatal
case of such a character, if indeed it was not, as there
is too much reason to feax it was, one of genuine cholera,
has just occurred at Birmingham, and another at Kilmac-
thomas, near Waterford. Frequently, however, such
cases terminate in recovery. They are caused by faults
in diet, by excessive drinking, by the use of impure
water, of decaying fruit or vegetables, or of putrifying
meat, milk or fish, by fetid effluvia, or miasmata, or hj
climatic or meteorological conditions. Cases due to some
such origin are to be met with every summer, throughout
these countries ; and constitute so-called simple, sporadic^
bilious, or Enalish Cholera — also called Cholera nostrai^ or
Cholerine, They may perhaps be due to an attenuated
organism akin to the real cholera-germ, and which undercon-
ditions favourable to its development, such as prevail so
largely in India, would de velope into the latter. For if highest
organisms are, as we know they are, largely modified by
their environment, how much more so should not the lowest
organisms be modified, for good or evil, by theirs* And
just as at birth, or in early life, we cannot often distingoisli
Sanitary Semum$. 575
between the child destined by its surroundings and training
to become a criminal and a curse to mankind, and the
other whom favourable influences may guide to noble
aims ; so can we not distinguish any morphological differ-
ence between the BaciUus Anthrads of mali^ant charbon
and the innocuous Bacillus Subtilis got from Hay-Infusion.
** I see no more difficulty," writes Dr. WiUiam Roberts, " in
believing that the Bacillus Anthrada is a * sport ' from the
Bacillus SubtiUsj than in believing, as all botanists tell us,
that the bitter almond is a * sport ' from the sweet almond ;
the one a bland, innocuous fruit, and the other containing
the elements of a deadly poison." But as Dr. Carpenter
observes in his Physiology : ** It is the human body which
forms the appropriate testing apparatus for morbid poisons :
and even if we could always obtain them in a separate
state, and could subject them to a separate analysis, we
should know much less of their most important properties
than we can ascertain by observation of their action on the
system ; this alone affording the means of judging of their
dynamical character, which is of far more importance than
their chemical composition."
Cholera may be divided into four stages — 1st, the Pre^
monitory stage^ already described ; 2nd, the stage otEvacua*
tion or development^ characterised by severe purging,
vomiting, thirst, and painful muscular cramps, affecting
the fingers, toes, legs, thighs, and abdominal muscles ;
Srd, the cold or Algide stage, or stage of Collapse^ which re-
quires detailed description ; and 4th, the stage of Reaction^
which may terminate either in rapid recovery or in death,
through relapse or the development of some complication.
A distinguished authority. Dr. Macnamara, thus writes :
"After the first outbreak of the disease, as a rule, cholera
commences with diarrhoea, the stools being copious and
watery, (and, adds Roberts, * at first coloured by the pre-
vious intestinal contents,*) followed by great prostration of
strength, with a peculiar feeling of exhaustion at the pit
of the stomach; the sick person suffers from nausea, but
seldom from actual vomiting or pain, at the outset of the
attack. If judiciously treated many patients recover from
this, ihQ first stage of cholera, but if neglected the tendency
of the disease is to grow rapidly worse. The stools become
very frequent, and resemble in appearance and consistency
576 JSanitary Sermons.
with a sense of relief rather ilian otherwise ; but ihe patient
now commences to vomit • . . the fluid is ejected
from his mouth with considerable force, and this adds to
the increasinj^ prostration which is one of liie most urgent
and marked features of the disease. The patient complaini
of intense thirst and a burning heat at the pit of his
stomach ; he suffers also excruciating pain from cramps in
the muscles of the extremities ; he is terribly restless; and
his urgent cry is for water to quench his thirst, and that
some one might rub his limbs, and thus relieve the muscular
spasm. Although the temperature of the sick person's body
falls below tiie normal standard, he complains of feeling
hot, and throws off the bed clothes in order that he may
keep himself cooL The pulse is rapid and very weak, the
respirations are hurried, and the patient's voice becomes
husky. His countenance is pinched, and the integument
of his body feels inelastic and doughy, while the fikin of his
hands ana feet becomes wrinkled and purplish in colour.
The duration of this, the second stage of cholera, is very
uncertain ; it may last for two or three hours only, or may
continue for twelve or fifteen hours ; but so long as the
pulse can be felt at the wrist, there are still good hopes of
recovery. The weaker the pulse becomes the nearer the
patient is to the third, or collapse stage of cholera, from
which probably not more than 35 per cent, recover. Of
this stage Rooerts writes: ** There is no abrupt com-
mencement of this stage, but a more or lees rapid transition
from the former. The aspect of the patient becomes hidily
characteristic. The features are pmched and 8hruiu:en,
assuming a leaden or livid hue, especially about the lips;
the eye-balls sink in their sockets, while the lower eye-Bds
fall, and the eyes are half closed ; the nose is sharp and
pointed, and the cheeks are hollowed. The entire surface
IS more or less cyanotic (or blue), especially that of the
extremities, while the skin presents a peculiar wrinkled and
shrivelled aspect, being often at the same time bathed in
cold sweats, the hands appearing sodden like those of a
washerwoman. When pinched up the folds disappear
slowly. The temperature rapidly fails, and the surface soon
has a death-like coldness, particularly over exposed parts,
though it is stated that the temperature wUkin the body is
usuaSy increased. In the mouth it ranges from 79® to 86®,
in the axilla from 90® to 97®." The temperature of the
body in health, I may remark, is about 98*4® F. It may
vary from 97*3® to 100®; but if it goes much outside this limi^
Sanitary Sermojis. 577
Tip or down, and remains so for any length of time, there is
something wrong. The circulation of Ihe blood now becomes
greatly affected, the pulse is scarcely to be felt, or disap-
Eears altogether, not only at the wrist in the radial artery,
ut even in the carotid (in the neck). The heart-beat
becomes almost imperceptible, and the normal heart sounds
are weak and inaudible. If a blood vessel be opened, little or
no blood escapes ; if any should escape, it is tbiok and tarry.
The breathing is greatly embarrassed, and the patient
gasps and craves for air. The expired air is cold, and
found to be devoid of carbonic acid gas, or carbonic anhy-
dride, which, being retained in the blood, gives it its pecu-
liar morbid characteristics, and further tends to poison and
asphyxiate the patient. " What," writes Dr. George
JohnsoD, " is the pathological explanation of the remark-
able train of symptoms? The one great central fact
is this, that during the state of coUapse, the passage
of blood through the lungs^ from the right to the left
side of the hearty isy in a greater or less degree, impeded,**
Hence he adds, "in the great majonty of cases
in which death has occurred during the stage of
collapse, the right side of the heart and the pulmonary
arteries are filled, and sometimes distended with blood ;
while the left cavities of the heart are generally empty, or
contain only a small quantity of blood." Thus the lungs
are star^'^ed of blood ; the blood is not oxygenated, and,
owing to the arrest of the secreting action of the kidneys
and liver which occurs, is not purified, but retains the pro-
ducts of decomposition, and thus becomes thick and tarry,
as it always does when aeration or oxygenation is imper-
fect. " The blood in cholera is black and thick only
during the stage of collapse,*' writes Johnson ; ** in
other words, during the stage of pulmonary obstruction
and defective aeration. This state of blood bears no
relation to the loss of water (by diarrhoea) ; it comes on
when the loss of water has been very trifling ; it paases off
rapidly, while loss of water, by purging, continues un-
checked. It is simply a defect of aeration, just as the
thick and smoky flame of a lamp is the result of defective
aeration." This engorgement or obstruction accounts for
the loss of pulse in the arteries, for the absence of blood
when they are opened, and for the enormous and imme-
diate relief whicn venesection^ or opening of a vein, some-
times aflords. Bell in his treatise on Cholera Asphvxia
fiays : '^ the effect of blood-letting would indeed sometimes
VOL. V- 2 U
578 Somitetry SermonB.
appear almost miraeulous. A patient will be bronght fn,
in a cot, unable to move a umb ; and but that he can
speak and breathe, having the character, both to touch and
mght, of a corpse, yet will be, by free venesection alone,
rendered in the course of half an hour, able to walk home
with his friends." And Sir Ranald Martin gives the follow-
ing remarkable instance : — ^^ On visiting my hospital in
the morning,'' he says, ** the European Farrier-Major was
reported to be dying of cholera. His appearance was
strikingly altered ; his resp^ation was oppressed ; the
countenance sunk and livid ; the circulation flagging in
the extremities. I opened a vein in each arm, but it was
long ere I could obtain anything but trickling of dark
treackly matter. At length the blood flowed, and bj
degrees its darkness was exchanged for more of the hut
of nature. The farri^ was not of robust health (and
according to Sir Ranald, ^ had been drained of all the fluid
portion of his blood, during the night **) ; " but I bled him
largely ; when he, whom but a moment before I thought
dying, soon stood up and exclaimed, •* Sir, you have made
a new man of me." From the form of expression he used
the farrier must have been, I imagine^ an Irishman. When
Sir Ranald wrote he was still aUve and well
But I have digressed very much, and must return to the
consideration of the other symptoms present in the coUapu
stage of the disease. Muscular prostration is very maiked,
as a rule, but occasionally — as also happens in other
diseases — great physical strength remains to the very
end. " Instances are not wanting," says Scott in his Report
on Epidemic Cholera, ^' of patients being able to walk^ abd
to perform many of their usual avocations, even after the
circulation has been so much arrested that the pulse has
not been discernible at the wrist." Restlessness is a very
prominent symptom ; the patient longs for sleep, but it
will not come ; he is tortured by thirst, but Tantalus-like
cannot assuage it The intellect continues clear until it
is lost in the stupor and coma that precede death. At first
great anxiety is felt, but apathy and indifference quickly
supervene, even when consciousness is unimpaired. No
case, however bad, should be regarded as hopeless ; and
care should be exercised so that persons, in a condition of
lethargy or suspended animation, should not be buried
ahve, as has sometimes happened, even during the present
epidemic. The third or collapse stage of cholera, seldom
lasta tor more than twenty-four hours^ and it not fatal.
Sanitary Sermons, 579
terminates either in reaction tending to recovery, or in the
third stagey which in 99 cases out of 100 ends fatally within
a few hours. In this stage, although the body remains
cold to the touch, the temperature rises, quickly reaching
99° or 100® F. ; and continues to rise after death ; a
phenomenon observed frequently in fatal cases of fever.
Keflex sensation and irritabihty are now quite lost, and
hence vomiting and purging cease ; the patient lies in a
semi-comatose condition, bathed in cold perspiration, the
eyes sufiused and staring but^ightless, until their light goes
out for ever. On the other hand reaction may set in : one
by one the unfavourable sjrmptoms disappear; the
breathing becomes quicker and more regular ; the temper-
ature gradually rises; the skin becomes warmer and
assumes a healthy colour; the circulation is restored
and the pulse can be felt; thirst, vomiting, and
diarrhoea diminish; the normal secretions of the kidney
and liver are gradually restored; the awful restlessness
disappears, and the patient sinks into a calm sleep,
from which he awakes to consciousness and life. Con-
templating such a scene, even in fancy, one recalls the
beautiful words of England's greatest poet : —
" Thou art not conquered, beauty's ensign yet
Is crimson in thy lips and in thy cheeks ;
And Death's pale flag is not advanced there."
Complications may arise, or a relapse occur : but it is not
necessary to consider these.
And now for the treatment: and first for prevention,
which is assuredly better than cure. First of all, for the in-
dividual and the community alike comes cleanliness. One
might say, not irreverently, this is the entire law. It is
the foundation of all preventive medicine ; it includes first,
and above all, a pure food and water supply, the impor-
tance of which cannot be exaggerated ; next, proper and
efficient sewerage ; and last, but not least— nay, rather
first in presence of disease — thorough disinfection. These
laws, slowly ascertained, are immutable, and disease or
death follows the infraction of any one of them. Again
and again have cholera and typhoid been clearly traced to
some hidden and unsuspected sin of omission or commis*
eion against the laws of health. Thus, in the epidemics of
1849, i854, and 1866, cholera was widely spread in London
by the polluted water of the Thames used for drinking ;
and in 1854, no less than 616 persons died from drinking
the water of the Broad-street pump, which was proved by
580 Sanitary Sei^inons,
Dr. Snow to have been contaminated by cholera-infected
sewage-matter. It is honible to think that London is still
largely dependent on the Thames for its water supply ; for
however well-filtered, it has been shown that it is almost
impossible to free water from the taint of organic poison.
Happily the water supply of DubUn is beyond suspicioD ;
but it is not so with the rest of Ireland ; and sanitation
cannot rest satisfied until every city, town, village, and
hamlet has water pure as nature gives it, ere man pollutes
it. The general and individiml health should then, by all
known means, be maintainea, in face of an epidemic, as
zealously and rigidly as discipline in an army in the pre-
sence of an enemy ; and if quarantine be deemed advisable,
it should be as strict as a blockade in time of war. Cholera,
like typhoid, is spread principally by the intestinal dis-
charges ; and these should therefore be immediattly and
thoroughly disinfected^ whilst any clothes, clothing or bedding
soiled by them should be destroyed, or, if not destroyed,
disinfected by Condy's Fluid, or by being kept for some
hours in a 5 per cent, hot solution of carbolic acid. The
bodies of persons who have died of cholera should be also
disinfected and quickly buried. If cremation be ever
adopted, it will find its best justification in the safety
which it would confer against the dissemination of
infectious diseases by the dead.
Panic should be avoided, and the public mind calmed
— ^not in ignorance, stoical indiiference, or bUnd confidence,
but in the assurance that every known precaution shall be
taken, and in the determination of every man and woman
to do his and her duty, be the issue what it may. In
Ireland, tried as she has been by fever and by famine, and
by other trials not less terrible, the fear of death has never
made men nor women abandon the post of duty. Doctor
Graves, writing before the awful visitations of '48 and '49
had tried our country as in a crucible, bears eloquent and
wilUng testimony to the courage with which the first
cholera outbreak was met, whilst elsewhere it was the
signal for insane riot or craven panic. These are his
words : —
" The visitation was in no country met with greater intrepidity
and resignation than in our own native land. When a citjor
town was attacked in Ireland, we never witnessed the flight oi the
better classes ; there was neither migration into the country nor
desertion of their poorer fellow-citizens. No ; I record the feet
with pride, everyone remained— everyone was ready to do his duty,
Sanitary SermoTia* 581
and abide in his place until the plague was stayed. In Dublin,
and generally throughout Ireland, the members of the medical pro-
fession, and the public at large, believed the malady to be contagious,
yet the sick were never abandoned by their friends in private
honses, nor in the least neglected in the hospitals."
In some instances, during the present epidemic in
France, sauve qui pent seems to have been the order of the
day. And it is hard to blame people ; for such scenes are
enough to unnerve even the boldest. It should be remem-
bered, and inculcated, that practically the disease can only
be communicated through the dejecta, and that persons in
attendance on the sick run no risk, in well-ventilated and
not over-crowed rooms, except from swallowing the poison;
and this can only occur from an utter absence of clean-
liness.
Cleanliness and disinfection are at once the shield to
ward oflF, and the spear to strike down, the disease. Thus
Dr. Budd, in 1866, enabled Bristol, by being prepared, to
shake off the pestilence, and baffle its attacks. His advice
was : Be beforehand imth the disease ; prepare a chemical bed
for the poison ; disinfect the sewers ; disinfect your close^ ; and
privies every night and morning^ as long as clwlera prevails in
England^ and you will do more to keep the disease away from
your homCy and from your city^ than can possibly be done by
any other means in your poicer. This dismfection is accom-
phshed by a 5 per cent., or one in twenty, solution of
sulphate of iron ; that is, an ounce of the sulphate of iron
to a pint of water. " The sulphate of iron m the drain,
thus lying in wait for the poison, may be likened to the
wire- gauze on the Davy lamp, always at hand to prevent
the explosion of the fatal fire-damp.*'
In the individual, courage and calmness should be
studied ; for it has been stated, other things being equal,
that that person is least hkely to be attacked, or to die,
who is least afraid of dying. Excesses in eating and
drinking, and unsound food and impure or doubtful water,
should be carefully avoided. The ordinary diet, if
judicious, need not be changed. The body should be
warmly clothed, so as to avoid the danger of chill, which
is a very common but unsuspected cause of gastric and
intestinal catarrh. Flannel or woollen material should be
worn next the skin, and particularly around the waist.
Niemezer observes that this precaution is too much
neglected at all times in these countries. Diarrhoea should
be checked, because, according to Koch, the lax and
582 Sanitary Sermons.
moist condition of the intestines affords snitable pabultm
for the cholera-germs ; not that simple diarrhoea can of itself
run into cholera — although some hold that all the symp-
toms of collapse are due to the violent irritation of tne
intestinal mucus membrane, produced by the poison, jtwt
as it might be by the action of an irritant purgative such
as castor oil This view, however, does not now meet with
much acceptance. Acting on this view principally, astrin-
gents are administered — either sulphuric acid, chalk, with
or without opium — in pill or mixture, or acetate of lead,
with opium. The last combination, which was first
recommended and employed by our distinguished fellow-
coimtryman, Graves, has been foimd most generally
useful; but its employment requires much care and
supervision, and it should not be entrusted to unskiUed
bands. It should only be administered in the early stages
and not when collapse has set in, as then it would be
likely to increase the mischief. On the (the opium) prin-
ciple that the purging favours the multipUcation of the
disease-germs, it undoubtedly should be controlled, if
possible — apart even from the lowering effect which it
S reduces on the system generally, by the loss of so much
uid. But Dr. George Johnson, regarding thp Diarrboe*
as eliminativej as an effort of nature to expel (e Umine) the
poison, thinks that it ought not be stopped — but should
rather be encouraged — as otherwise the pent-up, poispn-
laden secretions will work more mischief; hence, ne and
others have given castor oil with excellent results in many
cases. At the commencement ot an attack, as in typhoid,
such treatment might certainly be of service. This
diversity of opinion will almost indicate the great necessity
there is for care and for the exercise of a sound judgment.
Great discretion is evidently necessary ; and above all
things, meddlesome treatment should be avoided. Routine
treatment is also dangerous, as the Lancet wrote in view
of the epidemic of 1866 : " We should pray to be deUvered
from men who have only one idea. Every stage and
every phase of the disease must b6 treated as they arise—,
just as in anjr other disease, for there is no specific
Specifics in disease are indeed few, and I fear must
remain so.
A bland diet of milk with rice or arrowroot, when it
can be taken, is perhaps best Ice and iced-water may be
given in small quantities. The employment of stimulants
require extreme care, and many, if injudicioudy admintf-
Sanilaty Sermons, 583
tered, do mncli harm. Spirits of camphor and chlorodyne
have been found useful in threatened attacks; but the
latter is dangerous as it contains opium (as Morphia) and
PmsBic acid. I have seen blistering behind the ears and
at the angles of the jaws, vaunted almost as specific — ^it
may check the vomiting, and that is something, but it
oansot kill ihe microbe. When alrtacked, vrarmth pi bed
and friction are alike useful and harmless. Nutritious and
stimulating enemata, the injection c^ hot saline fluids into
the veins, and bleeding (as ctlready referred to) are at
times of ^eat service ; but these operations can only be
performed under direction, or by the hands of a physician
or sor^eon^
All in contact with a Cholera case dioold be careful to
wash their hands carefully in water to which some of
Condy's Fluid or carbolic acid has been added*
The present epidemic seems to be spreading surely if
dowly. No sooner does it smoulder in one place than it
breaks out elsewhere, and the flames spreading already
from France to Italy may yet enwrap all Europe in one
vast conflagration. That such may not be, we ever shall
kope and pray. Terrible as the plague is it has evoked
many scenes worthy of admiration. Thus we read of
hospital attendants, students, doctors, and nuns, going
about daily, undismayed by danger, and fully conscious
of their peril, ministering to the afflicted. In one place we
read oi* a poor Italian, stricken by the disease, whose
family abandoned him after having stripped his dead body.
The Bureau of Assistance, though iuK^rmed of this, took
no action. Next morning the vicar, who came to conduct
the religious ceremonies for the defunct, was compelled,
on the refusal of all assistance from the men present, to
take off his ecclesiastical clothing, enter the chamber of
the dead, and alone place the body in the coffin. Then,
aided by some women, he carried the coffin downstairs to
the hearse. This work accomplished he had to wash his
hands in the water flowing in the gutter, and wipe them
on his surplice. The Republican Oommittiee in the 11th
Seetion has unanimously passed a vote of thanks to the
vicar for the seal he has shown in nursing the cholera
patients.
In another place we read that the violent outbreak of
584 Darwinism.
children, who have been temporarily provided for by the
Sisters of Charity, recalling to readers of Romola, that
beautiful scene by the same blue waters of the Mediterra-
nean entitled Romolaa Wakina, where the heroine goes
about Madonna-like amongst the plague-smitten, comfort-
ing the afflicted, as mother to the childless.
Worthy of all admiration, it seems to me, is the heroism
which promptjs the sentinel to die at his post rather than
betray his trust, the sailor to meet his doom on the sinking
vessel, amid the roar of waters, after he has seen the last
of his crew and passengers to the boats, but no less worthy
of admiration is that heroism which prompts priest and
nun, nurse and student and physician, unhinged by enthu-
siasm, without hope of plaudit or reward, but simply at the
call of duty, to brave death at the pest-house oi disease.
Never did the flag of France more fittingly enshroud the
dead, than when in Toulon it was wrapped around the
body of the humble hospital attendant ; nor the Cross of
the Legion of Honour more justly decorate one of Napo-
leon's veterans, than when on the breast of Robert Koch,
a son of the German Fatherland, it set at naught inter-
national prejudice, recognised the universality of science
and humanity, and rewarded the peaceful but perilous
triumphs achieved beneath the Pyramids of Egypt, by the
waters of the Ganges, and by the blue waves of " the
tideless ^Egean."
Michael F. Cox.
DARWINISM.
THE Evolution theory appeared long before Mr. Darwin's
time ; but it owes to him the great and widenspread
popularity it has attained. In A.D. 1881, Darwin, then
known as a distinguished naturalist, embarked on board
H.M. ship the "Beagle,** for a voyage to the Pacific
Ocean ; his object being to examine the Coral Islands of
that ocean for facts illustrative of natural history. After
six years he returned to England, and set himself to arrange
the materials he had collected. He compared the plants
and animals he had seen abroad with those he had observed
at home, and after thirteen years studying, analysing, and
Darwinism, 585
comparing, he gave to the world the result of his labours
and speemations in the now too famous book, " The Origin
of Species." Some years later he developed his theory
more fully in the " Descent of Man." Darwin noticed strong
and striking resemblances between the various orders of
animal and vegetable life ; he noticed the similarity of
man to the lower animals in many points of structure and
constitution ; and from these data he bounded to a conclu-
sion unscientific, illogical, degrading, which places on the
same level the beasts that perish and the soul that never
dies. He infers from the above data that all existing forms
of life must have descended from a few primordial forms.
He even says that analogy would carry him on to " the
belief that all animals and plants have come down from one
single prototype." (" Origin of Species," sixth edition, page
424). Thus, accor^g to Darwui, Ufe commenced in the
most simple forms, gradually ascended, becoming more
and more perfected and complicated in its evolution, and
ultimately appeared in man. The vital spark passed on
through mollusc, reptile, gorilla, ape, from which very re-
spectable parentage, we ourselves have come. And
thus, our greatest philosophers, our wisest statesmen, our
bravest generals, our most able divines, must look
back to the hairy gorilla, or some such being, as an ancestor.
And the proud privilege of such parentage we are asked
to admit as established beyond cavil by such apostles of
%ht as Darwin, Huxley, Haackel, Buchner, and Spencer.
Aad the teachings of these men are being published to the
world trumpet- tongued as a new revelation, destined cer-
tainly and soon to set the old aside. They tell us that science
has utterly disproved the revealed record of creation ; and
that consequently that record is neither an inspired book
nor a truthful history, but a clumsy collection of ground-
less legends, tolerable, perhaps, in the infancy of society,
but completely exploded by science in her onward march.
Darwin himself, who is much more cautious in his asser-
tions than any of his disciples, says : '* He who is not con-
tent to lo( >k like a savage at the phenomena of nature as
disconnected, cannot any longer Deheve that mantis the
work of a separate act of creation.'* (" Descent of Man,"
second edition, p. 607). Huxlev says *' the notions of the
beginning and end of the world entertained by our fore-
fEithers are no longer credible.** (" Science and Culture,*'
p. 15). And he adds : " Choose your hypothesis, I have
chosen mine, and I refuse to run the risk of insulting any
586 Darwinism.
sane man by supposing that he seriously holds such a
notion as that of speoial creation.*' Buchner says:
** Christianity stands in such striking and irreconcilable,
nay absolutely absurd contradiction, with all the acquisi-
tions and principles of modern science, that its future
tragical fate can only be a question of time." (" Man^ Pcatj
Presents and Future,"^ p. 220). A Mr. Leshy, secretary to
the American Philosophical Society, says : " There is no
alliance possible between Jewish theology and modem
science. They are sworn enemies." (" Man*8 Oriain and
Destiny.'') And this writer, with the peculiar modesty of
the Yankee, adds that he thinks it necessary merely to tick
the old theology aside. The necessity for doing this will
survive Mr. Leshy, but the extracts are useftil as showing
the animus of the men with whom we have to deal.
This is the latest, as it is the most wide-spread and
dangerous of heresies. While the old landmarks of con-
troversy are fast disappearing, we find confrontinff tis,
daring us, this enemy, new, vigorous and formidable, wnose
tactics and weapons must be studied by defenders of reve-
lation. Protestantism, with its cognate broods of heresy, ifl
dead and gone, is beneath contempt as an adversary now.
Our "advanced thinkers" admit this, and admit also that
if there be supernatural truth anywhere, it is in the CathoKc
Church. But they do not trouble themselves about Ae
" Rule of Faith," the controversy is not now whether we are
"justified by faith alone," but whether there is any such
thing as supernatural justice at all ; not whether man was
endowed with supernatural gifts by his Creator, but whether
he was ever created ; not whether we are bound to read
the Bible, but whether the Bible is worth reading at aD;
in other words, the enemy is now assailing the very foun-
dation of supernatural belief. We must, therefore, be pre-
pared to meet the difficulties of modem science. We must
acquaint ourselves with what the scientists have got to say,
and if we keep them rigidly and logically to the estabHshcd
facts of science, revelation will have nothing to fear.
In the opening chapter of the " Origin of Species,"
Mr. Darwin shows that time and care have caused great
varieties, and effected great improvement in plants and
animals under domestication. This he takes to imply a
universal tendency to vary, and this tendency he notices,
though in a less perceptible degree, among plants and
animab under nature. As the variation progresses, new
species are in time generated. He says : " I look at
Darwinism. 587
Tarieties which are in any degree more distinct and per-
manent as steps towards more strongly marked and per-
manent varieties, and at the latter as leading to snb-species,
and then to species ... A well marked variety may,
therefore, be called an incipient species." (Or, Sp.y p. 42).
According to Darwin various circumstances combine to
preserve and transmit those variations and improvements
which constitute the new species. All beings in nature
are, he says, engaged in a perpetual struggle to maintain
themselves in existence. He says : ** A struggle for exist-
ence inevitably follows from the high rate at which all
organic beings tend to increase. . . . Hence, as more
individuals are produced than can possibly mrxije, there
must in every case be a struggle for existence, either one
individual with another of the same species, or with the
individuals of distinct species, or with the physical condi-
tions of life.*' (p. 50). The issue of the struggle is deter-
mined by what Darwin calls " Natural selection." He says
(page 63) : ** Can we doubt that individuals having any
advantage, however slight, over others, would have the best
chance of surviving, and of procreating their kind? On
tiie other hand, we may feel sure that any variation in the
least degree injurious would be rigidly destroyed. This
preservation of favourable individual differences and varia-
tions, and the destruction of those which are injurious, I
have called natural selection, or the survival of the fittest."
These extracts contain the principles on which Mr. Darwin
has built up his theory of evolution. The Malthusian theory
on population he applies to nature in general. He supposes
that a ceaseless battle for life is going on amongst all the
beines in existence, and that, consequently ,when beings are
multiplied to a great degree, some will seek to supplant
and destroy others. Thus does the struggle begin. In
thk struggle the weaker are worsted. Circumstances of
place and climate enter materially into the struggle, and
help to determine its issue; and those beings are victo-
rious and survive, which owe their superiority to some
tpecial quality or circumstance. Thus, then, such superior
qualities will be exercised by circumstances, and will
receive in the struggle higher and higher development,
while inferior quaJitiee will be dormant, and gradually die
out The qualities that are best fitted to carry on
■nccessfully the struggle for existence survive, are deve-
loped and improved, and thus improved, are transmitted
to the next generation, to receive in that generation such
588 Darwinism.
further development as the circumstances of the struggle
may demand. Thus, a scale of organism gradually asceud
ing to higher and more perfect forms, is, from the very
nature of things, called for, and natural selection directs
and controls the construction of this scale. Darwin says
(Or. S/>., p. 23), that just as gardeners and cattle-breeders
bring about great variations and improvements in their
Elants and flocks and herds, by always selecting their
est individuals to breed from, so too does nature, by
a like process of selection, gradually improve the
various species of plants and animals, and thus
render them better suited to the external condition of
life. And when the process of change has gone so far as
to lead naturalists to denote the specific type arrived at
by a different name, then natural selection has transmuted
one species into another. Thus must we, according to
Darwin, trace this gradual improvement of organism, and
the consequent gradual progression of life. The vital spark
that appeared in the mollusc, passed on through the mons-
ters of the deep, and higher still, through the various beings
that have peopled our earth in the past ; and thus perfecting,
and being itself perfected in its course, it has ultimately
appeared in the most perfect of all known beings — Man.
Man's pedigree is given by Mr. Darwin as follows : —
" These animals (marine) probably gave rise to a group of
fishes, as lowly organised as the lancelet. . . . From
such fish a very small advance would carry us to the
Amphibians. . . . We inay thus ascend to the Lemu-
ridaB, and thei nterval is not very wide from these to the
Simiadee. The SimiadaB then branched off into two great
stems : the New World and the Old World monkeys : and
from the latter, at a remote period, Man, the wonder and
glory of the universe, proceeded.'* {Descent of Many 2nd
Ed., p. 165.) The words italicised above show how largely
Mr. Darwin deals in conjecture — how easily he substitotes
hypothesis for fact — the possible for the real — what would
be^ or may be, for what is ; and it is characteristic of hia
entire system, the easy indifference to logic which carries
him from the conditional propositions, in the opening part
of the above extract, to the sunple unconditional assertion
at its close. How the ape became the man, Darwin telb
at great length in the first chapter of the ^^ Descent of Man^*
The process is described more briefly, and without the
disguise of Darwin's cautious language, by Buchner, one
of his most loyal disciples. He says : ** Man was produced
Darwinism. 589
from the anthropoid apes, by complete habituation to an
erect gait ; and by the stronger dinerentation thus caused
between the extremities, by the development of the fore-
limb into a true hand, and of the hind-limb into a true
foot. He was still destitute of the essential characteristic
of the true Man, namely, articulate speech, and the con-
scious thought which is associated with it. From this
primitive Man, by natural selection in the struggle for
existence, then was developed as a last, and topmost branch,
the true or speaking Man." (Man : Past, Present and Future,
p. 128.) Thus,, according to our *' advanced thinker,*' the
ape took it into his head to stand erect ; and this happy
tfiought transformed his fore-legs into human hands, and
his hind-legs into human feet. He became a man by exer-
cise ; and, exulting in his new capacity, he broke forth
into articulate speech. And, most • wonderful of all, after
some ages of rapid progress, he was able to give to the world
80 mighty a prodigy of genius as philosopher Buchner,
who rejoices in a parentage of which he is clearly
worthy !
The slightest acquaintance with the literature of
** Modem Science," will make it clear that our " advanced
thinkers," one and all, ** beg the question," in their contro-
versy with revelation. They quietly set revelation aside —
completely ignore it — in the discussion. They discuss the
origin of the world — man's past, present, and future — as if
science had been indisputably the sole criterion — as if a
revelation on the subject had never even been alleged.
Now, surely, a revelation on the origin of man has been in
possession for many centuries before any of our modern
scientific theories was broached. Its credibility has been
established by argimients perfectly independent, and of
such cogency, as to have satisfied and convinced the
greatest minds that have ever been. Our scientists must
then remember that on them hes the burthen of proof.
Logically they are bound : 1**, to disprove, utterly, the
arguments in favour of revelation ; and 2**, to estabUsh
their own theories by conclusive arguments. The former
they have not seriously attempted ; the latter, they have
utterly and ignominiously failed to do. It would then be
unreasonable, illogical, to displace such a revelation for
an unproven — a doubtful hypothesis.
And Darwin himself, more cautious than his ^disciples,
evidently speaks of his theory as a hypothesis. He is
oontinually applying to it such expressions as '* 1 conceive,"
590 Darmnism.
" I believe," ** is it not possible;" and at the same time he
is appealing to possible discoveries in the future to rid his
theory of the difficulties under which it laboura now. He
has it is true, produced an immense array of alleged facts,
to establish an analogy between man and the lower
animals. Into the discussion of these facts it would be
endless and quite unnecessary to follow him. If the
biackbone of his theory be broken, no amount of analogy
can galvanize it into life. And he admits (Descent of Man^
p. 424) that " analogy may be a deceitful guide." The
variations occurring under domestication constitute the
groundwork of his theory. Now, from such changes,
occurring within well defined limits, it is illogical to infer
illimitable change. The changes noted by Mr. Darwin
are all varieties within the same speciea His gardeners
and breeders have not succeeded m transforming an oak
into an apple-tree, nor a cow into a horse. And in all his
research ne has found no fact to show that a new species
has arisen from his system of selection.
On the contrary, the notorious fact of the sterility of
hybrids — a fact admitted by himself, is an insuperable
barrier to his theory, and breaks down the evolution in
the first generation.
Mr. Darwin says that we do not know sufficiently the
laws which regulate the sterility of hybrids. Neither do
we require to know them. We know the fact, and it is
fatal to the theory. He argues from certain points of
similarity in construction and constitution between different
beings, that they must have come from a common parent.
Just as well might he have argued, from certain points of
dissimilarity between the same beings, that they must have
come from different parenta Again, from changes brou^t
about by intelligent design, it is illogical to infer that like
changes must arise when no such design controls ; and the
end and aim of Mr. Darwin's theory is to exclude intelli-
gent design. Variations have occurred in nature as well
as under intelUgent design ; but Mr. Darwin has brou^t
no evidence of any variation amounting to a transmutation
of species. And he admits that " several eminent natu-
ralists have of late published their behef that a multitude
of reputed species are not real, and that " real species have
been independently created." (Or, Sp. 423.) It most,
moreover, be admitted that, in the struggle for existence,
natural selection has not always acted so heroically as
Mr. Darwin asserts. For, side by side with the victorious
Darunnism, 591
o&pring, the outcome of the " survival of the fittest,"
we find very often that less perfect parent whom natural
•election is supposed to have destroyed. The least per-
fect— ^the simple^ organisms — are found side by side with
the most complex and perfect; a fact which shows that
either Mr. Darwin's principle of natural selection is unsound,
or the struggle for existence imaginary.
The intrinsic inconsistency of Mr. Darwin's theory is
not compensated for by extrinsic evidence. Neither
geology nor paleontology gives it any confirmation. It
i* only in the most recent formations of the earth's crust
that man and his works lie buried side by side. As we
go further back into the geologic record, we find traces of
animals somewhat resembling man ; but behind the
human period we find no trace of a transition from the animal
possessed of instinct to the man endowed with reason.
Just as man has been man as long as we can trace back
his history, so, too, has the ape been ape from the
first specimen down to the latest. The points of resem-
blance, and the degrees of divergence were seven thousand
years ago precisely what they are to-day. Mr. Darwin
admits that many of the connecting links between man
and ape are missing; and he meets the difficulty by
aaying that the geological record is incomplete. So, too,
is Mr.* Darwin's theory ; and it is unfortunate for that
theory that the record should be defective, precisely
where its evidence is most sadly needed ; and it is sus-
picious against the theory that, though scientists have
been searching long, and anxiously, and carefully, all the
world over, the links are missing still.
Mr. Darwin's theory then is reduced to his own asser-
tion, and what is that assertion worth f When this new
Prophet appeared some years since he took men's breath
away by reason of the startling message which he bore.
Newspapers, and Reviews pronounced him an intellectual
prodigy ; and almost immediately, without question as to
his titles, he found himself enthroned on the high alta,r of
the Temple of Fame. But as time has passed on, Reason
is again asserting its sway over excited scientists; and
many of them are now wagging their heads in derision at
the idol before whom they bent the knee some years ago.
It is now beginning to be admitted, that Darwin's intellect
and acquirements were gi'eatly exaggerated, and that he
'Was little better than an average specimen of the Ration-
^^bUc schooL Even as far back as A.D. 1876, Mr. Carlyle
592 Darwinism.
wrote of Darwin as follows : " I have known three genera-
tions of Darwin's, grandfather, father, son ; Atheists
all I saw the Naturalist not many months
ago : told him I had read his " Origin of Species " and other
books, that he had by no means satisfied me, that men
were descended from monkeys, but had gone far towards
Eersuading me that he and his so-called scientific brethren
ad brought the present generation of Englishmen veiy
near to monkeys. A good sort of man is this Darwin, and
well meaning, hut of very little intellect . . • . And
this is what we have got : All things from frog-spawD.
The gospel of dirt, the order of the day." {Daily Tribune.,
Nov. 4th, 1876.) The author of this " gospel of dirt,"
did not rank very high in Carlyle*s estimation. But more
competent authorities have spoken. Dr. Constantine
James, Dr. Em. Bailey, and A. KolUker, and many other
eminent men, deny altogether the physiological principles
laid down by Mr. Darwin, and show that he had no accu-
rate knowledge of Embryology, though he draws largely
on that science when illustrating his evolution theory from
the human foetus. We are not therefore called upon to
regard Mr. Darwin's assertion as final. And on this
special question he is contradicted by a whole host ot
naturalists, many of them quite as distinguished as he is
supposed to be. A condition absolutely necessary to the
truth of the evolution theory is the complete transmuta-
tion of species. And yet the most eimnent Natiu'alists
pronounce this transmutation impossible. Darwin's own
admission has been already quoted. The late Abbe
Moigno, who devoted fifty years to this special study,
whose abiUty and fearless honesty no one who reads his
work can question, says of Darwin's system, "it is a
gratuitous hypothesis triumphantly refuted by the noto-
rious fact of the fixity of all species." (Vol. II., p. 33^).
And in the same, and subsequent pages, Moigno quotes a
number of eminent French scientists against the transmu-
tation of species. Some of them go so far as to say that
*' this mutabihty of species would render experimcDtal
science impossible." One of these writers, M. Andre
Sanson, says that for denying the transmutation of species,
he has been charged by some of his brother positivists
with affording an argument in favour of the Biblical
dogma of creation. And he admits the charge, saying,
" In truth it ii3 not my fault, it is the fault of science, I am
a man of science, not a theologian." A candid admiasion
Darwinism. 593
this that he cuts away the foundation from the evolution
theory because science compels him to do so. If then, it
were even a mere matter of testimony, the evidence of so
many eminent men must far out-weigh that of Darwin.
The differences in structure between nlan and the gorilla,
may be very trifling, and such as they are we must accept
them from anatomists, but we must learn from nature her-
self the value of these differences ; and she understands
them to be the equivalent in physical organisation of the
entire mental difference between man and the gorilla.
The fore-paw of a monkey, and the human hand, may
differ very little on the dissecting table, but nature uses
one for the climbing of trees, and like functions, whilst the
other is the instrument whereby the most ingenious con-
trivances of man's mind are executed. Besemblances of
organism do not, therefore, explain the enormous ^If
wUeh separates the works of one clsjas from the other.
The evolution theory breaks down hopelessly in the
attempt to bridge over the gulf between instinct and
reason. If the theory be true, instinct must have passed
into reason, the sensitive appetites of the brute must
have passed into the intellectual and moral faculties of
man. Now, even the most enthusiastic evolutionists admit
their inability to account for this great change. Darwin
evades the difficulty by saying that the mental powers of
man and beast differ onlv in degree, not in kind. Huxley
honestly admits that ** there is an immense, practically, an
infinite distance, an impassable gulf between the mental
powers of the lowest man and the highest ape." Scores
of writers of the same positivist school could be quoted
re-echoing Huxley's sentiments. We see around us some
of the species from which Darwin and his friends would
derive our origin. Clever, cimning, agile, these apes are
certainly ; they can climb trees, pluck fruit, worry their
enemies, and play several pranks, just as well-trained dogs
may do. But of any higher mental operation, of compar-
ison, induction, invention, even for self-defence, other than
that which nature supplies, they are quite incapable, as
they have been every day of the seven thousand years
that man has known them. Brute, unreasoning things as
they are to-day, they have been since the first day of this
Watery, their mental powers fixed and stationary all the
tune. Man, on the other hand, from the very dawn of his
hJBtory, verified the character which Revelation gives of
^: ''Thou hast made him a little less than the Angels.*'
VOL. V. 2 X
594 Darwinism.
From the earliest times he has filled this earth with monu
ments of his genius. Beason, that glorious God-given
ffift, has asserted itself in every age, as the one quality
that has made man what his Creator intended him to be —
Lord of all creatures. The highest mountain capped with
eternal snow, the ice-bound regions that surround the
poles, the barren waste and sandy desert, he has mapped
out and measured. He has surveyed the extent of the
heavens and the ocean's abyss. He reads the debris of
our oldest monuments, and makes them tell the history of
those who witnessed their rise, their duration, and their
falL He has dug into the bowels of the earth, and from
the strange hieroglyphics that lie buried there, he has
rescued the history of long forgotten ages. He has
analysed and mastered the powers of nature, and is daily
making them more and more subservient to his will The
fury of the storm, the darkness of night, time and distance,
are yielding to man's intellectual powers. And yet Darwin
dares the audacious assertion that man's mental powers
differ from those of the brute, not in kind but in degree I
Surely every page of man's history stamps upon Darwin's
degrading system a verdict of contemptuous condemna-
tion. The evolution theory then, whether applied to man's
body or mind, is a hopeless failure. Science condemns it;
reason revolts against it ; Revelation anathematizes it.
Therefore " cut it down, why cumbreth it the ground?"
How forcibly do the inspired words come home to us.
•* Man when he was in honour did not understand, he is
compared to senseless beasts, and is become like to them."
Man in the pride of his heart refuses to listen to the voice
of his Creator : shuts his eyes to the Ught of reason, scofi
at Revelation, and in his foolish effort to escape from his
Creator's hands he brings himself down to the level of the
beasts, and deliberately claims kindred with them. Such
are the dreamings which our scientists offer as a substitute
for our faith. They would take from us the God whom
our fathers adored, the religion that is our sole consolation
here and our passport to happiness hereafter, and as a
substitute they would give us — nothing, absolutely nothing.
Well may we reproach them in the words of Magdalen
of old, " they have taken the Lord away, and we know
not where they have laid Him."
J. Murphy.
[ 595 ]
QQESTIONS REGARDING " FORMAL INTEGRITY."
F[ a recent number of the Ecclesiastical Record allusion
was incidentally made to the duty of th*e confessor to
secure, by interrogation, the integrity of his penitent's con-
fession ; but circumstances then admitted no lengthened
consideration of the extent of that duty. As, however, it
is a matter involving grave and daily recurring responsi-
bility upon the confessor, an inquiry in more minute detail
—though necessarily limited in its scope — may be useful.
The purpose of this paper will be fully attained if it serve
as even an imperfect Index Capitum of authors in whose
works the subject will be found fully discussed.
That the confessor is bound to interrogate, and bound
m an obligation second only to that of the penitent to
examine his conscience, is obviously involved m the fact
that he is the custodian and dispenser of the sacraments,
and must therefore jealously make provision against their
firofanation. Hence in the sacrament of Penance the con-
essor is bound by his office to supply the deficiencies of
his penitent, so that the sacrament may not, by the default
of either, be subjected to irreverence. " Per se datur obli-
gatio gravis in confessario interrogandi poenitentem, quia
confessarius, tanquam judex, curare debet, ut, quantum
satis est, causa judicii sacramentalis instruatur." (Gury,
Gas. Consc.) Failing to secure the formal integrity of ms
penitent's confession, he would be (1) abdicating a funda-
mental function of his own ministration, by ceasing to be a
competent judex ; and (2) he would be treacherously and
disloyally exposing the sacrament to invalidity. La Croix
certifies that this is the ** sententia communissima " of
theologians.
Since, however, the obligation of supplying formal
integrity belongs primarily to the penitent, the confessor's
obUgation to interrogate arises only when, and in so far as,
the penitent has presumably failed. " Poenitens obligatur
primo loco, et in ejus defectum obligatur confessarius ad
eum juvandum juxta ipsius capacitatem, atqui ideo minus
obUgatur quam ipse poenitens." (De Lugo. D. xvi. S, xiv.)
From this universally accepted principle some most
useful practical rules are at once derived : —
1**. ** Non teneris interrogare, si scias poenitentem scire
Juid requiratur ad validam confessionem.'' (La Croix).
rURT adds: ^^Confessarius enim interrogare non tenet ur
596 Questions regarding ** Formal Integrity^*
nisi advertat integritatem certo axit probabiliter in aliqua r©
deficere." ** Coneequenter," observes the former, **Reli-
giosi, clerici, aliiqne praecipue in Theologia versati, non
sunt facile interroganoi, nisi manifestum sit omitti vel non
satis discemi aliqnid necessarium/'
2^. ^^ Confessarius non tenetur interrogare quando ad-
Tertit poenitentem, qui noverat se examinsure, adiiibuisse ad
hoc moralem diligentiam.*' {Ibid). De Lugo puts this
more pointedly : " Quando confessarius advertit poeniten-
tem scire, et posse ex se adhibere debitam diligentiam in
examine, et de facto adhibuisse, non debet confessarius aliam
interro^ationem addere, sineseiat f^oc est, nisi sciat] aliquid
per obhvionem esse omissum." (1). xxii. S. ii.)
In this way theologians indicate, by a general rule, the
two very distinct objects of interrogating — (1) the revelation
of sins brought to memory by a suflScientlv dihgent exam-
ination of conscience, and (2) the making oi the examination
itself. These should be always kept apart, and the distinc-
tion runs through the whole inquiry as to the confessor's
duty in interrogating.
All penitents, however, cannot be described as " praecipue
in Theologia versati ; " and, consequently, the above rules
are practically of very limited application. Outside of these
and the " poenitentes pii " to whom the frequentation of
the sacraments has imparted a sound knowledge of practical
theology, we have those numerous classes designated by
theologians as igiiari^ hebetes^ rudes conditioner tardi ingeniOp
&c. Unlike the pii and doctiy the presumption should
generally be against the probability of their having made
the requisite examination of conscience and the ^< confessio
integra " to which they are bound. Oftentimes they are
unable to make either, and not unfrequently they are
unwilling ; but from what source soever their deficiencies
come, the duty of the confessor is well defined.
His first duty is to place himself morally and intellec-
tually in the position of his penitent. His questions must
assume no theological knowledge which the penitent does
not already possess, or which he himself is not bound to
impart to him. He must not seek to find in his penitent, as
if he was an educated man, an intelligent power of analys-
ing events and modes of thought, or of computing numbers.
He must take him as he is — cramped by ignorance and
slug^shness and dearth of spiritual sensibility. He must
carefully remember that in the matter of self-examination,
the capacity of men is very variable, and that this variable
Questions regarding " Formal Integrity.** 597
moral, and intellectual power is at the same time the
measure of each man's obligation to examine himself, and
of the confessor's obligation to interrogate : " Non enim,"
says Billuart, ** sacerdos tenetur plus examinare poeniten-
tem qaam ipse poenitens tenetur se examinare." He must
recognise the fact that some men are indirectly relieved
(because incapacitated) from trying to make even an
approximately accurate examen of conscience, bv the very
multitude of their sins and the grossness of their sinful
habits ; by the dulness of intellect which unbridled indul-
gence and sensuality almost invariably engender. Taking
tiie penitent as he finds him, he must accommodate his
interrogations to the penitent's abihty to reply, and not
unfrequently be satisfied with only such distorted, incon-
sistent, and otherwise fatdty revelations as are now possible
to an intelligence thus darkened and wrecked by igno-
rance and sin.
This is plainly the meaning of the rule laid down by all
Iheologians, and summarised thus by De Lugo :-^
" Late probavimus hoc examen et interrogationem con-
fessarii debere fieri juxta regulam prudentiae, et non meta-
physice sed moraliter ac humane modo, ita ut sacramentum
non fiat onerosum, sed sit facile remedium juxta debilem
hominum conditionem."
Hence they lay down the practical rule : —
"Constat secundo, circa examen et interrogationem
humanam quam diximus solum requiri, non posse dari
unam et eandem regulam pro omnibus personis: pendet
enim ex capacitate et dispositione corporali, ex attentione,
et ahis" circumstantiis : quare pauciores et crassiores inter-
rogationes debent fieri homim inculto quam alicui Euro-
paeo : levius etiam examinandus est rusticus noster quam
nomo civilis ; levius qui aegrotat et difficile potest ad sub-
tiliora attendere, propter capitis debilitatem, quam homo
sanus et robustus: denique, quod notandum etiam est,
levius et minus exacte interrogandus est circa singula qui
plura habet peccata quam qui pauciora \ . . Debet
ergo confessarius se accommodare poenitenti, et notitiam
peccatorum a singulis petere juxta capacitatem singulorum:
subtiliorem a subtilionbus, crassiorem a crassioribus, bre-
viorem ab infirmioribus : haec enim est notitia et interro-
gatio humana quam solum Jioc sacramentum desiderata
(D. xvi. S. xiv).
Before proceeding further it may be well to define still
more exactly the limits within wmch the examination of
598 Questions regarding " Formal Integrity.^*
conscience and the correlative interrogation by the priest
may move, without ceasing to be humana* (1) They do
not exclude, or relieve the penitent from, the embarrass-
ment and ervhescentia which are intrinsic to the truthfnl
revelation of peccata gravia : the humiliation involved in
this is part of the penalty which the penitent must pay in
order to obtain pardon in the sacrament. Neither do they
warrant the abating in any degree of that diligence of
investigation which men employ ordinarily in transactions
of serious issue. (2) But they do most sci-upulously exclude
from the examination of conscience — whetner made by the
penitent alone or by the penitent and confessor conjointly
— aU such superadded probing and mathematical exactitude
of inquiry as would cause to the penitent " tribulatio et
nimia animae maestitia," and would change the sacrament
from being a ''remedium facile " into something onerous
and revolting — a '* camificina animae." Billuart,who cannot
be suspected of laxity, says: "Examen debet esse, non
summum et exquisitum, sed humanum, mediocre et con-
forme ad capacitatem poenitentis." DeLugo says : " Solum
requiritur duigentia et examen humanum : hots autem non
generat ex se fastidium et taedium hujus sacramenti : con-
sequens est ut minus distincta notitia requiritur ab eo qui,
vel propter incapacitatem, vel propter morbum, vel propter
peccatorum multitudinem, vel aham ob causam, difficilius
posset exactam notitiam reddere." Finally, La Croix,
quoting and adopting the teaching of many most grave
tneologians, says : *' Praeceptum confessionis materialiter
integrae non obligat ubi integritas haberi non potest sine
gravi molestia, et in casu quo confessio redderetur odiosa :
hinc dicunt Lugo, &c. non valere illam consequentiam ; si
hoc vel illud interrogarem, distinctius intelligerem hoc
peccatum, ergo teneor interrogare : uti etiam non valet :
si hie homo adhuc una hora se examinaret, cognosceret
plura peccata, ergo ad hoc tenetur.'' When, therefore, the
" examen satis diligens " is once made, it need not ever
afterwards be disturbed.
Evidently, these principles do not lessen the number of
the confessor's duties, although they limit the area within
which his zeal is to be exercised. ** Ex imparatis parati
fieri possunt [poenitentesj si modo sacerdos viscera indutns
misericordiae Christi, sciat studiose, patienter et mansuete
cum ipsis agere . . . Imparati emm illi non sunt judi-
candi . . . qui rudes conditione, aut tardi ingenio Don
satis in se ipsos inquisierint, nulla fere industria sua id, sine
Qitestion8 regarding " Formal Integrity." 599
sacerdotis ipsius opera, assecnturi ; sed qui, adbibita ab eo
necessaria, non qua praeter modum graventur, in iis inter-
Togandis diligentia, &c." (Leo XII., Encyc.)
It is still, therefore, the confessor's duty, when neces-
sary, to help the penitent to systematically review his life,
sometimes in whole and sometimes in part ; to investigate
with him, in the order of the commandments, the sins of
boyhood, of adolescence, of manhood, of old age; to bring
them to light by considering the obligations appertaining
to the various conditions of each period of his life — for
example, when transacting business for others and when
trading for himself, &c. All this is involved in that
"diligentia" which it is part of the confessor's sacred
office to employ ; but it is m the employment of it, in each
stage of his inquiry, that the theological principles given
above will be of value.
Hence when the ** rudes conditione aut tardi ingenio "
f)re8ent themselves, we cannot infer that because they, if
eft to their own resources, could make no methodical
examination of conscience, or only a very imperfect one,
the confessor^s obligation is, on that account, proportion-
ately lightened. No ; the field to be travelled over is the
same for all, the only diflFerence being that material results
cannot be alwavs hoped for in uniform abundance, as the
soil is not of umform fertility. Take, by way of illustration,
two men of different capacities and different degrees of
mental culture, say, an ordinary labouring man and a
barrister. Assume that each has been guilty of the same
large calendar of sins, identical in number, in species, in
aggravating circumstances, in degree of wilfulness, &c.
Further, assume that, before presenting himself to his con-
fessor, each has written out — " post examen ad capacitatem
suam conforme " — what would seem to him a confessio
formaliter Integra — ^why, the two revelations would, in the
reading, represent, in many items, lives of a wholly diver-
§ent character. Does it follow that the judgments which
le confessor is finally enabled to form must be also mate-
riallv different ? By no means ; for he will be easily able
to fill in, in sufiSciently full figure, the portrait of which the
unlettered man has supplied but the outline. The con-
fessor's knowledge oT the evils wrought by the indulgence
of sinful habits, by perseveringly livine in the occasions of
sin, by neglecting prayer and the frequentation of the
sacraments, &c., will shed a flood of light upon the condi-
tion of his penitent's soul. The very naming of his chief
€00 Questions regarding ** Formal Integrity.**
sins will Quggest almost unerringly the existence of others of
the same or of kmdred species, so that, with even moderate
experience, the confessor can anticipate and even forestal
the revelation of misdeeds which the penitent had failed to
remember, but of which he will wonderingly admit his
guilt. Thus, conducting his inquiry ** studiose, patienter
et mansuete ; " taking care never to overstrain the capacity
of his penitent, and never to embarrass him ; remembering
that it is not material, but, when they differ, formal intee>-
rity that he is entitled to expect, and that the latter should
not be purchased at the cost of the penitent's ** tribulatio
et nimia animae maestitia," the judgments which he wiB
ultimately form of the case of both penitents will be sub-
stantially alike.
It is evident that both penitent and confessor will &id
their chief diflSculty in the attempt to satisfy the law which
prescribes a very exacting accuracy in confessing the
number of sins committed. How can the *' tardi ingenio "
and " rudes conditione," years of whose lives have been
wasted in the indulgence of uninterrupted sensuality, de-
fine the number of their sinful thoughts and acts, so as not
to outstep the limits of the plu^ minusve within which their
computation must be fixed ? So well defined is this margin
of plus minusve J that ten per cent, under or over the number
so quaUfied is regarded, even by the milder schools of theo-
logy, as perilously generous. Nevertheless, by an applica-
tion of the same dominant principle, that the examen mast
be ^^conforme ad capacitatem poenitentis" and such as
beseems a "remedium facile," even Collet — one of the most
inflexible of moralists — ^lays down the following practical
rule : —
" Qui vero certi nihil ao fixi detegere possunt, sen quia
per annos plures ab omni confessione abstinuerint ; sen
quia capitis sui capillos supergressi sint iniquitatibus smB,
id saltern agere debent, ut in qualibet peccati specie
aperiant suum vivendi morem^ oeeasionesy propenttionemyineenr
tiva Ubidinis, spatium temporisy quo in exercitio peccati, pec-
candi voluntate, facti complacentia, ejusdem apud aJiofl^
quot et quaies, jactatione permanserint : ut tandem, omni-
bus pensatis, intelligat confessarius ouoties circiter lapfl
sint m mense, in hebdomada, in die. Sic enim staitts eonun
intelligetur, quantum potest" (T. xL P. v., C. 5). The same
rule is adopted by De Lugo, who, as is usual with him,
illustrates his theory by practical cases, such as eveiy con-
fessor has frequently to deal with; and by La Qnhx^
St Liguori, Gury, Ac.
Correspondence. 601
In acquiring even this ^^ schedula confiiBa " of sins it is
essential to remember that in the passions, as in the other
«afl5iirB of men," there are tides and ebbings and periods of
comparative tranquillity ; that, as no one " repente fit tur-
pissimns," so no one maintains throughout a protracted
career, the same high level of turpitude ; and hence that
it will be necessary to investigate^ — always '* patienter et
mansuete" — ^the origin and gradual growth and fitful
developments of each passion separately. Such minute
inquiry seems quite compatible with the "interrogatio
humana" beyond which we cannot go ; while, on the other
hand, it seems indispensable to every careful investigation.
In bringing these discursive remarks to a close, it may
be well to emphasize that the pervading principle from
which theologians draw the foregoing practical rules, is
clearly this — that, in interrogating, the confessor should, in
all circumstances, exhibit himself as one " viscera indutus
misericordiae Christi ;" that he should assist the penitent
with no less tenderness than studious care ; that, " salvo
examine satis— nonpraeter modum — diligenti/' he should
solve in favour of silence every doubt as to the necessity
of further probing ; that he should never, by unnecessaiy
or merely tentative inquisitiveness, transform that which
by divine institution is a "remediimi facile" into the
possible torture and " camificina " of his penitent's souL
Finally, it would be unfair to take the foregoing obser-
vations as professing to deal generally with, much less to
exhaust, the question of how far and by what methods
the confessor is bound to interrogate with a view of
securing formal integrity. They touch upon only a few
of his outlying duties ; but these are precisely the ones
fi'om which spring most of his troubles and anxieties.
C. J. M.
COERESPONDENCE.
Canon Law in Ireland.
ViERT Rev. and Deak Sir, — Resuming the subject of Canon
Law in Ireland, it may be well to recollect what we observed in
our previous paper as to the structure of our administrative system,
that being in a large degree abnormal and special, it grew up, and
took its form from the circumstances our National Church had to
deal with, the difficulties she had to struggle against, and the
602 Correspondence.
means and opportunities of progress she had to take advantage of)
as time advanced. In all this we were happy to recognise the
particular superintendence and guidi^ice of Edvine Providence as
evidenced by the marvellous progress she has made, and the
abundant fruits she has, under God's blessing, produced ai home
and abroad, within so short a time ; and we noticed, that she has
had the sanction and approval of Bome all through in her resur-
rection, as we may term it, from the utterly prostrate state, to
which her trials, surpassed in duration and intensity only by the
persecutions of the early Church, had reduced her.
We are now, however, to observe, that the Fathers of the
Irish Church never lost sight of Canon Law, or the Common Law
of the Church, so far as times and circumstances allowed them to
attend to its observance. Even in the most calamitous periods
they contrived to meet and hold counsel with each other. Their
meetings were, indeed, informal. How could they be otherwise?
Yet, the free and graceful command they display of the Latin
language in the fragmentary records that have come down to us,
of their acts and proceedings, show them to be men of high literary
culture and profound erudition, capable of filling the highest posts,
as several of them did fill, in the Universities and other seats of
learning on the Continent.
As better days came, they took advantage of them to put
things in more regular order, and more in harmony with the pre-
scriptions of Canon Law. But they wisely bore in mind, that
sound legislation in Church and State is of slow growth, and that
a people cannot be forced abruptly to relinquish habits, to whidi
they have been long accustomed, in order to enter on new courses.
They had to consider in several matters, tliat what is best in
speculation and theory is frequently not even second best in
practice, owing to existing circumstances, and they, therefore,
adopted the motto *' festina lent^ " in approaching the ameliorati(Hi5
they desired to make in the disciplinary situation of the Church.
At length the time arrived, some^ fifty years ago, for the enact-
ment of a regular code of Diocesan Statutes, which dealing with the
life and manners of the Clergy, as also the functions of the Sacred
Ministry, projected a Canonical Status for their various dioceses, in
conformity, as much as possible at the time, with the requirements
of the general jurisprudence of the Universal Church.
As time advanced, it waa found convenient to hold IVovincial
and Diocesan Synods, and additional enactments were appended to
the Statutes of the Diocese, till at length came the National Synod
of Thurles, which taking account of the country at large, placed the
National Church on a still more Canonical footing.
But legislation must be in every society an unceasing work
owing to the unstable condition of human affairs, and, therefore,
another quarter of a century called for a second National Assembly^
which history is to record as the Maynooth Synod. The enac^
Correspondence. 603
ments of this Assembly reviewed those of Thurles, supplementing
them, and adding to them, according as their Lordships in their
wisdom deemed it salutary a^ expedient.
Besides all this domestic legislation, we are to bear in mind, as
I have already noticed, that ^e Supreme Legislator, has his eyes
always open upon us, as upon the entire Church ; and the various
congregations, that aid him in his world-wide administration, are
erer accessible for consultation. However, to avoid mist€ikes in
tiiese consultations, the distinction between questions of law and
fact must never be lost sight of. As a general rule the responsi-
bility of law or principle only, rests with the congregation con-
sulted, whilst the party consulting is answerable for the correct
statement of the fact with its essential circumstances, as well as for
the manner of stating it. On this account Canonists point out in
minute detail the various causes invalidating the rescripts, or re-
sponses returned from the various tribunals in Bome owing to the
faulty way in which cases are sometimes presented ; and they are
very care^il in warning us against inferences beyond the terms of
the decisions arrived at in particular cases, as well as the appli-
cation of such decisions to what might appear analogous cases.
When consequently there would be question of referring any
matter of general import, it would be desirable by all means
to have the terms of the consultation approved of by the
Bishops in one of those meetings, which bring them so frequently
together, more particularly as they are authorised by special Indult
to dispense with the solemn formalities prescribed by the Roman
Pontifical. Such a precaution would obviate all ambiguity and
imcertainty as to the application or applicability of the reply.
In laying down in a previous paper the general statement, that
we in Ireland are subject to the ** jus commime," or common law
of the Church, so far as it is maintained in use by the Supreme
Pontiff, I laid particular stress on the allowance we are to claim
on the ground of local legislation, traditions^ customs, and
exemptions, as sanctioned, assented to, or tolerated by, the same
authority. In putting forward this claim we pretend to no special
privilege that is not allowed to other local or national churches as
well. Nevertheless, considerable obscurity hangs over this claim,
and minds are rather much divided as to the extent^ to which it is
to be relied upon ; and if I venture to approach it, I confess I do so
with much hesitation and diffidence. However, as I disclaim all
idea of speaking with authority, my purpose will be attained, if I
succeed in bringing the subject under ^ the consideration of your
readers, being prepared to have my views, such as they are,
controverted, as I shall be glad to adopt the ideas of others, so far
as they may be sounder in principles, and especially more
deferential to the great centre, that should hold us all united in
** one mind, having the same charity , being of one accord, agreeing in
mttment:' (Philip, ii. 2.)
604 Correspondence.
We may select as examples of the subjects in question, sins and
censures reserred to the Holy See, the alienation, and leasing of
ecclesiastical property, the restrictions respecting the confessors of
female communities, the Index of prohibited books, ''extra
tempora " ordinations, liturgical and rubrical observances, &c., &e.
I mention these as examples, there being several others that might
be added, to present in a tangible form the question I desire to
submit for consideration, and respecting which I presume to offer
the following remarks : —
First of all, I think we should not assent to that form of words,
which would say, such and such a law, such and such a Pontifical
constitution, such and such a decree, has not been received in this
country. This I conceive to be an ill-sounding, and really unsoond
mode of expression, setting up apparently, at least, the pretension,
that a particular or local church can lawfully withdraw itself from
the supreme legislative authority of the universal Church. On the
other hand, is it to be inferred that every portion or branch of the
Church at large is de facto under the obligation of her general
legislation, and of the enactments all and several therein contained?
This question recalls the distinction we have already noticed
between the binding force and binding effect of the general laws of
the Church, and this distinction opens room for local customs tri>
ditions, and exemptions derogating' from such general legisladon
so that, whilst its binding force and authority are by all means to
be universally recognised, its actual application may nevertheless
be in abeyance in various parts of the Church owing to local
causes requiring temporary or permanent exemptions. As to the
sufficiency of these causes it is to be presumed, that there is aa
understanding between the Pope and the Bishops with r^ard
to them.
In the second place, the principle is to be ever kept in view,
that human legislation whether civil or ecclesiastic does not exact
compliance under grievous inconvenience, and consequently we are
to consider that where such a bar exists, it has been duly tata
account of in the same way.
Thirdly, owing to the different states and positions of particnlar
Churches, according as they may be in various stages of develop-
ment, they necessarily require to be dealt with according to the
circumstances in which they are respectively placed for the timo
being, the full canonical legislation having its application only to
a completely organised system either actually or prospectivelj i»
operation.
Fourthly, how can it be maintained, that provisions of Caooii
Law which we can observe in Ireland at present, could be attended
to fifty or eighty years ago, as we are to hope, that in the samo
periods to come we shall be in a much more advanced state <a
conformity with the general discipline of the Church, and that froa
year to year in the interim we shall be making way towards so
desirable a result ?
Corretpondenee. 605
It, therefore, necessarilj fi^ows, that all legislation, and still
nH)re its ^plication, must depend on circumstances in order to attain
its essential and final purpose of being useful and advantageous to
tiiose who are concerned, and that in the exercise of her legislative
aathoritj'the Church has always in view the maxim of the Apostle,
that she possesses this authority *' unto the edification^ and not the
destruction*' of her children. (2 Cor. x. 8.)
In venturing to lay down these general statements I confess I
feel very much sustained by some concluding remarks of Avanzini
in hid learned commentary on the celebrated constitution ^' Apos-
TOUCAK Sedis,'* of the late Pope Pius IX., respecting censures. The
illuBtrious canonist, after having commented on the various
enactments of the Constitution, notices certain objections which,
he says, he heard made by persons alleging that the Constitution
instituted several obligations, and placed them even under the
s&oction of censures, which, however, in the times in which we
live, cannot be applied in very many nations owing to different
reasons resulting in the main from the fact, that governments do
not admit the laws of the Church as having force within their
dominions, and that laws and customs of a contrary import stand
io the way. He, nevertheless, seeks to uphold the enactments of
the Constitution on several grounds.
He pleads, in the first place, that the obb'gations in question
are not new in the Church, that on the contrary they are very
ancient, and that the Constitution so far from creating these
enactments mitigates and lessens the penalties attached to them,
thereby intimating how altered circumstances, and change of time,
have the effect of influencing legislation.
But the Constitution itself is more explicit in putting forward
this view, stating, as it does, in the preamble, that the reserved
censures of the Church wisely enacted at different periods of her
history, had by degrees increased so as to be very numerous, and
that several of them, owing to changes of times and manners, had
ceased to answer the end and causes, on account of which they had
been imposed, or to be further useful or suitable, and that by this
means doubts, anxieties, and troubles of conscience had been
occasioned both for those who had the direction of souls, and the
faithful themselves, all which is made the ground for reviewing the
censures as they stood recorded, in order to retain some of them, and
moderate, or entirely abolish, others.
The learned commentator goes on to say, in the second place,
that admitting the obligations of the constitution to be impossible
of enforcement in certain countries, the Supreme Legislator onght
not to refrain on that account from keeping them in view, and in-
culca^g them, inasmuch as it must be ever useful to the faithful,
as also to ecclesiastics, to know what the discipline of the Church
requires, lest by degrees they should come to imagine that others
aei lawfoDy in violating the rights of the Church, and disregarding
606 Correspondence.
public propriety and the public good. Here we see a dear dis*
tinction between the law itself in its binding force, and its de fado
obligation.
In the third place, he asserts that these laws can be observed
in very many countries. The conditions of mankind being different
in different parts of the world, so that what cannot be observed in
one place may be observed in many others, thereby making allow-
ance for those deviations and derogations from the General Canon
Law which various local causes require and authorise.
Finally, he observes that in practice Confessors are to look
for guidance to standard authors, and see what course they are
to pursue according to the special circumstances of persons and
things, since there is question of nothing new in the matter, and
the principles of moral prudence remain unchangeable, pointing
out when the law of the Church does not bind, and how penitents
are to be dealt with, whether they know it or be in hondfida
ignorance of it.
No doubt these, and such like considerations were present to
the minds of our Bishops, and they took serious account of them
in the practical application of Canon Law according as varying
circumstances in the onward march of time guided their zeal and
wisdom.
Hence we see in the matter of censures they deemed it prudent
to make very sparing use of these penalties in framing their
Diocesan Statutes, and although in most instances they are reserved
to the Pope, the Bishops considered themselves warranted in con-
fining them to their own tribunals.
As to the alienation and leasing of ecclesiastical property, the
laws under which we live stand very much in the way of the
application of Canon Law, and whilst their Lordships keep its
prescriptions in view, they are obliged to act as prudence miV
direct according to occurring circumstances.
In reference to the Confessors of female communities, it was
always held according to Canon Law that they required special
faculties for a ministry so important, but it is only lately that the
triennial limitation began to be applied, owing to the difficulty d
finding in the limited ranks of the Clergy, Confessors in every way
suitable. * The same difficulty has been experienced in othtf
countries as well, and a similar exemption has been found neces-
sary.
The index of prohibited books has not been published in this
country, nor the rules sanctioned by Canon Law in respect of itf
the Bishops deeming it more expedient to leave the prohibition
under the guarantee of the Natural and Divine Lffw, and using all
vigilance to guard against the evils in view.
With regard to " extra tempora " ordinations, it was thought,
some years ago, that the -Aime had arrived for the observaooe of
the Canonical Bule. However, reasons soon appeared for soiog
an exemption from it again in Maynooth and elsewhere.
Correspondence, 607
Litargical and Eubrical observances are, indeed, part of the
Canon Law, but they suppose the possibiKty and convenience of
being carried out, and, of course, according to circumstances, they
can be attended to only more or less perfectly.
These observations might be extended to all other matters, in
which the Church of Ireland is not in full conformity with Canon
Law. The Bishops, whom as St. Paul teaches, '* the Holy Ghott
hath placed to ruU the Church of Ood^' {Act$ xx. 28,) were
always alive to the momentous responsibilities of their position,
and we are to presume that on account of the relictions existing,
at all times, between their Lordships and the Supreme Head of
the Church on earth, they acted according to the large measure of
confidence He felt necessary to allow them, and that, moreover, he
bad His eyes open to watch with special vigilance over a portion
of His charge, which claimed His particular concerns on account of
its unswerving fidelity to the Holy See under the terrible trials
and sufferings our National Church had to struggle against for such
a length of time.
If, therefore, our position be yet somewhat abnormal as regards
the " Jus Commune," or the general prescriptions of Canon Law,
we are, nevertheless, quite within rule as to the conditions
required for the exceptions and derogations deemed expedient, and
in several regards jiecessary, for the situation in which we are
placed ; and in all this, it is to be remembered, we stand on the
same footing as other local and particular Churches, which, in the
same way, are allowed similar privileges, and usages of their own.
Looking back on all I have ventured to advance, and desiring
to come to an end, on the very important subject of '* Canon Law
in Ireland," I think the following propositions may be fairly laid
down:—
V*. That, we are under the obligation of the general law of the
Church, except in so far as we are duly exempted.
2**. The entire structure of our Ecclesiastical Ministry is
peculiarly our own, having sprung out of the ordeal of suffering
through which we had to pass, and having taken shape according
to the exigencies, and special circumstances, that supervened.
3^. We have Canon Law blended to a considerable extent with
the treatises forming the ordinary " curriculum " of Theology,
especially with those treating of the Precepts of the Church, the
Seven Sacraments, Censures, and Irregularities. So far Canon
Law may be regarded as applied Theology, and is of course to be
observed with adl strictness.
4°. In our every day ministry we use Canon Law in our Litur-
gical and Ritual functions, by attending to the Rubrics, which have
been drawn up with so much care, and enjoined with so much
weight of authority for our observance.
In the department of Ritual the lat^ lamented Father O'Kane,
Dean of the College of Maynooth, has left behind him a very
608 Correspondence.
valuable legacy to the Irish Ohnrch in his *^ Notes on the Boman
Bitnal," &c. ; and as it would be '' nno avolso non deficit alter
aoreiis/' the worthy Vice-President of the same national estaldish-
ment, the Very Rev. Eobert Browne, is entitled to our best thanks
for his excellent papers on Liturgical subjects, from month to
month, in the pages of the Record. Without presuming to offer
any suggestion, it may be hoped, that, later on, the respected
author will collect these papers, and reproduce them in book-form,
arranging the subjects under distinct headings for ccmvenient con-
sultation. Th^ compilation would, no doubt, be hailed with eameit
welcome, and do good service in improving the various services of
our Liturgy.
5^. We are to observe as our domestic Canon Law the statutes
of our respective dioceses, together with the successive enactments
of our diocesan synods, and the ordinances of the Bishop as issued
in virtue of his legislative authority within the limits of his
diocese.
6^. With these we are to combine the enactments of the two
national synods of Thurles and Maynooth as adopted and applied
by diocesan authority.
7**. We are to receive with all respect and obedience, all con-
stitutions, decrees, rescripts, and orders of every kind, emanating
£rom the Holy See, whether coming immediately from the Ho^
Father himself or from any of the several Congregations aiding
him in the government of the Church, as made known to us
through the Bishops, as the ordinary channel of communication.
Finally, our Bishops are all allowed by the ^' formula sexta,"
extensive powers for dispensing in the prescriptions of Canon Law,
and in availing ourselves of these dispensations at their hands we
do homage to the supreme authority from which they proceed
equaUy as in observing its positive injunctions.
With this summary I will conclude what I can call only «i
essay on a most important subject. My observations are, indeed,
very desultory. I could not help it in order to keep within the
space I could venture to hope you would indulgenUy allow me.
Let me, however, repeat, that I do not presume to advance any-
thing as one having authority, I wish rather to be understood as
speaking under correction, my chief object being to ventilate, as I
l^ve already said, an important ecclesiastical subject ; and I shall
rejoice, if what I have said attract the notice of others more
competent to speak on such a subject, either to supply what I have
left unsaid, or to rectify anything I may have said amiss.
Allow me to remain,
Very Rev. and Dear Sir,
Very dutifully yours,
H X.Z.
[ 609 ]
DOCUMENTS.
CIRCULAR Letter of the Congregation of Rites addressed
to all the Bishops of the Church, ordering a Triduum
iu honour of the Blessed Virgin, on the 6th, 7th, and 8th
of this month —September, 1884.
SUMMARY OP THE LETTER,
Cardinal Hainald, bishop of Colocza, in Hungary, addressed to
the Pope a petition signed by several Cardinals and other digni^
taries, praying for a special and solemn celebration on the 8th of
September, 1885, in honour of the 19th Centenary of the birth of
the Blessed Virgin. The Pope appointed a special commission of
the Cardinals of the Congregation of Rites to examine and report
on the question, whether the centenary celebration may be held.
The Cardinals report against the centenary celebration. The reasons
stated. The Congregation of Rites formally decides, that it is not
evpedient to hold the proposed IDth centenary celebration, but
strongly recommends the present occasion for a special and solemn
celebration in honour of the Blessed Virgin, to testify our filial
devotion to the Mother of God, and to make some reparation for
outrages offered to her, even in her favoured shrines, by wicked men.
Pope Leo. the Xn I. adopts the suggestion of theSacre^l Congregation,
and orders a Solemn Triduum on the 6th, 7th, and 8th of September,
throughout the whole Church. Indulgence of seven years and seven
qnarantines for each attendance at the devotions. Plenary Indulgence
for attendance at the whole Triduum, accompanied by confession,
communion, and prayers for the intention of the Pope. Indulgence
applicable to the souls in Purgatory. He also recommends
pilgrimages to the B. Virgin's shrines, especially to Loretto, during
the month of September, 1884.
ILIifiE ET KME DOMINE.
Vir Eminentissimus Metropolitanae Ecclesiae Colocensis et
fiacaienslA in Hungariae Regno Antistes Ludovicus Cardiualis
Haynald, humiUimis oblatis precibus. Sanctissimum Dominum
Nostrum Leonem Papam XUI. rogavit, ut probata aliquorum
Tbeologorum ecclesiastieae historiae peritorum sententia, quae
niadet proximo anno 1885 completum iri decimum nonum saecu-
hm ab ortu gloriosae Virginis Dei genitricis Mariae, de eo laetissi-
mo erentu speciale festum solemni ritu celebrandum decemeret in
eatholico Orbe universo, die octava Septembris ejusdem anni.
Postnlationi quamplurimi alii subscripserunt ecelesiarum Prae-
sules, inter quos aliquot £mi Ccu*dinale8 ; permulti quoque acces-
sere ecclesiastici Viri dignitate clari, et laici rehgione praestantea :
onmes ferventi permoti desiderio novum cultus honorem opponendi
probria ac blasphemiis, quibus excelsa Doi^ina a tenebrarum pro-
VOIj. v. 2 y
610 Documents,
testate hodie lacessitur, ab eaque, tarn propitia oblata oocaaione,
enixius implorandi, ut optatae pacis nostrae sequestra fiat apud
Deum, et caelestium administra grntiaram.
S^ictissimus Dominus rei perspecta gravitate, earn videodam
demaDdavit peculiar! CoDgregationi EminentissimorumCardinaliam
sacris tuendis ritibus praepositonim. Quae die 31 mox praeteriti
mensis Maji ad Yaticanum coadunata, in piimis in hoc themate
pervidit obicem. hactenus insolubilem, ex defectu not itiae certae,
quae prorsus necessaria esset, veri anni Virginei natalitii; com
eruditi omnes tarn veteres quam recentiores, ac ipsi centeDarii
propugnatores censeant tempus nativitatis Deiparae beatissimae
historica certitudine definiri non posse. Quae enim maxime affe-
runtur documenta, videlicet fragmentum epistolae Evodii, poet
Sanctum Petrum primi Antiocheni £piscopi, juxte quod beata
Virgo decimuin quint um annum agens peperisset bujus mmidi
lucem ; et Cbronicon Paschale, unde deducere daretiu: Mariae ortum
undecimo anno, ad suramum, ante Christum natura contigisse : haec
praeterquamquod secum non cohaerent, ab omnibus melioris DOtae
criticis, validis adductis rationum momentis, facile refelluntur ad
apocrypha^ aut prorsus dubiae auctoritatis. Hi propterea incunc-
tanter n^ant fidem esse adjungendam rei, de qua sacrae litterae,
veteres Patres, ecclesiasticae historiae et sacrae antiqnitatis
explorata monumenta nihil omnino tradiderint. Ac si^ienter, pro
suo more, de hoc ipso scribit Summus Pontifex Benedictus XIV. :
*' Foilasse nonnemo mirabitur nos de nativitate beatae Virginis
nihil afferre ; sed dum de ea sacer textus omnino sileat optinoiD
putavimus et nos de re prorsus incerta tacere, de qua cum pinres
scribere voluerint, ex turbidis fontibus, quae tradiderunt, haosisae
videntur, puta ex Proto-Evangelio, quod Sancto Jacobo fJ»
tribuitur, ex libro de Ortu Virginis qui perperam Sancto Jacobo
fratri Domini Nostri Jesu-Christi, et a quibusdam Cyrillo Akxan-
drino adscribitur, .... ex commentitia S. Evodii eiHStola
etc." {De festU B. M. V. lib. IL, cap. IX).
Consuetudinem autem, quae invaluit, celebrandi sacras centeo-
arias commemorationes, rei praes^iti minus congniere depreb^isani
fuit. Quandoquidem, uti iidem centenarii fautores testantiB'.
expetitum festum prima vice hoc decimonono saeculo foret ixvlo-
cendum, veluti quid novum in Dei Ecclesia, et cunctis retroacttf
sfteculis ne cogitatnra quidem ab eximia majorum erga incljrtiiB
Dei Grenitricem pietate et devotione, ant certe illis inasitatain-
Profecto satis congrua theologica atque liturgica ratione inoferise
censendnm est, ut saecularia solemnia, quae aliis Sanctis cum
Christo regnantibus non denegantur, ea de praecipois sacratissimid
Beatae Virginis vitae actis et mysteriis, sdlicet de NadTitate, ^
Annunciatione, ac porro de caeteris, non oelebrentur. Nam
eminentiori veneratione supra ceteros Sanctos colit Ecdesia Coeli
Reginam et Dominam Angelorum, cui, tin qvantum ^>m tst mater
Dei .... debetur .... non quaiiacumque duiict.
Documents. 611
sed hfperdulia (S, Thorn, 3 parU quctest. 2b j art, 5). Ideoque
plasquam centenaria solerani commemoratioDe, eadem semper cul-
tas praestantia, eodemque honoris tributo Ecclesia celebrat recur*
rentes ejus niysteriomm solemni tales ; cum de caetero cultus
Deiparae in Ecclena sit plane qaotidianns, ac prope nuUa temporis
mensura limitatus.
Haec pauca, vel leviter tantom adnmbrata, satis ostendnnt
prodeDttam Sacrae Congregationis, quae proposito dubio: ^'An
recoli expediat anno proximo 1885 in toto Orbe centenaria com-
memmoratio Nativitatis Beatae- Mariae Virginis?" mature ex-
pensis omnibus, unanimi suffragio respondit non expedire, Valde
tamen laud&vit, ac Sanctiseimo Domino deferendum voluit, pium
tot praeckurissimorum Postulantium desiderium exhibendi Geni-
tiici Dei gloriosae novum aliquod obsequii ac fllialie amoris
pobiicum argumentum pro novis injuriis a perditis blasphemisque
Itomioibus ei inlatis ; qui, occasione arrepta, etiam in Alroae ejus
Domus Lauretanum Sanctoarium toto Orbe celeberrimum acuerunt
linguas suas.
Facta vero de his per me infrascriptum Cardinalem fideli
relatione, Sanctitas Sua Sacrae Congregationis sententiam in
omnibus ratam habuit et confirmavit. Mandayitque ad suprame-
moratum effectum a Reverendissimis locorum Ordinariis celebrari
in sois Diocesibus triduana derota solemnia diebus sexta, septima
et octava Septembris hnjus vertentis anni 1884 in honorem
Beatissimae Virginis, ad instar eorum quae Romae in templo
Saoctae Mariae supra Minervam iussu ejusdem Sanctissimi Domini,
propediem erunit oelebranda. Concessitque fidelibus, pro qualibet
vice septem annorum ac septem quadragenarum Indulgentiam ;
qnotidie vero interessentibus, et intra triduum confessis ac sacra
sjnaxi refectis, et ad mentem Sanctitatis Suae Deum orantibus,
pleoariam Indulgentiam semel lucrandam, etiam animabus in
pnrgatorio detentis applicabilem. Yoluit autem hujusmodi tri-
dnana festa in Lauretana Basilica omnino peragi : quocirca
magnopere probavit, ut a die prima proximo futuri mensis Sep-
tembris ad Decimam Decembris inclusive piae peregrinationes in
eumdem finem ad praefatum Sanctuarium Lauretanum instituan-
tor ; concessa, in omnibus ut supra de thesauro Ecclesiae plenaria
Indnlgentia semel lucranda.
Haec dum pro mei mimeris ratione Amplitudini tuae com-
munico, Eidem fausta omnia precor a Domino.
Bomae in Solemnitate Pentecostes die 1 Junii 1884.
D. Cabdikaus Babtounius, S. B. C,
Fraefoctua,
LkURsamus Saltati, S. R. C,
Seoreiariue.
[ 612 ]
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
The Life of Elizabeth Lady Falkland, By Lady Georoiaua
FuLLERTON. LondoD : Burns & Oates.
Lucius Caiy, Lord Falkland* who fell od the field of Newborj,
fighting for the cause of his royal master, is known as one of the
most accomplished and most estimable men of the days of King
Charles the First. His mother, Elizabeth, daughter of the Lord
Chief Baron Tanfield, became a conyert to the true faith at t
time when Prelacy and Puritanism, though at variance with eadi
other in the Chui^ of England, were at one in the bitterness of
their hostility to the Church of Bome. The story of her life b
presented to us in this yolume, which Lady Greorgiana FuUertoi
has lately contributed to the Quarterly Serks published by Bum
and Oates. We have perused it with pleasure and, we trust, witk
profit. It is a book we can heartily recommend to all our readenu
but particularly to those, and they are always many, who feel an
interest in the religious, as well as in the political, history of Greit
Britain and Irel^d during the seventeenth century. The subject
of this biography had to encounter stern trials and to endure con-
siderable hardships after her conversion, but with a spirit naturaUr
brave, and, above all, with the aid of abundant grace from God.
she overcame the obstacles that beset her course, and died in peace
the death of the just. It must have been a congenial occupados
for Lady Georgiana Fullerton to write the history of this noble
convert ; and it is not the least meritorious of her literary laboon
to have given us a book so edifying, so interesting, and, in manj
ways, so instructive. M. L. H. S.
A Marvellous History.
The biography of Jeanne De La Noue is, indeed, a *' mar-
vellous story,*' and shows how God is wonderful in his saints.
This most extraordinary servant of QkA was bom at Saumtu;
in 1666. After a short time spent in the service of the world*
her heart was converted to her Saviour, who made use of her a»
a chosen instrument to show his watchful care for the poor, and
to solace many who were in trouble and affliction. Three things
are particularly striking in the life of Jeanne De La Noue — ^vix^
her extraordinary austerities, her extraordinary activity, and her
unbounded confidence ^n God, that he would send her the means of
providing for the poor and sick whom she gathered into her hoepice.
Her story is told with great clearness, simplicity, and brevity,
with too much brevity, indeed, we think, as we could desire a great
deal more of a narrative so interesting, and so well sustained from
beginning to end. We wish we had hundreds of such readable
books to replace the sensational rubbish which sentimental yoiuig
ladies and youths spend so much time over.
[We are obliged to hold over the notices of several books till uesX
month— Ed. I. K R.
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
OCTOBER, 1884.
EMERSON : FREE-THOUGHT IN AMERICA.
AMERICA has become, during the last quarter of a
century, the object on which the eyes of the intel-
lectual world have been fixed, with all the interest that
attaches to a novel and critical experiment. Up to that
period she had virtually taken not only her rehgious
systems, but all her ideas on philosophical science, from
the Old World. She had mutely acknowledged her
indebtedness to the great intellects whom the combined
thought of Europe had canonised as men of ** Hght and
leading," in their respective departments. Her universities
were fashioned after Oxford and Gottingen, and their
students sat at the feet of Old World professors, and
accepted their teachings with the deference that is due to
learning and the sanctities of tradition. Meanwhile, in the
mechanical arts, America had asserted her independence.
She took the moulds of European inventions, improved
upon them, broke them, and cast them aside as worthless
and aotiquated. And whilst her schools and colleges
iw^ere accepting European ideas and traditions, there was
scarcely a mill in America that had not reached a full half.
century of progress beyond the best-appointed and best
conducted factory in Leeds or Sheffield.
Such a state of things could not last. A nation of
fifty million inhabitants, with infinite possibihties before it,
and with all its intelligence quickenea into activity by the
interfusion of races, with their specific principles and tra-
ditions, could not remain in leading strings to any other
people, nor maintain a rigid and senseless conservatism in.
tiiose very things in which the human mind demands:
VOL. V. 2 Z
614 Emerson: Free-Thotight in Americcu
absolute and unconditional freedom. Hence, during these
latter years, the mind of America has ascended from
mechanical to philosophical experiment, and, with the
facility begotten of wealth and independence, has explored
every system of thought, and revelled in the creation of
new and fanciful theories in the world of mysticism.
What then is to be the leading system of thought in
the great Western Republic ? How will its progressive
ideas develop themselves t It starts on its career free and
untrammelled by prejudice or superstitions. . It enjoys
the most perfect freedom, not only in its political life, but
even in that social Ufe which amongst ourselves has laws
more despotic, and decisions more magisterial, than state
constitutions. Nature' has thrown open her treasury, and
already dowered it« children with superabundant wealth,
and promises of inexhaustible supplies. America inherita
free all the blessings of the civilisation which nineteen
centuries with an infinite expenditure of thought and
labour have accumulated ; and she commences her career
without a single care for all those sad and terrible possi-
bilities which hamper progress in the Old World. What
is to be the issue of the new civilisation ? Will it become
licentious in its freedom, and reap in the near future the
sad consequences of the violation of that poUtical and
intellectual discipline which, like the laws of natui'e,
avenges itself upon its transgressors ? Will it run riot in
speculation and conjecture about the mighty mysteries of
mortality, and end, like the Old World, in dreary scep-
ticism t Or ^vill it accept theology as an exact science,
with it43 truths revealed and absolute, and preserved
inviolate in its temple, the living Church? Will its strong
democratic spirit eventuate'in that freedom which " slowly
broadens down from precedent to precedent,'* or will it
issue in a revolution which will dwarf the revolutions of
the Old World by its colossal wickedness? Will its aris-
tocracy of wealth and intellect draw away more and more
from the masses, and ignoring all Christian obUgations
seek to establish feudalism and an oligarchy; until the inev-
itable disruption that will fling them and the people in
common ruin ? Or will they admit a common brotherhood,
and coming down to the level of poverty and ignorance,
throw the glamour of intellect and wealth over the forced
asceticism of the people? To reduce the question to
its broadest terms, will the future religion of America be
the oultus of *' sense and science," the Neo-Paganism, ia
Unierson: Free-Thought in America. 615
"which the God of Sinai, with Hie commandmentB, " Thou
flhalt," ** Thou shalt not," and the meek Saviour, with His
beatitudes, shall find no place ? or will the pure Christianity
of Catholicism, the conserving element in European
society, be the active and vigorous agent of the new
civilisation of America? The question is interesting,
doubly interesting to us, for assuredly the most powerful
auxiliaries on the side of Christianity in the New World,
are the exiled children of our race.
There are two things indicative of the mental and
moral genius of a people : its habits of thought and its
habits of life. These two agents act and re-act on each
other ; licentiousness of thought producing laxity in moral
principles, and easy virtue begetting the utmost liberality
m matters of belief. We will glance at both, and see if,
to borrow an expression from Matthew Arnold, " the stream
of tendencies " m modem America makes for righteousness
or not We shall put aside for a moment the Catholic
Church in America, and consider the systems of religious
thought that lie outside it.
The whole history, then, of Protestantism in the States
at the present time, may be described as the history of a
desperate and critical struggle with that Agnosticism which
has followed, not very logically indeed, from the theories
of.the evolutionists. Owing to the absence of copyright,
and the consequent enterprise of publishers, all the Agnostic
literature of the Old World has become the property not
only of the thinking, but even of the reading public of
America. When we are told that the poetry of Matthew
Arnold adorns the tea-papers of the New World, that the
publishers have issued a popular edition of his works, that
the treatises of the International Scientific Series have
been cheapened and simphfied, that sociology and kindred
subjects ai'e matter for study and debate in the homeUest
literary societies, and that a vulgar lecturer, like IngersoU,
can always command an audience of three or four
thousand persons in every city of the States, we must be
prepared to admit that materiaUsm is a growing creed in
America, and that* it will need the strongest eflforts of
Christian faith and Christian scholarship to resist it. The
causes that have led up to such a disposition in the public
mind are manifold. In tracing and classifying them we shall
best understand how deeply laid are anti -Christian ideas,
upon what forms of investigation or imagination they are
founded, what influence external causes have exercised
616 Emerson: Free-Thought in America^
Tipon them. From the depth and strength of the founda-
tions alone can we conjecture to what stature the temple
of Unbelief and Unreason shall rise. The future shall oe
measured by the present and the past.
The sources tnen of Free-thought in America may be
stated thus.
They are historical changes, speculations in philosophy,
the absence of definitive dogmas m all the Protestant com-
munions, wealth boundless and luxury unrestricted, weak-
ness from within, and aggression from without. We will
limit this Paper to a consideration of the first two of these
causes which are also the most important.
The dark, intolerant spirit brought over by the Puritans
in the Mayflower, and which is best known to us through
the sombre pages of Hawthorne, might be said to have
been broken by the great War of Independence. The
principles involved in the famous Declaration, and which
were simply the expression of the collective feelings of the
people, were found to be inimical not only to foreign
domination, but also to the class and creed ascendency
which had hitherto obtained in the New England Statea
The right of every man to worship his Creator as he willed
was made the cardinal doctrine of the New Republic, and
it broke for ever the power of the fierce bigots who rigidly
upheld their ancestral beliefs against Catholic and Quaker
by appeals to the branding iron and the pillory. A re-
action was inevitable. Intoxicated with freedom, the
people rushed from the gloomy doctrines and unbending
discipline of Puritanism into extreme liceuce of thought as
the Jews of old, freed from the terrors of invasion and
death, revelled in sensuality and idolatry. And events on the
European Continent were giving to the mind of America a
bias in the same direction. The American Revolution was
immediately succeeded by, that in France. An invisible
bond of sympathy existed between them ; and although in
their motives, their objects, and especially in their results,
they were essentially different, they agreed at least in their
hatred of tyranny, their demand for freedom, their insist-
ence on social equality, their impatilnce of any thing or
person, who would attempt to limit human freedom, or
coerce human thought. And the ideas that led up to the
French Revolution, the Deism of Voltaire and the Ency-
clopedists, were wafted to the New World, and became
the foundation of that Unitarianism, which for so many years
was the - prevalent belief in America, which counted
Emerson: Free-TliouglU in America. 617
amongst its professors the most emiuent men in science,
art and literature, which founded one of the great American
universities, and which prepared the American mind to
receive with facility all those conjectural theories of
existence on which the modem philosophies are founded.
For Deism marks the extreme limit of religious belief. It
has its place in the outer spaces of the realms of faith. It
stands on the horizon-line of the creeds. Beyond it are
the regions of speculation and conjecture. It needs but a
single step to fall from it into the abysses of imbehef. And
one did fall ; fell too Uke an archangel, drawing hosts of
gifted minds with him. The history of his intellectual life
will contain a summary of the second cause of the growth
of imbelief which we have cited imder the name of
philosophical speculations.
Beyond comparison the «rst name in the annals of
Unitarianism, as well as the first m American literature, is
that of Ralph Waldo Emerson ; and we introduce his name
here, for we believe, that his life of lofty spiritual, if not
Christian thought, and his character of quaint and earnest
simpUcity, have had a charm for the young intellects of
America, the potency of which can only be measured, when
its effects are clearly understood. He might have removed
for ever his own stiong indictment against his nation that
it had no distinct national literature, had he not selected as
the basis of his philosophy that German idealism, which
originated with Kant, was developed by Hegel, and still
holds pre-eminence amongst all othersystems in the German
schools. His tour in Europe in 1833, and his visit to
Carlyle at Ecclefechan, became turning points in his pro-
fessional and Uterary career. He was seized with the
ambition of effecting for America what Carlyle had effected
for England — to create in all minds the beUef that what
the world was seeking for q(Bnturies was to be foimd in
Germany — a perfect system of philosophy which would
satisfy everv demand of the human intellect, and every
craving of the human heart. He became the interpreter of
German transcendentalism to the mind of America. And
no professor by the Elbe or Rhine ever disclosed to
receptive minds the mysteries of the new philosophy with
such passionate earnestness, or preached the naturahsm
that underUes it with such faultless eloquence. Rhetoric,
in fact, is not only the handmaiden, but the mistress of this
vague philosophy. To hide an obscure thought in a
cloud of words, or to present a familiar idea in strange and
618 Emerson: Free-Thought in America.
beautiful language — this appears to be the main end of
German philosophy. "Know you not," says St. Paul,
" that your bodies are the temples of the Holy Ghost.*
** You touch heaven," says Novaiis, " when you lay your
hands on a human body." Here is the same truth arrived
at by difierent ways, and clothed in diflferent language.
And scattered here and there through the writings of
idealists, we find some such precious thought in the very
richest of caskets ; yet we may pass over whole pages of
heavy reading without finding a single idea worth preser-
ving, or a single principle that could sustain human hope, or
brighten the sombre mystery of Ufe. It is a philosophy of
phrases : andnve know how in our hurried lives, men some-
times found their religion on an epigram. It is said that the
fijst requisite for a successful politician is to be able to invent
nicknames for an adversary ; and before now a neatly-
turned expression has overthrown Governments in France.
Epeolatry is the fashion of the day. The wisdom of the
world is apparently exhausted ; and all that can be done
with its worn out material is to break it up, and remould it
in new casts of thought.
Yet the play of splendid intellects around mighty
{problems of nature and mind has in it something highly
iascinating to the young and the undisciplined. To leave
behind, for a moment, the solid groimd of Christian philos-
ophy, founded on Divine revelation, and to ascena into
cfoudland with the gods — to see mighty mysteries of life
and death, time and space, God and the universe, duty
and immortality, treated as freely as the astronomer swings
his globe, or the navigator his sextant : all this is very daring
and attractive to the young. And when the brilliant
speculations of these leaders are floated through the world,
and through the ears of men, in liquid poetry, and prose
that is as firm and measured as the tramp of a conquering
army, it is not easy to resist the temptation of worshipping
their brilliant but erratic intellects. We know now
Carlyle was sage and prophet to half the young intellects
of England in his time ; how he drew all London to his
lectures on " Heroes," and how silently and respectfully
they listened to this uncouth Scotchman telling them, in
his broadest Doric, that there was only one thing worth
worship in the universe, that is, strength and success ; how
he hela spell-bound the students of Edinburgh University
in his famous address as rector ; and how a single phrase
of that address was made the text of a hundred sermons.
Emerson: Free^Tliought in Amenccu 619
Yet the influence of Carlyle in England was not equal to
the influence of Emerson in America. Nor will it be half
as abiding. A far more subtle intellect had the latter, and
a far firmer grasp of the principles on which all philo-
sophers are united, and the principles on which they
specifically differ. And strange to say, he never acquired
that obscure and Germanised style for which Carlyle will
be for ever remarkable. Not quite so pure, his style has
all the clearness and precision of Lord Bacon's. His sen-
tences are generally short, crisp, and full of meaning. It
is only when he speaks of the majesty and beauty of
nature that he broadens out into stately and harmonious
lines, that remind one irresistibly of the prose-poems of
Ruskin. And his essays and addresses are absolutely
bristling with sharp, pungent epigrams, each with its grain
of wisdom put as neatly as our cumbrous language will
allow. The author of the "Novum Organum'* woiildnothavo
been ashamed of such sayings as these : "Nature stretcheth
out her arms to embrace man, only let his thoughts be of
equal greatness." "Nothing divine dies." "All good is
eternally reproductive." " Words are signs of natural
facts.*' " Children and savages use only nouns or names of
things, which they continually convert into verbs, and
apply to analogous mental acts," &c., &c., &c. And
Ruskin, in his most inspired moments, might have written
of nature thus :
" But, in other hours, nature satisfies the soul purely by its
loveliness, and without any mixture of corporal benefit. I have
seen the spectacle pf morning from the hill-top over against my
house, from day-break to sunrise, with emotions which an angel
might share. The long slender bars of cloud float like fishes in
the sea of crimson light. From the earth, as a shore, I look out
into that silent sea. I seem to partake its rapid transformation v
the active enchantment reaches my dust, and I dilate and conspire
with the morning wind. How does nature deify us with a few and
cheap elements ? Give me health and a day, and I wiU make the
pomp of emperors ridiculous. The dawn is my Assyria ; the sun-
set and moonrise my Paphos, and unimaginable realms of faerie :
broad noon shall be my England of the senses and understanding ;
the night shall be my Germany of mystic philosophy and dreams.
Not less excellent, except for our less susceptibility in the after-
noon, was the charm last evening of a January sunset. The
western clouds divided and subdivided themselves into pink flakes
modulated with tints of unspeakable softness ; and the air had so
much life and sweetness, that it was a pain to come within doors,
What was it that nature would say ? Was there no meaning in
620 • . Emerson: Free^Thought in America.
the live repose of the valley behind the mill, and which Homer or
Shakespeare could not reform f >r me in words ? The leafless trees
become spires of flame in the sunset, with the blue east for their
background, and the stars of the dead calices of flowers, and every
withered stem and stubble rimed with frost, contribute something
to the mute music."
But it is with his thoughts we have principally to deal,
and they are manifold and brilliant Wisdom flashes
everywhere through his writings — wise thoughts that have
never touched us before, and thoughts as familiar to us as
our daily prayers. It is a feature of genius that it can
present to us our own ideas, yet so changed and coloured
that we can scarcely recognise them. The thought that
we see from only one direction presents itself to the mind
of a great thinker under eveiy aspect. And under every
aspect it is shown us, until we declare it unfamiliar and
original. Like the story of Faust, which is totally different
as it comes from the hands of Marlowe, and Goethe, and
Bayley, or the sweet legend of " the Falcon," which is one
thing in Coventry Patmore's verses, quite another in
Tennyson's drama, all our wise fancies come back to us in
the pages of Emerson, but so glorified and etherealised
that we cannot recognise them. The commonplace in his
hands becomes brilliantly original. Every page of his
writings sparkles with the wisest thoughts and the wittiest
conceits, and conjectures 'as lofty as ever disturbed the
mind of Plato are compressed with Scriptural conciseness
into a single line. Hence, a generation of American
scholars has sat at his feet, and accepted his teachings as
the sum and essence of all that is worth knowing in
ancient and modem philosophy. And hence, too, to nim
^ more than to any other teacher of his time is to be ascribed
' the fact that the test intellects of America have been swept
clear of every vestige of revealed religion, and left blank
to receive the new impressions that have been made hy
the theories that of latter years have been pushed to the
front in the name of science.
For Emerson, let it be said, was not a philosopher in
the same sense as Plato or Bacon. He is an eclectic ; hut
by far the most brilliant of eclectics. He did not create
BO much as collect. His warmest admirers cannot discover
a trace of system in his writings. The sincerest critic
amongst his friends, M. Arnold, has declared that he can
never be considered a great philosophical writer on
account of his method, or rather want of method, in
Emerson : Free-Thought in America. 621
imimg. And yet it was apparently his ambition to con-
struct such a system. He commenced by removing ail
traces of the Divine Revelation of Christianity. Speaking
of Carlyle he says, evidently in sympathy with him, "that
all his quahties had a certain virulence coupled in his case
with the utmost impatience of Christendom and Jewdom,
and all existing presentments of the * good old story ; * "
and in the introduction to his Essays he says ; " The fore-
going generations beheld God and Nature face to face ;
we, through their eyes. Why should not we also enjoy an
original relation to the universe? Why should not we
have a poetry and philosophy of insight and not of tradi-
tion, and a reUgion by revelation to us, and not the history
of theirs? Embosomed for a season in Nature, whose floods
of life stream around and through us, and invite us by the
powers they supply, to action proportioned to nature, why
should we grope among the diy bones of the past, or put
the living generation into masquerade out of its faaed
wardrobe ? The sun shines to-aay also. There is more
wool and flax in the fields. There are new lands,
new men, new thoughts. Let us demand our own
works, and laws, and worship." But although he
succeeded so far as to remove Christianity from the
minds of many, the rehgion which he was to found,
the worship he was to originate, the world has not as yet
seen. His religion or philosophical system was essentially
negative. Whenever he attempts to construct, he drifts of
necessity into pantheism as absolute as that of Spinoza.
His lefty idealism leads inevitably to this. He cites
approvingly the words of Turgot : — " He that has never
doubted the existence of matter may be assured he has no
aptitude for metaphysical inquirieb." It is the common
opinion of all metaphysicians, that, as Sir W. Hamilton
says, " The study of mind is necessary to counterbalance
and correct the study of matter." But Emerson declares
that never yet has there been made a single step in intel-
lectual science that did not begin in idealism. It is a
necessity. The moment the mind turns inward upon
itself, and stands face to face awe-stricken with its
own creations, it begins to regard all external things
as dreams and shadows. It is with us as with the monk
in the Spanish convent — the men and things that pass
before our eyes, appearing and disappearing, are but
pictures and shades ; the paintings on the walls, that is,
our own ideas that are ever present, are the only realities.
Hence he holds that there is a necessary affinity between
622 Emerson : Free^ThougUt in America.
idealism and religion. Both, he thinks, put the affront
upon natui-e. " The things that are seen are temporal,"
says St. Paul, "the unseen things are eternal." The
uniform language of the churches is : " Condemn the vain
imsubstantial things of this world ; they are fleeting and
shadowy. Seek the realities of religion.'* Plotinus, he
says, was ashamed of his body. Michael Angelo declared
that external beauty is but the frail and weaiy weed, in
which God dresses the soul, which he has called into time.
Like his German friends, Emerson has struck upon a truth,
but from what a different stand-point from St. Paul's, and
with what different conclusions I He will not rise, like the
latter, to the " house of many mansions," nor will he accept
the doctrine, that what is '* sown in corruption will be
reaped in incorruption.'* He flouts Nature, because he
has not read its meaning, nor will he believe the interpre-
tations which Faith puts upon it. But has he not gone too
far ? He who has written so beautifully of Nature, has he
come to despise her ? No. He sees he is drifting too far
in the dangerous cuiTent. And although he avows himself
an ideaUst, and holds that all culture tends to idealism, he
shrinks from the consequences. ** I have no hostility to
Nature,'* he says, *' but a child's love to it. Let us speak
her fair. I do not wish to fling stones at my beautihil
mother, nor soil my gentle nest." What then? Nature
must be underrated and despised in the religion of idealism.
No, he says, but N ature itself must be idealised. But how f
Mark the consequences. " The mind," he says, ** is a part
of the nature of things, the world is a Divine dream, from
which we may presently awake to the glories and cer-
tainties of day. There is a universal soul in all things.
It is within and behind man's individual life. Intel-
lectually considered we call it reason. Considered in
relation to Nature, it is Spirit. Spirit is the Creator. Spirit
hath life in itself. And man, in all ages and countries,
embodies it in his language as the Father. That Spirit
creates. That Spirit is one and not compound. That
Spirit does not act upon us from without, that is, in Space
and Time, but spiritually through ourselves. Man has
access to the entire mind of the Creator — is himself the
Creator and the Finite. I am part or particle of God."
This, of course, is the purest pantheism, and thus what is
called Natural Religion in its worst and lowest sense, was
put before the thinking mind of America in its most subtle
and attractive form. The consequences are apparent* All
Bevelation is rejected, save such as comes intuitively from
Emerson: Free-Thought in America, 623
man's own consciousness, or is produced from the contem-
plation of external nature. The Sacred Scriptures like the
Koran or the Veda are simply the histories and legends of
a fairly cultured race. The Hebrew prophets are ranked
with the priests of Vishnu and Buddha. Christianity is
only another form of the universal religion of mankind, and
its Divine Author is classed with Confucius and Plato. All
divinely revealed doctrines of the Trinity and Incarnation
are allegories and myths, and God Himself has no distinct
personality, but is the soul which pervades all things, and
IS incarnated in Nature. Thus the young intellect of
America has been taught, and taught by a master, whose per-
sonal character added weight to every word which he spoke.
Unlike Carlyle,hi8 idol, Emerson was essentially an optimist.
In the very attitude of modem society towards all great
spiritual questions, and in which the EngUsh philosopher
could only discern traces of inevitable spiritual dissolution,
the American recomised elements of hope for the future.
Probably because ne himself was so very sanguine, and
knew so little of men, he brought himself to beUeve that
liis countrymen would be weaned more and more from the
pursuit of wealth and position, and come to live more and
more the fine life of the Spirit, in which he believed
all true happiness to be foimd. In this he was egregiously
mistaken. Once in a century perhaps, some great hopeful
mind like his may be able to wrap itself up in its own
ideas, and live a calm life full of all serenity and dignity.
But the world at large demands something more positive
and real than this. Theories however splendid will not
satisfy the eternal cravings of the human mind for the
knowledge that is not bom of itself; and the grandest
Pantheistic conceptions may flatter the vanity, but will
never meet the wants, of men. Yet a character like
Emerson's, so delicate and so elevated, had a lesson of its
own for the refined and impressive minds that gathered
round him, and took from him the ideas that were to serve
for dogma, and the disciphne that took the place of virtue.
But of them, and in consequence of his influence over
them, we may ask in his own words : ** Where dwells their
religion ?" And answer againpn his own words, " Tell me
where dwells electricity, or motion,Jor thought, or gesture ?
They do not dwell or stay at all.*' And the divine secret
is reduced to the common platitude that rehgion is the
doing of all good, and for its sake the suffering of all evil,
** Bouffrir de tout lemonde^ et ne faire souffrir peraonne.^*
P. A. Shjsehan.
[ 624 ]
A HIGHLAND MONASTERY.
AN invitation to a Benedictine Monastery in the High-
lands of Scotland was not easy to refuse. It seemed
an offer both of a grace and of a pleasure, and 1 accepted
it in the spirit of a pilgrim and tourist combined. '' St
Panras, Monday next. Eight o'clock; mind don't fail"
With these words my friend left me on the terrace at
Oscott, as I sat looking out upon a scene familiar to me
from my boyhood — a scene sketched in " The Second
Spring '* by him whose aged form and fascinating presence
had been the charm, as well as the honor, of the Cestive
day then drawing to a close. Scotland, I mused, has had
her Second Spring, and St. Benedict's College is to her,
what St. Mary's College was to England, the firstling of
her reviving hope. And the towers, and courts, and
cloisters of the Warwickshire hill were transported in my
fancy to the Highland mountain side, for I could not y^
see, and could not realize, what a few days after I saw—
the stately shrine of Scottish Catholicity — ^the modem
home of St. Benedict upon the shores of the Scottish
lake, and the Alma Mater, young and beautiful, of Scot-
land's noblest sons.
The Midland Highland Express, leaving St. Pancras at
8 p.m., and reaching Inverness at 1.30 p.m., next day,
is a train to travel by if you would know the best, in the
way of pace and comfort, that an English train can do.
Of course, few of my Irish readers would go by this route
to the Highlands. Their way is shorter far. Indeed few
realize how close the Irish north-eastern coasts lie to the
very choicest of the lake scenery in England and Scotland.
However, should they find themselves in London, and
should they wish to spare as much as possible of time and
money, let them take, as we did, a third-class ticket by the
Highland Express, and their tWo guineas will land them
as far and as fast and as comfortably as two guineas can
land mortal man. Well-sprung cushioned seats, good
light, good ventilation, and good company are not the
ordinary experiences of Irish third-class travellers. Indeed
the third-class compartment we travelled in that night
was far superior to many first class carriages on other
lines. But this is chat by the way ; it may be useful to
some, however, who might fear a long journey, third-clasB,
on an English line.
A Highland Monastery. t 625
It was close on six o'clock, and the morning sun was
already bright and warm, when we reached Edinbugh,
The run from the Scottish capital to Perth is very beautiml,
and full of historic interest. No guide book is wanted to
point the significance of such names as Linlithgow, Ban^
nockbum, Stirling; and from Perth to Inverness the
railway passes through some of the finest Scotch scenery,
and by the battle-fields of Dunkeld, Eillicrankie, and
Culloden. At Inverness we surrendered our well-clipped
and much-inspected tickets, and went on board the steamer
that was to take us down Loch Ness. Some five hours'
sail between wooded hills, with now a caH'on the northern
shore to discharge a cargo of timber, and now on the
southern, to put on shore some bales of trussed hay, and a
veritable pig in a bag, brought us in a free-and-easy
fiashion to our journey's end; and the clock in the
monastery tower was cniming eight as we stepped from
our steamer — exactly twenty-four hours after we had
started from St. Pancras.
The first feeling on sighting from the steamer the
monastery at Fort Augustus was one of surprise. The
wild, heather-clad mountain sides of the Highland lake,
where we had been looking for the deer, and on nearer
approach for the grouse and black-cock that abound there,
had not in any way prepared us for this. Cardinal New-
man's words again recurred ; for here indeed, on a ** high
spot, far from the haunts of men ... a large edifice,
or rather pile of edifices, appears, with many fronts and
courts, and long cloisters and conidors, and storey upon
storey." And here, too, as at Oscott, is a "building
fashioned upon that ancient style of art which brings back
the past;" nere, too, is to be heard as we pass near the
chapel to the Hospitium, " the sound of voices, grave and
musical, renewing the old chant with which Augustine
greeted Ethelbert in the free air upon the Kentish strand.*'
And in very truth, to continue the words of the great
preacher, ** St. Benedict is there . . . counting over
the long ages through which he has prayed, and studied,
and laboured." For this is Saint Benedict's home — the
flower of Scotland's Second Spring.
Three great towers rise above the stately pile, the
glittering cross upon the highest shining, just 200 feet
above the lake in whose placid waters it is mirrored. Over
the second — a smaller conical tower — at a height of more
than 100 feet, the thistle of Scotland is wrought into a
626 A Highland Monastery.
curious finial ; while the great tower on the northern front
lifts some 120 feet into the air the flag of England. That
flag recalls the olden time in the days of the Young
Pretender, when it saw in this very spot the fierce slruggle
of the loyal Highlander against the Hanoverian troops,
and when it floated over " the Bloody Duke of Cumberland/'
housed here during his terrible mission of extermination.
That flag recalls, too, the signal failure of that missioD,
for the Catholic blood spilt here has borne the fruit that
blood spilt in a good cause ever bears, and the sufferera—
I had almost written martyrs — of 1745 have been
succeeded by the monks of 1884. There is scarcely time
/ for such a glance and such reflections when we are
acknowledging the cheery welcome of the guest-master,
who shows us to the rooms we are to occupv during our
stay at the monastery. Supper and bed are, the hospitable
Prior knows, the best of welcomes for travellers like us,
and both are ready.
Next morning, after a good night's rest in a cell where
the rigours of a Benedictine bed had been softened in
favour of a weary " secular,'* I had time to examine the
plan of the splendid monastery. The building is quad-
rangular. The four cloisters, with windows of the richeet
Gothic tracery, reminding me much of those in the Scottish
Benedictine Monastery at B^tisbon, look out upon a closely
shorn green sward, which lends to the quadrangle that air
of refinement inseparable, somehow, from well-kept grass.
The cloisters here have all that cloisters ever have for those
who come to them from the rush and racket of the world.
In them one feels doubly secluded from that world by ihe
massy walls, the groined roof, and the carved and
clustered pillars of these monastic haunts, and by the
great mountain wilds, and the lonely and far-stretch-
ing loch that make this place nature's claustrumj
and every dweller here a hermit. There is not, how-
ever, much sign of monkish silence in that northern
cloister where the cheery ring of manv youthful voices
reminds me that we have here a College as well as a
monastery, and that St. Benedict's labour here is the labour
— who will tell me it is not a labour ? — of teaching and
training youth. Among the boys now gleeful wim the
prospect of vacation close at hand manv bear names noted
m the history of Scotland and of England. That lad in
the kilt of Fraser plaid is the descendant of the bravo
Catholic laird who in the dungeons under that veiy
A Highland Monastery. 627
cloister paid the penalty of hie devotion to the House of
Stuart. The boy next lum is from Wales, for this Highland
school tempts parents even at that distance ; and the monk
whose black cowl and scapular in no way awe the merry
lads that crowd about him has a name, I am told, that the
world would gladly honour did he not prefer to be a simple
"Brother " of St. Benedict No wonder that the boys love
their monastery school, and prize it for the freedom that
its seclusion allows. Who would not envy them in their
play-ground from which they can hear the grouse crowing
on the mountain, and across which comes untainted the
breath of the heathery slopes I Look at them sub they loose
their boats from the Uttle harbour, and with practised arms
pull out across the lake, or set their sail to catch the breeze
that seldom fails between those high mountain walls. Look
down that lake lying in the summer sun before us as we
stand at the monastery porch ; look at the cloud-flecked
vista of hills and mountains rising 3,000 feet on right and
left and stretching away till lake and land melt into blua
mist on the horizon : look at this and do not wonder that
some have looked and said : " This is my rest ; here will I
dwell, for I have chosen it."
My rest it certainly became for much longer than I had
originally intended. "It may be hard to get to, but it is
much harder to leave," was my companion's remark ; and
I realized the truth of it. Where could^a priest more
easily take his vacation rest; and where could he make
for that would not be a place of weariness after this ? The
Exhibition day came. Friends flocked in from far and
near — if there be a "near*' where friends could live.
Ah, yes I — ^the Fort Augustus Hotel, that was near and
was filled with visitors. The usual programme was gone
through. Strange the sight in the College grounds when,
Erize-giving, dinner, and cricket over, all assembled in the
right sunsmne for afternoon tea. There were to be seen
in picturesque confusion the gay toilettes of London and
Paris, the Mlts of the Highland lairds, the orthodox collar
and hat — high, but not Highland — of young men late from
"town," and the sombre cowls and scapulars of the
hospitable ' Benedictines. There were Scotch, English,
Irish, French. Maltese, Americans, Australians, all doing
honour to St. Benedict and justice to Benedictine tea and
tftotwberries and cream. And as the northern evening
dowlv fell — it was but dusk at ten o'clock — the sounds of
ib^ Highland pipes alone reminded us that it was in
628 A Highland Monastery.
Scotland not in Italy we were, and that the water at our
feet was not the Mediterrane&ii but Loch Nesa Next day
the College was empty. The early steamer to Inyemesa,
and the later one up the Caledonian canal to Oban, bore
away their freights of light-hearted school-boys, and the
playgrounds and the boats were deserted, and the College
cloisters silent* as the monastery. Every day, however,
was that silence broken and that solitude invaded. For
Fort Augustus stands at the northern entrance to the
Caledonian canal. Seven locks, one above another like
steps in a staircase, arrest the tourist steamers here ; aod
while their boat is climbing up or down, those tourists turn
into the monastery of St. Benedict, after true tourist fashion,
to see what is to be seen. It is pleasant to think how much
good that peep into the quiet home of Catholic monas-
ticism must often do those wanderers. I shall not easily
forget how I was myself impressed by the sight I showed
a Protestant clergyman to whom I acted as a volunteer
cicerone. It was the Scriptorium of the monastery, Pugin's,
every line of it. There were the young monks grouped
around a model and a ground plan of a medieval church,
studying its details and listening to the explanations of an
older monk, who spoke with the ease of one who was
master of the art. They minded us not in the least when
we looked in, and my companion seemed to hold his breath
as if he fancied himself in presence of a ghostly vision of
the past. No doubt these brothers' quiet mission, without
seeing being seen, is working greater good than they can
ever know ; and the tide of tourists that daily flows by
Fort Augustus surely bears away many a seed that will, in
time, bring forth fruit of faith.
The church of a Benedictine monastery is, by all the
traditions of the Order, as splendid as the resources of the
Order can make it. The Benedictine Church at Molk,
whose domes of burnished gold high above the blue
Danube were the first glimpse I caught of this most famous
monastery, and the new, and as yet unfinished church-
cathedral almost in its proportions — of the Benedictines at
Downside, are proofs that the traditions of the Order in
this matter are loyally adhered to. There is, as yet, but a
temporary church at Fort Augustus. The plans for the
future buildings show that it will far surpass anything
already erected, and will, when completed, Tbe one of the
finest monastic churches in Christendom. The temporaiy
chapel is spacious, and, in ita way, imposing within. Ifl
The Holy Places of Ireland. 629
its sanctuary the Divine office is daily chanted, and every
morning there is a Missa Cantata. It was not the least
part of the charm of this charming spot, to hear the old
Gregorian chant sung there day by day with the ease
begotten of constant practice, and with an intelligence
of interpretation and a devout simplicity that it was
pleasant to listen to and edifying to pray with. Could I
nave wished even Palaestrina's splendid contrapuntal sonff
to take the place of that quiet, eloquent unison ? I thinl
not; and this was the comfort, self-admimstered, for not
having ^one to Germany with other Irish lovers of sacred
song to hear the Cecilian festival by the Rhine. The plain
chant by Loch Ness is not without faults; but the memory
of it wiU outUve that of many a performance that I have
been obliged to acknowledge perfect. It was such, that I
could have been content to listen to it, daily, for a lifetime.
But that lifetime was not to be, and the steamer came
at last that was to take me away. Not the prospect of a
day's sail through scenery which I had for years longed to
visit, not even the thought that I had already overtaxed
-if indeed that were possible-the kindneea and hospitality
of my Benedictine hosts, could make it other than a wrench
to leave this quiet sanctuarv. And so unlike was this
vacation experience to any I have known amid the excite-
ments of London, Paris, or Vienna, so far above them all,
both at the time, and now that all alike are memories, that
I have ventured thus far to share my experience with such
of my fellow-priests as may see the Reoord, and to give
them, in outline, at least, which they may themselves fill in,
a peep at perhaps the fairest spot which a priest can find in
the Scottish Highlands — the Monastery of St. Benedict at
Fort Augustus. Arthur Rtan.
THE HOLY PLACES OF IRELAND.
I. — Cashbl op the Kings— (CoNTiNcnED.)
NEXT to Cormac's chapel in antiquity comes the
cathedral. The date of its erection is not quite
certain. Most probably it was built in 11 71, on the site of
a church erected some thirty-five years before. Lord
Dunraven will not allow the present structure to be older
than the middle of the thirteenth century. This may be
VOL. V. 3 a
080 The Holy Places of Ireland:
true of some of the details, which are decidedly later than
the corresponding parts of the cathedrals of Limerick and
Killaloe, and which may have been additions to or inser-
tions in the original building. But a well established
tradition points to the former of these dates as being the
correct one. Besides, in dealing with Gothic architecture
in Ireland, the periods of time are by no means so well
marked off by the details of the different styles as they are
either in France or England. The foundei' is admitted by
all to have been Donald O'Brien, king of South Munster,
the same to whom we owe the cathedrals of Limerick and
Ballaloe and the monasteries of Holy Cross and Inuislaught,
a worthy descendant of King Brian and a fitting repre-
sentative of the grand old clan of the ** Dalgais of the
Churches." He and his son Donough Carbreac endowed
it with considerable grants of land. Archbishop Richard
0*Hedian, who occupied the see from 1406 to 1440, found
it in a state of decay and repaii-ed it. In 1495 Gerald,
eighth Earl of Kildare, set fixe to it ; but we have no record
of the injury done in consequence. It would seem diat
there was a quarrel between him and David Creagh, who
was then Archbishop. Anger waxed high between them,
and the Earl strove to take summary vengeance on his
adversary. He was accused of many crimes, and of this in
particular, before King Henry VII. Witnesses were at
hand to prove the facts. But he openly confessed the deed
and swore that he would not have done it but that
he thought the Archbishop was within. "Which being
uttered with a bluntness peculiar to this lord,*' a« an old
chronicler tells us, "did exceedingly work upon the King.
For whilst the Earl did so earnestly urge that for his excuse
which was the greatest aggravation of his crime, the King
easily perceived that a person of that natural simplicity
and plainness could not be guilty of these finesses and
intrigues that were objected against him. And when the
Bishop ot Meath, his most inveterate accuser, concluded
his last article with this sharp expression : — * You see what
a man he is ; all Ireland cannot rule yonder gentleman ;'
the King replied; — 'If it be so, then he is meet to rule
all Ireland, seeing all Ireland cannot rule him.' And
accordingly he was made Lord Deputy of Ireland, restored
to his honour and estate, and dismissed with many rich
presents." Arthiur Price, the Protestant Archbishop from
1744 to 1752, procured an Act of Parliament to remove the
cathedral from the Bock into the town and to bold the
Ca^el of the Kings, 631
•
services in the parochial church of St. John. The' con-
sequence was, the building soon fell into a state of decay.
Charles Agar, one of his successors, was anxious, some
fifty years later, to restore it to its former uses. He had a
survey made, but finding it in a condition which would not
allow of repair, he had the two churches consolidated by
an Act of Council About eighty years ago the leads were
taken off to be sold. Soon after the roof fell in. From
that time up to a few years since no attempt was made to'
arrest its decav. On the 22nd February, 1848, a violent
storm parted the south tower in two from top to bottom,
and the southern portion fell with a terrific crash. The
fallen part is still lying where it fell.
Mention has been made already of the relative positions
and the directions of the two churches on the Rock. The
cathedral lies due east and west; Cormac's Chapel
somewhat north-east and south-west. The direction of the
former would go to show that it was begun, or, perhaps
we should rather say, consecrated, on the feast of Saint
Patrick, to whom it is dedicated ; that of the latter points
to some time in tjie month of May as the date of its conse-
cration. The shape of the cathedral is cruciform. At the
junction of the choir and chancel there is an huge square
tower supported by massive pillars. The beautiful chancel
arch will remind the visitor of the grandest of these
churches which the ages of faith erected for God's worship,
putting to shame the puny efforts of our times. A very
peculiar feature of this church is that, instead of the western
doorway and window, which are usual in Gothic churches,
and on which the builders employed all the resourceis of
their skill, there is here a massive tower, or castle rather
we should call it. The lower part of it is vaulted. The
principal room on the second storey is approached by a
narrow staircase built into the wall, A battlement runs
round the roof. A few narrow windows give light to the
rooms. Our ancient churches were oftentimes, in part at
least, military fortresses, in which the clergy and people
could take refuge when a neighbouring chief made a
hosting and invaded their territory. In later times even
the churches were not inviolable. Hence the crenelated
battlements of the walls and towers peculiar to Irish
ecclesiastical architecture, such as we see in the cathedral
of Limerick and elsewhere.
Close to the door is an altar tomb, supposed by many to
cover the grave of David O'Keamey, who held the see from
632 The Holy Places of Ireland.
•
lfi04 to 1625. This is the burial place of a branch of
that ancient family, as the inscription on it testifies. But
Archbishop 0* Kearney's bones are lying in a foreign land.
For many years he laboured most zealously to keep the
faith alive. At one time he was the only bishop in the
whole of Ireland. But his turn too came, and he was forced
to fly. After a long and wearisome journey through Spain,
he fell ill of fever in the Cistercian monastery of Bomieu,
near Bordeaux, and died there.
Edmund Butler, Archbishop of Cashel from 1527 to
1551, lies buried in the chapel of the Apostles in the north
transept. His arms €ure on a stone close by. What was
probably. the frontal of the altar of the Apostles' chapel is
also in the north transept. He was one of the Ormonde
family, and before his elevation to the See of Cashel he
was prior of the Augustinian Abbey of Athassel.
But the principal monument of the cathedral, and one
deserving of something more than passing mention, is that
of Myler Magrath. It is on the south wall of the chancel.
It has an effigy of a bishop in high relief, with a mitre on
his head, and a pastoral staff in his hand. Over the head
is a coat of arms, at his feet the image of our Lord
crucified, on his right the image of St. Patrick. The
epitaph runs as follows : —
^' Mileri Magrath, Archiepiscopi Cassiliensis ad viatorem carmen.
Yenerat in Dunum prime sanctissimus dim
Patricias, nostri gloria magna soli.
Huic ego succedens, utinam tarn sanctus ut ille.
Sic Duni primo tempore praesul eram.
Anglia, lustra decern sed post tua sceptra colebam,
Principibus placui Marte tonante tuis.
Hie ubi sum positus non sum, sum ubi non sum.
Sum in ambobus, sum sed utroque loco. I
Dominus est qui me judicat. — 1 Cor, iv.
Qui Stat videat ne cadat."
It is thus translated in Ware's BUhops : —
'' Patrick, the glory of our isle and gown,
First sat as bishop in the see of Down.
I wish that I, succeeding in his place,
As bishop had an equal share of grace. j
I served thee, England, fifty years in jars,* |
And pleased thy princes in the midst of wars.
Here where Pm placed, I'm not ; and thus the case is*
I'm not in both, yet am in both the places.
He that judgeth me is the Lord. — 1 Cor. tL
Let him who stands take heed lest he &U."
Caahel of the Kings. 633
This is the tomb of Mylor Magrath, Protestant Arch-
bishop of Cashel from 1570 to 1622. The epitaph is said
to be his own composition. The last lines are supposed to
refer to a wish expressed by him and carried out after his
death, that he should be buried elsewhere. He died at
Cashel over a hundred years old. His career was, to say
the least of it, a strange one and certainly not edifying.
In early life he was a member of the order of St. Francis,
an order which, in spite of the falling away of one or two
false brethren, did far more than any other to uphold the
faith among our people in the times of persecution, and
whose labours are held in loving and grateful remembrance
throughout the length and breadth of the land. He was
appointed Bishop of Down on the 12th of October 1565,
but it would seem that he never took actual possession of
the see. He was the only bishop of the Irish race who at
the time of the Reformation abandoned the old faith,
though to profess that faith then meant for a bishop or
priest, and not unfrequently for the laity too, persecution
of the fiercest kind and sometimes death. Most probably
he was a heretic already before his appointment Of
course he was deposed for the crime of heresy and also for
having written a series of anonymous letters, the object of
which was to defame the character of Richard Crea^h,
Archbishop of Armagh. His conversion was rewarded with
almost every ecclesiastical preferment that his patron
Queen Elizabeth could confer on him. She made him
Bishop of Clogher in 1570 and in the following year
Archbishop of Caehel. For a good part of his life he held
the four bishoprics of Cashel, Emly, Waterford, and Lis-
more, and a great number of livings besides. Yet he
still craved for more. Not getting the deanery of St.
Patrick's cathedral and the bishopric of Limerick, which
he preferred to Waterford, he wrote to Burleigh, the Lord
High Treasurer of England : " I may say with the Prophet,
thy. rebuke hath broken my heart, 1 am full of heavmess.
I look for some one to have pity on me, but there is no
man, neither found I any to comfort me." The Royal
Commissioners, after their visitation in lt515, recorded that
Archbishop Myler Magrath would give them no satisfactory
information respecting his revenues, though he held so
many bishoprics and hvings. James I., in 1624, declared
in one of his despatches, that the property of the sees of
Oifihel and Emlv had, mainly through the arts and con-
trivances of Meilerus, late Archbishop of Cashel, been so
diminished that they did not exceed three score pounds
634 The Holy Places of Ireland :
English in the year. " His sons and executors," he says
elsewhere, " had grown men of great estates by the rob-
beries made upon their church by their father." One of
his robberies was the alienation of the manor and castle oi
Lismore, which was the Bishop's residence, to Sir Walter
Raleigh for an annual rent of Jtl3. 6«. 8<f. Prom Raleigh
it passed into the hands of Richard Boyle, first Earl of
Cork, another notorious plunderer of the church ; and from
him by inheritance in the female line to the Duke of
Devonshire. Strafford, the Lord Deputy, expressed to
Laud his ^' desire to redeem the See of Cashel from the
u^ly oppressions of Magrath," and he styles him "that
wicked Milerus." Camden calls him " aman of uncertain
faith and credit and of depraved life." Of course, as hap-
pens in all such comedies, a marriage foUowed quickly after
his conversion. There is a poetical satire still extant,
bearing the title "The Apostacy of Myler Magratii,"
written by Owen O'Dufiy, a Franciscan, about the year
1577. Qe begins by reproaching the Apostate with being
false to the name he bore, Myler i,e. Maelmuire, the
tonsured or the servant of Mary. ** He is not the Myler of
Mary, but the Myler of Annie Myler wiilioiit
Mary, Mary without Myler is your name for evermore.
Myler has forsaken the Virgin for Annie, and bartered his
faith for flesh on Fridays. I congratulate the Virgin that
Myler has forsaken her, the Queen of heaven of the face
benign. 0 Annie ! whose cousin I should be sorry to be,
I cannot congratulate you on your swarthy Myler.*' Yet
.strange to say ! in spite of all his misdeeds — and they were
manv and heinous — ;be seems not to have lost the faith
wholly. There is a tradition that as he wa^ one day
riding out towards Golden, he found a poor person in a
dyin^ condition on the roadside. He mquired whether
;the |Sick man was ^ Catholic or a Protestfmt ; and being
told thft he was a Catholic, he gave him absolution ana
extreme unction. The spot is otill pointed out, and the
^11 is called Knock^a^-uUa, the hill of the oil. It is also
said that nis mother when ill inquired from him, as being
acquainted with both religions, wheither he would advise
^er to remain as she was, a Catholic, or become a Protestant,
^d that he answered: ^^ Mother, confess your sins and ^
yourself ajQointed." }Ii^ wife too, Aime Q'^eara, in q^
?i her infan^, retain,ed some attachment tp the old faith.
)n on,e CMCcasion when she was seated at dinner on a Fridaj»
peeing lahe did not eat, Myler asked her whether she wsi
^l ; she an#we(red t^at she did mpt think it ^gl^t tp ,eat meat
Cashel of the Kings, 635
on sach a day. He replied that abstaining would be of
litde avail to her, as she was sure to go to hell for having
married him. She was in the habit of picking state
secrets out of Mjler and using the knowledge she acquired
in this way to give timely warning to the bishops and
J nests of any special danger that impended over them,
[yler, perhaps to secure peace in his household, used to
aid her at times in this good work. Thus he writes from
Greenwich on the 26th of June 1582, to his loving wife, in
reference to Darby Creagh, Bishop of Cork : •* I desire you
now to cause his friends to send him out of the whole
country, if they may ; or if not, to send my orders ; for
there is such search to be made for him that unless he be
wise, he shall be taken." Ue also bids her ** to send away
from her house all the priests she is in the habit of having
thore." The times must have been hard indeed, and the
search after bishops and priests close, when they sought
shelter under such a root Anne died reconciled to the
church by David O'Keamey. Myler too cheated the devH
in the end. O'Keamey asked and obtained from Paul V«
in 1608, the faculty to absolve him, and we may fairly infer
that such a facultjr would not have been asked for or
granted if he had not requested to be received again into
the church. Ware, who wrote not more than finy years
after his death, says, ^ the Romanists have a tradition that
he died a Papist." Brennan in his EccleHottieal History
asserts Hie fact positively. In White's manuscript History
of Limerick, it is said that ^ upon his death a i< riar of his
own order received him privately into the church, and
after his death laid him out in the habit of his order.**
tiis sons were Catholics, and one of them a vecusant who
Koffered for the faith. He had secured for them large
estates out of the ecclesiastical property of the sees and
livings which he held , among them the vast territoiy
ef Termon Magrath in the Uounty of Fermanagh, of
which his ancestors had been in former times the erenachs
or hereditary guardians, though George Montgomery,
another of the apostles of tiie Reformation, was veiy eager
to get it into his ehitobes. But Myler'a services were too
important to be overlooked. His sons too were active and
trusted friends of the govennneaxt of the day, and the
{Mtges of Pijyoaia Hibetnia tell us that Mountjoy and Carew
were not over sorupulous or delicate in the choice at* the
work which they set out to be done by their agents.
D. VLjjkpby.
{To be continued,)
[ 636 ]
THE FRIENDLESS EXILES OF ERIN.
An Apostle in the Gap of Danger.
THERE has lately landed in this country a Irifih priec*
from al>road, the resultR of whose mission will, it
is hoped, open a new and brighter chapter in the sad story
of Irish emigration. For the sake of the cause which he
advocates, and the friendly shores from which he comes, a
word of introduction and explanation is asked for him to
the readers of the Irish Ecclesiastical Record who
feel an interest in the absorbing question with which hie
journey is connected. Undoubtedly, there is not a more
melancholy, and, at the same time, a more intricate problem
than this one which touches the exodus of the Irish race to
other and distant lands. It is a subject on which volumes
have been written, and one with regard to which, many
sound Irishmen, and ardent lovers of their native soil, have
held diverse opinions all through the varying phases of our
country's chequered history. Irish emigrants there have
been from the earUest times, since the sweet and sanctifying
breath of our great Apostle first kindled the fire of Faith
on these shores, and left devoted children to keep it alive^
and bear its blessings to lands and peoples far from the hills
and valleys of green Innisfail. It was, in truth, a glorious
privilege for those Pilgrim Fathers of our race to carry the
glad tidings of the Gospel to regions beyond the sea, and
to raise up, on foreign land, thosehomesand temples where
the lamp of learning and religion would bum with undim-
med lustre, and where the Irish name would be interwoywi
with all that is holy and noble during many succeeding
generations. No doubt this tide of emigration was en-
couraged, and blessed by instincts and whisperings higher
and h,olier than those which flow from human hearta
It must have been a divine smnmons alone which led men
forth, in that distant time, to abandon the sacred spot
where their hearts' best feeling were enshrined, and sail
away, on fragile bark and trail shallop, to encounter the
hard life of the missionary on the shores of the stranger.
Surely, too, it must have been a more than ewiiily influence
which kept the same noble spirit alive through the ensuing
ages — making the Apostolic messengers from Ireland beacon
lights in the new countries that were untravelled by their
evwgelising fathers in the past. That blessed inspiration,
J
The Friendless Eailes of Erin. 637
thank God, is still abroad, and will, no doubt, continue to
shed its benign influence over distant nations till the day
of the final harvesting arrives — and the fruits of many cen-
turies of Irish toil and Irish travel have been gathered into
the great Master's bam.
Other Irish exiles and emigrants in various ways,
and at different periods, hkewise crossed the ocean, and
carved for themselves an honoured career, of whose
features history keeps faithful record, and on which
most sections of their countrymen look with feelings
of legitimate pride. Sad it was, of course, that so
many strong and valiant sons of Ireland should have gone
to lay the labour of their good swords in what, too often,
turned out to be an unrequited foreign service, and that
their deeds rtf daring were so scantily acknowledged by the
alien masters, whose falling fortunes they had sustained.
We could wish, perhaps, that they had stayed at home,
and, mayhap within their own fair Island they might
have expended their valour in a better cause, received
a more favourable requital, and repaired some sad
disasters of the dark and stormy past. Yet, we do not
mourn without some comfort for the laurels won by
those forced and voluntary exiles, who caused the Irish
name to be respected, and made Celtic achievements his-
toric on those " far foreign fields from Dunkirk to Belgrade."
There is no nation whose children have not been found
winning fame and fortune in other lands than those in
which they had been nursed. We must, in this matter,
accept the fate that is sent us, and cherish, all the more
dearly, the deeds of our distinguished brothers of Irish
stock, because their valour was kindled on a distant soil,
and in a cause not altogether of their own choosing.
Sad and hapless, too, beyond the telling, it was when
some other strange destiny, in later days, drove our
kindred, in myriad groups, across the ocean — forced emi-
grants for the most part— fleeing from the shores in which
their fondest feelings were centred, to eat the bitter bread
of exile in the cities and prairies of the West — and long
unceasingly for a ghmpse of Erin before their exhausted
hmbs were laid in foreign clay. But many of them helped
to build up those thriving American cities where some of
their race nave found a welcome^ home. They gained a
competence for themselves as well, and won an inde-
Eenaence which they could never have found in the hapless
ind from which they fled in the hour of its darkest for-
638 The Friendless Exiles of Erin.
tune& Their love for their first home only grew stronger bj
time and distance, and we have good reason to know that
-it was the supplies which oame from loving hearts abroad
that kept the rooftree over many a pleasant homestead in
Ireland, and kept the lire still burning in the cabin,
where exiled Irish children had seen the Ught.
There are good men and true, here and abroad, who say
that it would have been a disastrous day for the Irish race—
for its existence at home and its honour in other lands— if
this tide of emigration had been barred at its early rising, and
if no outlet had been given to the vigorous Celtic stock thus
forced to seek a new sphere in other climeii, and who
afterwards carved niches in the temple of fame in these more
favoured lands, to which their fleeing footsteps bore them.
We do not stop to argue such questions, and the other
kindred propositions over which there has already been so
much discussion. But we may, at the same time, look forth
with pride and hope to that younger, yet not fairer,
Ireland across the ocean — thinlang that its growth and
progress will only consoUdate the old royal race from
which such healthy and fixdt-bearing offshoots have ripened
into vigorous vitaUty. Yet the conviction seems to grow
more settled, as time speeds on, that matters in this respect
have gone far enough. It is felt that the army of Irish exiles
is, just now, numerous enough abroad, and Irish hands and
Irish hearts are needed, at present, more than ever, on that
native spot where they have the best right to find a field for
their operations. Our cities and towns have been already,
to a large extent, robbed of the flower of their popular
tion. Our peaceful country homesteads have, long
before this, been reUeved of what is termed their sniplni
occupants ; and it is high time that the parting wail flf
the farced emiarant should cease to be heard on the
wharfe and landing stages of our seaport places of endiwt
^tion. No one has a right to push our people out of dieir
positions here, however deplorable they may be, and force
them over the ocean — not recking the cruel fate that will
overtake them after they have oe^i transplanted froa
their own soil. They may find a peace and plenty among
us that would be sweeter than the greatest abundanoe
abroad ; and to the better and brighter future that we
think is nearing for our sorely tried and most patient
people, the native race have surely the first and strongest
claim.
It is not alone our faithfiil prelates and priests — tliesafiMt
The Friendletfs Exiles of Erin. 639
and wisest guardians of the sacred interests of our people
— who make these, and similar declarations regarding the
crying evil of emigration. There are, indeed, amongst us
unhappily men who, in the press, the platform, and even in
the Senate, fear not to speak the blacK and bitter calumny,
that in opposing this so-called needful exodus, the spiritual
sentinels on the watch-towers of Ireland are only acting
from self-interested motives. These shepherds, it is saio,
mourn solely over the temporal lossessustained by themselves
in the departure of the best and most promising portion of
their flocks. We shall not stay to notice this narrow-sided
view of the question — it being imworthy of serious
consideration in these pages.
But the voice of warning conaes from other an4 more
unquestioned authority. It proceeds from men who are
in tne midst of the struggle abroad, and who are in the
best position to judge of the reality of the prospects
oflTered to Irish emigrants on the free soil of Amenca. The
prelates and priests of that flourishing Church beyond the
Atlantic, whose foundations have been laid, and whose
BoUdity has been established, mainly by the fruits of Irish
faith and Irish generosity — these calm, thoughtful, yet
keenly practical bishops re-echo the cry of their brethren in
the Irish Hierarchy on this vital question. They call fox
Ihe stoppage of all enforced, and, to some extent, of even
voluntai^ Irish emigration. They ask that our people may
be kept in their own fair and fertile land ; and asseverate
that the prospects abroad for intending emigrants are every
day becoming more gloomy. The time is gone by when
fortunes can be made at a moment's notice — no matter how
quick the brain, or how skilled the hand of the Irish
worker. The hour is past when it could be stated with
ftruth — as it used to be &sdd formerly — that the American
soil welcomes all weary wayfarers to its friendly embraces,
and — ^let the tide flow at its highest — there is room and
tee^ and nourishment for all on its sheltering bosom. The
American prelate^ do not hold out any such hopes as these
to the intending emigrants from Ireland. They have
•Stated this in pastoral letters and in Synodical Councils ;
•and, to friend and foe ahke, they have told the selfsame
*tory — thai the fittest place for Irish people to thrive and
Mxxi proroer in^ is at home on the fertile sward sad safo
chores of holy Ireland.
We have, therefore, a singular consensus of opinion, on
both sides of the Atlantic, that an end should be put
640 The Friendless Exiles of Eriru
to this trifling and trafficking with the rights of Irishmen-
kind souls sending the young and weak ones adrift»
from charitable motives forsooth, to meet with a rich
and bountiful harvest in the fields of their distant
toiling. Long ago, when this evil had not risen
to its highest pitch, there welled up from the soul d
a gifted Irish priest still surviving, that plaintive and
piercing wjdl over the departure of the noble Celtic Irish
race. His words, though capable of moving the moBt
stony hearts, were at that time unheeded, to some
extent even in high places at home. Now it is hoped
they are bearing their fulfilment, and from tower and
temple, — from the plains of Ireland to the prairies of
America, — we shall at last hear all good men re-echo,
with unfaltering accents, this united cry : —
" They will not go, the Ancient Race !
They must not go— the Ancient Race I
The cry swells loud from shore to shore—
From emerald plain to mountain hoar —
From Altar high to Market Place —
They shall not go — ^the Ancient Race ! !"
But in spite of all that we may wish, and all that may
be said upon the subject, there will still be Irish emigrants.
It has been so with the natives of the most frivoured
countries of the Continent, and the same tale shall continue
to be told of their migrations in the future, as that which
can be written of them, and of our own people, in the years
that are past. The German emigrant leaves the Fatherland
—not driven forth by pressure of domestic circumstances,
nor by the severity of that cruel code against the Church,
which recalls the worst features of the penal enactments in
Ireland in days that are happily over. The light-hearted
Gaul goes away from fair h ranee— not forced by famine,
nor sent out by other distressing reasons such as these
which have swelled the tide of emigration here at home.
Fortune tempts him. Glory, he believes, awaits him in
other spheres, and — much as he may love and like
the pleasant land where his lot had been cast — ^he
will still travel, in quest of a better living, to fredi
fields and pastures new. Italy — where most dwellers
might be supposed to sit content, and pass away a happy
and inactive lifetime under the shadow of their own vine
and fig tree — this favoured region has its representatives
in the distant cities of America, and, a^ time goes by, the
The Friendless Exiles of Erin. 641
wave of emigration from that sweet and sunny clime will
roll ever onward. So, to some extent, it will continue to
be with regard to our own people — even though their
affections have struck their roots too deep in their native
soil to be transplanted without many painful heartburnings.
There will be adventurous spirits to the last, strong and
hopeful Irish youths — and fair and virtuous Irish maidens
— who will sever their ties with the old home, brave the
perils of the deep, and sail to foreign shores in search of
better fortunes. Loving hearts there will be, too, acro^ the
wave, that will never rest satisfied in the new homes they .
have made far away, until they have carried some youthful
and dear relative from Ireland, to share the simshine that
has been won by years of striving in the West. These and
various other motives will always beckon a certain pro-
portion of our people from their moorings at home, and
thus keep up a tide of emigration which no human power
can stay. The next best service, therefore, that can be
rendered to those who will still tempt the perils of foreign
travel, is to see that they shall be safely and securely
placed as soon as they have set foot on American soil.
A sacred task it is to take care that no vicious influence
will mar the hopes with which they enter upon their new
careers, and that they shall find real true fnends to begm
with in the land of their adoption. They must be protected
from certain deadly dangers, even at the moment when
their exiled footsteps touch on foreign shores. They must be
saved from the human vultures— mayhap more destructive
than those whom they have left behina — that darkly flap
their wings over the new and innocent arrivals — and the
graces and pearls which they have borne unsullied from
their homes must not be tarnished as soon as they come in
contact with the bU^hting breezes of a foreign land.
For, — alas that it should have to be related I— this
opems up a new and gloomy chapter in what might other-
wise be a fair and stainless record. Manva precious Irish dia-
mond has reached the other shore only to be despoiled of
its greatest beauty — many a weary Irish exile has been
crushed and broken at the time when hope should rise
eternal in his breast The partings from Ireland are sad.
The perils of the ocean are numerous. But the wrecks of
Irish virtue and Irish honour soon after landing abroad are
still sadder and more heart-burning. We, Irish priests, are
only too familiar with this melancholy story. Our emi-
grants betrayed — ^their hopes shattered — exiles fleeing from
642 The Friendless Exiles of Erin,
a land of poverty and heartless oppression, to find a speedy
future of shame and dishonour I Many never reach their
friends across the water ; many never see the happy homes
that were said to be in store for them — and they are not
heard of again in the old land, because there is no good
tale to tell of them in their places of sojourning in the
West.
To meet this crying evil is a foremost duty with all who
have at heart the real welfare and honour of the
Irish race. To welcome the friendless emigrant with
the warm affection that true religion inspires is a heroic
duty, and is a work in which all good men may bear an
honourable part. But, most of all, it is the work and duty
of the revered bishops and priests of the Irish stock at
home or away in the lands to which the emigrants are ever
tending. How sore it must be to the unselfish heart of
many an Irish priest to hear the doleful tiding that
some of the most chaste and precious lambs of his flock
were sacrificed at the altar of sin on their landing in
America! How galling to the feelings of the true
Eriest abroad to discover that those whom he expected to
e the prop and the pride of his congregation were wrecked
and ruined before their virtues could blossom on the shores
where they sought a home I What incident more touching
in this connection — and, alasl more common — than that
related by the sweet songster of Tipperary regarding the
fate of the widow's brown-haired daughter who dwelt
beside the Anner at the foot of Slievnamon.
This charming writer^ draws, with lifelike touch, a tme
picture of the innocent village girl before she quits her
native land, and then tells the sad story of her after fate
— and, alas! that of many another like her — ^when the
Ocean has rolled between her and Irish soil —
" How pleasant 'twas to meet her
On Sunday, when the bell
Was filling with its mellow notes
Lone hill and grassy dell ;
And when at eve young maidens
Strayed the river-bank along,
. The widow's brown-haired daughter
Was loveliest of the throng."
Following the footsteps of myriads of her sex> she went
from her qu^et, peaceful valley, in order to hoard up in a
foreign land those hard won earnings for the loving ones
The Friendless Exiles of Erin. 643
at home. Who does not feel a pang of the keenest sadness
over the wreck of such innocent and honest hopes, and is
not moved with kindred sympathy at the poet's plaintive
recital of the manner in which these fair prospects were
blighted: —
" Oh, brave, brave Irish girls,
We well may call you brave ;
Sure the least of all your perils
Is the stormy ocean wave.
When you leave your quiet valleys,
And cross the Atlantic foam,
To hoard your hard wpn earnings
For the loving ones at home.
" Write word to my dear mother,
Say we'll meet with God above.
And tell my little brothers
That I send them all my love.
May angels ever guard them,
Is their dying sister's prayer;
And folded in the letter
Was a braid of nut-brown hair.
" Ah 1 cold, and well-nigh callous,
This weary heart has grown
For thy hapless fate, dear Ireland,
And for sorrows of my own.
But still the eye will moisten,
As by Anner side I stray,
For the lily of the mountain foot.
That perished far away."
No doubt this is a true picture of the fate that has overtaken
many of our Iridi peasant maidens, and well may we in-
voke a woe upon those who have unloosed them from their
native moorings, and sent them rudely over the ocean to
rest in nameless and unhonoured graves 1 It is then, a
heavenly task for the anointed sons of God — prelates
and priests of Irish blood or birth — to meet this crushing
and rfiameful evil at its very threshold. It will give joy,
therefore, to all friends of our name and nation to know
that a most important step has at length been taken in this
pressing matter. The gravity of the question could be borne
no longer, and in consequence there has been established
at Castle Garden, in New York, under the direction of
a warm-hearted Irish priest, and with the full sanction
and oo-operation of his ecclesiastical superiors, a regular
644 The Friendless Exiles of Erin.
agency and a friendly home to welcome and shelter the
Irish exiles — especially Irish girls — at their first landing on
strange shores. He has organised a bureau^ with a full 8ta£f
of assistants, presided over by his own clear head, and guided
by the sympathetic promptings of his genuine Irish heart.
Its functions, as we have said, will be specially directed
towards the protection of such angels as that widow's
brown-haired daughter of the Anner side, who have no safe
friends to welcome them on the other shore. By this good
priest — a real Apostle in the gap of danger, as we nave
taken the liberty of styling him — such emigrants will be
received and protected who go bearing letters of introdttetion
and recommendation from their clergymen at home. Tliey trifl
be advv^ed at their landing. They vnll be sheltered from
harm. In many instances a suitable employment will
be found for tnem in safe quarters ; and should their
destination be the distant cities of the West or Centre,—
they will be put on the proper track, and sent rejoicing
on their way. The good Samaritan who has been founa
to fill such an Apostolic commission as this is the
Rev. Father Biordan, of the Arch-diocese of New York
Be has been selected for the sacred trust because of his
special fitness for such a responsible and such a representa-
tive post. He is of Irish parents, though bom in America —
He has ever since his birth resided in New York city, made
his sacred studies in a seminary in the States, and spent a
decade of fruitful years oi^ the American mission. His
superiors, in calling him to occupy this great position of
trust and charity, are only gratifying a wish that was long
living in his heart, of doing vital and lasting service to his
fellow exiles at the precise moment when their dearest
interests are most imperilled. Many friends, lay and
clerical, have encouraged him in his arduous undertaking ;
and though only a short time in tbe field of action, he has
already been the means of cheering memy a sad heart, and
of making the bread of exile sweet and wholesome for some
of the helpless exiles from £rin. To follow up that
holy crusaae, and make it still better known and more
fruitful, he has left for a while his post in the hands of a
fellow-clergyman, and crossed the ocean at the bidding of
his Ordinary, Cardinal M'Closkey, to push his mission
among the prelates; priests, and people of Ireland.
** The Rev. J. Riordan," vmtes the Most Rev. Dr.
Corrigan, Coadjutor Archbishop of New York, in his letter
of introduction! ^ is a priest of this diocese, comn^jssioned
The Frietidless Exiles of Erin. 645
by His Eminence, Cardinal M*Clo8key, to attend to the
spiritual welfare of the Irish Immigrants who land at
(Swtle Garden in this city."
" In order to make his labours more useful and more
effective, Rev. Mr. Riordan has obtained permission to visit
Ireland, in order to explain to the Most Rev. Ordinaries,
and the Rev. Clergy, particularly of the seaport towns,
the object and ends he has in view.
^As the mission has been established solely in the
interests of our holy reUaion, I beg to conmiend Father
Riordan most kindly and earnestly to the good offices of
all to whom he may have occasion to present this letter,"
About a month since he landed at Queenstown,
bringing letters and testimonials from many friends in
high position abroad. After calling on the bishops of
Cloyne and Cork, he went on to Thurles, to obtain the
fatherly advice and blessing of the Archbishop of the
province, to whom he was the bearer of many messages
of affection and esteem. Though an enemy of foifced
emigration, and opposed to the further depletion of
ottr country of its test and bravest children. Archbishop
Croke qui6kly saw that Father Riordan was the right
man in the right place ; that he was on a laudable
track, and promised all the advice and sustainment that he
couldgive to such a meritorious undertaking. Father Riordan
proposes to lay the object of his mission before the other
members of the Irish Hierarchy, and, with this view, he was
present at the great Trappist ceremony in Roscrea, in
August, and at the Consecration of the Right Rev.
Dr. Healy, at Sligo, in September. The many bishops
whom he met on these occasions have fervently blessed
his work, and promised cordial co-operation. It is his
intention to wait on the assembled bishops at their next
general meeting, and, moreover, to explain his views still
nurther by means of the press and pulpit ; and few there
are, we feel sure, who read these pages but will be prepared
to give himself and the cause he represents a warm and
friendly reception.
He rests the success of his mission not alone upon its
intrinsic merits, and on the sympathetic assistance he will
have here at home in the cradle and nursing ground of
emigration. He has placed it upon a higher basis, and under
the protection of a Power that has ever been as a Morning
Star to the exiles of Erin — their life, their sweetness^
and their hope in aU their weary wanderings — ^thi
VOL. V. 3 B
646 The Friendless Eailes of Eritu
sheltering care of our Lady of the Rosary. With this
view he has established a religious society under the
patronage of this fairest Star of the Sea, beseeching our
Holy Mother on High, through the most pious and
most popular of our devotions in her honour — to be a beacon
light to the voyagers who sail across the seas from Ireland —
to save them from woe and peril, and — bringing them to
shores of safety even in the country of the stranger — to lead
them to that far oflF better Kingdom, which should be the
terminus of all our travelling over landandocean. Who shall
doubt, with such fostering care, that blessings from earth
and sky will not descend upon his mission, and make his
agency at Castle Garden a real haven of rest and a port of
refuge to the banished sons and daughters of InnisfaiL
It may be stated that Father Riordan possesses other gifts
and qualities that would go far to make his undertaking
successful, even without the aid of such favourable auspices
as these which we have already mentioned. He is a priest
with a most honorable record of good work done m his
past positions — ^is a fluent and versatile speaker, and with
feelings that throb as warmly for the name and fame of
the old country as if he had spent all his years on Irish
groimd. He makes a sojourn of about two months in this
country, and will afterwards visit, in the furtherance of
his mission, some of the cities and towns of England where
our brothers have also found a home. He then returns to
his post in the gap of danger — and with his experience of
emigrant life, both here and in America— we may trust that
f)QTUR like those on which so much of Irish purity and
rish honour was so often wrecked in the past will
disappear under his fatherlv protection. During his stay
in Ireland we feel satisned that his mission will be
welcomed, and his Apostleship appreciated in a special
manner by his brethren in the sacred ministry, who must
know all too sadl^ that his work is needed, and that he is
the man for the situation. Among our faithful people too,
we make no doubt, his presence -mil be hailed with glad-
ness. His stay we know shall be made eaefy and pleasant,
and he will return where duty calls, and great gloiy awaits
him, having gathered fresh incentives to labour m)m the
reception that he has met with in the cradle of the emigrant
race — ^to the service of whose scattered sons and dau^ters
he has consecrated all the resomrces of his cultivated mind,
and the warm vigour of his noonday manhood. Under the
protection of Our Lady of the Rosary — with the prayers
An Impedimenta Canonica attingcmt Hereticos ? 647
and blessings of Irish prelates, priests, and people at home
and abroad — ^the bitter cup of those who must go from
their own land, shall thns be sweetened — the honour and
virtue of our emigrants will be preserved though clouds
may gather and storms seem to lower on the other shore,
through the blessed and ever increasing influence of this
faithful sentinel who will keep sacred watch and ward
at his post in the gap of danger, over the fate and fortunes
of the friendless emigrants from Ireland at Castle Garden in
New York.
Cornelius Buckley.
AN IMPEDIMENTA CANONICA ATTINGANT
HERETICOS 1
THE practical importance and diflSctdty of this question,
combined with a desire to elicit a full elucidation of
it from one of your Theological contributors, is mv apology
for introducing this topic in the Record. I beheve
there is a great diversity of opinion as to the practical
solution of cases affected by the doctrine which different
authors propound ; and few of the readers of the Record
are without knowing that there is a great controversy
outside as well as inside of Theological books, as to whether
the Church urges the Ecclesiastical Impediments of
Matrimony, and if so, how far, against heretics or, as it might
now be more conveniently expressed, against non-Catholics
(baptized). Examples are not few of the practical importance
of the question. Two Protestants, for instance, who are
second cousins, contracted marriage in heresy. One of
them, let us say the wife, has been converted to the true
faith. She has become aware of the obstacle to the validity
of her marriage. It is obviously very important in many
cases for the confessor, and, under peculiar circumstances,
for the Ordinary of the Diocese, to be able to say
whether such a marriage is certainly invalid or valid, and
accordingly to give such direction or authoritative doctrined
instruction as the necessity of the case may require. A
case has occurred where the parish-priest ordered the
parties in the circumstances I have described, to be sep-
aratedy and where the Ecclesiastical Superior, upon the
648 An Impedimenta Canoniea attingant Heretieoef
matter being referred to him, ordered the very reverse, on
the ground that the marriage was not certainly invalid.
And may it not very often happen too, that, though both
parties who had contracted in heresy in violation of an
Ecclesiastical impediment, have now embraced the Faith,
there are the greatest inconveniences in deferring a resolu-
tion of the case, until the marriage can be declared certainly
valid, by obtaining the necessary dispensation or otherwise.
Other similar cases are before my mind ; and I sincerely
hope that in candidly stating my reading, opinion, and
Eractical conclusion on this very practical question, I may
e instrumental in eliciting a fuller and more learned ex-
position of it from the many able theological Contributors
of our Irish Ecclesiastical Periodical.
This question is sometimes discussed generally, and
without any distinction of the different Ecclesiastical Im-
pediments. This is inconvenient : for as there are cases in
which all are agreed that the Law of the Church urges,
yet the resolution of the general que^on is availed of
against those who limit their teaching to a much narrower
compass. There are Ecclesiastical Impediments of Matri-
mony, in which the Church rarely or never dispenses. There
are impediments as to which the Church could not upon any
ground be presumed not to urge her law. Further, there may
be some cases in which the general good of the chiirch re-
quires the indiscriminate enforcement of her law, no matter
whether heretics attend to it or not. In the impedimenium
criminis there may be room for this distinctioiL But I
have said more than enough, I hope, for securing in some
measure the purpose of my very orief paper. That pur-
pose is to arrive at a prudentlv safe opinion upon this ques-
tion : Is it clearly and certainly the will of the church that
heretics (baptized) are bound by those Ecclefdaatical Imped-
iments of Matrimony, in which for sufficient cause the
faithful are commonly dispensed?
There are two opinions : the affirmative doctrine is
based upon arguments almost unanswerable. —
1 ® All baptized persons are per se bound by the laws
of the church : unless, therefore, some probable argument
be shown, that mider certain circumstances, or from the
express declaration of the legislator — the law does not
affect these who are otherwise pgr se sttbditij of course the
canonical impediments afiect the marriages of all baptized
persons. As to the effect of custom, this pa^ of the ques-
tion has been already fully disposed of in the pages of the
An In^edimenta Cananiea attinga$U Hereiicas t 649
BscofiD. If the ciutoin of heretics against the laws of th»
church could prevail, heretics would soon be exempt from
all Ecclesiastical law.
2 ^ (a). There is the FORMULA SEXTA, in which our
BiBhops in Ireland are given faculties of dispensing con^
vertea heretics who had contracted in violation of the
canonical Impediments, (h.) In the ^* Declaration of Bene-
dict XiV., in reference to Holland, the Pontiff, after de-
ciding that the law of Trent regarding clandestine mar-
riages did not apply under the conditions, adds the saving
clause : — dummodo aUud non obstiterit impedimentum canonu
cum. Therefore Bendict XIV., had no doubt that all oth^
canonical impediments did affect heretics as well as
Catholics.
8 ^ The very express exception which has been made
in the inpediment of clandestinity, indicates the intention
of the church in regard of canonical impediments generally.
No matter what opinion we hold as to the force of the
law of Trent in the decree—** Tametsi," we must bear in
mind that, in reference to the various circumstances which
have since arisen, the Holy See has given special dispen-
sations in different countries for the marriages of heretics,
which would be otherwise invalid. Therefore the church
intends to urge all canonical impediments without limita^
tion, unless expressly declared.
4 ^ For these reasons I consider it far more probable^
if not certain, that non-Catholics (baptized) are bound
even bv those Ecclesiastical Impediments in which the
church 18 wont to dispense the faithful.
There is an opinion perhaps not improbable, I think
not at aU improbable, that the Holy See aoes not urge the
laws of the church with such rigour against heretics.
Here is the position of the authors who defend this opinion.
— (a) — They solve the arguments against their opinion in
the first place thus : — As to the faculties of the FORMULA
SEXTA, the Holy See grants these without intending to say
one word about the probability or improbability of any
opinion which, if sufficiently probable, might seem to ex-
clude the necessity of dispensation. Did me sacred Peni-
tentiary, in the response it gave for the direction of a con-
fessor who had to judge the case of a penitent confessing
sins reserved in the confessor's diocese out not reserved in
the dipcese of the penitent, decide the question of the
source of jurisdiction over pere^rirti; or put an end to the
controversy— ^whether in practice a confessor may not
650 An Impedimenta Canonica attingant HereticOB f
safely absolve peregrini who lay before him sins of tiie
kind described.
(b) Benedict XIV., declared the law of Trent regarding
clandestinity did not aflPect the HoUand Marriages. As
to any other canonical impediment, his deciBon for that
case does not bear npon the present question. Benedict
XIV., farther decided that the marriage of a Jew with a
Protestant woman was invalid, because the Protestant
being baptized, was boimd by the law of the church which
makes marriage inter fidelem (baptizatum) et infidelem
invahd. But tliis case is. not at all to the point, at least
for the question, as we have put it ; because the church is
not wont to dispense the faithful to contract with injiddes,
f.e., unbaptized persons.
(c) Layman ^ and Schmazgrueber and others distinctly
teach that the canonical impediments, at least within the
limit of our question, do not affect the marriages of
heretics. Carriere, Ballerini," Feije, and Lehmkuhl admit
that the question is controverted and controvertible too.
The last named authors (F^ye and Lehmkuhl) propound
it as practically certain that the canonical impedfiments df
marriage affect non-Catholics (baptized) equally as Catho-
h'cs. Lemhkuhl, following Feije almost verbatim, writes
thus upon the question briefly : — " Ad IV., aliqui quidem
scriptores in dubium vocare volunt, nimi acatholici baptizati
ecclesiastici impedimenti matnmoniaUbus subjaceant, at
id nullatenus videtur sustineri posse." The learned author
then quotes, as decrotorial of the general question, Benedict
XIV., ad Card, ducem Eboracensem, 9th Feb. 1749 Now
this case is not decisive ; there is the distinction of the im-
pediments in which the Church is wont to dispense and
those in which it does not dispense : and certainly, there
is no case, we think, in which the Holy See has, expressly
at all events, dispensed in the impediment of disparitas
oultus between CathoUcs and persons certainly unbaptized.
(d^ The special exemption of heretics from the law of
clandestinity, in nowise indicates the mind of the church
with regard to other ecclesiastical impediments.
Here I may briefly state the law of the church on this
head in Ireland ; I of course do so under correction.
I *,It is certain the marriages of heretics inter se, quoad
elandestinitatem^ are valid, I think that without any special
concession or dispensation of the Holy See, the Tridentine
' Schmalz lib ; IV. Tit. 9, n 29-31.
« BaU's Gury n, 802, note (c.) Vol 11-
An Impedimenta Canonica attingant Heretieoe f 651
Decree— Tom^tet — would not touch the marriages of her-
etics, at least of those who were members of a sect that
had churches or conventicles in any diocese before the
Council of Trent was published in that diocese. But to
make the point certain, we have the rescript of Pius VI.,
3 Maii, 1785. Hence two Protestants, or a CathoKc and
Protestant, in Ireland, can c ertain ly contract marriage validly,
independently of any prescription of the ecclesiastical
law or decree Tametsi of Trent. (Vid. Carriere de im-
pedimento clandestinitatis.) (e) There remains the argument
most difficult to solve ; namely there is no probable reason
to warrant us in holding that the Church does not intend
that the laws of ecclesiastical impecKraents of Matrimony
should not bind without Umitation all who per se are sub-
ject to the laws of the Church ; and of course heretics
(baptized) are per se subject to these laws. Nor has any-
thing been aaduced from the practice of the Church
or otherwise to indicate any limitation or exemption, such
as is contended for in this second opinion.
Here is the answer : the Church in her wisdom and
beniffnity may be prudently considered, as not urging
her laws, where, according to probable judgment, by
urging them she could not obtain any good; and at the same
time very grave inconveniences should not imfrequently
occur for those who enter or return to the church. For my
own humble part, I think that in the circumstances of thiis
country, this reason is not improbable.
In conclusion, I give the opinion I have formed and
taught on the question I have ventured to discuss, a question
so difficult and unsettled, and 1 believe too, of very practical
interest to the readers of our most useful and able Irish
Ecclesiastical Periodical; — in practice I hold that the
doctrine affirming, that non-Catholics (baptized) are bound
by the ecclesiastical impediments of Matrimony, even by
those in which the Holy See is wont to dispense, from
theol ogicai argument and from authority is all but practically
certain, if not practically certain : that, notwithstanding, if
heretics had bona fide contracted marriage, for instance,
within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity, in which
the church is not unwont to dispense, I would hold
that such a marriage is not, indubitably and beyond
all controversy, invaUd ; and therefore, ii hie et nunc no
more satisfactory remedy could be had, I should feel safe
in applying the principle : — that a marriage bona fide con-
tracted is to be held vaUd, until its invalidity is demon-
strated. M. Hawe,
[ 652 ]
ABBEYSHRULE, CO. LONGFORD.
THE ancient ecclesiastical mins of Ireland maj be
divided into two great classes. To the first claw
belong those very small churches which we find scattered
here and there, sometimes in the islands of our lakei,
sometimes in remote comitry places. The second claBS
embraces the larger churches or abbejs which are mostly
situated in the vicinity of towns and cities, though ocoa-
sionallj built on the older site& The former churches
were erected b^ the immediate disciples of St. Patrick and
the holy hermits who edified our nation by their sanctity
and pursuit of saiDred learning during the four or five
centuries that followed his time. The latter were the
creation of the Anglo-Norman chiefs after they had
settled down in this country, and also of the old Irish
princes who were not outdone in piety and generositj
by the unbidden and unwelcome strangers.
To the second class must be assigned the Abbey church
of Abbeyshrule, in the parish of Carrickedmond, Oo.
Longtbrd, for it was founded in the twelfth or thirteenth
century by O'Farrell, Prince of Annaly, for monks of the
Cistercian Order, who placed it under the invocation of
the Virgin Mary, or, as is stated by some, of the Most Holy
Trinity. Dr. Lanigan. the most distinguished of our
ecclesiastical historians, is disposed to think that Abbey*
shrule is one of the five Cistercian Abbeys that were in
Ireland at the time of St. Malachy*s death, 1151, though
Ware considers that it was not built until the following year.
It appears, however, that an Abbey of more ancient d^
previously existed in the same spot, as we find the death
of its abbot, Moelpoil, recorded in 904 by the Four Mastera
The Abbey was situated on the southern bank of the
river Inny, a tributary of the Shannon, which, rising near
Oranard, Co. Longford, crosses the Great Midland Railway
not tar from the Cavan Junction, flows thence througn
Lough Iron, passes within view of the Castle of Empor,
Co. W estmeath, on one hand, and the Castle of Ardandra,
Co. Longford, on the other, and hurrying on past the road
leading from Legan to Forgney and through the Abbey
g'oundis, next runs close to Pallas, the birthplace oi
oldsmith, and through the town of Ballymahon, beyond
which it empties itself into Lough Bee. The River thus
flows by many beautiful spots, out not one of them can
AbbtyshruUi Co. Longford. 653
compare •with the country around Abbeyshrule, for the
land there is surpaesing rioh; handsome groves every-
wh^e abound, and extensive views over the undulating
plains can be had at every point A complete circle of
nills bounds the horizon at a radius of about twelve mile&
Thus may be seen the Moat of Granard in the northern
end of the Co. Longford, as it belongs to the same chain
(X hills, and also in another direction the more important
hills of Westmeath.
Near the ruins of the old monastery is a very ancient
graveyard which was walled in not long since and
planted on the outskirts with pretty shrubs. It contains two
or three vaults which are marked oflF overhead by iron rail-
ings, within which tnassive monuments have been erected.
Oi a neater and certainly of a more religious design,
however, than these are five or six tasteful head stones
which are to be met with in difierent places through the
graveyard. The is one grave which has special interest
lor the ecclesiastical antiquarian. It is that of one of the
saintly bishops who, in succession to St. Mel, ruled the
ancient and historical See of Ardagh. The tombstone
which covers the grave exhibits a large cross in raised
work extending the full length of the slab, and bears a
Latin inscription which runs at both sides parallel to the
cross. The Abbey ruins are kept at present in very
good order, but for many long years they were greatly
neglected, cattle being allowed to go in and out through
them, knocking down portions of the walls and disfiguring
others. Owing to the exertion of the late King-Uarman
of Newcastle, father of the member for Co. Dublin, a wall
was run round the Abbey and also the square tower which
formed part of the original structure, when the lord of the
soil bad refused his permission to have them incorporated
with the adjoining burial ground. A double row of deal
trees was planted inside the wall, and they being now
pretty tall give the place a calm and sheltered air.
The Abbey was laid out in two ranges of building which
w^re so united as to form an angle with each other. Running
out from the angle and in a Une with one of the ranges is
the church. It is like the remainder of the Abbey unroofed,
though the belfry is still standing. It is about 40 feet in
lengUi and 18 or twenty feet in breadth. In the eastern
^abie, which even now is almost intact, there is a large
"window with a skilfully wrought stone framework, divided
iuto two compartments by a centre pillar. The entrance
654 AhheysKrule^ Co. Longford.
(rather small and with pointed top) is on the northern ride
which was only lighted by one window, whilst the southern
side was lighted by two. The frames were in all cases
composed of limestone and were simply but chastely orna-
mented. The belfry, which is like those in modem use,
rests on two groined arches, one above the other, and
arranged like sections of concentric circles. At the western
end of the church there is a small choir separated from it
by a wall, but a narrow passage serves as a connecting
link between both. Behind the arches on which the belfiy
is supported, three cells with vaulted roofs run out parallel
to each other. The choir communicates with the centre
cell, and the cells themselves open into a large apartment
which may have been formerly the dining-hall or com-
mimity room of the monastery. Near the lower end are
two side doors, one opposite the other. Below these
doors and close to the end wall, which is at present only a
few feet high, there are now three newly-made graves, on
which is gently cast the sweet shadow of a white marble
cross that has been erected to the memory of those who
lie buried beneath. The side wall which faces the south
is still 20 or 30 feet in height and is partly overgrown with
ivy. Standing there within the precincts of that holy
place one can fancy that he hears the sacred chant of the
monks lidDg above the sharp, ceaseless murmurings of the
running waters, and, as he listens, the solemn, prayerful,
and soothing words of the De Profundis seem to be echoed
back from the distant past.
The second range of building stretched from the
southern side of the choir of the church to the square
tower which lies about 100 feet distant. The under por-
tion, or ground story, would appear to have consisted
chiefly of small rooms, or cells, in which the monks spent
their time when alone, or in which they rested at night
High up in the tower may be observed the shattered
ends of the roof that formerly covered the second or third
story, which was raised over the lower apartments, but of
which no trace is now to be had. A pillared entrance,
half-buried in the debAs which is scattered round, leads
into the front cell of the row, namely, the one next the
church.
The height of the tower is about 50 feet. Twelve
feet or so up from its base, it has a neat door-way,
bordered with cut stone of a bright yellow colour, which
is in striking, though not displeasing, contrast with the
AbbeyshmUj Co. Longford^ 655
dark appearance of the rest of the building. The door-
way iB of modern construction, but is in imitation of the
old entrance, which was also at the same elevation. Two
aides of the tower have escaped the ravages of time much
better than the others, as they are much higher and in a
better state of preservation. From the western side a
large and handsome square window looks down on the
winding river, whilst on the opposite side there is a
window of much smaller size and of the lancet pattern.
From the top of the tower, or from the landingHBtages
on a level with the windows, beautiful views of the sur-
roxmding scenery may be fully enjoyed. The tower is
raised on vaulted arches, which on one side were fast
giving way, until Mr. John Farrell, of Com Mills, near
fiallymore, got them filled in by a basement of solid
masonry, that will render the structure quite firm and
secure for the future.
Under the direction of the same gentleman, a great
deal of the loose debris^ which surrounded the Abbey, was
removed, and then were discovered the monks* cells to
which I have already referred. When the debris was
being cleared away, a large number of human bones and
skulls were also found under the end window of the
church, and the presumption is that the monks were
slaughtered there as they were endeavouring to escape
from the flames by which the entire monastery was being
devoured; the soldiers, or others, who had come to
plunder the place having set it on fire. Indeed the inner
floor of the building is only one deep layer of ashes, sad
proof in itself of the fact that the abbey sufiered from the
eflTects of a terrible conflagration.
Lately, too, when one of the three graves, which are
now within the abbey, was being dug, the skeleton of a
body ^vas found a few feet from the surface, in an inverted
posture ; the front of the skull being downwards, and the
mouth widely open, as if the person were buried alive in
the burning ruins.
The property of the monastery, which was not incon-
siderable, was confiscated in Queen Elizabeth's time, as we
leam from the following inventory in the Audit General: —
" Abbeyshrule, May 2nd. 11th of Queen Elizabeth, the site of
the monastery, with its appurtenances, 24' cottages in the town of
Yore, 180 acres of land in the vicinity of same, 80 acres of pasture
and underwood adjoining the same, one messuage, 4 cottages in
the tOTvn of Ballynemanaghe, and 64 acres near the same, 2 mes-
656 AhbeythruUy Co* Longford*
^ages, 8 cottages in the town of Knockaghe, and 64 acres adjoining
the same, were granted to Robert Dillon ai]^ his heirs in cofUt, at
the annual rent of £10 14«. and 4d." — ^Archdall's Monaxikm
Hihemicunu
And in the Chief Remembrancer another record concern*
ing this Abbey is met with, which is also quoted by
Archdall :—
^'An inquisition taken Jan. 22nd, 1692, found that at the
time of the surrender of this abbey, the abbot was seized (that is,
^possessed) of the Church of Agharje, fmd the tithes of two
quarters, or eight small cartrons, of land, belonging to the said
church in the village and lands Agharye, in this county, the said
church, with its rights, etc., being of tlie yearly value of 4s. Irish
money, besides reprises, and till then concealed from the queen."
Again, from the same source, we learn of anather
inquisition, 26th Jan., 82nd Queen Elizabeth, which —
"Finds that in Moyltenny, in Clanawly, near Abbejdeirg,
were 3 parts of a cartron of land, value, besides reprises, S^., in
Killenboy, 3 cartons, in RathsaUagh 2, in TuUenan 2, 27«., all
Irish money, and parcel of the possessions of this Abbey."
In this way, in various parts of our island, were sacri-
legiously wrested from their rightful owners the lands
which had been given to them by the faithftil in their
pious generosity. The monks were banished by royal edict,
their houses razed almost to the very ground, and their
possessions shamefully appropriated to secular use. T1i6
impious desecrators thought that when they had done
these things, they could force the people to abandon their
rehgion, and adopt the false doctrines which were created
to gratify the sinful passions of wicked men. But the
Irish Catholics, true to their traditions as steel to the
magnet, climg tenaciously to their own beloved faith, and
either went into distant lands, where they formed new
churches of the Catholic creed, or, remaining at home,
practised their rehgion for many a long year at the immi-
nent risk of their lives, until at length tneir descendants of
to-day sew the hurtful traces of bigotry and persecution
well-nigh wiped away, and the sun of religious freedom
shining gloriously on an enUghtened nation, blessed in its
devotion to the See of Rome, rich in its ecclesiastical edifice^
ardent and earnest in its pursuit of charitable and pious
works, and full of anxious zeal to promote the glory of Gody
the education of youth, and the honour of Erin's saints.
Thomas Lanqik.
[ 657 ]
LITURGY.
I.
The Indulgences of the ** Angelas,** — New Concessions.
When, on the 14th of September, 1724, Benedict XIII.,
indulgenced the " Angelus," granting a plenary indulgence
to the daily recitation of it for a month, and a partial
indulgence of one hundred days to each distinct recitation
without any regard to its repetition, he imposed these
two conditions : — that it should be said at tne sound of
the Angelus bell, and on bended knees.
In 1727 he exempted religious of both sexes and others
Kving in community, from the condition of saying it at the
Bound of the bell, as often as they happened to be engaged
just -then in some religious exercise prescribed by their
rule, provided that they said the **Angelus" immediately
on the conclusion of the exercise.
Benedict XIV., confirmed these indulgences (April
20th, 1742), on the same conditions, adding, however, that
the ^Regina Coeli" should be substituted in Paschal time
for the ** Angelus'* where practicable, and that the
" Angelus " was to be said standing on Saturday evening
and on Sunday, and during Paschal time also by those
who were not able to say the "Regina Coeli."
Pius VI., (18th March, 1781), extended the favour by
allowing the faithful, who five in places where no
Angelus bell is rang, to gain the indulgences if they say
the prescribed prayers at or about the times specified —
namely, morning or noon, or evening.
Our present Pontiff, Leo XIII., has this year made a
fturther concession. He has dispensed with the condition
of saying the '* Angelus " on bended knees, or at the
sound of the Angelus bell in the case of all who cannot
conveniently comply with these conditions because of
any reasonable obstacle. Moreover, he allows those who
do not know by heart the "Angelus," and who cannot
read it, to substitute for it five " Hail Mary's," and in this
way to gain all the indulgences of the " Angelus."
The following is the recent decree containing this
concession : —
Decbetitm Urbis et Obbis.
Ad acqairendas Indulgentias, quas Benedictus XIU ; Literis
in forma Brevis sub die. 14 Septembris, 1724 concessit omnibus
Christifidelibus, qui recitayerint versiculos Angelus Domini, etc.
temasque Angelicas Salutationes ; et quas Ber ^^' ^IV ; die
658 Liturgical Questions.
20 Aprilis 1 742 confinnavit pro lis etiam qui tempore pascM
recitaverint Antiphonani Regina Coeb\ etc. cum versiculo et on*
tione propria, necesse est illos versiculos, Angelicas Salutationes,
Antiphonam et orationcm recitari quaodo aes campanum dat dg-
num. Necesse ulterius est pro hujusmodi recitatione versicnlomm
Angelus Domini, etc et Aogelicarum Salutationem genua singulis
vicibus flectere, si excipias dies Dominicos a sabbati cuiasqm
vespere et tempus paschale, quibus tum versiculi illi et Angelicae
Salutationes, tum Antiphonam Regina Coeli, etc. cum yersiculo et
oratione propria stando dici debent. Jam vero plerique pii yiri
Sacram banc CoDgregationem Indulgentiis, Sacrisque Reliqoiis
praepositam enixe precati sunt, ut aliquantulum ilia duplex conditio
adimpleoda temperaretur. Siquidem non ubique gentium aes cam-
panum ad hoc signum dandum pulsatur, aut pulsatur ter in die,
aut iisdem horis. Insuper contingere quandoque potest, quod
signum aeris campani, si detur, non audiatur ab omnibus, ant,
si audiatur, aliquis Chris tifidelis, quominus in genua provolvat
statuta hora versiculos recitet, legitime impedimento detineator.
Sunt tandem innumeri ferme Christiii deles, qui versiculos Angdw
Domini, etc. et Antiphonam Regina Coeli, etc pec memoria, nee
de scripto recitare sciunt
Quapropter, Sanctissimus Dominus Noster Leo Papa XIII;
ne tot Christifideles ob non adimpletas conditiones spiritualibos
hisce gratiis priventur, et quo efficacius omnes Christifideles ad
Divinae Incamationis et Eesurrectionis mysteria perpetuo grateqne
recolenda incitentur, in Audientia habita die 15 Martii nuper elapsi,
ab infrascripto Secretario Sacrae Congregationis Indulgentianim
et SS. Reliquarum benigne indulgere dignatus est, ut omnes
Christifideles, qui legitimo impedimento detenti non flexis genibos,
nee ad aeris campani signum versiculos Angelua Domini, etc com
tribus Angelicis salutationibus, alio versiculo Ora pro nobiSt etc
et oratione Oratiam tuam, etc ; tempore vero Paschali Antiphonam
Regina Coeli, etc cum versiculo et oratione propria ; aut si nesciant
praedictos versiculos, Antiphonam et preces tum memoriter dicere,
tum legere, quinquies Salutationem Angelicam digne, attente ac
devote, sive mane, sive circiter meridiem, sive sub vespere redta-
verint, Indulgentias superius memoratas lucrari valeant.
Quae quidem benigna Sanctissimi Domini Nostri Papae ooo-
cessio, ut facile innotescat. Sacra eadem Congregatio praeseos
Decretum tjpis imprimi ac publicari mandavit absque nlla Brevis
expeditione in perpetuum valiturum. Non obstantibus in codUSt
Hum facientibus quibuscumque.
Datum Bomae ex Secretaria eiusdem Sacrae Congregatioius
die 8 Aprilis, 1884.
Ax Cabd. Obeolia A. S. Stbphano,
Praefeetus.
Franciscus Delul Yolpb,
Secretarims.
lAturgical QaeBiions. 659
II.
Recent Decisions of the Congregation of Rites relating to the
New Votive Offices,
I. In dioceses where, by special privilege granted pre-
vious to the introduction of the New Votive OfiSces of
July, 1883, the priests used to say a Votive OfiSce instead
of a Ferial on certain days, they are still bound to say the
Votive OflSce and are not free to choose the Ferial on those
daya
They are, however, free to choose between the Votive
and Ferial or Simple OfiSces on other days not included in
their former privilege.
n. In the Votive OfiSce in paschal time the addition of
alleluia and the other specialties of the paschal season are
to be observed.
III. The Votive OfiSce may be substituted for the
Simple as well as for the Ferial OflBce.
IV. When one of the Votive OfiSces concurs with
another Votive Office, both being of the semidouble rite, the
Vespers will be a capitulo de sequenti cum commemoratione
praecedentisy no regard being paid to the relative dignity of
the Votive Offices.
In case, however, of concurrence with the Office of the
Passion, which is assigned to Fridays, the Vespers will be
totum de praecedenti^ nihil de sequenti.
V. When the Feast of SS. Simon and Jude (28th Oct)
falls on Monday, and the Votive Office of the Apostles
happens to be said on the following day, the prayer of the
commemoration of the Votive Office which is to be made
in the 2nd Vespers of SS. Simon and Jude is that given
on the 29th of June, pro aliquibus locis^ namely — " Deus,
qm nos Beatorum Apostolorum commemoratione laetificas :
praesta, quaesumus, ut quorum gaudemus meritds instru-
amnr exemplis, per Dominum, &c."
VI. When a Votive Office is recited in choir on a Vigil,
in Quarter Tense, or on other days which have a Mass of
their own, two Masses must be sung, one corresponding to
the Votive Office, the other of the day.
VII. When the Votive Office of the Apostles, which is
assigned to Tuesday, is said, the commemoration of SS.
Peter and Paul is to be made as usual in the Sufifragia of
LaudB and Vespers.
660 Liturgical Questions.
We append the text of those recent Decrees : —
DUBIA
Quoad Recitationem Officiorum Votivobum.
Sacrae Rituum Congregationi insequentia dubia pro opportima
declaratione proposita fuere, nimirum :
DuBiUM I. Cum ex decreto diei 5 Julii, 1883, liberum sitiis,
qui nullo canonico titulo ad chorum tenentur, recitare, quibusdam
feriis exceptis, vel Officium votivum vel OflBcium feriale, hoic
feriae respondens, quaeritur : utrum obligatio adhoc maneat solum
officium votivum recitandi, ubi istud Officium antea jam foerat
speciali privilegio alicui Diocesi concessum, ita ut praefatis
d[iebus f erialibus non detur optio inter Officium feriale et Officium
votivum ? Et quatenus affirmative, an optio detur diebus contentiB
in novo Indulto 5 Julii, 1883, in alio precedenti exceptis ?
DuBiuM II. Tempore Paschali in Officio votivo Passionisestae
addendum alleluia^ et servanda ejusdem temporis propria ?
DuBiDM III. In Rubrica Officiis votivis nuper indultis praemissa
statuitur, ut eadem officia habeant tum commemorationem, torn
IX. lectionem de Festo simplici occurrenti : quaeritur igitor, an
praedicta Officia Votiva recitari possint, nedum loco Officiorum
ferialium, prout in Decreto diei 5 Julii, 1883, sed etiam loco OfficS
alicujus Festi simplicis (v.g. S. Agoetis secundo), quod unice ea
die in Kalendario assignetur ?
DuBiUM IV. Ex eadem Rubrica, Vesperae Officii votiri
currentis ritus semiduplicis, si die praecedenti, vel sequent!,
occurrat officium aJiud quodcumque IX. Lectionum, ordinandae
sunt juxta Rubricam de concurrentia Officii. Cum autem Officium
votivum cum alio semiduplici concurrere possit ; quaeritur atmm
in hoc casu Vesperae, juxta praefatam Rubricam generalem Bro*
viarii tit. xi., n. 4, semper dicendae sint a capitulo de sequenti, com
commemoratione praecedentis ; an vero habenda sit ratio dignitatis
unius Officii Votivi prae alio, juxta ejusdem Rubricae n. 2 ? Et
quid praesertim agendum sit, cum Officio de Passione D.N.J.C. ?
DuBiuM V. Cum festum Hanctorum Apostolorum Simoniset
Judae die 28 Octobris incidit in feriam secundam, qnaenam is
mcundis Vesperis adhibenda est oratio pro commemoratione Officii
votivi de Apostolis, quod sequenti f eria tertia recitari contingat ?
DuBiUM VI. Si in Vigilia, feriis quatuor Temponim, aliisqne
feriis propriam Missam habentibus, recitetur in chore Officiam
votivum, suntne canendae duae Missae, altera de Officio votivo,
altera de vigilia, vel feria ; an potius unica dicenda est Missa d«
Vigilia, vel feria cum commemoratione Officii votivi ?
DuBiUM Vn. Quoties feria tertia recitatur Officium votivum
omnium sanctorum Apostolorum, omittine debet in suffragiis si
Vesperas et Laudes commemoratio Apostolorum Petri et Pauli ?
His porro dubiis ab infrascripto Secretario relatis, Sacra eacfem
Congregatio, post accurraum omnium examen> sic rescribere rata
est:
Liturgical Questions. 661
Ad L — Affirmative ad primam et secundam partem.
Ad II. — A£Qrmative^ et adhibeatur color rubeos toto anni
tempore.
Ad III. — Provisum in Rubrica OflBciorum.
Ad IV. — Quoad 1. Ad primam partem affirmative; ad secnn-
dam negative. Quoad 2. Totum de praecedenti, nihil de sequent!.
Ad y. — Sumatur oratio pro aliquibus locis die XXIX., Junii,
scilicet : ** Deus qui nos Beatorum Apostolorum commemoratione
laetificas: praesta quaesumus, ut quorum gaudemus mentis
instruamur exemplis. Per Dominum.**
Ad YI. — ^Affirmative ad primam partem ; negative ad
secundam.
Ad VII. — Negative. Atque ita declaravit ac rescripsit die
24 Novembris, 1883.
III.
7 he Indulgences of the Stations of the Cross.
It is known generalljr that the indulgences of the Way
of the Cross may be gained by one who being prevented
from visiting the Stations erected in churches or oratories,
Bays twenty Paters, Ave^s, and Gloria PatrVs with the proper
dispositions and intentions before a crucifix specially
blessed for this purpose. Up to the present, this privilege
was limited to the one person who had in his possession
such a crucifix, and for whom it was blessed or who had
made it his own by use. He could not even lend it to
another for the purpose of enabling him to gain the indul-
gences of the Way of the Cross.
Our present Pontiff has, however, recently made conces-
sion in tnis matter similar to the concession applied to the
Rosary by Pius IX. When many join in saying the Rosary,
it is enough for gaining the Dominical indulgence, if one
person has a beads in his hands and uses it ; so now, when
a number join in making the Stations of the Cross before a
crucifix indulgenced for the purpose, it is enough if any
one present hold in his hands the privileged crucifix. A
distinct crupifix for each is no longer necessary.
This is the substance of the following decree : —
Beatissime Pateb,
F. Bemardintis a Portu Romatino,
Fr. Bernardinus a Portu Romatino^ Minister generalis totius
Ordinum Fratnim Minonim S. Franciaci, ad pedes Sanctitatis
Toae provolutus, humiliter exponit, saepe saepius fideles, qui exer-
citium S. Viae Crucis peragere legitime impedimento prohibentur,
etiam impediri, quonunus indulgentias viae crucis exercitio aduexas
VOL. V. 3 0
662 Liturgical Questions.
lucrifaciant adhibendo Oucifixtim ad hunc effectam benedictem,
eo quod non possident, siciiti accidit in familiis paupemm, in bo6-
pitalibus aliisque hujus generis locis piis.
Hinc ut devotio erga Paseionem D. N. J. C. magis magiRque
augeatur, neve fideles, imprimis animae in porgatorio detentae, ob
expositum Crucifixi defectum, a participatione praedictarum
indulgentiarum arceantur, Orator enixis precibos suppltcat, ut
Sanctitas tna ad Crucifizos viae crucis vulgo nuncupatos benigne
extendere dignetur indultmn a 6. m. Pio PP. IX ; in ordine ad
Rosariiun sub die 22 Januarii, 1858 concessum, ita nt omnes utri-
usque sexus Christifideles praescripta viginti Pater^ Ave et Glma
in communi recitantes, lucrari vedeant indulgentias viae cmds
exercitio adnexas, licet manu non teneant crucifixuni benedictum,
ac sufficiat, ut una tantum persona, quacumque ea sit ex communi-
tate ilium manu teneat, caeterique omnes, caeteris curis remotU se
componant pro oratione facienda, una cum persona, quae tenet
crucifixum.
Quam gratiam, etc
Sanctissimus Dominus Noster Leo Papa XIII; in audientiA
habita die 19 Januarii 1884 ab infrascripto secretario Sac. Coo-
gregationis Indulgentiis sacrisque reliquiis praepositae, benigDe
annuit pro gratia juxta petita ad tramitem indulti jam concesfli
pro recitatione SSmi. Rosarii, ut nimirum Christifideles, de quibu0
in precibus, ita se componant pro pio exercitio viae crucis pent-
^ndo una cum persona, quae tenet crucifixum, ut viae cnicis
indulgentias lucrari queant ; praesenti in perpetuum valitmo
absque ulla brevis expeditione. Contrariis quibuscumque doo
obstantibus.
Datum Romae ex Secretario ejusdem Sacrae Congregationis
die 19 Januarii, 1884.
Al. Card. Obeolia A. S. Stephano,
Praefeci^
IV.
The Stations of the Cross. — The power of a Bishop in deUgaiing
' his priests to erect the Stations,
A bifihop who has received an indult to erect the
Stations of the Cross, with power to delegate his priests to
perform this function, is not thereby authorised to give •
general delegation to his priests for this purpose. A special
aelegation for each case, as it occurs, is necessary. Here i«
the latest decree on the matter : —
Eeverendissimus Archiepiscopus N.N., gaudet indulto Apo^*
ico erigendi Viam Crucis cum facultate commnnicandi ejusmodi
licenti aliis sacerdotibus spirituali ipsius jurisdictioni subjectii*
Tali indulto suffultus sacerdotibus Archidiocesis f acultatem pra^
dictam generali modo impertitus est, ita ut in singulis casibo*
recursum ad ipsum instituere hand debeant.
Liturgieal ,Quesiions. 66S
Qanm vero, jnxta superius exposita S. Gongregationis inchil-
gentiamm decreta (21. July, 1879, a.d., 8, n. 445j hujusmodi
erectiones Viae Cmcis merito myalidae censendae sint, hinc humi-
Jis orator supplici genu postulate quatenus Sanctitas Vestra in
radice sanare dignetur omnes et singulas erectiones Viae Cmcis
pro tempore in Archidiocesi N.N. existentes, quae invalidae
fuerint, vel ob causam in precibus enunciatam, vel ob quamcunqae
aliam causam.
Ex audientia SSmi. habita 21 Oct. 1883. SS, Dom. Nost^
Leo, Divina Providentia P.P. XIII., petitam sanationem benigne
coDcedere dignatus est. Ad evertendam vero in posterum quod-
cunque dabium desuper legitima erectione Viae Cmcis, curent
Parocbi vel Bectores ecclesiamm in quibus modo expositi erecta
sint Via Cmcis, petere in scriptis ab ordinario requisitam consen-
6um pro qoaliet erectione singillatim."
V.
Votive Offices,
Vebt Rev. Sir — Would you kindly answer in the Record the
following questions : —
1. What Lessons should be read in the first nocturn of the
Votive Offices of the Blessed Sacrament and Immaculate Conc^>-
tion, when they fall on Lenten or other ferias that have no
Scripture occurring. The Breviary merely says they are to be
taken from the Scripture occurring, and in the case of these two
Offices assigns no Lessons to be read instead on such an occasion,
though it does so for the other four. The case actually occurred
on the first two Thursdays and first Saturday of last licnt. No
doubt it will again.
The Lessons for the first nocturn of the Votive Office of
the Blessed Sacrament when said in Lent, are the same as
the Lessons of the first nocturn of Corpus Christi, and are
taken from the First Epistle to the Corinthians, third
chapter: — Convenientihus vobis in ununiy ^c.
The Lessons of the first nocturn of the Votive Office of
the Immaculate Conception in Lent are the same as those
of the feast itself, and are taken from the 3rd chapter of
Genesis : — Serpens erat callidior^ ^c-
These Lessons are given in their pro'per place in the
Majnooth New Supplement.
VI.
The Lessons of certain Feasts as prescribed in the " Ordo"
Urn Was our Ordo quite correct in directing the Lessons of the
first nocturn to be taken from the Scripture occurriDg on the feasts
664 Liturgical Questions.
of St. Dominic T^th August), St. Natheus (9th August), and
St. Fachanan (14th August), all greater doubles?
De Herdt says (Sacr. Lit. Praxis, vol. 2, no. 341, R. 2) : "In
duplici majori et altiori ritu semper sunt (lectiones primi noctomi)
propriae vel de communi, non autem de Scriptura occurrente,"
and for his authority quotes (1. c.) the Sacred Congregation of
Biles.
The Ordo was not correct. The Lessons of the first
Noctum should have been taken from the Commune
Sanctorum. There is only one combination which justifies
the reading of the Scripture occurring on a duplex majus,
namely, when an Initium Libri shonld otherwise bo
omitted altogether, there being no day of lower rite
available on which it could be read. This combination
does not occur in the cases to which you refer.
VII.
The Plenary Indulgence attached to the Feast of the Nativity
of the B. r.M.
Deak Rev. Sm — Fr. McNamara states, in his Allocutions on
Liturgical Observances, p. 186, that this Indulgence is for the
members of the Living Rosary, whereas the Directory, p. 1*2,
includes the feast in the list of Indulgences quae omnibus Ckristi-
fidelibus totius regni conceduntur. Which is to be followed ?
Yours, J. C.
Both are right They refer to distinct Plenary
Indulgences. There is a Plenary Indulgence on this feast
special to the associates of the Living Rosary ; and Uiere
is another panted to all the faithful in this country on tho
usual conditions. There are also several other Plenary
Indulgences (Falise mentions as many as eleven), whica
can be gained on this Feast of the Nativity of the Blessed
Virgin, the conditions of course differing for each
Indulgence.
VIII.
Kyrie Eleison*
Sir — ^Fr. O'Brien having recently brought us to book in the
Record with regard to our pronunciation of Latin, I should like
to ask you for an opinion as to our manner of pronouncing a
certain Greek word which occurs daily in our Mass and Office,
viz., Eleison,
This word, I take it, is one of four syllables, but we not only
contract it into three (which may be ascribed to rapidity) but we
unduly emphasize the second as if an i, thus : " e-ly-sonf** £ot which
I seek authority.
Liturgical Questions. 665
Confessing myself a sjncopist, I contend these words should
ran thus : " Kee-ree, el-e«-son,'* What says Borne ? What says
the Editor ? W. O'B.
Every priest knows that Kyrie (Kvpu) is a Greek
word of tliree syllables, and Eleison (cA^i^o-ov) a Greek
word of four syllables. In the Latin liturgy also they
should be pronounced respectively as of three and four
syllables. There is no reason why either should be
shortened, as they retain all their letters and syllables,
there being no syncope or synaeresis in either case. This
is also the reading of Rome, if we are to jud^e by its
official liturgical books. In the Processionale, for instance,
the words are printed '* Ky-ri-e, e-le-i-son" at the Ordo
Exsequiarum, and "Ky-ri-e, e-le-i-son" in the Litanies
for Holy Saturday.
The habit of lengthening the antepenult (-le-) and
shortening the penult (-i-) in eleison is not correct. The
antepenult representing epsUon is short, and the penult
whicn stands for eta is long.
IX.
2 he Feast of St. Malachy in the diocese of Armagh.
The Sacred Congregation has decided that whentver
All Souls Day is kept on the 8rd of November, the Feast
of St. Malachy in the diocese of Armagh should be trans-
ferred from the 3rd on which it is permanently fixed, to
the 4th of November. The following is the decree to this
effect, received by the Franciscan Fathers of Drogheda
only last June.
Obdinis Minorum S. Francisci.
Hmus. Fr. Bemardinus a Portu Bomantino Minister Generalis
totius Ordinis Minorum S. Rituum Congregation! insoquentia dubia
pro opportuna resolutione humillime subjecit.
In Dioecesi Armacan. in Hibemia die 3 Novemhris celebratur
Festum Sancti Malachiae Episcopi Confessoris, ipsius Dioecesis
Patroni, sub ritu dnplici primae classis, sed sine obligatione
audiendi Sacrum. Hoc festum ex die 2 Novemhris ad diem 8
perpetuo translatum, etiam a Regularibus intra limites Dioecesis
commorantibus celebrari debet. Quum antem non raro accidat,
ut die 3 Novemhris in universal! Ecclesia fieri debeat com-
memoratio Omnium Fidelinm Defunctorum, ignoratur, quomodo
in casu in praefata Dioecesi ordinandnm sit officium. Hinc oritur.
Dubium I. Utrum Festum Sancti Malachiae in dicto casu in
primaevum suum diem 2 Novemhris reponendum sit ?
666 Theologial Correspondence.
Dnbiiim II. An potius post diem % Novembris in ca^ trans-
f em debeat ?
Dubium III. An denique Commemoratio Omnium Defonc-
torom alia die fieri debeat ?
Et Sacra eadem Congregatio ad relationem infrascripti Seeretarii
anditoque voto alterins ex Apostolicarum Caeremoniaram Magistris,
re mature perpensa, ita tribus propositis Dubiis simnl rescri-
bendum censuit. Adsignetur Festum S» Malachiat diet 4 Novembrii
aniandato Feito Saneti Caroli ad priviam diem Uheram, Atque ita
rescripsit et servari mandavi^ die 37 Junii, 1884.
D. Cabdikalis Bartolinus, S.R.C., Praefectut^
Laurentius Salvati, S.RC, Secretarius,
R, Browne.
CORRESPONDENCE.
I.
TO THE EDITOB OF THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
Rev. Dear Sir, — I see by the number of the Record received,
that when the difference between the standard and solar time is
smaU, its adoption in the performance of ecclesiastical functions is
not to be condemned.
This seems to be a very wise ruling. For it woiild be hard to
oblige a priest to have one measure of time for the recital of his
Office and the observance of his fast, and another for the discharge
of his public duties, since all public rites and ceremonies are regu-
lated according to the standard time.
The observance of this code in the Eastern States — ^Adanlic
seaboard — is universal, metaphysically so. Whether it is so in
the West or not, where Rev. Mr. Quigley lives, I cannot telL
Now I have another query to which I ask an answer. A
lady was lately married before some sort of a public ofiBcer.
She wished to be married ritu CaiholicQ, but was on that partic-
ular time or day disappointed. She then called in a minister of
some kind, and had the legal contract made.
Immediately on arriving at her new home, ske wished to be
reconciled to the Church, but so far has been unable to procure
his consent to a performance oi the ceremony. He i» a tar of the
primitive kind, and a non-haptizaius too. But she says that he
will never trouble her iii matters of faith, and that she can bring
up her children, if there be any, Catholics. Anne uUo modo istnm
matrimonium (si ita dicam^ etiam dispensatione in radice convali-
dari possit, et si non, quid taciendum ? An answer will obh'ga
S.
Theological Correspondence. 667
The marriage is evidently invaUd, and can be rectified
only by a dispensation from Rome in the diriment imped-
iment of disparitas cultus, unless indeed the non-baptizatus
consents to receive baptism. Such dispensation should
be sought at once, as it is the immediate remedy for these
imhappy people. A decree, having in view difficulties of
this very kind, and issued in 1837, briefly directs; —
** Recurratur in casibus particularibus." The whole occur-
rence then need only be explained, and the Holy See will
settle the case as deemed uest ; probably by granting a
dispensation which will not require the renewal of his
consent, if it cannot be conveniently procured. His
original consent seems to have been valid, and apparently
he did not retract. The dispensation, however, it granted,
will most probably demand renewal from the other party.
P. 0*D.
IL
Simplex Confessarius.
Dear Rev. Sir, — Will you kindly say yea or no to the follow-
ing question in the next issue of the Record :
"An vcdide absolvatur qui bona fide peccatum reservatum et
peccatnm non-reservatum accusat confessltrio simplici bona sine
mala fide absolvat confessarius ? "
Some priests think that the absolution is not only illicit, 'but
invalid. The question is put and answered plainly in Ratisbon
Edition, Gury No. 578. However, you will oblige me very much
by answering in the Ebcord.
Faithfully yours,
Simplex Confessarius.
The answer in Gury is quite correct, and may be
followed in practice.
III.
Questions regarding Honoraria.
Very Rev. and Dear Sir, — I. In the parish in which I am
stationed, and where the separate maintenanance system is estab-
lished, there is a custom of making all the stipends received for
Corpse Masses form part of the divisible dues. I should like to
know whether this practice is lawful, or whether it does not eome
under the decree of the S. Cong, of the Council, and a proposition
condemned by Alexander YII., on the same subject, both of which
may be found in the Ratisbon Edition of Qury, page 581, n. 884.
The decree rum thus : ^ Omne damnabile lucrum £cclesia remo-
vere vol ens prohibet sacerdoti, qui Missam suscepit celebrandum
cum certa eleemosyna, ne eandem Missam alteri, parte ejusdem
eleemosynae sibi retenta, celebrandam committit."
668 Theological Correspondence.
The arrangement I speak of is carried on in this manner :—
Whenever a Corpse Mass occurs, one of the carates is told off to
say it. He takes the honorarium whatever it be, retains for him-
self only his divisible share, gives to his fellow carates a share
equal to his own, while the remainder, which is a larger portion
than falls to any of the curates, is given to the parish priest.
Query : — is it lawful for those priests to take, even in virtue of
their mutual agreement, a part of the stipend given for the Mass ?
n. Again the parish-priest occasionally receives money to
have the Mass which is said every morning in the parochial church
offered during the week for certain deceased relatives or friends of
the donor. The parish-priest engages his curate to say these
pafish Masses, but, notwithstanding, retains his share (one-half) of
the honorarium, and distributes the remainder among all his
coadjutors equally. This, I fancy, comes more directly than the
former case, under the decree of the Cong, of the Council and the
condemned proposition of Alexander VII.
Query : — is this practice lawful ? By solving those questions
you will ease my mind and the minds of others, and much oblige
A Reader of the Record.
There are certain principles which govern all cases of
this kind.
1®. The money in question belonged to the man who
gave the honorarium^ and may be appropriated by the
priest only according to the intention of the giver.
2^ That intention may be manifested either by express
words, or by the nature of the contract, or by diocesan and
other laws or customs. For in these things, when a man's
iutention is not clearly known, it is supposed to be what it
ought to be and what it usually is.
I. Take the first case mentioned by our correspondent—
the case of the Corpse Masses. It is obvious that the cele-
brant of the Mass always gets what is at least equivalent
to the ordinary honorarium. For if the parish priest has
but one curate the latter will usually receive three-and-four-
pence as his portion. If there be two curates each will
receive five shillings for such Mass, — one half-crown for
his own, and another for that of his colleague, who cele-
brates in his turn. If the curates be three or more the
portion of each one will be greater still.
But it is asked : has he a right to even more than that!
It will depend on how the money is given. Is it given
merely as a personal gift to the curate ? If so, then the
parish priest nas no right to any portion of it. But if it be
g'ven, as indeed it always is, as a portion of the parochial
^ nd for the priest's support, then the parish priest has his
rights also.
Theological Correspondence. 669
It, may be further asked : can the curate tell the friends
of the deceased to make a present of the money to him-
self, smce the whole thing depends on their intention?
He cannot. He is bound to collect the parochial funds
when due. When that has been paid up, he may without
injustice ask any presents he pleases.
We would add that, to our own knowledge, in many
parishes the custom is for the celebrant of the Mass to
deduct the ordinary half-crown for his own honorarium, and
then throw the remainder into the common fund. This is
but fair and reasonable. But whether the parish priest is
bound in justice to allow it is quite another things afad
depends on what is the custom and diocesan law. If it be
doubtful whether the curate can do this or not, the Ordi-
nary of the diocese should be asked to settle the matter,
and all should abide by his decision.
II. N6w we come to the second case — the case of Masses
for the week. Here a^in the reply depends on this, —
whether or not in certam places this money is regarded as
parochial dues. We know many places in which it is not
so regarded; indeed until we read the question of our
esteemed correspondent we thought it was not so regarded
in any place. If it is not, it should be distributed equally
among all who say the Masses.
But if there be anyplace in which according to diocesan
law or approved custom the money is regarded as paro-
chial dues belonging to the common fund, the P.P., nasa
right to a more than ordinary share, according to the law
or custom regulating the matter. If the thing be doubtful
the Ordinary should be asked to decide. We would add
that in the second case, where the money is regarded as
parochial dues, it will scarcely be found to be the custom
that the curates should say Mass for less than the usual
Jumorarium.
Our correspondent will not think what we have said in
any way opposed to what is laid down in the decrees to
which he refers. By looking at Gury (Excipe 10), or St.
Alphonsus (n. 321) he will see that they restrict the mean-
ing of the decree to that portion of the money which is in-
tended as a honorarium. Where an intention is suflBciently
manifested of giving a portion of the money for other pur
poses, that portion may, and sometimes should, be set aside
lor these purposes, But an intention may, as we have said,
be sufficiently determined by law and custom as well as
by words.
W.Mo.
[ 670 ]
EOMAN NOTES-
Matrimonial Causes.
A recent number of the " Acta Sanctae Sedis '* gives a sketch of
an interesting application for a dispensation in a matrimonio rato
non consummato, which lately came before the congregation of the
council.
In the year 1870, a yonng girl, aged fourteen, was married,
in. faeiem ecclesiae, to a young man some years older. After the
ceremony the young married couple went to the house of tike
bride's father for the usual wedding breakfast with their friends, —
but immediately after the breakfast they were separated accordittg
to the custom of the place — ^bride and bridegroom returning to the
houses of their respective parents, and apparently meeting no
more. No civil marriage had been celebrated at the time beo&use
the female was then under the legal age ; no sooner, however, did
she attain this age than she entered into a civil marriage witli
another man, and the late bridegroom seeing himself so badlj
treated by his wife did the same with another female. In tlM
year 1875, both parties anxious to consult for their consciences,
applied for a dispensation in this alleged matrimonio rata non
eoMummato,
The reasons alleged in favour of the dispensation being granted
were briefly :—
(1 .) That the original consent was defective, because the parties
were very young, knew little or nothing of the obligations of the
married state, and were unduly influenced to get married by their
parents.
(3.) It was evident from the sworn declaration of the parties
themselves, from the witnesses examined, and horn the lacts of
the case, that even had there been a valid marriage there was no
consummation.
(8.) There was sufficient cause for a dispensation on account of the
public scandal given by the civU marriages ; from the fact that
the oratrix had children by her husband under the civil marriage
who were to be legitimized ; and from the mutual hatred and danger
to life which would result from their being compelled to five
together.
On first application the dispensation was not granted, becavOt
as the defensor matrimonii showed, in the hearing of the cause
before the delegated judge, neither the notary nor the defemor
PuUrimonii before that judge was duly sworn , and, moreover,
that defensor matrimonii was the vicar who applied for the
dispensation, and was most anxious to get it, an<^ therefbre. wis
not a bona fide defensor.
Boman Notes. 671
j^fter a aecond hearing of the cause, in which these defects
were corrected, answer was given that the dispensation might be
sought (and no doubt obtained) from His Holiness, on the nsual
condition of temporarj separation.
DUBIOH.
An sit consnlendum SSmo. pro dispensatione a matrimonio
rato et non consommato in casn ?
BesoL Sacra. Cong, in comitiis diei 17 Martii 1888, responsum
dedit: PraBvia sanatione Actoram, affirmative; imposita tamen
partibns separatione ad tempos Archiepiscopo administrator!
benevisnm.
Beproposita eansa in comitiis, 2nd June, 1888, cnm novis
animadversionibus defensoris ex officio, eandem ediderunt Emi.
Patres sententiam per rescriptnm : In decisis.
From this case the writer in the Acta infers the following
conclnsions : —
L — ^Exchisa per sponsomm testinmqne Concordes depositiones
consummatione matrimonii, monJem haberi non-consmnmationis
certitndinem.
II.~ Matrimoninm non dari sine consensu. Oonsensum vere
in matrimonio deficere, si desit contratrahentium voluntas, sive ex
ignorantia sive coactione,
m.— -Ignorantiam haberi cum, ob teneram nimis aetatem
ingeniiqne ruditatem, quae matrimonii sacramenti propria sunt,
contrahentes latent omnino. s
IV. — Coactionem non pro omnibus similem requiri, sed indoli,
sexni, et potissiroe aetati proportionalem.
v.— Cum de adolescentibus agitur baud graves minas requiri
ut suasimi sit, eos parentum voluntati in matrimonio contrahendo
obtemperasse.
Yl.-^Causas dispensationis concedendae sat validas haberi in
probato periculo odii inter conjuges, necnon in remotione pubHci
scandalL'
We must confess it is not easy to infer all these conclusions
from the Acts of the case ; if the marriage were invalid there was
no real dissolution of the vinculum by dispensation. The validity,
however, seems to have been doubtful, and this was probably one
of the reasons for granting the dispensation.
J-H.
[ 672 ]
DOCUMENTS.
Enoy{jlical Letter of Pope Leo. XIII., cm the Rosary
OP THE Blessed Vmam, and the Special Devotioks
for the MONTH OF OCTOBER, 1884.
SUMMARY.
Eef erence to the Encjclical of last year ordering the recitation
of the Rosary during the month of October. Ready compliance
of the faithful. Reasons for the renewal of the devotion during
the present October explained. A special reason for Italy in the
presence of the -cholera.
Ordered that the kosary and Litany be said publicly every day
from the Ist of October to the 2nd of November of this year in
all parochial churches, or public oratories dedicated to the
B. Virgin, or in any other church or oratory appointed by the
Ordinary. When these devotions are held in the forenoon, they
ought to be in connection with the morning Mass ; when in the
afternoon, the prayers are to be recited before the Blessed Sacra-
ment exposed, and followed by the usual Benediction. Processions
of the Sodality of the Rosary are recommended.
Indulgence of seven years and seven quarantines every time
one joins in the public recitation of the Rosary and prays for the
intentions of the Pope ; and the same indulgence extended to ihoee
who, being unable to attend in the church, recite those prayen
privately. A plenary indulgence for at least ten attendances at
the public devotions, accompanied by confession and commnniiHi.
A plenary indulgence also extended to those who cannot attend
the public devotions but who say the prayers privately at least ten
times, and confess and communicate. A plenary indulgence for
those who confess and communicate on the solemnity of the Holy
Rosary (October the 6th) or within its Octave, and pray in church
for the intentions of the Pope.
The Ordinary empowered to prolong these concessions to
November or December in favour of those who are occupied during
October in field work which they cannot conveniently abandon :
Venerabilibus Fratribus Patbllrchis, Primatibus, Archi»-
piscopis ET Episcopis Catholici Orbis Universis gratiam et
COMMUNIONEM CUM ApOSTOLICA SEDE HABENTIBUS.
LEO pp. XIIL
y£NERABU.E8 FrATRES SALUTEM £T ApOSTOLICAM BeNEPIO
TIONEH.
Superiore anno, quod singuli novbtis, per litteras Nostras
Encyclicas decrevimus, ut in omnibus Catholici orbis partibiis,
ad caeleste praesidium laboranti Ecclesiae impetrandum, magna
Dei Mater sanctissimo Rosarii ritu, Octobri toto, coleretiir.
In quo et iudicium Nostrum et exempla seqnnti sumns Deoes*
sorum Nostrorum, qui diffidllimis Ecclesiae iemporibaa ancto
*
DocumentSm 673
pietatis stndio ad angnstam Yirginem confagere, opemqne eias
flomiiiis precibus implorare consueverunt. Voluntati vero illi
Nostrae tanta animoram alacritate et concordia ybique lok^orum
obtemperatum est, ut lucnlenter appamerit quantas religionis
et pietatis ardor exstet in populo christiano, et qnantam in
caelesti Mariae Yirginis patrocioio spem universi reponant. Quern
qnidem declaratae pietatis et fidei f ervorem Nos, tanta molestiarum
et malonim mole gravatos, non mediocri consolatione leniisse pro-
fitemnr, imo animum addidisse ad graviora quoque, si ita Deo
placeat, perferenda. Donee enim spiritus precum effunditur super
dornum David et super habitatores Jerusalem, in spem certam
adducimur, fore ut aHquando propitietur Deus, Ecclesiaeque suae
miseratus vicem, audiat tandem preces obsecrantimn per Eam^
qoam ipse caelestium gratiarum voluit esse administram.
Quapropter insidentibus causis, quae Nos ad publicam pietatem
excitandam uti diximus, anno superiore impulemnt, officii Nostri
daximus, Venerabiles Fratres, hoc quoque anno hortari populos
Christianos, ut in hujusmodi precandi ratione et formula, quae
Bosarium Mariale dicitur, perseverantes, sibi validum magnae Dei
Genitricis patrocinium demereantur. Cum enim in oppugnatori-
bos non minorem esse oportet constantiam voluntatis, quum prae*
sertim caeleste auxilium et collata nobis a Deo beneficia, perseve-
rantiae nostrae saepo soleant esse fructus. Ac revocare
luvat in mentem magnae illius ludith exemplum, quae al-
mae Yirginis typum exhibens stultam ludeorum repressit
impatientiam, constituere Deo volentium arbitrio suo diem
ad subveniendum oppressae civitati. Intuendum item in exemplum
Apostolorum, qui maximum Spiritus Faracliti donum sibi promis-
som expectaverunt, perseverantes unanimiter in oratione cum
Maria Matre lesu. — ^Agilur enim et nunc de ardua ac magni
momenti re, de inimico antiquo et vaferrimo in elata potentiae
suae acie bumiliando ; de Ecclesiae eiusque Capitis libertate vindi-
eanda ; de lis conservandis tuendisque praesidiis in quibus conquies-
cere oportet securitatem et salutem bumanae societatis. Curandum
est igitur, ut luctuosis hisce Ecclesiae temporibus Marialis Rosarii
s&nctissima consuetudo studiose pieque servetur, eo praecipue quod
huiusmodi preces cum ita sint compositae ut omnia ex ordine salutis
nostrae mysteria recolant, maxime sunt ad fovendum pietatis
spiritum comparatae.
Et ad Italiam quod attinet, potentissimae Yirginis praesidium
nunc maxime per Rosarii preces implorare necesse est, quum nobis
adsit potius, quam impendeat, nee opinata calamitas. Asiana enim
lues terminos, quos natura posuisse videbatur, Deo volente, prae-
tervecta, portus Gallici sinus celeberrimos, ac finitimas exinde
Italiae regiones pervasit. Ad Mariam igitur confugiendum est, ad
earn, quam iure meritoque salutiferam, opiferam, sospitatricem
appellat Ecclesia, uti volens propitia opem acceptissimis sibi pre-
cibus imploratam afferat, impuramque luem a nobis longe depellat.
Quapropter adventante, iam^ mense Octobri, quo mense sacra
674 Documents.
solemnia Mariae Yir^nis a Rosario in orbe catliolico agontor,
omnia ea, quae praeterito anno praecepimns, hoc anno itenun
praecipere statuimns. Decemimus itaque et mandamus, ut a
prima die Octobris ad secundam conseqnends Novembris in
omnibus curialibus templis, sacrariisve publicis Deiparae dicatii,
aut in aliis etiam arbitrio Ordinarii eligendis, quinqne saltern
Bosarii decades, adiectis litanniis, quotidie recitentnr : quod si
mane fiat, sacrum inter preces peregatur : si pomeridianis hom
Sacramentum augustum ad adorandum proponatur, deinde qui in-
tersunt rite Instrentur. Optamus autem, ut Sodalitates Sanctissimi
Rosarii solemnem pompam, ubicunque per civiles leges id sinitar,
vicatim publicae religionis causa ducant.
Ut Tero christianae pietati caelestes Ecdesiae thesauri redo-
dantur, Indulgentias singulas, quas superiore anno largiti sumus,
renovamus. Omnibus videlicet qui statis diebus publicae Bosarii
recitationi interfuerint, et ad mentem Nostram oraverint, et his
pariter qui legitima causa impediti privatim haec egerint, 8q>tcsii
annorum itemque septem quadragenarum apud Deum indulgeDtiam
singulis vicibus concedimus. £is vero qui supra dicto tempore
decies saltern vel publico in templis, vel iustis de cansis inter
domesticos parietes eadem peregerint, et criminnm confessione
expiati sancta de altari libaverint, plenariam admissomm veniam
de Ecclesiae thesauro impertimus. Plenissimam banc admissonim
veniam et poenanun remissionem his omnibus etiam largimur, qui
rel ipso beatae Yirginis a Rosario die festo, vel quolibet ex oeto
insequentibus, animi sordes eluerint et divina convivia sancte oele-
braverint, et pariter ad mentem Nostram in aliqua sacra aede Deo
et sanctissimae eius Matri supplicaverint.
lis denique consultum volentes qui ruri vivunt et agri eultioDe,
praecipue Octobri mense, distinentur, concedimus ut singula, quae
supra decrevimus, cum sacris etiam incl,ulgentiis Octobri mense,
lucrandis, ad insequentes vel Novembris vel Decembris menses.
Prudenti Ordinariorum arbitrio differri valeant.
Non dubitamus, Yenerabiles Fratres, quin curis hisce No^ris
nberes et copiosi fructus respondeant, praesertim si quae Nos plan-
tamus, et vestra soUicitudo rigaverit, iis Deus gratiarum suaram
largitione de coelo afferat incrementum. Pro certo quidem
habemus populum christianum futurum dicto audientem Aposiol-
icae auctoritati Nostrae eo fidei et pietatis f ervore» cuius praeterilo
anno amplissimum dedit documentum. Caelestis autem Patrcuia
per Bosarii preces invocata adsit propitia, efficiatque, ut soblatis
opinionum dissidiis et re Christiana in nniversis orbis terramm
partibus restituta, optatam Ecclesiae tranquillitatem a Deo
impetremus. Cuius auspicem beneficii, Vobis et Clero vestat>, el
populis vestrae curae concreditis Apostolicam Benedictioiiem
peramanter impertimus.
Datum Bomae ,apud S. Petrum die zxx. August! isjioccuxxxv^
Pontificatus Nostri Anno Septimo.
LeoPP. XHL
[ 675 3
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
The Difference hettveen Temporal and Eternal, Reviaed by the
Rev. Matthew Russell, S.J. Duffy & Sons, Dublin, 1884.
Many of us are somewhat familiar with the famous spiritual
book Temporal and Eternal, We used to hear chapters read from it
during our college course, and we remember so well that it was
oneof those great old spiritual books remarkable for their solid
instruction, which our superiors used to recommend for spiritual
reading and striking thoughts for sermons. But why is it that we
are only somewhat, and not thoroughly^ familiar with this excel-
lent book ? Most of us would answer, " it was too unreadable.
We could study it in French or German ; but to read it in our
faulty inelegant English version was a hard task." Thanks to
the Rev. Editor of this new and revised edition, this objection
exists no longer. He has undertaken to remove those blemishes ;
and we have only to mention that the editor is the Rev. Matthew
Russell, S.J., himself a distinguished litterateur, , to satisfy our
readers that the revision is all that it ought to be — for, while
leaving us the golden book of Father Nieremberg, Father Russell
has impressed on it the stamp of his own pure style, and matured
literary judgment.
Ed.
The Seraphic Guide. By a Franciscan Father. Benziger,
Brothers, New York, 1884.
This prayer book is intended specially for the members of the
Third Order of St. Francis. In addition to the usual prayers
found in prayer books, it contains a full and interesting account of
the nature, excellence,*prerogatives, and obb'gations of the Third
Order Secular. It is of this Third Order that the Cure of Ara
used to say that the safety of society depended on its propagation,
and our present Holy Father, not only fostered it when he was
Bishop of Perugia, but lately called on all the bishops of the Church
to protect and encourage it in their dioceses. He even altered
some of its rules, in order to make it more suitable to the wants of
our time.
We believe that many a priest would be inspired to introduce
this Third Order among his people, by reading the first part of this
prayer book.
Ed.
Life ofMdlle. Le Gras, Foundress of the Sisters of Charity.
This IS a translation from the original French— unlike most
translations— into graceful, easy-flowing, readable English. We
have not seen the origmal of the Life of Mdlle. Le Oras^
676 Notices of Books.
and are not therefore in a position to pronounce of our own
knowledge an opinion on the accuracy of the rendering into
English. But from the filial pietj, reverence, and love, that
must, in part at least, have prompted the undertaking, as well
as from the well-known character of the eminent publishers,
Benziger, Brothers, New York, we have no hesitation in saying
that the translation is no less accurate than it is beautifuL
There is no one who has not heard of the Sister of Charity.
Her praises are on every tongue. Infidel and Christian, Catholic
and non-Catholic alike join with willing accord in testifying to the
heroic fortitude, the self-sacrificing spirit, the practical sympathy
with every form of suffering humanity, that have distingtushed
the Sisters of Charity, wherever their lot has been cast, from the
days of their holy foundress down to the present hour. Whether
on the battlefield, in the cholera hospital, among the galley-slaves,
or in the orphan asyliun, the career of the Sisters of Charity has
been one uninterrupted vindication of their title and name — a con-
stant exercise of the highest and holiest charity for God and man.
No wonder then that the reading public should hail with delight
the appearance of a work purporting to give a full and truthifnl
record of the principal events in the life of the wonderful woman
who, under the Divine guidance, laid the first beginnings of a
congregation fraught with such benefits to the Church and to
society at large. Heretofore the most that was generally known
of MdUe. Le Gras, was that she founded " the Sisters of Charity,"
and that she had been the faithful and constant co-operator of
St. Vincent de Paul in all his works of charity and zeal. The
present volume gives us a clear insight into her life as mother,
widow, and foundress ; into the virtues and austerities she loved and
practised in her spiritual life, and the labours she underwent and
the sacrifices she made in carrying to completion the work which
God had entrusted to her hands. We deem it impossible that
any one, whether religious or secular, priest or laic, should read
this Life without being forcibly stimulated to a more exact imita-
tion of the virtues of her whose actions are therein pourtrayed,
and brought into a closer union with God. We heartily wish to
see the present edition soon exhausted, and rapidly succeeded by
many new ones.
R.
Luther^s Own Statements concerning his Teaching and its Besulti*
By Henry O'Connor, S.J. Benziger : New York.
This is a third and stereotyped edition of Father O'Connors
remarkable portrait of Martin Luther, faithfully copied from the
original as delineated by the Arch-heretic himseLT.
In this American edition a slight, yet important change may
be observed. The former title, ** The only reliable Evidence con*
ceming Martin Luther," has been dropped for the more appropriate
one, '' Luther's Own Statements concerning his Teachu^ uid rts
Notices of Books. t>77
Besolts." All groand for misconception is now removed, and it can
no longer be said thaUthe author conveys the impression that his
evidence is the only reliable one. From one point of view, however,
and that a very striking one, the evidence collected by Fr. O'Connor
is the only kind of evidence that can be relied upon. Consisting
as it does of *' Luther's own statements, taken exclusively &om the
earliest and best editions of Luther's German and Latin Works/'
Father O'Connor's book supplied that evidence which alone cannot
be set aside by those friends and admirers of Luther whose only
Gospel is the teaching of the hero worshipped by them. Dr.
UUathorne, Bishop -of Birmingham, is of opinion, *' that the only
way of rightly exposing that infamous man is by giving his own
words from his authentic writings." Fr, O'Connor is acknowledged
by most competent judges to have done so, in a work of great and
permanent value.
Were ;wq to venture a suggestion, we would urge the accom-
plished author to construct, on the solid basis he has set before us,
a larger work, giving a detailed account of Luther's teaching, of
the agencies employed by him in propagating his new doctrines,
and of the full harvest of sin and misery produced by them. He
possesses all the qualifications required for such a task. In the
meantime, we advise every student of Church History to provide
himself with a copy of the work before us ; he will find that the
approval so widely accorded to it is at once a proof and a recogni-
tion of its results. G. D.
An Easy Method of Meditation. By Rev. F. X. Schouppe, S.J.
This modest little work is well worthy of its pious and distin-
guished author. Father Schouppe is a well-known Theologian,
and an eminent member of the great order of the Jesuits. His
name is a guarantee that the book contains nothing but sound
doctrine and solid piety. It is a practical illustration of the
" Second Method of Prayer " proposed by Saint Ignatius in his
Spiritual Exercises, This second manner of praying consists in
reflecting seriously and attentively on each word of whatever
prayer we are saying, in order to extract from it the thoughts and
spiritual affections it is capable of suggesting. Father Schouppe
in his " Easy Method of Meditation " takes up the prayers in
daily use among Catholics, viz. : The Lord's Prayer, Hail Mary,
and Creed ; these he analyses and explains very fully, thereby
furnishing to the reader the rich and abundant treasure of holy
thoughts which the words are capable of suggesting. The work
is most valuable as a Meditation Book, being suited to the capacity
of all who can read. It may also be utilised by the preacher or
lecturer, as it contains many holy thoughts, and much matter that
can be easily and advantageously embodied in lectures or Cate-
chetical instructions. The wide circulation of this little book will
greatly tend to promote knowledge and piety among its readers.
A. B.
VOL. V. 3d
678 NoticeB of Booki.
Maxims and Ditties of Parents. By Rev. M. Aroissnet.
Hev. M. Aroisenet, author of this ^ excellent treatise on
parental duties, is well known to readers of ascetic hooks hoth
in this country and in France, and this new work of his is sore
to be well received by them. It contains a clear and full account
of the duties which parents owe their children, and also many
and forcible reasons for the ful61ment of these duties. Many
examples from Sacred Scripture and Ecclesiastical History are
given to support and illustrate these reasons We respectfully
but earnestly recommend this useful little treatise to parents and
guardians, and indeed to all those who hold the responsible office
of training youth. It is translated in pure, simple language,
neatly brought out by the publishers, and well deserves a wide
circulation among Catholic families. A. B.
Latin Prose Exercises^ based upon " Caesar^s Gallic War." By
Clement Bryans, late Scholar of King's College, Cambridge,
&c. Macmillan & Co.
The plan of this little book is good, and has been well carried
out. Mr. Bryans proposes to teach Latin composition from one
trustworthy author ; and with this object in view he has selected
" Caesar's Gallic War." He mentions three reasons for this
selection: 1st, because every boy who is put to learn Latin reads
Ccesar; 2nd, because Ceesar's plain, terse style, and excellent
Latinity, are known to all scholars ; and drd, because he admits of
close and not diflBcult imitation. Mr. Bryans properly censures the
system of attempting to impart a facility in Latin writing by the
use of the Latin-English dictionaries which contain, as he cadis it,
only hybrid phraseology, and he much prefers the close study of an
author of acknowledged excellence.
To attain his object, Mr. Bryans gives full lists of phrases from
** Cfesar's Gallic War," suitably arranged under various headings,
such as military and geographical phrases, Caesar's use of cases,
moods, prepositions, and conjunctions. Then follow well-selected
exercises.
This little book will be specially valuable if studied in connection
with the CflBsar class ; but there is no reason why any diligent and
intelligent student may not apply, with immense improvement
to his Latin vocabulary and style, Mr. Bryans* plan to the prose
author he happens to be reading in school. Ed.
The League of the Cross Magazine.
This little Magazine, although not quite eight months in
existence, can point to very gratifjring results in the cause of holj
temperance. It is a monthly publication, and can be had at the
small cost of three halfpence a number from the editor, 8, Gunsler-
row, Isleworth, London, from Burns & Gates, M. H. Gill &Soo.
or any of our Catholic booksellers. The number for July, which
is now before us, containsi, besides other most interesting matter,
Notices of Books. 679
a very tbonghtfol, well-reasoned paper on the connection between
insanity and intemperance. We think the Magazine should be
subscribed for and read by all who are interested — and who is not ?
— in the suppression of the destroying vice of drunkenness. ,
The Messenger of the Immaailate Heart, By Rev. J. E. Nolan,
O.D.C. Dublin : Duffy & Sons.
The Messenger is a monthly publication of a very unpretending
but neat appearance. It contains a calendar for the current
month, indulgenced prayers, a discourse on some attribute of the
Blessed Virgin, together with an account of the more memorable
facts connected with the doings of the Confraternity of the Imma-
culate Heart of Mary. Its gifted and hard-working editor, in this,
as in his many other little books, adopts the most practical and
successful method of permanently benefiting his readers. His lan-
guage is clear and impressive, and he gives an example at the end
of each instruction.
Tlie Virgin Mother of Good Counsel, By Monsignor G. F. Dillon,
D.D. London: Burns & Gates, 1884.
Devotion to our ** Mother of Good Counsel** is not without
being cultivated in these countries, but it is cultivated to a far less
extent than it ought to be. " Good Counsel " is one of the
attributes that strikes us as specially becoming in her whom we
salute as the *' Virgo Sapiens,'* and to whom the Church applies the
words of the Holy Ghost '* in me is counsel." Besides, we feel
assured that it is an attribute that is calculated to call forth in
a very special way the devotion of the faithful, who are so trustful
in the protection and guidance of the Mother of God, particularly
in times of doubt and difficulty. Yet the picture of the " Virgin
Mother of Good Counsel "— and it is indeed a very distinctive
and devotional picture — is not often met with in our churches or
oratories, nor is the invocation of the Blessed Virgin under this
sweet title so frequently on our lips as the many other ejaculations
that are so familiar to us from childhood onwards. The real cause,
however, of this omission is to be traced to the fact that the people
generally had no knowledge of the devotion to the Mother of God
under this special form : at least we had no full history of its
origin and wonderful development in other countries. This want,
we are happy to say, is now admirably met by Monsignor Dillon's
beautiful book.
Among the shrines of the Blessed Virgin, there is none,
perhaps, so ancient, and few more famous for its miracles, the
number of its pilgrims, and the extraordinary manifestation of
piety to be witnessed there from year to year, than the shrine of
the " Virgin Mother of Good Counsel.'' This famous shrine is at
Genazzano, a picturesquely situated little town, in the Sabine
Eanges, some thirty miles from Bome, near Palestrina, the old
680 Notices of Books.
Praeneste capital of Latium. Here our Mother of Good Counwl
has been honoured under this beautiful title from the earliest
times, indeed from those far off times when the deserted pagan
temples round Rome were taken up by the Christians, and t&e
abominations of idolatry replaced by the pure worship of the tme
God. We are told that the first sanctuary of our Lady of Good
Counsel at Genazzano had been a temple of Venus.
In course of time God manifested his pleasure at the great
honour paid to his Mother at Genazzano by a miracle of a kind
which reminds us forcibly of that other renowned sanctuary, the
holy House of Loretto. In the year 1467, a beautiful picture of
the Virgin, holding in her arms the Divine Infant, passed
miraculously from Albania when seized by the Turks, to the
shrine at Genazzano. This picture is preserved with jealous care,
and we have been told by friends, who were present on the
occasion of the annual Feast when the picture is uncovered, that
the piety of the people was such as to make even one who had
witnessed the enthusiasm of the pilgrims at Lourdes, to marrel.
But we must send our readers to Monsignor Dillon's highly
interesting book for a fiill history of our Lady's Shrine at Grenazzano.
The work is so complete and of so useful a character as to merit
the high commendation of Cardinal Simeoni ; and even the Pope
himself has sent to the Right Eev. author, with his blessing, a
letter of praise and thanks.
If we may venture to make a suggestion to the Bight Ber.
author, we would say to him to complete his splendid service in
spreading devotion to our Virgin Mother of Good Counsel bj
publishing in due course a small popular Manual, embodying in a
concise form the history of this venerable and famous shnne, with
prayed and suitable devotions. Thus he will establish a veiy
strong claim to the reward he speaks of so earnestly and loviDgljf
^' Qui elucidant me, vitam aetemam habebunt." £i>«
Manual of the Infant Jesus. By Fr. Sebastian. Dublin:
Gill & Son.
This little Manual is divided into two parts : the first contains
forty- four considerations on the Life of our Divine Lord and other
suitable subjects, and the second part is made up of the prayeo
usually found in prayer books. We think this a good plan. The
Considerations, if read attentively, will serve the purpose of a
Meditation, or of the daily Spiritual Beading, and we are quit*
sure that no one can use them regularly without much spintiial
profit. They lead all classes of people easHy and naturally to think
and pray. They also contain much solid instruction. E^*
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
NOVEMBER, 1884.
THE CONFESSOR AS '' CONSULENSr
OF the many heavy duties annexed to the oflSce of
confessor few involve the load of care wh:ch attaches
to his obUgation of giving advice on matters of restitution.
It comes ^on him in numerous cases varying in
Knd and difficulty. At one time it is a child stealing from
parents, at another an unjust co-operator, again an
unfaithful public servant, and again an accidental agent of
injury. Counsel in affairs so complex is no easy task, and
yet it belongs to the ordinary office of confessor to be
accurate in them all.
Every obligation, however, which official tinist imposes,
is not binding in justice. Without its bond the virtues of
charity, fidelity, and religion, may demand the performance
of certain acts under heavy penalty. It is often so with the
confessor. When he hears the confession of a person duly
disposed he is bound per se in justice to give absolution ;
but he is not bound per $e in justice to admonish in regard
to restitution, although he may be guilty of a serious
dereUction of duty by neglecting the admonition.
How, it may be ajsked, does the confessor, as such, come
under the weight of any serious obUgation to procure the
temporal well-being of his penitent or a third party, seeing
that his office is concerned with the spiritual welfare of the
former alone ? Indirectly for the most part. As father
and friend the sinner has, no doubt, strong claims on
his charity to prevent even worldly losses, when this is
feasible ; but the main source of obUgation is that the
confessor is bound directly to procure the spiritual good of
his penitent, and cannot do so in many instances without
giving advice and instruction iu regard to temporal
VOL. V. 3 E
Ihe Confessor as " Consulens" 683
mortally sinful neglect, ignorance, . or malice. In the
former it should be purely accidental, or at worst, arise out
of some slight fault. It is necessary to keep these two
classes of cases carefully apart.
Taking them in order, as is obvious, a most discreet
and efficient confessor may, as long as man remains what
he is, give wrong instruction through inadvertence or
forgetfulness, though confident that he knows the whole
case and overlooks no point in giving decision. Or again,
possibly there has been some slight venial fault of over-
naste in putting the circumstances together. Such slips
are, on thejone hand, possible, and on the other, according
to the unanimous opinion of theologians, it would make
the confes80i''8 position unbearable, if he were bound in
justice to prevent their evil results, at relatively grave
inconvenience to himself. This also is the dictate of
reason where sin, if any, is but venial. Nor does the public
good require a special penalty in this particular case. It
is fully protected by the facility with which neglect in
matters so serious becomes a grave offence, bringing -Nvith
it the burden of complete compensation, and by the
obligation to which we are going to allude.
For though not bound in justice by reason of his advice
to interfere cum gravi incpmmodo to prevent its evil eflcct,
he is under the obUgation of doing so at appreciable dis-
advantage to himself. By supposition his act will be at
least the material cause of injury, if allowed to take its
course. Now in such circumstances the person about to
be injured has a strict right, as all admit, that at some
personal inconvenience an effort should be made to prevent
.the evil by him who has been the material cause of its
otherwise sure occurrence.
Moreover, this obligation, though urging only sub levi
incommodoy is, of its own nature, grave^ That is, by
neglecting to discharge it, one contracts mortal guilt,
where the matter is of serious importance, and becomes
liable for the evil consequences of his advice just as if he
had committed a mortal sin in the beginning. Both points
are well explained by Lehmkuhl.^
**Nam qui actione vel inculpabile vel imperfecte culpabile
causam damni alieni posuit, tenetur impedire, quominus actio
suum effectum producat vel nocere pergat, mode id etiamnunc
efficere possit sine incommodo relative gravi. Sicut enim quilibet
1 Vol, L n. 969.
a cominoae potest tiamoncre ■ sicut, qui uicuipaDiliter accennii
1 Dis. ixii., n. 66. ' De Poenit. Die. ixii. sec. iiL n., 64
The Confessor as " Consulens.'* • 685
aedea alienas, quae valeant ceDtum mille aureos, Don excusabitur
ab extinguendo incendio, si possit uno aureo vocare sibi socios
qui illud extinguant ; commode enim potest illud extinguere
respective ad damnum de quo agitur."
Such, then, is the inconvenience at which wrong advice,
given without grave fault, must be amended, to avert
the burthen of full restitution. The prudent practice of
confessors, however, is their sure defence in these matters.
When a case of unusual difficulty arises which cannot be
satisfactorily settled without reference or deliberation,
judgment is deferred and time taken to think over every
circumstance of importance. This is much better than to
hazard an opinion which might happen to be unsafe. To
postpone one's decision for a trifling scruple could, of
course, serve no good purpose. Delays are but second-
best remedies to be applied when sure advice cannot be
commanded. Still, in the great majority of cases which
require postponement, no considerable disadvantage need
^be feared. If, however, the penitent cannot return to the
same confessor without considerable inconvenience, he is to
be told that the matter requires deliberation, and that in the
circumstances he must explain it over again to his next
confessor. Should he happen to be dying, and have no
hope of life continuhig until proper counsel could be
given, the best expedient for him woidd be to leave his
confessor means of making restitution conditionally on its
being of obligation. But if in some extraordinary case this
or any similar provision could not be made without
endangering eternal salvation, and the penitent, on beins
told how matters stood, showed no desire to be liberal
beyond his obligations, the confessor should announce to
him that in such a complication he was practically free
from restitution.
So far the absence of gravely culpable ignorance or
neglect has been supposed. But the presence of either is
at least possible, and it is therefore requisite to explain
the consequences of such advice. To ui^dertake the
decision of grave questions in justice without having once
acquired and now possessing the necessary knowledge for
a confessor, or to pronounce on important and controverted
rights without due examination of their bearings, will
make the rash adviser be the positive, efficacious, unjust,
and culpable cause of whatever injury results from such
imorance or neglect, and render him liable accordinglv to
the injured person or persons. The penitent or a third
The ConfesBor as ** ComuUns.'* 687
mnfit be broken by convincing arguments. Otherwise,
the result is still traceable to the confessor's counsel.
And it is not merely that reasons, which of themselves
bring conviction, must be advanced, they must also be
convincing f©r the individual to whom they are addressed.
Plainly in any other hypothesis the retractation is not
efficacious, notwithstanding that it is so difficult to secure
this point when arguments have been already put forward
to prove the penitent's exemption. Still in practice we
must make allowance for an opinion, referred to further on,
which S. Liguori considers prooable, although speculatively
the matter seems to admit of little doubt.
It may be well to go through the possible cases more in
detail. For it is much easier to recall advice opposed to
the penitent's temporal interest, than that which favours
him at some other's expense. Above everything, it is to
be borne in mind that attempts made by the conmlens to get
free from the obligation of restitution must be sine periculo
Btmlli, and hence that, if the confession be over, he must
ODtain permission for alluding to a matter protected by
its se^l.
Now let us first deal with advice which is unfavourable
to a third party and favours the penitent. Practically it
takes two forms. ITiey are permission to make occult
compensation and approval of omitting restitution. As
regards the former, Kttle need be added. The revocation,
we suppose, is intimated in time to avert the mischief.
Otherwise it is of no avail. But when intimated, as has
been said, it must be fortified with such reasons as will
utterly nullify the former instruction given to the penitent.
For if he proceeded to take his neighbour's property,
because persuaded that the change of advice was not
meant honajide^ or in anj case not shown to be just by the
reasons alleged, the original unjust counsel would still flow
into the act of injury, as cause into efiect, and the revo-
cation could not be deemed efficacious. Again, in the
absurd hypothesis of anything being said to create feelings
of hatred and revenge towards a third person, or point
out an ingenious way of taking his propertv, it might
be simply impossible^ to withdraw the influx oi permission,
once given, to make occult compensation at his expense.
On the other hand, however, in almost* every practical
instance, consilium doctinnale et vestitum can be completely
» Cf . CroUy, p. 656. • Ibid. p. 654.
The Confessor as " Consulens.'^ 689
or he was not. If hot, it may be more difficult, as has
been just stated, to move him to it now, after having been
declared free, than it would to dissuade him from making
occult compensation. This, however, is the only point
of difference. The two cases are settled on the same
principlea But if when resolved to make restitution
m the beginning he was prevented from doing so by the
confessor's advice, and now declines to accept the change
of counsel, no matter how irrational his conduct, the con-
fessor is bound to compensate the third party. And
obviously so, because in tnis hypothesis his consilium is the
real cause of the injury. It prevented the restitution,
which would otherwise have been made. It has already
caused the damnum^ and its influx or efficacy can be
retracted only when the damnum ceases : —
" Sed merito sapientissimus Lugo non excusat confessarium
CO casu a restitutione ; ratio, quia, esto is qui auctoritative dat
pravum consiliam, revocato consilio ad nihil amplius teneatur, ut
commnniter decent DD.,^ hoc tamen procedit, quando damnum
non est adhuc factum ; non vero cum ex consilio damnum est jam
illatum alteri. Quando autem confessarius positive et culpabihter
deobligat poenitentem dispositum ad restituendum, tunc ipse est
causa, ut actu damnum creditor! inferatur, cum alias si non
deobligaret, jam actu fieret restitutio. Unde si damnum jam actu
infertur, confessarius, etiamsi postea quaerat inducere poenitentem
ad restituendum, si ille renuat, non excusabitur ipse a restitutione,
cum ipse fuerit causa damni illati."
Thus far S. Alphonsus,^ who would, of course, allow
a confessor's claim for compensation at the hands of his
penitent, when the latter acts dishonestly.
And now a word on counsel unfavourable to the
penitent. It is of all the most readily withdrawn. As a
rule it will suffice to simply revoke the obligation, which
was imposed, of making restitution. Where deemed
necessary, however, the confessor should manifest his bona
fides and his recuaons, because otherwise the penitent might
remain uninfluenced bv what is said by way of retractation.
After this precaution, he has plainly the advantage of the
opinion which, as was shown already, S. Liguori deems
practically probable.
We have already stated that a confessor, although by
Srofession an ex officio consiliarius in matters of restitution,
oes not incur from mere silence the obligation of restoring
» lib. It., n. 659. ^Lib. v., Tract, iv., n. 621.
Religious Instruction in Colleges and Convent Schools. 691
And so it is with Christ's minister. Raised to the lofty
dignity of spiritual judge in the kingdom of God his
weighty obligations ever remind him that he dispenses
his Master's bounty only to promote the welfare of those
who throng around his tribunal. The place where he
takes his seat is one of great responsibility for him, of
mercy and security to repentant sinners. Even in
temporal matters, which bear on the spiritual, his advice,
at a personal risk, must be as correct as diligent
study can render it. And how jealously are the rights
of others yarded! While careful not to impose an
obligation m cases of doubt he will not allow occult
compensation where the right is uncei-tain. Truly,
the lowliest and most worldly portion of a confessor's
office needs the sustaining hand of the Most High. But
assuredly He who with loving care watches over the
minutest portions of the universe, and ever equips His
creatures with abundant means to attain their various
ends, will not shorten His arm in strengthening the heavily-
laden minister of penance.
Patrick O'Donnell.
RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION IN COLLEGES AND
CONVENT SCHOOLS.
THE History of Ireland for years past has been marked
by such great and stirring events as to be full of
exciting interest. Great changes have taken place in the
political condition of the people. Step by step a real
advance, though a slow one, has been made in giving to
them a share of that Uberty and right of equal justice which
has been won by other peoples in our own time; and
though the cause of freedom nas occasionally been stained
by crime, yet have not all good causes, even that of
religion itself, been obstructed in like manner by the
wetness, the wilfulness, and the wickedness of men ? In
the midst of these, and despite of them, the good cause
makes its way and prevails. And such real advance and
progress has been made in amending misrule, and restoring
right and Uberty to Ireland in our own days, that they will
always stand out in the history of Ireland as marking an
important epoch.
Religiom Instruction in Colleges and Convent Schools. 693
There are influences at work which would tempt them to
look to National progress and prosperity as the first thing.
Moreover, they have had lately opened to them prospects of
entering into competition with others for the honours and
rewards of learning. But those honours and rewards take
no account of the knowledge and practice of religion^
and they create a new and dangerous temptation to eager
and aspiring spirits, of giving the strengtn of their atten-
tion so completely to the secular subjects, as to overlook
and forget the one great subject which concerns them
more than all.
In considering what can be done by way of education
to meet these dangers, we find that those that have to be
dealt with are divided into two distinct classes. There
are the younff, who are living at home and attending
National schools or private day Schools, and there are those
that are resident in Seminaries, Colleges and Convents.
As regards the first, neither the schools nor the pupils
attending them are under the control of spiritual
authority to do as they will with them at all hours and in all
respects. But as regards the second, they are placed
entirely in the hands of those who are educating them.
They are given over to them for this very purpose. It is
hard to believe then, that with regard to these at least it
should not be possible so to educate them, as to prepare
them to pass safely through the dangers they must
encounter in after life. Leaving out of consideration the
first class for the present, we venture to offer for considera-
tion some suggestions as to what treatment might be of
service in dealing with the second.
It is obvious at the outset that religious instruction
demands new and special attention, both for the reason
that it holds no place among the subjects of public •ex-
aminations, and also because the pupils have to be prepared
more and more for entering into a state of society, not, as
before, preservative of a religious spirit, but now more or
less opposed to it. We cannot any longer depend on our
youn^ people being kept up in the knowledge andpractice
of religion by the support of public opinion^ They are
now liable to read and hear things that might tend rather
to weaken their faith and loosen their moral principles than
to give them strength. Hence it is before all things neces-
sary, now that education, as men say, is going ahead, and
the subjects of the day are more skilfully taught and more
tjioroughly learned, that the knowledge of reUgion should
Religious Instiniction in Colleges and Convent Schools. 695
it into a wronff attitude of mind themselves — one that is
unpractical, self-asserting and repulsiye 1
Once more, by a thorough course of religion, we must
explain that we do not mean devotion. For we have
more than once in visiting important places of education,
where secular subjects were ably and successfully taught,
found that similar attention was professedly not given to
the study of religion, on the ground that the students
attended to religion as a matter of devotion and piety.
Yet this is surely a mistake ; for piety is not exactly a
matter in our hands or a question of training so much as
a gift of God, and where children are brought up not so
much to be conscientious in the fulfilment of duties as to
depend on piety, it is frequently found to result in the
creation of a religious excitement which has no soUd
foimdation, and which fades away when exposed to the
trials and temptations of actual lite, leaving those whose
religion has been built on it without strength to endure.
Nuns and other reUgious persons who are so eager to make
their pupils full of devotion like themselves, forget that
their own devotion has a soUd foundation in the self-denial,
self-sacrifice and obedience of their life in religion. Nor
do they always bear in mind that they have to prepare
their pupils to encounter temptations under circumstances
where they will be without help from the external devotions
in which they now take deu^ht, and will have to fall
back on their own good religious principles and settled
habits. A true, solid devotion is indeed a thing to admire
and covet, but it is not identical with a soHd knowledge of
the doctrines and duties of reUgion, nor can it be depended
on, like a habit of self-denial, of strict obedience to God's
Commandments, and taking care of one's own soul.
What, then, we understand by a solid knowledge of
religion is a huowledge of it, not as a means of gaining
distmction, or dealing with others, but for its oato sake,
and for the sake of ourselves. We see that those who
enter into the study of science and history thoroughly
become engrossed in it; it occupies and interests them,
until often their character and hfe are made up of it.
Cannot religion be studied in this way? Does not the
subject admit of it? Is it not capaole of feeding the
intellect and supporting the soul f Modem educationalists
would have us believe that science and civilization are the
realities of life, and that all else is theoretical and unsub-
stantial. We desire so to teach the knowledge of religion
Lough Cutra and its Surroundings. 697
is, that it receives boys from school and gives them a sort
of freedom and independence, without at once emancipating
them from all care and control. In this way they learn
to walk and take care of themselves, and many are
preserved who would be unable to stand exposure to
temptation all at once. Well, if we are not able to give
the like advantage to our young people, it would seem
important to their future strength and perseverance not to
be afraid of every whiff of outer air lest it should soil their
purity or poison their minds. They are shortly to go out
Dodily into the corrupt atmosphere of the world, and
without purposely putting temptation in their way, yet we
need not be sorry that their strength should be tried by
anything in the way of temptation, whether from books or
society, that comes naturally in their way, while they still
remain under surveillance and control. The preliminary
canter prepares for the race ; and a trial trip or two before
starting on the voyage of life should not fee regarded as
a needless exposure, but as a wise precaution, to ensure
the vessel being well founded and capable of reaching her
ultimate destination.
J, Q. Wenham,
LOUGH CUTRA AND ITS SURROUNDINGS.
rpHE summits of the mountain range which extends from
I Loughrea to Gort command some magnificent views
oi the south of Galway. They are, no doubt, changed in
many things since Mac Lonan, Ireland's chief Poet, in the
9th Century, sang of those ** delightful " heights. However,
the purple glow of the heather is still, perhaps, as rich as
when the authority of the Chiefs of Kimeal Aedh was
recognised here ; and though the forests of yew trees and
hoary oaks have disappeared, dark pine and larch plantations
clothe the hill sides, and afford a shelter to the deer that
range along the moimtain solitudes. Immediately beneath
lie tne plains of Aidhne, once remarkable for ** fleet steeds,"
and even now rich in extensive plantings and cultivated
fields. The nuiet armlets of the Galway bay areseen glancing
in the sunlight, and extending towards the western horizon :
and there, too, is seen the outUne of the Connemara
mountains, seemingly shifting and shadowy in the distance,
VOL. V. 3 P
Lcnigh Cutra and its Surroundings 699
Little of its history is known. We are, however, informed
that those lovely solitudes were hallowed by some of our
primitive Irish saints. Saint Fechin was not deterred from
visiting Lough Cutra by hispainfiil experience of the Islands
of Galway Bay. His visit there was rendered memorable
by certain miracles, the memory of which he considered
should be perpetuated by the erection of a suitable memo-
rial— probably a church. The present ruin may, perhaps,
occupy its site. But Lough Cutra must have been well
and Avidely known even before St. Fechin 's time. One
of the principal residences of Gruaire, the hospitable King
of Connaught, stood in its immediate vicinity. And in its
neighbourhood, too, was the bloody field of Cam Connall —
the scene of his signal defeat at the hands of Dermait,
king of Leinster, A.D. 648.
In the Pagan period Lough Cutra was selected as a
site lor a fortress or settlement by Cutra son of Omor.
This Cutra, who has given his name to the lake, was brother
of Aengus, the powerful chief whose fort at Aranmore
still proclaims the ingenuity of its builders, and is justly
pronounced to be one of the most magnificent monuments
of the period now extant in Europe.
Hidden behind a thickly wooded hill on the north-
eastern side of the lake, a portion of the ruins of an old
castle may still be seen. It belonged to a branch
of the Mac Hubert De Burgos, who, in the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries, appropriated some of the most
valuable portions of the territories of the Lords of Kinnael
Aedh. And to the present day it retains the name of a
lady celebrated alike for her cruelty and her wealth —
" Nora na Gcaen, " second " wife " of the first Earl of Clan-
ricarde. This castle, dismantled for centuries, was the only
one built on the shores of Lough Cutra till the present
magnificent structure was erected in the beginning of the
present century for the Hon. Colonel Vereker, Lord Gort.
It stands an enduring monument of the genius of its archi-
tect Mr. Nash. Mr. Sullivan refers to it as "one of the
show places of the Western counties." The massive walls
are oi chiselled limestone ; and the style of " the severe
Gothic. " No site could be better chosen. The battlements
and terraces of the castle command a fine view of islands,
and water, and wooded shore, and of the undulating line
of the neighbouring hills. The grotmds are extensive and
aglow with brightand varied flowers. And alongthe water's
edge where the sunhght struggles through the foliage of
700 Lough Cutra and its Surroundings.
o verhan gin g trees, into grottoes and sheltered nooks, the rich
bloom of the rhododendrons and laburnums flashes brightly
through the gloom of the summer foUage. Indeed the site
with its surroundings is quite in keeping with the beautiful
structure erected there at a cost of £60,000.
But short as is the period since its erection, it has passed
to many owners. The circumstances under which the
ownership of Lough Cutra castle and estates passed from
the Vereker family, are so graphically sketched by Mr.
Sullivan, that I venture to place the passage before my
readera with merely a few omissions. " The Gort un-
settled estates lay under a debt, in all, of about £60,000.
Eighteen hundred and forty-seven found Lord Gort, a
resident landlord, bravely doing his duty, refusing to fly,
scorning to abandon his tenantry. Rents could not be
raised ; and Lord Gort would not resort to heartless means
of attempting to extort them. The interest of the mortgage
fell in aiTear A petition for sale was lodged
in Chancery, whence the proceedings were transferred to
the new court created by the Incumbered Estates Act.
Thirteen years' purchase was, 1 believe, the highest given
at this sale. Lough Cooter Castle, worth £60,000 or
£60,000, was sold for £17,000. The fortunate purchaser
was Mrs. Ball, Superioress of the religious Order of
Loretto, Dublin, who intended converting it into a
Novitiate house for the Order."
Immediately after, Mrs. Ball established there a branch
of her Order, and opened schools not merely for the educa-
tion of young ladies of the higher classes, but for the
education of the poor as welL The complete seclusion of
the place, and its extensive woodland solitudes, were quite
suited to the peaceful and tranquil lives of ReUgious. And
for a time, indeed, the meny laughter of the school
children was the only sound which woke the echoes there.
And for some years the musical peals of the convent bell,
borne beyond the waters of the lake, proclaimed their
daily message of prayer to the peasants toiling on the hill
sides, and to the remote mountain hamlets. But the
community was soon recalled ; and when they left, they
bore away with them the blessings and the affectionate
remembrances of the people of the district.
Once more Lough Cutra had a change of owners. A
soldier, who won his coronet under the burning suns of
India, became the purchaser. Lord Gough became
3 owner for £24,000. Its beauty and seclusion gave pro-
Lough Cutra and its Surroundings. 701
mise of that repose to which the hardships of his long and
successful campaigns gave the brave veteran so just a
claim. Two well- mounted pieces of artillery, which he
captured in India, are still preservjsd on either side the
entrance as trophies of the prowess of the Irish general.
And though he retired from Lough Cutra to St. Helen's
near Dublin, he still continued to love it well, and returned
to it frequently as to a home to which he was much
att€U3hed. In the hands of its present noble owner, all is
done for the beauty of the place, which a generous expen-
diture and a cultivated taate can effect.
Such the circumstances under which Lough Cutra
changed hands during the present century. But the
transfer of the Lough Cutra property, which took place at
the close of the 17th century, is of a far more absorbing
interest.
When the Irish nation rallied at the Boyne around the
last of our Stuart Kings, Sir Roger O'Shaughnessy was
owner of the Lough Cutra estates. Though recognised
chief of the ancient tribe of Kneal Aedh, he like his
ancestors held his tribe lands by letters patent, made
by Henry VIII. Like so many others of the Irish chief-
tains, he staked all for the CathoHc cause, and for a worth-
less sovereign. After that Sovereign's defeat he returned
to Gort to die. In May, 1697, a grant of hie property was
made ** in custodiam " to the first Baron Hamilton, who,
however, soon after received «, preferable gift from the
Crown.
A more needy favourite was soon found in the person
of Sir Thomas Prendegrast, to whom a grant of the
O'Shaughnessy estates was made by lettera patent on the
19th June of the same year. This grant included all the
estate, real and personal, of the O'Shaughnessy during his
life and that of his son William, amd was made to
Prendegrast ** in consideration of his good and acceptable
services." These " acceptable services " consisted prin-
cipally of his betrayal of his associates in what is termed
the "Assassination Plot." It was tho golden age of
" informers. " Oates and Dangerfield had their day of
inglorious success ; but their degradation and punishment,
which followed in due course, was hailed by the nation
as a welcome reUef. The more fortunate Prendegrast
was a leading member of the " Assassination Plot,*' which, it
was said, was composed in a large measure of Roman
Catholics — his co-religionists. Arrangements for effecting
Lough CtUra and its Swrroundings. 703
twenty were imprisoned: and other arrests followed
quickly. It would seem that Prendegrast's scruples about
haying his evidence used " against the criminals " grew
weaker under the subtle influence of Royal favour. Assum-
ing that the king's " word of honour " was reUgiously
observed, the informer must have '' freely (Consented " to
have his evidence used against his fellow conspirators.
The first victims who were sentenced and executed, were
Cihamock, King and Keyes. Two other gentlemen, named
Friend and Parkins, quickly followed them to the scaffold ;
and their execution seems to have been ordered mainly on
the evidence of Prendegrast, which Macaulay regards as
respectable.
Such the nature of the services which secured for
Thomas Prendegrast a special claim on the Royal favour.
Accordingly he received such a grant as has been
■referred to, of the O'Shaughncssy estates around Lough
Cutra, made to him by letters patent, dated 20th September,
1698. He soon afterwards received a renewal of the
original grant, with additional estates in Tipperary,Galway,
Roscommon, and Westmeath.
Colonel William O'Shaughnessy, better known as the
Chevalier O'Shaughnessy, succeeded to the blighted for-
tunes of his father. Like many others of his brave country-
men he left his native land ; and accompanying his maternal
uncle. Lord Clare, he placed his good sword at the service
of the king of France. His career as a soldier was a dis-
tinguished one. In July 1691, he received the commission
6f Captfdn in Lord Clare's regiment ; and during that year
assisted at the siege of Montmelian. He afterwards served
in Italy till the siege of Valenza which brought the
campaign beyond the Alps to a conclusion. For his
services at that siege he was appointed Commandant
of the 3rd battalion of his regiment. We soon find him
engaged against Marlborough at filenhiem : and in 1705, at
the memorable field of Ramillies, where his gallant kinsman.
Lord Clare, had succumbed to his wounds. O'Shaughnessy
was advanced to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. He next
served with the army at Flanders : and in 1709 fought at
Malplaquet, where Prendegrast, his plunderer, was slain.
Durmg the succeeding years he saw much service and was
rapidly promoted. At Gravelines, in 1743, he was com^
mander, and received the well-merited distinction of
Chevalier of the Royal and Military Order of St. Louis.
But death terminated the veteran exile's distinguished
Lotigh Cutra and its Surroundings. 705
" After Dr. O'Shaughnessy's death this singular law suit
was continued by hip brother Sir Roebuck ; and after him
by his son, Sir Joseph — ^the Bishop's nephew. Such deter-
mined perseverance must command our admiration. But
the result might be easily foreseen. Sir Thomas Prende-
grast was a member of ParKament, and had the sympathy
of the Government, and the support of a persecuting and
dominant class. And we are assured on most credible
authority that he did not shrink from sacrificing his honour
for the purpose of securing his success. His opponent was
a Catholic, and had little else to rely iipon beyond the
justice of his cause and the sympathy oi the people. Be
was the representative of a family who, with their faults
and weaknesses, proved themselves the faithful guardians
and promoters of Catholic interests in the territory which
St. Coleman blessed by his Episcopal labours ; and as such
he retained the sympathy of the populace, and the support
of many of the leading families of the West of Ireland, to
whom he was closely alUed by ties of kindred. But this
gratifying sympathy rendei;ed Sir Joseph overbold in his
unequal struggle. He was influenced by it to take forcible
5ossession of me Castle of his ancestors at Gort-insi-juaire.
'he populace who supported him, offered him their con-
^atuJations, and did not realise that his just triumph could
be opposed by law. The bell towers of Athenryand Gal-
way rung out their merry peals in unison with the popular
ioy. The local poets vied with each other in proclaiming
his praises. Some lines in connection with this event are
still preserved, which, even in their English dress, fairly
indicate the extent of the enthusiasm and popular joy.
^< Majest thou meet neither peril nor danger,
O hero without fault.
' As thou hast won the goal the tribe that
Is poor will be the better of it.
The poets shall spread thy fame,
And the ollaves shall speak of thee ;
And from the nobles of Innisfail thou wilt
Receive at Gort the palm for hospitality."
It was, however, but a short lived triumph. The law
proceedings to which it immediately led are thus given on
the " Rules and practices of the Equity side of the
Exchequer in Ireland."
^' In the case of Smyth guardian of Prendegrast and others
against O'Siaughnessy and others in the Court of Chancery here
[ 707 ]
THE RECENT ROYAL UNIVERSITY EXAMINATION
IN METAPHYSICS.
THIS being the first year in which the students of
Cathohc and of Non-Catholic Colleges competed at
this examination, special attention will naturally be paid
to the character of the paper set in Metaphysics — one of
the very few subjects dealt with by the Royal University
which have a distinct religious bearing. It is the belief
of many that the character of the paper is such as Catholics
have no little reason to complain of. Whether this belief
is well-grounded or not, the following analysis of the paper
will show.
It is to be noted, at the outset, that under the regulations
gf the Royal University, candidates for the Degree of B.A.,
who are desirous of presenting "Logic, Metaphysics,
Ethics, and the' History of Philosophy" — ^the course which
many ecclesiastical students would most naturally select —
are obliged to take Honour papers (there being no Pass
Course in this set of subjects), and further that there
is a regulation special to the examinations for the
Degree of B.A. with Honours and for the Degree of M.A.
with Honours, that " Candidates cannot be adjudged to
hoive passed the examination unless their answering closely
approximates to the standard at which Honours will be
awarded." These arrangements might perhaps be advan-
tageouslv altered, but so long as they continue to exist,
they make it the more imperative that the papers in the
subjects of these examinations should be in all respects
reasonable and fair.
Considering how largely Catholics predominate in
Ireland, as also the fact that the Royal University was
established with the special object of relieving their
educational grievances, it cannot be held to be unreason-
able to demand (1) that as many questions should be based,
and should be based as explicitly, on standard works of
Catholic Philosophy, as are based upon the corresponding
works of Non-Catholic Philosophy; (2) that the terminology
familiar to the Catholic student i^ould be employed as
freely as that which is familiar to his rival ; and (3) that
any alternatives which are offered should be as favourable
to one side as to the other.
It is obvious that the most elementary principles of
fair play are violated, when such a set of questions is
r
The Recent MoycU University Examination in MetaphysicB. 709
3. Explain and illustrate the various meanings of the word
external as applied to sensible objects : or
State briefly the theory expressed in the foDowing : — Corpus
dicit compositum ex materia etfoitna.
4. Explain, with suitable comment : — *' Reproduction may be
said to involve the co-operation, in different proportions, or with
different degrees of distinctness, of two elements, a link of
similarity or identity, and a link of contiguity ;" or
Explain the nature of (a) Obstructive Association, {h) Implicit
Reasoning.
5. State distinctly the law of Contiguous Association, and trace
its operation (a) in the acquiring of musical airs, (Jb) in the
acquiring of a foreign language,
6. Distinguish between the optical and muscular elements in
the sensation of sight. Explain how, by their combination, the
eye enables us to obtain a knowledge of form^ extension^ and co«
ftdstence in space. Could we obtain this knowledge by the optical
element only ?
7. What do you understand by the organic sense f "What proof
would you give that it is entitled to rank among the senses pro-
perly so called ?
8« What do you understand by concentration of mind ? Explain
fully in what way it aids (a) acquisition ; (Jb) discovery. Is any-
thing known or surmised as to its physiological concomitants ? or
Kt^ Space and Time substances, or attributes, or relations, or
forms ? Define the terms used in this question,
9,' Is consciousness co* extensive with the phenomena of mind ?
Analysis op the Paper.
We may now proceed to examine the paper in detail,
taking the questions one by one. We take them in order
thus : —
1^^ Question.
Comment upon two of these passages: —
(a.) " All introspection is retrospection."
{h) *'In specifying all the conditions of a class of mental
operations, we nmst refer not only to psychical but to physical
circamstances."
(c.) '* The older psychology of Locke and his followers over-
looked the effects of individual * nature.' Modem writers, are,
perhaps, more liable to overlook the effects of * nurture.' "
(a) This passage reads more like a subject for an essay
than a question m Metaphysics. It is no doubt right to
Bet questions which will test a student's ability as well as
his erudition ; but a question is objectionable on general
The Recent Royal Umversity Examination in Metaphysics. 711
takeable in its meaDing. All obscurity, all pit-falls, and
{JH ambiguity, should be avoided, for they defeat their own
purpose." This question would seem to be an extreme
mstance of the violation of this " first requisite." The only
thing ** clear and unmistakeable " about it is that it belongs
to the History of Philosophy, and not to the Science of
Metaphysics, and that a candidate whose work of prepara-
tion had been done on Catholic lines, would be exceedmgly
unlikely to be able to write anything better in reply to
it than some crude extempore speculations of his own.
It will be noted that the alternative offered in this
questionis — as far as one class of candidates are concerned
— quite nugatory, neither (6) nor (c) being a question
which they could reasonably be expected to answer on
terms of anything like equality with their competitors,
2nd Question.
Discuss the statement — " Besistance to the locomotive energy
is the only mode of consciousness, which directly tells us of the
existence of an external world ; and the attributes which are
made known to us in that relation are the only ones which are
directly given ad constituting a material reality."
This statement is to be found verbatim in Mansel's
Metaphysics (a work most likely to have been carefully
studied by every Non-Catholic candidate), 8rd edition,
, 346. In the context in which the passage occurs, will
e foand all that Dean Mansel was able to bring forward
in proof of this position.
xhe Non-Catholic candidate, therefore, has the best
help towards obtaining an answer to this question. The
less fortimate Catholic candidate must endeavour, as best
he can, to collect the scattered fragments to be found
in his sources of information, and with great " toil and
trouble," to fit them together, while his neighbour is
pleasantly writing from memory. And in this instance he
Tvill look in vain for an alternative.
8rrf Question.
Explain and illustrate the various meanings of the word
external as applied to sensible objects ; or
State briefly the theory expressed in the following '.--^Corpus
dicit compositum ex materia etfonna.
(1^/ Altemaiive.)
Under the headings, " Meaning or import of Eaten'
sion^^ and " Extension the result of an association
of mental effects. The opposing views : Hamilton^'' the
s
The Recent Royal, Vnivereity IkMimination in Metaphydce^ 713
4^ Q^£siion,
Explain, with suitable comment : — ** Rejfroduction may be
gaid to involve the co-operation, in different proportions, or with
different degrees of distinctness, of two elements, a link of
similarity or identity, and a link of contiguity ;" or
Explain the nature of (a) Obstructive Association, {h) Implicit
Beasoning.
(Is* AUemative.)
The only diflScnlty which the Non-Catholic student can
have had in answering this question must have been the
embarrassment of too much riches. " Throughout the whole
of the preceding statement [extending over 249 pages] we
have had in view,'' — ^we quote from Professor Bain — " the
literal resuadtationj revivalj or reinstcUement j]called elsewhere,
passim, ^ reproduction^^ of former actions, images, emotions,
and trains of thought." He considers first the case in which
this resuscitation, &c., is due '^ to single threads or indivisible
links of association, whether of contiguiU/ or similarity y*' and
next " the case where several threacis or a Plurality of
links or bonds of connexion unite in reviving some previous
thought or mental state." To the consideration of this
latter case — ^the one referred to in the present alternative
question — he devotes 26 pages. The student must be hard ,
to please who is not satisfied with the amount of matter
provided for him within that compass.
Here, again, the Catholic candidate craves our com-
miseration. We can only recommend him to ^^ cudgel
his brains no more about it."
(2nd Alternative,)
(a) Professor Bain devotes a special section to
^Obstructive Associations" (Senses and InteUecty^p. 562-566.)
There is not, it may safely be said, any allusion to either
term or thing in any Catholic handbook. May we not,
then, in all fairness object to it as an alternative of real
value to students of the Catholic system of Philosophy ?
(b) Though the subject referred to in this question
airhich, by the way, belongs to Logic rather than to
etapbysios) is discussed in some recent well-known works
of Catholic Philosophy, " Implicit Reasoning " can hardly be
said to be employed in them as a technical term (such as
the phrase is nere plainly suggested to be, from its con-
tiguity with such a pre-eminently technical expression as
••Obstructive Association"), nor has it yet foxmd a
recognised place, as a technical term, in standard hand**
books of Philosophy, OathoUo or Non-CathoKc.
VOL. V. 8 a
The Recent Royal Umversiti/ Examination in Metaphysics. 715
between the optical and muscular elements in the sensa-
tions of sight." ** The sensations of sight are partly optical^
resulting from the effect of light on the retina ; and partly
muscular^ arising through Hie action of the various muscles.
Nearly all sensations of sight combine boiJi. elements.'^
{Senses and Intellect^ p. 226). To the second part of the
question, " Explain how . . . space,"* he addresses himself,
on p. 234. '* We must now inquire,'' he says, " by what
process we perceive Visible i^orwi^and JEateftsion^and acquire
the notion of Simultaneous existence in Space. ^* This he
explains by *' a combination of opticcd and muscular
effects." As to the third part of the question, *• Could we
obtain this knowledge by the optical element only,"
Professor Bain informs us that we could not. '*The
combination of optical effect with the feelings of move-
ment arising out of the muscles of the eyeball, is necessary
as a basis of those perceptions of tne external world
that are associated with si^t — Externality^ Motion, Form,
Distance, Size, Solidity, and relative Position'' — Ibid, p. 230.
Thus the student of Bain has all the advantages
which he could desire. The position of his neighbour —
if he still have any position in the contest — is, of course,
rapidly becoming desperate.
Neither in this question, nor in the one immediately
preceding it, is any alternative proposed !
lih Question.
What do you understand by the Organic Sense f What proof would
you give that it is entitled to rank among the senses properly so
called ? \
Here again there is no alternative question. Let us see,
then, what is the character of the question as it thus stands.
It is by no means easy to say what we should
" understand by the Organic Sense.'* Kant and " the
German Philosophers " (as stated by Sir W. Hamilton )
understand one thing by this term ; Professor Bain and his
followers understand by it the exact opposite. It is clear,
however, from the second part of the question, that we
are expected to follow Professor Bain's use of the term.
He then gives us the required " proof " in his Senses
* " Kant divides the whole bodily senses into two — ^into a Vital
Sense (Sensus Vagus), and an Organic Sejise (Sensns Fixus). To the
former class belong the sensations of heat and cold, shuddering, quak-
ing, &c. jTfte latter is divided into the Jive senses, of Touch Propet , Sight,
Hearing, Taste, and SmelV^ Sir W. Hamilton, Metaphysics ii, p. 157.
7%€ Recent Royal University Examination in Metaphysics, 717
This question affords, then, another instance of alterna-
tives, both of which are valuable to one set of students,
while but one of them is valuable to the other.
9th Question.
Is consciousness coextensive with the phenomena of mind ?
This question, '* Are there ejij phenomena or modifica-
tions of the mind of which we are unconscious," is one
which Sir W. Hamilton has made famous in these countries.
It is discussed by him at considerable length in his Meta-
physics, Led. xviii., and also by Mill, Exam, of Sir W,
Hamilton's Philosophy^ Chap, xv., and by nearly all recent
English Philosophers. The question, as Sanseverino con-
fesses (Philosophia Christiana^ Dynamil., p. 944) is one
which was not oiscussed by the Scholastics. It can hardly be
said as yet to have been adequately treated by any Catholic
writer except Sanseverino himself in his large work, which
certainly is not a student's handbook. The question, as
being a prominent one in Non-Catholic Philosophy, might
be admitted to be fair, if a question eqtiaUy prominent
belonging to Catholic Philosophy had also been given. It
was only in keeping with the character of the paper
throughout, that this should not have been done.
Summary of the foregoing ANALYSia
Taking the questions, then, in the aggregate, the position
of the rival candidates is this : — A Non-Catholic candidate
could, by a judicious choice of alternatives, select, out
of the total ot nijie questions which he was permitted
to answer, no fewer than eight (Questions, 2 ; 8, either alter-
native; 4, fi<A«r alternative ; 5; 6; 7; 8, «<W alternative ;
and 9) whicdi are treated ex professo and in terminis in his
ordinarv handbooks^ and he would have, moreover, in three
cases (Questions 3^ 4, and 8^ an option as between altema-
idve questions, each of whicn is treated ex professo and in
terminis in those handbooks. A Catholic candidate, on
the other hakid, could not, by any selection of alternatives,
find more than two questions (m. 8, 2nd alternative, and
No. 8, 2nd alternative) which are treated ex professo and
ffi terminis m the ordinary (or indeed, we may say, with the
exception of No. 9, in any) CathoUc handbooks, and even
these two are also treated ex professo and in terminis in
tiie corresponding Non-Catholic handboohB I
Further, there is not in the whole paper a question,
BOT even an aitemative under a question, whi<m is not
The Recent Royal Univereiiy Examination in Metaphyeiee. 719
that a Catholic student could not be properly prepared to
answer them by any method other than that of putting
the Non-Catholie handbook into hie hands, and helping him
to master it in aUits details. No other plan would afford
him sufficient help. Now it has above been proved in detai),
that in at least seven instances the questions or alternatives
on this paper are to be found in their entirety, and in
exactly tne same terminolo^ (that terminolo^ being often
novel and peculiar), in Pro^ssor Bain's works (Senses and
Intellect, or the more compendious Mental Science)^ and are
there diiBCUSsed ex professo. Professor Bain's works, then,
or those of his disciples and expounders, would, beyond
question, have been incomparably the most help^l which
a candidate preparing for this examination in Metaphysics
could have had in his hands, and this circumstance is one
which must have given, in the competition for Honours
and Prizes,^ an immense advantage to Non-Catholic candi-
dates, with whom Professor Bain's works are well known
to be favourites. With a view, therefore, to success at the
Boyal University, these are the works for which Catholic
candidates are practically called upon to discard their own.'
1 While these sheets were passing through the ^ress, the lists of
candidates who obtained Honours, or who upon their answering were
qualified to obtain Exhibitions, at the Royal University, were published.
Eight candidates obtained Honours in the course of Logic, Metaphysics,
History of Philosophy, (fc. Of these eight, no Jewer than seven were
Non-Catholics, and Non-Catholics who, in addition to the advantages
which the paper here under criticism and others of a somewhat simBar
character must have afforded to all candidates prepared upon Non-
Catholic lines, enjoyed also the advantages which students who are
examined by their own Professor necesMuilv have over those who
are examined by a stranger. Further, of candidates who pre-
sented this course, three were declared to be qualified upon their
answering to obtain Exhibitions — one First Class Exhibition of the
value of £50, and two Second Class Exhibitions, of the value of
£25 each. All three candidates were Non-Catholics, enjoying all the
exceptional advantages just referred to. Non-Catholic candidates may,
no doubt, have been so far superior to their Catholic competitors, as to
be justly entitled thus practically to monopolise University Honours
and Exhibitions in this department, but assuredly such superiority was
not established by any test which we are bound to regard as impartial
or decisive.
' It appears that '* at the Examinations of the University of
London, and at some others besides, a tacit understanding between
examiners and candidates seems to have been arrived at, that the papers
for the B.A. (Pass) Examination shall, in the main, be based upon the
Mental and Moral Science of Professor Bain.** (Btland, Psychology and
Ethics for the London B.A. Preface). It is to be hoped that an under-
standing of a difTerent character may soon be arrived at, in reference to
the Boyal University Examinations.
720 Free-Thought in Amerioa—The Sects— Tha XJkurck.
Unfortunately, however, there is hardly one fnnda-
mental truth of religion, Mrhich is not oontemptnondy
ignored or openly attacked in ProfessMr Bain's works, and
even upon subjects having an immediate moral connec-
tion some of his remarks have been deservedly stigmatised
as ** shameless " (Dr. Ward, Fhilosophy of Theismy L p- 103).
It is surely not intended, as it is surely not to be
permitted, especially in presence of the migh^ movement
maugurated b^ the Sovereign Pontiff for the restoration of
Scholastic Philosophy, that the Catholic youth of Ireland
— ^lay or ecclesiastical— lEdiould be taught to look up to such
a Master for << light and leading" rather than to the
Angel of the Schools, or to any of his thousand interpreter
There might not, indeed, be so much objection to the use
of such works in the case of students who had already
mastered the leading principles of sound Philosophy, but
there is assuredly tne gravest objection to permitting
students to begin and end with such works, or even merely
to begin with them. Tet this they will have the strongest
temptation to do, unless the character of tiie papers be
very materially altered — as we trust it shall be — in future
Examinations of the Royal University in Metaphysics^ and
other subjects of this coiurse.
Thomas Maqrath.
FREE-THOUGHT IN AMERICA— THE SECTS--THE
CHURCH.
IN our last paper we tried to explain the nature of the
changes that took place with the growth of time and
thought in the mind of the first of American philosophers,
and the consequent disturbance o( fixed beh^ amoDcst
that large and important section of the American peope^
who accepted his teaching without question*
This strong bias towards scepticism was veiy much
increased by the dose intercommimicalion that then was
established between the Old and the New worids. It is
very probable, that the growing intellects of America, with
that natural elasticity by which the human mind terertB to
primal principles and truths, when umnfluenced by external
disturbmg causesi would nave soonw or later recovered
Free-Thought in Americor^The SecU — The Church 721
from unhealthy doubts and questionings to strong and firm
faith, were it not for the constant stream of educated but
prospectless men that poured into the American Continent
from Europe, and who brought with them no capital, but
free and rigorous intellects, no reUgion, but the most
fiberal notions of all moral and dogmatic truth. Introduced
as the alumni of the great universitj centres of free thou^t
in Europe, they created the idea, which still prevails, that
a finished professional education, much less a perfect
philosophical education, was not to be had at home — was
not to be had anywhere in fact, except in the cherished
sanctuaries of unbelief. Hence, during these last decades,
a returning stream has passed from the States to Eurc^e,
dividing itself at Pari& The aesthetic or pleasure lovinff
American passes into the cities of Northern Italy, and
whiles away the summer in the galleries of Florence, or in
the shades of Umbria. But the patrons of advanced
thought plunge at once into the German universities, studv
philosophy under Virchow, and anatomy tmder Haeckel,
and, refined by a short residence in a London club, they
return, and from newspaper and tribune, in the daily fly-
sheets, and in the pa^es of the Popular Science Monthly,
they put forth their ideas boldly and ably, and scatter
broadcaat through America the principles they gathered in
Europe, and developed at leisure at home.
Ail these causes were remote and preparatory ; but
there is not a doubt but that the^ had undermined the
faith of thousands in systems of reUgiousthought which were
supposed to be unassailable, and op^ied the way for the
la&t concentrated and sweeping attack that has been made
on Christianity. It commenced in the great controversy
that agitated the world thirty years ago, and which
originated in the assumption that the discoveries of
Geologists were conta-adictmg the testimony of the word
of GFoA The controversy raged fiercely at the time ; and
Bowhere were there more violent assertions made that
every stratum of rook discovered disproved the teachings
of Holy Writ; and nowhere, too, were more brilliant and
learned defences made for the integrity of Soriptiiral
imipiration, than in America. The brimcmt and successful
labours of Hugh Miller in England, were rivalled in Hie
States by Professors Dana and Hitchcock, and the great
naturalist, Agassiz. Th^a came a lull. The cause of
Geology versus Revelation was withdrawn, but scientifio
speeulation had been awakened* The study of the rocks
722 Free-Thought in America— The SecU—The Church.
was set aside; but in the laboratories of England and
Germany, under the clear light of the microscope, nature
was reveaUng new wonders in plant and animal, and
men's minds under fierce excitement were arranging
analogy after analogy, and flashing back through count-
less centuries to the nebulsB of worlds, and the genns of
all existing life. Biology verstu Creation now became the
burning question. Is man the product of mechanical forcee,
working up and out through the strata of matter, or is
be indeed the son of God, created to the image and like-
ness of the Deity t The doctors of the new science were
Haeckel of Germany, and Darwin of England. The apostlee
were Tyndall in these islands, and Huxley of New York
We remember what a thrill of horror penetrated the world
when, in 1874, Tvndall defiantly formulated and unfolded at
Belfast the full plan of the naked materialism that was to sap-
Elant the sacred traditions of humfitnity. Huxley, still more
oldly, fled to America a few years before, and in a series of
lectures in New York, not only explained the new theories,
but deduced from them a series of conclusions as wanton
and uncoimected as ever agom'sed the intellect of a logician.
The mind of Am erica wa^ agitated. The transcendentalism
and ill-concealed pantheism of Emerson were forgotten.
Speculation gave place to examination. The scientifio
journals teemed with praises of the industry^ and enterprise
of the evolutionists, and the world of science waited on
the tiptoe of expectation for the discovery which was con-
fidently promised — the Unk that was to connect the organic
with the inorganic world. It was not forthcoming. But
scientific speculation was accepted for certain revelation,
and men of science boldly launched themselves against
revealed reUgion under every form. All the caution that was
so carefully observed by rationalists of former years was cast
aside ; the fear of wounding susceptibiUties, or of darkening
the light of faith in minds, where the torch of science could
provide no adequate substitute, was stated to be pusillan-
imous and childish. Scepticism became dogmatic ; and by
every class of literary men, historians, metaphysicians and
philosophers, all faith in the supernatural was ridiculed as
a remnant of the weak and puerile superstitions of the
world in its infancy. Arrogant infidelity became suprwne
in America. The absolute freedom of the press enabled
the active propagandists of this new religion of science
to scatter tneir pernicious doctrines broadcast through
the land. Scientifio journals of immense weight and
Free-Thoucfht in America^The Sects— The Church. 723
authority were aesisted by the lighter magazines, and
these in turn by the daily papers, in making the theories
and deductions of evolutionists familiar to the msisses of
the people. Light scientific lectures, ably illustrated,
opened up to wondering minds the spectacle of the world,
with all its vast complexities of ammals, vegetables, and
minerals, unfolding itself from the first atom, and growing
under the hands of some unseen power, with mechanical
precision, into a universe of surpassing loveliness. And if
these, in their exclusive devotion to science, spared the
susceptibilities of their audiences, there were not wanting
in the American cities street preachers, and day lecturers,
and pamphleteers, who repeated in coarse and indecent
jests the unq^uaUfied contempt of their superiors for every-
thing savouring of religion. All our fundamental ideas of
God and Revelation, the soul and its everlasting destiny,
the higher moral sense, the spiritual desires and aspirations
of men, everything in fact, that could be a motive of
virtuous actions, and a mainspring of noble deeds and
ambitions, was stigmatised as the fancy of superstition,
or the dream of enthusiasts, kept aUve by an elaborate
system of priestcraft throughout the world. The fact that
nearly every preacher of the new creed had been obliged
to retract his assertions under the pressure of science itself ;
that Tyndall in all his later lectures withdrew from the
advanced position which he had taken at Belfast; that
Huxley, in his article "Biology," in the " Encyclopeedia
Britannica,'' absolutely contradicted his own favourite
theories ; and that Haeckel himself in his addresses before
the French Association, and in his ** Natural History of
Creation,'* was driven to admit the necessity of an absolute
beginning, was most carefully kept in the background.
In Germany and England, the ancient conservatism of the
races, and their stem and pitiless examination of these
subversive doctrines, compelled the materiaUsts to limit
their dogmatism. America and France, let it be said,
have stood forth in ugly pre-eminence as the countries
where infideUty has taken its firmest foothold. In these
lands it is no longer disreputable. It is no disgrace to be
known as an atheist. That temble name, which Voltaire
in his worst moments would have repudiated, that term of
shame which, even to depraved minds, carries with it some
nameless idea of turpitude, has been freely accepted, and
even boasted of, under the euphemised form of Agnostic
and Materialist, And all sacred things of reUgion, names
724 Pree-Thmght in America — The Seete—The Clmrck,
that were spoken with bared heads and bended kneee^
sacred stories that had so often brought comfort to the
sorrowful, and sacred hopes that had so long had their
consecrated shrines in the human heart, are made subject
to derision. The scoff of the unbeliever has degraded in
the eyes of thousands the purest and holiest revelations of
heaven.
Our examination into the growth of free thought in
America would hardly be complete, did we not advert for
a moment to the luxury and voluptuousness of social life,
and to the corruption and venality that exist in all the
State departments. So far as the mei-e material growth
and progress of the States is concerned, these things, which
in an older and more thickly populated country, would be
the prelude to extinction, will scarcely have a perceptible
effect. So long as the population is not wedged together
within limits that are impassable, so long as there is free
power of expansion, and unused laud with its teeming
wealth lies open to the people, there never can be those
awful collisions between wealth and povetiy, the govenung
classes and the governed, that are such peruous pos-
sibilities in older states. But that excessive luxury, the
facility of making and squandering fortunes, and the com*
petition for wealth, which is so keeu, that dishonesty ii
reputed a virtue ; that these things are inimiccJ to religious
feeUng, and direct incentives to infidelity, is beyond all
dispute. The history of the world testifies it. Athens, in
the very ctimax of freedom and prosperity, forgot ite
ancient deities, and built statues to the Great Unknown.
Home, imder the emperors, lost faith in the gods, under
whose tutelage it was supposed to have waxed so sirongp.
Florence, under the Medid, became classic and pagan.
Paris, under Louis XIY., became the cradle and scnocd
of all modem infiddity. £ngl€Uid, under Victoria, is
drifting every day into the abysses. And America, whose
ambition it is to rival and surpass these states and
empires, may succeed too in securing the doubtful honour of
towering above all in colossal iniquity. Certainly, if there
be any connection between fk*6e-Iiving and free-thinkiQ^
and some one has said, <^Les Passions sont atii^ei^" it
would not be rash to predict a supremacy in evil for
Ammca. We will not go into detaiu, but m^ition tfaat^
aa far back as the Civil War, and even amidst its honroiBy
an outcry was raised against the extravagance 4nd volnp*
tuoufluesB of the cities of the Union. Desolations of
Free-Thought in Ammca—The Sects— The Churchy 725
revelHngs and riotous living are quoted largely by Doctor
Brownson in his Review,^ and they read like a page from
the "Arabian Nights," or trom a history of Rome mider
Caligida. Now, if these things were done twenty years
ago, what shall be said of America at present! The
answer, in all its painful and vivid truth, may be
read in Mr. Henry George's latest work, called ** Social
Problems."
We now come to the question, what defence has been
made by the Christian communions of America against
the ternfic assaults of infidelity? We put aside for a
moment the Catholic Church, and we candidly admit that
all that could be done by human zeal, intensified by the
deadliness of the struggle, and fortified by learning as wide
and deep as that of the adversary, was done by the Evan-
gelical churches of America. That their pastors were at
an early period quite alive to the dangers which were press-
ing on tneir traditional creeds, from within and without,
was apparent from the efforts that were made to secure
for then theological students a most accurate knowledge
of those sciences which were assumed to be in direct
hostility to revealed religion. Hence, divinity students
from America crowded the xmiversities of Germany for
the last fifteen years, and returned to their missions fully
equipped with every fact and argument that could teU
against the advancing lines of infidelity. And if we
except the standard works, written by German divines,
we hardly exaggerate when we say, that by far the fullest
and ablest defences of Christianity have been made by
the elders and professors among the Non-Catholic creeds
of America. A mere catalo^e of the works issued by
the religious press of America during the last fifteen
years, would fill a volume. To each succeeding phase of
unbelief, — Rationalistic, Materialistic, and Positive — ^they
opposed scholarship that was very profound, and a tenacily
for their faith that was heroic. Tney estabhshed in their
{)rofe6sional schools, notably at Princeton and Andover,
ectureships on the relation between religion and the
sciences. And, not being impeded by strict theological
courses, they had leisure to devote themselves to the philo-
sophical studies which have become of such supreme
importance in our days. It ought, therefore, be a matter
of regret that they were imable to counteract the influences
1 Aeyiew, January, 1864 ; Art. *' Popular Gorniption and Venality.'
726 Free-Thought in America— The Sects— The Church.
of free thought. Ill their defeat there is the pathos that
always hangs around the brave defenders of a hopelen
cause. Thev went down like the IsraeUtes before the
Philistines, because they had not the Ark of God in
their midst. Stubbornly they contested every issue, and
gradually they had to abandon point after point of
cherished beliefs, which were doubly hallowed by the
worship of their ancestors and the robust traditions of their
race. But no purely human institutions could stand the
merciless criticism that rained from press and platform on
doctrines that had no better support than the mdl logic of
the class-room, set in stereotyped forme, and supported by
ancient texts, which had lost all their inspired vigoar,
because they had been irreverently handled by every
individual /ho claimed the right of private jaagmeut
The Nemesis of the Reformation has assuredly come. Its
own children have risen against it. They have pushed its
lessons to their logical conclu8ion& With audacity unheard
of before our century, they have assailed every doctrine,
not only of Christian, but even of Theistic belief, and the
churches have gone down before their assaults like cities
buUt upon the Band. Every familiar doctrine must be
modified to meet the requirements of science ; the integrity
of Scriptural inspkation must be abandoned ; the deeply-
cherished doctrines that the Puritans brought over in the
Mayfiower^ and which were reverenced as the Israelites
reverenced the Ark and its Tables — the dogmatic articles
which lit the fagot and heated the brand in the New
England cities — have been swept away ruthlessly by the
broader views of that liberalism which environs all thought
in our time. The texts and tenets which went to build up
the edifice of Calvinistic theology, and which generations
of elders regarded as irrefragable, have been torn in pieces
and flung to the winds by the contemptuous logic of latter-
day infidels ; and even that sacred belief, in which were
centrdd all hopes of comfort here and happiness hereafter
— the belief m the Word of God, the " sword of the
spirit '' — has become as vague a source of religious thou^t
as the intuitions of the philosopher, or the reason and
spirit of Emerson. ^< Faith in spintual and divine realities,"
says an American divine, ^' may, in some of its older forms,
be passing into Herbert Spencer's 'family of extinct
beliefs ;* " and his only hope is, that he may be allowed to
help in the general movement towards a faith at once
''more simple, more rational, and more assured/' It is
Free-Tlwugkt in Ameruxtr^The Sects— The Church. 727
the same writer,^ whose works have become very popular
in En^and who declares, '* that the system of philosophy
in the WestmiDster confession we are not bound to
accept;" "that we are anxious to do the real work of
revision, to adjust our own fedths happily to modem
conditions of thought, and to learn to preach them in
new tongues of knowledge." And he says that he would
be far more reticent of his views in addressing a lay than
a clerical assembly ; *' for if I had been called upon to
address, upon the same topic, an ecclesiastical assembly,
wiy growing conviction of the need of a revised theology,
suited to our scientific environment, €tnd fitted to survive
our modem thought, would have led me to lay the stress
of my argument even more strongly upon the desirability
of a re-statement of the standards, particularly of my
own, the Presbyterian Church."2 And he quotes with
approval the Cambridge platform of the Congregational
cnurches, in which it was expressly written that in the
examination of candidates for admission to the Church, a
"rational charity*' should be exercised, and the " weakest
measure of faith" should be acepted. A creed which thus
can be recast and fitted in every new setting of science,
has neither elements of cohesion and unity in itself, nor
pow^ers of resistance sufficient to maintain a distinct and
specific existence as a reUgion. We can hardly be sur-
prised to hear then, that, in New York, the churches are
comparatively deserted, nor to read the following verdict
on Protestantism by one of its own professors : ** The great
bulk of the Protestant Church is identified with the world.
It has a name to Uve, while it is dead. It has turned its
doctrines into nationalism, or rationalism, and its life into
selfishness. The old landmarks are gone. Family prayer
is given up. Prayer meetings are ignored, worldly part-
nerships are formed, social sins are connived at, and even
excuBed, the pulpit is made a stage on which to stmt and
pose before a gaping world, and reUgion is made one of
the instruments of fashion."*
We turn atlastfromtheweaknessanddefeatof thesectsto
contemplate the attitude of the Church towardsfree thought.
And at first sight there seems to be such absolute indifference
in the Church to the dangers that paralysed the sects, that
we are inclined to set it down to a want of forethought
1 Dr. Newman Smith. > " Orthodox Theology of To-day."
• Idem. See Preface. * Dr. Crosby, New York.
728 Free-Thought in America— J%e Sects— The Church.
and prudence, that seems inexplicable. We recognise none
of tnat anxiety, and even panic, that drove hnndreds of
Episcopalians and Presbytenans to the Divinity Bchools of
Germany, we see no chairs of biological, or other sciencefl,
established in Catholic schools, we notice the total absence
of any desire to adapt the teachings of the Church to the
dictates of the sciences, or the wants of the age. But the
closer the subject is studied, the more majestic appears the
attitude of perfect security with which the Americaa
Church regards the last and worst of the heresiea In thia
she presents in miniature the history and character o{ih$
Church from the beginning. Far removed from the tumult
and warring of sects and creeds, the Church looks imper-
turbably on the evershifting phases of spiritual thought in
which heresy and infideUty present themselves ; but is cahn
about her own future, for her lease of existence and of
triumph reaches unto the years of eternity. This attitude of
security the Church in America has assumed. She too
inherits the eternal promises, for she is linked in visible bonds
of imity with the Cathoh'c Church. And with singular facility
she has adapted herself to the free institutions of America, as
easily as if sne were not bom under an Empire. Democratic
ideas fit in with her dogma and discipline, as easily as
those of monarchiea Here is her siren gth. That whilst she
allows her children the fullest Uberty in political and social
life, she maintains her authority in doctrine and discipline as
firmly as in the lands where saints were bom, and the
blood of martyrs was shed. Inflexibility in her teaching,
universality in her sympathies, and constancy in active
well-doing — here are her credentials to the American
nation, here cure her answers to the controversies which
agitate the world around her. Whilst patronising the
sciences, and adapting to her own wants every element
of human process, she continues to preach and demand
submission to doctrines that were weighty with age in the
remote periods when the prototypes of our modem agnostics
assailea them. To all objections against the truth of her
teaching she has but one answer — ^the steady unvaiyinff
assertion of her exclusive right to teach the world
This Divine despotism, even in the land of fireedom, is her
buckler and defence. And hence is she free to exercise
her undoubted strength to bind closer and closer m com-
Eact organisation the territories and races that acknowledge
er supremacy. With a hierarchy chosen, not so much on
account of the great oratorical abilitiesi or liberal aoholar-
Free-Thought in America— Tlie Sects—The Church. 729
ship of its individual members, as for their splendid
administrative talents, with a priesthood which combines
in a singular manner the freest republican habits and
sympathies with the steadiest adhesion to ecclesiastical
principles — ^with a press second to none in the world, in
ability and enterprise, and characterised by special zeal for
the sacred cause it espouses, and with an aggregate of
races, differing in customs, and even in language, but
united in the bonds of religion, the Church in America
appears to be not so much a human association as a vast
mechanism, which is for ever ^ving and receiving,
expanding and developing with a silent power that seems
irresistible. It has all the advantages of action over
speculation, for it has all the advantages of firm faith over
wavering xmbelief. Carlyle somewhere quotes Goethe as
saying that " belief and unbelief are two opposite principles
in human nature. The theme of all human history, so far
as we are able to perceive it, is the contest between these
two principles. All periods in which belief predominates,
in wnich it is the main element, the inspiring principle of
action, are distinguished by great, soul-stirring, fertile
events, and worthy of perpetual remembrance ; and on
tiie other hand, when unbeuef comes to the surface, that
age is unfertile, unproductive, and intrinsically mean.
There is no pabulum in it for the spirit of man." The
Church in America is proof of this. It anticipates all
the ambitions of the philosopher. It foreshadows all the
benevolent ideas of tne best among the unbelievers. Its
charity is wider than the world's philanthropy. Its
devotion to the arts, which consecrate civilization, is for
ever showing itself far in advance of the barren sympathies
of the educated and irreligious. Shall we then complain
of the inaction of the church in America t Or wonder that
it has not come down to the arena of controversy with the
nnbelievert Well, controversy was never yet the vehicle
of Divine Faith. But Faith itself, manifested in works
which touch the sympathies of all, may generate Faith in
the infidel. ** Show us your works," was the cry of the
Parisian students which ini^ired Frederic Ozanam to
found his great society. And it is not to great scholars
like the Abb6 Moignon, but to the Sisters of Charity and
the priests, who hovered round the beds of the cholera
patients, that we are to attribute that relenting towards
the Church, which we witness in contemporary France.
The world, we are told, now demands what is real and
VOL. V. 3 H
730 Free-TIwught in America— The Sects— The Church.
positiye in preference to what is imaginary and conjectural.
Well, here is the Divine Positivism of the Church, its
active benevolence, its never-failing charity, its patronage
of the arts and scienceSi its persistent devotion to the
cause of education. And after all, is not the attitude of
the Church completely justified by the fact that the
strongest assertions of the infidels have been withdrawn!
We have already quoted some retractations. But it may
be safely said that the history of heresies afibrds no
parallel to the dogmatism and assertiveness of the
materialists, or the abject manner in which they have
withdrawn, in the face of the world, their boldest and
most impious declcurations. We must not, however, be
supposed to hold, either ihat a liberal scholarship is not
necessary for the priesthood of America, or tnat the
American seminaries do not afford it to ecclesiastical
students. The Church must always be in advance of the
world. The priest must lead the flock. And his
spiritual instructions will carry all the more weight
when it is understood that the pastor is a man of culture
and refinement, and that his condemnation of new and
fanciful theories comes from his belief founded on fair and
exhaustive reading, that they are utterly untenable. A
Secchi in his lone observatory may be doine the work of
an apostle. Men will reverence knowlea^ wherever
found, and the natural abilities of the schouur may lead
many souls to acknowledge the supernatural mission of the
priest Hence it has deUehted all lovers of the American
Church to hear that of late years the students in theo-
logical seminaries have been able to read a complete
course of divinity and philosophy, and that missionary
requirements will not for the future necessitate a curtailed
and unsatisfactory preparation for the greatest of missiona
We may mention, too, that ihe exhibitions of the Brothers
of the Christian schools in London lately have shown that
in Manhattan College the professors are quite alive to the
necessity of taking their places in the foremost lines of
scientific thought ; and we mi^ht fairly judge by analogy,
if we did not already know it as a fact, that a sinmar
spirit prevails in every Catholic seminary in the Statea
There are just two difficulties that bar the progress of
the Church in America. Both will engage tne earnest
attention of the prelates who, on the 9m of this month,
will meet in solenm council at Baltimore. The first and
greatest is the question of State schools. That these
t^
J
Free-Thought in America— The Sects— The Cliurch. 731
Bchoolfl do not subserve the interests of religion or morality
IS already proved by the fact that the bishops have found
it necessary, at enormous sacrifices, to establish Catholic
schools m their cities. These schools are supported by the
different churches ; and we can understand what a hard-
ship this is, when we are told that many churches in the
^^^^AA ^®^ ^^^^ ^^^ obliged to spend 12,000 dollars, or
£2,500 a year, m maintaining these schools in such a state
of efficiency that they can compete successfully with the
public schools. There appears to be no great probability
that the State will change this secular system ofeducation,
and thus relieve Catholics from the burden of double
taxation. Neither is there any likelihood that these public
schools will unprove their teachings. And, of course,
followmff the tendencies of our age, many CathoUc parents
will send their children to the Government schools, reckless
of their faith, if their temporal welfare be secured.
'llie second great difficulty for the church is to reclaim
the thousands who, with singular perversity, have chosen
for their homes the tenements of New York in preference
to the freedom and health of the broad prairies towards
the West. That these dark places of the great city are
nurseries of vice, that the children bom in them are reared
in spiritual blindness, and that myriads of them drift away
towards heresy and infidelity, are things which no one
desires to conceal, but for which no remedy has yet been
found. But all future emigrants will be protected, and
warned against the most unhappy social tendency of our
a^e— the concentration of vast masses of people in
districts where the laws of God and the laws of health
are alike disregarded.
If the evfls of pubHc schools, and the evils of the cities be
once removed, the Church in America has a future before it
which the imagination itself fails to reach. We expect to
see in the States a reliffious revolution such as we behold at
present m Europe. We thmk that with the advance of
education, most of the Protestant sects will disappear, or
mergmg with each other, descend to the dead level of
Unitarianism. We do not beUeve that Atheism', pure and
simple, can ever become the creed of vast masses of the
population m America or elsewhere. But the Deism of
Emerson and the philosophers will probably draw to itself
aU other creeds, except in some remote districts where in a
rustic Sion or Bethel, the local deacon will still read the
Bible and preach some surviving doctrines of the ancestral
732 The Holy Places of Ireland :
faitha The Church will then be confronted with tiie
rational and conedBtent behefe of the followers of
natural religion. And then, too, even as now, will it
show that it is the custodian of all Divine Revelation, the
living interpreter of the mind of God towards men, that it
knows no change or shadow of change, but is perfect in its
light as at the beginning. And the Universal Church will
recognise it as a fair compensation for all the losses she
has sustained in her combats with heresy and infidelity in
these evil days — as the fairest province in
The fair Eongdom wide as earth,
Citied on aU the mountains of the world,
The image, glory-touched, of that great city
Which waits us in the heavens.
P. A. S.
THE HOLY PLACES OF IRELAND.
L — Cashbl of the Kings — (Concluded).
FtOM the early date at which Myler Magrath was ap-
pointed Archbishop of Caehel and came to reside in the
town, we may infer that the cathedral was taken possession
of by the Protestants in the very first years of tne Refor-
mation. Yet the new religion was not more acceptable to
the inhabitants then that it is in our own times ; for, in ^' An
Account of Munster," written in 1606, it is said that in
Cashel there was found only one inhabitant who came to
chui'ch; even Magrath*s sons and sons-in-law dwelling
there were absolute recusants ! They held it until the
war of 1641 broke out. Then at Cashel, as elsewhere, the
wild justice of revenge roused the people to make common
cause with the men of the North and to drive out their
oppressors. Pullen, the Protestant Dean, and his family
were saved from the fury of the people by the CathoKc
clergy. They took possession of the cathedral, and on the
feast of its patron St. Patrick, in the year 1642, it was
restored to Catholic worship with due solemnity, the people
who had assembled in vast numbers, weeping tears of joy
when they saw this spot so dear to tnem once more
hallowed by the sacred rites of their reUgion. But their
joy was of short duration. On the 14th of September,
Cashel of the Kifigs, 733
1647, Lord Inchiquin, Murrough of the Burnings, and his
army, appeared before the place. As the walls of the town
could oner but little resistance, the garrison and a con-
siderable number of the inhabitants retired to the Rock.
The next day, after reconnoitering the walls, Inchiquin
determined to make the assault on tne three weakest parts
of the fortifications at once. He sent a messenger to
Taaffe, who was in command of the place, to treat of
surrender. All, both gcmrison and inhabitants, would be
allowed to leave the town on condition of paying him a
sum of £3,000 and giving a month's pay to his troops.
When these terms were refused, he offered to allow the
garrison to march out with their arms, but the citizens and
clergy should be left to his mercy. The Governor and
his soldiery without a moment's hem tation repKedthat they
would willingly risk their lives in defence of those whom
they had promised to protect, and dye that holy spot with
their blood to save it from being again desecrated.
But their efforts were useless. Though they disputed the
cemetery inch by inch, and carried on the contest in the
very nave of the cathedi*al, the enemy won the day, owing
to their superior numbers. A few survivors, who had
secured themselves within the bell-tower, surrendered on
condition of their lives being spared. The commander
Eledged his word ; but when they had given up their arms,
e ordered some to be put to death, others to be spared in
the hope of obtaining n'om their friends a large ransom.
The Superior of the Irish Jesuits, writing to Rome soon
after, gives a detailed account of ths cruelty of the heretics
towards both priests and people. After the capture of the
town, * men ana women,' he says, 'the infirm who had been
borne to the church as to a place of refuge, even the very
children, were slain at the altar/ Twenty priests were
massacred within the sanctuary, and at least 8,000 of the
inhabitants were slain in the town. F. Dominick Daly,
in his History of the GerdUltnesy and De Burgo, in his Hibemia
Domicana^ describe in detail the sufferings and death of
Fr, Richard Barry, Prior of the Dominican Convent.
The latter says : * When the other ecclesiastics were cut off
after the attack made on the place, Fr. Richard Barry was
reserved for yet more terriole sufferings. Being im-
portimed by the heretics to cast away the religious habit
which he wore and to come over to their aoominable
rites, he replied boldly : '* This habit of mine represents the
dress of Christ and His passion; it is the banner of my
734 The Holy Places of Ireland:
warfare." After uttering these words he was bonnd to a
Pillar and exposed to the wanton insults of the soldieiy.
'resently a fire was placed round him, and for two houTB
the lower part of his body was burnt slowly. During these
tortures he did not cease to commend both the faithful
people and his own soul to God. At length, after being
pierced through with a sword, he yielded up his spirit.'
After the departure of the enemy, his body was taken
away and buried in his own convent. Dr. John Lynch
tells how the soldiery threw down the altars, trampled on
the pictures, plundered all the furniture, and broke the
statues in pieces ; how they pulled down the richly carved
woodwork of the chapels, and took down and broke the
bell of the high tower of the sacred building. In a word,
the church, which but a short time before was most
beautiful to behold, could now excite only horror in those
who saw its desolate condition.
The building, through the gateway of which admittance
is obtained to the Rock, was the College of the Cathedral
Church of St Patrick, or the College of Vicars. They were
eight in number, and were bound to constant residence
there for the celebration of the divine offices in the church.
It was built by Archbishop Richard O'Hedian towards the
beginning of the 15th century, and endowed by him with
the lands of Grange Connell and Thurles Beg *for the
health of his soul and the souls of his parents, predecessors,
and successors.' Of him it was said by way of accusation,
that he made very much of the Irish and loved none of
the Enfflish. He died in 1440. His successor, John
CantweU, also contiibuted certain lands to its support.
At the foot of the Rock is Hore Abbey, so named, verjr
Erobably, from the white dress of the order to which it
elonged. The Irish name is ManistirLiath, t.«., the Grey
Abbey. It belonged originally to the Benedictines. But
Archbishop David MacUarvill, who held the See from
1253 to 1289, having dreamt that these monks made an
attempt to cut off his head, dispossessed them violently and
gave the whole of their possessions to the Cistercians,
whom he brought from Mellifont in Louth. Later he
took the habit of the order and died here. He gave the
Abbey 40 acres of land near the gate, 12 acres at Clenkath,
the two mills at Camus, and free commonage for all its
cattle. The rectories of Hore Abbey, Grangerry, and
Lismahud, were appropriated to the Abbot. Moreover, he
united to this Abbey the hospital founded in honour of
Cashel of the Kings. 735
St. NicholaB by Sir David Latimer, seneschal of Marianns
O'Brien, who occupied the see from 1224 to 1288. Latimer
had a fair daughter who hated a leper worse than death.
Now it happened one day that Latimer's wife sent the
maiden to serve the poor at the door. Among the beggars
was a leper. The girl was so affiighted at the sight that
she threw down the alms intended for the poor and ran
back. The leper, afironted at her behaviour, prayed to
God that she might be afflicted with the same disease
before the year was out. And it happened accordingly.
The father, touched with his daughter's misfortune, built
a lazar-house, in which he placed fourteen beds, and
endowed it with four plough lands. And the burgesses,
for its better support, granted to it two gallons of ale out
of every brewing of ale intended for sale, * de qualibet
Bructiana cerevisiae bructiatae ad vendendimi.' This was
called *the Mary flagon,' as it belonged to St. Mary's
Abbey of the Rock, for it was known by this name also.
In 1561 this Abbey and its lands were granted to Sir Henry
Radcliffe. In 1576 a lease of both, specifying no precise
term, was given to James Butler. Thirty years after a
new grant of it was made to Thomas Sinclair at an annual
rent of two shillings Irish money. The ruins, even in their
present condition, prove this Abbey to have been of very
great extent. The steeple of the church measures 20 feet
within the walls, and is supported by two fine arches fully
30 feet high. I^he nave is 60 feet long. The clerestory is
on an arcade of three Gothic arches. The lateral aisles
are 13 feet wide. Of the other buildings very little remains
standing.
Close to the rock, on the southern side and within the
town, are the ruins of the Dominican Friary. It was built
in 1243 by Archbishop David McKelly, who was himself a
Dominican. The brethren who first inhabited it came from
Cork. About two centuries later it was burnt down
by accident. Soon after it wm rebuilt by Archbishop
Cantwell, who was in consequence constituted both its
patron and founder by an instrument dated at Limerick in
the year 1480, and by the same instrument all persons who
assisted in the good work, or agreed to this new foundation,
were made brethren and sisters of the Order and sharers
in all the prayers and other good works of the Order
throughout the kingdom. It was scdd to be the most
beautiful building belonging to the Dominicans in Ireland.
The last prior was Edward Brown. At the confiscation of
736 The Holy Places of Ireland :
the religious houses under Henry VIIL, the friary consisted
of a church and belfry, a dormitory, a chamber with two
cellars, a cemetery, two orchards, and two gardens, all
within its precincts ; it had, besides, eight messuages, two
gardens, and two acres of land, with their appurtenances,
of the annual value, besides reprises, of his. 4(L Irish
money. The whole was grantea to Walter Fleming at a
yearly rent of 2s. 6d. Irish money.
In 1250 Sir William Hackett of Baltrasna founded
here a convent for Conventual Franciscans. It stood on
the site now occupied by the Catholic church and the
convent. A large stone coflSn, curiousljr wrought, which is
at present used as a holy water stoup, is supposed to have
held the body of the founder. The lid was formerly built
into the wall of the churchyard. The hall was burned
to the ground when Inchiquin attacked the town, a
firebrand that was thrown by one of his soldiers having
fallen on it. In 1757 the spire, said to have been of great
beauty, fell to the ground. The great east window was
destroyed some twenty years after. Every trace of the
building has now disappeared. The last guardian was
Walter Fleming. In 1540 he surrendered this friary,
including a church and steeple, a dormitory and hall, four
chambers, a kitchen, and two gardens, containing one acre,
the whole in a ruinous condition, eighteen messuages,
eight gardens, six acres of arable land, and ten of bog, in
Cashel, of the annual value of £8 10^. 2d. It was granted
for ever to Edmund Butler, Archbishop of Cashel, to hold
the same in capite at an annual rent of is. lOd. Irish
money.
Besides these churches there was in the town another
dedicated to St. John the Baptist, to which in former
times a parish distinct from that of St. Patrick's of the Bock
was attached. The site is now occupied by the Protestant
church.
Of the relics and other treasures, which must have been
very numerous and important in a church so ancient and
so "much venerated as that of Cashel, only a few have
escaped the fury of the persecutors. There is inserted in
the Archbishop *s crozier a portion of the Baculus Jesa
left by St. Patrick as a gift to the Church of CasheL
MacGeoghegan says it is part of the identical staff which
St. Patrick held in his hand when baptising Ein^ Enghua.
The O'Keamey family were its hereditary guardians, and
had the title of Cnix given them in consequence. Ev&i
Cashel of the Kings. 737
so late as 1643 they used to receive certain * oblations in
honour of St. Patnck.' About thirty years ago it was
given by the representative of the fannly to the Most Rev.
Dr. Slattery. There is also in the possession of the Arch-
bi^op what tradition affirms to be a foot of St. Bridget.
But the evidence of its authenticity is not sufficient to
allow it to be exposed to the public veneration of the
faithful. Lastly, there is a Cumdach or covering for the
Life of St Cailin, commonly called the Book of Fenagh.
I purpose giving a detailed description of this on anomer
occasion.
Owing to its central position and to its natural strength,
Cashel has been at all times looked on as a place of great
importance from a military point of view. Edward Bruce
came there with his army in. 1316, and assisted at Mass in
the Cathedral on Pahn Simday. His brother Robert, King
of Scotland, is said to have visited it soon after. Tyrone,
on his way to South Munster, came there in 1600, and it
was there he met the Earl of Desmond, who had been
appointed previously by his command and on his authority
contrary to the statute of the sovereign. And it was from
Cashel that the Lord President of Munster, the merciless
Carew, marched with an army to intercept O'Donnell on
his way to join the Spaniards. Of course Cromwell was
at Cashel. In one of his letters to the Parliament from
Fethard, dated March, 1650, he writes: *The night we
entered Fethard, there lying about seventeen companies
of Ulster foot at Cashel, they quitted it in some disorder.
The sovereign and aldermen have since sent me a petition
that I would protect them; which 1 have also made a
quarter.' The people of Cashel hearing of the favourable
terms given to their neighbours at FeSiard, because they
had admitted Cromwell and his army into the town as soon
as the^ appeared before it, hctstened to offer him the keys
of their town too and to throw themselves on his mercy.
They too were promised, such at least of them as were not
in the rebel army and were actually inhabiting the tovm
at the time of the surrender, that they should be dispensed
from transplanting. Later, he made it the head quarters
of his army while preparing to march on Kilkenny a second
time. Some of his omcers, to whom the corporate towns
had been given as their share of the plunder, did not think
mercy at all suited to the occasion, when four years later
they laid claim to the town. All delay on the part of the
people in surrendering their homes, they declared dis-
738 Litutgical Questions*
pleasing to God; and when eoon after the whole town,
excepting some few houses in which the English lived,
was burnt to the ground in Kttle more them a quarter of an
hour, the disaster was attributed to the wrath of Ood
against the iniquity of the people, not the least of their
crimes being their unwillingness to quit their pleasant homes
in the Golden Vale, and to transplant themselves and their
famihes to the mountains and bogs of Connaught.
D. Murphy, S J.
LITURGY.
I.
Decrees of the Congregation of Bites referring to the Prat/en to
be said after every Low Mass.
1. The people are to join in the prayers.
2. The prayer, Deusj refugium^ is to be said by the
priest kneelmg : —
Decbbta.
Dubia quoad recitationem precom post Missas sine caoU
celebi*atas.
Quaesitnm quum sit a Sacra Bituuin Congregatione : —
L An preces post finem cu jusqne Missae sine cantu celebrats,
in universa Ecclesia a Sanctissimo Domino Nostro Leone Papa
Xm., nuperrime praescriptae, recitari debeant a .Sacerdote
altematim cum populo ; et
II. An oratio Deus rejugium cum suis versiculis, ab ipeomet
Sacerdote in casu recitanda sit, prouti Ave Maria et Salve Beg'tna
flexis genibufi ?
Sacra eadem Congregatio, ad relationem infrascripti Secrets;!^
respondit ad utrumqne Dubium ; Affirmative, Atque ita respondit
et rescripsit die 20 Augusti, 1884.
Pro Emo. et Rmo. Dno. Oard. D. Babtolzni,
S.RC. Ptaefecto.
A. Card. Serafiki.
Laubentius Salvati, S.R.G.9 Secretariof.
II.
Decrees relating to the nvmber of Collects^ dc., to be said on
the occasion of ihe^ Quarant* Ore*
1. The Votive Mass of the Blessed Sacrament on the days
of Exposition and Reposition, excludes all commemorationa
During the Octave of Corpus Christi, the Mass vnll be of
JJUurgical Quesiians. 739
the Ootaye with the Sequence, but to the exclusion of
commemorations.
2. On privileged Sundays of the first and second class,
Feasts of the mrst and second class, Ash- Wednesday,
the three first days of Holy Week (the Exposition is not
allowed on the three last days), during the Octaves of
Easter, Pentecost and Epiphany, on the Vigils of Christmas
and Pentecost, and dunng a local privileged Octave, the
Mass of the day is said with a commemoration of the
Blessed Sacrament under one conclusion; but no other
commemoration is to be added.
If, however, a Feast of the first or second class fall on
the Sunday, a commemoration is made of the Sunday
under a distinct conclusion, and the Sunday's Gospel is said
at the end of Mass.
3. On the intermediate day, when the Mass pro Pace or
other Votive Mass is said, a commemoration of the Blessed
Sacrament is added sub unica concltisione, but no other.
On the privileged days, when the Mass of the day is
said, a commemoration pro Pace^ or of other selected Votive
Mass, is made mb unica conclusione.
4. When the Exposition is held on Ash- Wednesday,
the Ferial tone for the Prayers, the Preface and Pater
Noster is to be followed, and the prayer supra popiUum
is to be said as usual. We append the Decrees.
Decreta.
In EoclesiiSi ubi chori obligatio non existit, ac solemnis Ex-
positio quadraginta Horarum peragitur ex mandate Ordinarii,
iuxta ordinationem Clementinam, quaeritur :
1.® Utram prima et tertia die, si non cantata faerit altera missa
ccmformis ofiBcio correnti, debeant in Missa Votiva SS. Sacramenti
quaelibet commemorationes omitti ? An vero celebrans sub dis-
tincta conclusione cantare tenetnr, tum orationem missae de die,
quamyis sit de viffilia communi, de qua nihil fit in duplici primae
classis, aut de die mfra octayam, festo simplici, ant feria communi,
quorum commemoratio locum non habet in duplici secundae classis,
torn caeteras commemorationes speciales, quae adderentur in missa
currenti, v.g, de dominica per annum, de die infra octavam, etc ?
2.^ An secunda die, quando missa j9ro pace^ seu alia votiva rite
assignata celebratur, collecta SS Sacramenti sub unica conclusione
oration! missae a<^uncta, commemorationes omittendae sint, an non,
nti supra quaesitum est ?
8.^ Utrum, si primam vel tertiam diem impeditam esse con-
tigerit, (a) commemoratio SS. Sacramenti post orationem missae sub
unica conclusione semper cantanda sit, non exceptis feria Y Coenae
Domini, Sabbato Sancto, et Festo Sacratissimi Cordis Jesu?-*
740 JMurgical Quesiion$.
(h) adjungi debeant sub distincta condudone, servato ritu missae in-
trinseco, singulae commemorationes turn speciales, turn commimes,
quae in eadem missa, si cantaretur extra solemnis Ezpofiitionis
tempus, essent faciendae ?
4° Utrum, si pari modo secunda dies f uerit impedita, adjiciendae
siot turn oratio missae joro Pace, seu alterius legitime assignata, turn
collecta SS. Sacramenti ? Et quatenus affirmative, qaisnam locos
utrique orationi sit assignandus ?
6.^ An feria lY., cinerum in una ex diebus supradictae Expos!-
tionis occurrente, tonus ferialis in cantu Orationum, Praefationis et
Pater noster sit adhibenda ? Utrum omittenda sit Oratio wpra
populum?
S. R. C. resp. — Quoad lam, 2am, 3am et 4am quesUonem:
Serventur Rubricae et Clementina ordinatio; Scilicet, inMissaVoUra
SS. Sacramenti pro solemni ejusdem Expositione ac Repositicme,
omittenda est quaelibet commemoratio et collecta. Infra octaTam
SS. Corporis Christi, missa erit de eadem octava, cum sequenda et
unica oratione, absque commemorationibus et collectis. In dominids
vero privilegiatis primae et secundae dassis, in festo pariter primae et
secundae classis, feria IV cinerum, feriis secunda, tertia et quarta
majorisHebdomadae (a mane enimFeriae Y ad maneSabbati Sancti
a praedicta expositione omnino cessandum), omnibus diebu^ octavae
Paschae, Pentecostes et Epiphaniae, vigiUis Nativitatis Domini et
Pentecostes, necnon octava propria privilegiata, canenda est missa
diei currentis cum oratione SS. Sacramenti sub unica condosiooe,
omissis collectis et commemorationibua Quod si festum aliqnod
primae vel secundae classis occurrat in dominica, tunc secundo loco,
sub distincta conclusione, fit commemoratio dominicae, et dicitor
ejus evangelium in fine. Missae tandem pro Pace adjongitnr
Oratio SS. Sacramenti sub imica conclusione: in diebus tamen
exceptis, ut supra, Missa canenda erit diei currentis cum Oratione
pro Pace sub unica conclusione.
Atque ita rescripsit, dedaravit. ac servari mandavit Die
18 Mai. 1888.
D. Cabd. Baetounus, S.R.O., Praefectns.
III.
Interpretation of the Faculty of ordaining Extra Tempora,
The Faculty of conferring Holy Orders Exb'a Temwra
must be understood to extend only to those days on which
Minor Orders can be conferred according to the common
law ; that is, on Sundays, on Feasts of obligation, and on
suppressed Feasts of obligation.
Decretuu.
Utrum fEicultas conferendi sacros ordines extra temporOj ti
articuli 1 Formulae primae Episcopis missionariis generadm ccm-
cessae, limitetur, nisi specialissimum adsit indultum, ad solos die^
J
Docvmients. 741
qnibus de jure cominam conferre licet Ordines Minores, scilicet dies
festivos de praecepto, etiam in favorem fidelium abrogates ? An
rero extendatur ad singulos anni dies, aut saltern ad omnes dies in
quibus recitatur officium ritus duplicis ?
S. R. C. resp. — ^Aflirmative ad l*^ partem : negative ad 2^
18 Mai. 1883.
IV.
Matins when separated from Lauds.
When Matins are separated from Lauds, the former are
terminated with the prayer of the OflBce. The Lauds
in this case are begun with the De^M in ad/wionwm, without
prefixing a Pater and Ave, as the Rubricists commonly
prescribe.
Decrbtum.
Si contingat in recitatione privata separari Matutinum a
Laudibus, quaeritur quomodo conclndendum sit Matutinum, prae-
sertim in feriis majoribus, in quibus preces flexis genibus addendae
sunt ad horas omnes ; et quomodo incho((ndae sint Laudes ?
S. R. C. resp. — Matutinum in casu concludendum cum oratione
de Officio diei ; Laudes inchoandas ut in Psalterio.
R. Browne.
DOCUMENTS.
The Tercoentenary of St. Charles Borromeo — Special
cmiebratlon in ecclesiastical colleqes.
Summary op Document.
The Tercentenary anniversary of the death of St. Charles Borromeo
on the 4th of November, 1884. To the Saint's zeal in giving effect
to the Decree of the Council of Trent relating to the establishment
<^ Ecclesiastical Seminaries, is chiefly due the erection of the
Roman Seminary and of Seminaries in other parts of the Church.
His rules for the government and order of his own Seminary at Milan,
substantially adopted in all Ecclesiastical Colleges. St. Charles,
the Patron of the Roman Seminary and of many others. Reasonable
and natural that seminarists should desire to celebrate his Ter-
centenary with special solemnity, to honour their Patron, to implore
his patronage in these evil days, and to awaken his spirit among
them. This celebration specially agreeable to our present Pontiff,
Leo Xni., who has done so much ^eady for ecclesiastical science.
This wish on the part of the Seminaries is made known to Cardinal
La Valletta, Vicar of Rome. He invites the Rectors to a conference,
742 Docvmeivts.
approves of tbeir project to hold a special celebration on St. Charles*!
feast in this year, and to communicate with the Bishops of other
Seminaries at a distance to join in the celebration.
The? following arrangements were agreed to :—
1 . Every Ecclesiastical College at Rome is to honour St. Charles's
feast in this year with a special solemnity.
2. On that day all the Students are to assist at Mass, receive
Holy Communion, and say the Rosary for the intentions of the
Holy Father.
8. The Students of those Colleges are to go in turn, during the
Octave, to the Church of St. Charles, where his heart is enshrined,
to visit and honour this great relic of the Saint.
4. The President of each College is to collect the offerings of
the Students, which are to be presented as '* Peter's Pence" to the
Holy Father.
5. The presentation of these offerings to be made to the Pope
by the assembled Presidents and Students.
6. Details of arrangements for literary gatherings to celebrate
St. Charles's feast, to be announced later on.
An invitation to be addressed to the Bishops of other Seminaries
to join in celebrating the feast in accordance with this programme.
Communications to be addressed to the undermentioned Rectors
of Colleges at Rome.
Illhb. AG Reymb. Dohinb.
Pridie Nonas Novembres currente anno MDCCCLXXXIV.
tertia complebitur Centenaria aetas, ex quo inditus S. B.
Ecclesiae Cardinalis, ac Mediolanensium Archiepiscopus Carolos
Borromaeus ad Deum migravit, condigna receptums praemia
ingentium meritorum, quae sibi comparaverat indefessa iUa (ffse'
sertim soUicitudine, undo omnia Pastoralia officia constanter
ezplevit.
Haee inter singularis et pene incredibilis virtutis eius exempla
eminuit etiam ardens ipsius studium, ut sapiens ac saluberrimom,
quod tunc prodiit, Tridentini Concilii de Clericalium Seminaricffum
erectione decretum mox Romae ab Summo. cui aderat, Pontifice
Pio lY., avunculo suo, tum alibi etiam citoad effectum adduceretor.
Suum autem Archiepiscopale Mediolanense Seminarium consultis-
sin^is illis Institutionibus dein communivit, ad quanim normam
aliorum Seminariorum statuta, ut plurimum, exigi usque ad haee
tempora, conformarique perrexerunt.
Ea propter nil mirum si, Dei Viro Sanctis adscripto, Romanum
hoc Seminarium, aliaque huiusmodi Clericorum domicilia in
Ooelestem Patronum ipsum adsciverint. Hinc etiam, adveniente
hoc ab eius morte tercentesimo anno, complnribus piia viris ooo-
venientissimum fore visum est, si Clerici, qui in Ecclesiae spem in
Seminariis succrescunt, ad ipsius opem in&ustus praesertim hisce
temporibus impetrandam, ejusque fidei et charitatis spiritum in
J
Documents^ 743
seipsk fovendimi, splendidius hoc anno Sanctissimi Antistitis
Festnm celebrarent; atque^ hac oblata occasione, suam erga
ApostoHcam Sedem, ac Sapremnm Ecclesiae Caput Bomanom
Pontificem Leonem XTTT., a quo pia ipsorum Clerlcorum in
Seminariifl educatio sapiensque institutio tantopere provecta est,
Yenerationem et fidem illustriori aliquo modo testarentur.
His votis ad Cardinalem in Urbe Yicarium Raphaelem Monaco
La Valletta relatis, Vir Eminentissimus singulos Seminariorum ac
Clericalium Collegiorum, qnae Bomae ex dissitis etiam nationibus
extant, Bectores ad se vocandos, deque re consulendos putavit.
Comque omnes unanimi consensu pium propositum laudaverint,
seque praeterea ultro paratos ostenderint, ut quisque ad exteras
etiam Dioeceses, cum quibus aliquam quoquo titulo communionem
habeant, insignioris Festivitatis a nobis hoc anno in honorem
Beatissirai Caroli peragendae nuntium transmitterent, idem
Eminentissimus Vir consilium probavit, annuitque ut rei notitia
Episcopis praeberetur.
Porro ad praedictam Solemnium celebrationem, ac fidei pieta-
tisque CathoHcae significationem erga Pontificem Maximum in
hisce IJrbis Seminariifl faciendam isthaec satis apta convocatis
Bectoribus visa est ratio.
I®. In unoquoque Urbis Seminario, Glericalique Collegio,
Festum S. Caroli Borromaei hoc anno, stato die, hoc est pridie
Nonas Novembris, splendidiore aliquo religiose cultu habeatur.
n^ Eo die Clerici in iisdem Seminariis Collegiisve collecti hoc
animo intererunt Missae Sacro, Communionemque Eucharisticam
percipient, Sanctamque Bosarii B. Virginis precationem fundent,
at horum piorum operum fructum Deo 0. M. ad mentem Summi
Pontificis offerant.
111°. Singulis autem infra Octavam diebus praedictorum Semi-
nariorum CoUegiorumque alumni ad Templum S. Caroli, ubi Cor
ejus honorifice asservatur, vicissim accedent, ut peiinsignem banc
Beliquiam augustius sanctiusque venerentur.
IV**. Cuiusque Seminani CoUegiique Praeses studiose colliget,
adnotabitque oblationes, quas, huius solemnioris Festi occasione,
subiecti sibi Clerici, aliique pro Obolo, qui dicitur, S. Petri ^Ek^ere
amabnnt.
V**. Festo peracto, oblationes istae Summo Romano Pontifici,
curante Emo. ac Bevmo Cardinali in Urbe Vicario, ab ipsis
Seminariorum CoUegiorumque Clericalium Urbis Bectoribus et
alumnis} prouti Sanctissimo Patri placuerit, humiliter exhibebuntur.
VI°. Si quid praeterea ad iUustriorem Solemnium celebra-
tionem hie Bomae indicendum videatur, praesertim quod attinet
ad litterarios conventus habendos, ut Sancti Caroli laudes impensius
prosa, versibus efferantur, opportuniore tempore deinceps consti-
tnetur.
Interim haec omnia Tibi, Illme. ac Bevme Domine, significare
voluimuSy ut si baud incongruiuu, id quod speramus, censeas, ut
744 Documents,
Seminarij, Seminaripraroye taornm alumni, recumnte praedicti
Centenarii aevi complemento, cum Glericis in Seminariid Urbis
degentibus in Sancti Caroli Festo celebrando oonsentiant, non Te
lateant, nee religiosa officia, quae eo die ab hisce nostriB alomms
peragentur, nee modus quo collata, si quae in id enmt, tttonun
Clericorum, aliorumque fidelium pro Obolo S. Petri subsictia, haec,
simul cum nostris, dum Romam ad nos mature transmittas,
Pontifici Maximo offerri possent.
Bomae, die anniversaria Electionis S. Caroli B. ad Archiepts-
copalem Sedem Mediolanensem, 8 Februarii anno 1884.
Amplitudinis Tuae lUmae. ac Bevmae.
Addictissimi Famuli
^ Tobias Kmsr, Episcopus liten. Collegii Hibemoram
Bector.
Baphael Cattni Pont. Seminarii Bomani Bector.
Fr. JoH. Thomas Tosa O.P. Pont. Seminarii Pii Bector.
JosEPHUS Dom Seminarii Yaticani Bector.
Alphonsus Eschbach Seminarii Gallici Bector.
Hbrnestus Prof. Fontana Sem. SS. Ambrosii et Caroli
Bector.
GusTAYUs CoNBADO Collcgii Urbauii de Propaganda Fide j
Bector. j
Fredericus SchrobderS. I. Collegii Germaniciet Hungarici
Bector.
Henricus O'Callaghan Collegii Anglorum Bector.
Jacobus A. Campbell Collegii Scotorum Bector.
P. Carolus Grabowski C. B. Collegii Poloni Superior.
FRANascus ViNCiGUERRA Almi Collegii Capranicensia
Bector.
Carolus de T' Serolaes Collegii Belgici Praeses.
Thomas Ghetti S. L Collegii Pii Latini Americani Rector. ^
Silvester Bonoier Fullerad S. Jacobi et S. Mariae j
Montis-Serrati Bector. ^
AuousTiNus J. SoHULTE CoUegU Statuum Foed. AmericaA
Septent. Vicerector.
Phujppus Difava Pont. Seminarii Pii Vicerector.
Resolutions of the Irish Bishops.
The following are the Resolutions adopted by the
Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland, at the General
Meeting, held in Holy CS-oss College, Clonliffe, on the 1st
October, 1884, His Grace the Primate, in the Chair.
The Resolutions relate to : —
1. Appeal for Government Grants to erect Training Colleges.
2. Unfair treatment by Grovemment of Convent National
Schools.
Docummts, 7 45
3. Dangerous tendency of questions in Metapliysics set in the
Eoyal University Examinations, injismuch as they practically
necessitate the reading of Anti-Chrislian works.
4. Request to Irish Parliamentary Party to bring forward the
Catholic educational claims.
5. The renewal of condemnation of Queen's Colleges and
Trinity College.
6. Appointment of a Promoter of the cause of the Canonization
of Irish xMartyrs.
Resolutions.
I. Eesolved: — "That the Bishops, still deeming it an indis-
pensable condition for the extension of the new Training College
system, and for the adequate training of the teachers of our
National Schools, that the Treasury grants should cover the total
authorised expenditure of the Training Colleges, and that grants
and loans should be given for the erection of suitable buildings, in
centres outside of Dublin, again urgently and respectfully appeal
to the Government to make those concessions : and the Bishops
renew their assurance, that without those amendments of the
system, the Training College arrangements must remain, to a
great extent, inoperative in their dioceses, to the great detriment
of Primary education, and with no small dangers to the good order
of society."
IJ. Ebsolved: — "That the Bishops again respectfully repre-
sent to Her Majesty's Government the unfair treatment, as to
primary grants, to which the Convent Schools of Ireland have
been subjected from the first establishment of the National system,
by the capitation grant system adopted by the Boaixl of National
Education ; and they venture to express a hope that there will be
no further delay in treating these Schools, admittedly the most
efficient in connection with the system, with even-handed justice.
The Bishops also hope and request that the Bule of the Board,
which restricts the number of Convent National Schools, and which
is justly regarded as a standing evidence of religious prejudice,
will be rescinded by the Board."
J II. Resolved: — "That, considering the dangers to which
Catholic students are exposed in the Uoyal University, as revealed
by the questions set for their examination in Metaphysics— questions
practically necessitating the reading of Anti-Christian works, most
dangerous to Catholic faith — we request that a meeting of the
£pisco])al Education Committee be held as soon as possible to take
such steps as may prevent those dangers in future. '
IV. Resolved: — "Hiat we call upon the Irish Parliamentary
Party to bring the foregoing Resolutions under the notice of the
House of Commons, and to urge generally upon the Government
the hitherto unsatisfied claims of Catholic Ireland in all branches
of the Education question. We earnestly hope that the lovers of
justice and fair play in the House will co-operate with them ."
VOL. V. 3 I
746 Notices of Booh.
V. Resolved : — " That we rerew our condemnation of the
Queen's Colleges, and of Trinity College, Dublin, and warn
Catholic parents of the grave dangers to which they expose their
childi-en by sending them to these institutions, so often condemned
by the Holy See as intrinsically dangerous to faith and morals.
VI. Resolved:— ''That the Right Rev. Dr. O'Callaghan,
Coadjutor Bishop of Cork, be appointed Promoter of the Cause of
the Canonization of the Irish Martyrs, in place of the Most
Rev. Dr. Moran, now Archbishop of Sydney."
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Luther; an Historical Portrait, By J. Verres, D.D. London:
Burns & Oat^s, 1884.
The Historical Portrait, though coming, as the author remarks,
post festuiH, is, on this very account, most seasonably offered to the
public. It is a fitting commentary on the fourth centenary drama
wliich was performed, during the past year, with much pomp and
circumstance, by those whose reverence for the name of Lather
must, in great measure, be regarded as an expression of hostility
to the Catholic Church. The value of such exhibitions, contrived
by the agency of real or assumed enthusiasm, is detected in the
Historical Portrait of the man whose claims to the gratitude of
nations were urged, if not with logical force, yet with persistent
vehemence and studied intolerance. Interpreted in the light of
the real character of the hero, so truly and so vividly depicted by
Dr. Verres, the great celebration of 1883 must appear to be a
prodigious sham, and a very painful illusion.
We regard it as fortunate tliat the acts of the centenary were
played out, and that the long procession of players had retir^from
the stage, before this new portrait of Luther had been drawn.
The celebration has furnished some fresh materials for producing
a faithful and effective likeness. Though this vindication of
historical truth by our author, was occasioned by what was said
and written in praise of Luther during the late commemoration,
his work is not of that fugitive class which is soon forgotten, bat
is one of great and abiding interest.
ProceSiing somewhat on the lines of Dollinger, yet extending
them, and on those of Audin, which, if frequently contracted, are,
at time^, enlarged by him, and coiling genuine and ample materials
round a solid core, similar to that supplied by the skill and industry
of Father O'Connor,^ Dr. Verres has given us, not indeed a com-
plete life of Luther, but an admirable sketch, and a fuithfol
description of his character and work.
* " Luther's own Statements," see Record, Oct., 1884, p. 676.
Notices of Books. 747
We congratulate those friends of the author who prevailed
upon him to draw a portrait of the Prophet of AVittenberg from
his own works. They may well feel proud of the suggestion, and
of the manner in which it hiis been carried out. Every chapter of
the twenty-four comprised in the volume, is written in a spirit of
impartiality, and with a scrupulous regard to the dictates of justice,
truth, and charity. What a contrast between the tone of what
the author has to say, and the fierce and rabid utterances of the •
*' Prophet *' himself and many of his adherents !
In the opening chapter, Dr. Verres gives a sketch of the state
of society, of literature, and of religion in Germany before Luther
appeared on the scene, and refute many false statements on these
several heads. As he proceeds, he notes down the causes that
prepared the way for the revolt of Luther, exhibits Luther's igno-
rance on thef question of Indulgences, and shows that the true
explanation of his fall is to be found in the pride and sensuality of
the rebel. The Heresiarch's errors on Justification, Free Will,
the Sacraments. Scriptural Interpretation, are set forth with clear-
ness, and established by the irrefragable testimony of the
" Reformer's " own statements. The intolerance and tyranny of
the ** Liberator " are graphically described. Nor has he declined
the painful duty of exposing the credulity, the calumnies, the
abusive language and ribald jokes of the " dear man of God."
The fruits of the Reformation, which was designed to ** restore
the Gospel," and remove from the world the depravity in which it
was plunged by the old ** apostate church," are briefly and forcibly
depicted by reference to the forced admission of [juther and his
disciples. And what a picture ! Our readers must view it in the
work we are noticing. Of the many evils resulting from Luther's
** Evangelium," the most appalling is the wide-spread rationalism
of the present day, and the infidelity to which rationalism leads.
In Germany, legion is the name of Protestants who are absolute
infidels, and discard all supernatural belief : hating the Catholic
Church, and boasting of being " the legitimate children of the
Reformation."
We should desire to call attention to the comparison between
the introduction of Christianity and the spread of Lutheranism in
the sixteenth chapter, and to Luther's character in twenty-third
chapter, if our allotted space were not nearly filled. For the same
reason, we cannot dwell on the freshness and vigour of the author's
pen, on his rare power of arresting the attention of his readers,
and making them feel the keenest interest in what he narrates.
And now a word as to the effect which this work may have
upon the religious polemics of the day. Even as the votaries of
Islam are blindly attached to the tenets of the false prophet, and
remain deaf to the voice of the ministers of the Gospel, and as the
worshippers of Idols remained wedded to their superstitions in the
early agfes of the Church, when the follies and excesses of
i
748 Notices of Books.
paganism were exposed and denounced by Christian apologists, so,
we fear, certain fanatical followers of the false prophet of
Wittenberg, will allow no ray of light to penetrate the dark cloud
of illusion in which they are wrapped. The scoff ng rationalist
and hardened infidel will cast aside, with equal indifference, the
charges proved against Luther and the vindication of the Catholic
Church ; but good men, earnest in the search of truth, will find, if
they are still straying away from the one true fold, a guide and a
help in the work before us. Catholics, too, will be at no loss to
form a correct estimate of Luther and his work from the evidence
supplied by the industry and ability of Dr. Verres. D. G.
The Tnith about Ireland, By an English Liberal. London:
Kegan Paul, Tenoh & Co.
The spirit in which this remarkable brochure has been received
by the Irish press makes it unnecessary for us to comment at
length on its contents. In it the state of Ireland, her mis-
government, grievances, and aspirations are powerfully portrayed
by an earnest well-wisher who has the manliness not to mince the
truth in speaking to his fellow Liberals. For this he will receive
the gratitude of Irishmen, who at the same time scorn his politico-
religious theories. His ill-considered attempt to show that
Catholicism is a clog on Irish Nationality receives a crushing blow
from the every-day iPacts of public life in Ireland as narrated by the
Author himself. Virulence against the Catholic Church could
nowhere be displayed in more unfitting connection. Yet on this
score an *' English Liberal," might do service as pamphleteer to a
no-popery league. Whilst Irishmen stand up for their country and
her rights unflinchingly, strangers who as yet have failed to make
themselves felt in critical moments as her friends, might with
advantage practise the modesty of not lecturing us on the so-called
slavish restraints of our religion. The generosity of offering a choice
between *• Romanism" and "Liberalism** is intensely humorous
at this stage of history. If ** A Liberal " devoted the same fair
and praiseworthy attention to our religious principles that he has
given to the political and social condition of Ireland, his notions of
the former would be unstained by the silliness that now charac-
terizes them, and mars the effect of some of his best pages.
P. O'D.
St^ Bernard on the love of God. Translated by Martaknk
Cakoline and Covkntry Patmore. London : Burns & Gates,
lliis little volume contains the translation not only of
St. Bernard's beautiful work on the love of God, but also of another
fragment in which the holy Doctor was engaged at the time of his
death. We have, in addition, meditations for three Rosaries ; one
in honour of our Lady as Co-redemptrix ; another in honour of the
Sacred Heart ; and the third in imitation of our Lady.
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
DECEMBER, 1884.
THE SCHOOL OF BANGOR.— St. COMGALL.
ST. COMGALL, who founded the great school of Bangor,
and is not greatly celebrated for his own learning,
was the founder of a school which of all others seems to
have exercised the widest influence both at home and
abroad by means of the great scholars which it produced.
Bangor and Armagh were by excellence the gi-eat Northern
schools, just as Clonard was the school of Meath, Glenda-
loch of Leinster, Lismore of Mimster, and Cloumacnoise
and Mayo of Connaught. For it must be borne in mind
that Cloumacnoise was founded by St. Kieran from Roscom-
mon, that he was the patron saint of Connaught,^ and that
until a comparatively recent penod it formed a portion of
the Western Ecclesiastical Province. The influence of the
other schools however was mainly felt at home, or to some
extent in England, Scotland, and Germanv ; but the influ-
ence of Bangor was felt in France, and Switzerland, and
Italy, and not only in ancient times but down to the
present day. There are great names amongst the Mis-
sionaries who have gone from other monastic schools in
Ireland to preach the Gospel abroad, but if we except
St. Columba who was trained at many schools m
Ireland, there ai'e no other names so celebrated as
St. Columbanus the founder of Luxeil and Bobbio, and
St. Gall who has given his name to an equally celebrated
Monastery and Canton in Switzerland. It is, then, highly
interesting and instructive to ti'ace the origin and influence
of this famous Irish school.
St. Coragall, the founder of Bangor, was a native of
the territory anciently called Boirche or Mourne in the
1 See the Poem from the Saltair na Rann on the Patron Saints of
Ireland, Cambr. Eversus, Vol. II., page 779.
VOL. V. 3 K
750 The ScJwol of Bangor — St. Comgall,
County Antrim, a district to the north of Belfast LoUgh
opposite to the place whf^re he afterwards founded hie
Monastery. There is some difierence of opinion as to the
exact date of his birth, and indeed as to the length of his
life, although all admit that he died in the year 600 or 601.
He seems to have been during his Ufe from boyhood to old
age a friend and companion of St. Coluracille, and hence
if we accept the length of his life given by the BoUandists'
as eighty years we may fix his birth at about 520 — which
was also the date, or near it, of Columciile's birth.
Comgallus the name by which he was baptized
has been frequently explained to signify the * luc^
pledge' — faustum pignus — because he was a child of
benediction, the only son of his parents, and born too
when they were advanced in years. As usual in the case
of our Irish saints, several prodigies are said to have taken
place both before and shortly after his birth. His father
was Sedna a small chief of the district then known as
Dalaradia or Dalaray, his mother was a devout matron
called Briga, who is said to have been warned before his
birth to retire from the world because her offspring was
destined in future days to become a great saint of God.
These pious parents took him to be baptized bv a blind
old priest called Fehlim, who knew however, by neart, the
proper method of administering the Sacrament of Baptism.
There beinff no water at hand a miraculous stream burst
forth from the soil, and the old priest feeUng the presence
of the divine influence washed his face in the stream, and
at once recovered his sight, after which he baptized the
child and gave him the appropriate name of ComgalL
This is only one of the numberless miracles recorded in
the two lives of St. Comgall given by the BoUandisis, but
it will be unnecessary for our purpose to refer to them in
detail.
The boy in his youth was sent to work in the fields
and seems to have assisted his parenta with great alacrity
in all their domestic concerns. When he grew up a little
more he was sent to learn the Psalms and other divine
hymns from a teacher in the neighbourhood whose precepts
were much better than his example. The young child of
grace, however, was not led away from the path of virtue,
on the contrary he seems in his own boyish way to have
given gentle hints to his teacher that his life was not what
it ought to be. On one occasion, for instance, ComgaU
1 In the Second Life,
The School of Bangor — St, ComgalL 751
rolled his coat in the mud and coming before his master,
the latter said to him, " Is it not a shame to soil your coat
so ?" "Is it not a greater ehame," replied Comgall, "for
any one to soil his soul and body by sin t" The teacher
took the hint and was silent ; but the lesson was unheeded,
And so the holy youth resolved to seek elsewhere a holier
preceptor.
This was about the year 545. At that time a young
and pre-eminently holy man named Fintan had established
a monastery at a place called Cluain-edneach, now Clone,
nagh, quite' near Mountrath in the Queen s County. The
fame of this infant monastery had spread far and wide
over the face of the land ; for although in many places in
those days of holiness there was strict rule, and poor fare,
and rigid life, yet Fintan of Clonenagh seems to have been
the strictest and poorest and most rigid of them all. He
would not allow even a cow to be kept for the use of his
monks — consequently they had no milk, no butter ; neither
had they eggs, nor cheese, nor fat, nor flesh of any kind.
They had a little corn, and herbs, and plenty of water
near at hand, for the bogs and marshes round their
monastic cells were frequently flooded by the many tribu-
taries of the infant Nore coming down from the slopes of
the Slieve-bloom mountains. They had plenty of hard
work too in the fields tilling the barren soil, and in the
woods cutting down timber for the buildings of the
monastery as well as for firewood, and then drawing it
home in loads on their backs or dragging it after them
over the uneven soil. The discipline of this monastery
was so severe and the food of the monks so wretched that
the neighbouring saints thought it prudent to come and
beg the Abbot Fintan to relax a little of the extreme
severity of his discipline, which was more than human
nature could endure. The Abbot though unwilling to
relax his own fearful austerities in the least, consented at
the earnest prayer of St. Canice to modify the severity of
his discipline to some extent for the others, and they were
no doubt not unwilling to get the relaxation. It speaks
well for the love of holy penance shown by these young
Christians of Ireland that in spite of its severe discipline
this monasteiy was crowded with holy inmates from all
})arts of the country, and amongst the rest came Comgall
rom his far-off Dalaradian home to become a disciple of
this school of labour and penance.
He remained a considerable time under the guidance of
752 The School of Bangor — St. Comgall
the holy Fintan, the Benedict of our Irish Church, who,
although his " senior '* or superior in reli^on, was probably
about his own age in years. There is httle doubt that it
was from Fintan, Comgall learned those lessons of humi-
Kty and obedience which, as we know from his rule and
from his disciples, he afterwards taught with so much eflfect
to others. His teacher then advised him to return to bis
own country, and propagate amongst his kindred in Dalaray
the lessons of virtue which he had learned at Clonenagh.
Hitherto it seems Comgall had received no holy orders.
He was a monk and a perfect one, of mature age too, but
in his great humiUty he had hitherto declined the responsi-
bilities of the priesthood. Now, however, he resolved to
pay a visit to Clonmacnoise, which is not very far to the
north-west of Clonenagh. Its holy founder Kieran was
scarcely alive at this time, for he died in 548 ; but then and
Ipng after the fame of the school was great, and crowds of
holy men were attracted to its walls. Here Comgall was
induced to receive the piiesthood from the holy Bishop
Lugadius, and after a short stay he returned northward to
his own country. This was probably about 550, or perhaps
a little later.
Some authorities place the foundation of Bangor at this
time ; but it must be understood ouly in a very qualified
sense at this early date. Comgall was now, indeed, a
famous saint himself, and likely enough companions came
to place themselves under his spiritual guidance. But we
are expressly told that for some time after his return he
went about preaching the Gospel to the people, especially
amongst his own kith and kin, and in all probabihty this
took place before he established his monastery at least on
any permanent footing at Bangor. But the holy man longed
for the solitaiy life, and so we are told that he retired to an
island in Lough Erin, called Insula Custodiaria, or, as we
should now say. Jail Island, and there he practised such
austerities that seven of the brethren who accompanied him
died of cold and hunger. He was then induced to relax
his penances and fastmgs; and shortly after, it seems at the
earnest prayer of his friends, he was again persuaded to
leave J au Island an d return to Dalaray. This was about the
year 559, which seems to be the most probable date of the
founding of Bangor, although the Four Masters fix it so
early as 552.
feangor is very beautifully situated. It is about seven
miles from Belfast, on the southern shore of Belfast Lough,
The School of Bangor — St. Coingall 753
in the county Down, and may be reached either by rail or
steamer. It commands a fine view of Camckfergus on the
opposite shore of tiie bay, with the bold cliffs of Black
Head further seaward; to the right across the narrow sea
the bleak bluffs of Galloway are distinctly visible, and far
away due north in the dim distance the Mull of Cantire
frowns over a wild and restless sea. We saw this fair
scene on a fine day last June, when the sun lit' up the
steeples of Carrickfergus, and glanced brightly over the
transparent waters, so deeply and purely blue, whose
wavelets played amongst the bare quartzite rocks, and we
felt that if the old monks who chose Bangor to be their home
loved God they loved nature also. Most of all they loved
the great sea ; it was for them the most vivid image of God ;
in its anger, its beauty, its power, its immensity, they felt
the presence, and they saw, though dimly, the glory of the
Divme Majesty. It was on the shore of this beautiful bay
sheltered from the south-western winds, but open to the
north-east, that Comgall built his little church and cell.
Crowds of holy men, young and old, soon gathered round
him ; they, too, without much labour built themselves little
cells of timber or wattles ; the whole was then surrounded
by a spacious fosse and ditch, which was their enclosure,
and thus the establishment became complete. If St Bernard
in his Life of St. Malachy was rightly informed, it is clear
that there were no stone buildings in ancient Bangor before
the time of St. Malachy ; and even he when restoring the
place with a few of his companions only built a small
oratory of wood which was finished in a few days.
Not its buildings, however, but its saints and its
scholars, were the glory of Bangor. St. Columba from his
home in lona came more than once with some of his fol-
lowers to visit Comgall and his good monks. On one of
these occasions one of the brothers died during the voyage,
and the corpse at first was left in the boat whilst the monks
with Columba went to the monastery. Comgall received
them with great delight, washed their feet, and on asking
if all had come in, Columba said one brother remained in
the boat. The holy man Comgall going down in haste to
fetch the brother found him dead, and perhaps thinking it
might have happened through his neglect, besought the
Lord, and calling upon the monk to rise up and come to his
brothers, the dead man obeyed. Walking to the monastery
Comgall perceived that he was blind in one eye, and telling
him to wash his face in the stream that stiU flows down to
the sea from the church, he did so, and at once recovered
754 The School of Bangor — St. CoingalL
his sight. So Comgall brought back the brother from the
grave, and moreover restored to him his eyesight. In this
age of oui*s we are apt to smile at such miracles as these,
because ours is not an age of faith ; and the increduhty of
the world around us make us incredulous also. Yet our
Saviour said to his disciples (Luke xvii. v. 6), " If you had
faith like to a grain of mustard seed, you might sary to this
mulberry tree, be thou rooted up, and be thou transplanted
into the sea, and it would obey you.*.' I doubt if any of our
Irish saints ever did anything apparently so foolish as this,
yet even this they could do in tne greatness of their faith.
St. Comgall paid a return visit to Columba, and it is
said that ho even founded a church in the Island of Heth,
now called Tiree, one of the western isles to the ncn^ of
lona. He also accompanied Columba in the famous visit
which he paid to King Brude, the Pictish King, who, at
the approach of the saints, shut himself up in his fortress
on the shore of the river Inverness. But Columba signed
the sign of the cross, and the barred doors flew open in the
name of Christ ; and the pagan King of the Picts, fearing
with a gieat fear, allowed the saints to preach the Gospel
to his subjects.
A man so famous for holiness and miracles, soon
attracted great crowds to Bangor. St. Bernard, in his life
of St. Malachy, says that "this noble institution was
inhabited by many thousands of monks.*' Joceline, of
Furness, a writer of the twelfth century, says that " Bangor
was a fruitful vine breathing the odour of salvation, and
that its oflFshoots extended not only over all Ireland, but
far beyond the seas into foreign countries, and filled many
lands ^vith its abounding fruitfulness." In the time of the
Danes we are told on the authority of St. Bernard, that
nine hundred monks of Bangor were slain by these pirates
-^an appalling slaughter, but not at all an unusual, much
less an incredible massacre for the North men to perpetrate.
The second life given by the BoUandists says distinctly that
in the various cells and monasteries under his care^
Comgall had no less than three thousand monks ; but this,,
it seems, is to be understood of all his disciples in other
monasteries as well as in Bangor.
Amongst these disciples besides St. Columbanus and
his companions, of whom we shall presently speak, were
Lua, called also Mo-Lua, the founder of Clonfert-Molua,
now Clonfei-t-Maloe, in the Queen's County, and St. Cartagh
founder of the great school of Lismore, which became
almost as famous as Bangor itself. Luanus, from Bangor^
The School of Bangor — St. Comgall. 755
who seems to be the same as Molua, is said by St. Bernard
to have founded a hundred monasteries — a statement that
seems somewhat exaggerated. Even kings gave up their
crowns and came to Bangor to live as humble monks under
the blessed Comgall.
Special mention is made of Cormac, King of Hy-
BaiiTche, in Northern Leinster. That prince had been
freed from the fetters in which he was held by the King of
Hy-Kinselagh at the earnest intercession of St. Fintan of
Clonenagh. Before his death, however, he retired to
Bangor, and in spite of great temptations to return to the
world, he persevered to the end in the service of God under
the care of Comgall, to whom he gave large domains in
Leinster for the endowment of religious houses. Comgall,
according to some authorities, ruled over Bangor for fifty
years, others say for thirty, which is more likely to be true,
and died on the 10th of May, at his own monastery of
Bangor, in the midst of his children, after he had received
the Viaticum from the hands of St. Fiacra of Conwall, in
Donegal, who was divinely inspired to visit the dying
saint and administer to him the last rites of the Church.
His blessed body was afterwards enclosed by the same
Fiacra, in a shrine adorned with gold and precious stones,
which subsequently became the spoil of the Danish pirates.
That literature, both sacred and profane, was successfully
cultivated at Bangor, will be made evident from the
writings of the great scholars whom it produced, even
during the life-time of its blessed founder. Humility and
obedience, however, were even more dearly prized than
learning. It was a rule amongst the monks that when any
person was rebuked by another at Bangor, whether justly
or not, he immediately prostrated himself on the ground iix
token of submission. They bore in mind that word of ihe
Gospel, " If one strike thee on the right cheek, turn also to
him the other." But the career of the great Columbanus
will prove that when there was question of denouncing
crime against God, or adhering to the traditions of the
holy founders of the Irish Church, the monks of Bangor
were men of invincible firmness, who felt the full force of
the apostolic maxim — we must obey God rather than man.
In the question of celebrating Easter according to their
ancient usage this firmness bordered on pertinacity ; but
it was excusable seeing that it sprung from no schismatical
spirit, but from a conscientious adhesion to the ancient
practice of the Church of St. Patrick.
John HEAiiY.
[ 756 ]
EVOLUTION AND FAITH.
Fa previous article on Darwinism^ the present writer
contended that the evolution theory was an unproved
hypothesis ; mainly, a mass of groundless assumptions, and
gratuitous assertions, and that its advocates '* beg the
question " by ignoring Revelation, and by taking for granted
the points that are most vital to the theory. The facts
alleged by Mr. Darwin and his disciples may be facts, or
may be fictions ; but the evolution theory they do not prove.
Mr. Mivart, a distinguished Catholic writer, holds, as
decidedly as Darwin does, that the higher organisms now
existing have been evolved from lower ; but his explana^
tion of the system differs much from Darwin's. Mr. Mivart
saw clearly, and exposed fully, the weak points in Darwin's
theory ; and he claims for himself the merit of finding a
remedy for them. He says, " the problem then is by what
combination of natural laws does a new " common nature"
appear upon the scene of realized existence t i.e., how is
an individual embodying such new characters produced."
{Genesis of Species j p. 2.) And after acknowledging our
indebtedness to Darwin and Wallace for enabhng us to
approximate to a solution of this problem, Mr. Mivart states,
that the object of his book is '' to maintain the position
that " Natural Selection," acts, and, indeed, must act ; but
that still, in order to account for the production of known
kinds of animals and plants, it requires to be supplemented
by the action of some other natural law, or laws, as yet
undiscovered." (p. 5.) This " tmdiscovered " "unknown"
internal " law," which at present science is utterly incom-
petent to explain*' (p. 207) is the principal factor in
Mr. Mivart's evolution theory, and he refers to it veiy
frequently, both in the Genesis of Species, and in the
Lessons from Nature. (See Genesis of Species j p. 5, 23,270,
274, 311, 333, and Lessons from Nature, chap, ix., &c.)
According to Mr. Mivart, then, " Natural Selection"
acts its part in the evolution of new organisms, but that
part is secondary. The evolution mainly " depends on
some unknown, internal law, which determines variation
at special times, and in special directions." (p. 811.) The
action of this internal law is not, however, uniform, and
lon^ periods sometimes pass without any sendble indication
6f its energy. But when conditions favourable to the
1 1. E. Record {Third Serks), vol v., p. 684 (Sept.).
Evolution atid Faith. 757
evolution present themselves, then sudden changes^—
** jumps," — are noticed, and these are so considerable as to
be, "m fact, sensible steps such as discriminate species
from species/* (p. 275.) Thus do new species arise,
according to Mr. Mivart. By this theory does he account
for all the organisms that have come into being, the body of
the first man among them (p. 819), and he tells us that this
theory is, " without any doiibt, perfectly consistent with the
strictest, the most orthodox, Christian theology " (p. 6).
Now, laying aside for a moment, the theological aspect
of this theory, we may ask what is its advantage, from a
scientific stand-point, over Darwinism pure and simple I
Like Darwinism it has to meet the opinion of distinguished
naturalists that species are immutable. It is intended to
meet the diflSculties of « Natural Selection," and it does
so, by TOshing into a difficulty quite as formidable as any
of those it seeks to evade, — namely, the assumption, in a
scientific hypothesis, of a law unknown to science. We
know that ** Natural Selection " can induce some changes,
though they are inconsiderable; but what the alleged
"internal law" can do, is, to us, like the law itself,
absolutely unknown. It is an assumption, without proof, —
a conjecture. If this unknown law be in existence, how
strange that it has shown no sign of its energy since man
first appeared I How strange that conditions favourable
to its operation have not appeared during all that long
period 1 If this "unknown law," plus "Natural Selec-
tion," and "favourable conditions" be competent to
introduce new species, why is the theory at a stand-still
for seven thousand years! Why has evolution stopped
with man? The alleged "jumps," are then "few and
far between :" and as man has never witnessed any of them,
we have reasonable grounds for being sceptical about
them. To meet these difficulties evolutionists will have to
"try again."
In dealing with Mr. Darwin, and his disciples, the
theological aspect of evolution is easily gettled. Darwin's
theory is not incompatible with the primary creation of
matter, though he makes no clear reference to it, and he
cautiously avoids the question of the origin of life. But
the end and aim of ms theory is to refute the idea of
intolUgent design in the production of any species of
organism. He clearly intended his theory to supplant
Revelation which he completely ignores. He ignores the
existence of the soul. He holds that man*s mental facul-
^
758 Evolution and Faith*
ties and powers differ only in degree from those of the lower
animals, and are subject to the same process of evolution
as man's body. Between the affection of a dog for his
master, and the love, reverence, and adoration we pay to
God, he sees merely a difference in degree. For such a
theory it is clear that faith can have no toleration. For
I*'. To deny intelUgent design in creation is to remove the
very foundation of faith. 2^. The special creation of
Adam's soul is a dogma of faith. 8^ It is practically
certain, also, that the special creation of the soul of each
individual is a dogma of Catholic faith. It is true that an
opinion once prevailed to some extent, according to which
the soul like the body was supposed to come from the
parents. This view has been revived in recent times by
Frohschammer and some other German theologians of very
questionable orthodoxy. And strangely enough Mr. Lilly
in his recent work Ancient Religion and Modem TImighty
seems to regard it as still tenable. It is not tenable.
It is notoriously opposed to the almost unanimous
teaching of the Fathers, and of all eminent theo-
logians ; it is set down as an error in a letter of Pope
Benedict XII. to the Armenian Bishops, given in Raynal-
dup, A.D. 1341 ; and it is clearly opposed to the voice of
the ordinary magisterium of the Cnurch. The opinion is
therefore altogether untenable, and consequently Faith
tolerates no evolution theory with reference to man's soul.
But the question still remains, what may, or may not,
be held with reference to the bodies of oiur first parents,
and to the other works of creation specified in Genesis.
May the evolution theory be applied to them, and if bo how
far does Faith permit us to go? As already stated,
Mr. Mivart holds, that the evolution theory may be applied
fully to the bodies of our first parents, and of course to all
lower organisms as well. He does not ** include in the
process of evolution the soul of man" (page 319). He
admits the creation in the strict sense of each individual
soul, but he does hold that it is allowable to teach that the
body of the fii'st man was produced by evolution from
some lower animal, and that when the process of evolution
had reached the desired perfection, God infused into the
Species so perfected the human soul. And this theory
r. Mivart tells us repeatedly " is perfectly consistent with
the strictest, the most orthodox Christian theology." (p. 5.)
Some few months ago, a writer in the Tablet referring
to evolution seeme'd to class Mr. Mivart in the same
JEJvolution and Faith. 759
category as Darwin and other well-known enemies of
Revelation. No classification could be more unfair to
Mr. Mivart ; and it is diflScult to see how anyone who has
read his works could confoimd the systems or compare
the men. In fact no writer has yet dealt such a blow to
Darwin's system as Mr. Mivart has. Darwin applies his
theory to man in his totality, body, mind and soul Mivart
applies it only to the body of the first man. Darwin
excludes all intelligent designin the production of organisms.
Mivart maintains the necessity of intelligent design ; and he
has demonstrated the existence of an intelligent first cause,
in such a manner as to merit the gratitude of all believers.
Darwin's system depends altogether on external accidental
circumstances ; Mivart's theory depends mainly on internal
laws, which are nothing else than the laws of nature
instituted and maintained in harmony by Almighty God.
And therefore to confound the theories and their authors
betrays either a lamentable want of knowledge or an
absence of that spirit of fair play which is due to any
adversary. One system is the onslaught on Revelation of
a professed enemy ; the other is a well-meant, if mistaken,
effort of a loval son of the Church to defend Revelation
against the alleged difficulties of science. To admit so much
is but bare justice to Mr. Mivart, though it is very far from
admitting the orthodoxy of his theory. His theory is that
man and all other organisms were produced by ** derivative
creation," which, A««ay«,meansmerely, "that the pre-existing
matter has been created \vith the potentiality to evolve
from it, under suitable conditions, all the various forms it
subsequently assumes" {Genesis of Species, 291). It is, he
says, "simply the Divine action by and through natural
laws" (p. 801), "the operation of laws which owe their
foundation, institution and maintenance " to God (p. 318).
It is, he says, " the creation by God of forms, not as existing,
but in poientittj to be subsequently evolved into actual
existence by the due concurrence and agency of the various
powers of nature." {Lessons from Nature 431.) Thus, then
according- to this view, the creation of man and of other
organisms implies no immediate action on the part of God^
other than his co-operation with the laws of nature in
evolving from matter certain powers inserted in it at its
first creation. And this view, Mr. Alivart holds, satisfies
fully all the requirements of faith. This is certainly going
very far with evolution. The Abbe Moigno the latest and
a very able Catholic authority on the subject, thinks that
760 Evolution and Faith.
it is going too far. After stating Mivart's views, he says,
" poTir moi c'est deja trop " (Splendeurs de la Foi, vol 2,
Appendix c. page 14). Now in testing the orthodoxy of
this theory there is, happily, no need to discuss orchids and
troglodytes, or the various families of the Lemuridae ; we
need not trouble ourselves with the whereabouts of the
" missing link ;" we can apply to it the unerring rule, " quod
semper, quod ubique, quod ab omnibus;" and if, tested by this
rule Mr. Mivart's theory be fotmd wanting, then his scientific
speculations must be unsound. There are of course many
scientific theories of which Revelation takes no account,
but the question at issue here — the origin of man — ^is one
essentially and directly within the province of Revelation,
and consequently if Catholic teaching on the point be clear,
it must be also decisive. Now Catholic teaching does
seem clear on this point to such an extent as to forbid the
application of the evolution theory to man. We may not
be able to point to a solemn definition of a General Council
or to any authoritative decree of a Roman Pontiff, asserting
the immediate formation of the bodies of our first parent* ;
but this is by no means necessary. For if that immediate
formation be asserted by the voice of the ordinary niagii'
terium of the Church — the ordinary teaching body — then,
are we as strictly bound to believe it, as it it had been
defined by a General Council or by a Pope te^tching ex
Cathedra. This is clear from the Constitution " Dei Fifius "
of the Vatican Council : '* Porro fide Divina et Catholica
ea omnia credenda sunt quae in verbo Dei scripto vel tradito
continentur, at ab Ecclesia^ sive solemnt judicio nve
ordinario et universali maffisterio, tanquam divinitus revelata
credenda proponuntur." (cap. iii.) And Pius IX. in a letter
bearing date December 21st, 1863, and addressed to the
Archbishop of Munich, says that we owe the obedience of
faith not merely to the solemn definition of Councils and
Popes, but also to the voice of the ordinary magisterium
of the Church, reaching us through the constant and
universal teaching of Catholic Theolomans : '* ad ea quoque
extendenda quae ordinario totius Eccleeiae per othem
dispersae magisterio, tanquam divinitus revelata traduntor
ideoqiie universali et constanti consensu^ a catholieis Aedop*
ad fidem pertinere retinentur.^^ This same truth is impKed
in the condemnation of the 22nd proposition of the
" Syllabus." Now the theologians, and tectchers of the
Catholic Church assert with the most extraordinary unani-
mity, the immediate formation of the bodies of our fiist parents,
Evolution and Faith. 761
and by that formation they understand an action, distinct
both from the primary creation of matter, and from the
concurrence which God aflords to the working out of
Nature's laws. Such unanimous teaching is, according to
the Vatican Council, and Pius IX. obligatory upon us, and
consequently we are not free to hold the evolution theory
even with reference to the body of the first man.
So direct, so precise, so circumstantial, is the Scriptural
account of man's creation, that, if the evolution theory
were true, the sacred writers, if they intended to deceive
us, could not have chosen language better calculated to
eflFect that end : *' And the Lord God formed man out ot
the sUme of the earth," — Gen. c. 2, v. 7. *' Thy hands have
made me, and fashioned me." — Job. c. 10, v. 8. Now the
ordinary meaning of such texts (and they are very
numerous) is unquestionably the immediate formation by
God of the bodies of Adam and Eve. And on this ordi-
nary meaning we can insist, unless the evolutionists show
that there is sufficient reason for departing from it. This
they have not done. And consequently the prima facie
iSoriptural view of man's creation need not be abandoned
for that " series infinita *' of hypotheses, and conjectures,
and possibilities, which make up the sum total of the
evolution theory.
The teaching of the Fathers on this question has been
analyzed by an exceedingly able writer in the Dublin
Revieio for July, 1871. He sums up as follows: " There is
no need to say that the whole school of Fathers, which has
been called the School of St. Basil, takes for granted that
Adam's body was formed by the immediate act of God."
(p. 19.) And to say the whole of this school is, he says,
" nearly the same as saying the whole ' traditio Patrum.' "
And, after discussing the views of St. Augustine, this
writer concludes thus : " All those reasons combined
would make it — we are inclined to think — at least rash
and dangerous to deny that the body of Adam was formed
immediately by God, and (juasi-instantaneously out of
the earth." (p. 22.) An examination of the writings of the
Fathers will unquestionably bear out the statements of
this able writer. We shall find the numerous followers of
St. Basil holding the literal meaning of Gen. c. 2, v. 7.
We shall find all the Fathers without exception accord-
ing to Suarez, holding the immediate formation of the
body of Eve. We shall find many of them, like TertuUian,
St. Chrysostora, and St. Cyril of Jerusalem, admiring the
762 Evolution and Faitk
formation of man's body as a special work of Divine Omni-
potence— a special work of God's own hands. Again, we
shall find many of them discussing the question whether the
ministration of angels might have been employed in
forming the body of the first man. The vast majority of
them deny such ministration, and regard man's body as
the work of God alone. But even those who favour the
ministration of the angels, imply that man*s body was
formed by a special action, distinct from the first creation
of matter, and distinct also from the ordinary operation of
nature's laws. The only one of the Fathers, with regard
to whom there can be any hesitation, is St Augustine,
who is regarded bv " Christian evolutionists ** €is the main-
stay of their orthodoxy. In explaining his theory of
simultaneous creation^ St. Augustine holds that, at the
primaiy creation of matter, God created all things; not,
certainly, in the perfect state in which they subsequently
appeared, but in what he calls their " rationes seminalesy** or
^^ causales,'' The difficulty, then, is to determine what
St. Augustine meant by those " rationes seminalesr He
himself does not tell us. His language is obscure. He
hesitates. He admits the difficulty of the subject he is
treating. They were in some sense the germs of future
organisms ; but he does not anywhere say that these germs,
by the sole powers then imparted to nature, developed
into all the forms of organic life that subsequently arose.
On the contrary, he makes statements which are quite
incompatible with any such view. He holds the special
and immediate formation of the body of Eve. He clearly
insinuates that Adam first appeared as a full-grown maa
And in the very treatise from which the difficultr arises,
he has the following remarkable passage : " Et elementa
mundi hujus corporei habent defimtam vim qualitatemque
suam quid unumquodque valeat vel uon valeat, quid de
quo fieri possit, vel non possit. Ex his velut primordiis
rerum, omnia quae gignuntur suo quoque tempore exortus
processusque sumunt, finesque et decessiones sui cujusque
generis. Unde fit ut de grano tritici non nascatur faboy vel
defaha triticwn, vel de pecore homo, vel de homing pecusJ*
(Gen. ai Lit. c. 16, lib. 9.) This is a clear assertion that
in the ordinary course of nature species are fixed —
unchangeable — and fixed in such manner as to be quite
incompatible with the evolution theory. The saint then
goes on to refer to the extraordinary changes which may
occur in organisms ; and these, he says, are due, not to
Evolution anc^ Faitli, 763
any natural energy in the organisms, but to the fact that
at their creation then, nature was made obedient to a
higher will : " Ut non haeq haberent in motu naturali. sed
in eo in quo ita creata essent, ut eorura natura voluntati
potentiori amphus subjaceret." {he. cit) It would seem
then, that according to St. Augustine, matter, at its
creation was endowed with wliat theologians call
** potentia obedientalisy'' — an aptitude, in virtue of which it
may be formed into any organism which God may deter-
mine to create. And it is in this sense precisely that
St. Thomas understands the expression rationes causales of
St. Augustine. In the **Summa** (p. 1, q. 91, a. 2),
St. Thomas maintains the immediate creation of Adam's
body ; and he quotes, as an objection, the expression of
St. Augustine, which he disposes of as follows : " Ad
quartura dicendum quod secundum rationes causales in
creaturis dicitur aliquid pre-existere dupliciter ; uno modo
secundum potentiam activam et passivam, ut non solum
ex materia pre^existenti fieri possit, sed etiam ut aliqua
pre-existens creatura hoc facere possit. Alio modo secundum
potentiam passivam tantum ut scilicet de materia prae-existenti
fieri possit a Deo: et hoc modo, secundum Augustinum, corpus
hominis prae-existit in operibus productis secundum causales
rationes'' This aptitude in matter is not an active energy.
It pre-supposes tne action of a competent cause in the
formation of organisms. No one, ot course, thinks of
saying that St. Augustine held the doctrine of evolution.
No such doctrine could have occurred to him. But
Mr. Mivart, who relies on him, as well as on St. Thomas
and Suarez, as establishing the orthodoxy of the evolution
theory, says of all of them : " These writers asserted
abstract principles such as can perfectly haimionize with
the requirements of modern science, and have, as it were,
provided for the reception of its most advanced
speculations.*' {Lessons from Nature^ p. 433.) But if
St. Augustine merely taught (as his own words seem to
indicate, and as St. Thomas distinctly asserts) that God
created matter with a ^^ potentia obedientalisy' or an innate
aptitude for the formation of organisms, pre-supposing a
competent cause — then such a view lends no support,
affords no foundation, to the evolution theory. And
whatever St. Augustine's principles were, it is not fair to
quote him for the orthodoxy of tenets that go altogether
beyond his principles, and that contradict doctrines
which he explicitly maintained. It follows, then, that
764 Evolution and Faitlu
St. Augustine cannot be quoted as opposed to the ** traiido
Patrum,'' asserting the immediate formation of the bodies
of our first parents.
Passing from the Fathers on to the great Catholic
theologians, testimony to the immediate formation of the
body of the first man becomes more direct and explicit.
Many of the Fathers referred to the question only indirectly
and accidentally. The theologians treat it professedly.
St. Thomas, as already stated, maintains the doctrine, and
explains the apparent difficulty of St. Augustine's expres-
sion in the language given above. Suarez maintains it,
and holds it to be Catholic doctrine {Opera Sex Dierum^
lib. 3, c. 1). St. Thomas and Suarez are quoted as asserting
" principles that can perfectly harmom'ze" with evolution;
but it is perfectly clear they have held doctrines which
cannot ** harmonize'' with evolution at all. Berti, a zealous
disciple of St. Augustine, held the doctrine of immediate
formation. He says, " fuit praeterea Adae formatio opus
solius Dei ;" and after quoting St. Augmtine himself^ to
prove his views, he adds, '* Hoc aliisque exempUs, probat
Sanctus Pater, Opificem .omnium statim formasse
hominem adultum'' (Ub. 12, o. 2). And yet Beiti
is quoted for opposite views by Mi*. Mivart! Estius
(Senty hb. 2, d. 17), Becanus, Billuart, Widman, all hold
this doctrine of immediate formation. And it is no small
satisfaction to find a distinguished Irish theologian, John
Punchj of Cork, bearing the following exphcit testimony
to the same truth. In liis Theologiae Cursus Integer (De
Op. Sex Dierum, disp. 17, q. 3, c. 2), he says, " Dico, si Dens
ipse sine ministerio Angelorum creavitreliquaaniraantia,ita
(ficendum etiam de homine." The testimony of theologians
to this tnith may be multiplied a hundred-fold. But
it is needless. It is the teaching, express or implied, of
them all. But, inasmuch as the authorities already quoted
could not have contemplated the evolution theory, it is
worth while to quote some who have written since that
theory arose, and who have discussed its theological
bearings. PeiTone, a writer as remarkable for moderation
as for accuracy in stating CathoUc doctrines, maintains the
immediate formation of the bodies of our first parents,
and says that it appertains to Faith^ " Propositio spectat ad
fidem " (De Deo. Cr. p. 3, c. 1, Prop. 1.) Ubaldi, the present
distinguished Professor of Scripture in the Propaganda,
holds the doctrine (In. in Sac. Scrip., vol. 1st). Mazzella,
the distinguished Jesuit Professor of Dogmatic Theology,
Evolution and Faith. 765
at the Boman College, has studied and mastered the
evolution theory ; and in his book " De Deo Creante," he
quotes largely from Mr. Mivart, as well as from Darwin,
Wallace, and Thompson, In answer to the question, how
the first human body was formed, he says : '* Oui quaestioni
theohgiy insistentes auctoritati S. Scripturae ex unanimi SS.
Patrum interpretatione intellectae, una ore respondent^ corpus
hominis primo efformatum fuisse per directum et immediatam
Dei actionem^ distinctam turn a prima rnateriae creatione^ turn
concursu quern DeuSy cai^xsa primay praebet secundarum
causarum operationibusJ^ (Disp. 3, Art.) And a fe^ pages
later on (p. 340) he plainly states, that denial of this
doctrine is either heresy, or very closely allied to it.
Professor Lamy of Louvain, who is also well read in
the literature of evolution, says in his Commentary on
Genesis, vol. i., p. 155 : " EiTonee igitur putavit, ut mihi
quidem videtur, doctus vir Georgius Mivart, doctrinam
asserentem corpus hominis terminum fuisse cujusdam
transformationis animalis v. g. Simii, cui Deus infuderit
animam immortalem, non repugnare narrationi creationis
hominis." And at page 179, he lays down the doctrine of
immediate creation in the words aheady quoted from
Mazzella ; and he adds, " Undo sequitur errare omnes trans'-
formistasy qui volunt entia omnia viventia, etiam hominem,
Erovenire ab aliquot formis inferioribus, vel cellulis, quas
^eu9 cieaverit." Professor Jungman, of the same
University, says : "Absque dubio dogma CathoUcum hoc
est, primes homines immediate a Deo conditos esse " (De
Deo Great., p. 151). And at p. 167, he quotes the opinion
of Mr. Mivart, and says of it : " Haud dubium nobis esty
illam opinionem penitus esse rejiciendam, nee galva doctrina
Theologica sana earn teneri posse.^*
Now, in the face of this consensus of Catholic teaching,
what becomes of the boasted " orthodoxy " of the evolution
theory ? What becomes of the assertion, *' that the strictest
Ultramontane Catholics are perfectly free to hold the
doctrine of evolution V* {Lessons from Nature, 430.) Be it
freely granted, that the authorities cited above are not as
deeply read in biological science as are the advocates of
evolution ; but if the teaching of the CathoUc Church be
what the above-named authorities say it is (audit certainly
is bo), then no CathoUc can admit the truth or the orthodoxy
of the evolution theoiy as appUed to man. That theory
denies in the formation of the first man's body any imme-
diate action of God, other than the primary creation of
VOL. V. 3 L
766 Evolution and Faith.
matter, endowed with certain powers, and His co-operation
with the working of Nature's laws. On the oilier
hand, Scripture, Fathers, Theologians, Preachers, all
teach, and the simple faithful have always unhesitatingly
believed, that the first man was formed by a direct
immediate act of Almighty God — an act distinct from the
primary creation of matter, and from God's concurrence
with Nature's laws. And according to the Vatican Couneil,
and to the letter of Pius IX. already quoted, such constant
universal teaching, ranks as Catholic doctrine infallibly
true, obligatory on all children of the Church ; and there-
fore any doctrine incompatible with this teaching has no
claim to be regarded as orthodox. It follows, then,
inevitably that as far as man is concerned, soul or body,
faith permits no coquetting with the evolution system.
With the application of the evolution theory to
organisms lower than man, theology is not much, if at all,
concerned. The writer in the Dublin Review^ says that it
IS not against faith so to apply it ; but he does not admit,
nor (as his words seem to indicate) does he beUeve that
the theory is true, even of lower orranisms. It certainly
is not proved even of them. A good deal of variation is
.proved, but the evolution of one species from another is
not proved ; and, according to some of the best authoritiee,
-cannot be. But with this aspect of the question Theologians
<io not much concern themselves, though Professors Lamy
and Jungman, of Louvain, both hold that the application of
the evolution theory, even to plants and animals mentioned
in Genesis, is incompatible witn the true meaning of the text.
And now the question may be put, what has science
yet discovered that is incompatible with the independent
creation of species ? Nothing, simply. Is th.ere any prob-
ability of any such discovery in the future! Very many
most eminent scientists tell us there is not. Are we then
to abandon the faith of all past a^es for the dreamings of
a few would-be philosophers of the present day, who axe
blinded by excessive light? Are we to bend and strdn
Revelation to suit the speculations of even well-meaning
men ! The Catholic Chiurch welcomes every fresh accessitm
of knowl^ge ; die blesses and honours the votaries aAd
promoters of real science; but she reminds them, in the
words of Pius IX., that in their search for knowledge
Bevelation must be their guiding star " Catholici eamm*
(Scientianun), cultores, divinam Bevelationem, velnii
rectricem steUam prae occulis habeant oportet, qua prae-
The " Amma ChmtV 767
lucente, sibi, a syrtibus et erroribus caveant" (Letter to
Archbishop of Munich, Deo. 21, 1883.) The Church has
seen many enemies, has witnessed many revolutions, has
braved many storms; and whenever science, "falselv
so called," clashes with her deposit of faith, she meets it
with bold defiant front. She does not tolerate it, nor does
she fear it. And from the issue of such conflicts in the
past, we can well infer what shall be the issue of any such
in the future. When many of the biological speculations
of our time will have gone down into the grave ip which
Gnosticism Hes mouldering, forgotten — the Church of God
will be what she has ever been since her foundation, the
sole faithful, fearless, witness, teacher, and guardian of all
revealed truth. That some of the advocates of evolution
mean well to the Church is quite certain ; but the adoption
of this theory by CathoUcs is ** a new fashion of an old sin."
It is an instance of a tendency that is becoming too
common — ^that of minimizing Catholic doctrine — of diluting
it, so as to suit the tastes of a class of persons from whom
the Church has nothing to expect and nothing to fear.
<<At talem consuetudinem non habemus neque Ecclesia
DeL"
J. Murphy.
THE « ANIMA CHRISTI.''
PRAYER, as we know, is one of the principal duties ot
man to his Creator ; and it is as a duty that men
commonly regard it. Yet it is well to remember that
besides being a duty it is also a privilege, and the mere
privilege of prayer is something very wonderfuL Prayer
IS one of the great elemental forces of the spiritual order,
and, perhaps, because it is so, it seems to follow the law
of the great physical forces of the universe, in that it
attracts very little notice, or at all events, very little
express notice from those who are most familiar with it.
The sunrise and the sunset — ^the multitudinous growth
that goes on night and day upon the face of the earth-
all that is most beautiful, and all that is most powerful,
have become so commonplace, that they are scarcely
Noticed, Those who see them oftenest are least strucK
by them, and never seem to dream of their beauty and
their power.
768 The ''Anima ChristV
No one has better or more frequent opportunities of
seeing the sunrise and the sunset than the poor toiler in
the fields, and yet they are to him little more than the
marks of the beginning and the ending of his daily work.
Yet these phenomena are so stupendous and so beautiM
that if they were to happen only once they would leave of
their unearthly beauty a memory that would never die.
It needs special culture to give a man a taste and an
eye for the picturesque in nature. Not one perhaps in a
thousand have them, even in highly civilized countries;
and it may be that fifty out of every hundred who talk
their language, talk it as an unknown tongue, merely
because it has become a fashion.
Now it is so with prayer. Few, even of those who
use to the full the privilege of praying, ever care to enter
into the possession of their privilege with that fulness of
knowledge and that keenness of perception that only
spiritual culture can give.
Let us, then, first of all divest ourselves of that illusion
with regard to prayer that tempts us to think less about it
because the grace and privilege of it are so universally
vouchsafed.
If once only in a long human lifetime man might
approach his God in prayer — if only after long and careftd
preparation, in which would meet together a full knowledge
of tne mysteries of faith, and a full experience of the sweet
and bitter of human life ; if only when years had shaped us
and long-living made us wise, and time had trans-
muted the buds and blossoms that go before the fruit upon
the tree of mortal life ; if only with hands that trembled
lifted up to heaven, and with the calmer thoughts that lie
imder hair that has grown white, moulding our words and
wishes into worthiness — we were permitted to go before
God and utter to Him a prayer that would, for that one
time, have it in it to wield His onmipotence : what would
we think of prayer then ?
But fortunately for us it is far otherwise. We cannot
remember the time when we began to pray. From the
mother's heart steeped in those sacred feelings that God
has implanted in the maternal breast, the prayer is placed
upon the stammering lips of childhood. As yet it has no
meaning on those lips, save that best of all mecmings that
is always found in the scarcelv articulate lispings of perfect
innocence. When reason aawns, prayer, which is its
bighest expression, is found to have preceded it; and
The " A nima ChristV 769
whatever else a man may remember or may forget, never
will he forget those first prayers which his mother taught
him in a past so far back that later memory fails to reach it.
It is, I imagine, a danger which is incidental to the
practice of a high degree of prayer, and to a very perfect
conception of the nature of prayer — to be tempted to
undervalue its vocal forms. Of course words are nothing
without a realised meaning in the heart of him who ntters
them, and of course, too, the prayers of too many people
are mere words, yet there lie the deepest meanings and
the noblest uses in those fixed and consecrated forms of
prayer that have spnmg from the heart of saints, and which
the Church has made her own. This is very obvious in
the case of the "Our Father," which welled out like a
fountain of life from the Heart of Christ ; but it is true in
its meajsure of those numberless prayers that are found in
the books of service of the Church. Everyone can pray —
it is everyone's business to pray, but it seems to me that
the composing of a prayer is one of the most difficult forms
of human composition. It seems to need genius. It is
well for us that men have lived before us who Knew how to
make prayers ; and who built up, stone by stone, century
after century, the wonderful edifice of Catholic liturgy.
But however well a prayer may have been originally
made, and out of however saintly a heart it may have
sprung, it seems to me, that even for such prayers time is
needed to make them perfect in their several kinds. By
time they pass under the law of the survival of the fittest,
and by time they secure the seal of the growing approba-
tion of the Church. These elements of excellence in old
prayers are obvious; but besides these, I imagine the
constant repetition by pious lips almost imparts to a prayer
qualities wnich it did not have, or did not have in their
fulness, at its birthtime. To speak without irreverence,
prayer improves as a violin improves. The violin was not
at its best when it left the hands even of an Amati or a
Stradivarius. Only when it has thrilled imder the throb-
bing fingers of generations of players; only when the
melodies evoked from it by hands that now are dust, have,
as it were gone back into it, and saturated it ; only when
time and many tunes have made it mellow : only then will
it give forth under the hand of a master its richest melody.
It is so with prayera When a saintly soul has made
them first, and when saint and sinner have repeated
them, and when the human needs and human longings
770 The " Anima Christie
they have served to carry up to heaven have become to
them an added part— ihen they are at their best. As it is
well for even the greatest musician that he has not to make
his own violin, so it is well even for the hoUest that they
find these old prayers ready to their lips. So much do I
feel this, that I miss in some of the lately composed
prayers — for instance in prayers composed for new oflSces—
a something I find in older prayers, a something the absence
of which I seem sensibly to feel, but which I should be at a
loss to define in words. Yet it is only fair to say that 1
give all this for what it is worth as a subjective impression
which, if it have any foundation in fact, may have that
foundation in the fact of some want of " spiritual ear " in
myself.
One of my favourite prayers, as doubtless it is a favourite
prayer with luany of my readers, has always been the
Srayer ** Anima Christi." How old it is it is hard to fix.
Ilder at all events than the time of St. Ignatius, who
found it in some old Spanish prayer-book, made his own of
it by his keen appreciation, and lifted it into fame. That
it was a favourite prayer of so sublime a soul is worth
pages of comment on its beauty and its excellence.
Like many other good things, the author of it is
imknown. When he poured it forth from a heart that must
have glowed with the fire of divine charity, he deserved
a better fame than any the world could bestow ; and so
God hid him and his name is lost, and he has his fame
blooming perennially in Heaven. 1 submit to the patience
of my readers the following translation : —
Anima Christi.
Soul of my Saviour with holiness fill me ;
Body of Jesus be thou my salvation —
Blood shed on Calvary fill me with rapture.
Water that flowed from His side at the spear-thrust
Wash m^^ soul clean from all stain of defilement.
Passion of Christ make me strong contemplating lliee,
Jesus, dear Lord, let my cry wake Thy mercy,
Deep in thy wounds let my soul find a refuge,
Make me in time and eternity cleave to Thee,
Ward off the stroke of the foe so malignant.
Let Thy voice cheer me when death gives the summons ;
Say to me ** Come " when the shadows are darkest.
May my seat for all ages be near thee in Heaven,
And my voice, 'mid the saints and the angels uplifted,
Sing praise to Thy glory for ever and ever.
Joseph Fabrkll
[ 771 ]
THE DEATH OF ST. COLUMBANUS.
IN pursuance of the promise given in the April number cf
the Record, we subipit to students of Irish Hagiology
a solution of the question respecting the date on which
St. Columbanus died. That his death took place in
November, 615, is placed beyond dispute. The controversy
Has arisen in reference to the day^ of the month : opinions
varying between the twenty-fli-st and the twenty-tliird ;
or, according to the Roman notation employed in the MSS.,
between the eleventh and the ninth of the Kalends of
December.
Could a question like this be decided in favour of the con-
clusion adopted by the majority, irrespective of the nature
and force of their proofs, it were labour in vain to re-open
the present discussion. Baronius, Mabillon, the elder Pagi,
Soller, O'Conor, and Lanigan — not to mention those who
copy them — are all agreed in accepting the twenty-first.
This, it must be admitted, is a formidable array of authori-
ties to contend against. Nevertheless, having examined
the subject for ourselves, and having derived new evidence
from a source unknown to these eminent writers, we have
been led to the conclusion that our Saint was called to his
reward on the morning of Sunday, November 23, HI 5,
Three original authorities are at present available for
our guidance. These are a Biography ; the Martyrologies ;
and a passage in the Life of St. Gall.
1. Some twenty-five years after the death of Saint
Columbanus, his life was written by Jonas, one of his
disciples. Strangely enougli, it contains no details of the
final scene beyond recording that, having passed one year
in Bobio, the saint rendered up his soul to heaven, on the
ninth, or, according to another lection, the. eleventh, of the
Kalends of December, The two readings, it is hardly
necessary to observe, arose from the fact that the number
was expressed not verbally, but in alphabetical numeration.
Of the confusion caused by ignorant or careless transcrip-
tion of this Roman notation, numerous illustrations will at
once recur to all who are familiar with MSS., but the present
instance has been, as far as we know, the most widely-
extended and the most long-lived.
in
* Dies ejus emortusdis in controversiam vocatus. Ant. Pagi, Critica
Annales Baronii, (^olon. AUobr. 1705, torn. ii. p. 754.
772 Tlie Death of SL Coluvibamis.
We shall first set down the published readings of the
)uted lection in chronological order. The numbers
iiii brackets — No. 3 was not reprinted — are the dates
of the first Editions : —
1. Inter Bedae opera (1563), IX. Kal. Dec., Nov. 23.*
2. Surius (1570), - - „ „ 23.*
3. Fleming (1667), - . „ „ 23.*
4. Mabillon (1688) - - XI. Kal. Dec.. Nov. 21.*
"As to the day/' Lanigan writes,* "some MSS. have,
instead of XL Kal. Dec, IX. Kal., etc. But Mabillon and
Pag^ show that the former is the true reading." We
begin, therefore, with Mabillon. As the tabulated state-
ment shows, he was the first to alter the received Text :
hence, it is important to learn in his own words the reasons
which led him to introduce the change.
At the reference given by Lanigan,® he states : " CJolmn-
banus died on the 11th of the Kalends of Novemb^
[December], as Jonas writes. Hence the Edition of Surius
and some old Martyrologies are to be corrected, in which
his obit is assiffned to the ninth of the same Kalends, as in
the genuine Usuard and Ado, to whom Wandalbert, who
agrees with Jonas, is to be preferred." And in another
work,7 not quoted by Lanigan, he has the following note :
"In Usuard, Ado and Surius the reading is Nov. 23, but
the memory of St. Columbanus is assigned to Nov. 21 in
the Martyrologies of Wandalbert and of the Benedictines,
which are supported by the MS. copies of the Life
examined by us."
O'Conor^ transcribes and adopts these statements, and
* Col. Agrip. 1612 ; torn. 8, col. 221. Baronius (1688) quotes the
sentence from the Edition of Bede. Annales, Col. Agrip. 1685; torn. 8,
col. 615. Messingham copied the Life from the same source, and took
the Preface from Surius. JPraefatio auctoris, he says, quae apud Surimn
habetiu* et inter Bedae opera, ex quibus ipsam vitam desumpsimus, non
refertur. Flonlegium Insulae Sanctorum, Paiis, 1624, p. 219.
' De probutis sanctorum historiis, etc. In the Edition of 1580
([Coloniae, torn. 6, p. 547), the reading is undecimo ; but Mabillon says
in two places that it is as given above.
• Collectanea Sacra, l^vanii, 1667, p. 242.
< Acta SS. O.S.B., Venetiis, 1733, Saec. ii p. 26.
» Ecc. Hist., vol. 2. p. 296.
• Annal. O.S.B., lib. XI. § 17, p 308.
f Acta SS. O.S.B., Venetiis, 1733, saec. ii p. 26. The assertion
regarding the readings of Usuard, Ado, Wandalbert, the Benedictioe
MartyroTogy and the Life is found also in vol. 4 of hia Analecta, p. 641
(Paris, 16850
* Rer. Hib. Script., torn, iv., note in Elenchus inserted at p. 192.
J
The Death of St. Columbamie. 773
Temarks that the error arose from inaccnrate transposition
of XI. and IX. This, of course, is true; but in the
opposite sense to that intended by the author.
The principal argument employed by Mabillon is based
upon the assertion that Jonas reads XI. — ^which,it is evident,
assumes the question in dispute. The same objection holds
good in respect to Wandalbert; since the only sources
of information open to him were the old Martyrologies
-and Jouaa Now, as will be shown by-and-by, all the
former, even Mabillon admits somey read IX. Unless,
therefore, he evolved the date from his own consciousness,
Wandalbert must be admitted to have taken it from a copy
of the Vita which contained XI. The statement that Ado
and Usuard read IX. is opposed to all the evidence we
have collected, including that of the BoUandist SoUer.^
But what is specially noticeable is the matter-of-course
fashion in which "some old Martyrolo^es," that lay
awkwardly in his way, are quietly set aside by MabiUoa in
favour of the Benedictine Monk and the Benedictine
Ealendar. Equally noteworthy is it ho w,in marked contrast
with his desire for accurate information on another
occasion,^ he contents himself in this place with a vague
reference to MSS., without adding a word respecting their
locality^ antiquity^ or authority. And yet, Fleming's
Collectanea was, of course, well known to mm. Can it be,
one is constrained to ask, that he did not care to enter
upon an enquiry which might result in showing the
inaccuracy, and so far lowering the prestige, of Benedictine
-authorities ?
Be that as it may, it is pleasant to turn from such loose
statements to the precision with which our martyed countir-
man bandied the subject. Of Fleming it can be truly
said that his life was chiefly devoted to collecting every
ecrap relating to St. Columbanus. But his enthusiasm did
not blind his judgment. On the contrary, he declares with
equal severity and iustice, that since Surius, as usualy
tampered with the Text, and Bede's Editors printed it
incorrectly, both Kecensions were equally worthless for
historical students. Accordingly, he sought personally,
and through such scholars as Mirceus, Kosweyde and
* Mart. Ufluardi, Antverp, 1714^ p. 689.
* An MS. Codex, in quo Chronicon istud reperitar,sit bonae notae
et cnjufl aetatis, is the firat of six questions addressed by him to the
liibrarian respecting a MS. preserved in the Metropolitan Library at
I^likn. Yeter. AnSiector. torn. L Luteciae Farisior. 1675, p. 4.
774 Tlie Death of St. Columbanus.
Stephen White, for the best MSS., in order to present the
most accurate version of Jonas. Nor were his efforts, it is
gratifying to learn, unavailing. " Whilst," he writes,^
"turning over a considerable number of MSS. for this
purpose, the most ancient I met with was from the Monastery
of St. Maximin at Treves, which was supplied by Father
Heribert Rosweyde. From that I transcribed the whole
narrative, as you have it here; I also divided it into
chapters, and prefixed the titles, which were wanting in
the Codex, from the Edition of Surius." This, therefore,
is the highest authority which is ever likely to be forth-
coming. The passage under consideration is ^ven as
follows '? Porro beatus Columbanus, expleto anm eirculo
in antedicto coenobio Bobiensi, beata vita functus, nono
Calendas Decembris animam membris solutam coelo
reddidit.
The absence of a note upon nono Calendas^ it is to be
observed in conclusion, shows that Fleming was unaware of
any different reading in all the MSS. consulted by himself
and on his behalf.
11. We come next to the Martyrologies. Before dis-
cussing their relative value, it will be convenient to arrange
them chronologically.
1. Martyrology (so-called) of St. Jerome (seventii
century) :* Nov. 23. In Italy ^ in Bobio Monastery, deposition
of St. Columbanus J Abbot.
2. Do. (prose) of Bede (eighth century) :* Nov. 23. h
Italy, in Bobio Monastery, deposition of St. Columbanus,
Abbot, who was the founder of numerous monasteries, and
father of numberless monks, and rested in a good old age^
renowned for many virtues.
8. Do. of Rhabanus (ninth century):^ Nov. 23. /»»
Bobio Monastery, deposition of St. Columbanus, Abbot
4. Metrical Mart, of Wandalbert (ninth century) :*
Undenarn^ Abba Columbanus sibi servat, ab ipso
Oceano : multis vitae qui dogmata sanctae
Religione pia sparsit sermone manuque.
5. Ado (ninth century)^ took the date from^andalbert;
1 Ubi. sup., p. 212. « P. 242.
' D'Achery, SpicUegium, Paris, 1661, torn. iv.,p. 684.
* Opera, Col. Agr., 1612, torn, iii., col. 351.
* Caniaius, Lectiones Antiquae. Ed. Basnage, Antverp, 1725, torn,
ii., pars. 2, p. 348.
* D'Achery, ubi sup., torn, v., p. 339.
' That ifl, xi. Kal. Dec., Nor. 21.
* Surius, ubi sup., torn, vii., p. 1218.
The Dmth of St. Columbanus. 775i
and the entry from Bede. la one and the other he was
copied by
6. Usuard (ninth century);^ who was transcribed, in
turn, with the omission of the word d^ositioy into the
7. Modern Roman Martyrology. Though Usuard, like
Ado and Wandalbert, was a Benedictine, and though his
work was first read in that Order,* yet in the present
8. Benedictine Kalendar, the feast is fixed at the 24th,
and the panegyric states that the natal day is the 2l8t.
The latter statement occurs also in the sixth lesson of their
Breviary. This arrangement was adopted into the Irish
Church ; but at what time we are unable to say.
9. The Martyrology of Donegal* has Nov. 21 ; but in
the case of Irish saints who hved abroad, its authority is
not original.
In respect to Antiquity, the foregoing Table is decisive
in favour of the reading IX. Kal. Dec. With reference to
Authority, it will suffice to quote the words of Benedict XIV.
in his Letter to the Chapter of Bologna* : — '* As regards
Martyrologies, it were an open insult to your erudition, if we
doubted you were perfectly aware how highly that of St.
Jeromeis,andhasbeen always, esteemed; to wluchholy men
in process of time added the names of saints who lived after
St. Jerome." Before showing how the old reading is
confirmed by the Locality of the copies in which it is
contained, we have to consider the proofs brought forward
by those who adopted the new lection.
Baronius^ merely says that Usuard, Ado and others
more recent, treat of Columbanus at Nov. 21. Mabillon's
arguments have been dealt with already. Those of SoUer*
are easily disposed of. He first ironically commends the
authenticity and genuineness of a MS. Aao in which Saint
Clement's eulogy is partially expunged at Nov. 23, to make
room for the insertion of that of St. Columbanus. But what
stronger proof could we have that whoever made the
erasure considered the better reading to be that given in
the Hieronymian Codices (IX.), which Seller rightly
conjectures he had examined? Next, be says Ado
» Ed. Seller, loc. dt.
•Bened. XTV. Conat. Postquam, § 36. Bullarii vol 6, p. 133,
Mechlin. 1827.
• Ed. Todd & Beeves, Dublin, 1864, p. 314. See note from Colgan
at p. xii.-iiL
* Jamdudum nobis, § 16, BoL. toL 12, p. 212.
» Note to his Edition, p. 491. « Loc. cit.
^76 The Death of St. Columbanus.
and Usuard, there is no doubt, read XL — a matter in
which we are not much concerned; and that Jonas
agrees with them — which is true of the copies that have
XL, but not of those that read IX. Lastly, lie states that
the entry in 5 and 6 was composed by Ado, though, as we
have shown, it was taken word for word from Bede.
The only critic who attempts to reconcile the conflict-
ing readings is Antonius Pagi :i " The lection followed by
Mabillon," he decides, " is to be retained ; for I have no
doubt but that Colurabanus died on Nov. 21, and was buried
on the 23rd ; and that some took occasion to corrupt the
notation of the Life from having seen his festival entered
on the 23rd in the Martyrologies of Luxeuil, Besancon, and
Epternac. But they ought rather have inferred therefrom
that Jonas marked the day of his death and those Martyr-
ologists the dav of his buriaV^
This takes for granted that depositio here means burial:
an assumption which does not remove the diflSculty in 5 and
6, where the deposition is entered at Nov, 21. Now, Pagi,
we think, would find it hard to prove that the dead were
consigned to earth on the day tney died. But, to go to
the root of the matter, deposition we maintain, does not
signify burial^ but deatli^iri Ancient Martyrologies. In the
phrajse depositio Coluntiani^ the genitive, to use a gram-
matical expression, is sMectivey not objective. In support
of this, we append the following authorities :—
1. **What is Deposition?'* asks St. Ambrose,* "Not
that, surely," he goes on to reply, " which is carried out by
the hands of clerics in burying bodily remains ; but that
whereby a man lays down the earthly body in order that,
freed from carnal bonds, he may go unimpeded to heaven.
Deposition^ in truth, is that by which we cast away evil
desires, cease from offences, give over sin, and put aside,
as if throwing off" a heavy burden, whatever is prejudicial
to salvation. Accordingly, this day is appointed for
the chief celebration; because, in reality, the greatest
festivity is to be dead to vice, and to Uve for justice cdone.
Hence, the day of deposition is called the day of nativity ;
since, when freed from the prison of our sins, we are bom
to the liberty of the Saviour."
2. This equation of depositio and natale is so closely
resembled by tnat given in the Council of Clovesho (A.D. 747)
1 Loc. cit. This is the place referred to by Lanigan.
' Sermo Izx., in depositione S. Eusebii Opera Ambrosii, ParisiiB,
1549, foL 213, A.B.
The Death of Su Colunibanus, 777
as to lead one to believe the Fathers had the Sermon of
St. Ambrose before them when drawing up the seventeenth
Canon :* Ut dies natalitius beati Papae Gregorii, et dies
qnoque depositionis, qui est vii. Kal. Junii, S. Augustini,
Arcmepiscopi . . . venerentur. St. Augustine of Canter-
bury, it is well known, died on the 26th of May.
8. Mabillon quotes' from an Ancient Kalendar : May 26.
Deposition of Augustine^ Confessoi* ; of Bede^ Presbyter,
"From this," he concludes, "it appears that both died
(obiisse) on the same day ; but that the feast of St. Bede
was put back to next day, to give a separate day to each."
Venerable Bede, it is unnecessary to say, died on the
26th of May.
4. The Martyrologium Gellonense' gives the deposition
of St Patrick on the 17th of March. But the Tripartite
Life,* the Memoir in the Leabhar Breac,* and the Patrician
Documents in the Book of Armagh^ — all inform us that
our National Apostle was not buried for twelve days after
his decease.
5. Finally, Notker Balbulus equates the three expressions
employed in the old Martyrologies : XVII. Kal. Nov.
Depositio, sive transitus, vel ad aetemam vitam natalis
dies, beatissimi Galli, Confessoris, festive celebratur.7
Having thus dealt with the objections brought against
the older reading, a few remarks will show how strikingly
it is confirmed by local and personal circumstances
connected with the Hieronymian Codices in which it is
found.
Against the lection, we find three Benedictines.
These were all contemporaries; and two of them lived
in one diocese (Treves). Furthermore, he who wrote first
took the date, 235 years after the event, from a faulty
^ Spelman, Concilia, etc., Londini, 1739, p. 249-50.
• Vet. Anal. torn, iv., p. 642.
• Quoted in O'Conor, vol. I., Epistola Nuncupatoria, p. acixviii.
• Pri re da aidchi deao— f or the space of two nights and ten, Vit.
trip. MS. Mus. Brit., p. 151.
•Tancatar sruthi Erenn xii. aidchi co salmu ocns imannaib. — There
came the religious superiors of Erinn for twelve nights with psalms and
bynms, i.e., to sin^ psalms and hymns, L. B, 29 6, 31 -2.
•Per duodecunas dies . . . mortis ejus exequiae peractae sunt
Fol. 8 ab. Duo hostes xii. diebus corpus sancti Patricii contenderunt.
FoL 15 bb. Pp. 53-89, Ed. Rev. E. Hogan, SJ., Bruxellis, 1884. In a
futnie No. of the Record we shall attempt to solve some of the
difficulties to which Fr. Hogan has directed our attention.
Y Acta Sanctorum, Oct. torn, iv., pars, ii., p. 857.
T78 7%e Death of St, Columbanus.
copy of Jonas : from him it passed on to the second ; and
from the second to the third.
In favour of the reading, we have, to mention but some
of the authorities, first, the MS. of Auxerre. It is unne-
cessary to dwell upon the intimate connection of this
Monastery with the early Irish Church. Its Martyrology,
Martene and Durandus declared, nobody would deny sur-
gBS&ed all others.^ Next, we have the community of
leichenau, which was in close amity with the neighbouring
abbey of St. GaU. Their copy, according to Seller, was
ancient, and of the best authority.* Lastlv we can quote the
MS. of the monks of St. Gall themselves.' How they
obtained their information, we now proceed to show.
III. The oldest extant memorials of St. Gtdl are found
in a brief Biography written about a century after his
death, and known imder the title of the Vita primaeva.
The anonymous Author states that his facts came through
the deacons Maginald and Theodore, who had attended
the Saint to the end ; and from others who either could
testify from personal knowledge, or had been informed by
eye-witnesses. The work, as was to be expected from a
writer not thoroughly conversant with Latin, was charac-
terized by solecisms and barbarous modes of expression.
When, therefore, the school of St. Gall had become a
famous seat of learning, the monks determined to have
the Life re-cast in a more literary form. Accordingly, they
prevailed upon their neighbour, the celebrated Walafrid
Strabo, Abbot of Reichenau, to imdertake the work. By
him the diction was improved, the narrative expanded,
and the text divided into chapters. The result was,
the original Life became so completely forgotten that a
copy in the Archives of St. Gall is the only one preserved.
From this the Vita was edited by Father Ildephonsus
Von Arx in the Monumenta Germaniae Historica.**
Few who have compared them both will feel disposed
to disagree with the Editor's judgment that the new
Biograony did not cast the least additional li^ht upon the
old. The evidence afforded by the passage bearing upon
the present question would warrant a more severe con-
^ Aliis omnibus praestare diffitebitur nemo. Vet. Script. Noxa CoJC
Paris, 1729, tom. vi., coL 638.
'Dizimas antiquum esse et optimae notae. Mart. Bicbenorienae,
Bollandists for June, torn.- 6, at end of vol., p; iv.
»D*Acbery, Spic., foL Ed., tom. 8, p. 36.
* Scriptorum tom. 2, p. L sq., Hanoverae, 1829.
The Death of St, Columbanus.
779
demnation. His heading of the chapter — How St. Gall
learned the death of Columbanus, both by revelation and
by messengers — shows that Strabo missed its purport:
whilst by the omission of a single word he extinguished,
as far as in him lay, the historical evidence unconsciously
aflForded in the \itaprimaeva.
We print side by side the original and the enlarged texts.
Vita primaeva}
Nam quodam dominico die
. . . prima luce diei, vocavit vir
Dei Maginaldum diaconum, di«
cens : Surge velociter, et pre-
para mihi ad missam cele-
brandam. Qui respondlt : quid
est hoc, domine? numquid tu
missam celebrabis? Cui ille:
Post nocturnam hujus noctis,
inquit, revelatum est mihi mi-
grasse praeceptorem meum
Columbanum, pro cujus requie
offeram Sacri^cium.*'
Walafridus Strabo.^
Quadam itaque die . .
prime diluculo, vir Dei vocavit
Magnoaldum diaconum suum,
dicens illi : Inst rue sacrae ob-
lationis ministerium, ut possim
divina sine dilatione celebrare
mjsteria. Et ille : Num, inqiiit,
tu pater missam celebrabis?
Dixit ergo ad ilium : Post hujus
vigilias noctis cognovi per
vislonem dominum et patrem
meum Columbanum de hujus
vitae angustiis hodie ad paradisi
gaudla commigrasse« Pro ejus
itaque requie SacriQcium salutis
debet immolari.
To understand the Nam, it has to be borne in mind
that the original writer's object was, not to record the day
of their great Teacher's denuse, but to illustrate in the case
of St. Gall how faithfally obedience was observed in their
'little communiiy. The preceding sentence is : Quibus
aliquid extra regulae tramitem deviare omnimodo indig-
num erat. Nam — and then he proceeds to give a striking
example.
Now, Maginald, who suppHed the information at first
band, knew personally that St. Columbanus had said to
St. Gall : " You shall not celebrate Mass until I die/'*
He knew equally well the query in the Rule*^ — Obedientia
1 lb. p. 14. ' Surius, nbi sup. torn. v. p. 988.
8 Though he quoted this passage (p. 875-6), Greith, strange to say,
did not discover its historical value. In two places (pp. 830-76), he fixes
the death of Columbanus at Nov. 21.
*Lanigan (ii., 291) peremptorily rejects the account of this mis-
nnderstandinff. But the Bollandists (Oct. tom. iy., p. 874) have made
short work of his a priori arguments. We shall revert to the subject
isoon.
» Fleming, nbi sup., p. 4.
780 The Deadi of St. ColumBanus.
auteniy icsque ad quern fnodum definitur ; and the answer
that followed — Usque ad mortem eerie precepta est. When,
therefore, he found himself suddenly called up, and ordered
to prepare for the Abbot's Mass, what more natural than
his astonishment and his query — " You, master I You are
not going to say Mass, are you ?" But the Rule was not to
be broken : God, he was told, had made known that the
time of prohibition had come to an end.
All this happened on a certain day^ writes Strabo, to
whom the particular day mattered notUng. But not so to
Maginald, He was not likely to forget the day and the
hour — at dar/'hreak, on a Sunday morning. Had ho not
additional reason to bear them stomped upon his memory?
Did he not have to start after the Mass, and foot it south all
the way to Bobio, there to be told that the death had taken
place at the day and the Aour revealed to St. Gall?
Quodam domimco die^ is the original reading. Plain
words to express a simple matter of fact ! But time has
given them a value which the old Irish Deacon could
have little foreseen they would ever possess. Their decisive
importance in the present discussion is beyond question.
Through them we can establish the accuracy of the reading
nono Kalendas Decembris by the unerring test of Chronology.
Sunday, it is to be assumed, began at the midnight of
Saturday.^ The Dominical Letter of 615 is E;' New
Year's Day, in other words, fell on Wednesday. The
Regular November Letter is d. Accordingly, the first of
that month fell on Saturday, and the 2nd on Sunday.
Consequently, the 23rd fell on Sunday also. St. Columbanus,
therefore, died on the morning of Sunday, November 23,
A.D. 615.
Thus, after a lapse of more than eleven hundred years,
a new witness arises to add another to the many and
undesigned coincidences which so strikingly attest the
verfitcity of our Ancient National Records.
B. MaoCabthy.
\ Reeves,' Adamnan, p. 809, sq.
s Da Cange, Glossarium, etc., Francoforti ad Moennm, 1681,
COL212,
[ 781 ]
QUESTIONS REGARDING PROPOSITUM.— L
ONE of the many advantages of a publication like the
Irish Eoglssiastigal ^oord is that, in some of its
pages, it supplies, in the form of somewhat lighter reading.
Dints and suggestions in the presence of wnich items of
important information that may have been accumulating
for years, are drawn forth from the storehouse of the
reader's memory, and, not unfrequently, just in time to
resume their olden usefulness. A fugitive paper, like the
present, can pretend to supply nothing better than sug-
gestions— especially when it deals with a most difficult
and involvea subject. '^ Ecquis enim argumentum rerum
Dondere et varietate maximum, in Epitomen, quasi in
tasciculum, illiget?"
Without apology, or further preface, I will ask my
clerical reader to confess with me tW his most embarra^.
eing and perplexing duty most icec^nentij lies in satisfying
his own conscience as to his penitent's PROPOSmjM NON
PEOOANDI DB OAETERO. Difficulties regarding usury, or
simony, or censure, or matrimonial impediments, or resti-
tution, may occasionally arise ; yet they are contingencies
with which he is rarely troubled. Dut the difficulties
regarding Propositum st&re him in the face every day he
fldts in hi^ confessionaL
Furthermore, its perpetual recurrence furnishes only
one element of his embarrassment; for, every time it
crops up, it presents apparently a peculiar phase of
difficulty, and seems to demand a special system of treat-
ment. Quot capitOj tot casus. In secular life, one man
wears the judicial ermine ; another makes the circuit of
the hospital wards ; a third occupies the professor's chair ;
while a fourth is engaged in parental responsibilities
within his own household. In the confessor, however, all
these avocations are united, and the functions appertaining
to them all are discharged by one single act of his.
Should the confessor execute the duties of any one of
these offices to the exclusion of the others, no matter how
thoroughly he may have succeeded in that one, his work is
wholly incomplete and generally mischievous. He must, by
the one act, play the role of all four ; he must be, at the same
time, Judex, Medicus, Doctor, and Pater. Here, too, and
very specially, the old maxim asserts itself: the smallest
leaven of imperfection may vitiate the whole work. Often-
VOL. V. 3 M
782 Questions regarding Propositum,
times, no doubt, the ruinous consequences that invariably
attend the imperfect treatment of a penitent, are directly
referable to the penitent himself, whose desire to secure
absolution, at any cost, carries him to the knees of a con-
fessor when circumstances of time, and place, and distance
render adequate treatment a sheer impossibility. For us,
however, it is an imperative duty to recollect and verify
in our practice, that, no matter by what cause our
efficiency is nullified or seriously endangered, we should
steadily decline to act in presence of such unfitness.
Should the most learned man in his profession administer
deleterious or unsuitable medicine, it will be no justification
to allege that he had no time or opportunity to institute a
skilful diagnosis. Neither does the possession of the
highest diploma qualify a man to alter prescriptions and
dispose of patients intuitively.
Lamentable instances of misdirection are found every
day, principally among penitents who are constanthr
changing confessors, or who periodically present them-
selves at a distance from home, under the delusion that a
long (and sometimes pleasant) journey constitutes, of
itself, a signum e^rtraordinarium dolorisy and entitles them to
absolution. It is not rarely a sign of decided impenitence.
As the confessor can never appear otherwise than
clothed in the fourfold capacity of Judge, Physician,
Teacher and Father, we can never investigate his duties
in any one of these characters to the entire exclusion of
the rest. Nevertheless, it is only by instituting a separate
enquiry into the functions of each, that theologians
enable him so to order and an-ange the details of theolo-
gical science that, when the occasion presents itself, his
treatment of his penitent will be, under all the headings,
such as befits his sacred oflice.
In purauance of this enquiry, theologians first consider
the case of CONSUETUDIJ^ARII, or men who present them-
selves, for the first time, after having contracted, and
while they still indulge, some gravely sinful habit.
Here, in liminey it is well to remember what writers on
Moral Philosophy tell us regarding one of the essentials
of habit — ^namely, that it is a disposition of mind result-
ing from the frequent repetition of the same or kindred
acts, continued for a sufficient period. The length of time
required to mature any habit cannot be defined by any
general rule ; for it varies with the susceptibility of
the man, as well as with the attractiveness of the act«
Questions regarding Propositiim, 783
But for ordinary habits of sin, especially those arising ejs
causa intrinsecaj it is held that less than a month is insuf-
ficient. Should the period of indulgence be short, or
should the acts be done in widely separated intervals,
no feal habit is contracted. Penitents confessing such,
should, per se, be treated as ordinary sinners. Ordinary
sinners may indeed sometimes require a like treatment
with the habitual ; and this is why we find Collet,
St. Liguori, &c., designating as habitual sinners, men
who have not in reality formed a sinful habit. COLLET
admits the misapplication of the word, and excuses it:
** Physice inaccurata, moraliter prodesse valet."
Of the CONSUETUDINARII, St. Liguori says (495) : « Isti
bene absolvi possunt, etiamsi nulla emendatio praecesserit,
modo earn serio proponant, ut cum sententia communissima
dicit Croix."
This decision is grounded (1) on the a priori reason
that " talis poenitens non est praesumendus malus, ita ut
velit indispositus ad sacraraenta accedere " — tho^fact of
his voluntarily confessing his sin giving him a Jus to be
reputed disposed — "nisi obstet aliqua positiva praesumptio
in contrarium ;'* and (2) on the following canon of the
Roman Catechism : '' Si, audita confessione, judicaverit
fsacerdos] neque in enumerandis peccatis dili gen tiara, nee
m detestandis dolorem poenitentem omnino deficisse^ absolvi
potent."
It may be well to note here the gloss which) in another
place (461), St. Liguori appends to this canon : " Ergo
semper ac confessario positive non innotescit poenitenti
omnino defuisse dolorem, absolvere potest."
And this other general instruction to the confessor as
Judge :
" Sufficit quod confessarius habeat prudentem prohahilitatem de
dispositione poenitentis, et non obstat, ex alia parte, prutleng
fluspicio indispositionis : alias vix ullus posset absolvi, dum qune-
.cumque signa poenitentiuni non praestant nisi probabilitatem
dispositionis, ut recte docet Suarez."
With all this plain statement of law, confessors justly
exact from the class under notice more definite and binding
terms than they require from ordinary sinners. It is hard
to root out a habit, particularly when the commission of
the habitual sin has ceased to be attended with shame and
remorse. Habit dulls the force of the will in resisting
temptation, by the very fact of its necessarily impartijig a
784 QueBtiotiB regarding Propositum,
facility and longing for indnlgence. Hence, confeesors
are satisfied to absolve the cousuetudinarius only when,
with manifest sincerity, he undertakes io employ — besides
the ordinary remedies — such special means of conversion
as his individual case requires. Should he evince an
unwillingness to abide by the instruction you give ; or
should he seem insensible to the grave peril in which his
habit has placed him, you will be bound, as the physician
of his soul, sympatheticallv but firmly to postpone his
absolution. It frequently does happen that, even during
the confession, suitable dispositions will come through
God's grace in response to the confessor's diUgent exertions
(and these should under no circumstances be omitted) ; but,
in their ultimate absence, that last resource, deferring,
should be adopted.
In one word: as the consuetudinarius has all the
infirmity of sinners in general pbu that tendency to a
specific sin which habit engenders, his treatment must
involve all that is usually prescribed plus a special treat-
ment corresponding with his special malady.
Experience proves too conclusively that the cansiictt^
dinarius is scarcely ever cured at his &st visit ; and hence
theologians discuss the method of judiciously treating him
at his second and subsequent appearances. If, aft^
receiving absolution the first time, he present himself again
in precisely the same state— having fallen just as easily as
betore — they tell us that we should not, on that accoxmt
alone, assume that his former prapositum was invalid ; but
that, should he express sincere regret for his relapse^ we
may absolve him a second time on the same terms as
before. His subsequent treatment will practically hinge
upon whether or not he has seriously — and with at least
some success — employed the remedia you have prescribed.
If he have wholly neglected them, he supplies much more
than a ^'prudens suspicio indispositionis," and must be
deferred. While we snould alwa^ remember that a sinful
habit weakens a man, this consideration may excite our
compassion but should never abate our firmness.
Those whose duty it is to direct consuehsdinarU should
in every instance regard frequent confession and oom-
munion as the remedy par excellence around wMoh others
may indeed be grouped, but which itself tdiould bs
invariably prescribed. It is, in a true sense, theologically
certain that this remedy must succeed. They shoukl dbo
regard it as a source of exceptional and plassoraUft
Questions regarding Prcqxmiunu 785
relief that, when their own dread of risking the sanctity of
the sacraments would cause them to hesitate before
conferring them on such men, they are encouraged and
supported in conferring them by the unanimous voice of
theologians. Furthermore, confessors may feel assured that
utitU their eansuetudinarii penitents become perseverinj^y
faithful in frequenting the sacraments, the other remedies
may possibly arrest, but never will subdue, the habit of sin.
De Lugo employs unusually emphatic words in laying
down rules as to when we may absolve, and when we
should defer, conauetudinarii :
^^ Doctrina communis et vera est, si sacerdos hie et nunc, non
obstante consuetudine praeterita, judicet poenitentem habere verum
dolorem et propoeitum uon peccandi, posse eum absolvere, quia
dispoeitio sufficiens est dolor etpropositum praesens, non emendatio
futura, atque ita poterit absdvi, licet judicetur relapsurus*
'^ Secundo : certum est, quando sacerdos, attenta consuetudine
praeterita et propensione aliisque circumstantiis, judicat poenitentem
non averii sufficienter ah illo peceato, non posse eum absolvere quan-
tumcunque poenitens dicat se dolere, quia, si sacerdos id non credit
non habet judicium requisitum ad conferendam absolutionem/^
(Disp. xiv., S. X., n. 166.)
Postponing the absolution of a eonsuetudinariits is,
therefore, sometimes a duty from which there is no escaping,
when, namely, the insincerity and invaUdity of his wor&
of propositum are patent. Sometimes too it may be, though
not an inexorable necessity, vet a most salutary means
by which you force him to realize the dangers into which
his sinful habit has drawn him. In this latter view we
oftentimes may, and sometimes should, find an equally
effectual substitute for it. The gist of ascetic works seems
to be that such a substitute is always at hand in the more
frequent approach to the sacraments, and should alwavs
be preferred Indeed the tendency of theolo^cal works
in general is to show that the practice of defemng is to be
avoided as much as possible, although occasionally it is
attended with beneficial residts. On one point especially
we must be firm — that, should we fail (as too often happens)
in inducing the penitent to frequent the sacraments in
reasonably exact compliance with our instructions^ we
idiould never hesitate to defer him.
La Croix lays down the following rule which will be
fbund exceedingly useful in practice :
Est tamen cavendum ne tali [aliunde disposito] negetur
absolutio quando exponeretur periculo morien^ sine ilia, aut
786 Charles 0' Conor of Belinagare.
quando sine nota [infamiae] non posset omittere Commnuionent,
aut si propterea privaretur InduJgentiis quas alio tempore lucrari
non posset.*'
The transition from consueiudinarii to RecIdivi has
already been made ; for, scientifically speaking, the former
have lapsed into the latter class when they return to their
confessor uncured. All recidivi are consuetudinarii with the
momentous difference— ^that they have accomplished the
facilis dsscensm by which the troubles of botn confessor
and penitent are enormously multiplied.
C. J. M.
CHARLES O'CONOR OF BEL IN AG ARK— V.
Birth, Education.
CHARLES O'CONOR of Belinagare, known to Irish
scholars and writers as " the Historian," and frequently
called from his patriarchal appearance in his advanced
years "the venerable," was born on the 1st of January,
1710, in the humble cottage of Knockmore, in the district
of Kilmactranny, and county of Sligo. There, as we have
seen,^ his parents, Denis O'Conor and Mary O'Rorke, had
at that time found a home welcome, however obscure.
About the year 1713, Denis O'Conor recovered a remnant
of his family inheritance, eighteen or nineteen hundred
acres of bad land, overburdened by the expenses of ^ long
law suit in the Court of Claims, which was barely able, as
his grandson, Matthew O'Conor, observes, to float the family
above the level of indigence. A long-cherished desire of
his heart was thus gratified, and he returned with joy to
the old familv residence at Belinagare. The hospitable
mansion of the O^Conors, where, with means sufficiently
limited, Donogha Lia had always a warm welcome for
distressed Jacobites and dispossessed Irish gentlemen, is
now no longer inhabited. The son of Charles 0*Conor
the Historian was the last who dwelt in it. Owen O'Conor
M.P, for Roscommon, who in 1823 became the 0*Conor Don,
grandson of Charles O'Conor, and brother of Dr. C. O'Conor^
' Irish Eccl. Record, 8rd Series, vol v.. p. 289, April, 1884*
Charles O* Conor of Belinagare. 787
on his marriage, daring his father's life-rime, built a
new house in the immediate neighbourhood, and the old
residence was abandoned. Its ruins yet remam. It seems
to have been a rather irregular building with many gables
and tall chimneys. Adjoining it there was an extensive
square of offices. The garden at the rere of the house may
yet be traced. Fruit trees still survive, and some cherry
trees have extended their branches into thei upper storeys
of the old buildings. Charles O'Conor in his porrespondence
Btyles tiiis ancient residence " The Hermitage,"
The Catholic then bom in Ireland and steadfastly
adhering to the ancient Faith, had not his lot cast in
pleasant times or pleasant places. The Treaty of Limerick,
granted by King William and General Gincle for most
valuable consideration, had, like the Treaty of Mellifont a
hundred years before, granted by King James and Lord
Mountjoy, been speedily and shamelessly violated. King
William, indeed, seems to have been personally anxious to
maintain the Treaty, if he could do so without risk or
inconvenience. Indifferent himself in matters of Religion^
he was rather disposed to grant toleration to all kinds of
religious opinions. But his English Parliament was
determined that no peace should be granted to the Irish
enemy. The English Church in Ireland proclaimed from
ber pulpits, that no faith was to be kept with the perfidious
race, that no Treaty made with them was binding on
Protestant consciences. The Colonial Protestant Parlia-
ment of Ireland would grant Wilham no supplies to carry
on his great European wars, unless he sacrificed the
Catholics to tJieir cruelty and greed. In May, 1695,
Lord Capel, the avowed enemy of the Catholic name, was
appointed by King William deputy, with unUmited powers,
and by that act the Catholics of Ireland were deUvered
over, bound hand and foot, to the ferocious tyranny of a
cruel, vindictive, and outrageous oligarchy : the sacred
honour of a reno\vned king, and the plighted faith of a
great nation were shamelessly violated.^
From a memorandum, written by himself in 1729, it
appears that Charles O'Conor had a Latin Grammar first
put into his hand on the 30th of September, 1718, when he
was eight years old, by a poor friar of the Convent of
^ In less thftB two months after the capitulation of limerick William
gave hM aoaent to an Act of the Engiiah ParBament, 3 W. & M, C. 2,
impoaing oatha in direct violation of the Articled of Limerick.
-788 CharliB 0^ Conor of BeUnagart^
I
OeeveUagh,^ in the conntj of Leitrkn. This persecoted
riesty we are told^ could scarceljr speak a word of English,
nt he was perfect master oi Iriah^ whkdi he taught hia
pupil, who was under his occasional tuition for soojie six
years, to read and speak ^ with the accent of the ancientsi''
When he was fourteen he was put under the care of
another priest;, whose name or hal^tation we do not learn.
In the memorandum just referred to^ written in hia nine-
teenth ye€ur, he v«ry touchin^ysaya: —
^ Alas I how many years are gone by to no purpose ! What a
d^erent person would I not be this day from what I am, if my
capacity, such as it is, had been properly cultivated by a regular
education. But alas! twdive years are miserably squanderedL
And what aggravates this pamful thought is, thai in my nadve
country, every property 1 could have is insecure, and in a foreign
country I can have none except such as rests on personal attain*
ments. . Thus am I to be for ever one of the wild sfaruba d a
wilderness."*
We suppose that learning was never pursued under
greater diHicuIties, or existence endured under more
miserable conditions, than in Ireland by a Catholic, wbeik
these affecting words were written. Burke, in his l^ter to
Lord Kenmare, r^narks on the laws forbidding education^
that to render men patient under the depriyaticm of all the
rights of human nature, everything that could gtve them
a knowledge or feeling of those rights was rational
forbidden, that to render humanity fit to be insulted it waa
necessary that it should be degraded. The Oeitholic was
therefore doomed to ignorance by law. A Protestant was
forbidden to teach a Catholie : a CathoKc was forbiddeo
to teach another Catholic. But though robbed of knowledg<»
at home, a few at least of the bated race and creed nu^it
hope to obtain in the schools of the ContineBt that leammg^
which in days of old their kindred had carried over Eurc^ei
It was therefore enacted that any person who went, or sent
any child to any foreign seminary, university or college
or into any private family, for the purposes of educaticm^
riiould be disabled from prosecutmg any suit at law or
^The FianciBcaB Monasterj ef Bafffronrke «r Gtoefefingh w*
founded in 1508 by Owen O^Baurke. Prmoe of Breffnir^ at the instukea
of hia wife, Margaret, daughter of O'Brien, Kmg of iliomond. For a
most interestiDg account of this once splenmd House, eee Father
Meehan'8 *^ Fianeiscan Monasteries,'' 5^ Edition, p. 88,<t Mf.
3 Suppressed Memoii of Ghanss Q'Cenox, hf the Bek. Ghsdia
CConor, D Jl«
Charles O' Conor o/Btlinagare^ 780
being an execntor, and should forfeit all real and personal
estates during his life.^ Yet even these enactments, all*
reaching as they seem, proved insufficient entirely to uproot
and destroy the seeds of science, civilization and religion,
which age after age had germinated and froctified in the
Irish intellect. Hunted schoolmasters were vermin only
less difficult to exterminate than hunted priests* In ancient
times and in the most famous centre of ancient learnings
the custom was: —
^ Inter silvas Academi quaerere verum."
The Irish schoolmaster, too, though it must be confessed
with a much less pleasant and peaceful environment,
delivered his lectures beneath the open sky, under the
sheltering hedge, or on the outskirts of the harbouring
wood,
'' Still crouchiDg 'neath the sh^tering hedge or stretched on
mountain fern,
The teadier and his pupil met felcniiously to learn."
The seats of Irish learning now were the bogs and moun*
tains of Connaught and Munster. It was soon found that
the ancient and characteristic love of the Irish for know«
ledge was not entirely extin^ished by the fine of five
pounds and imprisonment for three months, with the other
pdins and penalties above recited. In some mysteriou9
way Irish youths were still taught mathematics, history and
geography, Greek and Latin. In Munster, especially,
knowledge in ail these branches was still obtainable.
There, we are informed, even in those days, ** boys were
often met with, conning their Homer on the hill-side, and
runners and stable-boys in the service of the Protestant
gentry could quote you a verse of Horace or season their
remarks with a line from VirgiL" Dr. Smith, in his History
of Kerry, tells us that classical reading extended itself even
to a fault among the lower orders in Ireland, many of
whom had a greater knowledge in that way than some of
the better soi-t in other places. Still in their ruined
convents poor friars taught bare-footed scholars to translate
into Irish the poetry of Homer and Virgil, and the eloquence
of Demosthenes and Cicero. Still the sons of the plundered
and persecuted gentry, despatched as it were on com-
mercial business to the Continent by the friendly merchani»
to whom they were supposed to be apprenticed, made their
^ 7th William, <^ith.
790 Charles 0^ Conor of BelinOgarS.
way to Salamanca, Lisbon, Louvain, or Rome. They were
smuggled away with the wool and woollens, a trade which
was then also contraband in Ireland ; or they were shipped
off with the ** wild geese," and the students preparing for
the priesthood, from the wild coasts of Cork and Kerry to
return when their studies were finished by similar devicea^
This survival of knowledge in the doomed raccfwas
not to be tolerated. This inextingmshable love of science
and letters kept ahght so mysteriously through all the
gloom of the House of Bondage, should be trampled out
Accordingly in the Explanatory Act of Queen Anne, passed
by the Parliament of 1709, under the instigation of the
Earl of Wharton, *' immortalised in infamy by the prose of
Swift and the poetry of Pope," a clause was inserted
ordering that every ** papist schoolmaster, usher, or private
tutor," should be subject to the same penalties as the
persecuted dignitaries of the Catholic Church, and a reward
of £10 was offered for the discovery of any " papist school-
teacher or usher." It will be seen, therefore, that young
Charles 0'Conor*s opportunities of acquiring knowledge,
were scant in the extreme, and that if he, the scion of a
royal Celtic race, of as ancient a .royal house as any in
Europe, did not grow up in absolute ignorance of letters,
it was through no default in the laws in that behalf made
and provided by the Protestant Colonial Parliament in
Ireland, under the great Protestant hero and deUverer
King William, and the good Queen Anne. The instruction
which he received from clergymen was intermittent and
very irregular, as from the proclamations then in force
against them, and the rewards offered for their discovery,
they could seldom remain more than one night in the same
place. And there was a natural dread to send children to
Buch schools as those spoken of by Smith, lest they should
learn the facility which the law gave them to rob their
parents by becoming Protestants. Charles O'Conor himself
in his old age was destined to feel the effects of these laws
outraging all the instincts of nature; lor an unworthy
younger brother read his recantation before the Archbishop
of Dublin, and by filing a bill of discovery, sought to possess
himself of the property of Belinagare. He owed, therefore,
chiefly, to his intensity of application, natural good taste,
correct judgment and quick capacity, the extensive know-
ledge which he acquired of ancient and modem languageSi
^ Life of Mary Alkenhead : Introduction^Fenal Days.
Charles 0^ Conor of Bdinagare* 791
and particularly of the language, history and antiquities of
Ireland.
In the touching words already quoted, he wrote: —
" In my native country every property I could have is
insecure." Yes, truly ; for in that year (1729), the 2nd of
George IL, every Catholic Uved an outlaw and an outcast
in his own land, " not supposed to exist save for repre-
hension and punishment," breathing the vital air " only by
the connivance of the law," the victim and slave of every
Protestant who chose to rob him or trample on him. He
was by law deprived of arms necessary for self-defence, or
for the chase, disabled from being apprentice to a gunsmith
or gamekeeper, lest he should thus learn the use of fire-arms.^
He was foroidden to purchase any of the lands of which
he or his fathers had been robbed. All leases made to him
of such lands were annulled, excepting leases to day
labourers, or cottagers containing not more than two acres,*
a law which finds no parallel in the records of barbarism.
He was incapable of purchasing not only lands, but rents
or profits from lands, or taking leases for any term exceeding
thirty-one years. If the profits of his farm exceeded one-
third of the rent, he forfeited his holding which vested in
the Protestant discoverer.* He was bound to make
reparation for all damage committed on Protestants by
tories and rapparees. He could not own a horse above the
value of five guineas.* He was excluded from Parliament.
He was not even allowed to listen to the debates in Parlia-
ment, for on the 10th of December, 1710, the sergeant-at-
arms was ordered "to take into custody all papists then in the
gallery, or that should presume in future to come into it/'^
He was deprived of the elective franchise.* He was
excluded from the liberal professions, from all offices,
civil and military,^ from all places of trust, power
and emolument. He was incapable of receiving any
annuiiy. He was incapacitated from serving on any
grand jury. He was subjected to a fine of £20, or twelve
months* imprisonment, if he did not acknowledge when and
where Mass was celebi'ated, what persons were present,
where a priest or schoolma^ater resided. He was bound to
resort every Sunday to ** Divine Service," under pain of
17th William, ch. 4th. 'Eng. Statutes, Ist Anne, ch. 32.
* Act to prevent the farther Growth of Popery, 2 Anne. Explanatory
Act, 5 Anne.
* 7th William, ch. 4th. » Com. Jour. v. 8, p. 975.
* L George U., cix. ' Eng, Stat. 3, W. & M., C. 2.
79J Charles (/ Conor of Belinagare.
forfeiting twelve pence for every neglect. If he harboured
or concealed the hunted priestB of his Faith, he waa
punished bv a fine of £20 for the first ofience» £40 for the
second, and forfeiture of goods and chattels for the third.^
If he married a Protestant she lost her inheritance which
went to the next Protestant relation, as if such Protestant
female were absolutely dead,* The sanctuary of his home
and family was violated Those safeguards with which
the natural virtues and instincts protect domestic life,
parental authority, and filial duty, were assailed. If the
eldest son became a Protestant, he could dispossess his
father of the fee-simple of his estate. If a child became
a Protestant, his guardianship was taken from the father,
and vested in the next Protestcmt relation, and he waa
compelled to discover the amoant of his property, that the
Court of Chancery might allot a portion ana maintenance
for such child. If his wife became a Protestant^ she had
such provision as the Lord Chancellor thought fit to adjudge.
If there was no Protestant heir, the estate was gavelled,
that is, divided eaually among all the children. If he
became the heir oi a Protestant he was disinherited, and
the estate went to the next Protestant relative.' Pursued
by the far-reaching malignity of this Satanic Code even
beyond this life, the law forbade him to be buried in any
monastery, abbey, or old church, not used for the Protestant
service,^ thus wounding in a most tender part the pious
susceptibility of a religious race, without any gain to the
merciless persecutor but the delight of inflicting pain.
We have seen in what touching words young O'Conor
deplores the prospect before him, at the opening of his
life, in his eighteenth year. There are on record words no
less affecting, uttered towards life's close, in his eightieth
year, and somewhere about the same time, by the celebrated
Roderick O'Flaherty, the author of Ogygia, reduced to
absolute poverty, dwelling in a ruined house in Gtdway, by
the shore of the great ocean. <^ I live," he said, ^ a baniiBhea
man within the bounds of my native soil ; a spectator oi
others enriched by my birthright ; an objeet of condoling
to my relations and fri^ads, and a G<mdoler of iheic
miseries."
Every avenue, this youth mournfully observes, being
1 9th Willkm, ch. 1. »M;h Wmtm, ctea. 8.
' Act to prevent the farther Growth of Popery, and BzpifliMitoi;^
Act, Anne.
« 9th William, eh. 1.
ChaAes Cf Conor of Belinagare. 793
closed against him at home, in a foreign country there
was no hope of success save what rested on his unaided
exertion. jBy their own exertions and merit, thousands of
Irish youths, through those terrible years, amongst the
most illustrious many of his own kinsmen, poor and
friendless in strange lands, competing with the highest
native intellect, rose to eminence in every walk of life, in
trade and commerce as in diplomacy and war, leaving
behind them names not destined soon to fade from the annals
of nations. At home, if allowed to live at all, they would
have crept their lowly rounds in fear and trembling, " beasts
of burden or of chase." Bearing upon this siibject the
following note by Dr. Charles 0 Conor seems to us
xmknown and interesting : —
"After the capitulation of lamerick, 19,000 disciplined troops
consigned themselves to voluntary exile, as did the brigade of
Mountcashel, consisting of three regiments, each composed of two
battalions. These were by a particular agreement to be allowed
high pay. But on their arrival in France they agreed to be put
on French pay, in consideration of the pension aJUowed to their
exiled prince, when the finances of France were very low. Their
allowance was thus diminished 50,000 livres a month ; and James
was so affected by this instance of Hibernian generosity, that by
an instrument signed by himself, he charged that arrear of pay as
a debt on himself and his posterity. The leading Irish officers at
that time were the Lords Mountcashel, Tjrconnell, Clare, Lucan,
Dillon, The CNeiUs, O'Briens, O'Conors, O'Donnells, McCarthys,
Fitzgeralds, O'Reillys, Browns, Lacys, Nugents, Booths, Burkes,
Lees, Creaghs, Cavanaghs, Flunkets, Nagles, O'Mahonys,
HacMahons, MacGennises, O'Hogans, CDwyers, O'Shaughnessys,
CSuUivans, O'KeUys, OTerraUs, CHaras, O'Bymes, O'Daes.
'^ Of these Irish families the celebrated MacEnroe, author of
the Connubia Florum, and of a Latin poem on our ancient heroes,
says that they were
* GrenuB acre belle, studiis genus acre Minervae,
Devotamque mori pro rege fideque tuendis.'
Abbe MacGeoghegan quotes the Chevalier de BeHerive's Camp ck
Vendome, page 124, for the following anecdote: — Monsieur de
Yendome, qui avait une estime particuliere pour cette bellique
nation a la tete de la quelle il avait livr^ tant de combats, et
xemport^ tant de victoires, avoua qu'il etait surpris des terribles
expeditions que ces bouchers de I'arm^e (c^est ainsi qu'il les
eppellait) feusaient en sa pr^ence. He app^ds to all France, as
the Duke de Fitzjames did on a recent occasion, for their bravery
and signal services on a thousand important occasions ; particularly
at Landen, Marseilles, Barcelona, Cremona, Luzzara, Spire,
794 Charles O* Conor of Beliiwgare.
Castiglione, Almanza and Villaviciosa. All France, says lie,
applauded, and the greatest and moat powerful monarch crowned
the eulogies of this brave and gallant nation, by his styling them
^es braves Irlandais, I refer to Monsieur d'Argenson's letter to
Voltaire from Fontenoy, in the Vie Privee de J^ouis XV. Tom L
a Paris, 1781 : to Doctor Maty, who in his Life of Chesterfield,
sect. 5, attributes the success of the French at that battle to the
Irish Brigade ; to Col. Dromgold's letters exposing the fallacious
accounts given of that battle; to Dr. Campbells Philosophical
Survey, Let 2^, p. 279 : and to my note where a genuine account
is given of the battle of Cremona.
" Nothing appears to me a greater desideratum^ in the History
of Ireland, than a military history of those Iri^h who fought at
those and other remarkable engagements : as also of their
successors, the later Irish officers, who served in the armies of the
Catholic powers of Europe, and whose courage and fidelity on
several trying emergencies have abundantly proved that they are
not forgetful of the martial enthusiasm of their ancestors. I could
mention many of them now^ in this kingdom, but true courage,
like true virtue, is united with modesty, and Marshal Turenne
referred all his victories to the Disposer of life and death. On my
way from Italy 1 was highly pleased by the accounts which French
officers gave of them in numerous societies. They were well-
bought eulogies ; and they were the eulogies of the brave—
Laudari a laudato. — I can never forget the day when Monsieur de
i\Iombre, who travelled in 1787 with Mr. O'Naghten of Lisle,
hearing my name mentioned in a long company, went to his port-
feuille, and after exhibiting to every person present a beautiful
engraving in which the Chevalier O'Conor, Captain of Chasseurs
in Walsh's regiment, is represented in the attitude of making
Governor Cockbiu'ne prisoner, politely presented it to me,
saying, * Sir, you see the French delight in paying compliments to
every brave nation.'
" Of the present state of the Irish Brigade,* to speak without
emotion would be an insult to the brave.
*)Exigua ingentis retinet vestigia famae,
Et magnum, inf elix ! nil nisi nomen habet.
Ilae sunt quas merito quondam est venerata vetustas ;
Magnarum rerum magna sepulchra vides.'
" Among those who followed the fortunes of James was
Doctor O'Moor, Provost of Trinity College, Dublin, by whom
Louis XIV. was directed in restoring and new-modelling the
University of Paris. He established a chair for experimental
1 This desideratum has been since supplied by his brother, Matthew
O'Conor, in his " Military Memoirs of the Irish Nation," and more
recently and fully b> the late John Cornelius O'Callaghan.
» 1796. » 1796.
Theological Questions. 795
philosophy, and it was principally on his account that the king
founded the Royal College, until lately called College de Cambray*
His pupils soon became the most celebrated in Europe. He could
number among them Boileau, Fontanelle, Montesquieu, Fleurj",
Languet, Poree, and with many others the celebrated Monsieur
Kollin, his immediate successor."
J. J. Kelly.
THEOLOGICAL QUESTIONS.
I.
A Question regarding Mixed Marriages.
K., a Catholic, got married a few years ago to M., who belonged
to the Established Church. There was some doubt at the time
about the validity of M.*s baptism, or indeed whether she had
received any form of baptism. However, having made due
inquiries, the priest who was to perform the marriage ceremony
satisfied himself that she was baptized validly in a Protestant
Church, and having obtained a dispensation in matrimonio mixto^
assisted at their marriage. Some time ago M. was about to be
received into the Catholic Church, and it was then discovered
that her former baptism, which she received in the Protestant
Church, was for some reason or other invalid.
By saying if her marriage was invalid by reason of the
impediment disparitas culfuSj and whether it was certainly so or
not ; also, whether it would make any difference if the marriage
had not been solemnized coram KccJesia, and not having obtained
the dispensation in matrimonio mixto ; and, finally, what should
be thought of it if no baptism ceremony had been performed in
her case — you will greatly oblige.
Kindly state your reasons for the view you adopt, and say
what their present parish priest should do in the matter.
J. M. G.
The questions proposed in this letter present no
ordinary diflSculty. Writers of treatises on matrimony have
given them but slight attention, and the Roman decisions
leave several important issues still undecided. What
our own views are, we stated incidentally in a paper on
Doubtful Impediments^ in the July number of the RECORD,
1884. Three important replies given from Rome respect-
ively in 1830, 1837, and 1840, were then printed at lengths
These it will not be necessary to repeat. But as our
treatment of the subject was only general and nnich con-
796 T/ieological Questions.
densed, it may be well in this place, by way of snpplementi
to go more into details, as is indeed required by the particular
case now placed before us. The main difficulty consists in
•ascertaining whether on the one hand a dispensation, or on
the other only a rule for practical guidance, \dien doubts
about the baptism of the non-Catholic arise in connection
with mixed marriages, is contained in the following
sentence : — ** Quodsi dubium persistat etiam in prime casu,
censendum est validum baptisma in ordine ad validitatem
matrimonii.**
L — As neither in the Bishop of Annecy's question, nor
in any of the replies is a distinction drawn between
contracta and contraheful-ay the decisions of 1830 apply
equally to both classes of marriages. This is a matter of
considerable importance when, after procuring a diepen-
eation in the prohibent impediment^ a doubt suddenly
crops up about baptism.
II. — The marriages of non-Catholics among themselves,
or with unbaptizea persone^ pagans or others, are ruled
valid or invalid by applying the same decisiona A
response of the Sacred Congregation of the Inquisition in
1872, contained in a long instruction dealing with doubtful
marriages in pagan countries, makes the matter clear : —
*^ Ad tertium dubium hujus tenoris : ' Utmra baptismas dabius
consendus sit validus in ordine ad matrlmooium etiam in eo aensu
quod invalidum sit matrimonium inter haereticum dubie baptiza-
tum et infidelem propter impedimentum disparitatis cultus.'
" Sancta Congregatio respondit, affirmative.^
The reply in 1840, is even more explicit and pertinent
as it deals with the case of an Anglican who fufit married
an Anabaptist, and afterwards, whilst she was still alive,
became united to a Lutheran wife. The Ansfican's
baptism was doubtful, and that of the Anabaptist was
alleged to have been invalid ; hence the answer: —
^ SanetisBimiis . . . rescribi mandavit, quod dmmnodo
constat de non coUatione baptism! mulieris Anabaptistae, primnm
matrimonium fuisse nullum ; secundum vero, dummodo nuDna
aliud obstet impedimentum, fuisse validum. Ad dubium autem
▼aliditatis baptism! viri standum esse decreto fmae IV,, IT
Novembris, 1880."
III. — Anyone reading this document, would, we think,
at once make up his mind that the decisions of 1830 were
no more than practical rules; But a difficulty may present
itself, because purely non^Catholic, and not mixed
IheologiccU Questions. 797
marriages, are here concerned. At any rate, the matter is
clear for unions of the former class. And as regards
mixed marriages, it may be well to distinguish those
contracted wimout a dispensation in the prohibent impedi-
ment from all others. Where no dispensation has oeen
procured, the Church no more dispenses in a probable
diriment impediment than she does for purely non-Catholic
unions. Why so? Let us recollect the words quoted
above, ** Standum esse decreto . . . 1830." That is the
latter decree, in its native rigour, without change of sense
or construction, ruled the case in question. The decree
is not accommodated with novel import to matters pre-
viously beyond its range, but a typical difficulty is most
distinctly construed under the provisions of the decree in
all its original meaning. Here then we have a purely
non-CathoUc marriage decided according to the precise
import of that document for mixed marriages. But
judgment in the case went on the supposition that the
decree implied a ruKng and not a dispensation. Hence,
for mixed marriages also it is a practical guide, and
nothing further.
Again, in 1830, we have it laid down : — ** Si autem certo
cognoscatur nullum baptisma ex consuetudine acluali
illius sectae, est nullum matrimonium f and a remedy
expressly mentioned in 1837 : — " In tertio casu praefati
decreti, respiciente nullitatem certam baptismi in parte
haeretica, recurratur in casibus particularibus."
That is, when the baptism of the non-Catholic is proved
to be invalid, the proper course, unless indeed in the rare
event of separation being deemed preferable, is to apply to
the Holy See for a dispensation in tne diriment impediment.
For though the Church is ordinarily averse to granting this
favour in Christian countries, she relaxes from time to time,
particularly when an unbaptized husband or wife cannot be
induced to enter the fold. But assuredly the fact of a
doubt occurring, some years before invalidity of baptism
becomes certain, cannot render recursus unnecessaiy or the
sacrament of Matrimony vahd, without reference to any
authority in the Church. Yet the decisions of 1830 apply
to this case. Nor is there any foundation for excepting
antecedent doubts. If supervening ones do not make the
union vahd, why should those which arise before a ceremony
performed in defiance of ecclesiastical law? In both
cases aUke, when baptism is shown to be wanting, there is
only one remedy — recurratur^
VOL. T. 3 N
798 Tluological Questions.
In addition to what has been akeady stated another
consideration remains, on which we have jnst touched
in the last paragraph. It is the dislike and detestation
with which the Church rightly views mixed marriages.
They are the fruitful sources of indifierentism or worse in
religion, and as such meet with nought from her but
unrelenting opposition. Even when she grants a dispensa-
tion, it is with reluctance, for grave reasons, and subject to
the presence of well-defined safeguards. As long then as
she does not make a holocaust of undetected impediments^
on what theory can we suppose her interfering to prevent
possible invalidity in favour of those who are m the act of
braving her prohibition, or it may be, neglecting the
conditions which the Divine law imposes? Indulgent as
the Church is to all her children, the circumstances of the
case here cannot warrant us in presuming anything beyond
her positive decisions. How those decisions are to be
understood has been already stated. They will not prevent
the diriment impediment, should it exist, from rendering
invalid such mixed marriages as are contracted without a
dispensation.
IV. — On the other hand, if in asking for a dispensation
the Holy See is expressly informed &at a doubt exists
about the baptism of the non-Catholic party, it seems
reasonable to conclude that, if the application be granted,
any obstacle interposed hf disparitas cuUus is e£^ctually
removed. There is also, we tnink, abundant reason for
holding the same of dispensations granted in similar
circumstances by bishops who, as may happen, recdve
faculties for a few cases of mixed marriages. By the
decisions of 1830, matrimony in these doubts is to be con-
sidered valid, and obvious reasons justifv us in supposing
an intention in the Church to confer the blessing of actual
validity on a union which she expresslypermits after being
informed of the uncertainty of the non-Uatholic's baptism.
V. — A more difficult point remains. It arises when a
dispensation in the prohibent inlpediment has been pro-
cured without any mention of a doubt about baptism. This
may happen through forgetfulness, or because it is deemed
unnecessary to allude to the matter, or by reason of
suspicion being excited only when too late for special
notice in the petition, or finally because the doubt is
subsequent to marriage. In any, or all, of these issues,
what are we to think and do, if in course of yeais
baptism should be proved invalid, and more particularly
Theological Qttestions. 799
if the non-Catholic came to receive the sacrament of
regeneration and enter the true fold ? If the decision of
1830 about doubtful cases, is only a practical ruling, it
would seem that in every one of these suppositions the
union is invalid, just as if any other diriment impediment
were concerned. But something can be fairly said on the
other side. Doubts about baptism are so different from
others as to have a special ruling for themselves. The
Holy See imderstands perfectly well how they may be
expected to occur, in connection with the generality of
mixed marriages. Hence in dispensing or granting power
to dispense this difficulty may be looked on as constantly
present to the dispensing authority. Accordingly when
a mixed marriage is permitted, it may be presumed that
provision is made in the interest of the Catholic party for
an occurrence so likely and so unfortunate.
Either view seems probable. Lehmkuhl, in his admirable
work, holds that marriage is certainly vahd whenever
a dispensation in the prohibent impediment has been
procured. But we cannot determine whether he supposes
the doubt about baptism to be mentioned to the dispensing
authority or not, as he draws no distinction between the
cases under this and under our last number. Hence it is
difficult to say for certain whether he has recorded an
opinion, at least in this context, on the point at issue.
As inquiry is always made about baptism, it would
appear unreasonable to place on a worse footing the cases
where it is judged valid than those in which it is considered
doubtful. Hence the discovery of an invalid rite creates
the same difficulty in either event. How is it to be met ?
When the non-Catholic will not consent to receive
baptism, the remedy, if any need be sought, is a dispensa-
tion. Is a dispensation required! Looking to the
probability of the marriage being valid, at least in foro
intemoj we should not venture to say that there is an
obligation of procuring one ; but we think it advisable to
do so, as the S. Cong, very likely may yet declare that
** recurratur in caaihus particularibus ** is the only remedy for
any case in which the doubt was not conveyed expressly
to the dispensing power.
Where the non-Catholic consents to receive baptism,
the remedial process, if any, is renewal of consent. Need
it be resorted to ? Plainly if there be any considerable
danger of unsettling their consciences, the parish priest
ougnt not allude to the matter. As the marriage was
800 Theological Questions.
celebrated with a dispensation, it is not unlikely that the
Church wished to make the union vaUdfrom the beginning.
Moreover, even if it had been null up to the time of second
baptism, according* to much the more probable opinion,
no renewal was then necessary ex natura rei to cause
validity. No doubt the Church, adhering to the safer
view, expects married Catholics to renew consent after
unconditional baptism.^ But the way, in which dispensations
in radice are given, shows that she might not urge this
point, and in the case we are making it does not seem
unreasonable to suppose that she leaves the original
consent free, as far as she can, to have full sacramental
effect at least at baptism. Still, if no evil consequence be
appreliended, we consider the better course would be to
renew the consent conditionally, just after the baptismal
rite.
VL — We owe an apology to our respected corre-
spondent for putting him to the trouble of reading so
much for an answer to his questions. It is inconvenient
in many ways to condense the reasons on which one
grounds his opinion on a subject like the present.
Now, however, that they are explained, what we hold,
on « the various issues placed before us by this particular
case, has been sufficiently stated. It only remains to add
that, as second baptism is over, and the parties settled
down in the bosom of the CathoUc Church, it would not
be prudent to disturb their repose by any further
lerence.
P. O'D.
II.
Case of Matrimonial Domicile.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE IBISH ECCLESIASTICAL BECORD.
Very Rev. dear Sir,— You will very much obb'ge by giving,
either privately or in the Becord, your decision in the following
case : —
About three weeks since, two persons left New York, intending
to return to their respective homes in Ireland. For some time before
leaving America, they intended getting married after they had
spent some time at home. Their object in deferring the marriage
till after they had been settled down for a week or two at home,
was to secure the fortune which the father of the sponsa had for her.
When they landed at Queenstown, they learned that a rumour
had preceded them to the effect that they were actuaUy married.
They did not contradict the rumour, but went to the house of the
2 Cf. Gury, No. 831.
Theological Questions. 801
sponsuSj intending immediately to appear before the clergyman of
the place.
When leaving home, some two years since, the girl intended
returning to her father's residence. She saya she never relinquished
that intention, and that she would have carried it out but for the
rumour referred to. She moreover adds, that if obliged to separate
before marriage, she would return to it.
Can she, therefore, during her absence, be regarded as a perc"
grinaf Or can the parish priest of the parish, in which her
father resides (they belong originally to two different adjoining
parishes), validly assist at the marriage ?
A reply by early post will oblige, — Yours respectfully,
Sacerdos.
The following reply was sent by post to our respected
correspondent : —
The whole question turns on whether the sponsa had
given up her paternal domicile before she got married.
Whilst m America she intended returning to it, and after-
wards, the only reason for supposing a change of mind is
that, previous to the ceremony, she lived at the house of
the sponsus. But this, of itself, is not suflScient to cause sur-
render of her former domicile. For such a result she
should abandon all intention of going back to live at her
father's dwelling. And plainly nothing of the kind occurred,
since, as expressly acknowledged by her, " if obliged to
separate before marriage, she would return to it." This is
the real test in such cases. As a rule, although the sponsa
may happen to put up at the residence of the sponsus before
marriage takes place, she still, at least implicitly, looks to
the actual occurrence of that event as alone determining
that she is to remain there permanently and break connec-
tion with her father's domicile. Certainly it was thus
matters stood in the case as stated, and hence the parish
priest of the parish in which her father resides, could assist
validly at the marriage. P. O'D.
III.
Questions regarding Honoraria.
TO THE EDITOR OP THE IBISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.
Very Rev. and Dear Sir, — A correspondent, in answer to
a question regarding the Honoraria given on the occasion of the
celehration of Corpse Masses, makes, in the last issue of the Record,
one or two statements which, in my humhle opinion, need
explanation.
The querist says that, in the parish in which he is stationed,
^^ there is a custom of making all the stipends received for Corpse
802 Theological Questions*
Masses diyisible dues." He explains the parochial arrangemeot
which regulates their celebration thus : ** The curates say them in
torn, and the several stipends are thrown «nto the common fund, to
be divided pro rata, like the rest of the parochial revenue, between
the curates and the parish priest, who," we are informed^ '* says
none of these Masses. He quotes a decree of the Sacred Council,
and refers to a proposition condemned by Alexander YH., with
both of which, he seems to think, such practice is irrreconcilable ;
and then formulates his question ; ** Is it lawful for those priests
(his fellow-curates and the parish priest) to take, even in virtue of
their mutual agreement, a part of the stipend given for the Mass ?^
Now, in the first place, it is hardly necessary to say, that neither
the decree quoted, nor the proposition alluded to, has any bearing
on the practice referred to. And why a direct answer to the
question should not be given, I see no reason. What is there to
prevent such an agreement binding in strict justice ? I bind myself
to divide, in certain fixed proportion, the stipend I receive with
others, who bind themselves in turn to act similarly by me. The
materia is licita, and the compact, as between the curates at least,
can have no injustice in it ; the advantages and the disadvantages
are divided equally all rotmd. It docs not appear, it is true, what
the parbh priest, who never says such Masses, contributes in return
for the advantages which this agreement secures him ; but, as he
is classed with the fellow-curates of the celebrant of the Mass, it is
to be assumed that he, as they, gives valuable consideration for
such advantages. Not only, then, are the others free to take from
the celebrant a portion of the stipend received, but he is strictly
bound to give it to them. And this, even when, for pnrely
personal reasons, a larger stipend is given him than would have
been given, on the same occasion, to any of his fellow-curates ; for
it is still the Honorarium which, by mutual agreement, is divisible.
The others, in turn, will have, or at least may have, to yield like
personal favours. So far it is not easy to see how the intention of
the donor can affect the disposition of the gift when made.
Whether a purely personal gift, made on the same occasicHi,
and expressly stated to be such (which, of course, cannot be called
the Honorariuvi, nor a part of it), must be disposed of as the
Honorarium itself, depends on whether the agreement or diocesan
regulation extends to such offerings made on these occasions* If
it does, it must ; if not, not. A. B. C.
A.B.C. *' assumes" that parish priests ^ve a "valuable
consideration " for the money they put m their ^ockei^,
though they never say any of the Masses in question. It
will be difiScult to show that this is not assuming too mudi
except on the lines we have laid down.
Besides, the writer supposes that it is all a matter of
** mutual agreement ;" that, when a parish priest who nevtt*
Liturgical Questions. 803
eajs a Corpse MasSy or a Mass of the week, jet appropriates
the greater portion of the Honorarict^ his curates are quite
pleased, since it is all their own doing. It may be so in the
writer's diocese ; but in other places curates are not in the
habit of making presents to the paroehi. The priest whose
question we answered certainly thought himself aggrieved;
perhaps he will now be glad to hear that it is all a pleasur-
able matter of arrangement.
In his last paragraph A. B. C. opens up a new
question. We doubt very much whether he will get the
curates of the country to agree with him, that diocesan
regulations may compel priests to throw into the common
fund what is given them as a purely personal donation.
W. McD.
LITURGY.
I.
Crudjix Indulgenced for the Stations of the Cross.
1. Who has the power to attach this Indulgence to a
Crucifix ?
2. Is it included in the document which priests commonly
receive from liome authorizing them to impart the Apostolic
Indulgences to pious objects ?
8. Is it certainly attached to all the crucifixes blessed by the
Pope at an audience ?
Answer to tlie first question : — The Pope and those whom
he deputes. He has delegated this Faculty , with the
?ower of subdelegation, to the General of the Franciscans.
*he guardians of Franciscan convents receive this power
from their General, but they cannot sub-delegate.
Whether a bishop can impart this blessing depends on
his special faculties.
Answer to the second : — No. In virtue of this faculty, a
priest can bless certain objects, such as beads, crosses,
crucifixes, little statues and medals ; so that a person per-
forming certain specified ^ood works or devotions, wnile
he has with him or near him any of those blessed objects,
can gain certain indulgences which are enumerated in the
document referred to. This document has no reference
to the question you raise.
Answer to the t/itrd ;— It is not. The Pope ordinarily
imparts to the objects presented to him on those
804 Liturgical Questions.
occasionfl the eame blessing which you, as his delegate,
give in virtue of the Faculty you have just mentioned.
The opening words of that Faculty remind us of
this — "Indulgentiae quas Summus Pontifex, vel ab eo
delegatus benedicendo Coronas, Rosaria, Cruces, se imper-
titur ChristifideUbus, &c/' The Pope does not indulgence
a crucifix for the Stations of the Cross, unless he expressly
intends to do so, and we cannot suppose this intention
unless it is clearly manifested, for instaiice, by his mention-
ing the fact, or by his assenting to a request made to this
eflfect.
4, Would a priest who, on account of the number of people to
be found generally praying in a public church of a town, did not
Ciire to go round the Stations in their presence, have a sufficient
cause to gain the Indulgence before his crucifix in private ?
I should think not. The request to bless crucifixes with
which one might gain the Indulgences of Via Crucis, when
presented to Clement XIV., specially mentioned persons in
prison, on sea, those living where there were no Stations of
the Cross, and the sick, as instances of the claas for whom
the favour was asked. The grant was made in this spirit for
all who were " legitime impediti," from visiting the Stations
themselves. This does not sewn to be the case of the
priest you mention. Why, it would only give edification
to the people, if they saw the priest making the round of
the Stations. And why should he hesitate to practise
before them so beautiful a devotion which he strongly
encourages the people themselves to cultivate.
11.
The Seven Dolour Beads.
Dear Rev. Sm, — Some priests having power to bless beads,
&c., from the Papal formula, ** Indulgentiae quaa SS.PontifeXydc^^
bless the Seven Doloiu* Beads as they would the ordinary five
decade Rosary, viz., merely with the sign of the cross.
Now from the decrees quoted in the Ecclesiastical Recobd,
December, 1882, page 752, I infer that such blessing is invalid,
inasmuch as the said formula gives no faculties except for what can
be blessed with the sign of the cross, whereas the Dolours' Beads
require a form of blessing. Maurel says special faculties are. also
required.
Kindly answer in an early number of the Record —
1^. Is power given for the Seven Dolour Beads by the
formula?
2^ If not, how can it be obtained ?
And you will oblige many friends on the Mission. — ^Yours, &c,
A Meath Priest.
lAturgical Questions. 805
Answer to L — No ; power to bless the Seven Dolour
Beads is not given by the Papal formula: Indulgentiae
quas SS, Pontifex^ ^c.
Moreover a form of blessing is necessary for the Dolour
Beads. This form may be foimd in the Katisbon Edition
of the Ritual in the Appendix, page 166,
Answer to IL — The blessing of the Dolour Beads is
specially entrusted to the Servites of Mary, and the
necessary delegation can be obtained from a Superior of
that Order, or directly from the Holy Father.
The following decree refers to this matter : —
29 Feb., 1864.
An per praefatas declarationes (11 Aprilis, 1840, et 7 Jan.,
1843), comprehendatur etiam benedictio turn coronarum sen
rosariorum b. Dominici quae a PP. Ordinis Praedicatorum, turn
coronarum Septem Dolorum quae a PP. Ordinis Servonim Mariae
benedicuntur ; ita ut sacerdotes qui a superioribus praefatorum
Ordinum, vel immediate ab Apostolica sede, facultatem impetrant
praememoratas coronas benediceudi, in solo crucis signo perficere
possint, an vero pro actus valore formula benedictionis simulque
aspersio cum aqua benedieta omnino sit adhibenda ?
Eesp. S. Ind. Cong.; ** Pro Coronis Kosarii et Septem
Dolorum servandam esse formulam, cum responsa Sacrae Congre-
gationis dierum 11 Aprilis, 1840, et 7 Januarii, 1843, non
comprehendant casus, de quibus agitur in proposito dubio."
m.
Newly Indulgenced Prayers for Priests,
Leo XIII. has just granted an indulgence of 300 days
to ecclesiastics in Holy Orders, who say devoutly and with
contrite heart the [following Uttle prayer for penseverance
in the true spirit of their holy state. He has also granted
on the same conditions in their favour 100 days' indulgence
to the following ejaculatory prayer to the Mother of God.
Both indulgences can be gained only once in the day.
Many priests may wish to add these to their morning
prayers : —
Petrus Bugarini, Sacerdos Romanus, ad pedes sanctitatis
vestrae humiliter provolutus, enixe rogat ut sacerdotibus et in
sacris constitutis devote recitantibus sequentem orationem :
•'Jesu dilectissime, qui ex singulari benevolentia me prae
millenis hominibus ad tui sequelam et ad eximiam sacerdotii digm-
tatem vocasti, largire mihi, precor, opem tuara divinam ad officia
mea rite abeunda. Oro te, Domine Jesu, ut ressuscites hodie et
8l)6 Liturgical Questiofis*
semper in me gratiam tnam, quae fait in me per impositiooem
manuum e^iscopalium. O potentissime animarum medice, sana
me taliter ne revolvar in vitia, et cuncta peccata fugiam^ Tibique
usque ad mortem ita placere possem. Amen.^'
Indulgentiam tercentum dierum benigne concedere dignetur,
necnoa eisdem indulgentiam dieruni centum qui devote recitaverint
jaculatoriam precum uti sequitur :
" Bone Jesu, rogo te per dilectionem qua diligis matrem tuam, et
sicut vere eam diligis et diligi vis, ita mihi des ut vere earn diligam/*
SSmus. D. N. Leo Papa XIII, omnibus de quibus in precibus,
qui corde saltem contrito ac devote praedictas preces recitaverint,
petitas indulgentias semel in die lucrandas benigne concessit.
Praesenti in perpetuum valituro absque ulla brevis ezpeditione»
Contrariis quibuscumque non obstantibus.
Datum Romae ex ea secretaria ejusdem Sacrae Congregationis^
die 14 Augusti, 188 i.
L. Cardinal Bonapabte.
IV.
Indtdt regarding the Scapulars.
B7 this Indult, the Pope revalidates the reception of
the various Scapulars in the case of those who had received
them invalidly, but not from any conscious fault of theira
Beatissimb Patkb,
Fr. P. Hyacinthus Durachio, Provinciae Capucinorum Pennsil-
vanicae Moderator, ad pedes Sanctitatis vestrae humillime pro-
volutus, quum saepe invalide fiant receptiones ad Scapularia, prout
satis experientia et ex Decreto S. C. Indulg. diei 18 Sept. 1862,
constare videtur, humillime supplicat, ut Sanctitas vestra omnes
receptiones invalidas ad Sodalitatem vel Unionem Scapularis
cujuscumque, bona taraen fide peractas sanare dignetur.
Ex Audientia SSmi diei 20 Jblii 1884, SSmus Dominus Noster
Leo Providentia PP. XIII., referenle me infrascripto S. Congre-
■gationis de Propaganda Fide Secretario, benigne concedere
dignatAS est ut adscnpti cum aliquo defectu ut in precibus, ab
hinc indulgentias singulis Scapularibus proprias lucrari valeant.
Datum Romae ex aedibus dictae Congnis. die et anno praedictis.
Pro R. P. D. Secretario,
Ant. A guard], Off.
V.
The Credo on St M. Magdalen's Feast.
Why is it that the Credo is said on the Feast of St. Maij
Magdalen contrary to the general principle — Virgineset viduae non
habent Credo ?
The Credo is said on the Feast of St Maiy Magdalen
Correspondeiue. 807
becaiiBe she was bonoured by oar Lord witb a kind of
apostolate, namely, to omiomice the joyful tiding of His
reBorrection to the ApoBtlca themselves — " Quia in Cbristi
resorrectione, ea fuit Apostolornm Apostola."^
VII.
The Colour on the Festum Prodiffiorum B.V.M. The Credo
on Ute FeaH of S. Leo.
V. White Testmentfl are used on the feasts of the B. Vii^.
Why then were red vestments used on the Festwn Prodigiorum
'B.V.M. f (See Latin Ordo).
2°. Why was the Credo not to be said on the traDsfeired feast
of S. Leo. DoctOT (S4th JtUy) in the diocese of Dublin 7 (See
Latin Ordo.)
1". Wbite was tbe colour for tbe Festum Prodigiormn
B.Y.M. aa on the other feasts of the Blessed Virgin,
2". Tbe Credo should hare been said on the transferred
feast of S. Leo.
R. BsowifE.
COREESPONDENCE.
The Deaf and Duub.
to the editob of the irish ecclesiasticai. kecobd,
Vert Rev. and Dear Sir, — Would you kindly aDow me s]
in the pages of the Rbcord for some few thoughts I wist
nnbnrdeD myself of respecting an afflicted portion of our fell
mortals, of whom we may well say in the words of
great Roman orator, " dutn tacent, clamant .' " I will he un
Stood, at once, to refer to the Deaf and Dumb. Amongst
various institutions of religion and charity, which the pre
generation has seen spring up in Ireland, we have to thank '
with special gratitude, for the establishment of the much-nei
Catholic Institution for these poor objects, who so particul
engaged the sympathy of our Divine Lord, that, whilst daring
public ministry " He went about doing good," it is particul
noticed how " ffe hath made the Deaf to hear, and the Dum
tpeak." Although undertaken at a period of general distress,
great work of charity enlisted immediately the earnest encour
ment of the Catholic public throughout the length and breadt
the land, and became, in a few years, the largest institntioD of
kind in the whole world. Nevertheless, it is yet inadequate to
nnmberd in need of the blessings it affords, and ffe are to
> lonocent III., lib. ii, c. 61.
808 Correspondence,
forward in hope, "being confident" to speak in the words of
St. Paul, *' of this very things that He who hath begun the good work
mil perfect it J' (PhtL 1, 6.)
But my concern, at present, is not for the institution, either as
to its actual state or future prospects, but rather for the numerous
objects, who have not had, and, sad to say, who are not to have,
the happiness of being admitted within its walls ; and it is not so
much their temporal misery, afflicting though it is, but still more
their spiritual privations, that induce me to speak in their behalf.
According to the Reports given to the public, from time to
time, by the respected and zealous Committee of the Institution,
these poor creatures number over three thousand. The spiritual
state of these thousands is sad in the extreme ; and it must be a
question deeply affecting every benevolent mind, that reflects upon
them, what can be done for their relief ? Does theology take any
special account of them? and is the ordinary ministry of the
Church capable of dealing with their miserable state ?
As these questions occur to me, I must confess, that I regret
how scantily our authors treat of them, doing little more than
allude to them incidentally, and lay down some general principles
for our guidance. This is by no means sufficient. In the ordi-
nary work of the ministry, our acquaintance with the manners of
mankind in their various classes and categories enables us to
make practical application of the principles of our moral teaching.
But we do not meet the Deaf and Dumb in numbers to form
acquaintance with them in the same manner ; and hence, when an
individual case comes in our way, we are embarrassed as to how wc
are to deal with it. Surely we have reason to regret that the
authors do not treat a subject of such practical importance more
fully, and point out to us the precise mode of action we are to
pursue in giving the henefits of our ministry, so far as they are to
be given, to these poor creatures. But are there no means left for
making good this deficiency ? I think there are, and permit me
to say, that I consider the Beoord may be weU expected to
furnish a medium for light to be cast upon the matter. My
object, therefore, in venturing to bring the subject under your
attention is, that you would bestow upon it your benevolent con-
sideration according to the special advantages you possess in the
enlightened circle you have around you, and, at the same time,
invite correspondents to contribute the result of their reflections
and experience towards the clearing up of a subject which involves
the spiritual welfare of thousands of poor souls in a state of such
dire destitution.
I have the honour to remain. Very Rev. and Dear Sir, very
respectfully yours,
A Friend of the Deaf and Duicb.
In reference to the suggestion of our esteemed corre-
spondent, we unite with him unreservedly in sympathy for
J
Documents. 809
the afflicted class, whom he is so desirous to serve, and we
shall, therefore, most gladly lend our pages to whatever
communications may be addressed to us on a subject,
which should interest every benevolent mind. In the
meantime, we are happy to state, that the cause of the
-uneducated Deaf and Dumb was veiy amply pleaded,
some few years ago, in a pamphlet entitled, " Claims of the
Uninstructed Deaf-Mute to be admitted to the Sacraments,^*^
The writer did not give his name, but he is well known to
be tne author of Programmes of Sermons^ and other most
useful works for ecclesiastics, and his production was
received most approvingly by the bishops, who, as occasion
occurred, recommended it to their clerg5\ It was only to
be expected, that exception would be taken to some of the
statements and conclusions set forth on a subject so special,
and accordingly a counter-publication appeared, imder the
title of " The Spiritual Condition of the Uneducated Deaf
and Dumb, Dublin.'* This eUcited a viadication, in whicn
the author of the " Claims " reasserted all his positions,
addressing it to the Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland.
We hope to give to our readers, in the next number of the
Record, some analysis of both " Claims^* and " Vindication^*
with whatever observations may occur to ourselves on a
subject, which interests very particularly the ecclesiastical
ministry on behalf of so numerous a class of our fellow-
beings, who claim our most profound commiseration. — Ed.
DOCUMENT.
Circular of the Sacred Congregation of Rites to the
Most Reverend the Archbishops and Bishops of Italy.
Most Illustrious and Most Rev. Lord, —
With a view to providing some effectual remedy for the serious
abuses which have crept into the sacred music in various churches
throughout Italy, Regulations have been drawn up, a copy of
which accompanies this present Circular, and which, through the
action of the Society of St. Cecilia, working in unison with the
Ecclesiastical authorities, have already begun to be carried into effect
in the Archdioceses of Milan, Naples, and elsewhere. These
Regulations have received the full approval of the reigning Sovereign
Pontiff.
The undersigned, therefore, in bringing them under the notice of
your Illustrious and Most Rev. Lordship, begs that you will take the
' Browne & Nolan, Nassau-street, Dubh'n.
810 JJoeumente.
necessary steps, that in your Diocese also the directions given in
these Regulations may be observed, as conducing to maintain the
dignity and sanctity of so important a part of the Sacred Liturgy,
and to keep it free from inappropriate and profane melodies.
In the firm hope that your Lordship, in your prudent and
pastoral solicitude, will adopt the measures necessary to give
practical effect in the Diocese entrusted to your care to all the
Regulations thus set forth, I am happy to subscribe myself with
every mark of esteem and veneration for
Your Illustrious and Most Rev. Lordship,
Your most humble and devoted servant,
Lorenzo Salviati,
Secretary of the S.C. of RiU$.
From the Office of the Secretary of the S. C. of Rites,
this 24th day of September, 1884.
KEGULATIONS for S AC5RED MUSIO APRPOVED BY HiS HOLINESS
Pope Leo XIIL, and Published by the Sacred
Congregation of Rites, together with the Circular
.OF the 24th of September, 1884.
To THE Most Reverend the Abchbishops and Bishops of Italy
§ L — General Rules as to the ^^ figured" sacred music — whether
Vocal or Insti^umental—permiited or prohibited in Church.
Art. 1. — ^The only /T^wrerf music permitted in Church is that
whose grave and pious strains are suited to the House of the Lord
and to the singing of the Divine Praises, and which, by following
the meaning of the Sacred Text, helps to excite the faithful to
devotion.
Art. 2. — ^The "figured music'* for the organ must be in keeping
with the legato (flowing), harmonious, and grave character of this
instrument. Instrumental music in general should modestly
support the voice and not overpower it with its loudness ; and the
interludes on the organ or other instruments, when original, should
always correspond with the solemn tone of the Sacred liturgy.
Art. 8. — The language proper to the Church being Latin, that
language only should be employed in the composition of figured
sacred music. All motetts are to be composed to words taken
from the Sacred Scriptures, from the Breviary and Roman Missal,
from the Hymns of St. Thomas of Aquin, or of some other holy
Doctor, or from other hynms and prayers, approved and used by
the Church.
Art. 4. — The vocal and instrumental music which is forb»lden
by the Church is that which by its character, or by the form whidi
it takes, tends to distract ihe faithful in the house of prayer.
Documentt. 81 1
S W.—Spteial prohibitions regarding Vocal Muaic in Church.
Art. 6. — All kinds of Tocal muaic composed upon theatrical
or profaoe theraea or reminiBcences are atrictly forbidden in
Church ; as well as music of too light or sensuouB a style, such as
Cabalette^ and C'avatijie,' Recitatives, too long drawn out and dressed
np in tbeatrical form, &c. ; solos, however, duets, and trios, are
aUoned t« be sung, proyided they have the character of Sacred
music and form part of the consecutive whole of the composition,
Art. 6. — All music is forbidden in which the words of the Sacred
Text are omitted, even to the smallest extent, or transposed, cut up
into fragments, unduly repeated, or so arranged as to be intelligible
only with difficulty.
Art 7. — It is forbidden to divide into altogether detached
portions the several phrases of the sacred text in the Kt/rie, Gloria,
Credo, Saaetus, &C., to the injury of the unity of the whole ; as
also to omit or to hurry on the chant of any portions of the liturgy,
such as^ at Mass, the Besponses to the Celebrant, the Introit, the
Sequence, the Sanctus, the Benedictus, tlie Agnus Dei : and the
Psalms, Antiphons, Hymns, or Magnificat, in Vespers. The
omission, however, of the Gradual, Tract, Offertory, and Com-
munion, in special cases, as when, for instance, there is a deficiency
of voices, is tolerated, the omission being supplied by the organ.
Art. 8,— a disorderly mixture of figured music and plain
chant is forbidden ; hence it is forbidden to make what are called
"musical poials" in the Passion, in the singing of which the
chant given in the Directorium Chori must be scrupulously adhered
to. The sole exception is 'with regard to the Kesponses of the
2^rba when set to polyphonal muaic, after the fashion of the
Soman school, especially Faleatrina.
Abt. 9. — All singingjis forbidden which would unduly prolong
the DivineOffices, beyond the prescribed limits of noon for Mass, and
of the Angelus for Vespers and Benediction, except in those Churches
where there are privileges or tolerated customs, in which the
offices may extend beyond these limits, subject to the authority of
the Ordinary.
Art. 10. — It is forbidden to make use of over-affected
inflections of the voice, to make too much noise in beating time
and giving orders to the perforraera, to turn one's back on the
altar, to chatter, or to do anything else whatever which is unbe-
coming in the holy place. Subject, then, to the prudent re?u-
1 " Cabaletta (Sp.) a little horse, a melody in Rondo fann,
Bang simply, afterwards with variations, probably ao called
accompanimenta to Cabalettm were in triplet form like the noie
by a horae cantering." Stainer & Barrett, IHcttonary of Musical
* " CavaHna (It.) A melody of a more simple form than the
song without a second part and a ' Da Capo.' The term is, h
applied with leas strictness to airs of other kinds. See ' Salve (
of Gounod's Fauat." Ibid.
812 jDoouments.
*
lation of the Ordinary, it is to be desired that the choir-loft should
not be over the main entrance to the Church, and that the per-
formers should, as far as possible, be unseen.
3. Special Prohibitions regarding Instrumental Music in Church,
Art. 11. It is strictly forbidden to play in Church any portion
even the smallest, or any reminiscence, of theatrical works;
or of dance -music of any description, st^ch as polkas, waltzes,
mazurkas, minuets, rondos, schottisches, varsoviennes, quadrilles,
galops, country dances, polonaises, etc. ; or of any secular pieces,
such as National hymns, popular songs, love songs, comic songs^
ballads, &c.
Art. 12. — Instruments are prohibited which are too noisy,
such as side and big-drums, cymbals, etc, the instruments used by
street musicians [such as iiuxndolines, concertinas, ^'c], and also the
pianoforte. Nevertheless, trumpets, flutes, kettle-drums and the
like, which were used among the people of Israel to accoxnpaay the
praises of God, and the Canticles and Psalms of Dawid, are
allowed, on condition that they be skilfully used, and only in
moderation, especially at the Tantum Ergo at Benediction.
Art. 13. — ^The improvisation of ** voluntaries'' on the organ
is forbidden to those who cannot do it fittingly, that is, in a manner
which is in accord, not only with the rules of art, but also with
those that prohibit whatever may interfere with the piety and
recollection of the faithfuL
§ 4. — Provisions against future abuses in Church Music,
Art. 14. — ^In composition the following rules are to be
observed : — The Gloria must not be divided into several separate
movements with dramatic solos thrown in between. The Credo^
too, should be scored continuously, and if concerted passages are
introduced, they should be such as to form one well-connected
whole. Solos and duets after the manner of theatrical compositions
with very high notes for the voice (not to call them shrieks), should
be avoided as much as possible, for they distract the devotion of
the faithful. And above all, cai*e must be taken that the words
occupy the exact place in which they stand in the text, without any
transpositions*
Art, 16. — Every church should be provided, as far as possible,
with its own repertoire of music, both for voice and organ, suitable
to the requirements of the. sacred functions and to^ the capacity of
those who form the choir, such, for instance, as the " Bepertorio
Parochiale delV Organista^ and the " Hepertorio Economico di
Musica Sacraj" published by the Society of St. Cecilia, in Milan.
These and other similar publications are only suggested, not
imposed as of obligation to the exclusion of any others that may
be arranged or published by other editors, with the approval of their
respective Most Reverend Ordinaries, and in accordance with the
rules of the present Regulation.
Documents, 813
Art. 16. — ^Every church which desires to make a suitable
selection from the several publications, good and bad, of Sacred
Music which are being continually issued by various editors, should
procure a copy of the '* Greneral Catalogue of Sacred Music " which
will be published by the aforementioned Society, in conformity
with the statutes approved by the Holy See, or a Catalogue of
some other publisher obedient to the rule laid down. The
^' General Catalogue," then, as in the case mentioned in the
preceding Article, is only suggested, and not imposed as of obli-
gation.
Art. 17. — Besides the repertory of published Sacred Musks
the use is permitted also of manuscript music, such as is preserved
in various churches, chapels, and other ecclesiastical ^stitutions,
provided the choice is made by a special commission, under the
title of St. Cecilia, which shall be founded in every Dioce se, having
at its head the Diocesan Inspector of Sacred Music, under the
immediate control of the respective Ordinaries.
Art. 18. — ^The only pieces of music, published or unpublished,
which shall be allowed to be performed in Church will be those
which are catalogued in the Diocesan Repertory Index, and which
bear the countersign with the stamp and visa of the Commission
of St. Cecilia and of its Inspector President who, in union with
the Commission, and always under the immediate jurisdiction
of the Ordinary, without prejudice to the authority of local
superiors, may even supervise the performance on the spot, and may
send for to the sacristy any music that has been performed, or that
is to be performed, and examine whether it complies with the regu-
lations and with the copies authenticated by the countersign,
stamp, and visa. He may also report to the Ordinary, and obtain,
if necessary, the application of energetic measures against those
who transgress.
Art. 19. — Organists and choir masters will devote all
their efforts and their talents to the best possible execu-
tion of the music catalogued in their respective Repertories.
They may also employ their musical skill in enriching it with new
compositions, provided always that these are in conformity with
the aforesaid regulations from which no one can be dispensed.
Even the Members of the Commission shall be subject to the
revision of their works by their fellow-members.
Art. 20.— To all Parish Priests and Rectors of Churches is
entrusted the execution of the catalogued Repertory of Sacred Music,
compiled by the Commission of St. Cecilia, and approved by the
Most Reverend Ordinary, also under a penalty to be imposed by the
Ordinary in case of transgression. This list may from time to
time be enlarged by the addition of new musical works.
Art. 21. — The above-named Commissions shall be formed of
ecclesiastics* and also of laymen skilled in musical science and
animated by a true Catholic spirit. The Diocesan Inspector must
VOL. V. 3 O
814 Notices of Books.
in every case be an ecclesiastic. The nomination and appointment
of each and all appertains by rigl^t to the Ordinary.
Abt. 2^2. — To prepare a better future for sacred nrasic in Italy,
it is desirable that the Ordinaries should take steps to found 8cbo<^
for teaching figured music on the most perfect and best authorised
methods, or to improve those already existing in the ecclesiastical
instituticHis of their respective dioceses, especially in the seminaries.
To this end it would be advisable idso to cmen special schools
for Sacred Music in the principal cen^^s of the Peninsula, in
order to train up good singers, organists, and choir masters, as has
already been so laudably done in Milan.
Art. 23. — These Regulations are to be forwarded to all tkb
Most Reverend Bishops, who will communicate them to the
clergy, organists, and choir masters of their respective dioceses,
and they shall be in iorce in one r/wnth after such communication
by the Ordinary. These regulations, moreover, shall be affixed
to a board in the church placed near the organist's seat, so that
they may not on any excuse be transgressed.
a^33
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Compendium Theologiae Moralis^ cfc, A. P. AlotSIO Sabetti, S.-Jt
in Collegio SS. Cordis ad Woodstock Theol. Moral ProlcBSore.
Neo. Eboraci, Cincinnati, S. Ludovici ; apud Beaager
Fratres.
There is a story told of a certain Professor of Mond Theolo^
in Ireland, who intended printing short notes to serve as additions
to Gury. He spoke of his design to a very practical and prudent
P. P., who agreed that something was very much nee^bd, bat
startled the professor by adding: *'what we want is a good
Compendium of Gury." That priest has his wish at last.
Fr. Sabetti tells in his preface what his book is intended lor.
He has long admired the many good points in Fr. Gury's work,
especially since Fr. Ballerini took it in hands. Fr. Sabetti,
nevertheless thinks that things have got somewhat mixed in ti» lalis
editions; and many will agree with him in this. Beades, in
Gury*s text there are many references to peculiar French and
German customs, whilst nmny things of practical importanoe to
English-speaking peoples are not touched on. Fr. Sabetti purpoaM
to condense all the notes and embody them in the text, to omit all
passages which treat of customs peculiarly fweign, ifid to sobrti-
tute from the best sources practical directions for sucti qoestioiis
as specially concern residents in the United States, l^e reffoH is
a volume of 956 pages, beautifully printed, somewhat after the
style of Fr. Mazzella^s Tract on Grace.
As to Fr. Sabetti^s opinions, it will be fairest to let him epiak
for himself as far as possible. His defence of Probabilism goes on
the same lines as Gury's, the thesis being : " licet sequi opinJancam
Notices of Boob. 815
vere et solide probabilem, relicta tntiore quae sit simtil probabilior
obi de solo licito vel ilHcito agitur." (p. 88). A little further on
he asks: **Si dubites utram alicui obligationi jam satisfecerid,
tenensne adhuc satisf acere ?" He replies in the affirmative, of
com^e, if the doubt be positive ; but in case of negative doubts
*' controvertitur." He is evidently in sympathy with those who
hold the more liberal opinion, for he sums up : ** NegM^ non potest
banc sententiam [negantem] quam Card, de Lugo eommunem vocat
gaudere magna probabilitate extrinseca. Aliunde rationes, quibus
innititur efl&caces.mint atque illam vere probabilera efficiunt"
(p. 50). He makes no exception, but seems to think the n^ative
opinion sufficiently probable to act on in every case.
On the question of craniotomy he is very definite (p. 216) :
" Hujusmodi operatio est verum homicidium et proinde semper et
intrinsece malum." So also with regard to the ejectio foetus
immaiuH ; '' dicendum est talem accelerationem vix, aut ne nix
quidem a craniotomia differre, ideoque omnino esse damnandam."
There is this question about wills (p. 864) : " An valida sint
testamenta sive ad oausas profanas sive ad causas pias, si formis
legalibus careant ? Resp. Si de causis profams agatur, acriter
eontrovertitur, et triplex habetur sententia probabilis. . . Verum
si sermo sit de testamentis in favorem causarum piarum, sententia
certa, communissima, et omnino tenenda docet hujusmodi testa-
menta esse validia."
As to the source of a confessor's jurisdiction over pertgrim^
Fr. Sabetti holds St. Alphonsus^ opinion to be "communior et
longe probabilior." He gives the two methods of treating
occasionarii et recidivi^ but appears to be rather against Father
Ballerini. These points will tell something of the author's mind.
The book is very useful as another testimony to American customs ;
we are very much pleased to see in the treatise on justice and
contracts so many references to standard works on American law,
W. MoD.
Notes on IngersolL By Rev. A. Lambert. London : Hodges & Soic.
This book, whose contents appeared as a series of articles in an
. American journal, is intended as an answer to the objections raised
by Colonel IngersoU against the divinity of the Christian religion.
The objections are rather varied and numerous, and, although
they belong to that stereotyped class, with which every student of
theology is so familiar, still they are '' varnished, and re-vamped
into modem parlance.** The Colonel commences by denying the
existence of God, though, in his lecture on ^^ Skulls," he con^sses
that he is at a loss to know '^ whether God exists or not.'* He
then endeavours to show the contradictory character of Sacred
Scripture, and to throw discredit on almost every institution of the
Jewish and of the Christian religion, ios the purpose, no doubt^ of
showing that they, at least, can have no claun to Divine origin.
In the little volume that lies before ns, we have his different
statements analysed and shown to be, what himself stylf
816 Notice9 of Books.
^ sptirioas coins ;** we have his arguments met, one hj one, witb a
force and conclusiveness such as we have rarely seen, and we huve- it
clearly brought home to the American Coryphaeus of infidehty that
he is quite ignorant, not only of the ordinary laws of reasoning, but
also of the meaning of the most common words in our language.
We should advise anyone, who wishes to see the views of a
modem infidel, as stated in his own words, briefly but at the
same time clearly and satisfactorily refuted, to read the Notes un
IngersolL T. G.
Life of St. Clare of Montefalco, Translated, from the Italian.
By Rev. Joseph A. Locke, O.S.A. New York : Benziger
Brothers.
The Life of St. Clare of Montefalco is remarkable even amon£r
the lives of the saints. She died^more than 500 years ago, in the
year 1308, and so clearly and in so many ways was her extraordinary
sanctity manifested during lifetime, that within eighteen years after
her death, the entire process of her canonization was completed,
and nothing remained to be done but for the Pope to issue his
authoritative decree enrolling her in the catalogue of the saints.
This the Holy Father was prepared to do, but circumstances
wholly foreign to the cause of Clare, whose heroic sanctity had
been satisfactorily proved, occurred to prevent it. Not for 400
years after this interruption was a serious attempt made to resume
the cause of her canonization. Li 1742 the process had again advanced
almost to completion, and again it was interrupted for more than
another 100 years. In the inscrutable ways of Providence the
glory of declaring Clare to be one of the Saints of Grod*s Church
was reserved for our days- She was canonized on the 11th of
September, 1881, on the Feast of the holy name of Mary, by our
present Holy Father, Leo XUI.
St. Clare was a professed nun of the Order of Hermits of
St. Augustine. She was a highly favoured soul even among the
Saints. The perfection of her humility, obedience, spirit of
penance and prayer, would be calculated almost to dishearten
ordinary good Religious, if Clare was less than a canonized Saint.
Li her life-time she wrought many miracles, received the gifts of
prophecy and infused knowledge, and was honoured in an extra-
ordinary way by our Blessed Lord in recognition of her special
devotion to His Passion. She used to say frequently and in a sort
of mysterious way to her religious sisters, that she carried her
crucified Saviour about with her ; and as a matter of fact it was
discovered after her death that a representation of the Crucifixion
with all the emblems of the Passion was impressed in the interior
of her heai't. Her whole life is highly interesting and instructive,
and few can doubt that God has kept back the canonization of
St. Clare for these our times, in order that, as the decree of the
Canonization says, through her example and prayers the love of
the Cross and a zeal for it might be rem^ in the hearts and
habits and daily life of Christians. /^^^^ ^^*
1
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